OF THE U N I VLR.S ITY Of ILLINOIS 331.8 P>33X. * b LABOR’S HARD TIMES SCHOOL A VOLUME OF INTEREST TO EVERY WAGE EARNER and TO EVERY EMPLOYER. Founded on the Scriptural Injunction, *Xbe Eaborcr i$ worthy of l)i$ biro/' By geo. H. REYNOLDS ILLUSTRATED. PUBLISHED ONLY BY WABASH PUBLISHING HOUSE, Chicago, III. A copy of this book can be obtained only from the WABASH PUBLISHING HOUSE Or its Authorized Agents. Sent prepaid for $1.50. Copyrighted, 1897, by Wabash Publishing House. All rights reserved. '^^ADGE I c I I S that great army to whose genius, Vl^ energy and activity the phenomenal progress of our beloved country is due, the sellers of day^s works, this volume is dedicated. GEO. H. REYNOLDS. -i. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://ar6hive.org/details/laborshardtimess00reyn Labors’ Hard Times School. INTRODUCTORY. Our country and our flag, which are simply our people, are quite safe when the masses use their rea- soning faculties and in the broadest and best sense follow in lines politically and otherwise that have been well thought out. An individual may find a special delight in doing wrong, and in going wrong, and may have a follow- ing of his own class and kind who ignore all conse- quences and ends, and many people well inclined fall into the habit without enquiry of rendering support to the sentiments of such classes. While the lessons following cover but a fractional part of the broad field of our industries, we feel jus- tified in claiming that the points made in the few that have been considered and discussed, will enable many of our wage-earning masses who desire sub- stantial results to discover the intrigue of many of our flowery and polished intriguers. The American workingman is ever full of ears for the self-constituted hero who in a brass band voice offers something for nothing, and later, when the strained labor seller to his sorrow has learned that on the lines proposed he has accepted nothing and exchanged something for it, instead of charging his discomforts to the false prophet, listens to him again when he comes claiming that his medicine should have been taken in stronger and more heroic doses. It is these features of the wage-earners’ interests Labors’ Hard Times School. that in an indirect way we have aimed to treat. We have endeavored to show why we have had hard times, and why the sorrow, strife and want of the past few years. As well have we endeavored to point the way to relief that we believe can become in a large measure permanent, subject, of course, to in- fluences that tend to swell and broaden at times, and to be less promising at others, but in reality will for- bid such stringencies and perils as we have had occa- sion to battle with the last four years. If there is any class of citizens among us who can- not afford to make errors it is our sellers of days’ work, whether by the day, week, month or year, and yet they are the very first that the conniving parti- san smiles upon, and attempts to bring within reach of his clamrny grasp. To avoid error, and so far as possible shun labor’s enemy should be the wage- earner’s study, remembering that the most dangerous possible enemy is one in the disguise of a friend. The following lessons undertake to draw the seller of labor close to his own interests. And as faith- fully do they undertake to show that when labor is hurt the vital interests of our whole country are hurt. THE AUTHOR. 9 Labors’ Hard Times School. Knowledge is the mould in which must be cast the character and value of every country that turns its face to the Suh. Knowledge is the parent of every artificial foun- dation and every superstructure that does or will grace this earth. “ Knowledge is an increase of human production.” “Knowledge is obedience to law.” “Knowledge is peace.” “ Knowledge is money.” Knowledge is what we know, not what we guess at. What proportion of those claiming distinction as teachers and leaders are free from a blind prejudice upon subjects and questions that are fads with them? Prejudice may be inspired by selfish motives or it may be inherited; in either event it will be time wasted to combat it, except in the former it may be classed as commercial integrity, a commodity on the market which can be turned, provided you choose to pay the price. Labor’s Hard Times School does not even hope to have any effect upon any prejudice that is blind except to rob it of its pernicious and unpardonable influence. In our classes we shall so far as is possible endeavor to instruct by demonstra- tion as near the occular as words can make it, and those who believe and are willing to admii that a fact is the truth and that the truth is a fact, w^' hope to benefit. i8 Labors’ Hard Times School* LESSON I. Labor. Mr. Jackson, you are a worker in the glass industry. I will call on you first in opening this school to please tell us what labor is. Mr. Jackson. Labor is what I have to sell. Labor. Is labor all you have to sell? Mr. Jackson: Yes, sir; it is all I have to dispose of; not a thing else is there in my possession that I can command a penny for. Labor. What is the chief commodity in manu- factured glass? Mr. Jackson. Labor, — it is practically all labor„ Labor, Yes, but an observer would call it glass. Mr. Jackso7i. Certainly, but it is wrongly named. Mr. Observer can as well call it sand, but when you compare the value of the sand with labor does not the sand lose its rights? The digging, hauling and freighting the sand, which is paid labor, is worth many times what the sand was before it was moved. Of course, Mr. Labor, everything, by necessity, has to have a name and that without recognizing the labor it contains. Everything is, quite all of it labor, but by custom when looking at a finished article or product we do not see or take heed of the days works it contains, any more than we see the air we breathe, but if we stop to think we know the days works are there. I predict nojv, in the very first lesson in this school, that you will not be able to find a product that its value is not from seven to nine-tenths of it Labors’ Hard Times School. iq days works that have been paid for. Exceptions may be cited, but if they are it will be like finding a swarm of bees when chopping in the woods, and with but little effort securing the honey; but if the bees are hunted for the honey, when gotten, will rep- resent labor performed. Some things may contain an extravagant profit, but if they do it will be at the expense of patience, time and hazard in disposing of them, which is one kind of labor. All that is produced through care and attention, requiring any time whatever, is labor of its kind. The field of labor is so broad I could not define it to suit myself, and I am conscious that any effort I might make would hold but little satisfaction for those present. I might talk a long time about the manufacture of glass yet one who had listened to me could spend thirty minutes in some glass works and come to the conclusion that I had hardly referred to the subject. Labor, - All we desire, Mr. Jackson, relative to the manufacture of glass is to gather some idea as to what share of the finished product belongs to labor. We do not care for data or detail, or for particulars. If any of us need to know all about making glass we can go to some glass works, as you have suggested, and see and learn what it would be very difficult for you to impart by word of mouth. Mr. Jackson. All the ingredients used in making glass traced back to their raw state, Mr. Labor, like the sand, contain but a trifle of value. It is not until the hands of toil have transformed them into pro- ducts called material, and money paid for such labor, that they represent any special value or 20 Labors’ Hard Times School. worth, the same as handling the sand puts value into it. Hence, up to the point of beginning the manu- facture of glass, we must make due allowance for the labor the material we begin with contains. The first process is to purify the material, which is labor. After being purified, labor places it into a furnace or calcar, to be calcined. This is called fritting, all of which is labor. The substance when taken out in a soft and yielding state is cut in chunks which soon harden. These are piled away as a product, having advanced a step further and into another form, but are still called material. All this is accomplished by days work, Mr. Labor, and it is plain enough that the material has taken on value equal to the cost of the days works it contains. This material, when melted again by labor, is formed into all kinds of designs, up to the limit of weaving it into cloth for a dress. Some of it is cast and some of it is blown; but regardless of the forms it has been made to assume it has all been wrought by hands earning wages, either by the day, by the week or by the piece. I would not have you infer, Mr. Labor, from the remark I made that glass cloth has become a staple product. It was for the novelty of showing what could be done with glass thread that cloth has been woven from it and a dress made. It is wonderful what can be made of glass in the way of ornament, as well as goods of utility. Glass vessels, when formed complete, are placed in the annealing oven, where they are heated and then very gradually cooled, otherwise they would not stand changes of temperature, or handling with- out breaking, etc. Labors’ Hard Times School. 21 The weight and size of glass articles cause a vari- ance of from six to sixty hours in annealing. All the process requires strict care and attention, which is labor that must be remunerated. The grinding, polishing and squaring plate glass is all labor. To make a mirror is days works, and the additional material required is composed in value of days works. Should you ask me, Mr. Labor, to tell you the value in glass after the days works has been taken out of it, I would be compelled to cite you to the value of the sand that is at rest on the shores of the sea. This citation may appear slightly strained when the coal and coke used are considered, but take the labor out of them and place the other ingredients required back into the earth and the strained appearance will quite disappear. I shall claim, Mr. Labor, that while certain ingre- dients and properties are required to manufacture glass, the only real thing of value it contains is days works. Before I take my seat, Mr. Labor, I want to con- demn the practice of our country buying abroad from six to nine million dollars worth of glassware yearly. How would I look buying foreign glassware to equip my house, and thus forbid my making just that amount of glass? When out of employment, on this principle, which means no food for me or mine, would I be entitled to any sympathy or charity? Then, why should I buy a foreign made clock, send my money to the workmen on the other side of the deep, and thus forbid the clockmaker in the United States having that money to buy the glass- ware I make? 22 Labors' Hard Times School. The man who has built a row of houses and de- manded that the glass used should be of foreign make ought to fail to sell or rent them. How could I pay him rent, or buy one of his houses, if he sends the money I ought to have out of our country? We glass workers, Mr. Labor, can make all the glass our country needs, and if our people send in one year eight million dollars to other countries for glass and glass goods we sellers of days work in that line will have fully six million dollars less money to spend in our own markets, and the other two million dollars would fall in other hands in this country and thus increase our market. Every seller of days works in every other industry in the United States is to some degree interested in us sellers of days works in making glass having this six million dollars that goes abroad, because when we have that money we are stronger patrons of labor in all other industries to just the extent of that six million dollars. Can I word this any plainer, Mr. Labor? I hope the point I make will not be missed. There is a great principle involved. On the one hand it holds plenty for the American wage earner, while on the other hand it holds hunger and want. I thank you, Mr. Labor, for the compliment of the first lesson. I hope that what will follow in this school will be clearer and straighter from the shoulder than what I have said. Don’t let any hesitate for fear of the charge of re- peating. Iterate and reiterate until every seller of days works and every other citizen recognizes the importance of the sellers in this country finding a market for their days works, and keeping those Labors’ Hard Times School. 23 24 Labors’ Hard Times School. wages in circulation here in the United States. It is plain that our money cannot be in circulation in foreign countries and here at home at the same time. If our money goes abroad to buy glass I can- not hope to find employment to make glass here where I want to live. I earnestly hope this feature will be kept in front of this class on every product that shall be con- sidered. Labor, Your request is important, Mr. Jackson, and I hope it will not be lost sight of. Labors’ Hard Times School. 2 S' LESSON 11. A gentleman on his feet, waving his hand, secures Labor’s attention, and addresses him in the follow- ing words: “ I am a coal mirier, Mr. Labor; my name is Slo- cum. With your permission, I would like to say a word with relation to our dreary and hazardous branch of toil.’- Labor. Very good, Mr. Slocum. Yours must truly be a life of toil, burdened with risk and venture, requiring a special courage in forsaking the sunshine to do battle for bread with all that is gloomy and dismal. We shall listen to you with much interest. Mr. Slocum. It is so thoroughly understood that coal represents days works and little else, that I need not consume any of your valuable time in attempt- ing to establish that fact. An incident in proof that occurred not so long ago, however, might not be out of place here. A mine owner could not pay the price our miners demanded per ton for taking out the coal, and made a settlement with them by giving the miners all the coal they took out, provided the latter would keep the mine in good order, free from ac- cumulation of water, etc. To this, of course, our people could take no exception, and by force of cir- cumstances accepted the proposition. The result was that the miners realized five cents per ton less 26 1>AB0RS’ Hard Times School. for the coal than they demanded from the owner of the mine for mining it. Of course, a mine owner could not afford to con- tinue such methods very long, neither could he profitably allow his mine to fill with water and get out of repair generally. He was, naturally enough, waiting and hoping for conditions to change. What were the then present or past conditions, Mr. Labor? Labor. Undoubtedly, Mr. Slocum, the trouble was due to the fact that, including the whole country, too much coal was being mined and placed on the market. Mr. Slocum. You have named the very fault, Mr. Labor. If the market could take the coal, the mine owners and we miners would, if possible to do so, take every pound of coal out of the bowels of the earth in one week. Labor. Such an event as that would wreck the world with our present preparation, Mr. Slocum. Mr. Slocum. We miners ^nd the mine owners would not stop to think about the wreck. If we could get the coal all out in one week and sell it we would do it, and this very disposition, Mr. Labor, in the coal industry, is the cause of the starvation wages many of us miners are victims of. The burden all falls back on us. Everything, virtually, is out of it already except labor; that is the only thing left where a' cut may be made, as was evidenced by the owner who gave the miners the coal for taking it out, and their remuneration in the end was five cents per ton less than they asked him for mining it. Labor. Is there any remedy for such a condition, Mr. Slocum? Mr. Slocum. Yes, Mr. Labor, there is a remedy. Labors’ Haro Times School. V but the people are not ready to submit to it; but it must come, and time will bring it. Labor. What is the remedy? Mr. Slocum. Kick off the face of the earth that old motto that competition is the life of trade. Com- petition today, Mr. Labor, is the ruination of busi- ness, and the man who in the end bears the burden is the seller of days works, as was made manifest and clear again in our branch of toil when the mine owner offered the diggers his mine to make what they could out of it. “Competition is the life of trade” might have been good enough as a motto long ago, but like many other things it has served its time and now belongs to the scrap pile with the old stage coach, ox cart and wooden plow. A plan or method should be sought out whereby competition can be regulated, Mr.Labor. Open competition has resolved itself into a bitter fight in which individuals are, in a financial sense’, trying to exterminate each other. First, the profits in nearly all industries, as in coal, are elim- inated, and the next and only available step towards lower prices is to reduce wages. Labor. We are a free people, Mr, Slocum, and every person is supposed to manage his business to suit himself. Mr. Slocum. I do not agree with you, Mr. Labor. A man’s business may be open thievery. We have laws to punish that. No man has any right to take from me stealthily, or in any other way, what is my own, and I believe when any system in vogue keeps full pay from me which is my own, the system is worse than the thief, for I can watch the latter and head him off. A man’s full rights in what is his own is a proper and good sentiment, but those rights 28 ^../vUORS’ Hard Times School. should not be broad enough to allow that man to absorb me and thousands of others. Do not take it, Mr. Labor, that I am making charges against indi- viduals. I am arraigning the policy which individ- ual business men become victims of and which forces them to do things they abhor themselves. Public sentiment says that we must have open competition, and anything short of that is combine. I say any law that prevents business men in any branch con-' ferring with the view of making the line of business they are engaged in one of safety, and denies such men the right to arrange prices and output, is war- ranting a continuance of the deplorable statistics that 95 per cent, of our business men fail to succeed. Look at the industry where I sell my days works, Mr. Labor. What can be plainer than that the prices and output should be regulated, but you let the price of coal be put up 25 cents a ton and what a cry of coal combine there would be, even though we miners should get twenty cents per ton of the raise, and the mine owners the other five cents. Labor, Do you think, Mr. Slocum, if coal should sell at a higher figure that the miners would be better paid? Mr, Slocum, The mine owner cannot pay the miner any more for digging the coal than he sells it for net after paying freights, can he, Mr. Labor? Labor, No, certainly not; but why have the mine owners allowed the price to drop so low? Mr, Slocum. Over production, open competition and the keen purchasing agents of the railroads have done it all, and our laws forbid the mine owners regulating any of these questions, and the result is that we miners are digging coal for from ten to Labors’ Hard Times School. >9 twenty-five cents a ton less than we ought to have. Labor, What do you mean by the keen railroad purchasing agent, Mr. Slocum? Mr, Slocum, It will only be the smaller railroads that do not buy fully one million dollars worth of coal, if not more, each year. To do this they en^ploy the keenest kind of a man, who is called the railroad fuel agent. The position is a good one, and the man filling it endeavors to give the best satisfaction pos- sible to the company and the men over him. Should he be a new man in the position he' will strive to beat the record of the man he succeeds, while if an old employee in the place he fills you will find him straining diligently to beat his own record, or the record of some fuel agent on some other road. Open competition between purchasing agents, you see, Mr. Labor. Of course there is no law preventing the fuel agents of all the railroads combining regardless of how hard we miners get hit. I do not charge, Mr. Labor, that the fuel agents of the various roads ever confer, or have any understanding among them- selves, but if they do the law will protect them. I do charge, though, that as an expert artist touches up his picture, the fuel agent touches up the mine owner and seller of coal. Open competition sends all the sellers to him, and the same close scrutiny that tells the artist where to land another stroke of the brush, admonishes the fuel agent when his op- portunity has come, all of which he proceeds to im- prove. In a word, Mr. Labor, the railroad companies’ fuel agents become experts in buying and are the men who largely make the price of coal, and the only possible remedy is for the mine owners to arrange prices between themselves below which they will not Labors’ Hard Times School. 3c go, and to estimate what the demand for coal will be, and then take out no more than will be consumed. Labor, Such a course, Mr. Slocum, would possibly not employ all the miners. Mr. Slocum. We would soon learn then how many miners could depend on steady employment, and such as were thrown out would see that they must look for work in some other field of labor. Were I one I would be content under such circumstances to seek some other mode of earning my living. Labor. Then, you think, Mr. Slocum, that the mine owners ought to arrange prices among themselves for the heavy buyers, such as railroads, etc.? Mr. Slocum. What show have the mine owners, pitted separately against one shrewd buyer of years of experience in his line? Labor. Wouldn’t their combining in that way have a bad look on the face of it? Mr. Slocum. In keeping with past customs, it would look bad, but how does it look to see fifty men the victims of one man, and when you add us miners, where the blow hits last and hurts the most, it is thousands to one, and all of us practically subjects of his mercy. Let the mine owners select one man just as smart as the railroad companies’ purchasing agents, and then let them loose at each other, and allow them both to become experts, one in selling and the other in buying, arrange their prices and publish them with no cards up their sleeves. Let us workers under the ground have full pay for our toil and risk, and allow the owner something for his property. Any condition which forces the owner of a good mine to say to the miners: “Boys, take the coal out and sell it for what you can and keep the Labors’ Hard Timrs School. 31 money,” is deplorable, out under the present cus- toms and laws that is about the condition we are in. We men, ourselves, Mr. Labor, are very much to blame that uniformly we do not get better pay. Some railroad company will offer to contract a large amount of coal with an owner, naming a price. The latter goes to his miners and tells them by reducing their pay to a given figure he can fill this contract and give them steady work. The miners foolishly consent, never stopping to think that such a step on their part makes a new price for coal that other mine owners will be forced to meet, and cause a fight for lower wages all along the line. The man I am work- ing for is bound in self-defence to come to me and say, ^‘In such and such a mine the men are working for less pay and unless we can meet the price we shall have to shut down.” Then with me it is a case of out of work or less pay, and in place of the mine owners being to blame for the cut, it is the fault of our own men. This all traces back, Mr. Labor, to the shrewd railroad purchasing agent. He can tell the color of shirt the seller wore last year, and the color he will wear next year. Even though he never saw him before, he can discover what the seller goes home and tells his wife, and what he ought to go home and tell her. He has combined against thous- ands of our meal chests, which are always scanty enough, but the people and our laws say the sellers must not combine against the fuel agent. Labor. You will continue, Mr. Slocum, until you convert me to your line of thinking, I fear. I begin to recognize the power in the market of skilled and extensive buyers, and I can see that it is possible, when sellers are anxious and not in harmony, for 32 Labors’ Hard Times School. such buyers to send hardships where they should not go. Mr. Slocum. Yes, Mr. Labor, we miners have hard- ships in plenty without any being specially sent, and I shall be glad, indeed, when everybody is converted to the principle of a willingness to pay a price that holds a comfortable living to those who produce it for what he requires. The head of a mine said to me a few days ago that these low prices did untold harm. On one hand it meant starvation and on the other hand it meant change of ownership. I feel that the Government ought to step in and regulate the whole thing. The present public owes to any given class a fair living, and manifestly it owes to future generations that no coal shall be wasted now. Labor. No doubt, Mr. Slocum, there is an obliga- tion in the sense you cite, resting upon us to future generations, and some regulation as to the output of coal could do no harm. Mr. Slocum. The law could allow the mine owners to arrange all this among themselves, to say the least, without the cry of combine being thrust at us on every turn. I like one thing about it, anyway; they all think so much of our votes they don’t dare say a word to us miners about combine. All we need is to do what is right and know enough to hang to- gether and the people will be with us all the time, and the mine owners will be with us, too, if we treat them all alike. I do not believe but the consumers would rather pay a good price for coal than to feel that a large class of men like us miners are living the clos~ est kind of a pinched life. Anyway, we do not owe the people that much, neither do any class of sellers of days works in any of our industries. You can add Labors* Hard Times School, 3.^ coal as one more product, Mr. Labor, in which days works are about all that can be found and they are days works of the solid kind, too. Labors’ Hard Timrs School. 3>- LESSON III. Labor, Are you ready, Mr. Horton, to tell us your experience in country merchandizing? Receiv- ing an answer in the affirmative. Labor adds: “I have the pleasure of introducing Mr. Horton. No doubt many members of the class have made the gentleman’s acquaintance ere this.” Mr. Horton. I want to assert ^rst, Mr. Labor, that in looking back upon thirty years devoted to the mercantile trade the most striking element that con- fronts me is the necessary toil I have contributed during that time. You will pardon me for interrupting, Mr. Horton. We laboring people have not taken the view that the country merchant, or any other mer- chant, if you please, thought of classing his calling as one of labor. Mr. Horto7i. That is just where the sellers of “days works,” as the term is commonly accepted, do us an injustice. I have simply been a seller of days works to myself for years, and I have been out of patience with the man who paid me a thousand times. I have worked early and late all these years, rarely ever failing to be the first and last person at my place of business. I cannot conceive of any seller of days works who has uniformly, from the demands of his toil, been -so late to bed as I, or who has as a rule gone to bed so tired and exhausted as I have. My whole life, Mr. Labor, has been one unceasing Labors’ Hard Times School. 35 round of work, work, work, and for the most unsat- isfactory paymaster a man can meet, and I want it understood from now on that I am and ever have been a man of toil. Labor. It is supposed, Mr. Horton, that you can add to your goods an amount that would warrant you an excellent remuneration for your labor. Mr. Horto7i. There is a gentleman across the street from me and some others a few doors down the street who prevent my doing that, Mr. Labor. I do not deny that I would do that very thing by put- ting such a price on my goods as would pay me well if I could. Labor. Could not some place be found where you would have the situation more to yourself, Mr. Horton? Mr. LLorton. Should I start a store in some woods all to myself, Mr. Labor, and it was known that I was selling any goods and making any money, I would awake some morning to find a man near me with a full line of goods in a tent. He would not wait to build, but would afterwards construct his store around his tent. It is a very skillful and for- tunate man who will have very much to himself in the future. Nature’s motto, it seems, is that we shall make a fair division whether we feel so disposed or not. The only method to-day that holds any merit in business, or anything else is, “first be true to your- self; if you do that you will not be untrue to others,'’ and when this is found out and the people compre- hend it thoroughly you will have established and fortified yourself in a position that cannot be bat- tered down. A man cannot seek to shift his mis- 36 Labors’ HARD'TriviLS School. takes and losses on to the shoulders of others and at the same time realize these ends. If through some strain or special influence you have done what knowledge acquired later on con- demns in your own mind, go square yourself with the party misled; and when you have re- trieved yourself in your own conscience, and it fails to even matters up with the party appealed to, then the latter’s good graces are of little worth and it will be of little matter how this portion of the contest ends as long as your own conscience has been thor- oughly cleansed. There are people whom nature has so ordained that they cannot do this, others are naturally so crooked that they will not. Time will put the stamp of the latter indelibly on both of them. Fifteen years of faithfulness to yourself in your business and all other avenues will place you where but little need be expended in advertising, while fifteen minutes in the opposite direction may do you up in all kinds of affairs for all time. How many we meet, Mr. Labor, who will declare there is not a cloud in sight when there is nothing but clouds all around them. The time is certain to overtake that class when they deceive no one but themselves. Labor. As a man in business, Mr. Horton, will you kindly give us your opinion of what puts money in circulation and what takes it out? Mr. Horto7i. I am of the opinion, Mr. Labor, that I am an agent whereby money is taken out of circu- lation. My trade is with farmers chiefly. I sell them goods, and when they pay their bills I deposit the money they pay me in our country bank. When Labors’ Hard Times School. 37 the sum thus gathered is of a sufficient amount I forward a check or draft to the wholesaler of whom I purchase. In this way I cannot see why I have not taken money out of circulation. The latter deal with the wholesale merchant is purely a bank trans- action, and does not, that I can see, put any money in circulation except what I have used out of the margins for the support of my family, and what I have paid to my clerks and other help. Labor. Does not the wholesaler you have remitted to put the money in circulation? Mr. Hortofi. Only such a sum as he pays his salesmen, clerks and help, which you see goes for days works. Of course, what he expends for the support of his family, like my own, goes into circu- lation. Labor. How does it get into circulation, then ? Mr. Horton. The wholesaler’s accumulations are finally sent through check or draft to the manufac- turer, which is another bank transaction and puts no money in circulation, but when the manufacturer pays his help their weekly wages and they send the money in every conceivable direction, then the money absolutely gets into circulation. I am confident that forty per cent, of the money put in circulation is sent there by the straight sellers of days works. Labor. How is the other sixty per cent, sent into circulation, Mr. Horton? Mr. Horton. The working people and all others consume of the farmers’ products, and what the latter receive puts forty per cent, more of our money into circulation, 38 Labors’ Hard Times School. Labor, You have twenty per cent, yet unaccounted for, Mr. Horton. Mr, Horto7i, The other twenty per cent, we people in between start on its travels. You will not ask me, Mr. Labor, to name whom this last class covers. Labor, No, Mr. Horton; we shall have to use our imagination on them. I should judge that wage earners, when all considered, put more than forty per cent, of money in circulation and this, too, with- out including wages paid to farm help. It matters not, however, whether the proportions are correct. All we want are the principles involved. Do you sell, or in any way handle many imported goods, Mr. Horton? Mr, Horto7i, Not if I can avoid it, Mr. Labor. Of course, tea, coffee and such articles as we have to im- port, there is no question about our selling. I try, though, to discourage customers from dealing in such goods from abroad as we can produce here at home. Labor. Will you kindly give your reasons for such counsel? Mr. ILorton. Suppose, Mr. Labor, all the goods I should handle were foreign. Then, when I remitted money to the wholesaler he would have to forward it on to the 'foreign manufacturer or his agent, which is the same, and thus the money would be lost to us. It would be out of circulation here to stay out and it would not thus increase the consumption of our farmers’ products, and anything that weakens their purchasing ability hurts my business, no matter how indirectly or in how small a way it comes. Farmers only buy abundantly when they sell abundantly at fair prices. There is no sense in claiming that for- Labors’ Hard Times School^ 39 eign countries will use any more of our farm products because we trade with them. What they buy of us is what they require to appease their hunger, because they cannot raise enough to supply their wants at home, the same as we buy tea and coffee, and they will buy what they want when their demands urge them to, just as we purchase tea and coffee of other countries, and we will buy the tea and coffee of them whether they buy anything of us or not. We have certain brands of goods that other coun- tries will have, the same as we demand certain brands of tea and coffee, regardless of any other trade we may have with the countries that produce them. No, Mr. Labor, I buy and sell American goods because if it helps my trade ten dollars, one hundred dollars, or one thousand dollars each year, I am that amount ahead without perceptibly having taken an extra step to gain it. By purchasing and selling American goods I pat- ronize our own labor, and when I patronize that labor I increase its consuming ability, which increases its patronage of our farmers, who are my patrons. Look at the farmers’ trade with me the past four years, Mr. Labor. I never in my life knew it to be reduced to such narrow limits. Truly, I have not made the accounts at my store balance. My business expenses have been in excess of my profits, and the expense of maintaining my family has eaten into my capital. What has brought all this to me? I will tell you, Mr. Labor, what has done it. It has been the shrink- age in consumption by our working people. They have been idle and living within narrow limits, have 40 Labors’ Hard Times School. gone hungry and been in distress, all due, every bit of it, to the cry of free trade and tariff for revenue only. I believe, as I have stated, that 8o per cent, of the money that goes into circulation is put there by the working man, seller of days works, as you all call it, and the farmer, and that you cannot weaken the days works portion without injuring the farmers’ portion; hence, when either one is hurt I am hurt, and so it is with everybody else. I want to claim, Mr. Labor, that my line of business is good, hard work, and that there are but few people who work harder than merchants; and it is a question whether we get pay for it or not. I know, for four years I would have been better off if I had been out of business. Goods and commodities of all kinds, as you claim here, represent so much labor. When I receive a shipment of goods, I must add all the expense I shall be to in selling the goods. The wholesaler has already added his expense, which I have paid, and I have paid his profit also. That profit and that expense is already in the goods, much of which is pay for traveling salesmen, clerks, packers and all the help demanded in and about a house of that kind, not forgetting the army of teams- ters and freight handlers a large wholesale house employs. Some of them have from one to three thousand people in their employ, all told, which can be called nothing but more days works to go into goods. Labor. As yet, we have said nothing in particular about what profits and capital in goods represent, Mr. Horton. Mr, Hortoa. As between American and foreign Labors’ Hard Times School. 41 goods in comparison, you have no need to, Mr. Labor. It is a case of cancellation. There must be a like expense in handling foreign or domestic goods and there should on general principles be profits in each, but about as many times there are no profits in either, days works and expenses for freight having eaten them all up. Business of nearly all Icinds has gotten down to that point where if a man or firm makes net an amount equal to the usual rates of interest on the capital they turn over they are quite satisfied. Of course none will object to realizing more, but those who accept less will outnumber by far the few who are fortunate enough to gather in profits in excess of what the same capital would bring if loaned. Labors’ Hard Times School. dP"- LESSON IV. Labor. I see, Mr. Sigler, that you are with us to- day, and I will ask you as a retailer of goods in a factory town to relate to us some of your ex- periences. Mr. Sigler. I have been deeply interested in lis- tening to Mr. Horton, and what he has related rela- tive to the hard work and toil in our line. I can, from experience, thoroughly confirm, although the class of customers we have each had are not quite the same. However, I have quite a farming trade, but it is in no sense equal to my trade with factory em- ployees when they have work. I was pleased with Mr. Horton’s sentiments rela- tive to handling our own make of goods and his endeavor to impress upon his customers the import- ance to themselves of their patronizing and using such goods. It was quite a surprise to me, Mr, Labor, to learn that a merchant whose patrons were farmers was taking so broad a view. Mr. Horton has sent his mxind out over the whole field, which is exceedingly creditable to him. Since listening to Mr. Horton I see points in my own interests that I had not grasped before. How manifest it is that if the farmer gets more money he will be, through his merchant, a greater consumer of factory goods of all kinds, and anything that pushes the factories along, increasing the demand for days works, helps trade. When the factory employees are all busy they are Labors’ Hard Times School. 43 extensive consumers of the farmers’ small stuff, and it is these products that hold the farmers’ most cheerful profits. I had studied this gardening inter- est of the farmers, because living in a factory town I had come more in touch with it, but I had not gone out into the broader fields of farming with my mind. It does us good, Mr. Labor, to rub up against each other; nine-tenths of us are living in the narrowest kind of a way. Many farms are devoted largely to fruit. This the factory workmen when idle do not buy, but when they have plenty of work I see them carrying a bas- ketful of grapes, peaches, currants, and everything that grows, home with them regularly. When you count these instances by the thousands in each fac- tory village, in addition to what their families order delivered from the store in these relishing fruits, etc., it means everything to the farmer. It means everything to the factory employee, too, for the farmers send the money back to them to make more goods, and we men handling the goods, Mr. Labor, are benefited when both these ends are in a healthy and robust condition financially. It is a wonderfully interesting sight some morn- ings to see the stuff farmers cart into our town, be- sides what the railroads bring in from farther away. Everything in its season comes — strawberries, rasp- berries, blackberries, blueberries, cucumbers, squash- es, radishes, beets, onions, early potatoes, corn, cabbage, turnips, carrots, and everything imaginable that can be grown and eaten, and they find a market, too, for our sellers of days works when they find em- ployment are great livers. When times are good they buy and use what each other makes, and the 44 Labors’ Hard Times School. farmer buys what they all make, and the latter sells them what he raises, and so the money flies back and forth. Labor, That is the kind of business, Mr. Sigler, that puts money into circulation? Mf. Sigler. It is emphatically, Mr. Labor, and buying foreign goods is to buy days works away from home and let our people keep theirs, which the Wilson bill tried to do. Labor. You say '‘the Wilson bill tried to do.” Did not that bill accomplish what it tried to? Mr. Sigler. Not in our town, if you mean buying foreign days works stored in foreign goods. Labor. What did you sell, Mr. Sigler; our own make? Mr. Sigler. We didn’t sell our own make or any other. What, Mr. Labor, did the factory employees have to buy anything with when our factories closed down or run on one- quarter time, etc.? Labor. You had your farming trade loft, did you not? Mr. Sigler. I asked some of my farm customers why they did so little trading, and their reply was that all they could sell the factory employees or gro- cery stores now was potatoes and a few cabbages, and claimed the sellers of days works were not buy- ing butter and eggs and all the little things they had dealt in so freely, and by this means the farmers had no money to buy of us what the factory men made, either at home or abroad. Our own market, Mr. Labor, was gone up; a thing of the past, and the families of the factory hands were not using one sack of flour where formerly they had used three, and Labors’ Hard Times School. 45 sugar, tea, coffee and everything else in that same ratio. Labor. You do not claim, Mr. Sigler, that they were making one sack of flour answer where they had used three before, do you? Mr. Sigler. I make just that claim, Mr. Labor. The people were not throwing dry bread and old cake out of the back doors as they had done. They were frying and making toast of the bread, and they had abandoned the thought of making pie and cake. Labor. Then, Mr. Sigler, we can consider the Wilson bill a lesson in economy? Mr, Sigler. To the winds with such lessons in economy! We Americans, if our market is kept as our own, which it is, can have what we want. Any- thing that contributes to make life agreeable is what we are seeking. The man or woman who has found the greatest comfort and contentment through life is the one who dies the richest. It is not the idiot who has left a great quantity behind him to spoil others who has in most instances met and utilized the elixir of living. Labor. Would you advise people to be profligate and extravagant, Mr. Sigler? Mr. Sigler. You misinterpret me, Mr. Labor. I would not counsel that people go to the bad or that they waste their means; I would help them to be prudent and save for old age, but to do this I would not invite a condition that would force them to be constantly under a strain that forbade the possibility of contentment or saving, either. That is all the Wilson bill did. It never taught any economy. It will require wider brains than the men who origin- ated that bill posses to teach true economy. Labors’ Hard Times School. |6 True economy does not need pain and starvation to accomplish it. Punishment and lessons are two different things. Lessons which take the blood out of everything in order to punish a few ought to be called by some other name. I do not want to be found discourteous, Mr. Labor, and I am to blame for introducing the Wilson bill into this talk. I had agreed with myself never to confer with myself, or anyone else, again upon that bill. It is so odious and so repulsive to everything tending towards a higher civilization for our people that my patience gives out completely when it is under consideration. I .beg your pardon again, Mr. Labor, for exhibiting temper. We can become rational by dropping that bill, a thing everybody should have done four years ago. Labor, I am inclined to agree with you, Mr. Sig- ler, that we could have gotten along without that bill. Mr. Sigler, I have no mental relish for it and will not take it in my mouth again; the taste it leaves is too much for me. In regard to our patronizing other countries, Mr. Labor, I have something slightly realistic in the way of illustration here which I will take the liberty to read, and request that it appear in your records as I read it and where I read it. The article is an editorial clipped from the “Akron Evening JournaL’ of May 27, 1897. “AKRON A SUBURB OF CLEVELAND. “Is Akron to maintain the independence as a business center which she has won by long years of energy and enterprise and effort, or is she to become — as far as her mercantile interests are concerned — a Labors’ Hard Times School. 47 mere suburb of Cleveland? That this question must be answered, and answered soon, can be shown by taking the merchant tailoring business as an ex- ample. “A few months ago the largest establishment of this kind in Akron closed up its department because it was no longer profitable to maintain it owing to the fact that so many Akron orders were placed in Cleveland. Last week another prominent merchant tailor was forced to make an assignment, on account of the competition of Cleveland tailors. “While these changes were taking place in Akron business circles an agent for a Cleveland merchant tailor was vigorously canvassing this city. Last year he alone secured orders to the amount of over $y,QOO. This year he claims his business in Akron will be considerably greater. On one day not long ago nine suits of clothes were sent to him from Cleveland to be delivered to his Akron customers. “This agent pays no rent, no insurance, no taxes, does not leave a dollar in Akron except what he pays for his hotel bill and his personal expenses, and he does absolutely nothing towards maintaining or building up this municipality. While he is reap- ing a rich harvest for his Cleveland employer, his Akron competitors who have to help support our fire and police departments, who pay their full share of the salaries of our city and county officials, who are taxed to keep up our city and county govern- ments, who pay rent to Akron’s property owners and wages to Akron working people — while the Cleve- land tailor is getting rich on Akron money, Akron tailors are placed under such hardships that, as we stated above, one concern decided to abandon the 48 Labors’ Hard Times School. business and another one, almost as prominent, is forced into bankruptcy. ^‘The Cleveland tailor cannot be blamed for send- ing an agent to Akron — he has a perfect right to do so — and he is very fortunate in being able to find a representative who has the ability, the tact and the energy to secure so many Akron orders and to divert so many thousands of Akron dollars to Cleveland. “The root of the trouble is not located in Cleve- land, but right here in Akron. If Akron men had the proper public spirit, if they had any adequate realization of the duty one citizen owes to another, if they had any regard for the great principles of the Golden Rule, the agent of the Cleveland tailor could not get an order for a dollar’s worth of clothing in a year. “The most surprising thing in this whole matter is the fact that the list of customers of this Cleveland agent is made up of names of men who depend entirely upon Akron money for their own living. In the list are the names of city and county officials, policemen, firemen, lawyers, doctors, and even mer- chants who are in the retail trade and who howl lustily whenever the effects of Cleveland competi- tion are felt in their own respective lines of business. The men who do not stand by Akron and Akron enterprises should not receive one iota of sympathy when they are hurt by outside competition. “Thus far we have spoken only of what Akron business houses have suffered through the efforts of one agent of one Cleveland concern. But even now another Cleveland clothing establishment has a dis- play, in a prominent hotel, of boys’ and children’s Labors’ Hard Times School. 49 suits, ladies' shirt waists and similar articles. The town has been flooded with circulars announcing this display, and we presume that the wives of the lawyers and the doctors, and the city officials and the merchants — all of whom depend upon the wel- fare and prosperity of this community for their individual success — we presume that these wives will take the money which has been paid their hus- bands by Akron people and buy clothing for the children who are to be educated in Akron schools by Akron money — will buy clothing from this Cleveland concern which does not pay one penny of tax in Akron, or one nickel for insurance, or one dime for wages to Akron people, or one dollar for anything except the hotel bill of its agent. “It can be stated with truth not only in regard to the clothing business, which we have been consider- ing, but in regard to other classes of retail trade, that Akron stores can furnish goods in their particular line, of as good variety and quality, and at as low a price as the same goods can be purchased in Cleve- land stores. Yet it seems impossible to get this fact fixed in the minds of local purchasers. Akron mer- cantile establishments are first-class, and should enjoy the patronage and receive the support of the local trade, this being especially true when the qual- ity of the goods is equal to and prices are as low as are to be found in a foreign market. Loyalty to home industries helps to widen the extent of home business. “The principle that, other things being substantially equal, the stocks of Akron stores should be given the preference by Akron buyers, is as sound as the law of nature. If we are to secure the full benefit 50 Labors’ Hard Times School. of reviving commercial activity, we must give all possible encouragement to our own industries, so that they can meet and withstand competition and eventually push further into the fields that form the debateable ground for their business. “The time is auspicious for a new impetus to the patronage of home industry. With increased oppor- tunities for employment, the people will have in- creased resources for purchasing goods to satisfy their needs and they should be impressed with their duty to prove their loyalty to their own city in every possible way.” It is not necessary to remind any of you that Akron is in the great State of Ohio, where all our Presidents come from. This editorial talks common sense, so far as the interests of Akron are concerned. The best thing the citizens of Akron can do to weaken the dignity, character and standing of their own town is for all of them to go to Cleveland or some other city to do their trading, and this sentiment will hold good for any other city, and as well does it hold good for a nation. In proportion, Mr. Labor, as the citizens of Akron can benefit their own city by trading away from home for things they can get at home, our whole country can benefit itself by going to other coun- tries to purchase what they can as well buy at home. Labors’ Hard Times School. LESSON V. Labor, Will some farmer present, who depends chiefly upon the product of grain for his income, explain to the class how far labor enters into his industry. (A m'ember of the class rises to answer.) Labor, Give your name, please. ' Ajiswer, Henry Williams, of the State of New York. Labor. You Lire a farmer, Mr. Williams? Mr, Williams. Yes sir; I have 320 acres of good productive land. I suppose you want a direct answer to your question. Labor: Yes sir, if you will kindly give it. Mr, Williams. With your permission I will take the question up from the standpoint of hiring all the work done, and see what part of it is labor. Labor. That is a good method. Mr. Williams. I can hire a man with his own team to plow for about ^2.00 per acre, including harrowing the land once before seeding. I can hire the grain drilled in for about 50 cents per acre. I can get it cut, bound and set up at harvest time for about $1. per acre. I can hire it hauled, stacked and put into the barn, threshed and afterwards cleaned and taken to market for, say ^1.50 per acre. Labor. What particular grain are you referring to now, Mr. Williams? Mr. Williams. The cost I have mentioned thus far will apply to nearly all kinds of grain. What we have now is: y. OF ILL UB, Labors’ Hard Times School. 52 For preparing the ground, per acre, ^2.00 For seeding, 50 Harvesting, i.oo Threshing and cleaning and marketing. 1.50 $S-00 Amounting to ^5.00 per acre. Suppose now we consider wheat, and the price I am to get for it is 70 cents per bushel. I shall have now to add the cost of two bushels of wheat per acre for seed, and while good seed wheat usually brings a little more than the market price, we will only call it 70 cents per bushel. The former cost with the two bushels of seed wheat added brings our estimate up to $6.40 per acre. A fair yield of wheat on my farm is from eight to twelve bushels to the acre. If the latter figure, my receipts will be $8.40, leaving just ;^2.oo profit to the acre. If the former (8 bushels) I shall have lost 80 cents per acre. Labor. Mr. Williams, are there not other items to add to your cost? Mr. Williams. Certainly; boarding parties doing the work, feeding their team, hauling manure on to the land from time to time, taking care of and re- building fences, etc., etc., are all to be added, but it is difficult to make an estimate on these items. Labor. I supposed, Mr. Williams, that farmers usually did a large part of their own work. Mr. Williams. True, we do; but you see from the estimate that it is a question whether we get fair wages for our work, let alone making any money. Labor. What about other grains; barley, oats, rye, etc.? Mr. Williams. The yield of those grains is more Labors’ Hard Times School. 53 to the acre, but the prices are corres'ponding'ly less per bushel; hence the results are about the same. Labor. How about corn? Mr. Williams. Corn requires more attention, and I have never raised any more than I needed for feed. I would not think I could get anywhere near fair pay for my labor by growing it for market. Labor. We are inclined to think, when we see a cargo of wheat or grain of any kind, that it simply grew and that there was but little if any labor in it, but from your analysis it appears to be all labor. Mr. Williams. It is all labor; grain of any kind represents labor in the same ratio as anything else, and you are right in your claims that everything is from seven to nine-tenths labor. With your permission, I will add that 30 and 40 years ago when I was a boy my father could always get a dollar a bushel and upwards for his wheat and could raise 50 per cent, more to the acre than we can now. Our land is in a sense worn out, and for the last 20 years we farmers in the East have been using our spare time nights hunting around with the old lantern trying to find tracks our fathers made, when in fact we should have been hunting for the reasons why grain has not been bringing the price in recent years that it did formerly. Since the war closed Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, Minnesota, Dakota and other States covering an unlimited territory of the richest soil the sun shines ’; upon has been opened up by railroads, where plow- ing is done by steam and the farming done on so broad a scale that with the bountiful yields they get wheat can be raised at a profit when the farmer nets 40 and 50 cents per bushel. Many of us farmers in 54 Labors’ Hard Times School. New York have been asleep for years. We can’t raise grain here and compete with those people in that new and comparatively level and fertile country with a rich black loam from six inches to three feet deep all over it. We must grow more meat and garden stuff, milk more cows and ship the milk or make more butter and cheese for the city and factory towns, which will pay, provided Congress ever gives us a law that will justify the factories in trying to run. A very pleasant gentleman said a few months ago that times were always good when wheat brought gi.25 per bushel. If it could be known that wheat would bring $1.25 a bushel for the next three years how much, Mr. Labor, do you suppose the new and fertile lands of the west would produce? They would raise enough to supply the whole world; anyway, they would try to. No, Mr. Labor; except in the event of war or some failure of crops in this or some other country, or for some specially good reason, wheat will not bring $1.25 a bushel again in the next 40 years. Labor, You say, Mr. Williams, that grain repre- sents toil; how will it be if you raise stock, milk cows and ship the milk, or make butter and cheese, grow garden stuff, etc.? Mr. Willia?ns. Gardening will be all work and no play; in shipping milk and making butter and cheese there will be plenty of toil, and early and late at that; caring for stock from its birth until it is ready for market means close attention and much work, also. Labor. Mr. Williams, while you have been raising Labors’ Hard Times School. 55 grain for the market and not feeding much stock, did. you have any hay to sell? Mr, Williams. Yes, and I am glad you remind me of it. I was making some money on my hay and found a bit of comfort in that until the Wilson bill reduced the duty from four to two dollars per ton. Since then I have taken less, and sometimes it has been difficult to market my hay at all. Canada has seemed to bound over here with her hay, sold it and taken the money home with her to spend on the other side of the line. I think we farmers here in the United States might better have that money and spend it here in the States. I have some data here, Mr. Labor, showing how much hay was imported during the last seventeen months of the McKinley law, and how much was imported during the first seventeen months under the Wilson law. It also gives the acreage, tons and value of our hay crop for the year 1895. Last 17 Months of McKinley Law. 1803: Tons. Last 17 Months of 1894. Wilson Law* Tons. April September. 21.538 May . . . 7,604 October 14,278 June November. 11,373 July August . .. 6,186 , . . 2,477 December. 1895. 19.927 September. . . . 4,188 January October — ... 8,178 February. . 13.823 November. . . . 5^292 March December. 1894. • • • 5.536 April May 12,538 January . . . 9.546 June 26,858 F ebruary . . • • • 9.339 July 30.306 March . . . 8,587 August April . .. 6,182 September. 21,068 May October ■ . . ■ . 34,637 June November. July August . . . : . .. 11,799 , , . 6,040 December. January 1896. 30,529 28,513 Total. . . . . . . 140,080 Total. . . . 373.864 56 Labors’ Hard Times School. It is unnecessary to remind anyone that largely our hay crop is fed to stock on our farms where it is produced. With me, however, while I have been giving more attention to raising grain than I have stock, I have as a rule, when I could, marketed most of my hay. The above history of comparative importations of hay under the McKinley and Wilson laws shows why it has been difficult at times for me to find sales for my hay recently, and why I have \aken less for it. Farmers who pay special attention to stock raising as a rule make their plans to have an abundance of hay, and it is rare, except the winter is unusually long and severe, that they do not have some over for the matket, and the money to them from this source is always very acceptable and looked upon as an extra; at least, it is a portion that is never classed as a product for market. By the above record, Mr. Labor, we see that in seventeen months under the McKinley bill 140,080 tons of hay were imported. I may be called narrow, but for the life of me I cannot see what we wanted of that amount of hay even. Not less than a million dollars of our money went to some other country for it, and no doubt our people had hay that rotted in the stack and went to waste during that time. With this view of the McKinley bill, what should we say of the Wilson bill when 373,864 tons were imported in 17 months? It is too much like the family of a dry goods merchant going to some other store to purchase their dry goods to have any relish for me. How would I look, Mr. Labor, going to a neighbor farmei to buy corn to fatten my hogs when I had a crib full Labors’ Hard Times School. 57 of corn at home? Such kind of an exchange of trade as that is an infernal nonsense, and Mr. Wilson might just as well tell my neighbors to come and milk my cows and take the milk away, and then urge that the reason my family have no milk and butter is due to the breed of cows I keep as to try and mislead the people, and convince them they are hard pressed for reasons thal are not true. Mr. Wilson was instru- mental in arranging for other countries to sell their truck in our markets, get our money and take it home with them, and however much he may try to distort the cause that is just what ails us. Such conditions and such sentiments are shams and the man who defends them is the farmer’s enemy, and it is beyond my conception how a farmer can take any other view. We tillers of the soil ought to all act together on lines that will con- demn such people and fire them into oblivion so far as public affairs are concerned, and to do all within our power to minimize their influence, for it is per- licious. Labors’ Hard Times School, LESSON VI. Mr. Labor, I have been an attentive listener to your lessons thus far, and I have been most singular- ly impressed. Labor. What is your name, please? My name is Grover. Labor. What is your line of business, Mr. Grover? Mr. Grover. I have simply been an observer and listener here; am able to live without engaging in any business. Labor. You are one of the fortunate ones and I am glad of it. As an observer and listener you are wel- come here. What have you to offer, Mr. Grover? — Any suggestions or criticisms from your standpoint as an observer will be appreciated. We are seeking after light and knowledge. Mr. Grover. As I said, I have been very deeply impressed, and one thing that has attracted my special attention is what has, by most people, thoughtlessly been termed raw material. We have been looking at lumber, pig iron, leather, wagon- hubs, felloes and spokes, cotton thread, woolen yarns, silk thread, and a thousand things as raw material. You will show in your various lessons, that hundreds of thousands of people have made their living bringing these products to the stage of what I said before we had thoughtlessly called raw material. Labor. You agree, then, Mr. Grover, that the true raw material in any product is but a fractional part Labors’ Hard Times School. 59 uf its real cost, and in its component parts the chief and whole one nearly is labor? With this view, then, you must also agree that the labor ought to be done in our own country, and that we should have laws to protect it with that end in view? Mr, Grover. I cannot do that; I am a democrat and a free-trader from start to finish. I claim to be of the stock that is clean and loyal; I have never been anything but a true democrat, and it is my pride. Labor. Did not your democracy waver any from i860 to 1865? Mr. Grover. Not a bit; it has never wavered and it never can; it is of the right kind — loyal to the core. Labor. If you pay close attention to the lessons, we shall show that grain, provisions, vegetables, and everything we grow, as well as everything we man- ufacture is more than nine-tenths labor, as you have already anticipated. Then you will be ready to ad- mit that labor is about all we have to sell; at least, you will admit if we take all the labor out we will only have left grass, weeds, forests, wild flowers, wild animals, etc. Mr. Grover. I do not admit anything. Any true and loyal Democrat considers it a weakness to make admissions. We are the people that have always been right and driving our stakes there and holding to that claim, together with firmly charging that the ills that come to us are the faults of others, never explaining, but always firmly charging, whether we had any proof or not, has been our success. Labor. But, Mr. Grover, in the first of your re- marks you admitted you had gathered some better ideas on raw material. 6o Labors’ Hard Times Schood. Mr. Grover. I was for the moment too hasty; I recall all I said. Labor. Certainly, Mr. Grover, you must be inter- ested in the prosperity of the country, and since if in every lesson we may take up, and every product we may consider, and every product that it would be possible to consider, we show that labor is prac- tically the whole of what we are offering to sell, there being no exceptions to this claim under any circumstances or conditions, you will admit then to yourself if not publicly, or to this class, that we can- not afford to allow other countries to sell their pro- ducts (which only means their labor) in our markets to the injury of our wares, which means our labor wholly, and our people as a whole. Mr. Grover. You, Mr. Labor, cannot blame me for holding a special reverence for the olden times of this country, and for those grand old planters of the South who were practically the whole of it in their day, and would be now had it not been for the ag- gressiveness of the New England Yankees whose descendants have spread out all over the whole country, carrying with them the sentiments of pro- tection and a thousand isms that were full of dis- rupting influences. It was an exhilerating solace to me when a boy to read of Southern chivalry. I ad- mired and learned to love those people. They were from the first true Democrats and free traders; St. Louis and New York City were their headquarters; all the people of those two cities ‘^uncovered to them.” St. Louis may be in a manner changed, but the old and substantial people of New York City today, and their children, too, are Democrats, and, as of old, are free traders. You must not look for Labors’ Hard Times School. 6i the swaths that those old Southerners once cut, or the sentiments they planted in the bosoms of the people who once knew and loved them, to die; they are indelible, they will not down. I am in perfect accord wkh the leaders in the City of New York, and we distinctly believe that the United States can compete with any country in the world. You will show that no country on earth leads ours in inventive genius. You claim that nine-tenths and more of any and all products is labor. Then, if we are more ingenious, why cannot we compete with any people on the face of the earth? Labor. Certainly, we can compete with any country and without a protective tariff, too, but we must do it by lowering the price of our goods, and to lower the price of our goods so long as the original value will be shown to practically cut no figure, we must lower the price of labor, which is virtually all that represents any value in the goods. To lower the price of days works and monthly salaries means to cut out the bath rooms in the working man's apart- ments; it means living by the cook stove’s heat or warming one room by old methods a part of the time in place of all the rooms all of the time. It means one spare dress to the wife each three or four years, as of old, in place of two or three spare dresses each year. It means carrying children in the arms instead of pushing them about in baby carriages. It means long, tiresome early and late walks to and from work to save the car fare. It largely means no doctor when perhaps there ought to be a council of physicians. It means bread without butter and eggs and meat on rare occasions. It means but few bicy- cles, skates, toys and a thousand things that make 62 Labors’ Hard Times School. life cheerful. It means restricted consumption, and less consuming ability means less to the farmer and a general paralysis of business as compared to what we had prior to 1893. It means a few Lords who permit their wives to follow them into the carriage. Certainly, Mr. Grover, you cannot, as a good American, find any comfort in any such prospective conditions. You would not go back to the days you can remember prior to free school laws in New York when the lady teacher re- ceived two dollars per week and boarded around, and only a few could find money to give their chil- dren this piece of education, at that. No, Mr. Grover, we are up to the days of free and compulsory edu- cation. It seems that the masses will hail “Forward, march,” rather than a sentiment and spirit that would carry us back to the old. Steps have been, and may be taken again, that will permit foreign countries to enter our markets and take our money home with them and keep it, causing a serious halt in our pro- gress, causing collapse and failure in business of every conceivable nature, causing destruction of values until pride will not only kiss the dirt but will eat it, causing agony of every imaginable character, even to the extent oi suicide. Time and further light and knowledge will put a stop to such methods. We must, and by some means we will, sooner or later, sell our own labor in our own markets, regardless of any other country. Mr. Lincoln said, “All the people can be fooled a part of the time, a part of the people all of the time, but all of the people cannot be fooled all of the time.” Mr, Grover. I am somewhat surprised at the stand Labors’ Hard Times School, ^3 you take, Mr. Labor. How can you hope to go into the foreign markets with American goods, if you practically shut those people out of our markets? Labor. Statistics show that for every dollar of products marketed by this country that only a few cents of that dollar’s worth of trade has been with foreign countries; that nearly the whole dollar was our own consumption and our own market. Mr. Grover. Then I understand that Labor is not in favor of increasing the small per cent, of trade with foreign countries. Labor. Is Labor to understand, Mr. Grover, that you are in favor of turning our trade (home trade) or a large portion of it, over to other countries that we might slightly increase our sales to them? Statis- tics show that nearly all we sell to foreign countries is grain, provisions, cotton, etc. 98 cents of every dollar of our manufactured goods are sold in our own market, and slightly less than two cents of every dollar’s v/orth is sold to foreign countries. Mr. Grover. I see Labor is determined to bear down heavily on the great Democratic party. Labor. Not so, Mr. Grover. We must sell our labor; we have such an unlimited supply that we must turn as much as possible of it into money, and we must send people to Congress and choose our Presidents from among those who will help us. It is knowledge we are endeavoring to diffuse. We want the leaders and the constituency of every political party to be ready and anxious to make and pass laws to help us sell our labor. We do not want laws that will allow foreign countries to sell their days works in our markets and take the money away with them, and sellers of labor will ultimately vote Labors’ Hard Times School. against any party thus inclined. We are beginning to understand this question and refuse to be hood- winked any longer. Labor will hail the day when any party in power will scorn to give our markets away to foreign countries. When that comes we will be practically safe, no matter how we vote. Labor is quite sure, Mr. Grover, since you have taken part and been so deeply interested in our lessons, that within you are thoroughly convinced, or will be if you listen to further lessons, that the success of our country depends upon holding our own markets for our own goods, and it seems too bad that the traditions of any party are such as to virtually compel you to abandon your convictions, in order to remain in line and be counted true blue (as you term it) in every particular. Think what a dire calamity it would be to the country under such circumstances, should you be elected to some high office where you had influence and power. It does seem that all those old questions you referred to should be thoroughly gone over and reconsidered. The Southern Planter is not looking with the eyes he formerly did. Everything has gone through such a thorough change of condition and sentiment that they are not only inventing in the South, but they, too, are becoming Protectionists. It must be evident to you, Mr. Grover, as to others, that the factory is seeking to be close to its base of supplies. Econom- ics will not justify hauling three cars of raw ma- terial when one car will answer for the finished product. Cotton goods in large quantities are being manufactured in the South now; that section will soon decide that protection is what we must have. Labors’ Hard Times School. 65 and labor then may feel that our country is com- paratively safe, regardless of the party that may be favored with power. Labors’ Hard Times Schooi,. 6(: LESSON VII. Mr. Phelps, your line of work is making crockery? Mr. Phelps. Yes, sir, it is in that branch of toil that I have found a market for my labor for the last twenty years. Labor. What is the value of the raw material used in the manufacture of crockery? Mr. Phelps. It is but little, if anything; in fact, it is what clay and sand could be sold for in their nat- ural state in the ground. The coal or wood con- sumed in baking or burning is quite an itemo We must not lose sight, though, of the fact that nearly the whole value in the wood and coal is labor. The first requisite in making crockery, of course, is the plant, which when equipped will contain some ma- chinery and many implements for carrying on the work. We must not forget, however, that labor is the parent of the machinery and implements and constitutes nine-tenths of their cost. There can be but little contention as to what enters into the con- struction of the plant. After deducting the cost of the site, the closest scrutiny will develop that the balance is all days works, whether done by contractor or owner. The site is usually selected where land by the acre is purchased at a reasonable figure prior to im- provements, and as a rule it contains the chief material for the manufacture of the crockery. With- out going into minute details, Mr. Labor, this brings Labors’ Hard Times School. 67 us to the point where we are ready to begin the de- velopment of our product. Labor, Your statement, Mr. Phelps, is concise and clear, and covers the ground sufficiently to dem- onstrate the principles involved. What we want to discover is, where a product is offered for sale what share of the value, in it is due to labor. You have shown up to this stage that if the labor were de- ducted from the plant the only thing remaining of any value would be the raw, unimproved land. You have made this point very clear and it is an essential feature. As we proceed, however, we must bear in mind that every time the raw material is handled or advanced a step it takes on value to the full extent of what such handling costs, no matter how valueless it was at the start. Mr, Phelps, Very true, as is evidenced in the man- ufacture of crockery. As soon as the clay and sand have been dug and delivered to the plant, ready to be ground and mixed, they have taken on value to the extent of the cost of the labor, and the men doing that work get that value to put into bread, clothes, drugs, doctor bills, etc. The next advance towards value is the labor of those who grind, mix and prepare the material for the men who mold and form the goods. At this stage there is no value except for the uses for which the material is intended, and it is worth no more except for the manufacture of crockery than before it was first moved. Up to this degree of ad- vance the work has been done by what is termed the common laborer, for which, in ordinary parlance, but little credit is given, while in fact it has been the means of support of quite a number of people. This ’68 Labors’ Hard Times School. feature should not be lost sight of in the construc- tion of any product. It is a question whether the common laborer is not the one who should be first considered; everybody is his boss, and it is rare that he meets with very much good cheer. The material is now ready to be passed to the man of skill, who molds and shapes it into the desired articles, and it is not until it leaves his hands that it has taken on any appearance of value. How natural, as we see it in this last form, to fall into the error of thinking that up to this period it has received only the touch of the man who molded it; forgetting that prior to reaching him it has been instrumental in feeding and clothing many families, schooling children, and in many ways doing a power of good. The next step it again falls into the hands of the common laborer, who carefully places it into the kiln to be baked. The fires are started and continued by labor, and so on until it is a finished product. When the kilns have cooled, labor again places it in the storage rooms, or packs, crates and prepares it for shipment to fill orders, and so it moves on into other hands, on railroads or water transportation, always in front of the man of toil, until it reaches the city of its destination, where the hands of labor grab hold of it again. We will leave it now to the wholesaler, to whom you will have to look for infor- mation as to how many times labor will have occa- sion to turn it over before it reaches the consumer. ‘ I have not noticed the broad field of ornamenting crockery, Mr. Labor, and I take it for granted that you do not care for a description in detail of the processes of coloring, painting, burning, etc. Each Labors’ Hard Times School. 69 color may require a different temperature of heat to perfect it, and this is where the scientific features of treating crockery enter, all of which means labor the same as the ordinary and more generally understood methods. It is due to aoQ, nowever, that for much of the finer goods a special quality of clay is required, which is rarely found near the factory; but no mat- ter where this material comes from it is labor that digs, transports and delivers it to the factory, re- gardless of the distance it travels. I desire to assert, too, Mr. Labor, that the United States can make good enough crockery for any human being, I care not how delicate or finely organ- ized he be. Our imports of earthen, stone and china- ware amount to from seven to ten million dollars in value each year. I should like to see more of this money remain at home, and it would be my pleasure, Mr. Labor, to aid in making these goods. We are “mproving the quality of our goods each year, and when the time comes that manufacturers of crockery feel that they can have the share of our own market which is their due, the goods will grow finer and more choice very rapidly. Labor. We see, Mr. Phelps, by your analysis of the manufacture of crockery that it adds its testi- mony to the long line of proof that all we see or know of is labor. Mr. Phelps. Yes, labor is nearly all that can be found in crockery. These lessons are very interest- ing to me. I am paying strict attention to all that passes here. If there is any product in which nine- tenths of it is not shown to be labor I want to dis- cover what that product is. 70 Labors’ Hard Times School. labors’ Hard Times School. 71 Labor, Do you consider it essential, Mr. Phelps, that other countries should pay a duty on crockery? Mr. Phelps. I wish it were within my power, Mr. Labor, to answer that question in a manner to give full expression to the feelings within my heart on that subject. What living American can have the brazen effrontery to ask me to so far forget my wife and children as to consent that some man in France, Germany, England, China or any other country shall sell his days work to my neighbors, get their money (or, more truly speaking, my mo'ney) and take it home with him to his own country to live on and in- vest, and thus compel me through enforced idleness to ask those same neighbors to give me food to keep my little flock from starving, and when I get it (as I surely will in this good country) it is handed me on a dish that could I have had the privilege of making I would have been spared the pain and agony of constantly looking into the faces of patched and ragged children and wife? I would have been spared the pain and agony of anxious faces at the window when I came home, hoping to see something in my arms to appease their hunger. I would have been spared the pain and agony of being wakened at night by the sobbing of my wife, weeping over our distressed condition. I would have been spared the pain and agony of my family being frowned upon by everybody. I would have been spared the pain and agony as a subject of scorn by all who knew me, charging that I was a worthless and lazy lout. I would have been spared the pain and agony that the future did not hold a happy thought or hope for me and those I love. No, Mr. Labor, free trade or nominal duties means 72 Labors’ Hard Times School. giving to other countries before our own families are fed. Protection means to feed and clothe our own first, then if we have anything to spare we can, if the people in other countries are in need, contribute to them if we choose (a thing this country nearly always does choose to do) and take credit for the gift on the score of charity — which would be our due. To me so long as labor is all I have on this earth to sell I look upon those who vote for and support men with the view that when they become officials they will make laws not only permitting but inviting other countries to sell their labor to my neighbors as not indirectly but directly keeping flour out of my meal chest. There may be a difference in taking out and keeping out, but to me and mine the result in either case would be the same. Providence kindly forbid that I should myself vote for candidates that I had the faintest suspicion would, if elected, help make laws that would keep it out. Right here I want to ask the question, — when the time comes that I cannot sell my labor (which is all I have or can sell) what will I have to purchase other countries’ labor (products) with? Lessons here have already shown that the talk about our goods, particularly our manufactured products in foreign markets, is not a thing less than impertinent hypocrisy on a swell and ruthless masquerade. If our own home markets represent ninety-eight cents of each dollar oi our manufactured products, ignoring the ninety-eight cents interest to chase after the two^ has about as much business sagacity Labors’ Hard Times School. 73 with regard to prudence and safety as a man would display should he jump overboard in mid-ocean from one of our modern greyhound liners to grab on to a floating plank, hoping to find better accommoda- tions. The liner would serve the fool man right not to stop to pick him up, and people who are contin ually harping about foreign markets for our manu- factured products, to the neglect and abuse of our own home markets, should be ignored in a like manner. Right now in these beautiful June days our mar- kets are being loaded to rounded measure with for- eign products, which means fewer days works for our own people, while the United States Senate is wrangling whether to stop it at all or not. Their treatment of American labor in this is about as just as it would be to the inhabitants of a city should their officials take special pains to purchase only balky horses for their fire department. Times are never easy and good except when labor in all lines is employed and there is an interchange of purchases by the employees of a multitude of fac- tories representing our various products. I will take it for granted, Mr. Labor, that I have your permis- sion to try to illustrate what I mean, although it may be done in a homely kind of a way. Let us suppose that we have an ideal manufac- turing city covering fifty industries, and that each in- dustry employs five hundred adult men; counting four persons to the family for each adult man gives us two thousand persons for each industry, or one hundred thousand people for our ideal city, which, for convenience, we will call Groversville. Such a city would support ten thousand more people, mak- 74 Labors’ Hard Times School. ing forty thousand, including their families. This latter number would include retailers of goods, mar- ket men, bankers, lawyers, physicians, school teach- ers, traveling salesmen, etc., etc. They all have their method of laboring for a living, and are to be counted as well as the common laborer who will be found among them. We will now, for the convenience of illustratirfg, make the pay of each employee and the pay roll of each factory the same. The wages of each employe shall be ^2.50 per day, or ^15 per week. This esti- mate makes the weekly pay roll of each factory em- ploying 500 adults $7,500; the total weekly pay roll of the whole fifty industries amounting to $375,000. When these factories are all running and all the employees are busy, everybody in this brisk little city has money; you see the children even buying nuts, candy, toys, etc. All the 140,000, or the men among that number, are buying, wearing and destroying the hats the 500 men are making, and the women of this same num- ber of people are wearing hats and bonnets made by 500 other adults suitable for them. All the 140,000 people are wearing out the shoes the 500 are making; they are wearing shirts the 500 in that line are turning out; 500 more are making hosiery for the 140,000. Carry this on into clothing, gloves, crockery, tin- ware, stoves, cigars, umbrellas, brushes, pins, cloth, jewelry, watches, clocks, carpets, underwear, cutlery, and on and on until the whole fifty industries are covered and then endeavor to recognize the consum- ing ability of this 140,000 people of their own products among themselves. Do they consume one- Labors’ Hard Times School. 75 fourth, one-third, one-half, two-thirds, or what pro- portion do they purchase, wear out and in a manner waste? When this country is prosperous our people do not wear their clothes threadbare as in former days. When they are rusty or out of style they cast them off and buy new, (and what a boon this cast- off clothing and shoes, etc., of the few fortunate ones the past few years has been to the great masses who have been less fortunate). This practice reaches on into all classes of goods; carpets are rarely worn out any more. When they show wear and decay and patterns have changed, if times are good they are replaced with the new and more modern. The same with furniture and a thousand things; it is not con- sidered economy to pay for a full days work and accept a half days output on account of worn-out machinery; hence the constant change of the old for the new in this line. Add to this the modern ma- chinery that is daily taking the place of that which is still good. Think of the good railroad locomotives that of late years have been relegated to the scrap pile to make room for the more powerful and swifter ones. It is these features covering the wide fields of the broadest and best known life and living to the great- est number that make our markets nearly as great as the combined markets of the balance of the world. Our markets are so inviting that they become a tar- get for the vicious commercial eye of the inhabitants of the whole earth, I shall not undertake to decide, Mr. Labor, just what proportion of the product of Groversville the inhabitants and the farming community who trade there will consume, but I shall undertake to show 76 Labors’ Hard Times School. that if you take that consuming ability away from them, from that moment the city is doomed. Now, when all is prosperity what patrons they are of the farmer; what a feast he has supplying them with milk, butter, garden stuff, etc., and in turn the farmer with the money he receives from them buys their products to supply the wants of his own family. This exchange of commodities covers and makes happy a large territory surrounding Groversville. Farmers as a class find a special satisfaction in grat- ifying the desires of their families, and seldom can anything exceed the market of a good live factory town in equipping them to do this very thing. We will remain within consistent bounds now in presuming that most of the goods now manufactured in Groversville, where all appear to be so contented and happy, can be produced and supplied by foreign countries. This feature being accepted as a fact, we are led to ask what are the foreign goods? There can be no answer other than “ Like our own, they represent labor and but little else.” Proceeding now from the standpoint of the free- trader, we permit the foreigner to ship his products into our prosperous little town without paying any duty. The next question shall be: “What are the costs of the foreign goods as compared to our own?” Ocean freights and bulk car load rates by rail will not amount to a penny apiece on -hats when figured down to the single one, and it is safe to claim that the same ratio will hold good in all the lines, heavy freights not differing sufficiently to destroy the principle involved. ■ Since, then, the transportation practically cuts no figure, the cost of raw material in foreign countries Labors’ Hard Times School. 77 being nearly zero, the same as our own, the chief, and, in a sense, the only item we have as a base in estimating the comparative cost of the goods is the labor. This true, then what is their scale of wages as compared with ours? That it is very much lower is a fact never disputed. Then, for convenience in comparison, we will call it one dollar per day for their adults, while our wages had been $2.50 per day. Their weekly pay roll for 25,000 men would amount to $150,000, while the sum of our pay roll for the same number of men at $2.50 per day had been $375,000 per week, showing in round numbers that the product manufactured abroad (same goods as ours) delivered will be less than half the cost of our own. We must bear in mind that our ideal manufactur- ing town’s (Groversville’s) prosperity was due to pro- tective duties, which practically prevented foreign countries from disturbing their business. For illustration, as named before, we are going to open it up now and permit products from all coun- tries to come in free of duty. What is the result? Foreign representatives come thick and fast; the retail merchants in our snug and happy city are astounded and delighted with the new quotations and stock up heWily. They advertise extensively, offering goods for half of former prices. Their chief customers, who are the very employees of Grovers- ville’s own factories, are elated that a little money goes so far, and do not stop to think as to the man- ner of pushing each other about in their frenzy to reach the counters first. While their money lasts they continue to buy, and 78 Labors’ Hard Times School. because everything is cheap they load themselves down with articles they have no use for. There is a great buzz and talk among the factory employees and their families about the new order of affairs. They ruthlessly score the robber manu- facturers for the robber profits they have been mak- ing, virtually declare, vengeance, ask for an increase of pay, and threaten to strike, never having business vision sufficient to see or learn that the difference in the cost of the products had been paid to them, and up to the time of their blindly taking labor by the throat and choking the life out of it themselves, they had been the very ones receiving the special benefits^ During all this rash and imprudent happiness and wrath on the one side, yet barely three months old, the manufacturer is walking about with a long drawn and careworn face. For some time his salesmen have been reporting they could get no orders; that their old customers were giving them the laugh and flashing in their faces quotations on foreign goods that it was utterly impossible to meet. The manufacturer’s stock of completed goods con- tinues to accummulate; he looks on with awe; many of his employees have noticed his confusion; they converse in low voice; slyly nudge each other and show in their faces a smothered pleasure at his dis- comfiture, never for a moment recognizing any feature of their own part in the delusion. The retail merchants wink at each other when he (the manufacturer) passes on the street, children point at him as he goes along with. a sad face, and say: “There goes the old Papa and Mamma were talking about.” All blind, everyone of them blind as bats, buying foreign goods, chuckling over Labors’ Hard Times School, 79 the prices and ridiculing the man who had supplied them the money to buy them with, fancying there could be no limit to his ability to continue doing so. Postively there must be an end to all this, and what is it? The manufacturer looks at the stock of unsold goods; he calls his salesmen into his private office; they tell him there is no use trying, they cannot get orders, merchants refuse to pay two prices when they can buy the goods for one. He turns to his ac- countants, they tell him his bank account is over- drawn and that his notes to the bank are falling due. There is but little discussion as to what must be done; one course only can be pursued, which is, to largely reduce his force, or shut down entirely. The whole fifty enterprises are in the same condition. Say that the finances of twenty-five of the concerns are such that they can run one-half time by reduc- ing their force one-half; that is, they can run 250 men half time in place of 500 men full time. The financial condition of the other twenty-five factories is such that they have to shut down at once. What have we now in our once ideal and happy manufacturing little city of Groversville? We have a panic. Just what the whole U. S. had in 1893 and it did not come from what had been done, but was caused by a simple promise of what was going to be done. In the past, when all was running smoothly, and it looked like such conditions would continue inde- finitely, there was but little if any anxiety; now it is all anxiety. Manufacturers hoping against hope had run too long, having had no experience in the conditions 8o Labors’ Hard Times School. Labors’ Hard Times School. 8i that confronted them they allowed products to ac- cumulate that it was out of the question to market and realize on. Meeting obligations promptly for a term of years had given them unlimited credit at the banks, and failing to anticipate the magnitude ot the crisis they were approaching they used their credits in a manner to cause them many regrets later on. It is rare at best when manufacturers are not large borrowers three quarters of the time. It requires large capital to invest in labor during March, April, May, June, July and August constructing goods for the following Winter’s market and it is the same conditions for the next six months for the following Summer’s market. Some products can be realized on in thirty days, some ninety and others again require six months and a year to turn them. What an immense sum of money then must a large manu- facturer possess to avoid being a heavy borrower most of the time. Groversville has been no exception to the customs and laws that govern commerce. The manufactur- ers’ paper was falling due at the bank and for the first time in their lives they could not meet it. They were first-class men with all that the term implies and it was their intention to continue to be, but now they were befogged, confounded, bewildered; with not a path or road to follow that promised the slightest relief. The banks extended their paper thirty, sixty and ninety days only to extend it again when the time rolled around. The bankers of our once ideal Groversville, keen business men as they must be, were forced unwil- 82 Labors’ Hard Times Schood. lingly to recognize the danger ahead and they began to buckle on their life preservers. Business friend- ship made an unconditional surrender to that inex- orable law “Self Preservation.” The banks began to demand payment; they stood in terrible awe of threatened runs; many of the frugal and saving employees had deposited portions of their weekly pay with them for years, and in addi- tion to so many being out of work and needing their money to buy food, which was drained out daily, they wer^ becoming alarmed as to the safety of the banks. The manufacturer, hard pressed, had but one ave- nue, which was to force his products on the market, not at prices they ought to bring but at prices they would bring, and with that he could not place enough to meet the paper he had out. The merchants of Groversville did not want them at any price, except to replace an occasional article they had run out of. They were not making purchases of either foreign or home made goods now, and why? Nine-tenths of their trade had been with the employees of the fac- tories, but the days of the latter receiving, combined, ^375,000 each week to put into circulation in their little town, was past. The few that had work half the time now were receiving ^93,750 all told, every week and this had to be used very judiciously at the market. There was not one penny for luxuries and much that had once been deemed necessities had been thoroughly trimmed down. By the changed conditions ^281,250 per week had been taken out of circulation, amounting in fifty-two weeks to the modest sum of ^14,625,000, leaving Labors’ Hard Times School. 83 ;?4,875 ,ooo for the 140,000 people to subsist on per year as compared to the former good times when $19,500,000 represented the handsome total of yearly wages. It is safe to estimate that not more than ten per cent of that sum was laid by, which left over $17,500,000 absolutely in circulation in our Grovers- ville yearly. What have we since the change, every body felt so good about at one time? We have 6,500 adults employed about half the time; Vv^e have 18,750 adults out of work entirely. Do you think the manufacturer is the only man wearing a serious countenance now? The merchants, although they do not appear to recognize what hit them, are not winking at each other when he (the manufacturer) passes. The mirth that was on every street corner and in every conversation up to the time of the changed conditions has taken wings and sailed away. The Doctor and Lawyer, who once walked up the street arm in arm with cheerful glee, go alone now, and are talking to themselves. The idle workmen meet in groups around the silent factories that boys have stoned the windows out of and otherwise defaced 'till the old workshops have as worried and dilapidated a look as the men themselves. They discuss their misfortunes and at- tribute them to all kinds of causes, chiefly blaming their former employers, never discovering that by purchasing foreign goods, which means foreign labor, rather than our own products and their own labor, they brought the disasters on themselves. It is due to charge too, that primarly the laborer is more to blame for free trade laws that cause them to suffer than any other class. They are always 84 Labors’ Hard Times School. listening to the demagogue, and following in the paths he marks out for them. We are all laboring men, but the class I refer to is the factory man and the mechanics. Farmers are laboring men, but a large majority of them know enough to know that when all factory men and me- chanics have work, what they raise on the farm finds a swifter market, and sometimes, Mr. Labor, I feel that were it not for the farmer vote our country would go to the d 1 and stay there. Ask the farmers who sold vegetables, chickens, eggs, butter, etc. to the merchants or factory people of Groversville prior to the failure of the manufac- turers and some of the merchants and prior to the collapse of a few of the banks. They will tell you that as compared to the ideal times they prac- tically have no market now, and that the people must have been living on dry bread and potatoes, and presumably on restricted quantities of these substantial. This question could be handled more in detail, Mr. Labor, but would have required more time and possibly would have been at the expense of interest. The principles involved are vital to our country and I have not proceeded so much with a view to ac- curacy as that the workingman may discover his own true interest, and in the future ignore the dema- gogue who attempts to misleade him. I want the physician, the banker, the lawyer, the merchant, the clerk, the blacksmith, the plowman to recognize in the broadest and best sense what it is that puts money in circulation. You take labor out of a product and you have quite touched zero, and as our labor in manufactured Labors’ Hard Times School. B5 products and farm products approaches zero, so will our money in circulation approach zero. It is beyond dispute, should we purchase all the products we use, both farm and manufactured, from foreign countries, those countries would in time have all our money, and when our money was gone the circulation would be zero pure and simple, would it not, Mr. Labor? I earnestly desire to emphasize the fact that it is just as essential to sell our own labor accumulated in manufactured products as it is to sell our labor accumulated in farm products, and that there can be just as clean an argument made in favor of our buying farm products of foreign countries, which is accumulated labor, as there can be to purchase manufactured goods of foreign countries which is accumulated labor. There are many products to purchase from foreign countries that we do not manufacture or raise, but when we have bought them we have gone far enough, and if we Americans will stop at that point there will always be plenty of money in circulation in the U. S., so long as our Con- gress increases the volume that works on the markets as an acceptable medium of exchange, call it money or what you may, in ratio to the increase in inhab- itants, which they always have done and very likely always will do. When the physician buys the cloth for his clothes of a foreign country and sends his money to that \ country, he should not complain if the factory man making cloth in our own country fails to pay his doctor bill. This sentiment holds good with the minister, the lawyer, the dentist, the school teacher, the college 86 Labors’ Hard Times School. instructor, the servant girl, the spectacle man and the spectacular man; true home prudence forbids a single exception, and the success of the industries in our country are dependent on such sentiments. There is as little sense in a factory man belonging in the United States buying a set of knives and forks made by foreign labor, when he could buy a set he made himself, as there would be if a farmer should throw his own wheat in the lake and then go to his neighbour farmer and buy wheat for bread for his own family. The ideal city of Groversville, that we have used, endeavoring, Mr. Labor, to illustrate that the suc- cess of the citizens depended upon an undisturbed exchange of commodities among themselves, is quite an example of what we have experienced all over the United States duting the past four years. Labor. Has not the strain our country has under- gone since 1893 been the cause, Mr. Phelps, of your thinking out what you have just illustrated to us? Mr. Phelps. Yes, with the prosperity we had prior to that time we had but little occasion to study such questions. Labor. Your thoughts and talk have been very in- teresting, and I am confident the class feel very grateful to you for your views and illustrations thus far and are anxius for more. Mr. Phelps. I thank you, Mr. Labor, for the kind expressions, and for fear I may overlook one point I will add now: Should any critic succeed in picking the compar- isons and illustrations I have made or may make to pieces; should he be able to establish that foreign countries pay as high wages as our own, and that Labors’ Hard Times School. 87 the goods he may mention cost as much as ours in the same line do, granting it can be possible to prove all this, then I shall ask him to give us sufificient reasons why we should patronize foreign countries, purchase their products, take our money out of cir- culation, send it to those countries and starve our own. If all my country has to sell is labor, why don’t we buy our own and keep turning our money over and over here at home, regardless of any other coimtry? Can any critic or any living man conceive of a surer method of reducing the circulation of money in our own country than by sending it to other countries? I understand, Mr. Labor, that these sentiments are what this school is endeavoring to bring to the at- tention of the American people, and I firmly believe, had they been thoroughly analyzed ten years ago, we would have been spared the strain our country has suffered the last four years. Of course, w^e are always in danger of a set-back through over-pro- duction, but when the over-production comes, why not let it be all our own? We virtually had no over-production in 1892. No doubt, the production was equal to the demand; so, too, was the demand equal to the production. Then, what did ail us in 1893? Why was there talk about January ist, 1893, of President Harrison’s adminis- tration having to issue bonds, a thing unknown for a long term of years except for the purpose of re- funding our debt at less interest? Did not the free trade platform for 1892 declare for tariff for revenue only; which all protectionists 88 Labors’ Hard Times School. charge except for revenue is no better than free trade? Did not the free trade speakers proclaim from the stump that it practically meant free trade; at least, that it was a step in that direction, a thing they coveted so much? Did they not keep' up this talk from the time of the Convention in June until the election in November, especially whenever they had an audience that gave them the slightest evidence such a dectrine would suit? Did they not dwell upon the fact, particularly when talking to the laboring men, that everything would be cheaper, and try to show that a protective tariff robbed the working man? Did not their prediction that everything would be cheaper prove true? Hasn't a large proportion of our labor been so cheap that it has brought no price at all? Did they not, when they cheapened everything, cheapen our people as well? If cheap everything does not mean cheap people, then why can you get so much for your money in China? I overheard this conversation: A said to B a few days ago that B had never seen the time when a dollar would buy as much as at the present. B told A he was slightly mistaken so far as he was concerned, and continued: As the case with me and thousands of others stands today, I couldn’t buy a dollar’s worth of stockings, a dollar’s worth of neckties, a dollar’s worth of collars and cuffs, or a dollar’s worth of anything, for the absence of the dollar to make the purchase with shuts me out utterly. The absence of the dollar has included such a Labors’ Hard Times School. 89 mass of people during the last four years that this fact should be allowed to solve the question of cheapness in this country for a long time. If tasting is not believing, then our late lessons in the concrete have been in vain. I want to ask you, Mr. Labor, had you been ever so extensive an importer, ordinarily bringing millions of dollars worth of foreign products into our country yearly, would you not after June, 1892, with the pos- sibility of a party coming into power under a promise of radical changes in our tariff, leaning toward free trade, would you not have imported in as small quantities as possible and hold your trade in line? Would you not have advised your trade to withold their orders and not be caught with a heavy stock of foreign goods and thus subject themselves to loss through a promised reduction in tariff duties? Labor, Surely, Mr. Phelps, that is about what I would have done. Mr, Phelps. Yes, Mr. Labor, and that is what the importers did, and there was but little occasion for them to advise their customers to withold their orders, either. Men who hazard their money in busi- ness that custom duties can affect, keep close watch of plain questions such as tariff, whether high, low or no duties at all; hence it is evident that all in- vestors in foreign products were awaiting the result of the election prior to stocking up. Such being the case, what have we to expect of them after election when the defenders of low duties and free trade had successfully carried all depart- ments of the National Government and there was not a single thing standing in the way of their putting into practice what they had been preaching. Under go Labors’ Hard Times School. siuh conditions, Mr. Labor, as an importer, you would have brought in only such products as were required to supply the immediate demand. Labor. Certainly, it would have been rash madness to be found with a large stock of either our own or foreign goods on hand and the duty lowered, and you are right, Mr. Phelps, when you claim that in the light of all the facts arnd prospects importers would not and did not import except just what they were compelled to have to properly protect their trade. Mr. Phelps. Then, Mr. Labor, if importing had been largely deferred awaiting tariff legislation from the new administration, the receipts to the govern- ment or revenue from duties on such goods would have largely fallen off, would they not? Labor. Yes, and the shrinkage in revenue would have reached back to the opening of the campaign prior to election, which covered the last nine months of President Harrison’s administration. Mr. Phelps. Then it is no wonder that President Harrison’s administration at the close came so near having to issue bonds. Labor. Not any wonder; the McKinley bill was ingeniously drafted with a view to first thoroughly protect American labor and then, if possible, provide but a small amount of revenue more than was re- quired to pay interest on the public debt and cover the cost of running the Government, and anything that tended to stop imports very much would very quickly cut off revenue to the extent of embarrass- ment. Mr. Phelps. Then it is a plain question why the Labors’ Hard Times School. gi new administration had to issue bonds shortly after it came into power. Labor, Very true; it is clear enough, Mr. Phelps, that importers would continue to defer contracts of any magnitude until after the promised change in the tariff schedule. During this time the usual expenses of the government had to be met, and if the income from revenues was insufficient in order to preserve the credit of our country the money had to be found in some other way, and the only alter- native was for the government to give its note, and one that was backed with a pledge the same as a merchant would hypothecate some securities for money at a bank to pay his debts or to do business with. Your version of the situation is the true one, no matter how scientifically any critic may endeavor to disguise the fact. The new administration found in the treasury just sufficient money left over from President Harrison's administration to preserve the tone of the government’s credit, which had been brought to this, the danger point, by the causes you have outlined. There being no surplus left, the new administration had to dip its hands into the vitals of the reserved fund in order to keep the wheels mov- ing, and for the falling off of revenues that had for- merly kept the reserved fund not only whole but with a surplus, they were forced to issue bonds. Mr. Phelps. Now, Mr. Labor, there was one other condition that did not only confront, but v/as on top of us; we were under its very feet and its victims utterly, and this is where we received the blow that knocked us out; the one that stopped the functions of our commercial heart. We have not recovered our breath yet, and it will be a long time after the 92 Labors* Hard Times School. adoption of a good measure protecting our own market for the sale of our own labor, before we can take a good long natural breath. I will ask you now, Mr. Labor, to act the part of a large manufacturer whose pay roll to the working man had for years aggregated ^50,000.00 per week. We will take it for granted that your line was one that could be materially affected by a change in the tariff, with all the conditions that met the importer in June, 1892. What would you, as a manufacturer of large quantities of goods, have done? Labor, Under the circumstances I would have pro- ceeded very cautiously, and if I had but few orders on hand to fill, possibly I would have shut down for a while. To say the least, in the absence of good orders for the future, I should and would have made every possible cut in expenses, and ventures also. Mr. Phelps. Won’t you please outline, Mr. Labor, what >iDur process of cutting would have been? Labor. It will require but few words to do that. The gravity of the situation was such that I could not have been justified in anticipating the market for any small amount even, and as labor is the chief cost in all products, there is where my cut would have fallen wholly, even to the extent of cutting out my own salary, and in place of holding to a pay- roll of $50,000.00 each week, it would have been re- duced to from one to five thousand dollars. It is evident, if the value of goods was to be largely re- duced in our markets by foreign manufacturers stocking it up with products that cost them only half for labor that the same goods cost me, I would have to wait and not dare anticipate a market until I could arrange with my workmen to be satisfied Labors’ Hard Times School. 93 v/ith half the pay they had formerly received or such a reduction as to put me on an even basis with people who, when we accord full justice to our own working classes, have no more right to our market than you, Mr. Phelps, have to take my overcoat and through some hocus-pocus law be protected to the extent of keeping it. Mr, Phelps, Then if your product, Mr. Labor, had been one that had two seasons, one spring and sum- mer and the other fall and winter, you would, man- ufacturing through the spring and summer for the following winter’s market, at the rate of ^50,000.00 pay roll each week, have had to anticipate the mar- ket in the sum of over a million dollars invested in labor, and a like amount again manufacturing through the fall and winter for the following spring and summer market. Labor, To a limit, Mr. Phelps, you are correct, but not wholly. During the summer many whole- salers would contract with me for large quantities of goods for the next winter, and during the winter they would give orders for the following summer^ thus I would, as a rule, have goods sold in advance in such quantities as to justify me in anticipating the market sufficiently to keep my factories running the whole year. Mr, Phelps, It is very clear then, Mr. Labor, that the usual investors, wholesalers or general distribu- tors of goods, or whatever name you may choose to give them, would be governed by the same mo- tives that influenced the importers. Keen foresight, that experience is always touching up to a hair- splitting edge, would prompt them to forego making contracts for goods six months in advance, as had 94 Labors* Hard Times School. been their custom, and they would have held off until the mooted questions were settled one way or the other, ever mindful that should we have a reduc- tion in duties (which had been sacredly promised, and there was not one thing standing in the way of that promise being fulfilled) they might want to place the orders formerly given to you with foreign manufacturers, and especially would they make their plans such as to be free to do so, provided you could not meet the prices of the foreign goods when tariff reduction came. Receiving telegrams and letters daily from your agents on the road that they could not secure orders for future delivery from old cus- tomers or make any new patrons, would serve to modify the appetite of the most brilliant and ambi- tious manufacturer our country could boast. The melancholy pervading everything at that time would have thoroughly admonished you to remain on shore while the danger signals were up, just as all conserv- ative manufacturers did do. I ask you, Mr. Labor, how any producer of goods could have had the courage to push his industry to its accustomed limit when he believed himself that there was a business cri- sis inevitably near and all the commercial transactions of the day, week or month bore testimony that his convictions were the convictions of a mass of people? Many no doubt felt that they were waiting for some- thing better, but manufacturers with rarely an excep- tion could not be lured into any such belief; they knew what was coming was not only bad but full of hazard. They gathered before the powers at the capitol to point out the dangers, but they were turned down, not from the standpoint that they had for years fed, clothed, housed and schooled millions Labors’ Hard Times Schood. 95 of people, but from the standpoint that they had been ruthless robbers of millions; as if the astron- omer should know nothing about astronomy, the geologist nothing about geology, the physician noth- ing about medicine, the dentist nothing about dent- istry, the watchmaker nothing about a watch, the farmer nothing about farming, so the manufacturers knew not a thing about their own business, as to what would save it or kill it, in the eyes of those in authority. Experience and practice, no matter for how long a term of years, was charged to selfishness and was compelled to and did give way to theory and destruction. Labor. You have made a strictly logical state- ment of the situation, Mr. Phelps, and, as I said at the outset, I should not have entertained a single thought of anticipating the market, and should be- yond any doubt have reduced my expenses to $5,000 per week if not less, or shut down entirely. Mr. Phelps. To have reduced your expenses to $5,000 per week would have forced you to discon- tinue the services of a multitude of people? Labor. Yes, enough to fill two large churches, and their families would fill eight more. Mr. Phelps. By making such a reduction, Mr. Labor, you would keep from them $45,000 per week, the. sum they had formerly, which provided them their means of living? Labor. This is true, and this carries us back to your ideal manufacturing city of Groversville. Your illustration there made vivid just what happened to our country in 1892 and 1893. Mr. Phelps. You have, Mr. Labor, with just one stroke and only one factory, taken $45,000 out of 96 Labors’ Hard Times School. circulation each week, amounting for the whole year to ^2, 340,000. Only one factory, mind you, did this, when, if you will ask any man who traveled to any extent in the United States during 1893 and 1894 he will tell you what a multitude of factories were empty and silent in those years, from the small ones to the large ones, with the glass in the windows stoned out, just as I pictured, Mr. Labor, in our once ideal city of Groversville, and most of those that continued to run were doing so with half force on half time or less. If one large factory cuts its force to the point of practically closing, reducing the circulation of money in the United States $2,000,000 and over yearly, what will 100 factories large and small, virtually shut down, do? How much will 500 closed, or at best operated with a small force, reduce it? And in a like manner how many millions of dollars will 1,000 idle factories take out of circulation in the United States yearly, as compared to their running full force, full pay, full time, which they were doing prior to the fall of 1892? Gold men with free trade proclivities told us in the fall of 1893 that a repeal of the Sherman bill would give relief and good times again. Men in favor of protective duties for our labor told them it would not make an iota of difference, but that if the President would issue a message that he would veto any bills affecting the tariff that Congress could pass, business would revive at once. The Sherman silver purchasing bill was repealed, and it did not lessen the strain with the idle a part- icle. A free silver man told me to-day (May 25, 1897) that the repeal of the Sherman bill reducing the Labors’ Hard Times School. 97 purchase of silver is what took the money out ot circulation and caused the hard times. Think of it, Mr. Labor, the Sherman bill purchased in round numbers ^50,000,000 worth of silver bullion each year. The reduction in twenty-five factories such as you represented amounts to more than that. One hundred such closed factories will amount to five times the sum the repeal of the Sherman bill took out of circulation, and 1,000 factories closed, take them as they averaged, or running with reduced force on one-fourth or one-half time, would take thirty to fifty times the money out of circulation that the repeal of the Sherman bill did. The sum of money that would represent the amount that labor lost by workingone-half or one-fourth or partial time, as compared to what it received for full time prior to the fall of 1892 added to a sum that would represent what labor has lost through idleness since the fall of 1892 as compared to the steady work prior, would ag- gregate money enough to have continued the purchase monthly of all the silver bullion that the Sherman bill required the Government to take, and labor would have had enough over to have made millions of mortals happy, who for the past four years have been total strangers to a thing that had a single finger pointing in the direction of contentment. The combined labor of the United States em- ployed, as it had been up to the summer of 1892, could have purchased the four and a half millions of silver monthly, the amount named in the Sherman bill, and dumped it into the middle of ihe ocean and never found out it had been hit. It would have been like an infant striking a giant. What is silver bullion, Mr. Labor? g % Labors’ Hard Times School. Labor. Silver bullion represents labor the same as wheat or anything else. If not, why do silver mine owners claim that they cannot afford to work their mines at present prices for the bullion? If they pay their help more to produce an ounce of silver bullion than they can sell it for they lose money, and what on? On the labor, of course, the same as the farmer does on a bushel of wheat if he cannot sell it for as much as it costs him to raise it. Our government, Mr. Phelps, buys flour, which literally is the farmers’ wheat, for the army and navy, and when they pay for it it puts money into circulation, but it aims not to buy anymore than the army needs. Mr. Phelps. Yes, Mr. Labor, and during the late war the government purchased immense quantities of flour, oats, etc., but when the army was disbanded after the close of the war its purchases were so largely reduced that practically it demonetized flour and oats. I have often wondered since the silver agitation why the farmers did not kick at the time and make a national issue of the demonetiza- tion of grain by the government. Labor. You must keep in mind, Mr. Phelps, that the silver men claim that the purchase of $50,000,000 worth of silver each year by our govern- ment put that much more absolute money in circu- lation yearly. Mr. Phelps. It looks to me, Mr. Labor, like it put that many more tons of silver in the government vaults each year. If the silver men could show me that the people carried the silver and used it I could take a more charitable view of their claims. Labor. Yes, Mr.' Phelps, but the government is- Labors’ Hard Times School. 99 sued silver certificates that the people did carry, and held the silver to redeem the certificates. Mr. Phelps. I understand that, Mr. Labor, and I understand, too, that if silver was the only thing be- hind the silver certificates to-day it would be worth less than one-half its face value. It looks to me too much like putting a small boy in front of me to pick a fuss with someone full grown, when I know the boy hasn’t stuff enough in him to make the fight. I might be able to get boys enough together to even the contest up, but I don’t believe all the law crea- tors on earth could put stuff enough in that one boy, so that he could have an even show with a man who had by nature more than twice the boy’s power. And in my opinion we are losing time when we try to make ourselves believe that by some hocus-pocus national law, as you call it, we can change any of nature’s laws. Labor. Won’t free silver men, Mr. Phelps, charge you with carrying this question too high when you attempt to bring nature into it? Mr. Phelps. How can they keep nature out of the qualities of our minerals any more than they can out of the various qualities of grass, flowers, timber and men? When they undertake to tell me that they can, by national legislation, send the sweet fragrance of a choice rose into some noxious weed I shall not believe them. There has always been, and always will be, an exchange between gold and iron, but the fluctuating changes of ratio of value by weights be- tween the two metals in the past would make some- thing of a monkey of any man who would recom- mend laws regulating and establishing any given lOO Labors’ Hard Times School. ratio of exchange by weights between the two metals for the future. In this is there not something of a lesson, Mr. Labor, to free silver men when they charge that gold has gone up? How has it been with iron? Has gold gone up, or has iron gone down? How about diamonds and glass? Can any fixed exchange by law that will hold be established be- tween the two, or between either or any precious stones ranging between glass and diamonds? No, not even though diamonds became as plenty as glass, for then, on account of the utility of glass, it would be the more valuable. The same holds good with gold and iron. Should gold be found in the same abundance as iron its special value would depart at once, the same as the special value of silver is depart- ing, and all the law below, and all the law in Heaven above could not stay its departure. No doubt, Mr. Labor, we could, if forced to, get along without gold, but what would we do without iron? As well, too, could we live without diamonds, but what would our discomforts be in the total absence of glass? Let the free silver advocates strike at nature if they so choose, Mr. Labor, but if they do, and avoid any and all harm to themselves, you and I will be just as safe as they. I cannot believe in their theory; with all their efforts they have not proven one thing to me except that I must distrust their motives. Their claim to all wisdom is only equalled by the claims of the free trader. All who disagree with either of them are fools or dishonest. The free trade we have tried for nearly four years; the free silver I hope we shall never be compelled to try, and now, to all free silver men who claim that there was a feature Labors’ Hard Times School. lOI in the $50,000,000 of silver purchased yearly by our government up to nearly the last of 1894, that should not be associated with labor because it became money, I will add, just to gratify them, another $50,000,000 for silver and help them make a pet of it, and then claim that the $100,000,000 taken out of circulation by the repeal of the Sherman bill, had days’ works remained what they were prior to 1893, could have been replaced, every dollar of it, by labor and proved absolutely no burden whatever. Then, Mr. Labor, if silverbullion represented labor and somewhere near its full value had been paid to labor,all the repeal of the Sherman silver bill could take from labor was, in round numbers, some $50,000,000 each year, while just from a promise only of a change in the tariff duties leaning towards free trade, at least in a sense ignoring the protection to labor features, factories enough closed during the last of 1892 and first of 1893, so that labor was receiving $30,000,000 a week less in the fall of 1893 than it did in the fall of 1892. Thus, while the repeal of the Sherman bill took from, labor $50,000,000 a year, the tariff legisla- tion was keeping out of labor’s pockets $125,000,000 each month. Then give labor that $125,000,000 and how easy it would be to pay the $4,500,000 each month for silver, even though the silver were thrown away. To satisfy and fully answer the charge that $50,000,000 of absolute money was taken out of cir- culation we see that labor could have taken on this extra $50,000,000 and not experienced any distress. No, it was not the repeal of the Sherman bill, nor our system of finance in any sense, that caused the hard times and suffering our country has experienced 102 Labors’ Hard Times School. since the national election of 1892. It is ninety-nine one-hundredths of it due to our unsold labor. Failing to sell our labor in manufactured products has iden- tically the same effect with our people as comes to us when the farmer’s product cannot be sold, and the farmer’s best market is that of the United States, everything considered, by twenty toone when we keep what is justly our own, which means to protect our own markets for the benefit of our own people, and this means keeping from ;?300, 000,000 to ^500,000,000 at home yearly more than was kept by the Wilson bill. The farmers are plowing and seeding to-day to feed the masses that are manufacturing. If those masses are idle how can the farmer feed them? He surely cannot afford to give his products away? If our goods are manufactured in foreign countries our farmers cannot hope to feed the people doing the work; they have farmers of their own to feed them. Our farmers may sell them a little wheat and some meat when they cannot get it elsewhere, and that is the only tlmehecansellthem, and all he can sell them, andwhen people shout — what an immense quantity of wheat and provisions we ship abroad, let them compare it to the amount we use at home, especially when all our labor is employed and the purchasing ability of the masses is what it can and should be. Our Gro- versville illustration, Mr. Labor, covers the whole situation, and although some may charge that it was too much in the extreme, it thoroughly demonstrates to any unprejudiced mind that if we could have sold all our labor since 1892 there would have been plenty of money in circulation and times would have been good. That illustration differed from what happened to Labors’ Hard Times School. 103 the country by our Ideal City having absolute free trade; while there was no bill before Congress that promised that much, there was a long season of doubt from the time of the election in November, 1892, until any bill at all was presented, and as to what the bill (which was sure to come) would pro- vide for. And that uncertainty, Mr. Labor, did just what you outlined as a supposed manufacturer. Jobbers or wholesalers would not give orders in advance as had been their custom. They could not afford to be caught with a large stock of goods on hand with the duties lowered. No matter how much money the manufacturer might have he would not take the chances and be caught, and if it had been his custom to borrow in order to carry his labor from two to six months thebanks would have refused him the money except he could show contracts ahead for goods. No matter how faithfully he had always met his obligations, or how trustworthy he might be, they would decline and kindly advise him to use extreme caution. The result was manufacturers shut down or worked a small force on one-fourth or one-half time as the case might be, and in proportion as the laboring man’s income was reduced, the amount of money in circulation was reduced. The scythe at work seemed to have edges top and bottom and on both sides; it was cutting commercially in every di- rection as never before, and those who have been so fortunate as to escape contact with its keen blades have the same occasion as the soldier whom the bul- lets in battle have missed, to bend the knee in prayer to Him who alone can be just, and render thanks for having been spared, and ask for that 104 Labors’ Hard Times School. guidance and wisdom in extending relief, consola- tion and good cheer to the suffering that Providence in his kind indulgence to them has indicated they owe; Charity ever — Malice never. We know not yet what the lesson has been for; possibly to settle one feature of the rights of labor, and teach this, the greatest people the sun has yet shone on, what labor truly is, what constitutes labor, what it must always be, and from whence it comes, when a product is offered for sale to the citizens of our own country. I firmly believe, Mr. Labor, that the United States of America is our Redeemer’s example country. That in His gracious benevolence to all mankind He is, so far as it is possible to make His never-erring hand felt, shaping the patterns here for the govern- ments of the balance of the earth. It is this grand country of ours that is alone to-day offering univer- sal education and universal opportunity without stint to all. Other countries are alreadyjmitating, and with their stale methods and slow processes of unfolding they will naturally remain in a state of im- itation for a long term of years. Each new genera- tion, however, will advance a step until in time a native in any land can find a small percentage of freedom and liberty without going away from his own loved home and flag, and he can give the United States of America credit for having blazed the way. Labor. I feel now, Mr. Phelps, by the the illus- tration of your example city of Groversville, together with what the importers and manufacturers abso- lutely did in 1892 and 1893, we have shown to any unbiased mind why President Harrison’s adminstra- tion at the last came so near having to issue bonds, and what has taken money out of circulation and io6 Labors’ Hard Times School. caused the terrible strain our country has been the victim of for so long a time. Mr. Phelps. True, Mr. Labor, but I want to ask now why, after the Wilson bill passed with its reduc- tion in tax on foreign goods, so little importing was done? Labor. It all seems plain enough; you know very well Mr. Phelps, that we had then in full measure the application of a former question from you, which was: “What would you have to buy foreign goods or any products with when you failed to sell your labor, which was all you had to sell and your only possible source of obtaining money?” The laboring masses in manufacturing industries after being thrown out of employment soon lived up what they had saved and in a measure became de- pendent, living by doing odd jobs, which was a very poor substitute, on account of there not being enough to go round. Mr. Phelps. Very true, Mr. Labor. I have in mind an absolute illustration: a middle aged man, with whom I fell into conversation on a New York ferry boat in the summer of 1896, said that the week before he earned three dollars shoveling coal, and the present week he earned ^1.50, and lie did not know when he would find anything more to d(\ Said he was a moulder by trade and for years up to 1893 had found steady employment at from ^15.00 to ^18.00 per week. Now, if we allow him for shov- eling coal, or any odd jobs he could find, three dollars each week, which is liberal, we find this one man has unadvoidably reduced the circulation of money from $12.00 to ^15.00 extra weekly. When it becomes separated, each dollar may in the next thirty days Labors’ Hard Times School. 107 pass through lOO different hands. While we have now a thoroughly realizing sense of what the absence of this money does to us all, we are at sea when we attempt to discover in an imaginary way even the amount of good from it when in hand. Suppose he buys a coat with it, and the profits go to a serv- ant girl working for the man of whom he bought the coat, who passes her share on and on, the balance goes back to the factory to pay some man for mak- ing some other man a coat to take the place of the one just sold. The coat maker sends it ahead again as soon as the money falls in his hands, provided the coat is made in our own country, and thus the man of toil, when he can get hold of the money, starts it traveling. This case is but one of hundreds of thousands; three dollars per week instead of from ten to twenty eaeh for the multitude to spend, which had been the case for so long a term prior to the Wilson bill becoming a law, was pointer enough to the importer to convince him that the purchasing ability of the people had reached that state that if he brought foreign goods into the country in any ex- tended quantities he would have to keep them, and the picture of riches the importer had permitted to form in his mind’s eye vanished, and for the need of revenue on account of products not coming in and paying duty, our Government continued to issue bonds. The country had been under such a terrible strain from November, 1892, up to the time the Wilson bill became a law, that the masses had become so thoroughly reduced and shattered in purchasing ability that there was no call for goods. Merchants were marking down, selling out and living up the re- io8 Labors’ Hard Times School. ceipts. Formerly they had subsisted on the profits and as a rule had some profits over and above the demand for their living and business expenses, and there have been thousands of instances where the department stores had their eagle eye on the lesser fellow, watching to pick his outfit up at bankrupt rates and then advertise the goods at prices that the importers did not want to fly in the face of; besides everybody who had means recognizing the uncer- tainties in all directions, lived on lines severly pru- dent and economical as compared to what they had done. Labor. Quite right; the want, Mr. Phelps, of peo- ple to take the goods on hand at practically their own prices admonished the importers not to bring more, and their declining to do so left the Government without sufficient revenue to meet all its expenses, and the stagnation became general, reaching into our industries that would appear to be wholly inde- pendent of tariff duties. It seems clear, Mr. Phelps, from the experiences since the Fall of 1892 that we have little if anything in this country commercially that is independent of protective duties. A half a million workmen and their families in industries that do not require any protection are dependent for full success on the trade of the other half a million workmen and their fami- lies in industries that a tariff can affect. You destroy the one and you make a very great cripple of the other; and here again is where the workingman is very deeply interested. How plain it is that when the lines that a tariff does affect are ruined, the labor thrown out of work in those lines will make an earnest rush for employment in the industries that have Labors’ Hard Times School. 109 been looked upon as exempt. Even the farmer is interested; he may vote in a manner to force a thousand workman, who, with their families are good customers of his, to become farmers, and thus com- petitors. There can be but little, if any, business prudence or sagacity in following in lines that do not only in- vite but force your best customers to become your competitors, and when laboring men study this senti- ment and act clearly as they should in a common- sense and conservative way, our whole country will be wonderfully benefited. Mr, Phelps, That is very clear, Mr. Labor, when working people in one line are buying goods that labor in another line is producing, they are clearly the former workmen’s customers, and the working- man through his natural and cultivated desire to do something to hit his employer, as a rule loses sight of this particular interest of his own. Any customer who buys of any employer of labor is the customer of every man working for such employer, no matter who the customer himself may be working for. 1 10 Labors’ Hard Times School. LESSON VIII. Labor, I would like now to take up some industry that is supposed not to need any protection — not that it shall positively be an industry that is not protected — but one that foreign countries have not thus far to any great extent attempted to disturb by bringing in a like product. (Several answer by rising.) Labor, recognizing the person first to his feet, asked what line he represented and his name. My name, Mr. Labor, is Welch, and I am a cabinet maker by trade; what is better understood as a worker in the construction of furniture. Labor. I think, Mr. Welch, that will be a good line to take up, especially household furniture, although it is a protected product. Mr. Welch. My work, covering a long term of years, has chiefly been the making of household furniture. Labor. Presuming that you are familiar with all the features from first to last of the manufacture of that product, will you kindly outline to the class in as brief a manner as clearness will permit, what por- tion of the furniture completed belongs to labor? Mr. Welch. After recognizing the hand of Kind Providence in growing the tree, then the balance is all labor. Gladstone is the only man I have read of who chops trees for his health. Others may have done so, but if they have and there is any record made of it, it has escaped my observation. In any sense, we are safe in claiming there has been no Labors’ Hard Times School. Ill chopping to better the health done for the manu- ufacture of furniture. Hence we will start with the chopping and urge that the first stroke of the axe in felling the tree is where the work begins. The next step is to saw it into logs of the desired length. This is the first process in securing the material for furniture, and the logs as they remain where the tree was felled represent labor performed, through which one class of toilers have found their support. The next step is hauling them to the railroads or mills, which means food and clothes for other work- men. And at the mills the transformation of the logs into lumber supplies maintenance for still an- other set of men. Disposing of the lumber at the mills, loading it on cars or otherwise, means further compensation to labor. Labor is instrumental whether by water or rail when transported to its des- tination, where the brawny hands of toil wait to re- ceive it and pass it to the planing machines to be dressed. Labor. By your showing, Mr. Welch, we discover that from the tree to the planing machines the ma- terial has passed through the hands of six distinct sets of laborers. Mr. Welch. That is true provided the same men who unload it at the factory pass it to the planers to be dressed. Labor. Does all lumber, Mr. Welch, go from the saw mill direct to the factories? Mr. Welch. Not by any means; I was speaking of the minimum number of times the material would be handled with reference to its being manufactured into furniture, and what I have said relates to hard- wood lumber. It might not be handled so many 112 Labors’ Hard Times School. times where the logs are shipped direct to the factory and sawed into lumber there, and again, if it were shipped to Chicago or some other port by water and transferred to cars or stored in large lumber yards, it would be handled several times in addition to what we have named. Labor, Lumber, Mr. Welch, up to the point you have brought it, has in the past been termed raw material, has it not? Mr, Welch. Yes, and how laughable when we con- sider the multitude of people who have been main- tained and fully provided for through the transfor- mation of trees in the woods to lumber in the yards. (Labor’s attention was attracted by a gentleman rising in the class, who begged pardon for intruding and asked why it would not be wise to further con- sider at that time the multitude of people engaged in chopping, logging and sawing lumber, covering the whole lumber industry.) Labor. Are you in the lumber business, and your name, please? My name is Haskell, and I am what is called a lumber workman from the State of Michigan, at least, I have been in the employ of a strong lumber firm since I was a young man, some 23 years all told. Labor, I think your suggestion a good one, Mr. Haskell, provided Mr. Welch will give way to you for the present. Mr. Welch. I shall be delighted to listen to the gentleman, for he may give some information that will aid me, or at least confirm much that I may have to say. Labor. You may proceed, Mr. Haskell. I take it for granted the class will be pleased to hear from Labors* Hard Times School. 113 you; everything from the standpoint of experience is in line with our task; it is from contact that we grow and know. Mr. Haskell. Mr. Welch has turned the tree into lumber and as you add, Mr. Labor, has shown that from the tree to the lumber the commodity has passed through the hands of six different sets of men, or more. What Mr. Welch did not show and what I look upon as very important to include at this time is the aggregate number of people these six gangs of men represent. It was stated by lumber men before the Ways and Means Committee of the present Congress that 600,000 people are doing just what Mr. Welch has outlined, and you know, Mr. Labor, that all this number are adult men. These 600,000 only cover the work from the tree to the lumber in the rough and do not go beyond that, not even into the usual distributing yards or the transportation to the yards. And it is not my pur- pose to take up the great army of men who manip- ulate this lumber and construct it into every con- ceivable thing, and doing it from the standpoint that it is raw material because it happens to be their starting point. How natural for the mechanic when he picks up a board to construct some device to give no thought to the number of hands that board has passed through from the tree down to him. What we desire to impress upon the mechanic’s mind and the mind of every living American is that there are 600,000 men in the United States engaged in the industry of preparing lumber for the unaccountable number of other laborers and mechanics our country can boast of in this line. Labor. Did the Wilson bill, by putting lumber on 1 14 Labors’ Hard Times School. the free list, have any influence on the 600.000 people you have referred to, Mr. Haskell? Mr. Haskell. I have spoken in the sense that our former good times had continued with us, but in answer to your question, Mr. Labor, I must say that the Wilson bill did affect the 600,000 laborers, and the best evidence I can give you of it is the mill pro- duction of Minneapolis, which is undoubtedly the largest lumber market in the world, which for i8q2 was 489,000,000 feet; 1893, 413,000,000 feet; 1894, 491,000,000 feet; in 1895, 478,000,000 feet; 1896, it fell to 300,000,000, and it is claimed that this decrease in Minneapolis for 1896 covers the ratio of decrease all over the United States, the total output of which should represent some 35,000,000,000 feet. Lumber- men before the Ways and Means Committee claimed that there had been a reduction of 40 per cent, in the number employed in both woods and mills, and that there had also been a cut of 20 per cent, and over in wages. One large lumber man said his firm had not made a cent in two years, and cited that our government had lost Si, 500,000 in revenue per year and offered a much greater inducement for imported lumber. These conditions, Mr. Labor, were the result of the Wilson bill, permitting Canadian lumbermen to put their product into our market free of duty, and under like conditions what may we lumber workers look for in 1897 1898, through an increased falling off if we fail to get a tax on imported lumber? The mill capacity in Canada is being greatly increased, hop- ing for a continuance of freedom to our markets. Many who were once lumbermen on this side of the line and in favor of protective duties on lumber, are Labors’ Hard Times School. 115 crossing into Canada with their capital and have become free traders on that product. Wages in Canada in woods and mills are from $8 to giS per month while here they are $14 to $24 per month and board. In 1892 for the same work in the United States wages, board included, were $26 to $40 per month. I believe that the break in wages after 1892 was due to the promise of free lumber and a general reduction in duties on all lines. Scaling down wages for 600,000 persons ten dollars per month took six million per month, or ^72,000,000 per year out of circulation. Add to that 40 per cent., or 240,000 people thrown out of employment, which would double the amount, and what have we? We have the object lesson that there was so much discussion about in 1892. I-tell you, Mr. Labor, that object lesson has been a pulverizer. If labor in lumber from the stump to the yards of the United States had been held to. what it was in 1892 it could have taken the amount of silver the Sherman bill named and had money galore left for food and comforts it has gone without. Labor noticed that Mr. Grover and Prof. Gillette and a few others in the class appeared uneasy in their seat and expressed annoyance. Hence, with a view to the most cordial relations all around, he en- deavored to tone Mr. Haskell down, and asked him if the admitting of lumber was not largely influenced by a disposition to preserve our forests. Mr. Haskell. That plea, Mr. Labor, has been proven to be rot clear to the core, and the rankest kind of rot. What has been the loss to our country by decay and fire in our forests in the last two years, to say nothing about the damage to young timber by the n6 Labors’ Hard Times School. old falling on it and breaking it down, and what food for fire the old trees prove to be? The only thing you could add would be to pour on oil, and it would be but little surprise to me if some of our free traders became so patriotic that they would event- ually recommend that the general government make an appropriation to buy oil for that use. No, Mr. Labor, the whole thing as offered by free traders is a delusion; it is a device to snare us labor- ers and the farmers and injure every living person except themselves. Can the farmer hope to sell his wheat, oats or hay to feed the Canadian outfit for lumbering? If hundreds of thousands and myself are driven to Canada to follow in our old lines, won’t we live on and use Canadian products of all kinds? Many of us, no doubt, preferring to remain with the Stars and Stripes rather than accept Canadian wages, would, turn to agricultural pursuits, and in- stead of remaining the farmer’s patron we would become his competitor. When the lumbering is done in Canada, firms in the business will not come to the United States to buy the farmer’s horses, neither will they come here to purchase log and lumber wagons and sleighs, harness, tools, machinery and all the paraphernalia the laboring man in those products manufactures for such industries. Why does the merchant, the lawyer, the doctor, the blacksmith and every known interest on this side of the line want Canada to sell her labor in our market and take our money away with her? This method does not only take our money out of circulation here in the United States, but we absolutely kiss it good-bye. I am, Mr. Labor, feeling the present condition Labors’ Hard Times School. 7 keenly; free lumber that the Wilson bill provided has prevented me from selling all my days works. I haven’t sold enough of them to bear the actual necessary living expenses of my family. In 1892 I had finished paying for my little home and we had some money over, and I can assure you we were quite happy. Now, how different; failing to sell all my labor, all I have except my home, I have had to use up the little surplus money I had left over in 1892 to make up for the deficiency in income. My credit has been and is good yet, although I am a little in debt at the present and I feel somewhat anxious, for if I fail to find some one to whom I can sell the days works that are in me, I shall very soon be compelled to put a mortgage on my home or sell it to buy bread and such things as my family stand in need of, the same as hundreds of my craft have already done with their homes. Many of my friends, good industrious men who have not met with success in selling all their days works, and had sickness in their families and not so well prepared to meet the blight that we have been subjects of, I have helped to small sums from time to time which, added to my unsold labor, has un- doubtedly made the strain upon me slightly more severe than it would have been. I may have been unjust to my own family in thus giving but, if I was, my wife was fully as much at fault. It is impossible for her to keep from her neighbors when they are ; hungry or some of them are ill and need a little money to have the doctor’s prescription filled. I discovered she was giving an old coat, pair of trou- sers or vest occasionally to some needy acquaint- ance. I did not like to ask her not to continue it. ii8 Labors’ Hard Times School. but I mustered up courage and did. I am wearing them, myself now, and where they only fitted me once before they fit me twice this time. Laboring people are always kind to each other and helping where need is known among themselves; it is a part of their religion, and the public have but a slight conception of the amount of this kind of dividing that has been done in the past few years. Surely, Mr. Labor, I could not see my way clear to be the single exception to a custom so old and so worthy. I believe, too, that the most pleasant fea- ture in life is to give. A person can become so ac- customed to receiving that he grows chill and cold, but the one giving always appears to grow warmer and broader. I can, Mr. Labor, conceive in a measure how a good man with an intense love for his wife and chil- dren can become a thief to save them from hunger. I can conceive how a good man may get the repu- tation of being dishonest when he refuses to pay a just debt because the money he has in hand will provide but a part of the dire necessities his family stands in need of. I can conceive how a good man can be branded as a liar when, after exhausting the truth without suc- cess. he resorts to falsehood to relieve distress at his home. I can conceive how a person with good in- tentions can become a confidence man or a forger to keep a calamity from overtaking a fond mother or sister, but I cannot conceive how an educated official whose requirements are all thoroughly pro- vided for can persist in advocating measures that all facts, figures and experience have proven disastrous to the full measure of agony and despair to the Labors’ Hard Times School, 119 people of our whole country, hoping thus through technicalities, misrepresentations and unjust manip- ulation to advance the interest of a party he would give the world to lead. No such man in all history up to date has found any permanent success in store for him; ultimately he falls, and the collision at the stopping point breaks every bone in his body. The claim, Mr. Labor, that protective duties on lumber are for the sole benefit of the firms in that business, is a great injustice to me and my co-work- ers who make up the 600,000 people who want em- ployment in that industry. There are some 20,000 lumber firms in the United States, large and small. What kind of an example in Algebra does it make? — 20,000 to 600,000? Five persons in a family mean 100.000 of the first and 3,000,000 people of the sec- ond, and as 100,000 is to three million, so is our rel- ative benefits from protection, or losses from free trade.,,. The lumbermen before the Ways and Means Committee reported 40 per cent, in reduction of men employed on account of the Wilson bill, which means 240.000 people out of work, and, including their fam- ilies 1,200,000 people, which to the latter very soon means all gone. Suppose in the meantime the firms were worth one million each and they have shrunk half of it, aren’t they better off with their half million left to each of them, counting the whole 100,000, than the 1,200,000 are who haven’t anything left? What idiots we laboring men are when we listen to free traders, or allow them for one moment to tell us that our employers are our enemies and that they are the only ones benefited. Every man who bu3^s lumber of the people I work for is a customer of mine, and every other man 120 Labors’ Hard Times School. working for the same firm, including book-keepers, superintendents and all. How long can any of us expect work if there are no customers, and if people can buy cheaper in Canada we will soon have no customers at our mills, a part of which we have al- ready had a taste of through the instrumentality of that great and glorious Wilson bill which was going to give everybody wings. We didn’t get wings, but we did get crutches, and lots of people who have been jabbing about on them for the last three years are too dull yet to find out when they were hit or what it was that hit them. All thanks to Mr. Phelps for Groversville, his ideal manufacturing city. The needle was never truer to the pole than that illustration is to the case in hand, and a laboring man or farmer or business man that can’t see it would be too dull to recognize that he had been robbed after masked bandits had held him up and taken all he had. We would have had Groversville in full measure if Canada had paid only half the wages the United States does, as is the case with many, other foreign countries. Our wages are some 30 per cent, higher than Canada, while they are over 100 per cent, greater than most other countries. Senator Vest and others are claiming today in the United States Senate that our exports have increased under the Wilson bill. Now, Mr. Labor, how will we get people to study this question, for i.t is largely a misrepresentation and can be shown by figures this instant. Books full of figures are not read, but to illustrate what I mean I will use a few figures copied from the Chicago Inter Ocean of June 7th. '‘Sole leather exported in 1896, ^7,474,021 in value, being an increase of 16 per cent, over 1894, while Labors’ Hard Times School. I2I the number of pounds actually decreased a full million, being 41,818,503 in 1896 against 42,877,497 in 1894.” So you see the sole leather, less of it, brought more money because the price was higher in 1896. “The value of illuminating oil exported in 1894 was $30,675,217 and in 1896 $48,630,920, being an increase of 60 per cent, in money received by manu- facturers of the United States for illuminating oil, showing $18,000,000 increase. The number of gallons exported in 1894 was 730,368,626, while in 1896 the number of gallons was 716,455,565. Here is an in- crease of 60 per cent, in the number of dollars re- ceived for a single article while the quantity was actually reduced.” The Inter Ocean continues: “ The gentlemen who are insisting that the low tariff has caused an increase in exportations of man- ufactured articles do not seem to have looked fur- ther than the past two years to see whether there has been a corresponding increase in exportation of manufactures under protection. Had they done so they would have found some figures which would have spoiled their theories. For instance. Senator Vest, who recently called special attention to the increase in the exportation of manufactures of iron and steel, would perhaps be astonished to find that the exportation of bar iron increased from 1892 to 1894 under the McKinley law 134 per cent, while from 1894 to 1896 under the Wilson law it increased only 18 per cent.* The exportation of iron plates and sheets increased from 1892 to 1894 underthe Mc- Kinley law 972 per cent, and from 1894 to 1896 under the Wilson law fell off 78 per cent. The increase of 22 Labors’ Hard Times School. the exportation of steel plates and sheets increased from 1892 to 1894 under the McKinley law 470 per cent., and from 1894 to 1896 only 38 per cent. The exportation of steel rails and bars increased from 1892 to 1894 96 per cent., while the increase from 1894 to 1896 was but 44 per cent. The exportation of wire increased from 1892 to 1894 71 per cent., and from 1894 to 1896 only 58 per cent. ^ “ The above figures relate to pounds, not values. The figures relating to many other articles of ex- ports are equally interesting.’' You will pardon me, Mr. Labor, for introducing these figures copied from the Chicago Inter Ocean of June 7th, 1897, as stated before. I recognize that the general public do not follow very closely where dry figures abound. It is only the exceptional in- vestigator who wades through them carefully. If all laboring men, which includes the farmer, will in- vestigate thoroughly all the historic figures of the past and present relating to protection vs. free trade there will never be another free trade Congress, President or Senate in the United States, or one for tariff for revenue either; they will be what they should — tariff for protecting the American working man to the extent that the days works which are in him shall have first privileges in our own, the best, greatest and highest priced market that old Sol warms and lights. I want, Mr. Labor, to add one other feature that means more than we are likely in a passing thought to give full credit to, or charge it with; which is that the Canadian lumberman gives up eleven hours of toil daily, while here in the United States we sell Labors’ Hard Times School. 123 to the lumberman a day of ten hours and get more money for it. In this there is a principle involved that goes deep into the soul of any man who cares to be fair or mercifitl. If I were in a vise and a man came along and gave it a closer turn I should look upon him as a free trader, while if he, on the contrary, gave it a turn that loosened it up I would pronounce him a protectionist. When U. S. Senators and others are claiming that our exports have increased and urge that it is on ac- count of less duties on foreign goods, which bring about a more liberal exchange of preducts with other countries, just ask those same croakers to advise us as to the amount our own market has suffered in consumption of home products to make the gain they find so much delight in shouting at us. If they will, twenty to one against us will not represent the loss in full, that is for every ;^i gained more than $20 will have been lost, and how? By us working- men failing to sell our own labor, and, as has already been said and should continue to be said until every- body is singing it, that when we fail to sell our labor we cease to be buyers of products of any kind, either home or foreign. Our lumbermen cited to the Ways and Means Committee that Canada sends her best lumber to England and other foreign countries and makes the U. S. the dumping ground for all her inferior and cheap grades and our best grades here have to suffer from this competition, while the standing timber that will make that poorer grade of lumber in this country on account of free lumber is left to bleach 124 Labors’ Hard Times School. and rot and fall on and destroy good young timber, kill cattle etc. One lumberman claimed that our mountains would provide an ample supply of lumber for all time. What foreign countries were doing to perserve their forests nature had done for us, noting that farming could not go above a certain altitude, and above that the timber would always grow and in sufficient quantities to meet lasting demands. The conditions in the Southern States were espe- cially referred to where they are girdling the trees and letting them die and burning over large areas of country, clearing it up for farming purposes; the claim is made that under protective duties our mar- ket would absorb this timber if it were converted into lumber. Just think of this one end of the situation; we have the days work for sale to make this transformation, but we must take care of Canada, make a market for their lumber and let them take our money out of our country and carry it home with them to develop their own, forgetting that the sunny south needs every possible spare dollar to swell her development and growth. The majority of the Northern lumber workmen that would go South would remain there and become the best kind of citizens. The South is strug- gling desperately of late for immigration; here are good lines for them to work on. The Southern peo- ple are the last ones to-day who have any interest in our money being sent out of our own country to stay out. They belong in the protective ranks; some have come already and others will follow fast. The first law of nature, “self preservation^” will drive them over. Labors’ Hard Times School. 125 Now, Mr. Labor, while we have considered the forty per cent, of workmen thrown out of employ- ment in the last few years, we have not taken into account the new young manhood and womanhood that have developed in that time who are loaded down with days works to sell. Would we remain within bounds, could we get back and find sale for that forty per cent, of labor thrown out, to claim that we had in addition forty per cent, of new labor to sell? I am firm in the belief that had we kept our own market, as it was our duty to do, and kept our money in our own country, there would be oceans of money in circulation to-day and the forty per cent, old, together with the forty per cent, new, would all be selling their labor for spot cash, and the farmer would be getting better prices because there would hardly be enough of his pro- ducts to go around, and he would have money to load his home down with things his family are scrimp- ing along without; under such circumstances each farmer would be putting nearly double the money in circulation he is now or has done for three years or more. One more question, and I am through; shrinkage, taxes, etc., amount to more in this country than in Canada, all of which should be studied closely before any living man in this country votes for free lumber. It would take up too much time and require too much in figures and detail to introduce it here. I thank you, Mr. Labor, and thank all present for the close attention to my tiresome rehearsal of this question. I feel a deep interest and could not forego the opportunity to have my say. Mr. Welch was very kind indeed to give way to me and I hope 126 Labors’ Hard Times School. that I have not taken up time that will cause him to cover less ground than he intended, or to forget any of the points he wanted to make. Labor. I am satisfied, Mr. Haskell, that no one begrudges you any part of the time you have con- sumed. You have uncovered a condition that should have been anticipated and wholly avoided; in fact, the people were thoroughly warned but they charged those who tried to point out what would come to the country, with selfishness and talking for policy and personal interests. Mr. Haskell. I do not think, Mr. Labor, that I un- covered anything, the Wilson bill and free traders brought the situation to us without any cover on it. Labor. Well, that is about so, Mr. Haskell, but in- somuch as lumber was one of the few articles that was placed on the free list, your talk has been doubly interesting. Mr. Welch, I believe you have the floor now to complete your description of the manufact- ure of household furniture and other industries into which lumber enters, if you choose to include them. Mr. Welch. Like the party who lost himself, I am inclined, Mr. Labor, to inquire where I was at. Mr. Haskell’s talk has taken me so outside of myself that / feel lost. I can assure the gentleman that he has no occasion to apologize to me. I thank him thoroughly for having taken another crop of dust out of my eyes. I had fancied that it was all out, and that I was seeing quite clearly, but since listen- ing to him my vision is good without my glasses, and the question with me is how much more light I will be able to hold. Labor. You are quite right. Mr. Haskell has blazed the way for us all to see more clearly and Labors’ Hard Times School. 127 you discover, Mr. Welch, that while you had outlined the process of turning the tree from the stump into lumber, you was to a greater or less extent misled, due to the habit of looking upon lumber as raw material. Mr. Welch. That is right; my first step is with the raw lumber, and I had permitted myself to fall into the error that the board or stick was the im- portant beginning, and I must admit that while I fully knew where the board came from and how it was gotten, which my first talk is evidence of, I had not given a fractional part of weight to that feature that is its due, and I believe, Mr. Labor, that this same thoughtless and careless concern on the part of the mechanic enters into and covers all products, and it does not stop with the mechanic either, but all classes, including the whole people, are similarly deceived and in a sense deceiving themselves. To begin the construction of furniture; I take my raw material as it comes from the planing knives and pass it through some machine that makes a particular part; other men are working with other machines that make other parts. The parts are piled sepa- rately until such a time as the set of men who put them together are ready to assemble them and bring forth the completed article. Labor. From your version, Mr. Welch, machinery does the work in place of you and other men doing it. Mr. Welch. That is true; the machinery saves what was at one time many hard and tiresome turns, but the machinery, except it be of a nature that is very costly and wears out rapidly, gets but very little credit in the cost of constructing anything. It is the wages of the operator in nearly all instances 128 Labors’ Hard Times School. that counts, and is reckoned in first cost. The ma« chinery cheapens the article and thus multiplies the sale and use of it. In rare instances a machine is in- vented that saves much labor and hastens construc- tion and for a time those owning the patents reap handsome returns for the work the machine does, but American ingenuity is ever on the alert and a man cannot bank on playing a lone hand if there is very much in it, except for short periods, in this country. The inventive ability under the stars and stripes is too keen not to find some other way of ac- complishing the same thing. All other countries combined cannot equal ours in this. In the manufacture of any product the cost of the power, coal consumed, engineers, stokers and the pay of all attaches has to be included, which is only additional labor, even to the miner, handler and transporter of the coal that makes the steam, but the absolute amount that is ordinarily credited up to the machine itself cuts but very little figure, and often- times where competition is very severe it is omitted entirely. There is no question but this is an unwise thing to do, and is becoming a custom so general and so sweeping that it unduly endangers all our in- dustries. People may cry for cheap commodities, but it will reguire an older man than I have ever met to convince me that our country and the masses are benefited when everybody is doing business at a loss. There is surely a screw loose somewhere when sta- tistics show that 95 out of every lOO of our business men fail to succeed, and I earnestly admonish every reader of these lines to recognize this thought and weigh carefully what it means. Ask yourself, please. Labors’ Hard Times School. 29 what kind of a country would we have if 95 out of each 100 of our business men could succeed. An appropriation by the general government and a committee of from 100 to 300 well selected busi- ness men appointed with an absolute absence of any politics in it, to solve this question and recommend a good remedy would be of more benefit to the in- habitants of the United States than to divide equally among them all the silver and gold the whole world has ever heard of. You will pardon me, Mr. Labor, for slipping away from my subject occasionally. We had reached the men putting the furniture together; after them come those who give the polish or finish, which is carried to the limit of the cheap or costly, as the case may be, and I can assure you that if the aim is to reach what is termed a piano finish it means tired arms and a moist brow. If it is to be upholstered, to trace the woolen goods which are used we will have to go back to the lamb, and perhaps back to when the lamb’s mother was a lamb; truly I cannot just begin to de- termine when or where the labor begins in that. The cotton or silk used when chased back in a like man- ner will be found to be labor. The springs and other metal used will carry us back to the ore in mother earth, and so on until the concession is wrung from us again that all is labor. It looks, Mr. Labor, like we will have to find dia- monds and gold lying loose on top of the ground in our walks for pleasure before we discover very much that is not virtually all labor. Since attending these exercises and listening to these lessons I am thoroughly convinced of that if I never was before and, as has already been said, when 130 Labors’ Hard Times School. we cannot market and realize on the days works that are within us as a people, we are doomed. Labor, Do you think, Mr. Welch, that the lack of protection to home industries has materially affected mechanics and laborers in your industry? Mr. Weleh. Do I think so, Mr. Labor? I know it has; not from the view so much though that furni- ture in itself needs protection; but from the stand that when you kill one end of our market that does need protection the other end dies. Some ass could argue that you take the wheels off of one side of a wagon and it would run just as well, but to hold an audience on such lines it would have to be made up of free traders. Look at Mr. Haskell’s old clothes, which his wife was going to give away and which he has gone back into. He admits that they fit him twice now where they only fitted him once when he bought them. You can’t think, Mr. Labor, that he is buying any furniture, can you? Mr. Haskell is quite well off and can feel thankful that he is not at the bottom yet. He has a home he can live up before he counts himself out entirely, but in what he considers his straitened condition he tells in a modest way of helping others. You can’t think those he has been helping are buying any furniture either, but without a doubt they have intended to and would if times had continued as they were prior to 1893. No, Mr. Labor, that class, which includes hun- dreds of thousands in this country has been ex- changing pieces of furniture they did have for bread, and thousands who were forced to give a mortgage on what they had to shoo the wolf from the door have lost all they ever bought and don’t know today Labors’ Hard Times School. 131 when they will be able to buy again. I promised my wife some four years ago to buy more, but to tell you God’s truth we have less furniture now than we had then, and what we have left is looking very shaky. Mr. Haskell showed that from the stump to the lumberyard fully ;^i 50,000,000 had been taken out of circulation yearly, and, what was worse than all, the money had not only gone out of circulation but the most of it had gone to Canada, and as he well said, we had kissed it good-bye. This, mind you, Mr. Labor, is only one industry in which there was 1 50,000,000 worth of labor unsold, and when we bunch that amount in with all the other lines that the Wilson bill affected and find the aggregate amount of unsold labor which reaches up into, or over, a billion dollars, we find why I have failed to sell my days works and demonstrated to me what an inexcusable ass I made of myself when I voted the free trade ticket in 1892. I can tell you, Mr. Labor, and tell you truthfully, that I have not been able in the last four years to sell all told one full year’s labor when in fact I had the whole four years of that stuff stored within me that I was more than anxious to sell. For every sale of furniture made to the rich man ten sales are made to the laborer, and when one end of the laboring masses was idle and could not pur- chase furniture or anything else they could do with- out, the other end of the same masses had no occa- sion to make very much furniture or very much of anything else. How many workers in lumber are there from the yards up in the United States? I wish it were pos- 132 Labors’ Hard Times School. sible to make anything approaching a correct esti- mate. I dare not undertake it. Lumber, or some- thing made from lumber is in front of us, no matter which way we turn our eyes. The number of men engaged in shaping it into its multitude of uses is to the number found from the stump to the tail of the mills too much like a crop of grain is to the seed sown to undertake to calculate them. Mr, Grover (interrupting). Is not Mr. Welch making an argument, Mr. Labor, that upsets the claim that Canadian lumber has crowded our lumber out, when he is trying to show that everybody was idle or that in four years they were not able to sell one full year’s labor? If everybody was idle there was but little demand for lumber from any quarter. Labor. It does look that way, Mr. Grover; how about that, Mr. Welch? Mr. Welch. I am sorry that my friend, Mr. Gro- ver, is so uneasy most of the time. Please have the reporter read his notes; I do not think I made the claim that they were idle in other industries demand- ing the use of lumber to the extent we were in the manufacture of furniture. Reporter reads. When through, Mr. Welch con- tinues. You see, Mr. Grover, I had not made the claim you were waiting for me to make. God forgive everybody that brought these times about, if all lines had caught it to the same extent that furniture did. I am to blame with others, for when they were sing- ing the song in 1892, “How beautiful the change is going to be,” I voted for it. When I think about that change and about that vote, I feel about it somewhat as the Irishman ex- Labors’ Hard Times School. 133 pressed himself about the “black rascal” in Sedalia, Mo., in 1865. The Irishman was loaded with the elixir of corn and rye, and leaning up against the railroad depot. A colored man came along and the Irishman spoke to him. The colored man told the Irishman to go to h — 1 . The Irishman, hiccoughing, said: “ I fought four years for that black rascal; now he tells me to go to h — 1.” What the Irishman got in the way of appreciation for his fighting I have had in remuneration for my voting. When I cast that vote I felt quite delighted, but I can truthfully say . now that I have paid a bigger price for that small amount of delight than anything I ever bought in my life, and I am firm in the belief they cannot sell me any more of it. Thoroughly done up once with a given kind of goods is enough. I desire the class to appreciate that I am trying to show how furniture workers suffered during the dis- tress that overtook us early in the year 1893. It does not appear to be at all necessary to remind anyone that the amount of lumber that goes into furniture is but an item when compared to the vast quantities placed on the market each year for other uses. Re- cently there has been but little demand for capital to do business on, and people with money to loan have been unwilling to advance it to men to hazard in trade of any kind; and at the same time they have not been at ease with their money entirely idle. ^ Hence, in many sections any quantity of building has been done since 1893 which has utilized a vast amount of lumber. There have been two reasons for this: First, idle capital is always anxious and its keen eye is ever on the avenues that offer the surest returns for the original amount invested. Second^ 134 Labors’ Hard Times School. all material for the construction of nearly everything has been cheaper than ever known before. I heard a man say in 1893 one class of contractors that they would have plenty to do for awhile, and the reason given was that capital for safety would build new buildings and reconstruct old ones. This has not proven to be the case in many young cities that were already largely overbuilt, but we must bear in mind we have in area a vast country, and while as a whole it is looked upon as comparatively young, yet there are in the same sense many spots in it that are not what may be called new. Mr. Grover. You must pardon me, Mr. Labor, but I must insist that the Wilson bill is young yet, too, and I further insist that Mr. Welch is magnify- ing the whole situation the same as Mr. Haskell did. Mr. Haskell, asking for the floor on personal priv- ilege, says: In reference to the Wilson bill being young yet and my inclination to exaggerate, I desire to add a little to what I have already said. My talk was on the presumption that the many tariffs we have lived under were fairly well understood and that there was too little time at hand in this important work to think of going over them in detail. Our trouble in the lumber industry began with the McKinley bill, all of which I supposed Mr. Grover and everyone present was thoroughly familiar with. I think there can be no valid excuse for lack of information on these issues except a person knows positively that he will never have occasion to come in contact with them. I think, Mr. Labor, that it was my privilege to take it for granted that every person who had expressed an interest to the end of Labors’ Hard Times School. 135 attending this school regularly was sufficiently in- formed as to what the two last changes in tariff schedules were on the important commodity of lum- ber, and it seems too much like threshing old straw to go over the ground. It will be found by referring to the records that the always misunderstood and misrepresented Mc- Kinley tariff bill, charged by the free traders with being a “robber tariff,” reduced the scale of duties on lumber just one-half all along the line, except on spruce, which was left to stand at $2 per thousand as formerly. The duty on white pine was reduced from $2 a thousand to $i per thousand feet. Here the McKinley bill let down the bars and Canada began in a very cheerful manner to walk in and had become quite systematically organized for the Wilson bill when it came alongand tore the fences down and cart- ed th em away which enabled Canada to make the grand rush she did. And it is a question with me whether we have seen the end of it, even though the tax is put back to $2 per thousand on common lumber, which represents over ninety per cent, of our supply. At least, lumbermen claim that our first-class lumber will not represent ten per cent, of our pro- duct, and they state publicly that they do not com- plain so much about Canadian competition on first- class lumber, citing that she sends but very little of that quality into our market. I confidently believe, as stated before, that Canada is so extensively equipped now that she will con- tinue to compete with us on lumber in our market and pay the $2 tax as found at present in theDingley bill. All they will need is to lower their wages all along 136 Labors’ Hard Times School. the line slightly, which is a very trifling thing for them to do up there. To get our market back I be- lieve we shall need a higher tax than $2 per thousand feet. It is a plain truth that there never was any one thing that was so nonsensically misunderstood as the McKinley bill of 1890. It put more articles on the free list than any bill ever had and scaled the duties down extravagantly through the whole sched- ule, and because it put a high tariff on a very few infant industries, which results have shown to be one of the wisest steps ever taken, it was charged by free traders and demagogues with being a robber tariff. The McKinley bill started us down hill on lumber and the Wilson bill turned on a full head of steam just when we should have used brakes and stopped and reversed the levers and used steam going the other way. If any attempt be made to show that there has not been so much of an increase of Canadian lumber into our market, I will answer that while the statis- tics prove that Canada did put more lumber in our market in 1896 than any single year prior, that in the same year our output fell off to the extent that forty per cent, less help was used and a twenty per cent reduction in wages for those who remained at work was made. I want to add, too, for the benefit of those chew- ing the rag relative to saving our forests, that reports t j the State Fire Warden show that it was the opin- ion of those best able to judge that more pine was burned and destroyed in the Indian reservations in Minnesota last year than was cut. I feel, Mr. Labor, that I have been a party to the Labors’ Hard Times School. 137 crime of taking up too much of the class’s valuable time on lumber, and if I have been guilty of mag- nifying, as Mr. Grover has charged, I must ask him to deal charitably with me. It is human nature for us to talk and act in the extreme when we see good people all around us who are hungry and in distress, and I ask him if the case is not doubly aggravating when we see our money that would render these people self-supporting and comfortable buying days works in other countries and forcing them, our own, to keep their days works when they have them to sell and are exceedingly anxious to dispose of them? I again beg your pardon, Mr. Labor, and trust I shall not have occasion to interfere with Mr. Welch’s talk again. Labor, The point you have made is an important one, Mr. Haskell, hence you owe no apologies to anyone. It is the general principles within and that underlie the situation that w^e want to understand. It is not to the exact degree of the man’s hunger or to the exact limit of how poor his clothes are that we are seeking, but what is it that has left him hungry and ragged is what we are trying to find out. Mr, Grouer, Then you all admit, Mr. Labor, that the McKinley bill was not perfect? Labor, Protectionists are anxious to learn and improve and when they make a mistake they have the courage and honesty to admit it, and they make an earnest endeavor to cure their errors as early as possible. I understand, Mr. Grover, that freetraders are the only people who know they are perfect, but they have queer complaints and queer remedies. Let Mr. Haskell talk again. - Mr. Llaskell, Yes, Mr. Labor, if a man should 138 Labors’ Hard Times School. sprain his ankle they would want to cure it by break- ing the other leg. To say the least, that is about the kind of an improvement the Wilson bill made on the McKinley bill. No, Mr. Grover, protectionists don’t build that way. They don’t ask Canada or any other country to give us any part or parcel of what belongs to them, and we are not worried for fear other nations will urge us to accept any gifts; they are not organized on such lines. If 100,000 German workmen in a given line of in- dustry choose to patronize another 100,000 men working in some other German product, and the latter reciprocate by buying and using exclusively the goods made by the first 100,000, recognizing that by this process they strengthen each other, you will not find any complaint from protectionists in this country for their wisdom in thus aiding and preserv- ing themselves. Such transactions are manifesta- tions of common sense, prudence, decency and justice. There is something so beautifully substan- tial in such a custom that to oppose it is to display a wanton lack of mercy and charity, and it is clownish dishonesty on the part of any intelligent official when he persists in antagonizing such valuable, wholesome and vital methods. Look, Mr. Grover, at the rise and fall of Mr. Phelps’ once beautiful little city of Groversville; your own home, (while you claim to have escaped,) was it not more by chance than anything else that you were so fortunate? The late Professor Swing once said in a sermon that ‘‘This world was wonderfully injured when a competency of fortune implied an incompetency ot heart.” Can it be possible, Mr. Grover, that you be- Labors’ Hard Times School. 139 came careless on these lines, and in your rides up and down the streets of your own town you failed to recognize the furrows of pain and distress that had plowed deep into the faces of the strong and the weak? The poor workmen that knew not whither or when to go; the merchant, the minister, the law- yer, the doctor, the common odd job laborer and the manufacturer, all sad, sorry and serious? Is it good for mankind that a few in nature shall be so positive that relenting kills them? Could the experiences at Groversville have been more demonstrative or less harmful under the conditions that prevailed? Will it not be admitted by the common consent of all fair men that what free trade did to Groversville is fairly illustrative of what the Wilson bill did to the whole United States? Can we in our most intense desires ask for a severer object lesson than came to us on free lumber from the stump to the lumber yard? You would not, you could not, stay our hand, Mr. Grover, while this bitter cup is at our lips. Should not we both be thankful that we acted no prominent part in this, whereby, except for the vote we cast, any of the responsibility for such extreme adverse conditions could be charged to us? Our shoulders are not broad enough to carry such a load successfully, and truly we should be grateful that we can escape it. No, I shall urge that the McKinley bill made a mistake on lumber, but it did not kill. The next station stopped at, where we free traders got on, is where the killing began, and I am confident there are good causes for the doubts I expressed as to whether in face of the preparation Canada has made. 140 Labors’ Hard Times School. a $2 import duty on common lumber will bring us back to where we were in 1890 and 1891. Here were four or five years of no progress and nearly two years now of a slump. When our inhabitants increase and there is any line of business that we have no progress in for from one to six years, ignoring the fact of the shrinkage entirely, it means something. It appears, Mr. Labor, that I cannot stop talking. Labor, If your claim, Mr. Grover, that the gentle- men have magnified the situation is true, and they have by enlarging our mental vision led us into lines whereby we have discovered the true principles upon which our future success depends, and proven to us that our want and distress to-day are due to having ignored those principles, then I feel that you should not complain of them for enlarging when by the use of their methods we find the truth any more than you would blame a magnifying glass that aided you to find a diamond or any valuable article that had been lost in the sand. You can resume your talk again, Mr. Welch; I don’t know but we all owe you an apology. Mr. Welch. It is all right, Mr. Labor, where any talk fails to carry light with it and the class ex- presses a tired feeling apologies may be in order, but up to date I must say there are none due in any sense. When Mr. Haskell asked for the floor on a personal privilege, I was explaining to Mr. Grover that much lumber had been used recently in the construction of buildings and many other things for safety in invest- ment, and I want to add now that the same incentive has caused much rebuilding and repairing, which has used material and has supplied many odd days’ work Labors’ Hard Times School. 141 and has proved a saving feature with us that has been largely underestimated by all. Much has been done, too, in an irregular way which, were it to be- come a custom and remain with us, would be to true business interests like an army out of line. I have reference, Mr. Labor, to the working me- chanic going to the owner’s home and doing work for him at a cut price or any price that would seem to hold a little coffee and tea or a sack of flour to bridge over gaps that looked ugly and hazardous. I could go to a residence and overhaul a family’s furniture at any price I saw fit, while if I should work at the factory for the same pay I would disrupt a scale of wages our Union had struggled years to establish. Prices have been made for such work for individu- als that have been too inviting for them to resist. Also, many philanthropic people have hunted up odd jobs of this kind to give those they know to be needy, and paid two prices for the same work, for the reason and on the same lines they buy old clothes to give away. It has been an axe with two blades and many a good turn has it served while in reality it has done but little harm, although, as said before, if generally indulged in it would ruin business and wages too. Please do not infer for a moment, Mr. Labor, that because circumstances beyond my control have forced me into this practice on several occasions, that I undertake in any sense to defend it. The present and the recent past, however, are not and have not been times that could or can hold good as a standard gauge for business methods. When the Judiciary in nearly all our Criminal courts are con- 142 Labors’ Hard Times School. fronted with the plea from some man who has stolen or committed some criminal act, “Your Honor, it was the club I was using to slay the wolf that was chasing my little ones; God spare me. Judge, I never committed such an act before, and how could I help it when their agony created a terror within me, and remember, Your Honor, that when you deprive me of my liberty that the wolf is still at large; I did not kill it. Oh, Judge, as forme, I care not, I can endure any punishment you can inflict within the law; in fact, it could not prove a punishment. My heart is weighted with other conditions so vital and exacting that whatever you may mete out to me here will be trivial and of but little concern except as I live in doubt and anxiety for the safety of those you cannot charge with any fault. Say to me, your Honor, that you will feed them, then you have not a place so vile to send me that I will not go in the best of cheer.” The Judge whose wide experience has brought his vision down to the keenest point of penetration can discover no guile, or disposition to cover up or mis- lead. With a lump in his throat he renders a sus- pended fine, telling the first-time prisoner to go feed his own, and on the side says, would to God I could slay the man who turned that wolf loose. When our country is full of such living and exist- ing, it is no time to discuss business methods or complain of irregularities. During an intense struggle to get ashore there is but little room for any par- ticular style of getting there. What we want is a cure for the times we are living in. We want to get back on the earth again, which requires something greater, broader and deeper than digging more silver and gold. What we need is to Labors’ Hard Times School. 143 sell the days works within us at the best prices pos- sible and the labor that the bringing forth silver and gold can employ when compared to all the other labor in our country, is too much like a glass of beer to the whole brewery, to deserve any consideration whatever. That is stronger than I intend, Mr. Labor; all fractional parts of the whole should be considered, but when a whole is asked to doff the hat and bow obedience to a fractional part, it is asking too much. I am referring to silver and gold now as a com- modity, not as money. When they are sold as bull- ion, which is the manner of selling them, they simply represent so much labor realized on, and similar to everything else, some of it may be profitable and some of it may not. I wish there was some informa- tion obtainable as to how many million of dollars have been sunk in the business more than has ever been taken out. Men sell their labor and speculate to gather money together to go and dig a hole in the earth to find silver and gold, only to abandon it and dig another. Many might claim that money so disposed of is wasted, but the claim is not true be- cause it has gone back into labor again, whether for the purchase of machinery or what may have become of it. All the prominence due to the shrinkage in digging and reducing silver and gold is in proportion as those industries diminished in comparison with the shrink- age in all our industries, and when examined from this view it will be found that other industries suf- fered to a manifold greater degree than either of them. In fact, it will be learned that the total num- ber of men employed in taking silver and gold com- bined out of the bowels of the earth for the past two 1 44 Labors* Hard Times School. or tnree years in the United States has been equal to any year prior. Please do not gather, Mr. Labor, that I lose sight of the money feature of silver and gold which adds to them a special value, for I do not. Mr, Grover. Mr. Labor, I would like to ask Mr. Welch what has become of the good times we were promised last fall during the campaign? Mr. Weleh. I want to ask Mr. Grover in all fairness if he expected our country to get well taking the same medicine that made it sick? Those in authority are working on new medicine now; when it is ready for use and we have taken it a few months the gen- tleman will discover the promised improvement. He must bear in mind, however, that we have been ill a long time, hence are very feeble and cannot re- cover in a breath. Mr. Grover. Yes, Mr. Welch, but the doctors in charge do not see what ails us; they are boiling up a tariff decotion when the trouble with us is our financial system. Mr. Welch. When you begin to talk about finances, Mr. Grover, I am out. I leave that to men who have delved in it all their lives. I claim I know more about making furniture than bankers and men of that class, and I am willing to grant that men who study finance and live in it ought to know more about it than I do. I think I would make just as big a monkey of myself undertaking to give advice on National finances when I have thoroughly demon- strated that I don’t know enough to take care of my own finances as some banker or man who is a finan- cier would of himself if he would undertake. to tell me how to manufacture furniture. It is all a puzzle to me and the people who ought Labors’ Hard Times School. 145 to know the most about finances seem to say the least. When I read an article on furniture I usually make up my mind that the man who did the writing found out what he knew about it by reading what some one else wrote, and I feel somewhat the same v/ay about financial writers. At all events, they fail to make the subject clear to me, but I suppose that is my fault and not theirs. If I run a man down that I hear talking finance on the street and learn all about his affairs, I find he is “broke,” and that gives me such a tired feeling that I begin to look for some one that I can wire into talking about furniture or the prospect of a job of work, or something of that kind that I can under- stand. I wish people would let me entirely alone on finance, especially after telling me all about it and how the government ought to manage, they want to know if I can’t help them out with a small sum. I don’t relish any such exposure, and frequently when men open up on finance now I turn away. One thing I do know; I know how to manufacture furniture and I know I had all I could do at it, Mr. Grover, up to the fall of 1892 when the free traders began to tell us they were going to doctor the Mc- Kinley bill. Then work began not to be so plenty, and it has grown worse every day since. Up to that time there hadn’t been a word said about any trouble with our finances. They had been all right, with plenty of money on hand all the time. In fact, the Government had money, and everybody had money. I never have found out Mr. Grover, how the free traders discovered there was one particular thing the 146 Labors* Hard Times School. matter with us, and pointed out that it was the Mc- Kinley bill and declared they were going to fix that bill over so we would have more money, and get it easier. Soon as everybody realized they had the power to do what they had promised, we began to have less work, and we saw less money. The ruin came so thick and so fast that the free traders them- selves were startled and alarmed. To resist the shock they saw plainly the pinching necessity of finding some new evil to add that would partially divert the minds of the people from the one that was visibly fading on their hands; then, and not un- til then, a few of them discovered it was our National system of finance that was causing much of the trouble, and it only took a short time for all the free traders to catch on to this new fault. After that they had two strings to pull, the McKinley bill and our method of finance. On the financial end they got rid of the Sherman silver bill and that did no good, and then they pulled over the McKinley bill and fixed it to suit them, and under it all we have grown worse and worse. And now, Mr. Grover, I would like to ask why when our finances had been all right for years and no no one had found out our system was wrong, or had claimed it was wrong, why it was not until after the freetraders had thoroughly convinced the people that they were positively going to change the Mc- Kinley bill that they learned of this second malady. Mr. Grover. I cannot comprehend, Mr. Welch, why you ask me to explain a condition that you admit you cannot understand when it is explained to you. Mr. Welch. I will not urge that you answer the question as to how they were driven to the quality Labors* Hard Times School. 147 of our financial system, but if your analysis of that question, Mr. Grover, is the same that everyone else offers I confess it would be all blank to me. Mr. Grover. There are one or two points that ought to be plain to you; first, our government is virtually in the banking business, and so long as it is it has to take care of the balance of trade with other countries, and when that balance is against us the reserve funds have to suffer. We want to relieve our government of this dilemma and throw all such transactions into the hands of the bankers to take care of. Mr. Welch. If I am inclined to have an opinion at all, Mr. Grover, it is to think that there is some- thing in what you have said, but there are plenty of others who tell us they want the government to do all the banking, and cite that during the war when the government was issuing greenbacks that money was plenty and everybody had the wherewith in their pockets. Mr. Grover. Yes, Mr. Welch, but the government was going in debt then and by that means money circulated freely, and as you say, it was plenty and everybody had it. Mr. Welch. That mixes me all up again, Mr. Grover; our government has been going in debt for the last four years and money has been growing scarcer all the time, and this shows you why I am not clear on these questions. If they did not con- tradict themselves at every turn they would not confound me so, and you must pardon me when I favor lines that up to date have been free of any contradictions. I am inclined to agree with those who claim that money was plenty during the late war uS Labors’ Hard Times School. not so much because the government was going in debt all the time, but for the reason that'there was a market for everything that was offered for sale, and the money was ready when the goods were delivered, and since these lessons have shown that nine-tenths of what was in the goods, whether it was the clothes the people wore or what they ate, or the house they ate in, the car or steamboat they rode in, the iron and ties the cars run on, the bridges that carried them over the streams, or anything they saw or touched, was labor, and for every particle of it offered there was a quick sale and spot cash, you can see how natural it is for me to credit the good times during the war to the fact that everybody sold what they had to sell, whether it was days works or whatever it might be, and what is more, they say there was not a living man under the stars and stripes in those days that had a word to say about free trade. You can see again how sensible it all looks to me and the reason I am disposed to agree with them. I think now it will be a long time before you can convince me that Congress was helping me and my craft when they fixed it so some man in Canada could bring his day’s work over here and sejl it to you and the money go to Canada to be lived up, while Mr. Haskell as he has shown has to keep his days work and do the best he can without money. Under such circumstances Mr. Haskell cannot pos- sibly have money to buy furniture and thus help me to sell a day’s work, and if by any such practices Mr. Haskell has to sell his day’s work for half price he won’t have money to buy furniture and still leave me without half price or any price for my labor. And I tell you, Mr. Grover, it is going to be a strug- Labors’ Hard Times School. 149 gle, in my opinion, after a little for you to make our people think that we can send our money to other countries to buy days works in those countries and still have that same money circulating here at home. The case is too plain and the working people are sure to learn the fact that if the money is paid for days work at home it is in circulation at home, while if paid for days work abroad the money has gone abroad and forever, and when these same working classes recognize fully that they can never see that money again, or have a chance to get their hands on to one penny of it, while on the contrary if it had bought goods at home, which is days works, it would be in circulation here at home and there would be some show of their seeing and having some of it, they will cease to support free traders or men for office who will pave the way for any such trans- actions. I cannot be led to believe either that it was any- thing but the promise of free trade that ruined the industry in which I had found a market for my labor for so long a term prior to 1893. I have long since ceased to be a customer for any business ex- cept the absolute necessities for my family and my- self, and in these, it is true, we never knew before how little we could get along with. Although I never dealt with the farmer direct, my trade was with him or in his goods, and I am sure in the last two years it has not been one-half and perhaps not one-third what it was in 1892. What a thought this is to the farmer when it is extended to cover millions of people just like myself, and what a thought comes back to me when I realize that this shrinkage in the 150 Labors’ Hard Times School. farmer’s market means the purchase of less, or no furniture by him. A farmer in the State of New York told me last summer that he always marketed his grapes in two or three small cities to the working people, and claimed that as a rule he got more for them in that way than when he shipped them to the larger mar- kets, but, he says, “I cannot do it this year for the working men in those cities have no money to buy grapes with,” adding, “It is a pinch for them to get potatoes and flour.” It has a small look to pick up a single instance like this for illustration, but it can be readily increased by multiplying it by many thousand, which you have a legitimate right to do, and when you have done it the true situation will not have been exaggerated any. You asked for a line that had suffered severely, Mr. Labor. I had looked upon furniture as one that we could fight the world with in our own market, but the past four years have taught me that you let the world into our market at their own sweet will, or in a half restricted way even, and they will ruin it. They will not only ruin it for what we have but they willruin it for what they bring themselves. When they disable one end of the market and ruin its ability to help support the other end, it all goes down to- gether. The trouble with us today, is we are unable to sell the days works that our laborers have in such abundance. When we can sell our labor again as we did prior to 1893 the old time market will come back, and our Groversville will be what it once was, an ideal city, and our country ideal again as its flag, with not a Labors’ Hard Times School. 151 thought on earth of pulling it down or seeing it go down. When in the future, Mr. Labor, I vote for a pro- tective tariff I shall do it to preserve myself. When I voted for free trade in 1892 I did it partially to kill the ugly manufacturer, and I succeeded. What consolation! My old employer is only a little bet- ter off now than I am; that is, I owe a little; he owes a large amount. The goods he had on hand did not bring a quarter the amount he had paid for the labor that went into them. His home is gone, his carriage, horses and everything he had; he turn- ed all he had in the world over to his creditors. We were talking the whole thing over this morning be- fore I came here, and had quite a laugh, although it is too sad a thing to be mirthful over. What we were laughing about was that we both voted the free trade ticket. He said he did not think his line needed the protection it had, and if we could get free trade on other things they would be cheaper and personally he would be benefited. He said Mr. Searles, chief owner in the woolen mills, told him that should the free traders win, come into power and do what they said they were going to do it would turn the whole country up side down. Of course, he said he thought Searles had an axe to grind and wanted to keep prices up in his own line. “What an infernal fool I was; just look at it Welch; you know I had an interest in one of the retail fur- niture stores down the street. You have no idea of the furniture that store used to sell to the people work- ing in Searles' woolen factory. Searles was too smart; as soon as the free trade ticket was elected he knew what would happen, and he told me he at once cut 152 Labors’ Hard Times School. his force down four-fifths; was ^oing to let all his traveling men go, secure what orders he could by mail and run his factory to fill those orders and no more.” Well, my old boss said he laughed at him, and told him he had no nerve. All right, Mr. Searles says, you can laugh, but I will guarantee you that the men who continue to run their woolen factories won’t laugh two years from today. And my old boss says Searles told him he was going to take good care of what he had gotten together and be ready to go ahead again when the people got enough of such tom fool laws. Well, I said, tell me more about the furniture store you had down the street. I never knew you had anything to do with that. “Yes,” he says, “I was talking about that; when Searles let four-fifths of his men go they shut off buying a thing at the store, and a lot of them had furniture they were paying by the month on, nearly all of which the store had to take back. The store was a stock company, but two- thirds of it belonged tome. I, of course, turned that over to my creditors, and the store was shut up. I tell you, Welch,” he says, “ I laugh about it, but it is pretty tough. Now I feel that I am too old to start again, but it is amusing,” he says, “when I think I was so thin as to be just a little bit anxious that Searles should get it between the eyes, just easy you know, and if Searles did get it that it wouldn’t hurt me. I tell you,” he says, “ it did not take long to show me I was gone, and the whole town seemed to go at once, I guess Searles is about the only man that has come out with a whole hide. Of course, he hasn’t made any money, but he tells me he has saved nearly everything, and is already to go ahead Labors’ Hard Times School. 153 when we get a tariff bill he dare run his factory un- der. Of course, if Searles should start up again with a full force our town would begin to pick up right away and all the other little industries we once had would revive,” continued my old employer, and added, that while he was without a penny to start with he had the confidence of all the bankers and men of means who felt an interest in the town, and he thought they would give him a helping hand to start in a small and careful way, but said: It is a strain I dread at my age, Welch, to make a new start and take on the care and worry when I shall be in debt for everything.” I told him I was in hopes that he could start again, and that he was not so old as he thought; that a few days of business would revive him and make him feel young once more, and added, that if I went to work for him I would try and give him a little more than a day's work and urge the other men to do the same for a while, and that would be quite a help. He took me by the hand and thanked me, and said: '‘Welch, God bless you, I was not looking for such encour- aging words.” I said: “ Why not, boss, you clothed and fed me and my family for years, paid the rent on the house I lived in, gave me the money to warm it and school my children. I used to think you were a sort of an enemy of mine, but this calamity that overtook us all and made you really worse off than I am on account of what you owe, has taught me a lesson. I see that the balance of workm.en and myself were a sort of partners of yours, and our true interests were to hold you up, for by thus doing we were in a very essential way maintaining our- selves. 154 Labors’ Hard Times School. I see now that we workmen got the bulk of the money you paid out. Truly, boss, I never looked at these things right, and one other thought has oc- curred to me lately; there was Ira and Sol Webster, Jake West, Ike Hamilton, Pete Shane, Charlie Kelly and a host of the men more frugal and thoughtful than I was, who worked for you so long, bought homes and paid for them, and the thought that oc- curred to me was that since you lost everything, didn’t those'homes represent the profits of the busi- ness.” Well, now, Mr. Labor, you ought to have seen the look that came to my old boss’s face; his eyes fairly sparkled and he grasped me by the hand, and said: “ Welch, that is a great, broad and mag- nanimous view of the whole situation; I never thought of it in any of those lights.” I was anxious to get here to the class and had to stop the conversation; but told him I would talk with him further about it at some other time. Labor. Mr. Welch, why didn’t you bring your old employer along with you? Mr. Welch. I did ask him to come, but he said his pride had been hit so hard that lately he avoided all kinds of gatherings, and although he would like to attend he had not the courage to expose himself. Labor. I tell you, Mr. Welch, if we could utilize the X ray and examine all the crushed hearts free trade has wrought, they would be a mangled look- ing mass. Mr. Welch. Yes, indeed; to tell you the truth I wouldn’t want to look at them even though it were free and without cost to do so. Speaking of the word free, Mr. Labor, I want to add that I look as- kance at that word now. It is all right when applied Labors’ Hard Times School. 155 to “free” America, otherwise I am of the opinion it has been most wholesomely abused. The attraction caused by “free lunch” has cost many a man enough to have purchased his family a home, and when free concert is added .there is no telling what the waste has been. And a man is but little, if any, the loser when he misses the ladies’ free church supper. In this latter, however, there is the satisfaction that you have been in good company, even though you are a few pennies out, and then a pleasant con- sciousness that the money left behind will be turned to some good purpose, but when applied to foreign products that can compete with our own, being ad- mitted without a duty, calling it free trade is a misnomer. Its true name then, Mr. Labor, should be “waste” trade and of the most extravagant type. It is positively throwing away what is absolutely our own, and if that is not waste then I fail to un- derstand the meaning of the word. I think, Mr. Labor, we could do a great good by substituting the term waste trade for free trade on foreign products coming into this country without paying any duty, or so little duty, that they displace like products of our own market. A large percent- age of the people will follow the word “free” and make but little inquiry, and that term can be made very dangerous in public affairs when the unscrup- ulous care to gain a point by abusing it. I wish, Mr. Labor, I could go over all my former employer had to say this morning. He cited that what happened to his retail store was something of an illustration of what was taking place all over the country. His factory was loaded down with goods, and instead of getting new orders, furniture mer- 156 Labors’ Hard Times School. chants in every direction were countermanding or- ders already given. He said the people working for Mr. Searl^s were only a part of the customers his retail store had, but when they quit trading with him they likewise quit trading in other lines, which materially affected his other customers. Added to this he cited three or four other industries that soon followed with a cut of from 20 to 40 per cent in their working forces, which, although they employ- ed but few people when compared to the number that were selling their days’ works to Mr. Searles, it all aided the pull in the wrong direction, and then, just as he worded it, “when I, to the surprise of ev- erybody, as you well know, Welch, turned my busi- ness toes up and went out of the market as a pur- chaser of days’ works of such a mass of people, we all began to recognize that we had gotten to the tough end of our piece of meat, and in our faces was the unwelcome fact that for a while we would have to let England, Germany, France and other coun- tries, with a smile of commercial satisfaction on their faces, dine on the choice cuts.” I shall never forget his last words, Mr. Labor, when he took me by the hand, with a strained smile on his face, to bid me good morning, and said: “ Welch, we wont vote that the other man shall take dangerous medicine again, thinking that none of it will get into our own tea.” I suppose, Mr. Labor, there is but little occasion to recall these fixed facts. Groversville is such a clean and plain illustration of what waste trade has in store for the American people when they tamper with it that further comment in that direction is un- called for. The money that went out of circulation Labors’ Hard Times School. 157 in Groversville portrayed so distinctly what hap- pened before my own eyes in my own town that I have been walking with beans in the bottoms of my shoes, and inside the shoes at that ever since my first lesson at this school, to do penance for giving ear to one set of quack doctors who claimed that the repeal of the Sherman silver bill took money out of circulation, when I knew, if I had stopped to think, thct the money was out of circulation when I went out of work, which was six mionths prior to the re- peal of the Sherman bill. And to another set of equal idiots who charged that it was on account of our Government’s financial system that money was withdrawn from circulation. I am not to be fooled any longer, Mr. Labor. Money went outof circulation when I stopped spending $21 each week, and when all the rest of the boys and I get that money to spend again it will come back into circulation, and not until then. I do not say, Mr. Labor, that our Government’s financial system cannot be improved, but I don’t want any school teachers who have had the good fortune to live, in a sense, on an annuity all their lives, and don’t know any more how a dol- lar is made and gathered than a child who has al- ways lived at home does, to tell me what kind of financial laws, banking laws and business laws our country needs. I shall listen to financiers, bankers and business men of experience first, last and all the time. I don’t believe in passing the dental office and going to the blacksmith shop to get my teeth fixed. I wish, Mr. Labor, I could give you a correct esti- mate of the amount of money that idleness among us workers in furniture has reduced the circulation 158 Labors’ Hard Times School. of money in the United States during the past foui years. We shall have to end this talk with the claim that it is a vast and unknown quantity, and we will end, too, with the claim that we have shown that when lines of industry that need protection in our markets are not protected and go down, that they carry furniture and all lines, whether they appear to re- quire protection or not, down with them. I can bar my doors and windows against a thief, and I can watch for him, too, but what can I do with the official who will barter away my rights and bring about conditions that prevent my selling the days works within me when they are all I have on earth to exchange for money whereby to procure the ne- cessities of life? I referred to labor unions at one time, and to avoid being misinterpreted I desire to say a word in their defense, but I do not want the class to gather the impression that I defend all they do. From time to time they make some very grave errors, the same as all other people, and like other people the burdens from such errors as a rule fall on their own shoulders. It cannot be denied that labor unions have had the tendency to increase the pay of workmen and shorten the hours of labor, all of which is in the di- rection of mercy and justice, but on this occasion we will leave the justice and mercy out and. look at it from the standpoint of business policy, and learn if there has not been some good done. Labor unions today practically cover all lines of industry, hence it cannot be charged that one line unduly extorts from any other, and so long as nine-tenths of everything is shown to be labor, and it is labor that the poor Labors’ Hard Times School, 159 man or rich man buys when the ordinary daily pur- chases are made, it would be peculiarly unjust for a union in one industry to insist upon selling their labor at an extravagantly high price to those in some other industry, and at the same time urge that work- men in that industry should not be granted like privileges and benefits. One sentiment which appears to engross too many people, is: How can I sell what I have to offer at the highest possible price and purchase all I require at the lowest possible figure? This sen- timent has grown so prominent in business today that it has become pernicious and is making cheap skates of too many of us. How ridiculous that everybody should want a profit and not a soul on earth willing to pay one. For four years men have been sawing away at each other until there is but little food left for the saw. Get it out of your mind, Mr. Business Man and Laborer, that you can hit without somebody striking back. If we all succeed, Mr. Labor, we will live to nature and nature is not constructed that way. Nature is to take care of our own first and then to live and let live, and when we depart from these lines we will get it just as severe and hard as we give it, and every man who figures out just how he can get the best of a situation by straining the lines of decency and justice will live to learn that he has ac- cepted the worst of it and die wondering why every- thing came to him so severely when he thought and felt that he deserved so much. In the words of Bob Burdette: “Dear reader, do not take offence at this; it does not mean you, it means your neighbor.” If, Mr. Labor, we will all recognize that when i6o Labors’ Hard Times School. everything brings a fair price it is v/hen labor has a promise of being fairly paid for its service, which means money in the hands of the working man to supply all the requirements of his family and him- self, to the extent perhaps of owning his own home. When we admit and proclaim that eighty cents out of every dollar of our daily transactions, which means tracing everything to the consumer, is men working in one industry trading with men working in some other industry, we will have gotten down to principles that truly exist, and as they exist, and be amply able to appreciate that if we cut one industry down to the limit of extinction, it is at the cost to a certain extent or per cent, of all our industries, and shall have in our hands the key that truly unlocks the whole situation. If a man has anything to sell, a horse, cow or steer, or sheep, or wheat, or stock of goods to retail, or anything of which you can con- ceive “which is all labor” and gets a good price for it, money will be free and easy with him. I am not talking about misers; they do not help and should not be allowed to hinder; while, on the contrary, if prices for all things conceivable are low, prudence and economy to the limit of scrimping will be his watchword. When we reflect that “him” in this sense means everybody, the question arises with us: “What have we in the greatest abundance to sell?” Our answer to that question is well understood and we do not admit that there is any room for debate. It is labor, and one end of it is raising pro- ducts to feed the other end of it making products. The end raising products is almost wholly dependent for the prices it receives, and the quantities and kinds it sells, to the end making the products. Hence, Labors’ Hard Times School. i6i if wages are maintained manufactured products must bring a good price to pay out, which means better chances all around for grown products. Here we find cause and effect acting and reacting in a way to strengthen each other, hence if the unions mean better pay for the mechanical end of our world they as well mean better pay for the agricultural end. The more money workmen in manufactured products have to spend the more the man engaged in crop raising products. can sell them, and vice versa, the more money the latter has to purchase manufactured products with. It is between these two lines that the middle people of the world are living, those through whose hands all this exchange has to pass and they live from what they can scrape off the two ends, and I want to say to the coupon cutter, the school teacher, the preacher, the lawyer, the speculator, and a thousand others who are living on these chips and are constantly keeping up the agitation for things cheaper, that if they think they can cut these two ends down to the bare limit of subsistence and still find plenty of scrapings for themselves, they are simply following false figures and paths that lead to very much less, if not want, for their own. For example, a man today drawing a salary of 1^1,000 per year under the grinding system that many urge would be cut down eventually to three or four hundred per year. A man drawing ^2,500 per year would have to be content with ^900 or ^1,000 per year, and the same ratio to the highest limit of salaries. Is it not a fact that cannot be successfully contradicted that a man in this country today, if he makes any effort to do so, can save and lay one side i62 Labors’ Hard Times School. as much as his whole salary would amount to under the grinding process many such people recom- mend? I never listen to a man making an argument of this character that his talk does not carry the im- pression that everybody should or would be cut down except himself. You ask the same party if he thinks his pay should be less and he would answer: “Oh, no; oh, no, I do not go to that extreme.” Just think of the narrowness of such a man, Mr. Labor. A cyclone that takes in everybody except him- self is all right; does he fail to recognize that he is one of a great and immense army of the middle masses whose success depends entirely on the pros- perity of the two producing ends? This great middle mass of people should not individually or collect- ively fall into the error that because they are essen- tial and important features in the clock work of the world and are, in a broad and extensive sense, patrons and consumers of both ends of these pro- ducts, that they are in any manner whatsoever in- dependent of either end of them. Especially should this go home to a few theorists who are moulding the minds of the young in our schools. Let them re- member there are business cyclones as well as atmos- pheric, and that thousands of grand instructors who» with ambition to make more money, have quit the profession of teaching to engage in other pursuits- Men of sterling qualities, too, who, when a few of the egotistical professionals among the great and worthy army that remain, advise and follow in lines that spoil such an individual’s chances in other pursuits, are only inviting, and forcing him back into his old fields, to again become and re- main a wage earner; this can only serve to bring Labors’ Hard Times School. 163 salaries and compensation in school work down to the common level of all else, and while this last comparison covers but one class we desire you to include in it all salaried people and impress upon each that no living man has any particular gift that cannot be duplicated. It is the high wages and large salaries of this country, Mr. Labor, that make us the broad living and ideal people of the world. The water in the rich man’s bath tub of gold cannot cleanse him cleaner than the same water in the tub the poor man of this country can have if our condi- tions can be and remain wLat they were prior to 1893. I would sooner urge the day that would give the poor man two bath tubs than I would a condition that would take the one he has away. Our good wages and our high salaries have forged our flag to the front. In the name of kind Providence, decency and progress let us keep it there and remain an ex- ample for the balance of the world. I know a man employing 2,500 people who in 1892 voted the free trade ticket and boldly said he did so because wages were too high in this country. Just think, Mr. Labor, this man’s riches had come to him through the instrumentality of high wages and high salaries. He had himself paid managers as high as gi 5,000 per year and other of his representatives in proportion. The wage earners of the United States have been paid $4,000,000,000 per year; would he reduce that to $1,000,000,000 per year, and then think he could scrape from that the riches he gathered from the $4,000,000,000 that had floated about so freely? A man is clearly short in business vision when he holds such views. For illustration, suppose the income of 164 Labors’ Hard Times School. every wage earner is ten cents a day; in this you may include the farmer. Can a business man at this figure hope to get as much out of it for himself as he could if the wages were ;gio per day for each? In this magnified sense, Mr. Labor, it becomes plain to us and we see it. In the realistic sense for the past four years, where there have been so many not even getting the ten cents per day, we have felt it. I tell you, Mr. Labor, this past four years object lesson corks up and seals securely every former demonstration of the kind. We can lay the old on the shelf never to be disturbed. We won’t need them again. This one will last while you and I live, and enough of it be left to serve our children, no matter to what age they may attain. I do not want my brother workmen to conclude from what I have said that I blame the man employing the 2,500 people for his sentiments; we are all very much alike. I voted the same ticket he did but for an- other purpose, and one fully as selfish as his. We were both wrong and the thing for each one of us to do is to change cars and get into one that we know is safe, and he jointly with all other employers to give their workmen plenty of money and let them live it up, and me with the rest of you to ren- der good service, get what is our due and send it along to the next distributor, which many of us have modestly refrained from doing for a long time now. One thing, however, I desire to impress upon your minds in the most emphatic manner and to the ex- tent that you will carry it home with you is, if our laws permit some other fellow in some other country to get our money, he will carry it along and spend Labors’ Hard Times School. 65 it, we cannot, and it will all be done in some other country, too. We must ever bear in mind that the greater and more valuable our market is the fiercer and more desperate other countries will be to break into and capture it, never recognizing that throwing our chief money distributors into idleness will almost in a breath disrupt and destroy it. Mr. Labor, there seems to be no proper place to shut off steam on this subject except to close your eyes and turn it down, no matter where you are, which I now do and beg pardon of the class for the infringements I have made on many individual rights. Labor, The silence of the house and the gavel, Mr. Welch, renders approval of your talk. Had you failed to interest us, you would have discovered it and stopped talking long ago. Labors’ Hard Times School. 1 66 LESSON IX. Labor, I would like now to take up the industry of iron. Is there some worker in that product pres- ent, who can show us what part of any completed article composed chiefly of iron belongs to labor? A gentleman whose face had become familiar to the class introduced himself as Mr. Dolan, and stated that he, with thousands of others, had worked in iron mines, and that he had followed on in other branches of the line to the limit of finishing some iron pro- ducts. Labor. Then, Mr. Dolan, you must be sufficiently familiar with this subject to give us the light we are seeking. We do not care for any particular detail in connection with any designated article; all we want are the principles involved covering the labor- ing man’s interests. Mr. Dolan. As I stated, Mr Labor, I began my work in iron taking out ore, and with a large field of men who like myself were selling their days works, some in taking out the ore, others in piling it with fuel in a kiln to free it from other properties; all of which, Mr. Labor, although it requires but a word to express it, has the look of days works, and up to this point, where we have not yet the sem- blance of a product, thousands upon thousands of people have been fed, clothed and maintained. When the kiln is ready the fires are lighted by labor and the roasting process begins. It must be kept in mind that the fuel consumed, no matter of Labors’ Hard Times School, 167 what kind, was purchased of labor, the money for which had clothed, fed and provided for another army of people. When the ore is properly roasted another set of men put it in the blast furnaces with coke and lime- stone, that were also (the coke and limestone) pur- chased of labor, and thus with a forced fire, carefully looked after by labor, the roasted ore is smelted. When the metal becomes a fluid, labor from time to time lets it out into channels or moulds, where it is permitted to solidify into pigs, and in this state, Mr. Labor, after having proven the support of this untold number of people, it is called raw material. No matter how high other hands of toil may stack the pigs, or how frequent the stacks, we have pre- sumed in a sense, when viewing it in the piles, that it grew just where it had been so systematically corded up by the working man for pay. Selling my days work, Mr. Labor, to produce this raw material, provided me the means to purchase just as good a living as I have been able to buy since when selling my days works to produce products from this said, raw material, which name is a mis- nomer, pure and simple. Pig iron is a finished pro- duct. It is singular to me, while our country has ore sufficient to produce all the iron it can ever possibly use, that there has ever been a man, or class of men, or party, that would try to find any excuse for leav- ing our gates open for other countries to ship their stacks of pig iron into our market, leaving our own corded up and unsold, and thus prevent the sale of days works by our own workmen to replace them. I only refer to this for illustration, Mr. Labor, for any i68 Labors’ Hard Times School. duties low enough to let in iron that has moved a step further from the pig towards another product, or into the product, has the same effect upon our stacks of pig iron that it would to bring the pig iron itself in to make such goods. In this proposition, when you take into account the days works we should have done to produce the pig iron, you are in duty bound to include the days works we should have sold from the pig product to the other finished product. There is a great field here for some statistician to show how much our own market can be increased provided we manufacture at home, including all in- dustries, all the products other countries sell us that we have the material, men and facilities to produce. Such a showing, with pains taken to point out that the money for the days works to produce such goods, paid to our own workmen, would increase our market just that amount, would do more, Mr. Labor, to kill the cry about increasing our foreign trade on our manufactured goods than any data, facts or figures that can be had now. When it is made clear to the public that for every two dollars of foreign trade in our manufactured products we have ^98 of home trade, all sensible people will begin to cry, why not increase our home market and properly guard it? To say the least, when this question is thoroughly understood and parties are talking about swelling our foreign mar- ket, people will ask: '‘Are you proposing to allow other countries to come in and carve our market up to suit themselves, in order that we may gain one dollar away from home, and lose ten dollars at home?” Labors’ Hard Times School. 169 I shall not undertake to show, Mr. Labor, what tariff duties have done for our iron industries. There is plenty of data and history on that subject to indi- cate the debt of gratitude iron workers of this coun- try owe to the men who planned so wisely for us to sell our days works in that branch of toil. Not alone for us did they legislate with so much wisdom, either. Every working man of our land has occasion to render thanks, as well as every busi- ness man, and every known citizen. In the absence of past duties on iron and iron goods of all kinds and descriptions for a long term of years, a sum of our money would have gone abroad that it is beyond the ability of man to esti- mate now, and it is impossible that our progress could have been equal to what it has in the face of any such contingency. The vast sum of money that labor in* iron indus- tries has earned and spent in the Ignited States in the last 25 years has done more than its share in keeping the hat, clothing, boot and shoe, and all known workmen busy. As well have they consumed liberally of the farmer’s product and caused the merchant and trader to wear many a smile. Of course, Mr. Labor, we shall ask you to skip the years since 1893; that was when the scorcher started out and ran into everybody. He would go where the people were the thickest and persisted in not looking up to see what he was going to hit. A few have been fortunate enough to escape without a scratch and in some instances they manifest but little sympathy for the large number that have had bones broken. We have faith that the bell that rings the Dingley 170 Labors’ Hard Times School. bill in will wake Mr. Scorcher up and cause him to recognize some of the rights of the people living along the road. Under the plea of an object lesson Mr. Scorcher for nearly four years has impudently swaggered up and down the commercial highway indicating that it made but a trifling difference to him who got hit, got left, or got crazy, and most of us have felt all three. We ought to be able to fix our affairs for the future, Mr. Labor, so that fellow won’t have any- thing to do but to pump up; make it free for him to do that and allow no one to disturb him, except he attempts to get back into the commercial highway again. I don’t look for him to change his mind any more than I do for a runaway horse to reform; they are built too much alike mentally, bound to work the one gag until they break their own necks and every- body else’s, too. Labor, Quite right, Mr. Dolan; a few will never change their minds; neither do we want them to. Our aim is to throw daylight on them sufficient to destroy their pernicious influence with the man who desires to earn an honest living. We want to make these questions so manifestly clear to the seller of days works that he cannot fail to discover the true odor of their bouquet of words, and with his scorn force it to wither in their own hands. You have shown, Mr. Dolan, that to develop the product of pig iron means providing all the necessi- ties of life for a great and growing multitude of people, and made clear, as well, the false light that that commodity has been classed in, when held up Labors’ Hard Times School. 171 as raw material. Everything cheaper is catchy, and demagogues know they can attract the public ear, 'make it deaf to all else and accomplish more with that cry than any other single thought or thing that has ever fallen into their hands to distort. What is there, Mr. Dolan, I ask you in pig iron that can be cut down that that product may be sold cheaper? Mr, Dola7i. Pig iron can be produced and sold cheaper, Mr. Labor, by reducing wages and in no other way. The ore before it is moved cuts so little figure that there is no use looking to that end for any reduction? If the price of the fuel used could be lowered it would have to be done by paying less wages in getting that out, and the same conditions hold good with anything else that is used in reduc- ing the ore. Labor, Then, Mr. Dolan, the only way our cheap friends can have pig iron cheaper is by pinching our man of toil. Mr. Dolan. Yes, sir, Mr. Labor, I do not see any- thing else to cut; the laws of trade forbid very great margins in any such staple as pig iron, hence I can- not believe there is much left to cut from that end, and so long as the price today ranges from $\2 to $16 per ton I feel safe in defying any man to find anything in it to lower but the price of days works in order to cheapen it. Labor, How do you think lowering the prices in pig iron compares with lowering the prices in other products, Mr. Dolan? Mr. Dolan. If it is not an article manufactured un- der the protection of a patent it is all one and the same thing. Of course, some products will not be 172 Labors’ Hard Times School. sold so close as pig iron, that is, with so small a margin of profit. At $12 to ^16 a ton I can hardly see how there is any profit in pig iron, and yet, re- cently steel rails sold for $iy and $18 a ton, and a friend of mine called my attention to how cheaply they could be produced. I told him if they remain- ed at that price it would be at the cost of the wage earner. He is a man who is always urging for things cheap, and he ridiculed me for the stand I took, but the very next scientific article on the sub- ject showed the prices would have to go up, or wages from the ore all along the line to the finished rail would have to go down. This is the case with everything, Mr. Labor. If I get a suit of clothes in the regular way dirt cheap, the man or woman who makes them will have to work dirt cheap, and it is just the same way with anything I may need or buy, and when you find a man that is constantly crying for everything cheap, cheap, cheap, you will find something cheap in his make-up, and I will charge more than that; any man v/ho is not willing to pay a profit on what he buys is dishonest, and the one ultimately robbed on these lines is the laborer. There is not a wage earner in the U. S., Mr. La- bor, that is not interested in fair hours and fair wages, and I want to say to all working men and women that cheap products, I say cheap products^ do not mean to them ultimately either fair hours or fair pay, and in this I include all salaried people. The cheap or bargain counter either means inferi- or goods displacing good goods, which means less employment for labor in such products, or else it means less pay to labor for producing the better Labors’ Hard Times School. 173 goods, and I am inclined to believe the latter condi- tions will prevail, if the cheap counter continues to prevail. The wage earners, from the salaried person at the top, down to the smallest day or weekly wage earn- er known to us, Mr. Labor, have too much at stake in this issue to lend it their support, but they do, and they will chase the cheap counter regardless of anything that may be told them. Cheap goods,which means small pay, will cheapen our country, and when any individual flatters him- self that affairs will go on the same with him and he will not share in such cheapening, he will live to learn that he was “reckoning without his host.” Labor, No doubt, Mr. Dolan, that whatever lowers our wages cheapens our flag. It is at the top now and is the magnetic pole flag of all flags, attracting the mind’s eye needle of all humankind. Why? Be- cause we are a high priced people, which is due wholly to the high wages we pay. Mr. Dolan. Yes, Mr. Labor. Put our compensation for toil on a China level and down a crooked and um certain lane we start, with our flag trailing after us. I want to inquire of the profound and all-wise politi- cal economist who proves that all are equally well served when our ratio is at the cheapest end of the line, at what other Nation’s level he desires we shall rest? Would he carry us down to the man eater, or where would he call a halt? I do not desire to be understood that I think he would intentionally carry us to that extreme, but does not his argument head us in that direction? We are as a whole people at the head of the list today. Can this profound advocate of cheap pro- 174 Labors’ Hard Times School. ducts, which means long hours and small pay to the man of toil, claim that we reached the top through any kind of cheapness or that any plan of cheapness can keep us at the top? Such a claim can, to be consistent, only cheapen the soul within the man who makes it. I do not believe that the people of this country are willing to join hands with the man who argues that our flag is high enough, or that it cannot go higher, or who undertakes to prove that it can be put on as high a plane with ten cents as it can with fifty cents. We well know what their reply will be to this, but if their answer is worth anything why cannot they cite us some country that is living on such lines, of which there are plenty, whose people are in any sense the equal of our people? While waiting for a procession to come along yes- terday, it being a holiday, I listened to a conversa- tion between two friends that to me hits the nail we are driving square on the head. No. i of these two friends was a protectionist, and No. 2 said he was an out and out free trader. No. I drove No. 2 into a corner, from which he couldn’t extricate himself. No. 2 then, with the hope to ease up on the close quarters he was in, claimed he was in favor of reciprocity, etc., etc. No. I asked his friend to what limit did he aim to carry reciprocity or his swapping process? No. 2 hadn’t quite figured out in detail to what extent such trading should be indulged in, and ap- peared to be slightly mixed up anyway when No. i asked him: ‘‘Suppose now (calling his friend by name) we had a trade on with China? How far Labors’ Hard Times School. 175 ei»"- * 176 Labors’ Hard Times School. would you carry it? Would you go to the extent of a rat diet deal with them?” At that moment, Mr. Labor, the procession came along, and the visit between the two friends, who were both strangers to me, ended. I do not introduce this conversation with any ill will to reciprocity, for so far as it has been indulged in it has been generally approved, and our only way to find anything out for a certainty is through expe- rience, but if it lends any color as to the quality of exchange desirable with other countries it will have done no harm. I am not willing, however, that goods that we can produce shall come into our market free, or with nominal duties only, from a rat diet people in order that a few misguided persons can have things cheap, and I am free to say that I do not think it would give the cheap class very much pain if everyone but themselves had to live on that kind of a diet. I want to ask, Mr. Labor, what is meant by “free trader” and who it includes? Labor, With us, as we are using the term, Mr. Do- lan, it includes all persons who oppose duties that will protect our toiling classes’; any who are in favor of cheapening products to the extent of lowering wages in anything our country can produce by a tariff duty low enough to allow other countries to ship manufactured goods, or products from the soil into our market to displace our own. This school is opposed to any sentiment that allows our money to go to other countries for goods that we can sup- ply and thus keep the money at home, and, Mr. Dolan, for convenience sake we will allow the term Labors’ Hard Times School. 177 1/8 Labors’ Hard Times School. free trader ” to cover these classes, including the tariff-for-revenue man and all. Foreign goods on an even basis as to price will take a share of our market, which means fewer days works for our own folks, and taking our money away. Any preference from one per cent, on down in price means a still greater share of our market. We are opposed to all this and to tariff duties that will permit it, and shall call all who indorse such low duties “free traders.” Will you, Mr. Dolan, kindly tell us something about the labor that goes into completed iron products? Mr, Dola?!. Days works, Mr. Labor, go into iron products in the same ratio that they went into pig iron. Of course, in constructing a railroad loco- motive a vast amount of machinery is used, but it never takes care of itself, and, too, it was days works that manufactured the machinery, and it is the hands of toil that made the drills, planes and tools, and that will make them over again as fast as they wear out. It is plain enough, if you take the labor out of a locomotive all you will have left will be raw iron ore, and the ore of other metals used in the con- struction just as they were found in the earth, to- gether with a small amount of wood or timber back in the tree, the estimated value of all which could not be over twenty-five or fifty dollars, and possibly not more than ten dollars, although the locomotive when completed may have cost ten thousand dollars. The paint and gold leaf used in ornamenting when followed back to the starting point will be found to have contained no value worth mentioning. All the nickel, solid silver and gold used cost for days Labors’ Hard Times School. 179 works, and is due to days works paid for presumably at their full value. It is the same with a freight car. Put the trucks and all the iron of which it is com- posed, and the wood and timber back into the earth and tree, and what are they worth? A railroad coach may cost from one thousand to twenty thousand dollars to build, owing to the finish, and if the latter figure it will if traced back be found of but very little value except as it has been touched by the hand of the workingman. All the art and finery that can be added to it will be labor paid for by the hour, day, week or month. Not a drapery or a thing can go in that is not itself the child of toil. I have worked in the manufacture of structural iron, and I want to ask, Mr. Labor, how many people when looking at it in service trace it back to its raw state in the earth, or undertake to measure the days works it represents? Suppose it is the iron frame work of a fire proof building. Do you think any man who had been told what it cost to put it there would stop to think that nearly every penny of that money had been paid out to our American citi- zens for days works? Carry this on to the stone and brick work. We all understand what bricks are made of. We have to put a brick block back into the clay in the earth to find its raw material. When we do that and send the metal it contains out of it back to where the workman’s pick first came in contact with it, and the lumber and timber used back to the tree that the lumber workman’s axe first hit, what have we that is of any great value to begin with, even though the block or building when completed has cost one million dollars? It has even cost money i8o Labors’ Hard Times School. for days works to bring forth a hole in the ground to serve as a basement or cellar, I do not believe, Mr. Labor, that all that goes into a building that absolutely cost one million dollars to construct when sent back to its original state prior to having received any touch of the '‘hands of toil,'' was worth five hundred dollars. This is a plain and easy case; we can all see it and recognize that it is made up of days works and virtually, with the exception of the value of the land on which it rests, it was all days labor. We cannot see so plainly, Mr. Labor, and distinguish so accurately in many of our other products the share that lator performed, but it is just as surely and just as truly there. I defy the man at the moment he hears this to look at or lay his hands on a single thing within his reach that nine-tenths of its cost is not days works. Prof. Gillette, a writer on Political Economy, and inclined to low tariff, interrupts and says: Mr. Labor, I want to ask Mr. Dolan where the contractor's profit is in the million dollar building he has referred to? Another gentleman, whose face had become familiar to the class, who gave his name as Cole, was on his feet in a moment and asked the privilege of answering the question. Labor What is your line of business, Mr. Cole? Mr, Cole, I am a contractor in the construction of buildings of all classes, including frame, ordinary brick, and fire proof. Mr, Dolan, I hope, Mr. Labor, you will permit the gentleman to answer the question, as he can do it from the standpoint of experience. Labor, You can have the floor, Mr. Cole. Labors’ Hard Times School. 8i Mr. Cole. I have been in the contracting business for twenty years, Mr. Labor, and I can say to Prof. Gillette that in figuring up the other day I found I had in that twenty years completed all told a trifle over twenty-seven million dollars worth of contracts, and I had made some money. I made an estimate, too, of what my money would have brought me if I had placed it on interest when I began taking con- tracts, and had continued working at my trade for days wages for my support, and I learned that had I followed this latter course the capital I began with would have increased more than double what it did in the contracting business. Prof. Gillette. Possibly, Mr. Cole, you have lost money in speculation? Mr. Cole. I never chanced a dollar in speculation in my life. Professor, and I have not spent any of my money for liquor or extravagant living. Prof. Gillette. How do you account, then, for not making more money, Mr. Cole; many contractors have gotten rich? Mr. Cole. It is true, a few have been successful, but I presume their riches are due to fortunate speculation more than to their contracting. You show me. Prof. Gillette, one contractor that has grown rich, and I will show you 25 that have gone broke. The man that has gotten rich is remembered and cited while those who have been broke for years are forgotten. I have the reputation of being a very careful estimator of contracts. Professor, but in looking over the contracts I have done I find that on about one-third of them I lost a little money. On about i82 Labors’ Hard Times School. one- third I came out even; on the other one-third I made what small amounts I am ahead. Prof. Gillette. I am astonished, Mr. Cole, at what you say; I supposed all contractors eventually be- came wealthy. I fear your failing to make from one to three million dollars on twenty-seven million dollars worth of contracts in 20 years is due to some fault within yourself that you have failed to discover. Mr. Cole. The trouble with you authors, on comic — I mean economic — questions. Prof. Gillette, is, you rarely discover any of the true inwardness and practical features of anything. I am confident you would undertake to advise how contracts should be estimated as soon as anything else you would at- tempt to write about. Prof. Gillette. Manifestly, Mr. Cole, it all looks plain enough; I cannot see anything intricate in it. Mr, Cole. That is what I say; you, of course, un- derstand the whole thing without ever having come in touch with any of it. You are so well up on everything. Professor, you ought to be able to tell me how to estimate on a building that would cost two hundred thousand dollars to build. Prof. Gillette. If I were a contractor I would ex- pect to be posted on all kinds of material as to quantity required, prices, etc., and as to the price of labor; are they not the chief features, Mr. Cole? Mr. Cole. Yes; go on. Prof. Gillette. Well, if I knew the amount of the material and the price of it, and the amount of days works required, and the cost per day, couldn't I tell what I could do the work for? Mr. Cole. Yes, if you hiew that you could. If, Professor, you had 21 acres of land to plow and you Labors’ Hard Times School. 183 had one team that you could plow an acre and a half a day with, how many days could you agree to plow it in with a given price fixed? Prof. Gillette. That is easy; if it did not rain I could agree to plow it in fourteen days, and it would be easy enough to make a price. Mr. Cole. Ah, if it did not rain! You will admit right now. Prof. Gillette, you would have to make a guess on just how long you would be plowing that 21 acres of ground; at least, how many days you might spoil doing it. It is possible that you would use as much time going from the barn to the field between showers as you would in plowing, leaving out the probability of the land being too wet a part of the time, and of a sick horse, broken harness or plow, etc. You see. Prof. Gillette, you are not smart enough to make a close estimate on the simple proposition of plowing 21 acres of ground. Then what do you think of a man trying to estimate the exact number of days works in a two hundred thousand dollar building? You can see at once that the days works will largely have to be a guess, and that accuracy in an affair of this kind is utterly beyond the power of any living man. Prof. Gillette. Shouldn’t experience enable you to guess very closely? Mr. Cole. Can experience enable you. Professor, to guess how many days it will rain out of any given fourteen days in order that you may plough? Prof. Gillette. I cannot claim that it would, but there is a general average in all affairs that it is quite 3afe to base our calculations on. Mr. Cole. Very true, and in that general average there may be several years of life due me yet, and i84 Labors’ Hard Times School. thus calculate that I will be here tomorrow, but ill- ness of myself or family, or worse than that, may keep me away. So may a tornado level to the ground a nearly completed wall that it would require more days works to clear the debris away than it took to originally build the wall, and a thousand lesser things that it is worse than guess work to at- tempt to strike an average on in estimating work. I heard a reliable contractor say once that if his workmen would do him a full day’s work each day, and not soldier on him, he would defy any man on earth to compete with him. Can you. Professor, recommend an average or a cure for this feature, or will you concede from the start that it is an un- known quantity? I will admit. Prof. Gillette, that you can make due allowance for all these contingencies, but when you do, your reward will be no contracts. Your compet- itors’ estimates and bids will be so far below you that your best friends will turn you down. So, you see, if youwill,\hdX estimated days works in any con- tract, either large or small, can by the most compe- tent man that can be found be nothing less than guess work. Like excavating for a basement being all days works, so days works enter largely into the construction of any building and become one of the chief features, and the chief feature of risk that will prevail while time lasts, except we advance to that stage of perfection that v/e have regulated compe- tition. The war cry today, though, is open compe- tition, and our streets, roads and lanes are at this moment strewn with the financially mangled and distorted victims of that cry. Victims, too, that in Labors’ Hard Times School. 85 numbers go a long way towards making up the mass of our people. There is proof in my line which can safely be ap- plied to all industries and all branches of business that home competition will always take care of prices and keep them low enough on our own pro- ducts, in our own markets, regardless of any other country. Although other nations may ship building m.aterial into our country, no one attempts to ship a ready-made building in, but at times, I think. Prof. Gillette, some of you free traders would try it on if you could see your way clear to accomplish such a feat, and the talk you people frequently make leads me to believe you would bring in farms already stocked and equipped if you could. Prof, Gillette. We political economists think and write from the point, Mr. Cole, of benefiting the whole world. We do not select any particular acre to the exclusion of all else. Mr. Cole. Then if you had a sample acre that was far superior to all the rest that was serving as a great and valuable example, you would consign it to the whole pile and allow it to be lost, would you? I defy you. Prof. Gillette, to show that the people of any other country as a whole can equal the citizens of our country as a whole in distinguished excel- lence. I defy you to show that this dignity of rank is not due more to the high wages we pay than to all other features combined. I defy you to prove that our people have not been the inspiration that has led, and is leading, other countries to pay better wages and to recognize that their workmen can distinguish pleasure from pain, comfort from want, and peace i86 Labors’ Hard Times School. from agony. I do not believe, Prof. Gillette, that you would intentionally do a thing that would lessen our influence in elevating nations and people living in a lower social and moral strata, but do you not diminish our strength as a magnet in lifting them to a higher plane the moment you start us in their direction? I shall urge that we continue to improve our diet, rather than to attempt to adjust ourselves to any less wholesome. I arose, Mr. Labor, because I felt con- fident it would require some actual experience to answer Prof. Gillette’s question as to the profits to the contractor in a building costing ^1,000,000. It is quite indellibly stamped on the minds of the people that contractors invariably grow rich. We are prone to forget the large number who fail and drop out. Usually there are a great many contractors in a building costing ;^i,ooo,coo aside from the general contractor. The steam heater, the plumber and the decorator are the chief ones. It must be remem- bered, however, that the material they use is only products of labor, and they buy days works to install it, and the few among them who retire with a com- petency, together with a large number who are un- fortunate, indicates that there is nearer a bare living in their business than that there is very much wealth in it. I would be willing to guarantee that there are more buildings erected where the days wages that go into the material and into the building absorb more than ninety per cent, of the total cost than there are that absorb less than that. This estimate is on net profits, and we have no net profits until everybody, including the manufacture Labors’ Hard Times School. 187 of material, the superintendent, foremen and clerks, together with the contractors, have been paid. The wholesaler and his help, the contractor and his help, all these are working in their line, which belongs in the cost of any goods and should be paid for, but there is such a lack of it being paid that statistics show, as has already been referred to here, that 95 per cent, of our business men fail to succeed. My talk, Mr. Labor, has been with the view of helping you to hold to and maintain that nine-tenths of everything is labor, and that when you make a purchase that nine-tenths of the purchase money has gone to labor. This holds good with a frame building costing ^500, $5,000 or $50,000, and I have come to the conclusion that there is but very little on earth that it fails to hold good in. I am a pur- chaser of days works and have been for twenty years. I am diametrically opposed to low wages, or any who approve of low wages. I expect now to remain a contractor the balance of my life. I do not know any other business, and I know enough to know that idle workmen and low wages mean small amounts of money in circulation, which, all told, mean fewer contracts and less of any and all kinds of business transactions. I thank you and the class for your attention, Mr. Labor. Labor. Your talk has been very interesting, Mr. Cole, and I take the liberty to return you the thanks of the class as well as my own. Mr. Cole. You are very kind, Mr. Labor, but I hope that neither you nor the gentlemen present will gather, that I have in a partial sense even, cov- ered the ground in which flourish so abundantly the bitter weeds that the contractor so regularly finds in i88 Labors’ Hard Times School. his rations. To do that would take too much time, and it would be foreign to the question of how far the laboring man’s days works enter into all products. Labor. I hope, Mr. Cole, that the future may offer an occasion for you to tell it all, and possibly it will. Mr. Dolan, you may proceed now. Mr. Dolan. I am very glad Mr. Cole relieved me at the time he did, and I wish I could convey to him how cordially I thank him. I have threatened at times to become a contractor in a small way my- self; it all looked so easy. I fear if I had, though, I would have ended as one of the forgotten ones mentioned. We men who work by the day or week, Mr. Labor, are as a rule very jealous of the man in business. It always looks to us like his is a rosy time with no toil and but little if any annoyance in it. How natural it is, too, that we should grow to the belief that were we in business it would be im- possible that we could be numbered among the 95 per cent, that fail to succeed. We had quite a dis- cussion in our union at one time relative to men in business and, of course, they came in for a large share of abuse. I suppose that the case was some- what aggravated by the fact that the whole union were working for one and the same man, who was considered something of a hard master. I had but little to say at the outset, but before it ended I was in it up to my eyes. At one time they were appar- ently all on top of me, but before we adjourned I got an unanimous vote that no matter how mean or ugly he was, that to us he was of the greatest utility; hence, if an evil, a necessary one. I listened to them storming at him from every Labors’ Hard Times School. 189 conceivable nature that a man might possess and that anybody could learn to oppose, or find fault with, until the debate, because of but one side to it, began to lag. When, as much for jest as anything, I sug- gested that I did not think him such a terrible man. You should have seen the disturbance I kicked up, Mr. Labor. It took the chairman five minutes to restore order. While the uproar lasted I did a heap of thinking, and it seemed my thoughts never came so fast. I knew I was in for it, and de- clared to myself I would fight it out. When they became quiet again they demanded I should give some reason for defending him. I told them I would if they would agree to listen attentively until I had finished, to which they all consented. I asked first that all who had worked for him twenty years to stand up, and fully half of them arose to their feet. Then I asked for those who had worked for him fifteen years to stand, and a large number arose. Then, those ten and five years likewise. I asked them that all who had had steady employ- ment when their health would permit and they chose to work to rise. And they all stood up except one man. I asked what had been the trouble with him, and he said he had lost time on several occasions when they had shut down for repairs. They all gave him the laugh, and it was fortunate it happened, for it left them in a more mirthful mood. Labor. Did this happen recently, Mr. Dolan? Mr. Dolan. Oh, no, Mr. Labor; this happened prior to 1893. Labor All right, then, go ahead. igo Labors’ Hard Times School. Mr. Dola7i. I asked them then who arranged the scale of wages they were getting, and they all spoke at once, saying they did it themselves. I asked them then who regulated their hours of work; and they all repeated again that they did it themselves. And this naughty man you have been talking about submitted to it all? And laughingly they admitted he had. ‘‘Why, then, do you call him such names?” One of the men spoke up and said he guessed it was a habit they had fallen into. I told him I thought it was, and that I thought it was a bad habit. I reminded them that, all told, there were 2,000 of us in the employ of this bad man. (Mind you, Mr. Labor, I had only been working for him some three years myself, hence I was presuming considerably to undertake the job of talk such as I was indulging in.) And I asked them if they thought it would be to our interest should he go out of busi- ness, or in some manner be removed. The answer was that undoubtedly some man more liberal and in every way better would take his place. I asked them if there was not a large problem containing much uncertainty in that. I admitted more congenial men could be found to undertake to fill his place, and plenty of them, but added that I thought the hazard to us was too great to justify us in inviting it. I cited that if we were people of means we could perhaps afford to take such a risk, but that chances of such a character, when days works to sell was practically all the capi- tal we could command, were channels that all pru- dent men would avoid, and that it was my belief that the successfully wise in the past had been those who opposed and repudiated such sentiments. A member of the union asked if we should make Labors’ Hard Times School. iqi a mistake, if we could not sell our days works to some other employer? “You include in that the possibility of the whole two thousand of us, repre- senting ten thousand people (including our famil- ies) pulling up and moving?” “Yes,” he said, “if necessary.” “If we were to do that,” I said, “un- doubtedly a few of us would be idle for some time, which in the aggregate would amount to a great loss. Should we move, and it only cost ^lo to each family, it would amount in total to $20,000. We would be certain to lose at the least $10 each by having on hand a few unsold days works, which would be ^20,000 more, making ^40,000 the worst of it. This is putting it at the minimum, which no one is justified in doing, I do not believe it a crazy estimate to claim that all told we would be ^150,000 out of pocket before we were all settled again.” I asked them why we did not study these questions and our true interests closer, rather than allow a blind prejudice to lead us around. I told them that I did not believe men were plenty who could successfully handle such large enterprises as the man we were finding so much fault with had his. I asked them, Mr. Labor, how many of us 2,000 sellers of days works they thought there were who could manage such a business as our em- ployer had successfully? One of the men said he thought there were plenty of us who could. I in- quired if it fell to him what he would do first? He said he would arrange it so all the men would have a good time themselves. One of the other miem- bers replied: “Yes, you would fix it so that in a few weeks we would have all our time to ourselves,'" and added, “ I guess we have been fooling with the ig 2 Labors’ Hard Times School. buzz saw and didn’t know it.” I told him I thought his answer very appropriate, and made the claim that I didn’t believe there was . a man among us who could handle affairs of such magnitude a year and not be tied up; having ruined all resources, discipline and everything else. One of the boys wanted to know if I didn’t think I could run it? I told him if I should undertake to run a candy shop in two months the children would have eaten all the candy, I would be broke, owe for rent, and be out of business. I urged upon them that I was not discussing this question from the nar- row limits of our special case, and our special inter- ests. I reminded them that the field was so broad that it was without limit, and that there was a prin- ciple involved that went home to all the world. I cited to them that it would be impossible that our 2,000, together with all other working men, running up into the millions of people, could be principals in business. Kind Providence did not ordain the world that way. He is too wise to have had a moment’s thought that it could be so. I said: You know, and I know, that all nature’s laws forbid it, and added that we might as well undertake to scoff at, and repel death, as to attempt to successfully change those laws. We can modify hardships, and have, and we cannot find a human being today, including our employers, who has not ultimately, and cheerfully, too, granted ^ his approval. When we ask for the whole earth, ap- proval is not due us and we should not look for it. I told them that I had an abiding faith in a just and overruling Providence who had planned for us wisely, and that he was molding us into ways that Labors’ Hard Times School 193 were best for us just as fast as our development pre- pared us to receive and utilize them properly. How many have we known, and can we read of, who proved great officers in an army, but were unfortu- nate in nearly everything else they ever undertook? Does not this single feature, more than any other given one, admonish us that there is a man compe- petently moulded to fill every important niche in life? Will you charge me then, with an indiscreet endorsement of Deity when I attest my belief that men have been, and are, endowed with special and specific gifts and faculties to successfully manipulate, govern and direct large commercial enterprises? Whether this belief be well founded or not, none of you can dispute the fact that we meet but few who have the required sagacity to dispose of extensive business affairs profitably. What have we here in our own case? Here is a man that you all cordially dislike, yet he is main- taining himself and an expensive family and us 2,000 workmen and our families. Can any of you claim that he has not some special faculties to do all this? I cannot see how we could afford to take any chances in making a trade. You say his avarice and greediness for gain cause you to dislike him. Why not see that that quality is one of the requisites to go hand in hand with other special gifts in his make up, whereby he is feeding, clothing and providing for 10,000 of us? You cannot dispute that he fur- nishes the money to take care of our families as well as us. He buys all we have to sell, and pays us as much as we could get for it of anyone else. What should we care though he is mean enough to crowd 194 Labors’ Hard Times School. when he sleeps alone, so long as he does not ask that we shall share our beds with him? He serves our purpose and he does not undertake to change the usual scale of wages, or the popular hours of work. And he couldn’t change them if he should attempt it. Even though he does not intend it, he is our best friend so long as he remains our best customer. Wherever, in my opinion, we protect and defend him with the view of his lasting as long as possible, we are helping ourselves. Nearly all other employ- ers, no doubt, are better disposed toward their work- men than he, but they truly cannot treat them very much better than we compel him to treat us. I told them, Mr. Labor, that I was in hopes that they caught my [motives in talking as I had, which was to study our own best interests, rather than be led around by our prejudices. It was easy to prove to them that this man worked harder than any of us; he was always on a hop, skip and a jump, and I don’t believe he ever sleeps. I reminded the men of all these facts, which they had all noted, and told them that we all took more comfort than he did. When he had to reduce his forces early in 1893 I was thrown out, being one of the newer men, but then they nearly all went. The object lesson didn’t miss the iron industries any more than it did any- thing else. One large firm reduced its force from the mines to the finished product some 9,000 men. This one act, by one firm, took over $20,000 a day out of circulation, amounting in one year to over $6,000,000. I wish, Mr. Labor, we men who have only days works to sell had understood the tariff question Labors’ Hard Times School. 195 more clearly in 1892, but, then, it may be better as it is; we know it now because we have felt it. I feel confident that the Dingley bill will become a law, and in a short time after I look for everything to pick up so that we shall all find a market again. How do you think a man looks to me now, Mr. Labor, who undertakes to tell me that a protective tariff is for the benefit of the manufacturer only, and tries to convince me that I am opposing my own interests when I vote that ticket? See the 2,000 men that were reduced to 600 by the iron manufacturer I have just been tellingyou about. Can I think that the 1,400 of us that were laid off were not interested in a protective tariff; yes, and five times that number, when you include our families? i\ll defenders of free trade or low duties can talk to someone else after this. Groversville has settled all that question with me, and shown so distinctly why and how money went out of circulation that it will be a waste of time for them to sing me any more of their songs. They talk, too, about foreign markets for our manu- factured goods. Why, foreign markets take a little less than one-fiftieth of what we manufacture, and on top of that they only took one-seventh of our breadstuff in 1895, fhe same year less than one- eighth of our provisions. This last, too, is estimating our hogs, cattle and sheep before they were slaugh- tered, cured and packed. Add this last expense to the value of the product and foreign countries could not have taken more than one-tenth of our provis- ions. I think, Mr. Labor, we would better look after our own market, which we can increase if we will look after it, and not join the free traders in giving it away. 96 Labors’ Hard Times School. One other phase of the tariff question interests me very deeply, Mr. Labor. I frequently read in the daily papers that the duty on a given article is a hardship on the farmers, and some other article on some other class, and that those particular people have to pay the tax. I want to ask the authors of such talk, if the duty on any commodity is low enough to let that particular product into our mar- ket, to the extent of causing me to lose the sale of fifty days’ work each year at $3 a day, amounting to ^150, what it can be called other than a tax on me for the sum of ^150? Suppose the number of men affected in a like manner amounts to 100,000. The sum of the tax then on the total 100,000 working men is ^15,000,000. I claim this is a hardship on the sellers of days works, and is asking him to pay at least ten times more tax than should be required of him. The results are the same, no matter what product it is. Therefore, to illustrate fully the stand I take, we will call it structural iron. If 100,000 of us lose fifty days each year in that industry, amounting to ;^I5,000,000, won’t there be just as much loss to other wage earners transforming the ore into pig iron? This proposition cannot be successfully disputed, I care not what the goods are, provided it is any manufactured and completed product wherein the material cannot be advanced a step farther. This brings the loss to labor in our illustration up to $30,000,000. Prof. Gillette and other writers on political economy may be able to figure out on paper how the farmer and some other classes can be bene- fited by such a process, but before I can accept their solution of it I shall have to come in touch with it Labors’ Hard Times School. 197 in a realistic sense. The slight contact we have ex- perienced the past four years with that sort of ma- nipulation has let the tail board out of their wagon and spilled some of their fruit. There is a grand opportunity now for such preachers to turn in and try to do as much good in the future as they have harm in the past. If they will do as much to raise our high standard higher, as they have done to pull it lower, they will be following in lines that will elevate the world’s standard, for, as Mr. Cole has truly said, we are up to date, while not perfect, the shining model, pattern and example for all mankind. Think, Mr. Labor, of the farmer and other classes as we have illustrated being benefited by thirty million fewer dollars in circulation; not only not in circulation but it has been sent out of our country, and, as has been so many times said, to stay out. Why don’t such people argue that we send all our money away and thus do the greatest possible good to any number except our own? I presume for fear we might fall short in doing good, it would be well to send our clothes and other effects along with the money. Labors’ Hard Times School. 198 LESSON X. Mr. Labor, my name is Maxwell. I am a traveling salesman. With your permission, Mr. Labor, I shall be pleased to relate a circunistance that holds some points not altogether foreign to the questions you are discussing here. The above was volunteered by a gentleman who up to the time he attracted Labor’s attention had remained a quiet observer. Labor. Very good, Mr. Maxwell; we shall listen to you with pleasure. Mr. Maxwell. I want, Mr. Labor, to call the classes’ attention to the inconsistency of a retailer in station- ery goods, behind his own counter a few days ago; he is a rank free trader, and the case is a very lucid one. The transaction had with him, to which I intend to refer, was not less than a search light of the greatest power possible, penetrating and expos- ing to ridicule the very bowels of the question he cited. It has been a part of the free traders’ war cry for years that American goods are retailed in foreign countries cheaper than in our own, and thus they charge that our manufacturer exacts a robber profit at home, and this was the question the free trade dealer brought up. I had purchased of him a pencil block of soft paper of one hundred sheets, for which he charged me ten cents. I was familiar enough with what I was buying to know that he was taking from me three cents for Labors’ Hard Times School. 199 every one he had invested, to all of which I made no complaint, for .he requires about that kind of profit on what I was purchasing to maintain his establishment, when dealt out in single packages as’ was the case with me, and I would be a fool on gen- eral principles to want to see the man fail, and a special fool in this instance, for his store was a very great convenience to those located near it, and in nine cases out of ten, time being money, it was economy to buy there. We will drop all these questions, Mr. Labor, and look at the man, great, broad and illustrious with only one side to him, and his heart and sense in the side that didn’t count; he was willing to take all kinds of profits himself, but if left to his own sweet will he would force others to do without any such relish, especially on what he had to purchase for his own use. To be sure I was making no mistake as to the cost of the block of paper, I took it to a house in the same line a few blocks away, and submitted the whole question to a particular friend who examined the manufacturer’s list and fully confirmed my con- victions and showed me that the blocks sold for thirty cents per dozen, 2^ cents each. Do you think, Mr. Labor, that in Germany, France, England or any other country they would think of asking more than five cents for such a block of paper, and wouldn’t the seller look a little shy out of the other eye when he even asked five cents for it? No, Mr. Labor, they all work for less money in other countries, the retailer as well as the menhanic and common laborer, and when they take our goods to their own country after paying our manufacturers the same price our retailers pay them, they only add 200 Labors’ Hard Times School. about one-third the profit our retailers do, and when our people are touring around those countries and find American goods offered at less price than they can buy them at home, they wonder and grunt with" out trying to seek out the reasons why, and come home singing the beauties of free trade countries, ignoring the fact that in nine cases out of ten it was due to the better profits of the business they had followed themselves, or the better salaries gotten in this country that had provided them means to go abroad at all. Think of an ordinary business man or salaried man of foreign countries traveling our country over. How much do we see of it? We all know of plenty of ordinary business men of this country taking their whole families to Europe, and spending an entire season, and in a year or two go again, and keep repeating until the briny deep becomes as familiar to them as it is to an old tar. A fever manifestly overtakes them to spend their money in other lands, fearing, no doubt, that should they distribute it too lavishly about home it would do too much good. When Americans are visiting foreign countries and find our goods selling so cheaply there they could in a manner benefit their • own country by purchasing and bringing the goods home with them. To say the least, they would be patronizing American labor if they were at the same time turning the American dealer down, and that would be preferable by far to the purchase of foreign goods and thus support the foreign laborer and deal- er both. It is but few American manufactured goods that are found in foreign countries at best, and so long as the total amount remains below two per cent, of our output it matters but very little so far Labors’ Hard Times School. 201 as portraying any business principles as to prices in our own country what such goods sell for in other countries. An American physician sojourning in other lands might visit a patient charging only ten cents a call, and in doing so not in any manner violate medical ethics at home; likewise a manufacturer in our own country might have sold to his regular customers in the United States 95 per cent, of his product, but to meet all his obligations he needs to sell the remain- ing five per cent. To offer the goods at a cut rate to the distributor in his own home market, which means a cut by the latter to gain prestige and new customers, results in a general disturbance of prices, which materially affects and offends nearly all his trade, a thing a sagacious business man is slow to do. He can, however, make any price he sees fit to bridge over, meet his obligations and maintain his credit on the same remnant to go to foreign coun- tries and not in any sense interfere with true domes- tic business methods and business interests. This process, while it paves the way to further lowering of prices on our goods abroad, is in every particular legitimate, and mechanics and laborers have an in- direct interest in such transactions nearly equal to and with the party making them, for it is very clear they will fail next year to sell their employer such parts of their labor as he carries over from this year. And they are likewise interested in his retaining his financial strength and maintaining his credit. This is another axe with two blades to it, Mr. Labor, and a reason why in order that we can have our own market to sell our own labor in, we need and require a protective tariff. We can not afford to leave our 202 Labors’ Hard Times School. gates open for the foreign manufacturer to do this very same thing to us, and when the waste trader charges that such a policy drives the foreign buyer into a spirit of retaliation and that he will not have our goods if he can avoid it, I want to answer that such is the very spirit Mr. Foreigner is living in to- day; he buys of us just what he has to have, and nothing more, and all the free trade we could pos- sibly indulge him in would fail to induce any fur- ther concessions. It should be kept in mind, Mr. Labor, that when we are discussing foreign compet- ition in manufactured goods we do not include our American neighbors, except Canada, and should be further remembered in this special instance that we are talking from the standpoint of 95 cents home market to five cents foreign market, which again is misleading. A reader might gather from this case that five cents worth of every dollar of our manu- factured goods go abroad, which is not true. It is not quite two cents out of each dollar’s worth that is not consumed in our own country, and it is for this reason, Mr. Workingman, that we want outsiders to keep their hands off our market, and want you and me to have first chance to sell on our own cor- ners just what, and all we have to sell, i. e., the days works that are in us. I was talking, Mr. Labor, about a manufacturer under certain conditions cutting prices on five per cent, of his product to foreign countries; some critic might make use of that and claim that I admitted that many of our manufacturers sell five per cent, of their product abroad. I do not admit any such thing; if any waste trader will show me a single manufacturer who ships five per cent, of his product Labors’ Hard Times School. 203 to foreign countries regularly, I will show him 1,000 manufacturers, large and small, who don’t ship a thing away from home. Let a brother workman ask the man who employs him how much he ships abroad, and when he tells you not a thing, go out and ask other manufacturers what they ship, and learn how long it will be before you find anyone who has any foreign patronage, and see if your own investigation doesn’t cause something to nudge you in the side and say, — old man, all my days works are used up here in the United States, why in the name of fairness do I want some Italian in Italy, some German in Germany, some Englishman in England, some Frenchman in France, or anybody in any other country to ship his days works here and sell them, take our money to his own country and have a good time with it, and I keep my days works, go hungry, do without money and have no kind of time at all? No, Mr. Labor, our goods cheaper in foreign countries than at home do not signify a living proof of anything. What other countries take chiefly of us is breadstuffs and provisions. Suppose a wealthy firm in London should say to some given owner of a large milling interest in this country: “We in Lon- don will take your whole product of flour and allow you ten per cent, net profit on it, you to cut out all expenses of traveling salesmen, advertising, &c.” Such an arrangement would enable the London tradesman to retail flour cheaper in London than it can be sold for in this country, because all his ex- penses are less, and a party might be able to cite that he can buy a barrel of flour at retail cheaper in London than he could in Minneapolis, Minn., which, 204 Labors’ Hard Times School. in his limited knov/ledge of particular details in large transactions, would make the situation look very inconsistent to him. I do not name this case as one that ever did or ever will occur, but rather as a reminder to the man who never buys more than one barrel of flour at a time, that he has but little if any information of some transactions in lOO car lots and upwards to go abroad. There may be published quotations on such deals and on the side there may be rebates or cuts of some nature that are not quoted, and the very good reasons for their not being quoted are that the parties to the deal are the only ones who know anything about the special inside features, such as occur daily in large business transactions in all lines of goods and commodities, whether they go abroad or remain at home. The point we desire to make, however, is that a cargo of any kind of goods or commodities can be retailed at less expense in foreign countries than in our own because the retailer or solicitor can live cheaper in such countries than we can here. A like transaction might occur with a packer of meats in the United States that would carry with it the same- mystification. I once heard a butcher re- mark that a poor debt was better than spoiled meat. On this principle a packer might sell to a foreign buyer a large quantity of provisions that he had kept longer than he wanted to at a figure that would enable the foreigner to put it on the market at a price cheaperthan we can buy for here where it is produced, all of which again would look very singular to us who are not permitted to listen to the inside conferences. We should ever bear in mind, too, that from time Labors’ Hard Times School. 205 to time an endless amount of capital is locked up in these commodities and where sales have been unex- pectedly slow and paper is falling due that must be met, parties are forced to cut out a chunk “that is not a remnant” and offer it at a broken price to meet their liabilities, and beyond a doubt the foreign buyer is always watching and taking advantage of such opportunities, and it is a well established busi- ness principle that broken prices do less harm ulti- mately in the lesser market than in the greater, hence our home market being by far the greater it will Be guarded more cautiously than the foreign markets, and if a broken price is going to be made by any of our heavy dealers they would much rather their goods would go away from home. Some American citizen may find fault with such a method of doing business, but if he does he might just as well chide the farmer for taking better care of his wheat than he does of the screenings. There are certain laws of trade we have always bowed to and always will, except a few who are at present planning a reorganization of the world succeed in fixing affairs so everything will come to us without effort. I wonder, Mr. Labor, if this latter class will win out? If they do, just think of the joy, delight and happy times in front of us when not a soul stops to ask how many have wiped on the towel, or who made the hash, all bathing in the same tub or the same water at the same time. We are a queer lot, Mr. Labor, and only care a little bit for ourselves. I have a case in hand and want to tell you about it, as it bears directly on the objects of your school. I have a dear acquaintance in City, in 2o6 Labors’ Hard Times School. the business of selling manufactured hair; in fact, his house does its own manufacturing and is one of the oldest and largest in the country. This friend has always been an out and out free trader, and we had many bitter discussions during the summer of 1894. For convenience we will call him Mr. East. His next door neighbor west was a gentleman that we both esteemed very highly, and in as much as his door was west of Mr. East’s, we will call him for convenience Mr. West. The business of the latter was the manufacture of brass and iron bed steads and all kinds of mattresses, hence Mr. West used large quantities of hair and was a con- stant patron of Mr. East and one of the latter’s best customers. While Mr. East was a strong free trader, Mr. West was just as strong a protectionist, and many were the squabbles the two gentlemen had on that question during the time the Wilson bill was before the two houses of Congress. It so happened that their two front porches joined and during the summer of 1894 we three spent fully more than half the evenings on these porches. It will be remembered that the lower house of Congress sent the Wilson bill to the Senate with manufactured hair on the free list. It so happened a short time after the^bill had passed the house I met Mr. East on a car one morning going down town to business and he said to me: “Do you know, Mr. Maxwell, that the English have their agents in here already since the Wilson bill passed the house, trying to contract manufactured hair? Mr. East had a quick and positive manner of speaking and it had a little quicker and a little more positive tone to it on this occasion than I had ever observed before. Labors’ Hard Times School. 207 In fact, he was very much excited and it was excite- ment of an intense and startling nature; something such as would naturally come to a man if his own house uninsured was directly in the path of a raging fire, and the word had gone forth that those in authority had shut the water supply off, forbidding that it be turned on, and had placed a strong guard at all points to prevent their orders being violated. It is not commendable to me or my nature to admit that I could find a .particle of pleasant relish in my friend’s predicament, but to be frank, I must confess that while I tried to hold on to a very serious countenance there was within me a swell of satisfaction that I thought, despite all my hasty resolutions to the contrary, would show in small waves over my face. Of course, like 999 out of every 1,000 people, I knew not a thing about manufactured hair, or the duties on it, as is ever the case with the masses on any given product except it be some special one such as wool, lumber, sugar, etc., that has been made prominent through the daily press, and then even the general public rarely go through it carefully and thoroughly in detail. With every effort possible to disguise the deep interest I felt in view of all that had passed between us on tariff questions, I quietly stated that I was poorly informed on the particular commodity of hair, and in an apparently innocent way inquired where the product was found in greatest abundance, what the tariff had formerly been, etc. Mr. East, I found, as is very natural, was well posted, and told me that the bulk of the hair they use was procured from South America or Australia, 2o8 Labors’ Hard Times School. or both, which I do not remember so particularly about, and in a sense is immaterial anyway. He said the English could land it in their own country about as cheaply as he could in this country, so that on that score they were on nearly equal terms, but added that prior to the McKinley bill the duty on manufactured hair brought into our market from foreign countries was twenty-five per cent.; that the McKinley bill reduced the duty to fifteen per cent. Mark again, Mr. Labor^ what the robber McKinley bill did — ^lower duties — which was about the difference in the cost of labor between the two countries. This fifteen per cent, duty practically held our market on that commodity for our own people, but, said he, the Wilson bill as it has passed the House puts manufactured hair on the free list, and now, on the presumption that the bill will pass the Senate and become a law, the English, as I told you, actually have their agents on the ground trying to contract manufactured hair at new prices for future delivery. Continuing, so far as I could, my innocent composure, although full of the rudest kind of laughter, I asked: “Will that affect your business particularly?” “Will it affect us?” he pas- sionately exclaimed, “ it will shut us up, except we can arrange with our labor to work for less pay, and to attempt that means an ugly strike and all kinds of a tear-up.” My time, Mr. Labor, had come to talk and to laugh. I told him that I could have no sympathy for him whatever; that he would only be getting what he had labored for and fought for all his life if he did lose his business, and that a man who had for a long term of years been prodding for a blow be- Labors’ Hard Times School. 209 tween the eyes shouldn’t complain when the blow came. I told him he hadn’t seen because he wouldn’t see. That the word “free” was “catchy,” and that was as far as he had looked into the question; that he had failed to recognize that the workmen of this country are the customers of our country, and, when he thought they had no rights but what could be sawed off and ignored with impunity, kind Provi- dence would check him up to the extent of ignoring and sawing him off, and added, that a man who had to feel a thing that was so plain before he could see it was not entitled to any person’s sympathy. By this time we were down town, and in his sorrow and quandary we parted the best of friends, as usual. Sometime later Mr. East, Mr. West and myself were, in our accustomed way, chatting one evening on their porches, and in keeping with our established practice the tariff and Wilson bill, which had become a law then, took its turn. It is due to add here that the Senate put a duty of ten per cent, on manufact- ured hair, which the House consented to, or con- firmed, when the bill became a law. During our talk this special evening Mr. West said that the bill reduced the duty on brass and iron bedsteads from forty-five to thirty-five percent., and added that if they had cut it to twenty-five per cent, they would have had to close up. As this remark was made Mr. East, in his manner of doing fre- quently, folded his arms, and, leaning back in his rocker, said: “Well, I don’t care now, the Senate put ten per cent, on manufactured hair, and that saves us; we are all right!' This sally seemed to touch Mr. West in a new or old tender spot and he in words fairly flew at his friend, accusing him of all 210 Labors’ Hard Times School. kinds of blindness in his own interest. “I suppose/' said Mr. West, “it would be all right if low duties or no duties at all shut our house up, and everybody else’s business up except yours. You are a first-class free trader, and one of the elect, but you can shout loud enough when you are hit direct; but like all other blind asses of free traders' you cannot see far enough ahead to find out when indirectly you are hit. You are dense enough to think that after everybody else has gone under there will still be a market for manufactured hair. I can tell you plainly that when that time comes the American people will be sleeping on shavings and you can keep your hair, and Mr. Foreigner can keep his hair, too. In case we had been forced to shut down see the army we would have had to throw out of employment who patronize all industries and all classes of pro- ducts, sending their money into circulation weekly, not in the old ox cart way, but at a bicycle pace. Don’t in the name of decency stop to scour the rust off of your old fogy notions, but cast them one side en- tirely and get yourself abreast of what is the matter with us. The trouble with you and me today that makes our trade so light and money so scarce and close is on account of the multitude of factories and manu- facturing plants that were compelled to shut down last year. The money the workmen in those insti- tutions were distributing prior to 1893 is not travel- ling now; it is locked up in vaults and tied up in old stockings just longing for the time to come when it can get out into the open air and breathe again and help put breath and life into everybody and every- thing. And when you learn what has caused this wreck you will find it was not the Sherman bill nor Labors’ Hard Times School. 21 i our government’s financial policy; it will dawn on you some day that it was all due to the_ standing promise of a new tariff bill, which we now have and call the Wilson bill; and you can just write one fact more in your reference book, Mr. East, and look at it later on at my request, and that is, that the times we are having now will remain with' us just as long as the Wilson bill remains. And not until the words null and void are written across the face of that bill, and a good protective measure to American labor has taken its place, will good times come to us again.” I tried to ease Mr. West up a little; but he was so thoroughly in earnest that I cauldn’t get a word in; I had never seen him so wrought up before. He told me afterwards that he ought not to have been quite so saucy, but he said it was impossible for him to keep quiet or have any patience whatever with any man on the ground that his own business would go on all right when every other known business was going all wrong, and added that the free trader was a conundrum to him. “They are all alike; can’t see or feel a thing until it pinches them.” One would naturally think that Mr. East would feel a direct in- terest in the protection to my line of business, for to ruin it would be to throw out of the field a long list of his oldest and best customers; and even if he sold as much hair under such conditions he would in nine cases out of ten have to sell it to new and untried customers, which would mean greater hazard; more expense in soliciting and advertising, over half his old acquaintances (which is prestige) v/ould be gone, which means half he has worked all these years to establish would be gone, and he could begin half 212 Labors’ Hard Times School. new and that means a whole lot today when young business houses are fighting so hard to keep their powder dry. On the other hand, Maxwell, I do not grant that he could sell as much hair under such conditions. The case in hand today illustrates it all to him and me alike, as I told him. While the new tariff bill grants us sufficient protection to continue to manu- facture we are operating in a very mild way as com- pared to what we could be doing if all other indus- tries had been properly protected. Those that voh untarily shut down for prudence sake, together with the large number that were forced out, cut a chunk out of our market that sadly affects him and me, and Heaven only knows how many more that corner of the market that has already gone is going to take with it yet. I tell you. Maxwell, I feel very anxious over the outlook. That corner of the market is not only gone, but clearly enough it is growing larger every day like the snow balls we used to roll up when we were boys. But you can’t induce a fool free trader to see any of it. Mr. East can see what would have happened to him if manufactured hair had been left on the free list, but you can’t make him see that the very same thing has happened to thousands of others, and when you carry it on to the number of wage earners that are idle it runs into the millions that are out of money, which means less trade in all lines, and in some no trade^^ I could hardly forego bringing this case before your class, Mr. Labor, for I feel that there is a lesson in it. Labor. It does contain a lesson, Mr. Maxwell, and Labors’ Hard Times School. 213 what Mr. West predicted in 1894 has proven so true he ought to rank as a prophet. 214 Labors’ Hard Times Schooi. LESSON XL A tall, dignified, elderly gentleman attracts Labor's attention and asks the privilege of the floor for a moment only. Labor, You will kindly give us your name and the business you follow. I take it for granted from your dialect, however, that you are from the South. . Yes sah, Mr. Labah, I am from the South, sah. I have a cotton plantation; my name is Rasbach. Labor. Ah, indeed. Col. Rasbach; a member of the class called my attention to your attendance here and ask that I call upon you in case we consid- ered the question of cotton. I hope. Colonel, you will take up that subject and use more than a brief moment of our time, for I am informed that you own a large cotton plantation which you manage and operate yourself, hence can deal with the question from experience, which is exactly what we want, and I presume there can be no better time to take that product up than the present. Col. Rasbach. Well, sah, Mr. Labah, I did not rise sah with the intent of taking up any of your val- uable time; I have been moah than compensated foh my presence heah, sah. These labohing men have taught me wheah my true interests lie; they have shown me wheah I have made a fool of myself foh yeahs; and I thank them and I thank you, sah, foh opening my eyes. I came heah at the outset, sah, to have something to say back, in the belief I Labors’ Hard Times School, 215 would be shuah to find enemies heah, but, sah, I leahn you all ah my friends. I have lived in the past with the belief that fwee twade would be good foh us all, sah, but I see now, sah, what tawiff duties have done foh us in the past; ouah pwogwess in the past, sah, has been because ouah wuhk was done at home and ouah money kept at home. I see, sah, by statistics that in 1890 965 cotton mills employed 221,585 people and they weuh paid ^69,500,000 that yeah, sah, foh theah laboh. If I keep my cotton cwop, sah, I shall have no money to spend, and if the people who make the cotton into cloth and a thousand otheh things fail to sell theah days wuks to manufactah ouah cotton, sah, they will have no money to spend. Keeping th ah days wuks is too much like me keeping my cotton foh me to vote the fwee twade ticket any moah. I want to be honest, sah, and kind to evewy living being, but I would not be honest, sah, now that I know bettah, if I should vote to let cheap days wuks into ouah country without any hindwance and fowce ouah wuking people to go hungwy be- cause they could not sell theah days wuks. Ouah countwy, sah, waises moah cotton than the balance of the wold, and our people use neahly one-thuwd of all we waise. Ouah mawket then, sah, is the best single mawket in the wold foh cotton. Won’t we show ouah best sense, sah, when we cotton groehs take good caeh of the wold’s best mawket? Will we show ouah good sense any moah if we vote to have the ^69,500,000 oah any pohtion that our factowy wuhkehs got in 1890 paid to wuhkmen in other countwies, and, as has been said so often heah, the money go away fwom home and stay away? That 216 Labors’ Hard Times School. thought and expwession, sah, has attwacted my at- tention beyond anything I have met in a long time, sah, and I think, Mr. Labah, it should be kept be- foah ouah people until it is taken up in the same sense and they adjust theyselves to it as they do to slang phwases, sah, and in song and othehwise be constantly flashed in the faces of fwee twadehs. If ouah mawket, sah, takes one-thuwd of my cot- ton, is it not then singly my best customeh, sah? What good business man, sah, neglects his best customeh? I know, sah, while foweign countwies take lawge quantities of ouah cotton and wheat and pwovisions, all of which they would get elsewheh if they could, sah, they do not take enough of ouah manufactwed goods to call them customehs, sah. For evewy two dollahs of manufactuwed goods foweign countwies take of us, sah, our own countwy uses ninety-eight dollahs of what we manufactuh. We have paid too much attention to the two dollah intewest and too little to the ninety-eight dollah intewest. I don’t like that, sah. I don’t like that pwivilege extended in our mawket eitheh, sah, only so fah as it covehs goods that we don’t pwoduce. I see, sah, by statistics you have heah, sah, that duhwing the last fiscal yeah of the McKinley law, 1894, that theah weah 28,325,213 yahds of cotton cloth shipped into ouah countwy, while in the fust calendah yeah of the Wilson bill, 1895, 50>307>476 yawds came in; neahly double, sah. I don’t like that, sah; the value of goods undeh the McKinley bill was $3,480,806; undeh the Wilson bill the value was $5,985,941. The Wilson bill stole fwom the laboh of this countwy, sah, for the manufactuh of Labors’ Hard Times School. 217 neahly two and a half million dollahs woth of goods moah than the McKinley bill did, sah, and gave it to laboh in otheh countwies, sah, and in only one pwo- duct, and I see now, sah, that such twansactions ah not just oah honest and I shall not identify myself with them any moah, sah. I took the figyhs, Mr. Laboh, fwom among othuhs that I hope you will pwint with these lessons; the total amount of what the fust yeah of the Wilson bill, sah, paid to foheign laboh oveh and above, sah, what the last yeah of the McKinley bill did, amounts to $116,444,511, sah. What a wold of good, sah, that one hundwed and sixteen million dollahs would do ouah laboh heah and what a sum of money it would set in circulation, sah. Some may claim that it will come back when they buy ouah cotton, but if it did, sah, and I was just as well off foh it, I would be unpawdonably unjust to want it that way, but, sah, on the scoah of self interest I do not put it thajt way. I pwesume, sah, that the wukmen in foweigh count- wies only weah shiwts a pawt of the time, while ouah factowy men and women when they have wuk weah shiwts all the time, sah, and they have sheets and spweads on theah beds and cloths on their tables, too, sah, while it is a question whetheh the wuhkmen in the old countwies have beds to sleep on, sah, I tell you, sah, this is a pwofitable school, and I can tell you, Mr. Laboh, you will find me, sah, help- ing take caheh of ouah own mawket in the futuh; give ouah people a chance to wear good clothes and all have what they want to eat, sah, and we will be all wight all the time. Labor. I am pleased with your new sentiments. Col. Rasbach, and hope when you return home you 2I8 Labors’ Hard Times School. will take pains to convince many of your friends of their errors. Col. Rasbaeh. You can feel confident, sah, that I shall take with me all the fwuit I have gathewed heah, and not be at all stingy in giving it away, sah. Some of ouah people, though, in the South ah in a tewible wut, sah, and to dwive them out I may have to get in fwont of them with my old shot gun, sah. Labor. What is it. Col. Rasbaeh, that enters into cotton up to the time that it is baled and ready to leave your hands? Col. Rasbaeh. Laboh, sah; laboh and nothing else, except the value of the seed, and that came from laboh, too, sah. To carefully pwepahe the gwound is laboh; to plant it is laboh and to look after it and cultivate it, sah, until it is ready to pick is good, vig- ilant laboh, sah. To pick and wun it thwough the gin is laboh and to put it thwough the pwess and make it into bales is laboh, sah, which it costs fwom six to nine cents a pound to do. Labor. Then, Col. Rasbaeh, you look upon your yield of cotton when baled as so much stored up labor? Col. Rasbaeh. That, sah, is what it wepresents and all it wepwesents, and fwequently, sah, I have moah money stowed in the bales than I eveh take out of them, sah, and that money was all paid to laboh, sah, and it was a vast numbeh of people that it fed and clothed. I enjoy the pay day of the help, sah, when theah money entehs theah pockets something seems to enteh theah very bosoms that makes theah vewy feet lighteh, and a sweet relish comes to me, sah, the quality of which no otheh deed in life excels, and, Labors’ Hard Times School. 2ig sail, when I allow this sentiment to cahwy me to the factowy wukehs, sah, it does not take me long to discoveh that those of ouah own countwy come fust, and even, sah, if we discawd our own selfish intew- ests “that if we pay the money to our own people it stays in ouah own countwy and we get fuhtheh chances at it,” wegardless of this selfish intewest, I say, sah, the chahity within us should lead and di- wect that we pwovide foh ouah own people befoah we do those of otheh lands, and the man, sah, who is not bwoad enough to hold elements of such a natuh is too nahwoh to desehve the pwotection of any flag oah any countwy, and I add again, Mr. Laboh, that in the futuh, sah, I shall wepel such people and ad- vise them to get into camp with otheh demagogues and stay theah wheah they belong. One thing fuhtheh, Mr. Laboh. I notice by the statistics, sah, fwom 1880 to 1892 theah had been an incwease in the manufactuh of cotton in our own countwy, sah, amounting to 1,100,000 bales. Fwom 1892 to and including 1894 and 1895 there has been no inquease, sah. What has become of ouah pwog- wess, sah? The fwee twaderh, sah, may claim it has only gone back a twifle, but I shall ask him, why go back, and wemind him that ahead is the way we ought to go. I should not blame any othehs moah than myself, sah. I voted to stand still oah go back- wawds, but I shall blame you all, sah, who hang to such notions any longeh. I want to notice the lumbeh intewests in the South, sah, and then, Mr. Laboh, Twill withdway and make woom foh othehs. I was deeply intewested when Mistah Haskell was talking about ouah lumbeh, sah. They do kill and 220 Labors’ Hard Times School. buhn it up to clean the land to make fahms. Sup- pose, sah, we could turn it into lumbeh and the money it bwought only paid the cost of doing it, sah. Wouldn’t we sell the laboh in this countwy and have millions of dollahs that now go to Canada, sah? Selling laboh is like selling anything else, and falling to sell the laboh is like failing to sell any- thing else, sah. If the lumbehmen came and lived among us. they would help build upouah towns and make new villages, too. Yes, sah, and they would be industwious citizens; just what we want in the South, sah. It seems that men become fwee twadehs as soon as the lumbeh wheah they live has been exhausted, sah. I don’t like that sentiment, sah. Let the lumbeh wukman sell his home wheah the lumbeh is all gone and come to ouah sunny countwy and he will have a home in a showt time that will not only make his living, sah, but it will make him wich, and in place of sending ouah money to Canada, sah, we will tuhn whatweare now destwoying into wiches,sah,and keep the wiches, too. I am foh ouah flag, sah, and ouah own home, and in the futuh if I have any pwefew- ence foh any political pahty, sah, I shall demand that the candidates that pahty nominates shall be in favoh of tawiff laws, sah. As has been said heah befoah, that will pwotect ouah wohkmen in selling theah laboh in ouah own mawket, sah. If my own pahty, sah, attempt to fowce fwee twade candidates on me heahafteh, sah, and some otheh pahty nominates candidates in favoh of duties that will pwotect ouah industwies, I shall vote foh the lattah, sah, whetheh I like the pahty that nominates such candidates aah not, sah. Labors’ Hard Times School. 221 We want moah factowies foh the manufactuh of all cotton goods in ouah own sunny south, sah, and if we manage wightly, we may have them sooneh than we look foh, but when we vote to help factow- ies in foweign countwies, sah, the factowies will wemain in such countwies instead of coming to us, sah. We people of the South should get a move on ouhselves, and the fust thing foh us to do, sah, is foh one and all of us to help make laws that will pwo- vide foh ouah cotton being manufactuhed in the United States, and then a committee of Southun gentlemen go to foweign countwies and pwevail on cotton manufactuhehs to bwing theah industwies into ouah end of ouah own countwy, sah. This will be taking action, sah, and action is bettah than pictuhs and pwinted mattah, sah. If ouah people could have factowies enough among them, sah, in a fewyeahs they wouldn’t know theyselves, sah. We would have some home maw- ket for ouah gawden stuff and fwuit then, sah, and a multitude of things the South can gwoh so abun- dantly, sah. We have been blindly patting ouah angeh on its back too long, sah. Just think, Mr. Laboh, the vehwy industwies we needed, sah, and should have done all in ouah poweh to bwing to us, we have foh yeahs tried to vote out of ouah countwy, sah. I don’t blame these labohing men foh complaining, sah. They have been misled and abused, sah. When I fust listened heah they excited my sympathy, sah, and when that was awoused the last of my angeh left me, sah. Soon as my angeh was gone my good sense began to asseht itself and I saw plainly, sah, 222 Labors’ Hard Times School. fob the fust time in my life that my own and the in- tewests of my people at home, sah, was in line and identical with the labohing men, sah. One end of ouah countwy cannot go down and wemain down, sah, and the otheh end go up and thwive and wemain up and thwive; it is unnatuhal, sah; ultimately the two ends will come to one comg;ion level, sah. The people in the Noath must help make laws that will suppoht Southehn intewests, sah, and the people of the South must help make laws that will suppoht Nohthen intewests, and this sentiment, sah, must cover the whole bweadth of ouah countwy from the East to the West, sah. We must, Mistah Laboh, stand weady to fohsake any political pahty that hopes to build foh itself, sah, by stabbing any of ouah industwies, and no single pwoduct should be pehmitted, sah, to make capital foh itself, sah, to the detwiment of all otheh pwoducts. Gwovehsville, sah, was what bwought me to my senses. That illustwation was so pat, sah, as between pwotected laboh and unpwotected laboh that my fwee twade sentiments dissolved like sugah in watah, sah. If we want to stay on the eawth, we must plant, cultivate and put some kind of a fence with gates in it awound ouah own mahket, sah, and the gates must be guahded; we cannot affohd to leave them open, sah. Why, I ask you, Mistah Laboh, should waw cotton be impohted into ouah countwy, sah? I see by the wepohts that neahly five million dollahs wohth was impohted in 1895, sah. We waise moah than half the pwoduct of cotton in the wohld, and I cannot see why we need cotton fwom otheh lands, sah. Five Labors’ Hard Times School. 223 million dollahs, oah neahly that, paid to other coun- twies in one yeah foh waw cotton means quite fouh million dollahs less to cotton waising laboh in the South yeahly, sah. We need that fouh million dollahs in the South, sah. We cannot affohd to let a dollah get away, sah, and we cannot affohd to compete with the cheap laboh of India and otheh countwies, sah. Again, Gwovehsville tells the whole stohy, sah. I neveh wecognized befoh, Mistah Laboh, that in nineteen cases out of twenty, sah, the only way to make a commodity cheapeh is to loweh wages, sah, in that special pwoduct, which means a few wounds dowh the laddah foh us all, sah. I want to take evewy man in this school by the hand befoah we pawt foh good, sah, and tell him I am not in favoh of that; up the laddah is my motto, sah. As I said at the outset, sah, I came heah to find fault, but you have fohced me, and with kindness, tQO, sah, to make not only an unconditional suw- wendah but to offeh myself as a loyal volunteeh wecwuit to youah fohces. I love you all deahly, sah, and when I wetuhn home I shall make my childwen so familiah with you,. Mistah Laboh, that they will wecognize you on sight and lay at youah feet such a gweeting, sah, as only a hawhty welcome can extend. Labor, You are very kind. Col. Rasbach, and I hope that the future may hold in store for us many pleasant seasons, and that the greetings offered cannot predispose us to insensibility of our duties one to another, no matter in what volume such greetings may come. I noticed that the class was deeply interested in all your talk, and on their part as well us my own I take the liberty to thank you 224 Labors’ Hard Times School. earnestly for the light you have given and the special interest you have manifested. Is Mr. Carson present? If so, will he please rise? Ah, indeed, I am glad you are here just at this mo- ment, Mr. Carson. You claim to be somewhat familiar with cotton mills, Mr. Carson; will you briefly outline to us whether there is any labor attached to the manu- facture of cotton goods? Mr, Carson. Col. Rasbach has shown that the bale of cotton represents stored up days works only. Truly, Mr. Labor, in my attitude to that article in the past I had considered it raw material, while in fact it had cost from six to nine cents a pound for the labor to produce it, and the immense quantities raised had been the means of feeding and clothing a great army of people. I shall not undertake a detailed description of the multitude of manipulations by human hands of th^s commodity to form it into the innumerable articles that meet us on all sides. To prepare it for the cards, cleaning, etc., is labor, and to card it is labor; to prepare it for spinning is labor and to spin it is labor; to prepare it for weav- ing is labor, and labor weaves it. You can correct me, of course, and claim that the various machines do all this work, but if you do I shall urge that the machinery and material both are in the grasp of human hands from the cotton bale to the finished product; all forming of patterns, coloring, bleaching and dyeing is labor. It was labor that freighted and landed the bales at the mill and it will be labor that will pack, box and ship it away. Labors’ Hard Times School. 225 Labor. Your analysis, Mr. Carson, together with Col. Rasbach’s descriptions, show that if there was any raw material anywhere along the line it must have been the seed. Mr. Carson. Yes, but Col. Rasbach claimed that the seed came from labor. I^bor. Accepting that to be true, and of course it is true, we are at a loss to find the raw material. Mr. Carsoii. It is singular, Mr. Labor, that what- ever we sift down to the closest possible point we find to be all labor. It must be that after a time we will fully recognize that when we buy anything ex- cept raw land we are simply purchasing labor. In 1894, Mr. Labor, we imported cotton goods, such as cloth unbleached, or not colored or stained, together with stained, printed, bleached, colored or dyed, and articles ready made, such as wearing ap- parel, .knit goods, stockings, hose, half hcTSe, shirts, drawers, etc., and laces, embroideries, thread, yarn, warp or warp yarn; all told of the above cotton goods we imported in 1894 the sum of $24,968,629. In 1895 imports of the same goods amounted to the sum of $33,196,625 and in 1896 to nearly 32^ million dollars. (These latter figures are taken from the Daily News Almanac of 1897.) The money that bought the days works in these goods, Mr. Labor, was furnished by the United States, and if the raw cotton was not raised in our own country the whole sum was sent to foreign lands to make glad people other than our own. The question arises, Mr. Labor, do we owe other coun- tries that much, and can we afford to pay the price? These questions have been so thoroughly gone over 226 Labors’ Hard Times School. that further comment would seem out of place. I cannot refrain, however, from asking all our free trade friends why, so long as we have the days works on hand in this country to sell to make these goods, except, perhaps, some of the lace and embroidery, they insist that it is, or can be better to buy the days works in other countries? I do think, Mr. Labor, that it is the plainest question that was ever submitted to a plain people. How a man of sense can ignore the importance of keeping our money at home and in circulation at home, baffles all my in- genuity and imagination of the construction of a heart and brain. What in the name of all that is of any value can such a man be composed of? We do not urge that our gates be closed, but we do urge that they be better guarded. There is a limit beyond which justice to our own worthy, and would be in- dustrious, poor demands we shall not go. No one can claim that the exact point of duty in this can be found. To tell just where to drive the stake and avoid all error is beyond the power of human-kind, but there is a principle involved that can be found, and it does not require to be hunted for, either, and that principle is — so long as bur own people con- sume seven-eighths of our breadstuff and our pro- visions, and out of our manufactured products for a fraction less than every two dollars worth that we sell to other countries we at home consume a frac- tion over $g8 worth, shows so plainly the direction in which we must act in order to save ourselves, that I cannot see a thing but hypocrisy or dense ignor- ance as to the facts on the part of any class or political party that is constantly shouting foreign markets to our people, hoping thus to divert their Labors’ Hard Times School. 227 minds from the importance of our own market. Poli- tics is so loaded with trickery, and men who are square and valuable citizens in all other channels of life manifestly become willing demagogues when their political prejudices are at stake, or the party they have identified themselves with apparently needs some special sustenance, they will, without stopping to estimate the contingencies of the future, lend themselves to proclaim and advocate what they know to be false and unwholesome. The honest voter, who cares to be best served, owes to himself the most careful scrutiny of any manipulator’s de- signs when he is dealing on these lines. Don’t think for a minute that a man, because he pays his grocery and all other bills promptly, and fulfils to the letter his pledges in all other avenues, would hesitate for a moment to keep a card up his sleeve when dealing in politics. The average voter should ever bear in mind that our country is liberally supplied with candid, think- ing, business men who have no ambition for ofifice or political emoluments, and when any voter is in doubt as to where his best interests can be found, he would better watch the drift of sentiment with this class of citizens than to listen to some exhorter who hopes to be rewarded for his shouting. A man of sixty years and upwards, a few days ago, who claimed to be the author of several books, began to me a tirade on the times we were living in, and prophesied a terrible future close at hand; arraigned bankers and all capitalists, and everybody that he thought had a meal of victuals ahead. I told him when he talked to me about bankers and capitalists, that I had the feebleness to listen to 228 Labors’ Hard Times School. them and give them some credit for honesty and a a great amount of credit for what they had learned through the touch of experience. I told him that I thought more of a banker’s opinion on finance than I could of the opinion of any curb stone orator that I knew was “dead broke.” Then he said: “You would leave it to bankers to fix our system of finance, would you?” I retorted by asking if he would leave it with servant girls to cook up. “No,” but he claimed he would leave it to the people. I asked him what people, and added: “Do you mean those who don’t know enough to take care of their own finances? Why not urge as well that those in authority shall confer with the insane as how to safely provide for them? The average man knows about as much of what is good for us in a public financial policy as the insane man does what is best for him.” He wanted to know if I was a banker, or had any friends in the banking business. I told him that I was in no such good luck; that I was a factory workman, and that all I had to sell to obtain a living was days works. He remarked that it was singular then that I should want to do anything to favor bankers and capitalists. I told him I had to have money from some source and asked him if he thought I could get it of some one that didn’t have any. Well, no, he thought not, but he charged that I was flying in the face of my own interests to place any confidence in men who had much money. Labors’ Hard Times School. 229 I replied that I thought, and I knew, and so did he know if he would use his own good sense, that I would be flying in the face of my own interests to lose the confidence of men who have money, or do anything that would frighten that class of men out of the market with their money, and I frankly told him that the kind of talk he was making was alto- gether too plenty, and that it specially injured the market for the sale of days works, which was a per- sonal injury to me and to all men who tried to earn an honest living by selling the toil that was in them, by thus giving a fright to money that would drive it out of circulation. “Then you want money to circulate freely?” he asked. “Certainly I do,” was my reply. He continued: “And you are willing to leave it to bankers to ar- range the system of circulation, are you? “Yes, I would rather they would arrange the plans than to leave it to you, no matter how bright or smart you are, if you have had no practical experi- ence in financial matters.” He replied: “Don’t you think they would fix it to help themselves and not you?” “What would help me?” I asked. “To have money circulate freely, as you have al- ready stated,” he said. “What is a bank for, and how does it make money?” His reply was: “By money, checks, drafts and collections passing through it, and loaning deposits, etc.” “Well,” I asked, if money passes through the 230 Labors' Hard Times School, ma loit ia$aa. Labors’ Hard Times School. 231 banks and they are successful in loaning deposits, it will be in circulation, won’t it?” ^‘Yes,” he answered. “If money travels to the banks and stops there, and they fail to loan their deposits, then they will not be able to show any profits for themselves, will they?” “No,” he reluctantly said, discovering that he was getting into a corner. “Why then would a banker want to tie money up?” I demanded. “Well,” he said, “they should not, but it has been tied up somewhere the past few years.” I agreed with him there, Mr. Labor, but I reminded him that, true to his own admission, for a bank’s salvation money shall circulate, and for my success money must circulate. Then I asked him if the banks’ and my interests were not identical? And he admitted that it looked like they were. Then I asked him if he didn’t think that bankers, through experi- ence, had greater ability to adjust such questions than I could possibly have minus that essential' ex- perience? He tried to crawl out and evade this point, Mr. Labor, but I pressed the question and re- minded him that what was truly good for him would prove good for me, and vice versa, and that neither he nor I could afford to oppose or ignore channels that promised the greatest degree of safety. That his and my first duty was to be honest to ourselves, and that if we lived close to this last line we would prove honest with everybody. After pushing hard the admission cam^e. Then I asked him if the bank- ers would be compelled to injure themselves in order to injure the public, why he distrusted them so? I 232 Labors’ Hard Times School. said, “You have virtually admitted that bankers would like to see money flying around and through their banks, and you admit, too, that that is just what you and I want, with the hope that some of it might light upon us, knowing full well that if it is out of sight or gone to some other country to buy days works we won’t get our hands on a penny of it. I told him I could not believe there was a banker on earth that would be willing to have his own arm sawed off in order that he might have the pleasure of sawing another man’s arm off, and while they cannot possibly recommend and follow in lines that will injure the public without each taking on many times more than an individual share of such injury, I could not see any room for the kind of talk he and so many others were making, and that such sentiments publicly expressed were a direct injury to the poor and needy. I told him again that if either he or I got money we would have to steal it, or sell something we had to get it, and reminded him that we couldn’t steal .it of a man who had none, neither could we sell such a man anything and get money. Then why do we want to tramp on and disgust the man who has money, and drive him into hiding with it? I want to do all I can, I remarked, to invite such a man out into the open market and sell him some days works, and get some of his money honestly and decentl}’, and when you do anything to shoo him away from me you hurt me, and you hurt my family, and I tell you, stranger, I do not cherish such treatment; it carries with it a pain that goes too deep and lasts too long. I told him that I thought he must be out of gear; that he needed some repairs, as his talk Labors’ Hard Times School. 233 made him look like he was working only one side. He wanted to know what I meant by his working only one side. I told him that there were two sides to everything; that a locomotive had two sides of power, and on rare occasions a parallel or main rod on one side would break, when the engineer would take the broken or disabled side down and run his engine with one side. I asked him if he hadn’t rid- den behind a locomotive sometime in his life work- ing only one side, and noticed the fits the train would have. He said to his knowledge he had not. I ad- vised him then the first time he was on a train that hopped and skipped out of a station like a cork bobs when a fish is nibbling at the hook, to ask the conductor if his engine was only working one side. “Then,” he says, “you think I am hopping and skipping along, and only working one side?” “Yes, that is about the size of it,” I said, and added that it was my opinion he needed to be thoroughly overhauled and repaired, and gotten in shape to work both sides. I told him he reminded me of people I had seen on a train who were wonderfully amused with the way it acted at times when a locomotive was working only one side, but those in charge were not amused. Why? Because they knew what it all meant. The hazard of the additional strain breaking the other rods and leaving them between stations and the sure thing of losing time at every turn of the wheels, did not induce laughter with them. And you will pardon me, stranger, if I claim to you that in proportion as the train crew from experience knew better what to do in case of emergency in their line in preference to the judgment of the passengers, so I shall clairn 234 Labors’ Hard Times School. that bankers and financiers of experience know better than the people in masses can how to plan a financial system that will be the best and safest for us all, and they will have the same self interest as the people in hewing to lines holding the maximum of promise, that the train crew would in getting the passengers to the end of their runs, and thus them- selves be relieved from duty and at home with their families. I told him that I did not hesitate to frank- ly confess that I felt extremely anxious that the dis- creet bankers of our country should devise some bet- ter method of finance if the oi\e we have is faulty and told him that I did not object to his urging that they confer with a committee of servant girls, together with a committee of colored plantation people be- fore a full decision should be reached, but in the end I thought more than likely I would agree with the bankers. I reminded him, too, that some of our goverment officials had proven that they possess plenty of ability on these questions to check the bankers up and keep them in line with his interests and mine. I told him I did not believe we were going to have any such disasters as he predicted and asked him if he did not remember when the farm hand worked from day light until dark, and cited that last fall a farmer told me his help would not begin work any more until seven o’clock in the morning and they would quit promptly at six o’clock in the evening. I asked him if he could not remember when all labor worked twelve and fourteen hours each day except Sunday. He admitted he did remember it. I cited to him the present hours of days works in comparison and asked him how the charities, and Labors’ Hard Times School. 235 preparation for charity of today compared with what we had when he was a boy, and called to his mind our steam heated county houses for the poor that our country is dotted with in every direction; large brick palaces with all modern improvements; the healthful and sanitary features thoroughly looked after in the construction; better accommodations by far than the well-to-do as a rule enjoyed in his boy- hood days. I told him that where these conditions did not already prevail shame for the lack of them and the pride in having as good as their neighbors could boast of would force the citizens in such localities to move in the same direction. I told him that committees today are slow to leave a little bit of room to charges of want of charity. Frequently, no doubt, uncleanly, incompetent and unscrupulous persons get control of such institutions, but that should not be used as a club by calamity howlers to kill the spirit of decency, justice and fairness that is so potent in our land right now. I called his attention to state institutions for the insane, and all manner and kinds of dependents, and cited the progress in this direction since he was a boy; called his attention to our public parks and to many other things. I did not forget to inform him that in 1891 in Massachusetts I saw on Christmas day more presents on and around a Christmas tree in a family of six children than were given away in any county in the State of New York when he was a Christmas lad, and there was more happiness in that family on that day than he ever stumbled on to in all of his young life. I told him to get the old ox- cart wheel out of his head and let the young bicycle wheel in and he would feel better. 236 Labors’ Hard Times School. I asked him frankly if the world had not grown better every day that he had lived, and just as frankly he admitted it had. “You say, too, you are an author and write books?” He said he had written books. See, then, the harm you are doing and how you are misleading the young, when you take the false stand you do; and I reminded him he was too good looking a man to serve any such purpose as he was allowing himself to become the tool of, and pointed out to him again that he was following in lines that directly injured me and every other working man in the United States. “Why don’t you,” I said, “show us how much our world has improved in your life time and encourage us to believe that we have been stopped for a brief time only in a road that leads in the direction that we wish to travel.” I pointed out to him the armies of people that had come to us in the last few years, and that if our promise was not better under the strain of the present even, than that they had left, they would have started back long ago. Just think, Mr. Labor, of the increase of people, and the mental condition they were in, this great country of ours has provided for in the past twenty- five years. It is the marvel of marvels! No other country in the whole world could have taken care of them so handsomely, and we have a right, sir, to look for the same ratio of increase in charity and mercy in the future that we have had in the past; coming gradually, too, as we have come, it will be charged with the same good health and vigor. You could as well, Mr. Labor, put a raw Indian in Labors' Hard Times School. 237 a pilot house and look for safety to a large vessel in dangerous waters, as to undertake or hope for a pure and mighty transformation of any people with the view of their adjusting themselves in any brief moment to such new conditions. We have progressed and grown better daily and hourly for years regardless of the spouters who have been promising for so long that just in front of us with one wave of the hand they were going to even everything up and fire mercies and plenty out of the blank heavens into the bosoms of all. Until two of that peculiar family of human kind, Mr. Labor, can demonstrate to me that they could live in the same house one week without breaking up the furniture, I shall be content to move along on the same progressive lines that have brought to us so much that had a man ventured to predict it all forty-five years ago he would for prudence and safety have been turned into a pasture by himself — and the entrance carefully locked. I cannot believe that any man means well when he encourages people to expect what he knows it is utterly impossible for him or anyone else to deliver, and if he could deliver he knows there would be such a fight over the first “divvy” that he wouldn’t stay to see it out. When we have advanced to that strata of love, order and perfection that an Irishman and a colored man become congenial room mates, live in peace together and are in a state of unrest when not in each other’s embrace, then I will consent to bow humbly to the doctrine of equality to all. I will not wait for the German and Frenchman to feel lonely when not in each other’s company, or for 238 Labors’ Hard Times School. the Jew and Gentile to feast off each other’s lips. Just show me the first two remaining thirsty when they cannot drink one with the other, at the same fountain of love, refusing food when they cannot break the same bread, declining rest when they can- not occupy the same bed, and then the vision painter shall have my unconditional surrender; but until then, Mr. Labor, I shall be in favor of keeping our own market to sell our own labor in, and take the chances that success on these lines will give us better times than anything any trickster is at the present offering, or writing and talking about. There have been many angry disputes as to what took money out of circulation after the election of 1892, but, Mr. Labor, what happened at Grovers- ville has settled all that contention. Money went out of circulation there because the factories were forced by cheaper imported goods to close down, thereby keeping from the working people the money to put in circulation that they had obtained through the sale of their days works up to that time. What happened to Groversville, the Wilson bill and the early promise of it brought to the whole United States. More than half the days works that our market had taken regularly were refused and could not be sold. There was no other market on earth outside of our own that we could offer them in, and even if some other country could have taken them they wouldn’t have paid a price that we could have accepted. The extra money that had formerly been in circulation was what these same days works had sold for prior to 1893. If we were forced to keep everything known to man, and not sell a thing, there would be no money circulating, and if we are Labors’ Hard Times School. 239 compelled to keep any part there will be less in cir- culation than if we could sell the whole. The promise of a change in tariff duties which later materialized in the Wilson bill spoiled the sale of more than half our days works, which was more than half of the long end of what we have to sell that puts money in circulation. We know this, and have known it, and have been told it on hundreds of occasions, but we have failed to take it in its full magnitude and that is why I refer to Groversville. In that illustration we see every feature clearly and distinctly. It is a complete and comprehensive panorama that brings to our mental vision all there is within or without that makes or ruins a market, and I earnestly urge that all laboring men who have days works to sell, which means so much to them and to me, to read and re-read that lesson until they become so loaded with the sentiments and principles it contains, that they can ever be on the alert to thrust it in the teeth of the professional mystifiers who undertake to lure us into the belief that it was the repeal of the Sher- man silver bill, or our Government’s financial policy, that took money out of circulation. Tell such men plainly, brother workingman, that when the free traders inveigled us into voting that men and women in some other country should sell their days works in our market, and take the pay for those days works (which should have been pay for our days works) to their own country to put in circulation there, is the very thing, and only thing, that so shamefully and unpardonably reduced the circulation of money in this, our own country, and by and through the facts and results in Groversville your claims are substantiated. 240 Labors’ Hard Times School. I feel deeply, too, Mr. Labor, that the time has come that we men who sell days works, and virtually have not a thing else to sell, turn down all intruders in our field who endeavor to convince us that the men we sell them to are not our friends. Why do not such men go out and tell the farmer to curse the ground that grows his wheat? Why don’t they insist that the owner of a ship shall condemn the wind that fills its sails? Why don’t they advise the dis- tributor of the product to censure the frost that makes his ice? Why don’t they prevail upon all mankind to disapprove of the air we breathe, and the water we drink? Why don’t we workingmen, Mr. Labor, have the courage to tell such men to go to work and earn an honest living and quit absorbing from us, in preference to listening to the abuse of the man who gives us money to buy our flour? We workingmen have all the power in our own hands today, and there is no class that the public yields to as they yield to us. All the people, and eight-tenths of our employers are studying our wel- fare, no matter what may be said to the contrary. There is never an occasion when we are in the right that the strongest and the best of our people are not with us. When we are in the wrong they are not in sym- pathy with us, and they ought not to be, and on such lines WQ ought not to succeed; but under all circum- stances when what we ask is tempered with consist- ency, we get it. All the laws, except the Wilson tariff bill, are in our favor, and there has been no contest to have them come that way, either. You can get a man killed quicker for not paying for a day’s work than Labors’ Hard Times School, 24 any other crime known. To put it tamer, and more to the point, the law guards the workman’s pay first of all creditors. We laboring men never fought for that; it came voluntarily from the natural mercies that our country is loaded with, and when all our people have read about Groversville you and I will not have to keep our days work, and permit some other man in some other country to sell his days work to our neighbors. What we want to shut off is the street howler who tells us that the man who gives us all the money we ever see as our own, is the greatest enemy we have. I do not know, Mr. Labor, that I have said very much about cotton mills. My understanding is that all you cared for on that line was to learn if there was very much in manufactured cotton goods other than labor. That product came out like all others must, showing that it was difficult to find in it any- thing that was not labor. The cotton mills in 1890 employed over 220,000 people, and beyond a doubt fed, clothed and provided for fully a million per- sons. Without a doubt, if our factories could manu- facture all the cotton goods this country uses, they could feed and care for nearly half a million more people, without it is some laces and certain hand made goods that some other countries pay greater attention to than our working classes care to turn their hands to. I shall always look, Mr. Labor, for our country to import fine hand made and expensive luxuries, and when all our labor is employed and we are having normal success there will always be enough in this direction to make our market on such goods very valuable to other countries. When our labor is so 242 Labors’ Hard Times School. much of it idle, though, as has been the case the past four years, our margins will be too scrimpy to give very much room to luxuries. We are not likely to indulge our appetites for luxuries to any extended limit when our stomachs are empty. I will read an extract from Ex-Senator David Bennett Hill’s Fourth of July oration at Oswego, N. Y., and suggest, Mr. Labor, that it is good matter to print in the records of this school. (Clipped from the Chicago Tribune, and to be duly credited to the New York Sun.) Ex-Senator David Bennett Hill in his Fourth of July Oration Talks of Hard Times. The New York Sun quotes from Ex-Senator Hill’s Fourth of July oration at Oswego, N. Y., as follows: “I realize as keenly as any one the burdens and sufferings which pertain to the present hard times, the continued depression which affects all business, the difficulty of obtaining remunerative employment, and the hardships which are constantly imposed up- on the extremely poor and those in moderate cir- cumstances. But while regretting these conditions, which have unfortunately come upon the country about every quarter of a century since our existence as a nation, and which are not confined to this country alone, but exist largely everywhere, I beg to remind you that they cannot be alleviated by parti- san misrepresentations, by plausible but false the- ories of their cause, by attacking those in official station, by arraying class against class, by railing against capital, or by sowing the seeds of public dis- content. It is in such times as these that dema- Labors’ Hard Times School. 243 gogues thrive; it is in just such times that they should be shunned. Their denunciations, their ap- peals, and their sophistries afford no genuine relief, but only aggravate the situation. They are utterly powerless for good but potent for mischief. They can lead men astray, but they cannot correct a single real or imaginary grievance under which men suffer. They are usually possessed of glib tongues, and while profuse with honeyed words in their pro- fessions of friendship for the cause of labor have never been known to contribute one idea toward the solution of labor’s great problem, or to recommend, aid, or secure the enactment of a single measure for the amelioration of workingmen or the advancement of their welfare. ‘Tt is strange, indeed, and the times must be out of joint when such men can find listeners and secure a following among reputable workingmen and in- telligent farmers. It is a time for plain words. There is too much demagogism abroad in the land; there is too much false doctrine taught pertaining to gov- ernmental functions; there is too much encourage- ment of the spirit of socialism and all that it implies, including communistic and chimerical schemes for a ‘Social Democracy,’ so-called; there is too much toleration of disrespect for courts and constituted authorities; there is too much clamor for class legis- lation; there is too much inculcation of the idea that men can become rich without effort, by the mere fiat of the government, instead of earning wealth in the good old-fashioned way; and there is too much at- tention paid to cranks, blatherskites, and political adventurers, entitled to no consideration, but who 244 Labors’ Hard Times School. seem to have obtained the public ear, and are seek- ing to pull down the pillars of society. ‘‘I confess that I know of no adequate remedy for hard times within the power of the government to bestow. I do not assume to be wiser than our fathers, who confessed alike inability in worse times than these. “It is difficult to diagnose accurately the causes of a nation’s ills. This much, however, is clear: the restoration of business confidence is the paramount need of the hour. Croaking in such times as these will not give us relief; recriminations will do no good; we must look to the careful, prudent, intelli- gent men of all classes to solve the difficulties in the light of the experiences of the past; professional labor agitators cannot furnish a day’s work to a single unemployed laborer, and theoretical political evangelists, who pretend so thoroughly to compre- hend the money question, but whose only stock in trade is their fine-spun theories and severe criticism of successful men, have usually not a dollar to invest in any legitimate business. “Instead of yielding to despondency, let us look at the future with hope and courage. Let us lend a helping hand to the unfortunate. Let us endeavor to create work for the unemployed. Let us encour- age men of means to embark in new enterprises. Let us welcome every public improvement. Let us patronize the public-spirited business-man, who does something for the people in return. Let our nation cease to meddle with dangerous monetary experi- ments.” The suggestions in this speech as to whom we should not listen to or follow is of untold value, and Labors’ Hard iimes School. 245 if we laboring men will give the weight and import- ance that is due ourselves to give it we will be guided in the wrong direction less in the future than we have been in the past. i I Labors’ Hard Times School. .'>46 LESSON XII. Labor recognizes a gentleman, who rises and ex- presses a desire to take a brief part in the exercises, and in opening says: “My name, Mr. Labor, is Sands; I am a farmer, and a resident of the State of Ohio. I shall be pleased to add a few words, and I have a small amount of data that I feel confident, when examined, you will consider of sufficient importance to include in your report of what transpires here.’' Labor. We shall be pleased to listen to you, Mr. Sands, and the data you refer to will no doubt con- firm and give strength to our efforts. You may proceed. Mr. Sa?ids. I have been a regular pupil here to the neglect of some other affairs over which, ordi- narily, I would have felt slightly guilty, but the light I have taken on has so engrossed my thoughts that I have cheerfully neglected other duties. I have some confessions, too, that I shall never feel quite right over if I smother and carry away with me. You have said that the word “free” was catchy, and I conclude that that was a part of what caught me. The free traders had so much to say about a larger market — so much larger — and about my getting everything cheaper, and such a lot of things, that I decided in 1892 I would be making a good-sized ass of myself if I didn’t vote their ticket. I see now, Mr. Labor, what a fool I was that I didn’t think to ask them about the size of our own market. If Labors’ Hard Times School. 247 enough of us had done that in time we could have saved a whole lot of wounds. The truth is “the markets of the world’' sounded so large it caused us to forget everything else. I was so taken with the idea that the only wonder to me now is that I didn’t load everything I own on to the cars, farm and all, and go chasing after the markets of the world. Only for the chickens, butter, eggs, steers, calves, etc., I have sold in our own market since 1892 I would have starved to death. When I found out that the markets of the world only take from one-seventh to one-ninth of all we raise, barring cotton, and that we can’t coax them to take any more, and they only take that much when theycannot get it anywhere else,! felt goodand cheap. Mr. Labor, do you think that the fellows who told me such a lot about the world’s markets knew that England, China, France, Germany, Italy, Russia, Poland, India and all other countries wouldn’t send any of their agents to my farm to buy what I had to sell? Labor, My opinion is, Mr. Sands, that they knew but very little of what they were talking about. Evi- dently they have suffered equally with the rest of us, which they could not have anticipated or desired, hence my opinion that they were ignorant of the danger they were inviting and urging. Mr. Sands. My opinion is, Mr. Labor, that they were a big lot of guessers, and they didn’t seem to do much but guess after we elected them. The load they took on appeared to be too large for their wagon. A whole lot of them wanted to do all right, but there was a larger lot, “large like the markets of the world,” the regular free trade or bust element, 248 Labors’ Hard Times School. who wanted to paint themselves all over any color on earth except red, white and blue. They wouldn’t study history, listen to reason or anything or any- body except the few artists who acted as if they wanted to decorate themselves so they would espec- ially shine and leave us fellows, who put them in office, to decorate ourselves. If those fellows ever get any compliments, Mr. Labor, for the tints they put on themselves or on us, they will have to go to some other country for them. I don’t believe our people, or the history of our country, will ever give them any. I see by the Bureau of Statistics of our Treasury Department that $6,777,995.82 worth of unmanufac- tured cotton, free of duty, was imported into the United States in 1896. In 1887 it only amounted to $533, 219. I don’t like this kind of growth, Mr. Labor; I feel there is danger in it. I believe with Col. Rasbach that the South needs that nearly seven million dollars. According to the Colonel’s figures, five million and more of that money would have gone to the laboring people of the South, and that end of our country would have been over six and a half million dollars richer. My State of Ohio will shake hands with Col. Rasbach on this question; we are mutually interested. He and his people can help us take care of our wool, and we people will help them take care of their cotton. Then we who raise the wool, instead of having to ‘‘kiss our money good-bye” when it goes to other countries to buy that product, will keep it at home to buy more cotton goods with, which will benefit our people in states where the cotton is raised and help those who manufacture such goods into cloth Labors’ Hard Times School. 249 that serves for sails, bagging and such a quantity of things other than wearing apparel, which properly protected means to this latter class a lot more of our money to keep and use at home. The Colonel and his friends in the South by having our cotton mar- ket, as they are entitled to have it, will be spared the pain of seeing United States money going to foreign countries to purchase baled cotton, and we are blind, and doubly blind, when we fail to see that it is to our interest for the South to have that money so they can invest more liberally in what we have to offer for sale, a thing utterly beyond their power to do when minus this money, it having been given to some other country. The day seems to be just dawning, and for the first time in our history, too, that the South and the North are mutually recognizing the utility they can be to each other. The early cabbage, potatoes, ber- ries, peaches, melons, etc., and lemons, oranges, pine apples and a host of stuff our Northern people pur- chase from the South, should remind them that pro- tection to our industries, which provides for keeping our money at home rather than leaving gates open for it to go abroad to stay, is of too much import- ance to them to be lost sight of, and beyond any question they are beginning to see it. The market, Mr. Labor, they want to increase is the one mentioned above If the day’s work is done in Germany, the workman will buy his early cabbage and melons there, and the South will not ship them to him either, hence he can be no customer of theirs. Also, if our workman by this means fails to get the day’s work to do he will be out of money and fail to be their customer, too. 250 Labors’ Hard Times School. How plain that we are all mutually interested. The more the South does to aid Northern toilers in selling their days works the more of all their pro- ducts they can sell them. The greater quantity oi their products the North is able to buy and eat up, and consume in other ways, the more money the South will have to invest in what the North offers for sale. Instead of our money flying across the briny deep to stay, it will be flying back and forth across our own country, and the sum of our increased riches, Mr. Labor, will be just exactly the sum of money we have kept at home. I am tired, Mr. Labor, of hearing about foreign markets when it is used in any sense that injures our own market. They have pumped all of that into me they ever can. We use from seven-eights to nine- tenths of our grown products at home, except cotton About two-thirds of the cotton we raise is sold to other countries, but we raise more cotton than the balance of the world just now. Egypt, India and other countries are gaining rap- idly and may injure our foreign trade in cotton later on, hence the importance of being kind enough to ourselves to keep our own market on that com- modity for our own product. If we should surrender to other countries that portion of our market on all industries they would have the gall to ask, which would be quite all we have, they would not then buy any more baled cot- ton of us than they had to have, or anything else we have to sell. Our own market, Mr. Labor, is what I have made up my mind we can control and increase if we know Labors’ Hard Times School 251 enough to do it. So long as statistics show that we use forty-nine fiftieths of all we manufacture at home, wherein the very sellers of days works with their families themselves are the chief feature of our market, why can we find individuals that will urge us to shamefully ignore the 49-50 interest in order to cultivate the fractibnal 1-50 part? Does anyone flatter himself that we could compete with Germany in making wooden shoes for their market? The fellows that fooled me about the markets of the world, Mr. Labor, and inveigled me into voting their ticket, doctored our market with their medicine so that the people of the United States consumed 147,788,510 bushels less wheat in 1895 than they did in 1890. That is what they did in one commodity, Mr^ Labor, to our market while they were chasing after the markets of the world. How much must our market for delicacies and luxuries, together with other necessities that our simplest comforts demand, have shrunk? Why do we not have printed estimates of all shrinkage covering all our industries and all our products? They should be kept before our people that we may all know how much we paid for the free trade singing we have had to listen to all these years. Think of our using nearly 148 million bushels less wheat in 1895 we did in 1890! Was there not an increase of people in that time? Where was our growth and our progress for five years ? Some one ( I don’t know who it is) ought to be ashamed. I called one man’s attention to the fact of how much less we used in the product of wheat in 1895 he said he 252 Labors’ Hard Times School. thought the people were eating more oats. I told him I thought they were eating more hay, and cited Groversville to him. That ideal city carries the keen edge that makes us all see it, Mr. Labor. I listened to a conversation between a protection- ist and a free trader in New York City in the fall of 1893. The former was remarking how cheap his wife had told him butter and eggs were in the mar- ket, when the free trader in a boasting way said: “Are you not glad of 1:hat?” The protectionist answered he could not see why he should be glad of it. Why, the free trader re- marked, don’t you like to have what you are com- pelled to buy cheap? The protectionist answered, not in the light he saw that kind of cheapness, and added that he didn’t believe the ridiculously low price was caused by there being any more butter, or any more eggs than usual, and remarked that the only way he could account for it was that the poor people were eating their bread without butter, and that they had no thought of using eggs, and he told the free trader that if he could find any consolation in such a condition of cheapness he would have to enjoy it all alone; that the fact that others were en- during privation held no gratification for him, and charged that men who could find pleasure and en- joyment in such conditions were not less than cheap skates themselves. One millon dollars per week forwool going out of our country so the papers have been telling us for a long time, Mr. Labor, but I think for the past few weeks it has been more than that, for they have been rushing wool in to avoid the Dingley bill tax. How do you think we Ohio Farmers who keep a Labors* Hard Times School. 253 few sheep, or want to keep a few, like that, Mr. Labor? Labor, It is a great injury to you, Mr. Sands, and I should judge it would make you very sore. Mr. Sands. Yes, but we are somewhat accustomed to it now. You know, Mr. Labor, you can become so thoroughly accustomed to an old sore that it loses part of its sting. When I first learned that a lot of other fellows held the markets of the world on wooden shoes, leather coats, and the gloves that nature started mankind out with, in the hollow of their hands, it' nearly took my breath. I had be- come so wrought up with the idea that I was going to have a chunk out of nearly everything on earth tossed on to my farm, and everything was going to be so smooth and easy with me, that I just drove down to the store and loaded my big wagon box full of everything nice, — things my family never had before, and told the merchant to charge it, that I would be back in a few days and pay the bill, and get a lot more. Do you know, Mr. Labor, that I haven’t paid that bill yet? I had to give the merchant my note and pay interest on it. Of course, I am all right; I had loaned some farmers, that were in the wool and sheep business, some money, but they haven’t been able to pay even the interest. I am well secured and could force them to pay me any time, but they are not to blame and are good fellows. It would be mean in me to push them in so much as I voted the nasty times on to them. One of them told me that free wool would shut him up while it lasted, and advised me not to vote the ticket I did. 254 Labors’ Hard Times School. Twe iuorth ^ovtr au'iiNc ?0REIC,N COVA^TaiE'i Labors’ Hard Times School. 255 I told him what I had heard about the markets of the world, and about getting things so cheap, etc. He asked me then if anybody had hit me on the head with anything hard, like a policeman’s club, or the coupling pin to a freight car? I said, “ no,” and wanted to know why he asked me such a question. He said I talked like my old scull had been cracked. I told him I didn’t like that remark, and that I had as good a right to an opinion as he had. Yes, he said, but you have no right to go crazy from choice. And then he went on and gave me hail Columbia. He said I was an old hog; that I was always grabbing for everything in sight and wanted some one else to pay for it. He said that the jingle of a ten cent piece going down into my pocket would remind anyone of that old camp meeting song, “ Farewell, Vain World, I am Going Home.” You are one of the blind, too, he said, that plan to tramp all kinds of money into the mud, chasing af- ter a dollar that cannot be had. He told me if I would try to get what I wanted in a decent kind of a way I would grow better looking. He said I was hunting for something I could get for nothing so hard that my eyes were growing squinty. I tell you, Mr. Labor, by the time he stopped talking I was angry, and if his notes had been due I would have made him pay them right there, but he had only had my money for about six months, and I had loaned it to him for a year. I did not go near him again for a long time; I did not like his guns, or the way he fired them. I had made up my 256 Labors’ Hard Times School. ^ mind, though, that when his notes did come due, if he was in any shape so I could do it, I would break his back, but before that time rolled around, Mr. Labor, the squint he told me about began to get out of my eyes, and what he had said had a different look to me. I knew he was a man who studied all questions closely, and it dawned upon me that he had a pretty clear idea of what was in store for us. I have heard him say since, though, that times were three times as bad as he ever thought they could be. I listen to every word that man says now. His name is Dutcher, and he will tell you just what he thinks every time. I have studied myself a lot, Mr. Labor, since he held that mirror up in front of me, and as soon as the Dingley bill is a law I will make him acknowledge*that when I pull a ten cent piece out of my pocket the lad will sing, “Here I am born again in the best of cheer. Watch me now while I go on a lark.’’ It is pretty slow work, Mr. Labor, for farmers to make money, and we people in Ohio have felt the pinch worse on account of free wool than any other single thing that has gone the wrong way. Labor. I do not see, Mr. Sands, that you are enti- tled to much sympathy. You have means, and was in a sense fortified for the struggles that we have passed through. Mr. Sa?ids. Very true, but I have not made any money. We never feel real good when our re- sources are not growing stronger. Labor. You must not forget, Mr. Sands, that you have, as a farmer, resources that your family and you can depend upon for nearly every necessity of life, even though you sell but very little of anything. Labors’ Hard Times School. 257 Farmers can avoid becoming dependent during such a siege as we have just passed through easier than any other class of our people. You can, in a sense, live a long time without selling, although there is nearly always some kind of a demand for something you may have to offer, but you will ad- mit, I know, that you can keep what you have to sell and exist, but how is it with the man whose only resource is from the sale of his days works. You cannot dispute that it must be a great question with him how he is to live when he is compelled to keep his days works; you can nearly always accu- mulate on your farm and sell later, while the work- ingman’s accumulated unsold days works are abso- lutely without value. Mr.Sa?tds. I have been studying that phase of the question these last few days, Mr. Labor, and I had already discovered what a debt w^e farmers owe the people who have only toil to sell, and how shameful it is when we vote a ticket that forces those people to keep that toil;, when not sold, as you remarked, it is absolutely without value. What an excruciating pain it must be to a robust head of a family when his means are all exhausted, and he finds it impossible to dispose of his days works. Up to the time that Mr. Dutcher so frankly pictured to me the narrow channel in which I was living, I had never given these questions a passing thought. I was quite positive they did not concern me. What has overtaken our people since then, together with what he said and the information gained at this school, has brought home to me this higher and broader sphere of life. 258 Labors* Hard Times School. A man suspended in some frail way at a dizzy height, seemingly beyond the power of aid from those below whose attention he can attract, and all avenues cut off whereby he can relieve himself, must be partially in the frame of mind of the fond father and husband whose table, chairs, cook-stove, dishes and beds have already been exchanged for food and yet not a semblance of an opportunity to dispose of a day’s work insight, and the attention he can attract is only that of people whose distress is equal to his own. When such conditions, Mr. Labor, are due to the fact that other countries are shipping their days works into the United States and our people are buying them, it is a sad thought, and whether they are cheaper or not, the principle is wrong. The squint is getting out of my eyes, and I want to help if I can; and I can help when I vote, and I will. By thus voting, too, I see now I will be helping my own family. I want the wage earner of our country to wear Ohio wool. I know, Mr. Labor, some will charge that this is a selfish and narrow view to take of a question so broad, but if we carry the day we will do it on selfish lines. Men are too much in the condition I was before Mr. Butcher overhauled me. There are enough people on the selfish end to give us the day when it is all understood, and give it to us to keep, too, but people must not flatter them- selves that the free trader is dead, or that we are not going to hear from him again, for we are. Some of them are scolding me good every time I meet them for changing my mind, and they say I will be back in the old lines when election comes around. I tell them I want to remain and vote with them, but if I Labors’ Hard Times School. 259 do they must not put up any free trade candidates on their tickets, and I have only commenced telling them, Mr. Labor. I intend to fire hot shot into them after this. I don’t want to keep my wool, or take half price for it in order that foreign countries may have our market, or divide it with us on wool. I had rather they w^ould sell their wool here, though, than to have them make it into cloth and send the cloth here. If our laborer can sell the days works to make the cloth, he will be better able to buy a steak out of a steer I may raise than could possibly be the case if the cloth were made in some other country. I am getting my eyes opened wide enough, and they are open wide enough, too, to see that if we farmers can sell the wool we will have more money to buy the cloth and clothes with. This you see, Mr. Labor, brings us right up to the point again where we are helping each other when we are all wearing and in every possible way using American wool manufactured at home. The Ameri- can manufacturer who wants foreign wool should not grumble if I buy foreign clothes, but we are two fools and it is a Kilkenny fight when we do either. Some say our wool is not of the right quality. That kind of talk, Mr. Labor, is subterfuge pure and simple. We can raise good enough wool for any lords to wear. I have seen as good cloth made in this country from our own wool as need ever be laid on any counter, and that, too, in the face of but little encouragement to our manufacturers to make that class of cloth, just because our fine cloth people want to say they wear only imported goods. Induce our people, Mr. Labor, to use fine Ameri- 26o Labors’ Hard Times School. can cloths and our manufacturers will surprise them with the elegance of the goods they can make, but they do not want to make fine cloth and keep it, and we need not think they are simple minded enough to do it either. Think, Mr. Labor, of a million dollars a week for wool leaving our country. How much more of every- thing would we farmers and the sheep ranchmen of the West buy if we could have that money? That money, Mr. Labor, belongs to our country as a nation just as much and in the same sense as the money I sell a steer for that I have raised belongs to me and my family. All we are as a nation is a larger family; then why should we as a nation, or a larger family, buy of other countries just what we have to sell any more than any single family should purchase of a neighbor just the very same article that such single family has at home and is looking forward to the time when a customer will be found to buy it? This was all illustrated by Mr. Williams when he asked how he would look buying corn of a neighbor to fatten his hogs when he had a crib full of corn on his own farm. This holds good with manufactured products as well as grown products, as has already been cited. The principles involved were made plain in Grovers- ville, where the identical workman identically bought himself out of a job. Our national officers are at the head of our larger family the same as my wife and I are at the head of our family, and such national officers plan- ning for our people to purchase from foreign coun- tries just what we have ourselves, and what we can Labors’ Hard Times School. 261 manufacture, has just as little business prudence as my wife and I would show in planning to accumulate all possible for our children, should we buy our milk and butter and let our own cows go dry. Labor, We see, Mr. Sands, that you are becoming quite a protectionist, Mr. Sands. Yes, Mr. Labor, I am forced square about. This light is old to you but it is new to me and it dazzles me more, a thing new light always does. You no doubt have thought these things out a thousand times until the thoughts have become old and rusty, but to me they are bright and new and possess a special lustre. I never brought national affairs down to my farm or some one’s store or factory before. When we look at it in the right way, our government is a huge busi- ness affair, but on so broad a scale that it staggers our comprehension. As a rule, what will harm us as a whole will harm us in fractional parts. No one would dare argue that we should buy all our wool from other countries, and now that it cannot be honestly proven that we cannot raise a good enough grade of wool, why should we purchase a fractional part even away from home? This principle holds good with days works stored in manufactured goods or anything else we have to sell, Mr. Labor, and will continue to hold good so long as ours is by far the greatest single market in the world, and, in a sense, nearly equal to all the other markets of the world which so many howlers, to whom I was simple enough at one time to listen, have been so solicitous about. If the markets of the world were ten or twenty 262 Labors’ Hard Times School. times greater than ours, as is the case with any other country, it would all have a very different look to it. So long, though, as our market approaches one-half in dollars and cents the total markets of the world, and our part of it is the only portion we can con- trol, my ears in the future, Mr. Labor, shall not be open to quackers about the markets of the world. Labor, Is there any labor required in growing wool, Mr. Sands? Mr, Sands, If we farmers hired and paid for all the attention given to our sheep from the time they are lambs until they are grown it would cost us more than the wool and sheep would have sold for in our markets the past few years. We, as a rule, do most of the work ourselves, and our children before they are old enough to assume heavier duties aid us ma- terially in looking after the sheep in a small way. At washing and shearing time, as a rule, extra help is employed. Selling our wool and what increase of sheep we want to dispose of is simply getting pay for our days works, Mr. Labor, and the price the wool and sheep bring tell whether we realize good pay or small pay for our labor. It is rare, Mr. Labor, that a farmer owning lOO acres of land or more does not consider it profitable to keep a few sheep. Up to a certain number they can be carried along on a farm, and what they com sume during portions of the year hardly be missed. Sheep appear to be a sort of requisite to a farmer’s equipment and an adjunct of no trifling importance when rounding up the yearly receipts. Especially is this true when we can depend on having our owm market to ourselves for both wool and woolen goods. Labors’ Hard Times School. 263 I have here, Mr. Labor, some comparative data relative to the wool industry under the McKinley bill and the Wilson bill that is very significant. This is what I referred to in the outset, and claimed then that I felt confident after hearing it read you would consider it of sufficient importance to include in your report. WOOL — A STUDY FOR FARMERS IN FREE TRADE. No. 395. IMPORTS OF WOOL. Calendar year. Pounds. Value. 1891 139.317.571 $18,798,402 1892 167,784,490 21,190,639 1893 111,752,368 13.953,549 1894 115,736,820 13,862,512 Protection average j33.647.813 16,951,386 00 248,989,217 33.770,159 Free trade increase 115,341,405 16,818,883 Free trade in the raw material of woolen manu- facturers means nearly double the quantity of foreign wool used here, to the detriment of American wool, and just double the amount of gold sent abroad to pay for it. The extra ^16,818,883 shipped to foreign farmers would have served a much better purpose had it been distributed among American sheep- raisers. It would have helped our own people won- derfully in paying interest on their farm mortgages, perhaps in preventing the mortgages on their farms, or in improving them, or in paying off a little of the village store account. But farmers must not expect this under free trade. They can only wait patiently until we have a Congress in favor of protection and 264 Labors’ Hard Times School. a President in 1897 favor of protection, when, we trust, such a tariff law will be enacted as will exclude every pound of foreign wool, and enable American farmers to secure the whole of the thirty-odd mill- ions of dollars of gold that we shipped abroad last year to pay for it. WOOL — BEFORE AND AFTER TAKING FREE TRADE. No. 396, Imports of — 1894. 1895. Wool $13,862,512 $33,770,159 Shoddy 533,310 2,759.478 Woolen goods 16,809,372 57,494,863 Totals 31,205,194 94,024,500 Free trade loss 62,819,306 WOOL — COST OF PRODUCING. No. 397. A communication from Hon. Charles Hilton, an extensive wool grower of Eastern Oregon, states the effects of placing wool on the free list in Oregon as follows: The Dalles, Ore., Dec. 6, 1893. “I have been engaged in the business for eighteen years, and have run from ten to twelve thousand head. I have made it a point each year for a period of thirty days to accurately ascertain the actual cost of all my sheep camps in the way of supplies, and you can accept the following figures as trustworthy, since they are an average from all these records: COST OF RUNNING 2,000 SHEEP ONE YEAR. Herder, at $35 per month $420 Board, at $15 per month 180 Camp tender to help move and furnish camp 200 Salt, 2 tons at $30 60 Labors’ Hard Times School. 265 Hay, 50 tons at $8 $400 Extra help during lambing season 100 Extra help during winter feeding season 50 Shearing 2,000 sheep at 7 cents per head 140 Board of Shearers 30 Extra help sacking wool, etc 25 50 wool sacks at 40 cents 20 Feeding horses used to supply camp, etc 180 Shoeing horses used to supply camp, etc 36 Furnishing camp, tents, blankets, rope, etc 30 Hauling 16,000 pounds wool to railroad at 120 Cost of 16,000 pounds of wool as per above 16,000 pounds of wool, at 6 cents $960 700 iambs, being increase, $.1.25 875 — 1.835 Net loss on above basis $ 156 “The only possible reduction that can be made in the cost of running a band of sheep is in wages, as the plow has driven the stock so far back into the hills that the cost of feed is greater, as there is so little land that will produce, and freight to and from the railroad figures largely in supplying salt and other supplies in shipping wool. “Thus you will see that at 6 cents per pound for wool, which is the highest price we can expect with free wool for the class of wool raised here, cal- culating the weight of each fleece at eight pounds, v/hich is about the average, and the increase at 35 per cent, (which is all an ordinary band of stock sheep will produce, as we have to carry the males until two years old and past before they are suitable for market and cannot breed the ewes until two years old) the owner would be about $200 loser on the year’s work. This, leaving out of consideration all the taxes, interest on capital invested, and wear and tear to camp accoutrements, which is considerable. 266 Labors’ Hard Times School. “For the last four or five years I have averaged 15 cents per pound for my wool and $2.75 for my mut- ton sheep. The latter cannot now be sold for more than $1.50 (at the ranch), and our wool is now being sold in Boston for 10 cents. The cost or freight, in- cluding insurance and commissions, amounts to about 4 cents a pound. “There is one thing which you may not have had brought to your notice, and that is that destruction of the sheep industry means the abandonment of thousands of acres of land which now furnish good sheep pasture in Eastern Oregon. “The only vegetation which now exists is weeds and the small sheep grass v/hich will support nothing but sheep, and upon which they will thrive; take away the sheep and this is waste land and can never be anything else. “It would be impossible for us to continue the business under free wool; we would have to quit breeding and dispose of our sheep for mutton as they become of suitable age. “When the industry is destroyed in the United States, I apprehend, the foreigner will raise the price of wool probably to more than we have received under protection; but we will have no sheep, and it takes a long time to stock up a range, as sheep do not increase very rapidly.’* WOOL — EXTENT OF DESTRUCTION. No. 398. Do our free trade friends know the magnitude of the wool-growing industry which they have de- stroyed? There were 700,000 wool growers in the United States — 700,000 people whose principal in- dustry was that of growing wool. There were prob- Labors’ Hard Times School. 267 ably 150,000 more who were owners of small flocks of sheep in the United States. This industry em- ployed, besides the owners of flocks, at least half a million laborers, representing, with those who were dependent upon them, 2,500,000 people dependent upon the wages paid to laborers in this industry. There were 700,000 farms, averaging 160 acres each, devoted to the industry; and the mountainous re- gions of the great West and the vast plains of the great West, which are not suitable for other kinds of agriculture, which are not suitable for cultivation, have been utilized in this great industry and made valuable. These 700,000 farms, of 160 acres each, comprising 112,000,000 acres of land, are made value- less by placing wool on the free list and destroying this great industry. A statement from Hon. W. W. Baker, editor of the North Pacific Rural Spirit, shows that in Oregon, Utah, Washington, Idaho and Western Montana there were 6,710,746 sheep, which were worth in 1892, prior to the Presidential election, ^13,421,492, and which are worth in 1896 no more than ^6,710,746 showing a falling off in the value caused by putting wool on the free list. WOOL — FALL OF FOREIGN PRICES. No. 399. Free traders have been fond of drawing compari- sons between the lower price of American wool under the McKinley law and prices current previous to i860. It is true that previous to i860 the clean scoured value of Ohio XX was 80 cents, and its clean scoured value under the McKinley law before it was menaced with repeal in the early part of 1893 was 70 cents — a decline of 12^ percent. This fact has 268 Labors’ Hard Times School. been given great prominence, but the advocates of this view have been ominously silent as to the 46 per cent, decline in London in wool of the same kind and quality during the same period. For some years previous to i860 the London value of Austra- lian clean scoured wool similar to XX Ohio was 65 cents, but in 1893 its value was only 35 cents — a de- cline in the free trade markets of the world of over 46 per cent., as against a decline under protection in the United States for wool of the same quality and condition of only 12 % per cent. Further evi- dence of this fact, but exhibiting a still greater de- cline in foreign markets, is shown in the publication of a table by Messrs. George William Bond & Co., of Boston, giving all kinds of colonial wools imported into England and America in j86o and in 1893, showing a falling off in value in that period of over 51 per cent. The importation of colonial wools into Europe and America at various tariff periods between i860 and 1893, with approximate value per bale, in English money, was as follows: Year. Bales. Value per bale. Year. Bales. Value per bale. i860 266,000 1883 1,253,000 im 1868 639,000 i ?> y 2 1890 1 ,699,000 1869... , 657,000 13^ 1893 2,074,000 I2>^ A decline of 51^ per cent, in 33 years. WOOL — NECESSITY FOR PROTECTION — FREIGHT CHARGES. No. 400. Today we have 38,000,000 of sheep in the United States, 26,000,000 of which and nearly 70 per cent, of Labors’ Hard Times School. 269 all are located west of the Mississippi river. The freight on the wool from these sheep from the ranch to the Eastern markets varies from two to three cents per pound, while the freight on wool from London is only one-fourth of a cent per pound. How can the American wool grower pay from 800 to 1,200 per cent, more freight than his foreign competitor, when the freight alone under such unequal competi- tion would of itself bar the American wool grower from his own market? Thus, with the removal of protection, the difference in freight alone is against the American wool grower, so that he is compelled to go out of the business. WOOL AND WOOLEN GOODS — IMPORTS — INCREASE IN TEN MONTHS. No. 401. Imports for ten months. 1894. 1895. Increase. Raw wool, pounds Shoddy, “ 83,223,270 211,057,038 127,833,768 1,081,441 17,823,008 16,741,567 Carpets, square yards... 265,314 829,423 564,109 Clothing, value $673,088 $1,296,210 $623,122 Cloths, pounds 5.317.056 34.573.887 29,266,831 Dress goods, sq. yds 32,761,465 25.976,470 *6,784,995 Knit woolens, value $593,669 $1,988,349 $1,394,680 Shawls, value §69,553 370,264 $300,711 Yarns, pounds 383.98s 3.383.285 2,999,300 All other woolens, value. $542,235 $1,919,785 $1,377,550 ^Decrease WOOLEN INDUSTRY VS. WHISKY TRUST — FREE TRADERS LEGISLATE AGAINST FACTORY AND UPHOLD DISTILLERY. No. 402. Census Bulletin No. 380 calls attention to the fact that 440 establishments engaged in the manufacture 270 Labors’ Hard Times School. of distilled spirits, with a capital of $31,006,176, and turning out a product of 104,197,869 gallons, employ but 5,343 persons, at wages of $2,814,889; while 1,454 establishments are engaged in the woolen and wor- sted manufactures, with a capital of $199,075,056, turn out a product of $212,772,629, employ 122,944 persons, at wages of $132,977,104. The woolen busi- ness has seven times the capital, twenty-five times the laborers, and pays fifty times the wages. But the Wilson bill reduced the tariff on thewoolen schedule three-fifths, which has caused a reduction of wages and a closing up of factories, and has increased the tax on spirits for the benefit of the whisky trust. Verily, great is the free trader’s love for the “honest toilers.” Labor, I am pleased, indeed, Mr. Sands, that you can give us such important statistics, and if you will bring them to the platform I will see that they find a place in our report in connection with what you have to say. The cost of raising sheep on our western ranges is more than acceptable. Mr. Sands. Yes, Mr. Labor, until I saw Mr. Hil- ton’s figures on cost of raising ranch sheep I had an idea myself that the stock on such a ranch grew and came to the shearing age with practically little, if any cost. The number of people employed in the sheep industry, too, was a very great surprise to me. We can hardly realize how large and extensive our country is. Wool and lumber both on the free list in the Wilson bill has done untold injury to us all. I remember meeting a sheep ranchman in 1894 and he told me he had seen sheep sell at fifty cents a head that had formerly been worth $2.50 each. I suppose someone bought them at that price, Mr. Labors’ Hard Times School. 27 Labor, to take them into the markets of the world, as it requires about that kind of figures and prices to get into that large market successfully. The figures that we have just read show that 700,- 000 of our own people were directly affected by free wool. Mr. Hilton claims that prior to the free trad- ers coming into power he had realized fifteen cents per pound for his wool; after they came into control six cents per pound. What did this mean to the people west of the Mississippi river where 70 per cent, of the sheep were owned? Is it any wonder that money went out of circulation there? It cannot be possible, Mr. Labor, that any honest man who is well informed can approve of free trade or low duties any longer. I think such a strictly honest man must have peculiar aches and pains. I know plenty of persons who have lots to say about' others being dishonest, and some of these same fel- lows print a lot about it, but that does not prove to me that they are honest. The man who has printed the most about dishonest people is in jail now. So I do not mean a strictly honest man when talk- ingabout tariff duties. All that I want to convey is that when a man is dishonest with himself as to the best method he can adopt to apprise the people of that fact is to proclaim in the loudest possible voice that he is in favor of free trade, or tariff for revenue; that is, if he makes his living by manufacturing any given article and he has occasion to invest in that article, that he purchase a foreign make instead of one that he made himself. The latter plan might give him a chance to make a duplicate to take the place of the one he pur- 272 Labors* Hard Times School. chased, but he don t want to do that; he wants a vacation. ^ Such a d n fool, Mr. Labor, I call dishonest. Labors’ Hard Times School. 273 LESSON XIII. Labor, addressing a gentleman and calling him Mr. Hubbell, said: “I promised you an opportunity to say a word, Mr. HubbellJ relative to the industry of ship build- ing; we will listen to you now.” Mr, Hubbell. I suppose, Mr. Labor, the first you will expect me to undertake will be to name the parts of a ship that do not consist of labor, or days works. Labor, Yes, Mr. Hubbell, it is to determine what there is besides days works in any finished article or product that we take up. Mr, Hubbell, We will consider, then, that our ship is to be propelled by steam, and one good way to find what part of it is not days works is in our mind’s eye to take the days works all out of it, and then endeavor to appreciate what kind of a ship we would have left. I could not from memory, Mr. Labor, enumerate all that enters into the construction of a ship, and it is not essential that I should. Labor, No, Mr. Hubbell, the details are uncalled for; all we want are the principles involved. Mr, Hubbell, A great deal of value, Mr. Labor, is found in what is called the raw material that is re- quired to build a ship that would cost when com- pleted one million dollars. We take the lumber, iron, zinc, lead, copper, cotton cloth, silk, woolen goods, asbestos, material for caulking, paints, chem- icals, and a host of things that it is difficult to call 274 Labors’ Hard Times School. to mind, and it is plain that we would be unable to make anything like an accurate estimate of their worth. Labor. You do not call what you have named raw material, do you, Mr. Hubbell? Mr. Hubbell. That is the term such goods are known by; at least, a large portion of them. Of course, when boilers and machinery are put into a vessel they would hardly be classed as raw material, but the pig iron is that from which the various parts start. The sheet iron and such commodities, including carpets, draperies and many furnishings, if passenger and freight craft, as many today are, would not be classed as raw material, but you have only to go a step back with any of them until they are looked upon as such. Labor. After taking that step back to where you say it is looked upon as raw material, what does it represent, Mr. Hubbell? Mr. Hubbell. It represents days works more by far than anything else. We have virtually to carry it all back into the earth and into the trees in the woods, or to the silk worm tree, if you demand that true raw material is only such commodities as have not been touched by toil. Labor. We claim, Mr. Hubbell, that raw material is a commodity that money has not been invested in, turning it over prior to anyone having moved or changed it in position, or in any other manner, whereby it has taken on value by such moving or changing. Mr-. Hubbell. You would not claim, Mr. Labor, were I digging a cellar and had shoveled a load of dirt on a wagon to get rid of it, that the dirt had taken on value? Labors’ Hard Times School, 275 Labor. Are you seeking to be technical, with a view to embarrassing us, or with a view to a better understanding? The dirt you m.ention would, of course, have no value, Mr. Hubbell, except you wanted to use it to fill in somewhere, but the space it had occupied has taken on value to you. In your cellar you were not taking out material, you were simply getting rid of something that you had good reasons for wanting out of your way, the same as you would remove earth in order to reach ore of some kind, when the cost of moving the dirt would have to be added to the ore, although the latter would not, after taken out, have any stamp on it that indicated this part of the labor that was in it, while your cellar would indicate this particular labor. Thus it is with everything, Mr. Hubbell. In some portions the days works are plainly seen, while in others they are not. The principle involved is what we are aiming to establish; that is, the days works contained in all possible products, and the days works contained in material which enters into such products, that language today unjustly classes as “raw.” These principles, we say, Mr. Hubbell, we have no fears of anyone upsetting. They are plain to everybody, and what we desire is that in the future writers and speakers shall recognize them and class them in their true light, that the masses may not be misled by the jingle of adroit words from those who find remuneration politically, or in some other way, in thus misleading. Mr. Hubbell. Do not think for one moment, please, that I would intentionally do anything to embarrass. I am in accord with your motives fully, Mr. Labor. 276 \-.ABORs’ Hard Times School. Labors’ Hard Times School. I see as you see and I firmly believe you are -^wtving in the true interests of every American citizen. I was with my question as I put it urging to further clearness, that not one shall fail to catch and com- prehend the points that are so important to us all. I am conscious of the fact, Mr. Labor, that first you want to establish that everything known to man, after deducting nature's share, is brought forth through toil and days works. After that you want, in the best and clearest manner possible, to illustrate the importance to our own people of having those days works done at home, that we may have the money for that toil to put in circulation here at home. Labor, You are correct, Mr. Hubbell, as to our aims and intentions, and when our people all thor- oughly understand these questions it will be difficult to find a man or a politician who will admit that he ever favored free trade or a tariff for revenue, or anything leading in such a direction. Mr. Hubbell. True enough, Mr. Labor; when the people are all faced one way on these principles, as they some day will be, you will not be able to find a leader who will admit that he ever looked in any other direction any more than you can find a man living today (and some of them are living) who will confess that he ever cast a vote in sympathy with our old slavery laws. The object lessons of the last four years should have settled the question of whether it is to our interests . in this country to buy days works at home, and thus keep our money at home, or buy the same days works of some other country and send our money to that country. But, Mr. Labor, the question is not settled and you will see proof that it is not when the 278 Labors’ Hard Times School. votes in the Senate of the United States are recorded for and against the Dingley bill. I admonish all protectionists, provided there is a majority in the Senate for the bill, not to lose sight of the opposition it will meet there, for it will signify that the opposition is going back to its following to retouch and embellish anew their already strained picture of things cheap. They will find men who have days works only to sell who will listen to them when they charge that the man who buys such days works is a robber, and these same sellers will accept their counsel when they advise them to vote that man out of the market as a buyer, which they do in principle when they vote for free traders, or for candidates in favor of a tariff for revenue only. When our buyer is out of the market for days works in our own country it means, Mr. Labor, that some man in some other country is buying those days works, and he is buying them at his own home, and our people are keeping theirs. How plain this is, and how easy to be seen, and yet we have sellers who vote a ticket which forces them to keep their days works. It must be that they do it to have something to kick about when the future want that is certain to come has its fangs upon them. No, Mr. Labor, when a ship goes back emphati- cally to raw material but little of value can be found. It is days works it represents v/hen completed and it has been virtually purchased of labor, and all that is to be built or manufactured for the future is stored up in days works in human beings. Shall we pur- chase what we want of our own people or buy it of some other people and let our own come to want? Labors’ Hard Times School. 279 We have sellers enough to control this question. Then why do they fail to understand and protect themselves? What a ship building people we might be, Mr. Labor, if our Government would only extend the proper encouragement. Our daily papers, magazines, and prints of every type is full of complaint, and has been for years, of the miserable showing our merchant marine makes in comparison with other countries. Why, I ask, Mr. Labor, has this nature of investment been so thoroughly neglected? Labor. Undoubtedly, Mr. Hubbell, it is because capital always seeks the plainest investment and that which is the most inviting. Our country is so vast, and the demands for development so urgent, that it is rare our capital is not all tied up on shore before it has had time to study the broad seas. In place of any of our money seeking investment away from home, capital from other countries is seeking investment with us, and so long as we are a magnet of sufficient strength to attract this latter into our midst, having passed all ship building in- ducements on its way, it would appear idle for us to attempt to persuade our capital that there was the least possible occasion for it to go out of sight of land. Mr. Hubbell. May not our weakness in this direc- tion prove unfortunate for our people some day, Mr. Labor? Or, on the theory of the political economist of “the greatest good to the greatest number,” would you counsel to protect our own market for our own people and in exchange give up the ocean carrying 28o Labors’ Hard Times School. trade to other countries as a measure of compensa- tion for their loss of our markets? Labor. You say our markets, Mr Hubbell. If they are our markets how can foreign countries lose them, and what compensation do we owe other people for a thing that is our own? We have made our own market, the title is in us, why deed it away? Why deed our rights on the ocean away, or lose them by default? You ask if it may not be some day unfortunate if we continue to neglect them, and I answer that man- ifestly it will be seriously unfortunate. I shall take the ground that the greatest good to the greatest number demands that we fulfill our broad sea privi- leges. We are the liberty loving and liberty dis- tributing people of the world, and apart from our own interests we unquestionably should be prepared to perform a mission on the ocean as well as on the land. Regardless of the uneducated masses that have been thrust upon us in recent years, we are the most enlightened and the richest in intelligence as a people of any that inhabit the earth. Our oppor- tunities and our ability to achieve, and means to ex- ecute, outrank any other country, and, if our Govern- ment so wills, can be made to outrank them all com- bined. Why should we leave it to posterity to charge that we had been sleeping while on duty? Suppose the Dingley bill becomes a law, Mr. Hubbell, as we have every hope and faith to think it will, and we protect our market as we should for a long term of years, do you not anticipate that sooner or later we will have dull seasons through over production? And a term of such a character Labors’ Hard Times School. 281 not so far away as we might hope for, either? Should we not be awake to the future on these lines and discover, if possible, what dykes can be placed to prevent our being thus submerged? Should not our Government pay strict attention to the growth of our consuming ability in order to defeat the stings from over-production, or at least to bend to the minimum in them so far as it rests within their power to do so? In what direction does there so broad a field offer so little resistance and invite so appealingly as does the improvement of our mer- chant marine and our whole carrying trade? Mr, Hubbell, Yes, Mr. Labor, every conceivable signal is up to guide us in that direction, and what a power of consumption for our grown and all manu* factured products the forces required in constructing and sailing such fleets (as it is due our country to possess and control) would be. All our farmers, and all sellers of days works in other industries, every one of them (and all Americans) are inter- ested. The farmer, because of their consuming his products, and the sellers of days works in other in- dustries because of their consuming such products as they manufacture. To the latter, too, it gives still more when it gives additional employment to the working masses. If I can find all I want to do in ship building, Mr. Labor, I shall not be found crowding to get into other lines. The same will prove true of the man who is inclined to become a sailor; if he finds plenty of opportunity in the direction his tastes run, not even his shadow will be found contending in other pursuits. Our Government ought to have a p^id commission 282 Labors’ Hard Times School. studying these questions, with the view of adequate- ly disposing of our future possible excess of days works, in the interests of directing and placing them as fast, if can be, as they accumulate, but it would be futile to undertake such a mission except under laws whereby our country controls our own market. Everything today, Mr. Labor, is divided into classes. We have the business lawyer, the real estate lawyer, the patent right lawyer, the railroad lawyer, the criminal lawyer, etc. No one man any longer attempts to cover it all. How can I except I neglect my calling as a ship builder think of studying the demands and require- ments of all? These questions should, however, be more thoroughly studied with the view of placing and directing than they are or have been, and who is there to do it with a semblance of success except the general Government through a competent agency? I firmly believe we are on the eve of a prosperity that will astound us all; that will go as far beyond the limits of what we look for as the recent blight carried us beyond any possible expectations in the direction we did not care to go. Despite the un- looked-for strain, we have weathered the contest nobly, due wholly to the abundant riches gathered during a long term of protection to our home in- dustries- We were in a large measure prepared, Mr. Labor, for the calamity which came to us, and while a great number suffered, and suffered intensely, what has that suffering been in comparison to what it would be were it just beginning today in our present state of preparation? Labors’ Hard Times School. 283 If the past four years’ object lesson fails to reform those delving in Political Economy, the free trader and the tariff for revenue people who brought the depletion to us, we shall have to give them up as ^ lost, and in a magnanimous way urge Kind Provi- dence to lead them into more profitable lines. Other important nations are doing all they can find to do to encourage and sustain their merchant marine, and why, Mr. Labor, should not our Govern- ment strike now and strike hard in a like direction? It will be a greater problem for our people to solve than it is with many older nations which have surplus capital that is constantly seeking in- vestment. Large quantities of that capital come voluntarily to our interior, as you have already said, Mr. Labor, because it can be profitably employed whenever our condition is normal. If foreign capital can come inside our lines and do well, why won’t our own naturally remain inside? If our interior is inviting to foreign people, and they come within our lines and remain here, as they do, why won’t the same incentive hold our own young peoq)le within those lines, and thus prevent their seeking the high seas for maintenance? It is a plain case to me, Mr. Labor, that if our capital and our people go to sea to find bread and support during the coming one hundred years in sufficient numbers to make the showing on the broad ocean that we should make, our Government will have to offer all the inducement that other nations offer, and many, many times more inducements. When we have less room, and fewer opportunities in our interior, our capital and our people may vol- 284 Labors’ Hard Times School. untarily go to sea to remain there, but until then, except through some special pull, never. It is on account of this phase of the question, Mr. Labor, that our merchant marine has gone the wrong way for the last fifty years, and all the charges and all the claims above and below cannot change it. The very good reason that other countries have thrust themselves upon our oceans is because the situation with them is diametrically opposite to our own. They are crowded with both capital and men, and aside from a greater inclination for both to go to sea on account of restricted opportunities in other directions, their governments offer special induce- ments for them to do so. Some of our free trade friends, Mr. Labor, who are so liberal in citing free trade countries to us, should explain why such governments make it practically prohibitory to ship goods into their own country except in their own ships, or ships flying such country’s flag. What is this but protection of what they see it to their interest to protect, and it is done with a vengeance, too. Were all the conditions between our country and the leading foreign countries reversed they would shut us out of their markets too quick, the same as they force all freights it is within their power to con- trol into the bottoms flying their flags. Building ships is days works, Mr. Labor, and sail- ing them is labor and hazard combined. Our country should build from 25 to 100 where it builds one, and they should all be flying the American flag. The high seas should be dotted with them, but if they become numerous in the near future it will be the result of Herculean efforts on the part of our Gov- Labors’ Hard Times School. 285 eminent to influence capital and men in that direc- tion. There is no question but that steps should be taken at once on these lines, Mr. Labor, and the two reasons you have pointed out are plenty. First, to increase our ability to profitably consume and thus swell the strength of our own market; second, that we may be better equipped for contingencies either peaceful or otherwise, and when the time comes, if it ever does, that we acquire these avenues of industry in order to provide a market for our unlooked after increase of days works to sell, we shall appreciate the sagacity of those who were in- strumental in bringing to us such achievements. I hope no one will conclude that the three features we have noticed, Mr. Labor, include all the advan- tages to be gained by an extensive merchant marine of our own. Conspicuously flying the American flag in other countries is an advertisement that is real, and our own rnen beneath those flags in a manner becoming agents for our products, might in time make these markets a fractional part of what the “markets of the world” howler has been picturing to us the last two decades. Don’t for one moment, Mr. Labor, let one individ- ual infer that I would lose sight for a single instant of the importance of our own market. I will pre- dict, now, that for every dollar that we ever in- crease our sales in the markets of the world, we will, provided we protect our own market as we should, increase our sales from five to ten dollars at home. I pity the political party, Mr. Labor, which first attempts to subsidize our ship building and ship carrying interests. To meet with a marked success 286 Labors’ Hard Times School. in that direction will require appropriations of vast sums of money by our Government, and the party in power making such appropriations will be charged with willful extravagance, thieving, slaughtering, and the multitude of reproachful invectives that are constantly lodged in the demagogues domain of thought and study. Labor, The leaders of all political parties can, if they will, come to an understanding on this import- ant question and place it on so high a plane that it will be entirely out of the reach of the demagogue, Mr. Hubbell. Mr. Hubbell. True enough, Mr. Labor, but can they manifest good sense sufficient to do that? Labors* Hard Times School. 287 LESSON XIV. Labor. We have had some very liberal donations this morning and on this occasion there are no checks; it is all money this time and some of all kinds, except coppers and nickles. I beg to thank each of you most cordially for this unsolicited gift. Money is always acceptable, and I can assure you, one and all, if any of it goes to pur- chase foreign goods it will be for coffee, tea or some article required that our own country fails to produce. In looking the money over, I find that gold is still in circulation and I have — two and four are six and three are nine and one is ten — twenty dollar gold pieces. I shall take this money to the bank to de- posit, or, perhaps, some person present would like to have this gold. A gentleman rising in the class said: “Mr. Labor, I was going to the bank to get some twenty dollar gold pieces, and if you would just as soon I should have these it will save me the trouble of making that trip to the bank. Labor. Certainly, I shall be glad to accommodate you. I have noticed you here before. What may your name be, please? My name, Mr. Labor, is Sampson, and I am willing to tell you why I am here and what I want of the gold. I am through and through an advocate of free silver. I have dropped in here a few times to see if 288 Labors’ Hard Times School. you did not take that question up. I am lecturing on free silver, and I want the gold for making illus- trations. Labor, Free silver leads to money mediums and to finance questions, which we do not claim to be sufficiently familiar with to treat in an expert sense. Therefore, we do not intend to devote any time to that subject. I shall be glad, however, Mr. Sampson, if you will step this way, to exchange the gold with you, and you will pardon me if I caution you, provided you carry these twenty dollar gold pieces in your pocket, not to look at them too frequently. They are very pretty and may tend to weaken your free silver in- clinations. Mr, Sa 7 npso 7 i, My convictions on that question are very firmly fixed, Mr. Labor, and I think they will not be in any danger, no matter how intimately they are associated with the favored metal. Here are $200 in bills, Mr. Labor. The ten twenty dollar pieces (taking them in his hand) do look pretty well, and I must admit, Mr. Labor, they feel nice, too. Did I count the money correctly which I gave you, Mr. Labor? Labor, Yes, you gave me just $200. Mr, Sampson, Can you also let me have ten Amer- ican silver dollars, Mr. Labor? Labor, I can very conveniently. You must be going into the specie business, Mr. Sampson, (hand- ing the latter gentleman the silver.) Mr, Sampson, With these two metals I shall illus- trate to the people how they were robbed by the de- monetization of silver. Labors’ Hard Times School. 289 Labor. That gold looks so firm and solid when shown alongside the silver that I fear you will en- danger your cause when you hold them up in front of an audience for comparison, Mr. Sampson. Mr. Sampso7i. I have no fears of that, Mr. Labor, in the sense I handle them. Mr. Maxwell.. If the gentleman will handle them with enough good sense, Mr. Labor, he won’t have much of a cause left to injure. I would like to ask why he called for American silver dollars. Mr. Sampson. I want American money for my illustration, Mr. Maxwell. Labor. Had Mr. Sampson asked for Mexican silver dollars, Mr. Maxwell, I would have given him had I had any, twenty-four of them for his ten dollar bill. Mr. Maxwell. Yes, Mr. Labor, and the twenty- four Mexican dollars would swamp his illustration to the extent of sinking it out of sight should he use them in place of ours, regardless of what that illus- tration may be. The true relations between gold and silver can be faithfully shown by using Mexican silver dollars, and I challenge the gentleman’s cour- age to try it on. By tomorrow, Mr. Labor, you might have to give Mr. Sampson twenty-five Mexi- can silver dollars for his ten dollar bill, and again the fluctuation could be such as to only require twenty-three of them. Mr. Sampson. You gold men, Mr. Maxwell, de- monetized silver for speculative purposes and you undertake now to justify that act by ridiculing silver. Mr. Maxwell. The gentleman says, Mr. Labor, that for speculative purposes silver was demonetized. I claim that if silver had not been demonetized the 290 Labors’ Hard Times School. rich would have robbed our poor; they would have been at the mercy of the speculator. Look at Mexico. That country is a good example today and ought to demonetize silver at once, and thus do full justice to her poor, provided the work- ing people represent that class. The manipulator in Mexico is the man who is making the money, not the wage earner. The man who can buy anything, I care not what it is, of labor on a silver basis, and transport it to some other country and sell it on a gold basis can make good money, and the men en- gaged in that business this minute in Mexico have by far a surer thing than people in other countries are taking heed of. Who in such transactions, Mr. Labor, are being robbed? I can tell you who. It is the man of toil; he is working for half pay, and in so much as you have shown that quite nine-tenths of everything is labor, the man “virtually” buying products of labor and paying in silver gets them for half price, if the same man sells for silver he accepts half price; but the keen man does not do that. He sells in a gold country for a gold price, and nearly doubles his money, after paying duties, transportation charges, etc. Silver countries, Mr. Labor, do not pay one- fourth the wages paid in gold countries, and as be- tween the United States and some silver countries, we pay ten times the wages they do when compared on a gold basis. Carpenters in Japan receive in United States money a little less than from eleven to sixteen cents per day, and in that ratio are all wages in that country. Male weavers receive from gi.28 to $2.42 per Labors’ Hard Times School. 291 month; female weavers from 85 cents to $1.6^ per month. I want to ask, Mr. Labor, what our free trade and tariff for revenue friends are going to recommend when manufacturing in such countries reaches that state of perfection that the quality of their goods is acceptable and they are prepared to load our mar- kets with them? What I have said in reference to Japan wages and goods is in a manner out of place just at this time, but I give notice now, Mr. Labor, that I shall have some tables and information bearing on this question to submit later on. Mr. Sampson. I want to inform Mr. Maxwell that wages in tree silver countries have increased. Mr. Maxwell. I will show, Mr. Sampson, when I submit the tables I referred to that from 1873 to 1894 wages increased in Japan about one-third, while the cost of living had increased two-thirds. At all events, he is welcome to the situation when the maximum wages of a carpenter in that country is fifteen and eight-tenth cents per day in our money at the present time. It is all nonsense, Mr. Labor, talking about other nations. The United States is the great country of them all, and we don’t want cheap people or cheap money, either one. Mr. Sampso7i. I suppose, Mr. Maxwell, that you want dear money; that is, money with a high price on it, and let the people get hold of as little as pos- sible of it; and everything they buy and use have a high price on it? Mr. Maxwell. We have shown here that low price for products of any kind means a low wage scale. 292 Labors’ Hard Times School. for nine-tenths of everything is labor. What you recommend is that we take less than fifty cents for what we get a dollar for now, hence if everything is virtually purchased of labor, or nine-tenths is fur- nished by labor, who gets cheated when they accept fifty cents, and try to make themselves believe it is a dollar? If labor gets a fair price for days works, Mr. Sampson, the products that labor turns out will have to bring a fair price. We cannot go into the markets of the world, because the days works in our goods have cost too much, and we cannot reduce the price of our goods except we make the whole reduction in the price of labor. Everything else, on account of competition at home, has been cut out of our products already, and labor hanging together in their unions is all that prevents that being cut. If a man in business clears ten per cent, net on goods that cost him $1,000 his profit is $100. If the same goods cost him $2,000 and he nets ten per cent, he clears $200, and this is what the labor unions are helping men to do, and many who feel, honestly too, that the labor unions hurt them fail to catch on to this fact and feature. Mr, Sampsoji, That, Mr. Maxwell, is one reason why we want free silver, so that we can get into the markets of the world. Mr, Maxwell, Now you have given your snap away, Mr. Sampson. I know of one manufacturer who in 1896 said boldly that he voted the free silver ticket so he could ship his products into foreign countries and meet their prices. How was he going to do it? Nine-tenths of his goods represented days works; he was going to buy that nine-tenths with a Labors’ Hard Times School. 293 fifty-cent dollar and sell his product in foreign coun- tries for a loo-cent dollar. The only way I can account for such an idiot is that he has too few brains to get into our markets here at home, and he is willing to spoil our own market, which is nearly equal in dollars and cents to all other markets, in order to get into those other markets, or the markets of the world. What a large amount of sense such a man must have. Could he think for a minute that other coun- tries would let us sell our days works in their mar- kets and they keep their days works? If they did, their markets in a short time would not be worth bothering with, for selling their own days works is what makes their markets, and the reason the mar- kets of the world are of so little value today is be- cause they pay so little for days works. This is obvious enough when the sellers of labor, including all farm products as representing labor, are seven-tenths of any market on earth, and that seven-tenths is the influence of any market. If they have but little to invest they will be thin, and so will their markets. No, Mr. Labor, Mr. Free Silver Man cannot get into the markets of the world to stay there. Such mar- kets would bar him out with duties, or in some other way, just as our country will have to bar Japan out as soon as she gets on to the extent of cutting a figure that hurts us. We may get some ugly wounds through neglect before we discover what must be done, but you may feel confident that in the end the situation will be taken care of. Mr. Sampson. I did not intend to impose a free silver discussion on you, Mr. Labor, against your 294 Labors’ Hard Times School. will, and I feel that I should beg your pardon for in- troducing anything that has taken up any of your valuable time. Labor. I am quite satisfied, Mr. Sampson, if you are, and do not feel like crowding you out if you have anything in addition to introduce. Mr. Sampso7i. Before anything further is said, Mr. Labor, I desire to call your attention to the fact that four of the twenty dollar gold pieces you gave me are very badly worn, and I fear the banks will refuse them for their face value on account of the abrasion. Labor. Very good, Mr. Sampson, I will take them back and give you other money. I noticed that nearly all the silver dollars I gave you were very badly worn. Perhaps you would like to return them also. If you would, you may bring them all here to the desk. (Mr. Sampson comes forward and hands Labor the four twenty dollar gold pieces and gets bills in exchange, and Labor asks:) Do you not want to exchange the worn silver? Mr. Sampson. No, Mr. Labor, the silver dollars show the government’s stamp yet, and they will be all right. Labor. If that be true, Mr. Sampson, and the silver is all right, why not these four twenty dollar gold pieces? They all show the government’s stamp. They are not so badly worn but our stamp can be found by looking closely. Mr. Sampson. The government stamp can do no good to the gold. If it is badly worn the banks will weigh it on me, and deduct for abrasion all it falls short in weight. The whole house is in confusion with loud and Labors’ Hard Times School. 205 boisterous laughter in a moment, and Labor for the first time raps sternly with his ruler, but he cannot accomplish a thing. They roar and laugh, and roar and laugh and shout until Labor himself can no lon^ ger control his own mirth, and when his face breaks into a smile hats, handkerchiefs, umbrellas, canes, coats and everything movable go into the air. In due time Labor again attempts to restore order, but the large number present are not ready to forego the opportunity to express their appreciation of the free silver advocate’s voluntary confession that gold was a standard that was independent of any stamp any country could put upon it. And Labor, recog- nizing the futility of any further endeavor in quieting the house, with a smile on his face, seated himself in his chair with the air — if you must wear yourselves out before reason can prevail again L shall have to let you do so. At the first indication of order. Labor arose to his feet, when someone shouted, ''What is gold without a stampf and the answer burst forth from every mouth, "Ifs all right!' And then the house went wild, and Labor again took his seat, but with the same smile lingering on his face which, with a mani- fest appreciation of the dignity due his position, it appeared impossible for him to suppress As soon as sufficient encouragement would justify. Labor arose again, striking his desk with his ruler as he did so, which secured a death-like silence, when some- one with a loud voice broke forthwith, "What is silver without a stamp?" And quick as a flash from the other side of the house came the answer, "Good for what it weighs^ the sa7ne as wheat a7id potatoes^ with- out a stamp!' Away went the house again, and for the 296 Labors’ Hard Times School. third time Labor had to take his seat, and the first lull that came a gentleman stepped into his chair and shouted: ''What harm to me when I can trade my day's work for something that does not ha.ve to wedr a stamp?" Another party shouts, "You're all right; clothes don't make the manf and off into another spasm the whole class went once more. When Labor arose for the third time the class could see in his face a determination that everything of a boisterous nature should cease, and in due silence they re- sponded to the sound of his ruler striking the desk, and he said: I am glad to see the uniform sentiment that there must be a rational substance behind, and supporting everything, but I cannot give my full approval to such a demonstration as we have just witnessed. I fear that it will weaken rather than strengthen what we all feel such an interest in establishing. Wild enthusiasm cannot add any value to silver or take any value out of gold, any more than legislation of any kind can. Mr. Sampson attracts Labor’s at- tention, and Labor asks him if he has something he would like to say. Receiving a reply in the affirma- tive, Labor tells him he may have the floor. Mr. Sampso7i. Do I understand you to say, Mr. Labor, that legislation cannot put any value in silver? Labor. We have a law, Mr. Sampson, now whereby less than fifty cents worth of silver passes for a dol- lar, but there is not one dollar’s worth of silver in that piece of coin any more than there is two cents worth of paper in a two-cent postage stamp. You expressed the whole truth of the whole situa- tion in all its relations when you admitted that the Labors’ Hard Times School. 297 stamp of our government could do nothing for gold. If our country’s stamp of $20 was on a piece of gold that was overweight, and worth $25, that piece of gold would bring $25 or its equivalent in any civil- ized country, including our own, regardless of any stamp our government had put upon it. And the same principle, Mr. Sampson, holds good with any- thing our country can produce, whether it is silver, lead, brass, copper, iron, wheat, oats, corn, horses, cattle,sheep,or any oneof the multitude of commodi- ties that can be named. In not one is there an excep- tion which you, Mr. Sampson, will admityourself until you come to silver. Gold bullion, silver bullion, andall the different things named above, andall that can be named, are products and have their relative values, and always have had, and so they always will have. Different countries can affect their prices by duties and taxes, but they cannot affect their values. The duty and the tax added to the current price will rep- resent the 'Total” value. Any country can place a duty or tax on diamonds, rubies and all precious stones, but it cannot by law put any actual value into any of them or take any out. Mr. Sampso 7 i. Do you claim, Mr. Labor, that our country cannot put a duty on diamonds that will in- crease their value? Labor. Some might call it value, but it is only duty tax added to value, if any choose to pay the in- creased price, which the duty does increase. If our country was a producer of diamonds of the quality demanded then the supply and demand of our own product would establish the value, and if any of this given quality came from other countries they would. 298 Labors’ Hard Times School. in competition, have to rate their goods at our established values. If the duties exacted prevented their doing that without losing money they would have to stay out, or come in and sell at a loss. Diamonds, rubies, etc., are in every particular luxuries, and do not class with staples and ordinary goods that rule as necessities. Take away the tax and duty, Mr. Sampson, and I ask, can you claim that our government can by law increase or diminish the value of precious stones? Mr. Sampson. I do not think, Mr. Labor, that that is quite to the point. I am simply charging that our country demonetized silver and that that reduced the value of it. Labor. You mean, Mr. Sampson, that it reduced the price of it. Answer me candidly, Mr. Sampson; do you not want our country to pay a fictitious price for silver? Mr. Sampson. I want them to buy all that is offered at a ratio of sixteen to one; the one to represent gold at its present value. Labor. Why do you want the Government to do that, Mr. Sampson? Mr. Sampson. So there will be more money in cir- culation, and thus you and I can have more money. Mr. Maxwell. Now, Mr. Sampson is getting down to business. I want more money, and am half crazy for it. I want him on his free silver basis to show me how I can have more and then I shall be with him. Mr. Sampson. If our Government buys more silver bullion and coins it, there will be more money in circulation and your chances will be better. That is, if they mint and issue it on a basis of 16 to i. Labors’ Hard Times School. 299 Mr. Maxwell. That will by law be putting a value into a commodity. Mr. Labor says you cannot do that, and I believe him, and you have not, Mr. Sampson, proved that by law a value can be put into anything. Radishes and beets are very much the same form and color; can you regulate by law how many bushels of beets shall represent a bushel of radishes? Mr. Sampson. Radishes and beets are commodities; they are not money. Gold and silver are money. Mr. Maxwell. When they are all in the ground they are commodies, are they not, Mr. Sampson? Mr. Sampsoji. Yes. Mr. Maxwell. Then, if you have a surplus of beets and a scarcity of radishes one year and the reverse the next year, in the two commodities, you would not claim that their relative values would or could be the same for both years? Mr. Sampson. I am talking about money, and you, Mr. Maxwell, are talking about commodities. Mr, Maxwell. You have admitted, Mr. Sampson, that gold and silver in the ground are commodities; do you deny that now? Mr. Sampsoji. While in the ground they are com- modities but they are capable of being reduced to money when taken out of the ground, which cannot be done with radishes and beets; hence* I claim that the comparison is not a reasonable one. Mr. Maxwell. Yes, Mr. Sampson, you claim the comparison is odious, but you cannot deny that the beets can be reduced to sugar, can you? Mr. Sampson. No, but what has the sugar to do with money? Mr. Maxwell. The sugar comes from a commodity 300 LABORb Haivu /imes School. and so does the money come from a commodity, and in the ratio that that commodity is found will the price be. Provided all our sugar came from beets, if beets were scarce, sugar would be dear, o"* bring a high price. This principle holds good with everything on earth, and there is not a single exception to it; and I ask you now, Mr. Sampson, if you do not consider that we are right when we make this claim? Mr, Sampso7i. I do, Mr. Maxwell, until you come to money. I claim that our Government demone- tized silver and thus degraded that metal. Mr. Maxwell. Degraded that metal, and, as you said a few minutes ago to Mr. Labor, reduced the value of it. I claim that it is beyond the power of our Government to reduce the value of anything except they pass a law forbidding the production of a given thing, and make it a punishable offense to produce it, but the work here is not in that direction. Our talk is on business lines, and to study principles regardless of technicalities. Am I not right, Mr. Labor? Labor. Yes, Mr. Maxwell, you are right. We are not striving for fine points; it is the broad principles covering our greatest interests that we are endeavor- ing to unfold. Mr. Maxwell. In that sense I take exceptions to your charge that our Government reduced the value of silver by demonetizing it. Our Government is the loser by more than two hundred million dollars on the silver it has already bought, and it has stopped buying and minting it just as any business man would have done, which, Mr. Sampson, you call demonetization. Labors’ Hard Times School. 301 Our Government has done everything that could be studied up to get the silver it has on hand out into circulation. If you, Mr. Sampson, will agree to exchange other money for a few or large number of tons of silver dollars with our Government the latter will gladly pay the freight on the silver to any point having transportation facilities you may name; and they will be prompt even to rushing the silver to you for fear that you may change your mind. The value of silver is due to the amount in sight just the siame as with anything else. The sugar manufacturer would not buy beets to make sugar if he already had on hand more than he could use, just as our Government stopped buying silver bull- ion, and just as they will stop buying and minting gold if it should ever be found in quantities beyond the demands of the world, and buildings covering acres of ground have to be built to store it in. Labor, I think, Mr. Maxwell, that you and Mr. Sampson will be unable to agree. We look upon everything found or created that has value as sub- ject to the laws of supply and demand. In this we do not except either silver or gold. Our free silver friends, however, choose to exempt silver from this law. Mr, Maxwell, Yes, Mr. Labor, and they insist that our Government shall take all they can bring of it and the few silver mine owners shall dictate the price. And when our Government tells them the buildings we have on hand to store it in are all hull the silver men tell them to erect more buildings. I don’t think that is fair. The time may come when we will need the land such buildings might occupy to raise wheat to feed our people. 302 Labors’ Hard Times School. Mr, Sampson, You give us plenty of silver, Mr. Maxwell, and we will find a road by which to get the wheat. I want to remind you that the first thing done when establishing our Government was to make a silver dollar the unit of value, and all other money was based upon that unit. Mr, Maxwell, At that time, Mr. Sampson, we were virtually on a silver basis. Mr. Sampso 7 i. Yes, we were, and both silver and gold were maintained. Mr. Maxwell, How was gold maintained? Mr. Sampson. Because the Government minted all that came. Mr. Maxwell. The Government minted all the gold that came because too much did not come. Then we were on a silver basis. What did gold do? It took care of itself, didn’t it, Mr. Sampson? When, then, did the change come? Mr. Sampson. The change came in 1873 when we went to a gold basis. Mr. Maxwell. For several years after 1873 silver dollars were worth one hundred cents, or nearly that? Mr. Sampson. I believe they were. Mr. Maxwell. To tell the truth, Mr. Sampson, from the time our Government began issuing green- backs during the war, until 1879, neither you nor I saw so much as a ten cent silver piece, let alone see- ing a silver dollar. Gold and silver both were out of sight so far as our country was concerned, and for this reason in 1873, when the great silver murder you people tell about was committed we had no way of practically discovering this monstrous crime. A silver dollar on any four corners east of the Mississ- ippi River would have been such a curiosity in 1873 Labors’ Hard Times School. 303 that any kind of a crowd in size would have gathered to look at it. Had a man carried a twenty dollar gold piece into a National Convention at that time, and held it up to view, a motion would have been made and carried to take a recess for thirty minutes for the purpose of looking at it. You know very well, Mr. Sampson, that neither silver nor gold showed their faces in this country from the opening of the war until 1879, and after that time they came in use very slowly. You free silver men just play with, and make toys of our younger people when telling them about the silver murder of 1873. The facts are, too, that prior to the war, that is, prior to i860, our country was short of silver and our Congress made foreign silver legal tender in the United States, doing what they could at that time, Mr. Sampson, to invite silver into our country. Dur- ing all this time that we were virtually on a silver basis, gold took care of itself. Mr. Sampso 7 i. Yes, Mr. Maxwell, but gold was legal tender all that time. Mr. Maxwell. And so are silver dollars legal ten- der for any amount you can bring right now. What is the situation today, Mr. Labor? Are we short of silver? No. Are we inviting foreign silver now? No; we are on a gold basis. Can silver take care of itself as gold formerly did when our country was on a silver basis, or the silver dollar was the unit of value? No. Why? Because it has been found since, as never before. It is mixed with copper, gold, lead and other metals, and large quantities of silver are secured when seeking those metals, re- 304 Labors’ Hard Times School. gardless of the great number of mines that are called silver mines because there is little else but silver found in them. When there is an enormous supply of any given commodity, Mr. Sampson, that commodity will be cheap. Mr. Sampson. Statistics do not show that within the last few years there has been any wonderful in- crease in the amount of silver that has been mined, Mr. Maxwell. Mr. Maxwell. I am glad you have mentioned that fact, Mr. Sampson. You free silver men are making all kinds of capital citing the fact that no excessive quantities of silver have been mined in the last two or three years. You never tell us, though, how much would have been taken out and put on the market if it would have brought the price you free silver men want our government to pay for it, which is ;^i.29 per ounce. Loud applause follows from all over the house, which Labor puts down as suddenly as possible, fearing a repetition of the former scene. I can tell you, Mr. Sampson, that under a free silver basis, with our Government paying $1.29 an ounce for silver, they could not construct buildings fast enough to take care of the silver that would be offered. (More applause, which Labor suppresses.) Our Government is loaded down with silver now, which everybody knows, Mr. Labor, and we do not need any more to mint. There is so much silver that it is weak; it has become a burden to itself, and it will have to yield to the laws of supply and de- Labors’ Hard Times School. 305 mand, the same as gold, diamonds, rubies, wheat, iron, salt, or anything else does. The truth is, silver has tried to commit suicide, and the chief mourners having been warned by the most eminent talent that it cannot recover, the mourners have resorted to quack doctors, instructing them to tell the people that there is plenty of vitality left and that it can be restored to its former strength. If Japan should go to a gold basis their wages would remain in gold about what they are today in silver. What a boon that would be to the working people of that country. The maximum of their wages now in silver is a little over thirty cents a day. Under a gold basis that thirty cents would buy twice what it does now, and Japan’s market would practically be doubled; that is, the purchasing ability of their sellers of days works would be doubled. How would it be with our sellers of days works here in the United States, Mr. Labor, should we go to a free silver basis? I will tell you. The moment such a law took effect everything the laboring man buys would be double, and, like during the war, wages would increase about twenty-five per cent. During the war goods of all kinds increased from two hundred to four hundred per cent., while wages increased not over thirty per cent. There is plenty of evidence to be had as to the increased cost of goods during the war, but the only good old books to get hold of to find the increase of wages during the war are those of the railroad companies. It will be found by examining them that the increase in wages was some thirty per cent. However, wages on the railroads during the war, when everything 3o6 La-rors’ Hard Times School. was so costly, were not as high as they are now when we are on a gold basis. When the seller of days works votes for free silver in this country he is taking steps to bring a strain upon himself that would require years and years to overcome, should there be votes enough to give us such a law. Our wage scale in this country is good, and our money is good. All we want is a good market, which we can always have provided some other country has not taken it. I will read to the class two clippings, Mr. Labor, which I hope you will print at the end of this lesson. One is over a year old and the other is quite antique. Each of them, however, scores a good point. Copper — A Money Metal. Why not Demand Free Coinage for? The copper producers have just as substantial ground for complaint as the silver mine owners, due to the depreciation of their metal, which is equally a money metal with silver. When silver was of full value with gold, at a ratio of i6 to i, copper was marketable at 21 cents a pound. Silver since then has depreciated from $i. 2 g 3 /^ per ounce down to the present price — 69 cents. Copper, meanwhile, has gone down from 21 cents a pound to the present price, 9^ cents per pound, from the same cause — over-supply. Instead of free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to i, when the bullion value of silver makes it over 30 to I, copper would make more honest money for the country, and more of it (if that is what is wanted by the farmers and others), as the ratio can be made 100 cents to ^i, and still make it honest money, and, if the coin should be made four times the size of the Labors’ Hard Times School. 307 present penny, it would really be restoring the money of our daddies if made free, unlimited, and independent coinage. Davis, Jeff — Was He a Tool of Wall Street? Jefferson Davis, while at De Soto, Mo., on the Iron Mountain Railroad — a Greenback convention being in session — a crowd assembled at the depot to see the distinguished person, who was easily per- suaded to speak, when some one asked, “How about Greenbacks?” Davis replied, “If you want script to trade with among yourselves, you can issue county script or township script. It will be good as long as you have faith in it; but if you want to do business with the world at large, you must use the only cur- rency that is recognized by all the nations of the earth, and that is gold coin.” 3o8 Labors’ Hard Times School. LESSON XV. Labor. Mr. Maxwell, you said you had some data that you wanted to submit. Mr. Maxwell. Yes, Mr. Labor, there are several things to which I desire to call the attention of the class. One thing in particular that I want to talk about is my own days works. We have, it seems, nearly all avenues of life repre- sented here, but with reference to my days works I want to address other sellers of days works who are among us. By common consent today, everybody toils except the business man, the doctor, the lawyer, the teacher, the preacher, and the countless army of people who exist between the farmer and the seller of days works regular. I am going to, from the start, Mr. Labor, ignore the idlers and loafers who are so numerous, and who decline work when offered. In my business as a traveling salesman I come in contact with nearly everything, from the street sweeper to the bank president, and I must confess that nearly all that confronts me is toil, toil, toil. It is one constant tide of effort and strife, coming and going like the swaying of the sea. The house I am traveling for manufacture the line of goods I represent. I began with them as a factory hand, as the term goes, and after several years in the factory I thought I would like to take things a little easier, and had the courage to ask the firm to let me Labors’ Hard Times School. 309 represent them on the road. And to my surprise they said laughingly that they would give me a trial trip. Labor. Why do you say they did so laughingly, Mr. Maxwell? Mr. Maxwell. A factory hand asking for such a position was so novel was the reason they laughed, I suppose. They expected, as they have told me since, that inside of three days I would return ad- mitting that I was out of my class. I had started on only a ten days trip, the house having arranged to protect themselves, and at the same time embarrass me as little as possible if I failed. I met with unlooked for success, both to the house and to myself, and in less than a week I received complimentary letters and orders to extend my trip. Of course, each day found me further from head- quarters and I could not get word from the firm so frequently. My success continued, and each mail that I overtook and opened said keep going, and I did. When I returned I had been out just sixty days. It is a good many years, Mr. Labor, since this hap- pened, and I have been traveling for the same peo- ple ever since. Labor. I suppose you felt very cheerful, Mr. Max- well, that you had emerged from the drudgery of the factory into an easier life. Mr. Maxwell. You cannot mean that, Mr. Labor. I found that I had left an easy life and gotten into a drudgery that I never knew existed, and the truth is I had decided before I returned to go back into the factory and not make another trip, but the firm wouldn’t listen to it. 310 Labors’ Hard Times School. In twenty-four hours from the time I reached home I was on the road again, with five large trunks of samples, making for a brand-new territory in which the house had never introduced their goods, and I traveled thirty-six hours before I made my first stop, arriving there in the evening. My trunks had been packed so hastily that it took me nearly the whole of that night to unpack and arrange my goods so I would know head or tail about them. It was nearly four o’clock in the morn- ing when I climbed into bed, after leaving word to be called at 6:30. I sold three bills of goods the next day, and' after writing out my orders in the evening and mailing them to the house I packed my trunks and took the 10:40 train for the next stop, arriving there at 12:35 A. M. Of course, I retired immediately after reach- ing the hotel and I was so tired and worn out that I begrudged the time it took me to disrobe. I left a call for 6:30 and by seven o’clock in the morning I was unpacking my trunks. At 8:25 I sat down to a light and hurried breakfast and at 8:50 I was talking to my first merchant. I sold two bills of goods that morning, then I packed two of my trunks, hired a team and man with it to drive six miles to a little village to see one good merchant, starting at just 1:35 p. M. I opened my goods in the man’s store and sold him a very nice bill, and induced him to follow me back to the station and look at my other samples that evening, which he did and he gave me another order. After the gentlemen left I wrote up my orders, mailed them to the house, packed my other three trunks, found time for one hour’s sleep with my Labors’ Hard Times School. 31 i clothes on and took the 12:35 train, the same one I came into the town on the morning before, for the next town, arriving there at 1 150 a. m. Of course, I had planned a scramble for bed and I had intended to sleep a little later the next morning, but when I registered I saw the name of a traveling man whom I had met in the first town I had stopped at, and I asked what time he had left word to be called and was told 6:30. In an innocent way, as though he were a friend of mine, I asked if he had opened his trunks and was told that he had but that he retired immediately after doing so, hence he had not seen the trade. Of course, Mr. Labor, I was after that man’s scalp, for he was selling the same line of goods that I was. The clerk stepped one side and I, with my pocket knife, scratched my name off the register, ordered my trunks in the sample room and left a call for 5:30. At 7:10 I took a seat at the breakfast table, where I met my competitor, and I discovered at once that he recognized me, but I was confident that he would labor under the delusion that my trunks were not opened, but before night rolled around I made him think they were. It was a good sized town and we had it good and hot all day. As soon as I swallowed my breakfast, which did not take long, I ran the town over, left my cards, chatted some five minutes with each man, told them all I would call again, and asked them to hold their orders until they saw my samples. This, of course, they were inclined to do, for they had never seen my house’s goods and they would naturally want to look at them and catch on to the prices before ordering. 312 Labors’ Hard Times School. The last man I called upon T took to the hotel with me and secured a good order. My house had given me elegant introductory prices, and I was well fortified for anything that I might have to contend with. What is the use of extending this, Mr. Labor? I sold plenty of goods and so did the man I wanted to kill. Thank Heaven it was Saturday and I rested over Sunday, and was a Sunday ever sweeter? The following week and the balance of my trip was a repetition of what I have just given in detail. I have done this, Mr. Labor, that these men of toil who have listened to me may know that our greatest toilers are many of those who they think find life ever so easy. I have always done more work on the road in one day than I ever did in the factory in three. When I was out of sight of the house I worked for, I found I had all my planning to do. I was general manager, clerk, solicitor, roustabout, and everything. Did any of you ever unpack five large trunks of samples and pack them again. It looks easy; you ought to try it on. In the factory when the whistle blew I dropped everything and went home without a care. . On the road when I would hear whistles blow after I had done one day’s work I would begin another, and thus my life as a traveling salesman has been one of extreme toil, and at times the work has been severe. Labor. I am somewhat surprised, Mr. Maxwell. I had always taken it for granted that a traveling man’s work was cheerful and light. Of course, you received better pay. Mr. Maxzvell. Yes, Mr. Labor, the pay has been very much better, but we cannot save as anyone Labors’ Hard Times School, 313 would think we ought to. A good salesman will be more or less a cheerful spender of money, especially with his customers. A sponge or shirk in keeping his end up will fail to establish a close friendship with his trade, and in the absence of that friendship he will always be facing a resistance that will give him pains and backaches. Labor, I supposed, Mr. Maxwell, that the firms men travel for always bore all the expenses of their salesmen. Mr, Maxwell, You ask a member of a firm having traveling salesmen and he will tell you that his house does pay all expenses, and oftentimes they think they pay more than that even, but I fail to find any of the successful salesmen who do not show that they fall behind in their expenses. I know I always have, and the sum total for the long term of years I have been on the road would surprise you, Mr. Labor, and the firm I work for, and everybody else. You will pardon me, Mr. Labor, for reciting what I have, but I want it known to the fullest extent with the days workers themselves that most of the* people who they think have an easy time are hard workers and their callings are important and cannot be dispensed with. What would we do without the doctor? Mr, Sampson. Without the doctor we would un- doubtedly all live longer, Mr. Maxwell. Mr, Maxwell, That remark, Mr. Sampson, is in line with your defense of free silver and Prof. Gil- lette’s defense of free trade. Either one of you gentlemen would have the nerve to undertake to 314 Labors’ Hard Times School. amputate an arm or a leg and care for it afterwards, or take charge of a case of childbirth. I gather from your argument that the man who has lived the longest in given lines is the man who knows the least regarding subjects such lines cover. We need the minister as well, Mr. Labor. All moral lessons are essential in our development and require students and advocates. What kind of a country would we have, Mr. Labor, in the total ab- sence of all educational institutions? All these are working people, and have each their own manner of toil or days works, for which they must be remunerated. We have to add to the law- yers, judges, courts, court officers and clerks, keepers of records, city, state and national officials, with all their forces. All are workers and must be sustained. It is out of the question to cover the field. Think of those employed in fire and life insurance, printing and publishing, and when the people engaged in all lines of business .are added you have a list which will fill a large city directory. If, Mr. Labor, we charge the maintenance of this army of people to anything, it must be to products, both manufactured and grown. It would require several volumes to analyze this question, which has many times been done, and it makes but little difference whether I am satisfied with what has been written on the subject or not. One thing I will admit, the question is a very large one and we ought to be very charitable to those un- dertaking to handle it, except when they attempt to advise us to buy products abroad because we can get them cheap, rather than to manufacture and produce them ourselves. Labors’ Hard Times School. 315 I claim, Mr. Labor, that the true principle involved is, — to the wind with cheapness and other countries’^ prices and values, raise and manufacture our own products and regulate our own prices. And it is in this that the great armies named above are most in- terested. The required non-producer is dependent upon the producer for his shavings, and if he wants plenty of them he would better vote to have the shavings made at home. I have diverged somewhat, Mr. Labor, from what I started to say. These questions are covered deep with words, and have been for years, without my at- tempting to add any. What I started to show was that my days works are required, and that the cost of them to my firm must be charged to the cost of the goods they manufacture, and so must every other expense they are to in manipulating their business. This is sp plain that it seems childish to refer to it, but so many writers and statisticians con- vey the impression that the cost of products is found when the factory hands are through with them that I cannot forego this privilege of challenging any and all such statements. The cost to be added to goods, Mr. Labor, does not cease until the consumer has purchased them and landed them in their final resting place. We must have the retailers. Consumers cannot all go to the factories and to farms, and these final dis- tributors of goods cut such a large figure in making up the masses of our people, and their presence almost equal with the producer being demanded, make the question of adjustment in all our affairs so complicated and so diverse that it staggers and baffles all human kind, 3i6 Labors’ Hard Times School. There is so much, Mr. Labor, that cannot be fath- omed or understood that there exists a special de- mand on those who are seeking to enlighten the people to urge to complete fullness of expression when showing what they have discovered and what they have learned up to the limit of not presuming but knowing. Statistics today are largely misleading. In one report for 1896 of labor and material I find these figures: Labor, ^2,283,2 [6,529; material used, $5,162,- 044,076. I want to ask, Mr. Labor, if these figures as to material are not misleading? Labor. The figures that you name as material used have reference to pig iron, lumber, leather, glass, yarn and hundreds of things used in bringing forth finished products. Mr. Maxwell. What are all those commodities you have named, Mr. Labor, except finished products themselves? Is not pig iron a finished product? What is leather or lumber, or anything you have mentioned, and the long list of things you could not call to mind, but finished products? Labor. They are all finished, Mr. Maxwell, and placed on the market as products. Mr. Maxwell. Then, Mr. Labor, what do they represent? Labor. They represent days works with a profit added to them. It is safe to say that two-thirds of their value represents labor performed and paid for. Mr. Maxwell. Most of such goods are classed as staples, Mr. Labor, and they cannot hold a net 33^ per cent, profit, and out of that per cent, salesmen like myself and much other labor is paid. However, that has but little to do with the principles involved. Labors’ Hard Times School. 317 What we want to call to the mind of the statistician is that in the way he writes his figures and his words he is misleading. I do not believe, Mr. Labor, that one man in ten reading such quotations would stop to think but that the $5,162,044,076 for material meant raw material, when, in fact, $3,441,362,717, which is two thirds of the above amount, leaving off the frac- tions, represents days works paid for, and that sum added to $2,283,216,529 which had been credited to labor shows $5,724,579,246, which is the total value of the days works in the finished products. This leaves $1,720,681,358 for the raw material and profits, which is liberal. Labor, I see the point you are making and it is a good one, Mr. Maxwell. Our people cannot judge well in their own true interests when their impres- sions are wholly wrong. You must bear in mind, how- ever, that some of the material may have been made in 1896 and the labor in that included in the $2,282,- 216,529; hence if that labor is estimated again in the material it will have been added in twice for the one year. Mr. Maxwell, Then, Mr. Labor, let them keep their books correctly, and carry the quantities and values along from year to year and show us what represents days works and what is something else. Their whole plan of giving us information is wrong. When we want to know today what sum represents the value of labor in anything we have to guess at it. If a ton of steel rails cost $20 to manufacture and the pig iron to make them cost $16, which is called material, we have left $4 for labor. Anyone reading such figures in the following words: 3i8 Labors’ Hard Times School. Cost of a ton of steel rails. Material ^i6.oo Labor 4.00 Total $20.00 will gather that there is only $4 in value due to labor in a ton of steel rails that cost $20 to produce, while in truth there was in the material (pig iron) from ;^ii to $14 worth of days works to be added to the $4 acknowledged, which shows that in a ton of steel rails that it cost $20 to produce, from $15 to $18 of that cost was paid to men who started the ore and from them to other men all along the line to the ones who finished the rails. Labor. Usually in estimates, Mr. Maxwell, there is an allowance made for miscellaneous costs, capi- tal, etc. Mr. Maxwell. I am, to avoid being misunderstood, only speaking of actual cost, leaving out capital, in- terest, miscellaneous costs and profits, and as to the actual cost I can only make a guess as I am not fa- miliar enough with making steel rails to call things by their right names, but I know enough to know that $4 does not represent the wages in a ton of steel rails that it cost $20 to make. And words and figures in statistics should not be arranged so that they can possibly convey any such impression. Labor. Some of our statistics give nearly every- thing in detail, Mr. Maxwell. Mr. Maxwell. I cannot afford to take a vacation, Mr. Labor, to hunt statistics in detail. If I want some information on totals I do not want to find a total there called material when I know that two- thirds of that total is days works that have been paid Labors’ Hard Times School. .319 for, and no credit given to wages for them. It is a misrepresentation on the face of it and cheats labor out of its share in making up grand totals, and con- veys the impression that labor is only one-fourth or one-third of a grand total, when in fact it is from seven-tenths to nine-tenths of that total. Sending forth the impression, too, that the team- ster who hauls the goods to the wholesale house, and all the porters, clerks, book-keepers, messenger boys, traveling salesmen, and further on to the clerks and help who retail them in the retail houses, and all the called for people between are included in the amount set apart as so much for wages, is unjust to wage sellers of our country, which includes every salaried attachee. I find the following figures in one report, Mr, Labor, and will read them to the class. MANUFACTURING. No. of establishments reporting, - - 355,401 No. of employees, •- - - - 4,711,832 Capital invested, - - - - $6,524,475,305 Expenses, ----- 630,944,058 Wages paid, - - - . 2,282,823,265 Cost of materials, - - - - 5,158,868,353 Total value of products, - - 9,370,107,624 Any one, Mr. Labor, is in danger of accepting the above figures for wages as the sum total of wages paid to labor in the whole United States, when in truth it only represents the sum paid to the 4,711,- 832 employees in the 355,401 manufacturing estab- lishments reporting, and may not represent more than one-half the amount of money paid to all our earners of money yearly. It does not include the armies of people who handle these goods after they 320 Labors’ Hard Times School. leave the hands of the people who manufacture them. It does not include the money paid to railroad wage earners, or those found in street car service, and when in our minds we try to add to these all the wage earners we cannot think of, and then in- clude the wages paid to farm hands, not forgetting the mass of people selling their days works in build- ing and all other kinds of construction work, what have we? Dare we stop at four billion or will it be six billion of dollars paid to money earners yearly? We have yet to add to the four or six billion for labor yearly the value of the labor in the ;^5,i58,- 808,353 of material, which is over three billion more. This brings all wages and salaries paid in the United States yearly up to somewhere between seven and ten billion dollars. Remember, Mr. Labor, our estimate covers every living person who works for pay, from the President of the United States down to the child selling papers on the streets. Labor. You have made some very important and valuable points, Mr. Maxwell, and I hope much good will result from them. The vast sums you have named showing the earning ability of our country is in principle beyond the power of contradiction, and makes manifest to us our inability to fully appreci- ate, and in a partial sense, even to recognize the value of our own market and why we are such a wonderful people. Mr. Maxwell. I thank you, Mr. Labor, for your kind utterance. I only wish I could paint this picture so it would be clearer and plainer. To, in the broad- est sense, appreciate the true worth of our own mar- ket is of the deepest importance to all our people. Labors’ Hard Times School. 321 and what I have so feebly named shows what our market is. It is what is earned and spent, and nothing more. What does it mean to us when it is damaged ten per cent.; what when it is injured twenty per cent., and what have we when it is hit as hard as thirty per cent.? Is it any wonder, Mr. Labor, that other countries fight so hard to get into our market? Can we afford to let them in except as we need them, and no further? Groversville told the whole story, if our past four years’ experience has not, and in connection with this I want to ask what we are going to do when Japan gets to us? I give fair notice now that that country is on her way here and coming in a max- imum wage scale of less than sixteen cents per day in our money. The Manufacturers’ Association of the United States sent one of our first citizens, Mr. Robert P. Porter, to Japan to study the industries and com- merce of that country. I will read a portion of what Mr. Porter reports, and in addition will submit some of the figures and tables found in his report, that I hope you will include in the published proceedings of this school. Mr. Porter’s report is full of important and -inter- esting information, covering 165 pages of printed matter, hence it will be out of the question to do more than make a few selections from it. After reading sufficiently to bring the questions of the progress in that country and the wages paid, Mr. Maxwell requested that what he had read be 322 Labors’ Hard Times School. cut out of this portion of the report and the tables be given verbatim in Mr. Porter’s words. INDUSTRIAL AMBITIONS OF JAPAN. In guagingthe strength and possibilities of a mod- ern nation, it has always seemed to me that the characteristics of the population and location of the country are of far greater moment than its mere numerical strength or the extent of its superficial area. The Japanese, as we find them today, are full of ambition to be the controlling industrial, as well as the controlling political nation of the far East. They are hopeful of becoming, some day, a great commercial and maritime power — the Great Britain of the Pacific. The first thing that strikes the traveler in this part of the world is the process of grafting the new western life on the old. It is going on in every direction. It is like engrafting into the gnarled, dried, stunted, blackened trees which form the background of Japanese landscapes, the sym- metrical branches, full of life and sap, from the stafely forests of our own Northwest. Including its new possessions, Japan starts in the race with 45,000,- 000 industrious, thrifty, persevering human beings. And yet the area of Japan is not 148,000 square miles — about equivalent to the State of Montana, and less than the area of California. And 85 per cent, of this land surface is occupied by rocky hills, volcanic cones, pebbly rivers, mountain lakes, ashy fields, and large areas covered with pines, cherries, and cryptomerias. The work begun in these islands twenty- five years ago will remake the Asiatic world with its 400,000,000 souls, as certainly as the civil- ization cradled in the British Isles spread over Labors’ Hard Times School. 323 Northern Europe and made our great North Ameri- can continent. In considering Japan industrially and commercial- ly, it is difficult to keep out the whole Pacific pol- icy, for should this energetic little island awaken the sleeping giant across the Japan Sea, the world would be startled with industrial changes of far greater moment to humanity than those taking place in Japan. There never was a people so completely absorbed in industrial and commercial questions as the Japan- ese at this period of their history. Emperor and Prime Minister, the Cabinet, Members of the Im- perial Diet and minor officials are all imbued with the progress^and future greatness of Japan in manu- factures, in commerce, and as the dominating nation of this part of the world. At public dinners, on official occasions of all sorts, the drift of the remarks is, what can be done to help the material progress of Japan. The vernacular papers have taken this up, and enterprises of all sorts are exploited with the vim and vigor displayed in the building of our own country. Commercial and industrial questions are now al- most as popular subjects of treatment, both in the press and by public speakers, as the most urgent political questions, whether foreign or domestic. Among them are such matters as the extension of existing steam routes, the results of treaty revision on trade, insurance, establishment of technical and commercial schools, the training of officers and men for the mercantile marine, improvement of chambers of commerce and of the existing system of trade guilds, the despatch of commissioners to study 324 Labors’ Hard Times School. commercial conditions abroad, placing Japanese in commercial houses and factories in foreign countries in order to learn thoroughly their system of busi- ness, the establishment of a floating exhibition of Japanese products, the effects on the trade of Japan of the opening of the Siberian Railway and Nicara- gua Canal, when Japan may become one of the greatest commercial centers of the world. I was struck, while in Japan, with the key-note of nearly all the public speakers and especially the public addresses of the several members of the Cab- inet who officiated at the several banquets and meet- ings during my stay there. In these utterances al- most uniformly the industrial idea predominated. No matter what the rest of the world may think of Japan, no matter whether the manufacturers of the United States are terrified or not at the prospects of Japanese competition with our home industry and labor, the Japanese themselves believe they are cutting a wide swath in the commerce of the world. Note, for instance, these extracts from the speech delivered by Mr. Kaneko, Vice-Minister of Agricul- ture and Commerce. I found him a man of intelli- gence and foresight and of wide experience in economic and statistical matters. Educated in one of the great European universities, he is up to the spirit of the age in all that relates to Japan and her industrial and commercial future. I am indebted to Mr. Kaneko’s department for many valuable reports. Any utterances of his should carry special weight. During the last two weeks of my stay in Japan Mr. Kaneko was engaged in a personal inspection of the manufactures and industries of Japan. He visited Labors’ Hard Times School. 325 the same districts I visited during my stay there. In the course of a speech addressed to a meeting of representatives of Chambers of Commerce through- out the Empire, held in May in Hakata, Fukuoka, Mr. Kaneko said: ‘‘Japan is possessed of qualifications admirably fitted for making her a country of manufactures. Her population is comparatively large and labor is cheap. “The Japanese are gifted with powerful eyes, hands and brains, and the Americans are terror- stricken at this. “The cotton spinners of Manchester are known to have said that while the Anglo-Saxons had passed through three generations before they became clever and apt hands for the spinning of cotton, the Japan- ese have acquired the necessary skill in this industry in ten years' time and have now advanced to a stage where they surpass the Manchester people in skill. “The Japanese are unrivaled in the world for cleverness, and their future is truly awe-inspiring to contemplate. “Furthermore, the position of Japan is very con- venient for the purpose of importing raw cotton from China and India, and wool and other raw mate- rials from Australia. This country is naturally adapted to manufactures and a wonderful advance- ment has been made in late years in respect to cot- ton spinning and weaving and paper manufacturing. We have also begun to make excellent blankets. “On account of Japan being a volcanic country, good sulphuric acid can be procured, the acid im- ported from China and India having been totally supplanted by the home product in the local markets, 326 Labors’ Hard Times School, >V0fAl ?kOVTtt THKOtNO W\’V» 0’»H5,q, m N0fcT» Labors’ Hard Times School. 327 “Englishmen have felt considerable uneasiness on seeing the prosperous state of business at Kawag- uchi, Osaka. This is not my own personal opinion, but I have actually heard so from foreigners who visited Japan for the purpose of inspecting trade. A commissioner, recently sent out by merchants and manufacturers of Manchester, was astonished at the development of the industries of Japan. On one occasion this gentleman visited the Department of Agriculture and Commerce, and remarked that he did not expect this country to be so abundant in raw materials. He was surprised at the skill shown in weaving, and saw excellent blankets being made at Omori from old rags. “If the Japanese are so clever in utilizing useless materials for manufacturing useful articles, foreign- ers will be at a loss what to do in competing with the Japanese, when the Island is thrown open to them.” In reference to the policy of Japan in aiming at the development of manufactures, the Vice-Minister of Agriculture and Commerce contended that the Japanese should sell their articles to countries in- ferior to Japan; that is, they should sell calico and the like to China, India, etc., while to civilized coun- tries like America, Great Britain, France, Germany, etc., special art works might be sold In looking over the consular reports from the Japanese residents in foreign countries, we note the same tenor. To sustain the Vice-Minister of Agri- culture, I quote from a recently-published report of the Japanese Consul at Montreal, Mr. T. Nosse: “Now, returning to the subject we have started with, viz. — the articles we can supply the foreign 328 Labors’ Hard Times School. markets — I may repeat that ^it is a grievous mistake to suppose that Japan can offer nothing but fancy goods at fancy prices. Yes, sir, it is a great mistake, for we are now out in the world’s market for staple goods. Take, for instance, our silk hand- kerchiefs. They used to be bought and sold just for the sake of their oddity, or for the fancy embroid- eries on them; but now they are used and admired for their cheapness, durability and comfort above all, which cannot be approached by any other ma- terial. ‘‘And then our silk piece goods — they were at first exported only for fancy purposes, but now they bid fair with European products as staple dress goods. I have been through some of the great establish- ments in this city and what I have seen in' these places is evidence to prove that ours can compete with the French goods both in design, price and popularity. Jute and rug carpets there on exhibi- tion are no fancy goods at fancy prices, but are just the sort of useful homestead articles to remain in public favor always.” I was also struck with the Japanese oratory at the dinner given to Lord Spencer at the Imperial Hotel, at Tokyo, while I was in Japan. Mr. Shibusawa Eiichi said, among other things: “Since the dawning of the Meiji era, men’s eyes have been opened to the necessity of developing commerce and industry, but the time-honored preju- dice has been hard to root out. The revolution of Meiji was carried out by men in power under the feudal system; hence, men of parts all looked to official life as the means of gaining influence, and few indeed, and far between, were those who felt Labors’ Hard Times School. 329 anxious to develop our commerce and industry. But what is right and necessary in this world will never be put down, and gradually advocates of the cause of commerce and industry have increased in number. The sphere has been widened; it has come to be regarded with more honor, and these professions, these lines of life, once so despised, have come to be recruited from the ranks of men of education. ‘‘Special schools, too, have been established for giving to aspiring young men commercial and in- dustrial education. When I look back on the rapid- ity of advancement in this respect, I am filled with astonishment. Let me refer to a few examples. The law for the establishment of national banks was pro- mulgated in the fifth year of Meiji (1872). Today there are 950 banks with the aggregate capital of 133,000,000 yen ($70,756,000 gold). The amount of our exports in 1895 was over 265,000,000 yen ($141,- 980,000 gold), being four times greater than what it was ten years ago. The aggregate tonnage of the mer- cantile marine, after the sudden increase last year, was over 360,000 tons. The railways show the total mileage of over 2,250 miles, being six times what it was ten years ago. In cotton spinning, an industry started sixteen years ago, there were, up to last year, 980,000 spindles, being fifteen times greater than it was ten years ago. “I have mentioned these figures simply as an ex- ample of what a small nation in the East has achieved in the short space of ten years or so. Far from feel- ing any pride in these achievements, we are not by any means satisfied with these small results. As our geographical position is similar to that of England, we feel that a wide field awaits us in the lines of com- 330 Labors’ Hard Times School. mercial activity. Our aim should be first to cfevelop the carrying trade of the country, and to promote industrial enterprises. We should not aim to enrich ourselves at the expense of others. We do not want to make a great beginning and a small ending. Our plan should be to advance slowly but surely.” In calling attention to these prevalent ideas, it is merely for the purpose of inserting in this report the current thought of Japan in relation to industrial matters, and to show as far as may be possible, the hopes and aspirations of the Japanese for a large share of the trade and commerce of the Far East. One of the English papers, commenting on this tendency of the Japanese, said: “Among public speakers are found not only officials whose special province is trade and agriculture, merchants, and bankers, but even a naval officer of high rank has considered it not beneath his dignity to tell his countrymen that they can only become a great nation by development of trade, and that trade is as worthy of their best efforts as war.” It is indeed true that abundant evidence is given almost daily that the attention of the thinking classes is being seriously devoted to the above and kindred subjects, and when it is remembered that a single generation ago trade in any form was considered the most degrading of pursuits, and that all engaged in it were, in the social scale, the lowest of the low, the present spirit of the people seems not to be the least of the many great changes that have come over them. It may also be considered to afford a hope that ere another generation passes the low standard of commercial morality, which still prevails as an unfortunate relic of the past among the mass of Labors’ Hard Times School. 331 traders, and which must, while it lasts, be always an obstacle to the existence of a widespread system of commercial credit, will have as completely disap- peared as has now the former sociardegradation. Some idea of the industrial progress of Japan may be gathered from the following table, which is sub- mitted here because it is of a general character and indicates at a glance the wonderful progress which this country is making. So many people are inclined to sneer at Japan as a competitor of the United States. Further along I shall treat upon that phase of the question, but for the moment I wish to empha- size by this tabfe the rapidity of her growth in sev- eral important directions: COMMERCIAL AND INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT SINCE LAST WAR. No. of Companies. Railroad companies authorized by government 80 Railroad companies projected, not yet authorized.. 125 Capital. $143,953,000 202,000,000 205 $345,953,000 Electric and horse cars 20,249.000 BANKS. 239 $366,202,000 Increased funds Newly established .. 46 ..132 18.435.000 89.560.000 INDUSTRY. 178 $107,995,000 Cotton mills Silk mills I. . W eaving factories Mining and metallurgical companies Electric works Other industrial works .. 49 .. 24 .. 19 .. 22 .. 15 .. 58 29.582.000 10.295.000 9.425.000 8.185.000 11.620.000 17,489,000 COMMERCE. 187 $ 86 596,000 Insurance works Exchanges Trades N avigation and ship-building Other commercial enterprises .. 11 .. 28 . . 47 22,600,000 6.240.000 8.370.000 14.275.000 12.156.000 126 ^ $ 63,647,000 Total.... - $624,440,000 332 Labors’ Hard Times School. POPULATION, OCCUPATIONS AND WAGES. The population of Japan, as returned January i, 1895, as follows: General Divisions. Male. Female. Total. Niphon — Central 8,140,554 8,065,916 16,206,470 Northern 3,245,463 3,134,804 6,380,267 Western 4,792,678 4,649,759 9,442,437 Total 16,178,695 15,850,479 32,029,174 Shikoku 1,484.969 1,428,310 2,913,279 Kiushiu 3,238,042 3,207,407 6,445,449 Hokkaido 219,692 202,608 422,300 Total 21,121,398 20,688,804 41,810,202 Over three quarters of the population of Japan may be found in Niphon, or the main island. This includes the two great districts of Tokyo and envi- ronments, and of Kyoto and Osaka. Practically all the manufacturing of the empire is carried on in these two districts and hence the population of these localities has a special value for those interested in this report. An examination of the detailed statistics of the population of Japan discloses the same drifting from the rural districts that is so noticeable in Europe and in the United States. The growth of the cities of Japan has been more rapid in the past ten years than the increase in population in the country districts. As in other countries, this tendency is obviously due to the development of manufacturing and commerce, both of which tend to concentration of population in the centers of trade at the expense of the country. The population consisted of 607 nobles, whose Labors’ Hard Times School. 333 families number in all 3,277. There were 432,159 of the ancient warriors, or Samurai, whose families number 1,607,316. There were 7,918,474 heads of families in Japan who may be regarded as the people and whose families aggregate 31,848,369, making the grand total of 41,810,202, without Formosa. The following tabular statement shows the division of the population according to castes at the close of 1895, which is of considerable interest, as it enables one to judge in a measure of the social character of the people of Japan according to their own classifi- cation: 334 Labors’ Hard Times School^ her of cities of 10,000 inhabitants and upward in Japan from 1885 to 1895: Year. 100,000 and over. 50.000 to 100.000 30.000 to 50.000 10,000 to 30,000 Total. 1885 5 6 17 99 127 1895 6 13 23 163 205 Labors’ Hard Times School. 335 This shows an increase of seventy-eight cities in one decade. Tokyo and suburbs have over 1,800,000 population; Osaka, over 500,000; Kyoto, nearly 400,000; Nagoya, 250,000; Yokohama, nearly 200,000 and Kobe about the same. It will thus be seen that the Japanese will soon have to confront some inter- esting municipal problems. A study of some inter- esting data in relation to the municipal government of Tokyo shows how far behind the centers of popu- lation in Japan are in modern municipal improve- ments, and convinces me that this is a subject worthy of the consideration of manufacturers in this country who deal in machinery used in the construction of electrical plants, bridges, tramways and sewerage. The following table shows the population of the cities in Japan containing over 30,000 inhabitants: Tokyo 1,242,224 Otaru . . . . 39,644 Osaka .... 488,937 Shizuoka . . . . 37,824 Kyoto .... 328:411 Kochi ... 37,112 Nagoya 206,742 Maebashi . . . 36,323 Yokohama — 160,439 Utswnomiya . .. 36,163 Kobe .... 158,993 Akamagaseki ... 35.384 Hiroshimo .... 91,985 Matsue . . . 35,202 Kanazawa .... 89,975 Takamatsu . . . 34.672 Sendai Matsuyama . . . 34,529 Kumanotu Kofu 34,2 i 6 Nagasaki Otsu ... 33,017 Nakodate .... 66,333 Naba ... 33,013 Tokushima 61,150 Gifu . . . 32,695 Toyama .... 58,362 Nagano ■ . . . 32,330 Fukuoka .... 58,218 Morioka ... 32,031 Wakayama . . . . 55.764 Hemiji ... 31,^34 Kagoshima .... 55.495 Hirosaki • . . . 30,934 Okayama — 52.360 Tsu , . 30,791 Niigata .... 50,030 Takaoka .... 30,573 Sakai — 46,983 Takasaki . . . . 30,274 Fukui .... 43.284 Mito .... 30,105 Unfortunately the census returns of Japan do not give the occupations of all the people. In treating this subject it is only possible to give certain specific 33^ Labors’ Hard Times School. occupations. First, as we have noted above, we have the population by castes. The census shows that there are nearly one million engaged in weaving. This is probably the most important industry, next to agriculture. According to an estimate which I made myself, there are about 1,250,000 persons en- gaged in transportation; that is to say, engaged in the actual occupation of moving freight and people. This is based on the number of hand-carts and jin- rikishas; the first class aggregates nearly 900,000 and the latter a little over 200,000. I have added 150,000 as the number likely to be engaged as push- ers and pullers, for many of these carts as well as jinrikishas have two coolies. This system of making beasts of burden of men, and of doing with human labor all the work which is done in most civilized countries by the use of horses, electricity, steam and other motive power, is one of the greatest obstacles in the way of the industrial progress of Japan. While some contend that the mighty armies of Europe taken from active work are an immense detriment to the population, we have in Japan the most muscular of its population engaged as beasts of burden. So tremendous is this drain upon the population of the empire that much of the other hard labor, such as loading coal on vessels, handling heavy freight on railroads, the driving and loading of pack horses, heavy farm work and the like, is performed by women, who, dressed in tight blue cotton trousers and tunics, are compelled to do for Japan what the longshoremen, yardmen and farm laborers do in the United States. On the health of the individual the occupation of pulling jinrikishas is undoubtedly detrimental. The twenty-five years Labors’ Hard Times School. 337 of jinrikisha days has left its scars upon those en- gaged in and those who have survived the severe toil, while the ill-shapen, stunted, bent, worn-out creatures who strain every muscle in pulling and pushing hand-carts, loaded without regard to those who propel them, tell a story of human degradation that words are powerless to depict. Heart disease, pulmonary affections, rheumatism and a rapid break- down of the constitution are the inevitable results. With the exception, possibly, of some Europeans, those who ride have no more mercy on these jinrik- isha men than the ordinary man or woman has for a horse. If the passenger is in a hurry, the man-horse is goaded on by the offer of additional fare. Then you hear the painful breathing and perhaps realize what it means to the sufferer. If the day is hot, every vestige of clothing, except the breech-cloth, is not infrequently removed, and the little horse- puller goes swiftly over the road, with huge drops of perspiration dripping from his brow and face, and his skin wet as though just from a bath. Broadly speaking, the occupations of the people of Japan maybe described as first, agriculture; second, those engaged in transportation; third, those engaged in the textile industries, weaving, etc.; fourth, those engaged in personal service; and fifth, those engaged in miscellaneous industries, mostly such industries as those mentioned in the beginning of this report. Owing to the low wages in Japan, we find a much larger number of persons employed in proportion to the Value of the product than in this country or in Europe. The following is a somewhat compact statement of wages paid in Japan, prepared for me by the chief of the Japanese Bureau of Statistics. I 338 Labors’ Hard Times School. should think it about as fair a statement as possibly could be prepared: ' CENTS PER DAY IN UNITED STATES MONEY {Gold.) Trades. Maximum. Average. Minimum. Carpenters 15.8 13.5 10.7 Plasterers 15.8 13.5 10.9 Stonecutters 18.2 15.2 12.1 Sawyers 15.5 12.9 10.3 Tliatchers 12.7 09.9 Tilers 17.0 14.0 11.1 Straw plaiters 15.2 12.6 10.1 Sash and blindmakers 15.2 12.7 10.1 Paperhangers 12.9 10.2 Cabinetmakers 15.0 12.6 09.9 Tailors (Japanese garments) 14.2 10.9 08.1 Tailors (European garments) .... 24.6 17.5 11.7 Dyers 12.7 10.1 07.7 ('otton ginners 12.0 09.8 07.6 Blacksmiths 12.6 09.6 Porcelain workers 14.9 11.4 08.6 Lacquer artisans 14.8 11.8 08.9 Oil pressers 12.8 10.8 08.5 Tobacco cutters 13.3 0.99 08.5 Printers 10.4 07.7 Ship carpenters 11.8 14.4 11.3 Typesetters 14.5 11.0 07.6 Sake brewers 14.8 11.4 08.8 Soymakers 12.1 09.5 07.4 Farm hands (male) 09.5 07.8 06.1 Farm hands (female) 06.0 04.7 03.5 Silk growers (male) 11.1 08.5 06.5 Silk growers (female) 07.5 05.9 04.4 Silk spinners 08.5 06.7 04.9 Tea curers 15.7 12.2 09.4 Day laborers 11.0 09.2 07.3 DOLLARS PER MONTH IN UNITED STATES MONEY {Gold.) Trades. Maximum. Average. Minimum. Weavers (male) 1.80 1.28 Weavers (female) 1.65 1.26 .85 Confectioners 2.87 2.12 1.44 Farm hands (male) 1.16 .88 .64 Farm hands (female) 64 .48 .36 Men servants 06 .78 .55 Maid servants 58 .41 .28 NoTE.--The table prepared for this report by the Chief of the Imperial Bureau of Statistics, and which may be regarded as the general average fc r the Empire, does not agree with some of the returns from particular localities as given elsewhere. This is in part due to the difference in the range of wages paid in the Empire and possibly to the fact that in some cases food is included. The Bureau of Statistics table is undoubtedly correct statistically. The other figures may be used to gain some idea of how low wages are in some parts of Japan. Those who think Japanese competition does not amount to anything are prone to say that, as Japan becomes more civilized and its people more product- ive, wages and the cost of living will increase to such an extent that it will in a measure reduce the Labors* Hard Times School. 339 difference of the cost of production in Europe and America and Japan. It is only fair to state, there- fore, that the wages herewith given are the current wages and that they have increased materially since 1873. It may be that these wages will go still higher than they are at the present day, and it is certainly important that this fact should be under- stood in any discussion of wages in Japan. More- over, I am prepared to show that the cost of living in Japan has not only increased in proportion to wages, but at a greater rate. While this fact may be very discouraging to those who point to Japan as a glittering example of prosperity and increase in wages because it is a silver country, it is nevertheless true, and no fair estimate of industrial conditions in Japan can be made without its knowledge. The fol- lowing table, based on the investigations of the Monetary System Investigating Commission, shows hov/ the cost of living has risen in Japan. Ruling prices of 1873 are taken as the standard. Rent refers only to the fifteen urban sections of Tokyo; Year. Rice 1 1 1 Miso 1 Table Salt.. Soy Firewood.... Charcoal. .. Cotton j Rent Bath Charges. Average Rate. 18'73 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 1874: 152 114 3 05 99 98 93 100 107 111 109 1875 149 146 112 109 123 117 100 110 132 122 187(5 IU7 142 80 124 136 112 106 115 142 118 1877 111 138 '/6 130 125 100 106 123 165 119 1878 133 150 14 4 J37 105 124 112 125 174 134 1879 166 I8l 192 152 153 137 118 133 184 157 1880 220 250 185 141 202 159 129 140 205 181 188L 221 266 171 173 278 246 141 146 218 207 1^82 184 221 158 157 305 226 129 150 246 197 1883 131 192 125 121 232 1 50 I18 160 244 164 1881 1 10 147 92 146 187 121 106 164 223 144 1885 138 174 113 139 178 U1 106 172 226 152 1886 lv5 156 93 138 128 98 112 178 216 138 1887 103 153 86 IS8 153 127 1 12 192 216 142 1888 105 148 79 152 139 142 112 200 219 144 1889 125 155 143 1 59 145 1 27 1 12 217 223 156 1890 186 2- 3 124 138 149 165 1 14 220 223 169 1891 146 198 113 141 145 167 114 224 226 161 1892 15L 197 108 154 158 179 118 226 221 168 1893 154 192 95 156 162 165 124 225 221 166 1894 165 1 189 91 1 158 141 150 118 2 >8 221 162 34*0 Labors* Hard Times School. The table explains itself and no analysis need be given. The rise in the cost of living about i88i was primarily due to the circulation of an excessive amount of inconvertible notes, and the occurrence of domes- tic and foreign complications in succession, com- mencing with the serious ministerial rupture caused by the Korean expedition, followed by the civil dis- turbances in Saga, Kumamoto, Yamaguchi and Kag- oshima. With the gradual readjustment of the national finance, a step completed in 1886, prices of commod- ities entered the downward grade, a movement, how- ever, that lasted for only a few years. Prices began to ascend again from 1889, with only slight fluctuations the movement continues to this day. The rise in the market prices of commodities is at- tributed mainly to the fall in the gold price of silver. Figures subsequent to May, 1894, are not yet forth- coming, but it is estimated that they stand consider- ably higher than those given above. It will thus be seen that a petty ofificial who could subsist in 1873 on ^10 (silver) a month, required at the beginning of 1894 $16.20 (silver) to live in proportionate style, while a person who lived on $138 a month in 1886 required $162 eight years later. It is therefore easy to see that persons living on petty fixed incomes, such as clerks in government service, whose income is practically stationary, must now be experiencing considerable difificulty in making ends meet, espec- ially as house rent, which constitutes the largest item in the cost of living, is steadily going upward. Wages of mechanics show a more or less upward tendency, as the following comparative table, com- piled by the same commission, will show: Labors’ Hard Times School. 341 1873 1884 134 1874 103 1885 135 1875 • 105 1886 I3I 1876 107 1887 133 1877 1 10 1888 134 1878 II8 1889 132 1879 124 1890 130 1880. 1891 127 1881 138 1892 130 1882 142 1893 130 1883 139 1894 133 It will be observed that while the average cost of living has gone up in Japan since 1873 by nearly two-thirds, the wages of mechanics have increased only one-third; while the wages of the small officials and other salaried persons have not increased at all. These figures, as I say, are official, and have been prepared with great care by the Monetary System Investigating Commission and are well worth study- ing. Another table also prepared by the commission shows the fluctuations in house rent in the fifteen urban divisions of Tokyo, and demonstrates that house rents in Akaska have risen most (100 in 1873 to 461 in 1894) ; then Fukugawa ( 100 to 421 ) ; Nihon- bashi ( 100 to 367) ; Asakusa (100 to 340); Koishi- kawa, Shitaya, Honjo, Kojimachi, Ushigome, Kanda, Yotsuya, Shiba, Azabu, Kongo and Kyobashi follow in the order given, Mr, Maxwell. After such a report as this of the progress in Japan, and the wages paid, Mr. Labor, I beg to inquire of our free trade friends what they propose to do about the prospective imports from that country? Will the tariff for revenue advocates have the nerve to tell us from the stump or through the press what low duties of any kind can save us? Note what Mr. Kaneko, Vice-Minister of Agricul- 342 Larors’ Habd Times School. ture and Commerce of Japan, said: He claimed that the skill in spinning cotton that required the spin- ners of Manchester three generations to accomplish, the Japanese had acquired in ten years, claiming, too, that the Japanese spinners excel the Manchester spinners today. How long will it be before Japan will be selling her goods in Manchester, Mr. Labor, and that city become a second Groversville? Will England re- main a free trade country then? Japan’s wages in gold are not one-fourth what England’s are, and her hours of work are longer. It looks to me as though the free trade songsters were going to get some black eyes in the near future that will force them to hunt up some new words, and fit them to some other tune. Again, Mr. Labor, shying away from Japan a mo- ment, but not away from the subject, what is Eng- land going to do with Germany? The wages of the former are nearly double those of the latter, as will be seen by the following table, which I copy from the Daily News Almanac of 1896, showing average weekly wages on a gold and silver basis of foreign countries as well as our own: AVERAGE WEEKLY WAGES PAID TO THE GENERAL TRADES IN COUNTRIES WITH CURRENCIES ON GOLD BASTS. ' Labors’ Hard Times School. 343 I .0000000 -OO -O -lOO United States. I : .05 . lO r- •000000 iooooooooooooo Ontario jiO'^tio-^rcDioioiooOrHoco (Ottawa). 00 06 06 CO 06 CO 06 : co 06 co 06 r-i co d d d 06 10 o’ Switzer- . ^ land, i 06 lO lO CO to CO d CO 10 CO d lO CO 10 d d CO rfH rh lO 10 cd d d Spain (Malaga). toco^ Italy. 00 *+l-HCO'^I>'^CD-^Oi>lOi>-^CDOCDC)'^CDlOOiOCDOCDCDO^OcO tO Ireland. .. OCt>COl>C01>COOOCOI>COCD J>jO i>C0I>Oi>O£>l> England . . 60J>'!^^t>iO£>iOi>r-'^I>'^t-I>CDt'tOOC*CC)lOt>£>I> Germany.. •r-lC^l>tOCOTHOGOiHlOC^iHGOOO^^OX DC^00lOOC0t>OO CD ^C^OCDTH'^a>C^O?OOD?J>THOiOOC5(C?C50COCOCrHC0 WCO WCOCOCOiHCDC^O :OOI>t>COT^I ; lO rH 00 CD lO rH 00 ^ CO* to* co’ d co’ to' to* CO* d CO d d : td d to* to d : d d d d d to ^Brazil..., Victoria. •ooooooo ^CDiOCOCDCOCDCO <05 00-r05t0i05t00it0 H CO CD 0? 05 CO t3 fl o UJ ^ G -M P»5 ^ •3M M 03 ^ C o'SIt ^ 05 K c tn tn ^ M f-J cd_g ^ u . 05 '35 g 05 fl 2 rr\ M • Ch S 5:1 CO CO ^ cd d ^ sfeslslsl S 3 ^ • _ Dh S ^ CO CO O ':5450:C'o ^ Ph CCP 4 Pm OO S'E ? p Srt 0.^0 m Wpq CQffiPQWfflQOQQQQP AVERAGE WEEKLY WAGES PAID TO THE GENERAL TRADES IN COUNTRIES WITH CURRENCIES ON GOLD BASIS. 344 United States. Labors’ Hard Time . .o • *0 • • ‘00 ‘O : :o ; : : :oq :oq • • 05 • • CO • • • 00 • • • * ; ^ ! I ! ^ S SCH N • • • • CD ’. I r-H ; ; OOL. • O • * • lO :o : : :x . rH . . . Tji Ontario (Ottawa). OOOOOo -ooooo tHOOOOo -ooooo cx)oi>io-:hix tH nH • rH rH 8.25 9.00 7.50 6.00 Switzer- land. : rH lO CO CO -tH lO lO CO rH O 0? I> ^ :OOOCQOXGOCDCOCOiOCOOa)TH • : CO o CO CO CO CO lo CD w io tih : CQCD -’O OX T^^cD Spain (Malaga). OOOiOOlO ^OOiOO • t-OCOCOOO •U0CDI>O • o?cocoi>co-^ :^co(Mco : oooooooooo lOOCJiXXOC^OOO ^^f^XXXX'^rJHC'X Italy OOOOOOiOOOO • -ooco -o CDCDOOCOOC^OQO?X : ;CC?C0C ioiocoxt>^i>cDi>:^i>cd 7.27 6.62 6.50 o JO 6.46 6.90 12.00 6.67 Ireland . . . COCDCDi>COCDOrHOOrHOI>CQXCO 0?CQX(0?OXCOO?OOi>COXiOCOO ^ ^ ^ XX 1> CO X 1> £> 00 tJh X o lO 5.45 6.70 8.87 6.04 England. . lO :xxc^000^c00!>l>01-0(c^ ;THXiOXrHX£>t-0050rHCQO ^ ICOOOXlOCOCOOO-^C-COiOlLlOL- X 00 6.35 7.40 11.00 6.50 Germany.. rHT^^lO(^^OXCDTHrH^HOXC^^ ^ O lO O O lO O iH rH JO (0? iH C- X CD W rH CD tH rH ;CDXOi>XX-^rHiO XXXlO'^X'!fXlOXlO'^X :X(MXiO-^XXiOOO France Wt-XiOOrHOO-^OC-TtH-^rtHX-^ X'^XXOrHlOXCQOrHt'XCDC-O -^-^^l>I>lOlOlOCD-ttl>CDTtHCO^CO D?x -c^oia i>TH ^CDOSiO colo :iocoio ^Brazil.. .. CDOSC- : :OOQ(C?OIOOO XXX : ixxooxoo xcojo : :THoi>c 6.36 10.75 7.02 Victoria.. 13.10 9.60 13.40 (0? lO l> tH o • o 0?^ OX :o? Trades and Occupa- tions . Drivers — Cab and carriage... Streetcar Dyers Engineers Furriers Gardners Hatters Horseshoers Jewelers Laborers, porters, etc. Lithographers MillwrigliTs Printers Potters Sailmakers 3 o'? ? > ? 3 O C Tanners Tailors Telegraph operators . Tinsmiths *The gold standard prevails in Brazil, but the actual currency is paper, which is now valued at about 18 cents per milreis, while the gold milr US is worth 54.6 cents. As the rates given are based upon a gold standard, and as it is now most likely that labor is paid in paper currency, it follows that the purchasing power of the papQ^f'-currency wage is only about one-third the purchasing power of the rates given in the table, aud that labor has suffered to that extent, unless wages have been trebled in the meantime . AVERAGE WEEKLY WAGES PAID TO THE GENERAL TRADES IN COUNTRIES WITH CURRENCIES ON SILVER BASIS. Labors’ Hard Times School. 345 Venezuela . O 00 r-l o CO O O CO -^OCOt^OO-^CDCOIXX) S 05 Tji' 05 00 Oi CO 00 05 05 00 0? CO O 05 Russia . 00 CO CD CO CO ^ 00 CO Thi CO CO 00 CO CO 00 CO CO »0 CO lO CO 00 'CO Peru (Callao) Persia . Mexico. 00 O CO O 00 tJH 00 , I>OOlOCDCDIOOOlOr^^I> Japan., Guayaquil 00 i> TfH J> 1>-^OCD000005I>I> 050005 000 Quito. T— I tH rH iH jH tH Colombia (Barran- quilla . ) OOt-CO^•C 01 >CO^>I>COT^^^•^^•r^^^ 05 T^^T^^ Ningpo.. .. Amoy . . Austria . . . 00 00 (^^CO^-I^THTf^■^(MT^^!MlOCDrt^ 00 ^C 0 lOC 0 T^^C 0 C 0 C 0 C 0 C 0 C 0 ( 0 ? Bohemiaf, 2” 1 § ^ T 3 52 ® a fl'i 3: A it ^ ^iS C 3 03 S o ^ o S-6 S3 ’rtt 0.2 ^ O CO cu^ 'w'-g ( •^cq s p, 020^ O'i fQ S S c/i * 12.00 14.00 10.00 12.00 12.50 11.38 14.00 Russia oiocDdJOOOiOioxoocoa) CO 03 tH CO CD C 3 r-H C- tH 00 00 t-; C- lO CO* CQ CO* X CO* lo CO* oi CO lo 10 ci X X 4.90 3.42 5.25 3.96 Peru (Callao) $ 3.50 7.40 19.75 00 qq »O 03 13.90 3.50 :c^ :^. :x 4.92 4.92 4.92 12.10 7.50 Persia $ 1.75 00 cico X'sjHX 0 W X q q q rH X iH CD rH 3.00 1.92 rH X CO rH X •« XX :q X* oi : P Mexico OOCDCDCOOOKOiOOOCOCDO CD q r-H CD CD 03 tH l> rH 03 CO 1 > i> q CO* X* CO tJh CO CO* 10 CO tJh * Japan $ 1.50 01 lO tH • rH Oi-O xq rH tH X -oip : ; — • ^ ^ : ci Pd • • ; 4 -KNy 5 • , 1^ 0 S 3 Cj d c? Guayaquil $ 9.00 9.00 1 00*6 OOOOOiOO q q q q q q (xcioicodcio T— 1 tH C? T-H 00*6 00‘6 8.00 10. 1 27.00 10.00 Quito $ 1.44 1.44 r^^TH -a r—i tH • TjH rJH r-H iH rH rj 4 : rH rH rH ; iH iH tH ; tH Colombia (Barran- quilla. $ 3.84 4.84 tH-^CDCDtH X X q q X X* X* X* 03 X* rJH ^ XX 5.92 1 5.92 4.84 12.00 5.92 c 3 C Q Ningpo.... * 0 • q : ci • ! xo qq ^ • tH ; Amoy lOiOCDOOCOXOXXJOOlOXlOO 0 00 j>t>qqqqxqxxqq^xt>q q qr-^ --4 tH 0^ T— 1 rH iH r-i rH tH iH rH tH iH r-1 ci CD r - 1 Vi T CO p q th X X CO CO rj 4 * CO 06 rj 4 X* X* 7.40 4.15 3.00 4.03 6,75 3.70 Bohemia. . C ) » V. 1 ;- ‘ a ! > P Engravers Fnrriftrs.. . V. ! a i ^ (X i a: Ip Hatters Horsps hours Jewelers Laborers, porters, etc. MillwrlCThfa. Potters Printers Sailma Vurs . a 1 i. iP£ ' a: ! c lx 1 Is i c ix i ? !X tt f- J 03 3 ^ . >^.V. O CO S M „ 53 r 05 ^ ^ o 2 , 3 i2 o 2-^ ^ o'^'^ o bj ® " tn ^-i §t^ *£2 d® 2 ® 3 Sis o 2(^c£l o CO ® g^ld. 2 ^ ; S ro o ft °»s CO a> 'tj 2 2 OT S o'tJ cdH CO 03 f-i-i-* 2 cc ® ^ 03 ... '=® a 3 ^ ft- II cos*., ^ O 3 03 m 34J .d >» § 0 . 3 ^ ^ 03 03 fl > -H dx 3 3 ® g O 4J O CO T 5 s boo o'o'2 o ® ri ^ ® ^ 03 ” O'V ct> Labors’ Hard Times School. 347 A Scotchman, many years an adopted citizen of the United States, and a prominent business man in his line, was scolding to me a few days ago because he could never find in print any mention of the hours that constitute a legal week’s work in Germany as compared to other countries, and cited that by law fifty-four hours were made a legal week’s work in England, while in Germany it was a week of seventy-two hours. I do not remember that my Scotch friend charged that he never saw it in print, but he did charge that too little notice was taken of it in connection with tariff duties, etc., and called special attention to the point of how much more a machine would turn out running a full extra day during each week in Ger- many, amounting to 52 days in a year than could be the case with the Nations Germany specially competes with. This is a per centage in Germany’s favor that our country cannot afford to lose sight of, and one, Mr. Labor, that I do not believe England can ignore for very many years. England has already nearly starved her farmers to death by her non-protective methods and lessened her own markets to a limit that cannot be estimated by thus destroying the farmer’s purchasing ability, and now is she going to let Germany come in and swallow up the market her sellers of days works make? In my opinion, if Germany fails to force England to protective measures, Mr. Labor, Japan eventually will, except our people are soups enough to let Japan into our markets to the limit of taking all the products she can manufacture. If Japan continues to progress as she has in the 348 Labors’ Hard Times School. past ten years, and comes anywhere near continuing her present scale of wages, the writer on political economy will have to admit that theory is one thing and practice is another. We must not forget that theory once proved by figures that a steamship could not carry fuel enough to sail her across the ocean, let alone the thought of her having room for freight. We all know how that came out. The President of the Manufacturers’ Association, Mr. Theodore C. Search, cites, “Japan buys abroad a great quantity of wood and metal working machin- ery and tools, and a large share of this trade falls into the hands of American manufacturers.” He adds, “The remarkable imitative genius of the Jap- anese is cited as threatening to ruin this trade, and it is shown that they buy only a single tool or ma- chine of each kind and make for themselves what- ever duplicates they may require,” and continues, “In the absence of protection for American patents or trade marks this can be done with impunity, and greatly to the hindrance of the business which Americans seek to extend in Japan.” He further says, “This condition of unrestricted piracy of pat- ents and trade marks in Japan is passing away with other relics of former crude civilization, and treaties have been negotiated with the leading Nations which will accord full protection to foreign patent and trade mark rights. Most of these treaties will become operative in 1899.” It is important to include this in order to show what an ingenious people the Japanese are. They will undertake anything that any people dare and succeed with it, too. Labors’ Hard Times School. 349 Insomuch, Mr. Labor, as you have shown here that the chief value of any product is the days works it contains, Japan is a country to be dreaded and feared so long as her labor works for one-tenth the pay our labor receives. A tariff duty that will pro- tect us against other competing countries will do us no good against Japan and China. By reading the whole of Mr. Porter's report, it will be found that Japan now is paying strict atten- tion to the improvement of the quality of her goods, and there is no good reason to presume that it will lack progress in that direction any more than she has in any other. I will, Mr. Labor, submit Mr. Porter’s report of the cotton spinning and weaving industry in Japan and ask you to print it with your proceedings after reading portions whereby the class can grasp the essential features of progress in this one line, which is fairly illustrative of all the industries that Mr. Porter has included in his report. COTTON-SPINNING AND WEAVING IN JAPAN. The increase in the exports of textiles, which was nearly forty-fold in ten years, is due to the fact that Japan is a nation of weavers. The returns of 1895 show over one million weavers. Women weave in Japan as women sew with us. It is no exaggeration to say that in nearly every house in rural Japan the spinning-wheel and loom are kept going from morn- ing till night. It is impossible to gauge the capacity of these people in this industry by the present pro- duction. In some of the silk districts I found mod- ♦ern machinery and even regularly-equipped mills, employing from 500 to 1,000 hands. As a rule, the factories range from forty to 120 hands, with the 350 Labors’ Hard Times School. products of thousands of houses with single looms to draw from the demand. In Fukui, the most im- portant exporting district, the greater part of the weaving is done in the homes, though the establish- ment of finishing houses makes it possible for the weaver to secure a uniformity of finish that the old method precluded. The exports of all grades of silk goods from Japan will be largely increased in the next decade, and this fact has been recognized by the French, who propose to put a duty on Japan- ese habutai. Nor will the conflict be confined to habutai alone, for the Japanese are awake to the fact that France leads the world in the originality and beauty of textile designs. They have in the Kyoto district reproduced her moire antique with success. The splendid silk stuff they are making for furniture coverings may be seen in the brilliant effects of the French Renaissance. The Japanese are making every preparation, by the formation of guilds and associations, to improve the quality and increase the uniformity of the goods. It is well to note, in this connection, that while Japan has stimulated its ex- ports of the manufactured article, it has enormously increased the production and export of raw silk. This has been done by the introduction of new methods and a more scientific treatment of the silk- worm and the filature. I visited in Japan filature establishments equal to any I saw in France ten years ago, when investigating the silk industry of that country. In the Fukui district the first habutai was manu- factured in 1888, a total of about ^50,000 (silver) in value. Last year this district produced $ 6 , 0 ^ 6,220 Labors’ Hard Times School. 351 worth, and I was told that the output will be still larger the present year. In the spinning of cotton and the manufacture of cotton cloth, a still more phenomenal progress is noted, though not shown above. The exports of cotton cloth from Japan probably do not exceed $5,000,000 (silver), but a large and increasing home demand is supplied. Last year the value of the silk and cotton cloth produced in Japan, including such important articles as kimono stuff and obi fabric, was $71,350,747. Cotton-spinning in 1889 gave em- ployment to only 5,394 women and 2,539 men. In 1895, over 30,000 women and 10,000 men were em- ployed in mills, which, for equipment and output, are equal to those of any country. The future situs of the cotton industry — at least to supply the Asiatic trade — is bound to be in China and Japan. England is doomed, so far as this trade is concerned, and nothing can save her, — not even bimetallism, as some imagine. Cotton mills are going up rapidly both in Osaka and Shanghai, and only actual experi- ence for a period of years will demonstrate which of these locations is the better. My own judgment, after a close examination of every item in the cost of production, points to Japan. In this contest for the cotton trade of Asia, the United States must supply more and more of the raw cotton. The im- provement in the numbers of the yarn spun and in the quality of the cloth woven simply means a larger proportion of American cotton. Two new lines of Japanese steamships have been projected this year, and these ships are to run between the United States and Japan. While Osaka is the center of the cotton yarn industry, the flourishing city of Nagoya is the 352 Labors’ Hard Times School. centre of cotton cloth manufacture. Here I found several mills turning out a great variety of goods, mostly for home consumption. The export of $50,000,000 of cotton cloth for China and Korea will be no great achievement for Japan before the close of the century. While this is my own prediction, I find that in an address delivered July 28, 1896, before the Oriental Society, the Vice-Minister of Agriculture of Japan, declared that 60 per cent, of the whole consumption of cotton yarn in Korea in 1894 was supplied from Japan. For the same period China imported cotton yarn valued at $31,522,583 (silver), of which Japan shipped nearly a million dollars worth, or less than 3 per cent. Of course, this is a small proportion of the whole consumption, but it is a start, and as I shall show in several lines of industry, when Japan once starts in a given branch of trade, progress is very rapid. A large proportion of the cotton yarn imported into Hong Kong, say at least 90 per cent., comes from India. Japan has practically sent nothing to Hong Kong at present. But she will. Mr. Kaneko is very hopeful and evidently thinks that in the near future Japan would be able to wrest the bulk of the yarn trade of China from India and England. In the address referred to, he says, after calling attention to the actual figures: “We have then the chance of supplying 37 per cent, more to Korea, 97 per cent, more to China, and even far greater quantities to Hong Kong. It will be seen that there are immense opportunities left open to us in supplying cotton yarn in competi- tion with India and England. Turning to the market in Australia, we have much to do still. During 1894, Labors’ Hard Times School. 353 Australia imported cotton yarn to a total value of 1^22,837,020 (silver). Should the demand for our cotton yarn extend to that country the spinning in- dustry of Japan would advance by leaps and bounds, even if the demand from Korea, China and Hong Kong were lost. ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ “Now let us see what advantage or disadvantage we may have in this commercial competition to be undertaken in China and Hong Kong. We hardly need say that the freight from England to China is far greater than the freight we shall have to pay to ship our cotton yarn to China or Korea. India, too, has to pay a higher freight than we pay. The freight on one bale of cotton yarn from Bombay to Shanghai is about ^1.90* (silver) while the freight from Japan to Shanghai is about $0.70. The rate of freight we are paying is only one-third that paid by Indian shippers. As to the quality of cotton yarn, we may add that whereas the Indian yarn is of a yellowish-brown color, our cotton yarn is pure white and bright, and Chinese consumers prefer ours to the Indian yarn. In the matter of freight we have already a great advantage, and in addition to this our manufactured yarn excels in quality that pro- duced by our Indian rival and is liked more by the larger consumers. But the Indian spinners have the advantage of being in a position to buy the raw ma- terial much cheaper than we can, as a large quantity of raw cotton is produced in India, and they have also the advantage of being able to command much *Mr. Kaneko’s estimate of the rate of freight between Bom- bay and Shanghai does not correspond with the estimate else- where, which is official. It is possible Mr. Kaneko may be mistaken, but as it is impossible to verify it, it has been deemed best to leave the statement of the Vice-Minister as reported. 354 Labors’ Hard Times School. capital at a cheaper interest than we are able to. On our part, however, we have some other advant- ages. Labor is cheaperhere, and we have an abundant supply of cheap coal. Besides, our people are al- ways ready to replace old machinery by modern and more improved types, whenever they find it bene- ficial to do so. I should think, therefore, there is some prospect of being able to compete with India and England in the Eastern market.” I he Japanese are perhaps prouder of the cotton- spinning industry than any other, and this is because it is an absolutely European industry, transplanted to that country and conducted wholly by Japanese labor. In his address, the Vice-Minister of Agricul- ture refers to this matter in the following language: ‘‘Strictly speaking, the cotton-spinning machinery is European machinery introduced into this country, and the cotton-spinning industry is a European in- dustry started in Japan. Cotton yarn is the first merchandise manufactured in this country by ma- chinery after European style to be exported abroad. I should think that no other industry offers such promising results as the cotton-spinning industry. As the people are now earnest to a degree concern- ing the export trade, the Government authorities should give an impetus to the development of such a well-paying industry, and the people on their side should work zealously to maintain its growth. I hope that cotton yarn will become one of our im- portant products in the markets of the East in the future.” Cotton-spinning and cotton-weaving in Japan by steam-power are comparatively new industries. The cotton-spinning industry of Japan was first started Labors’ Hard Times School. 355 at Kagoshima by Prince Shimazu, at that time Daimyo of the province, during the Keiwo era (1865-7). The spinning machinery then introduced from England consisted of 6,000 spindles, and the object was to give employment to the shizoku, re- tainers of the clan. Some years afterwards another factory was opened by Prince Shimazu in Sakai, Izumi province. During 1880 (third year Meiji) Mr. Kajima Manbei started a similar factory in the vicinity of Tokyo. The latter venture is now known as the Takinogawa Cotton Mill. But at that period the object of these mill owners was to replace hand labor by machinery. Their object has been almost accomplished, for there is very little or almost no hand-spun yarn on the Japanese market now. The time has come for the country to compete with the imported yarn. Between 1867 and 1877 the value of various foreign goods imported to Japan aggregated $246,000,000 (silver), of which $89,000,000 (silver) was for cotton yarn, this staple representing 35 per cent, of the total import. The Japanese Government then purchased various spinning machinery from England, which the authorities disposed of to differ- ent people who were given special facilities for re- payment. Thus an impetus was given by the Gov- ernment to the cotton-spinning industry, and the re- sult was so far successful. During 1887 the quantity of cotton yarn imported into Japan was 63,252,924 pounds, but the imports were reduced to about 19,300,000 pounds in 1895 year will be about 16,660,000. The low-count yarn manufactured in Japan (under 20’s) has prevented the import of Indian cotton yarn. The quantity of Indian yarn received during 1890 amounted to 18,626,666 pounds. 35<5 Labors’ Hard Times School. but was greatly reduced in 1895, l^he total quantity received during that year being but 1,788,900 pounds. These figures show that Japan has already attained the desired result in the matter of competition, and that she has succeeded to a large extent in compet- ing with the imported article; but there still remains the work of stopping the importation of considerable Indian cotton yarn. This can be done by increasing the manufacture of low-count yarn on one side and on the other in competing with the English yarn by manufacturing fine counts. The imports of English yarn of finer counts, from 30’s upwards, does not show any remarkable change, though in the low counts — in which a much larger business is done — Indian yarn has been beaten by the Japanese yarn. During 1890, upwards of 23,566,666 pounds of Eng- lish yarn were imported, while in 1894, imports of the same yarn amounted to 18,133,333 pounds. The tendency in Japan for the next ten years will be from coarse yarns to fine. This will help Ameri- can cotton. Note what Mr. Kaneko, already quoted from, says on this point: It is natural that things should develop from coarse to fine. Formerly the people were accustomed to wear cotton cloth made with very coarse yarn, but of late cotton cloth of very fine thread has be- come popular. This explains why so large a quan- tity of fine yarn is being imported from England. In making fine counts, like the English yarn, the raw cotton produced in the United States is required, China and India cottons not being fit for the pur- pose, owing to coarseness of fibre. Accordingly, we feel the necessity of providing ourselves with ready means to import American cotton, in connection Labors’ Hard Times School. 357 with which special banking facilities will be required. In order to accomplish these things, the co-operation of government and people is very important. It is also a very important question to decide how many spindles are required in this country to insure a full supply of cotton yarn.” The report of the Cotton Spinners’ Union for the month of May, 1896, showed that there were in the kingdom sixty-seven mills, with 607,505 straight spindles, 86,404 slanting spindles and an additional 453,136 spindles soon to be put in operation, making an aggregate of 1,147,045 spindles. The rapid growth of the industry is well illustrated by the fact that the report issued by the Cotton Spinners’ Union at the close of the year 1894 showed only fifty-nine mills in operation, with 523,696 spindles. In these factories the maximum hours of labor are 24, minimum 12, with an average of 22 hours. The straight spindles produce an average of 106 momme (about 14 ounces, avoirdupois) of yarn per spindle per day, while the slanting spindles average 73 momme (about 9^ ounces, avoirdupois) per spindle per day. The number of male operatives in the factories range from 13 to 1,087, the total being 10 ) 531 * The female operatives range in number from 31 in the smallest factory to 3,732 in the larg- est, the total number being 33,452. The horse-power of the machinery in operation aggregates 15,595, the average consumption of coal per horse-power being 3,498 pounds per hour. Very few American machines are to be found in the cotton mills of Japan. Nearly all of those now in use are of English manufacture, a considerable portion hav- ing been supplied by the firm of Platt Brothers & 358 Labors’ Hard Times School. Co., Ltd., of Oldham. The almost exclusive use of the English machines is generally attributed to the fact that the Japanese regard England’s textile in- dustries as the most flourishing, and to the further circumstance that the English originally introduced the industry in Japan. The operatives have also gotten accustomed to these machines and the mill owners hesitate to make a change. That the cotton-spinning industry has proven profitable may readily be imagined when it is stated that so far this year six new companies have been formed whose projects contemplate the operation of 101,083 spindles. Those who are in a position to know declare that before the close of the year 1897 there will be fully 1,500,000 spindles in operation in Japan. The average net profit per spindle during the first six. months of last year was $ 2 .gy (silver) but it had increased to ^3.79 (silver) during the lat- ter half of the year. The greatest profit per spindle was $6.76 (silver) while the least was 70 cents. The spindles in operation last year consumed 15,016,633 pounds of raw cotton and turned out 12,718,750 pounds of yarn. The average price of the yarn was sbout $93.45 (silver) per bale of 400 pounds. The following table shows the profit per spindle realized at the various mills during the year 1895: Labors’ Hard Times School. 359 Name Profit per Name Profit per of Spindle first of Spindle second Mill. half of 1895. Mill. half of 1895. Koriyama Koriyama . . . $6,761 Kishiwada . . , . . 4-627 Himeji. 5.388 Owari . 3.860 Kishiwada.. . 5.255 Sakai Owari 4 808 Settsu • • 3-760 Sakai 4.751 Hirano - 3-741 Wakayama. . 4.629 Kurume - - 3-630 Uwakima 4.453 Wakayama. . . . 3.602 Settsu 4.395 F ukuyama. . . .. 3.521 Hirano 4.388 Kurashiki . . . . . 3.440 lyo 4.257 Osaka ■ . 3-130 Miye 3-984 Kanegafuchi. , . 3.220 Fukuyama. . . 3-936 Meiji .. 3.170 Amagusaki . . 3-746 Miike . . 3.121 Meiji 3.555 Uwajima . . . . -• 3*093 Kanegafuchi. 3.432 Amagusaki . . . . 2.852 Osaka 3.403 Matsuyama. . Tokyo 3.393 Miye . . 2.684 Kurashiki . . . 3.233 Senshiu ■. 2.537 Fukushima. . 3.032 Asahi .. 1.826 Senshiu 2.985 Tamashima. . . 1.725 Miike 2.691 Himeji - 1.725 Okayama.. . . 2.507 Fukushima. . . 1.484 Tamashima.. Tokyo • 1.433 Asani 2.052 lyo Noda ■ 1.453 Average profit first half Average profit second of 1895 half of 1895 $3-787 The wages of cotton spinners in the mills through- out the empire are of course low. Probably the high- est are received by the operatives in the Tokyo mills, where the average for men is as high as 23 sen* per day or, at the present rate of exchange, say 13 cents per day; for women, 11.8 sen, or about 6 }^ cents American money per day. There are mills, however, even in this district, where the pay is as low as 8 cents for men and less than 5 cents for women, American money. *The sen is substantially the equivalent of one cent in silver. The yen consists of 100 sen, practically $i in silver^ 360 Labors’ Hard Times School. The women operatives outnumber the men many times and consequently their wages should be con- sidered first. The factory girls differ in age, ranging from twelve to thirty years, the younger girls being employed in the fine spinning rooms. A correspond- ing difference is found in their wages, the rates ranging from 5 cents (silver) per day for day girls and 8 cents for girls living at the boarding house within the mill, to $10 a month. Many of the em- ployes are also paid by a system similar to the piece work method of this country. For rough spinning about three cents per hank is allowed, and skilled girls can turn out from seven to nine hanks per day. For reeling, the pay per spool is five to six cents, and the girls, when they have become expert at the work, can reel as high as fifty spools per day. The maximum wage for girls in the fine spinning depart- ment is about 15 or 16 cents, but this is considered very fair compensation, considering the fact that most of the employes are only fourteen or fifteen years of age. In some of the mills there is a system of prizes for faithful service; in others an increase is given three or four times each year; while in other manufactories what is known as an '‘extra,” amount- ing to about 20 cents, is given to the most indus- trious workers semi-annually. In still other mills there are prizes for uninterrupted work — 20 cents for one month, 40 cents for three months, ^1.20 for six months. For those who renew their contract of service after the articled time of three years prizes are almost doubled. Moreover, girls who are not absent from their work during a period of three years receive a special prize of ;^I5; those who make a similar record during five years receive ;^25, and Labors’ Hard Times School. 361 those who are correspondingly faithful for seven years receive ;^35. All these emoluments are, of course, over and above the regular rate of wages given above. The girls are encouraged to thrift as well as to industry, and in many of the mills both voluntary and compulsory systems of savings are in force. On these deposits, of whichever character, ten per cent, interest is paid, although if a girl leaves the factory before the expiration of the term of three years, for which she enters, her compulsory savings are forfeited by the firm. Some idea of the thrift of the girls may be gained from the fact that many of those who receive ^10 (silver) transmit as much as $7 or $8 per month to their parents at home. Often girls upon the expira- tion of their three years service have accumulated ^70 or $80 in addition to considerable clothing pur- chased while they were employed at the factory. The girls employed at the mills almost invariably live in the boarding houses connected therewith, where they are charged at the rate of two cents per meal or six cents per day. The youngest employes who have just entered upon a three years’ term of service when they live at home receive only five cents per day, but if they agree to lodge and board at the factory they are allowed eight cents, and as the meals provided there for six sen are much superior to those afforded in most of the homes of the poorer classes, the latter plan is almost always adopted by the employes. The meals served in the factory boarding houses are by them consid- ered substantial. Breakfast consists of boiled rice and a few slices of pickled radish, or sometimes rice and bean soup; the menu at dinner includes rice and 362 Labors’ Hard Times School. vegetables, and supper, which is the substantial meal of the day, consists of rice and fish. On holidays special lunches are provided. The employes in each factory have a distinctive uniform, which is purchased by each employe for about (silver), which is usually paid in four or five monthly installments. Everything else required, such as shoes, umbrellas and bed clothing, is fur- nished by the mill, and thus in view of the fact that a girl’s total monthly expenses need not exceed $2 (silver), the amount of their savings does not seem strange. The proprietors of the mills in Tokyo have re- cently undertaken the work of making some provis- ion for the education of their employes, and at the conclusion of their regular work the girls devote two or three hours daily to the study of reading and writing and instruction in sewing. The studies usually include a smattering of the English lan- guage, and almost all the older girls can spell the different technical terms used in connection with the machinery at the mills. The girls are divided into night workers and day workers, and twelve is the usual number of working hours, although when the time for lunch is deducted the actual working hours rarely exceed eleven. However, when the mill is crowded with orders, the girls are always perfectly willing to work about six hours extra each day, and instead of complaining seem glad of the opportunity. For this additional work they are paid eight cents extra. The girls are allowed five or six holidays at various seasons of the year and also a week at the beginning of the new year. They also secure several hours rest each week Labors’ Hard Times School. 363 during the time regularly apportioned for the repair of the machinery. The character of the work does not appear to prove the excessive strain on the employes that might be expected, and the girls who work uninter- ruptedly for one, two or even three years are, to all appearances, not impaired in health in the slightest degree. The sick rate is very low, there being for instance in the Kanegafuchi mill, where 1,700 girls are employed, a daily average of only four or five cases of sickness. A regular physician is on duty at each manufactory, and girls who are sick are allowed one-half of the lowest wage rate obtaining in the factory, usually nine cents per day; while in case of suffering from an injury received while in the dis- charge of duty, such as might result from the break- ing of machinery, the full amount of wages is al- lowed until recovery, and usually a certain amount as a ^‘consolation gift” upon resumption of work. The maximum charge for medicine is three cents per day, and when in case of protracted illness a large bill accrues, the girl is allowed to pay it on the installment plan. In case a factory physician de- clares a case incurable, the mill defrays all expenses the girl may have fncurred for medical attendance, and also pays her traveling expenses to her home. In some cases this has necessitated an expenditure of amounts as high as $20 (silver). In many mills the operatives have relief societies, to which, in the case of the larger mills, the officers and employes will contribute as much as ^250 (silver) every six months. The majority of cases of sickness consist of some form of lung trouble. In engaging operatives the firm owning the factory, 3^4 Labors’ Hard Times School. as a rule, advances to each a sum sufficient for travel- ing expenses, the amount to be refunded within two years. When a girl has completed a term of service of three years her employer usually presents her as a parting present with a sum sufficient to meet one- half the expense of returning to her home. The great majority of the girls are engaged through the medium of agents through whom each girl makes a cash payment of 20 cents, followed by installment payments of two cents per mon^h during the entire term of her employment. The latter charge is made for the agent’s services as guarantor for the girls. The employers are highly pleased to have some one of responsibility as security and they naturally pre- fer to secure employes through the agents. The great activity of the various industries in the interior has recently resulted in a very perceptible scarcity of employes. This possibly accounts for the presence of so many older employes in the mills. There are in the Tokyo mills several employes who have been in the service of their present employers for twenty years, and who maintain a household and even support a husband upon their salary of $10 00 (silver) per month. The men employed in the cotton mills are decid- edly in the minority, and receive from 15 to 30 cents (silver) per day. The great fault to be found with the system of operation of the cotton mills is in the seven days of work each week and the prolonged hours of labor. Some idea of this is given by a t ib- ulation of the daily hours of labor in some of the factories of Osaka, in which city upwards of 23,000 operatives are engaged in the industry. The table is as follows: Labors’ Hard Times School. 365 Age. Number of operatives. Average number of hours per day. Above 60 56 II hours, 7 minutes. “ 20 7,385 II “ 15 “ “ 15 5,743 II it “ 12 2,518 1 1 it “ 10 573 II “ 10 minutes. Below 10 171 II “ 15 “ One of the most interesting features of the in- dustry is to be found in connection with the exporta- tion of the product. Among the cotton fabrics ex- ported are white cotton piece goods, ribbed or corded goods, black-dyed goods, cotton flannel towels, shirtings, etc. Of the above, white piece goods, black piece goods, and cotton cloths called futako fabrics, are chiefly manufactured in the Yama and Owari provinces and in the city of Himeji; rib- bed or corded goods come principally from Ashik- ago and Seno counties, Awa province, Tokyo and Yamaguchi districts; towels from Kobe and Osaka; cotton flannels from the Izumi, Kawachi, Kyoto, lyo and Awa districts; chjora cloths from Tokyo, Osaka, and Yamashiro, and cotton shirtings from Osaka, Tokyo, and Wakayama. The corded goods and cotton flannels are exported in much larger quanti- ties than the remainder, there having so far in 1896 been $1,067,573 (silver) worth of the former ex- ported, as against $586,970 (silver) worth of the lat- ter. The majority of all exports went to China. Up to June, 1896, Kyoto has exported to the United States $130,000 (silver) worth of cotton goods,. principally white cotton piece goods stamped with figures and intended for use in the manufacture of screens. 366 Labors’ Hard Times School. Yamato was- formerly famous for its white cotton piece goods, but the importation of white shirtings considerably affected the industry, but since ma- chine yarns were introduced, it has revived very con- siderably. All kinds of dyed fabrics are also pro- duced in this province. The total output in 1894 was 3,105,976 pieces, valued at $1,093,773 (silver). Ehime, noted for its cheap ribbed or corded goods, had in 1894 a total production of 4,242,078 pieces, valued at $847,805 (silver). Last year Japan pro- duced 1,520,738 pieces of cotton cloth, valued at $4,935,435 (silver), the production of the principal districts being as follows: Districts. Number of Pieces. Value in Silver. Wakayama 966,916 $2,715,431 Kyoto 259.341 1,518,320 Osaka 126,027 290,391 Ehime 56,496 225,479 The production of ribbed or corded cotton piece goods in 1891 aggregated 1,401,120 pieces, valued at $854,031 (silver), and divided among the principal districts as follows: Districts. Number of Pieces. Value in Silver. Tochigi 494.225 $239,814 Yamaguchi ■ 323.398 156,857 Toyama 194,860 95,616 Shiga 148,246 63,512 The annual production of white cotton piece goods aggregated 23,874,575 pieces, worth ^6,161,004 (silver). The production in the principal districts was as follows: Labors’ Hard Times School. 367 Districts. Number of Pieces. Value in Silver. Aichi 8,739,069 $ 2 , 226 , 7 gs Osaka 3.082,659 656,643 Saitama 1,828,729 515,396 Ehime 4,242,078 847,805 Nara 2,069,078 573.II2 Wakayama 391.925 143,104 The total product of futako cotton fabrics aggre- gated 1,928,159 pieces, worth $1,288,105 (silver). The production in the principal districts was as fol- lows: Districts. Number of Pieces. Value in Silver. Saitama 703,293 $465,821 Tokyo 234,218 194,286 Toyama 204,654 155,540 In connection with the production and exportation of manufactured cotton goods, interest attaches to the exports from Japan of cotton yarn, as shown in the following table: Exports to 1893. 1894. 1895. Quantity, Pounds. Value, Silver. Quantity, Pounds. Value, Silver. Quantity, Pounds. Value, Silver. China, . . . Korea. . . . Hong Kong. . Other Countries. 317,303 35,322 31,327 $48,491 6,302 4,382 4,284.434 303 57Q 46,767 1,146 $876,808 68,693 9.811 220 3,169,886 1,417.344 39,958 $683 0>7 343.578 7,620 193 Total. . . 413,952 f 59, 175 4,635,917 1955.532 4,627,188 $1,034,478 Here we have another illustration of the rapid in- crease in the exportation of a Japanese commodity. These figures should be taken in connection with what the Vice-Minister of Agriculture said about the possibilities of Japan furnishing cotton yarn not only for China and Korea, but for India. 368 Labors’ Hard Times School. Mr. Maxwell. If our citizens, Mr. Labor, can look upon a condition so threatening as I have just read you without concern, then they will not be entitled to sympathy when it is too late. I can tell you, my laboring friends, we are all deeply interested. It is a vital question with us, and we do not want the United States to be a dumping ground for Japanese cheap labor. We have had enough of other countries’ labor in the past four years. Labor. You could travel and sell goods of Japan make as well as our own, could you not, Mr. Max- well? Mr. Maxwell. If Japan and China could supply our market and throw our labor out, as has been the case the last four years, Mr. Labor, our market would be ruined again, and how can I sell goods 'for any house in a market that is comparatively dead, or in a constant state of decline? I have had enough of that for one lifetime. What could I say to a man in the sense of urging him to buy goods when he would point to his loaded shelves and say he would be glad to sell back to me former orders at lo and 20 per cent, discount and pay freight to the factory at that? When on the road of late I was ashamed to write the house for fear they would think I was going into a decline, becoming lazy, lost the art of selling, or indirectly working for some other house, and all the salesmen I met were under the same strain. I asked voluntarily that my wages be cut twenty- five per cent., and I was ashamed to take my salary after that even. Labor. How did sellers of imported goods suc- ceed, Mr. Maxwell? Labors’ Hard Times School. 369 Mr, Maxwell. What did merchants want of im- ported goods, Mr. Labor, when there was no one to buy the goods already on their shelves? Our labor was idle; they were not putting their weekly wages in circulation. They were not buying the fruit- farmer’s grapes, peaches, apples, currants, berries, pears, and vegetables of all kinds, hence the farmers were not trading. Several traveling men I knew who carried som.e lines of foreign goods expressed great surprise to me on many occasions. They admitted that they had looked for foreign goods to faifly fly around our markets under the Wilson bill, and they were not reserved in their declarations that they had seen enough of free trade and a ruined market. Importers looked for a heavy trade in foreign goods, Mr. Labor, and they had expected great things of their salesmen, and this was especially embarrassing to the latter. Of course, everything went down very gradually and the importers, while the Wilson bill was so delayed in Congress, had a chance to feel of the market for advance orders, the result of which was to admonish them to move cautiously, for the orders were not to be had, either on conditions in advance or any other form because there was no demand for goods. The whole question, Mr. Labor, was thoroughly shown up by what transpired in Groversville. After reading the situation there there is really no further room for discussion. What happened to that city happened to the whole United States. Mr. Maxwell. I desire, Mr. Labor, to read from the Hon. Thomas B. Reed’s speech in Congress when discussing the Wilson tariff bill, a few quotations. 37<3 Larors’ Hard Times School. Mr. Maxwell reads, after which he calls the atten- tion of the class to the figures and estimates show- ing the consuming ability of our country as com- pared to all other nations combined. “I hope, Mr. Labor, you will include this portion of Mr. Reed’s speech, whether you do the whole of it or not.” Labor. I am pleased, Mr. Maxwell, that you have brought these features of comparison before the school; they aid us in a very broad and substantial way in establishing the value of our own market in comparison with the markets of the world. Mr. Maxwell. You have shown already that the only market we can control is our own, Mr. Labor, and you have tried to show the full importance of our own market. Mr. Reed’s figures confirm your claims that the markets of the United States are nearly equal in dollars and cents to the total value of the markets of the rest of the world. I under- stand this claim to apply when our market is in a normal condition, such as ruled prior to 1893. Labor. You have anticipated correctly. We hard- ly know yet what to claim that we might have con- sumed during the last four years of depression, Mr. Maxwell. Our consuming ability has been so crip- pled, at least, our progress so retarded, that we shall have to wait for future figures, which we hope to see some day showing under a normal progress what we should have consumed as compared to what we have consumed since 1892. Mr. Maxwell. The importance of such information can hardly be estimated, and, with you, I hope we shall be able yet to gathersome kind of an idea of the amount our country is out, learning a lesson that Labors’ Hard Times School. 37 i should have been easy and plain enough in the ab- sence of any test. I herewith submit Mr. Reed’s speech, the logic and good sense of which events have proven, and since what he said would happen has happened, it may, if you decide to print it all, be read with more interest than when it was first delivered. At least, it will show that we have some public men who do not talk through their hats when looking into the future. Speech of Hon. Thomas B. Reed, of Maine, in the House of Representatives, Thursday, February i, 1894. The House having under consideration the bill (H. R. 4864) to reduce taxation, to provide revenue for the government, and for other purposes — The SPEAKER. Under the order of the House, the bill is now open for debate for three hours, and the chair recognizes the gentleman from Maine [Mr. Reed]. [Prolonged applause on the floor and in the galleries ] Mr. REED said: Mr. Speaker: In this debate, which has extended over many weeks, one remark- able result has already been reached, a result of the deepest importance to this country. That result is that the bill before us is odious to both sides of the House. It meets with favor nowhere, and comruands the respect of neither party. On this side we believe that while it pretends to be for protection it does not afford it, and on the other side the y believe that while it looks towards free trade it does nut accom- plish it. Those who will vote against this bill 1 do so be- cause it opens our marke s to the destnictrve compe- 372 Labors’ Hard Times School. . tition of foreigners, and those who vote for it do it with the reservation that they will instantly devote themselves to a new crusade against whatever bar- riers are left. Whatever speeches have been made in defense of the bill on the other side, whether by gentlemen who are responsible only to their own constituencies or by the gentleman from West Virginia, who ought to have been steadied by his sense of responsibility to the whole country, have one and all, with but rare exceptions, placed their authors uncompromisingly, except for temporary parposes, on the side of unre- stricted free trade. It is evident that there is no ground for that hope entertained by. so many moderate men, that this bill, bad as it is, could be a resting place where our man- ufacturing and productive industries, such as may survive, can re-establish themselves and have a sure foundation for the future, free from party bickering and party strife. Hence, also, there can be no foun- dation for that cry, so insidiously raised, that this bill should be passed at once, because uncertainty is worse than any bill can possibly be. Were that bill to pass both branches today, uncertainty would reign just the sam.e. This result was inevitable. Although this bill pro- fessed to open to the manufacturers a new era of prosperity and professed to be made in the interest of some of them, the moment it came to be defended on this floor the bulk of it could not be defended on any other ground than the principles of free trade. Hence, in this discussion, the precise terms of this proposed act count for nothing, and we are left to the discussion of the principles which underlie the Labors’ Hard Times School. 373 whole question. That question may not be decided here and now upon these principles, but the ultimate decision by the people can have no other foundation. After this statement it would be entirely natural that a feeling of weariness should come over this audience, for if anything seems to have been dis- cussed until human nature can bear it no more it is the tariff. Nevertheless the fact that the subject is still before the people shov/s that the last word has not yet been said, and that the subject has not yet been exhausted or understood. The history of protection has been most remark- able. Fifty years ago the question seemed to be closed. Great Britain had adopted free trade, the United States had started in the same direction, and the whole world seemed about to follow. Today the entire situation seems to be reversed. The whole civilized world except Great Britain has become protectionist, and the very year last passed has wit- nessed the desertion of English principles by the last English colony which held out. This has been Cone in defiance of the opinions of every political economist in England who wrote prior to 1850, and of most of those who have written since. When you add to this that the arguments against it have seemed so clear and simple that every school boy can comprehend them and every patriot with suitable lungs could fill the atmosphere with the catchwords [laughter], the wonder increases that in every country it should still flourish and maintain its vigor. Ten years ago it was equally true at one and the same time that every boy who graduated from college graduated a free trader, and that every bne 374 Labors’ Hard Times School. of them who afterwards became a producer or dis- tributor of our goods became also a protectionist. The arguments of the political economist, clqar as crystal, do not seem to have convinced the world, nor, what is much worse, do they seem to have made any substantial progress. On the contrary these economists have taken up the task of tearing each other to pieces, so that today there is hardly a name- able important proposition on which they agree, and the more the facts of the universe are developed the more confusion seems to reign among them. Mean- while the world has proceeded in its own way with- out much regard for their theories and their wisdom. I do not mean that studious men have not discov- ered great truths and had glimpses of still greater, but in the main they have only passed from one in- accuracy to another, because they have forgotten that the whole race is wiser than any man. [Ap- plause.] You and I, Mr. Speaker, cannot hope to do much better than these famous men, except so far as we view with tolerance what great masses of our fellow- men are doing and assume that they are probably right instead of assuming that they are probably wrong in matters which so deeply concern them. It is often said that the truth is the simplest. That is so, after you understand the truth, but when you do not a lie is far simpler. [Laughter.] When Copernicus discovered the theory of the universe it took centuries for men to believe it. The Ptolemaic system was so simple that anybody by using his eyes could see that the sun rose in the east and set in the west, just like the moon, and both in the same way revolved around the earth, and today most men ac- Labors’ Hard Times School, 375 cept the Copernican theory, not on their own under- standing, but on the general belief of mankind. I shall not, therefore, in what I have to say, be able — being, as I hope, on the side of truth — to rival the charming simplicity of the gentlemen oppo- site, or like them, to compress the universe into the nutshell of a speech. I regret this the less because I know that many a philosopher has put the world into a nutshell only to find that the nutshell contained a world in which nobody ever lived, or moved, or had his being, and consequently a world which was of no human account. I shall not attempt to deal much with the meta- physics of this discussion or to cite statistics which have no meaning except to the student, and so often mislead even him. I shall for the most part confine myself to large facts which are known of all, or can be ascertained in the simplest possible way. Whether the universal sentiment in favor of pro- tection as applied to every country is sound or not, I do not stop to discuss. Whether it is best for the United States of America alone concerns me now, and the first thing I have to say is that after thirty years of protection, -undisturbed by any serious men- ace of free trade, up to the very year now last past, this country was the greatest and most flourishing nation on the face of the earth. [Loud applause on the Republican side.] Moreover, with the shadow of this unjustifiable bill resting cold upon it, with mills closed, with hundreds of thousands of men un- employed, industry at a standstill, and prospects before it more gloomy than ever marked its history — except one — this country is still the greatest and 376 Labors’ Hard Times School. the richest that the sun shines on, or ever did shine on. [Renewed applause.] During that period of growth which lifted us from a position so low that we actually had human slavery within' our borders to our present condition of freedom and prosperity, we struggled through a dreadful war which desolated one-half of the country and so strained the resources of the other half, both in money and in men, that its impress today is visible every year on our tremendous pension roll, although almost obliterated from our public debt. Afjer the war ceased our prosperity was clouded with a six years’ struggle with a disordered currency and the reconstruction of labor and industry in the South. No nation in the world’s history ever passed through in so short a time two ordeals so trying and so severe. In spite of both these misfortunes not only have we studded the country east of the Mississippi all over with mills and workshops, factories and furnaces, covered it with railroads, exploited the oil and gas fields of Pennsylvania, Indiana and Ohio, and turned into light, heat and production the fierce, imprisoned energy of a thousand mines of coal, but beyond the Mississippi, that mighty country, which some day will astonish the world with its exceeding riches, we have built four great trans-continental lines across the Rocky Mountains, and have driven the great American desert off the maps and off the face of the earth. [Applause.] Nor have we in any way exhausted the future. This country is ten times more capable today of fur- ther development than it was in i860. Let me state one little item — sample of a thousand. Only last Labors’ Hard Times School. 377 year, at Rumford, in my own State, was brought under harness waterfalls, which will give to the pro- ductive energies of this country 40,000 horse power for every day in the year. Three hundred and fifty thousand just such horse power runs to waste every day in New England alone. Whenever our citizens are rich enough to employ these great resources my hope is that they will be rich enough to consume their products themselves. So utterly undisputed and so distinctly visible to every human being in this audience has been our growth and progress that this hasty outline is all that is needed to remind you of one great fact, that what- ever the future industrial system of this country may be, the past system is a splendid monument to that series of successful statesmen who found the country bankrupt and distracted, and left it first on the list of nations. But we must not leave this matter to our own praises. Let others speak, and above all the citizens of that land which is our great rival, at whose feet American statesmanship in this House now sits. ^ I have here an article in the Fortnightly Review, wherein Mr. J. Stephen Jeans, a British free trade writer, in December, 1892, declares that — “America has for many years enjoyed an amazing degree of prosperity, so much so indeed that to use the eloquent words of Edmund Burke, 'generalities which in all other cases are apt to heighten and raise the subject have here a tendency to sink it. Fiction lags after truth, invention is unfruitful, and imagina- tion cold and barren’.” When I read these words I recalled a scene in this 378 Labors’ Hard Times School. House, and said how differently men look at the same things! Here is a cold-blooded Englishman who, in talk- ing of the “not unreasonable hopes’’ — I use his very words — which his countrymen entertain “that the greatest market in the world and probably in the world’s history is once again found to be lying at the feet of British industry and commerce, declares that “America has for years enjoyed an amazing de- gree of prosperity, so much so, indeed,” that he has to use the words of Burke to say that he cannot even describe it. And yet, in this very hall, a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, himself a coun- tryman of Edmund Burke, and whose wonderful eloquence moved this assembly as I never saw it moved before, allowed himself, amid “laughter and applause on the Democratic side,” to compare this amazing prosperity to a “prolonged debauch” from which the country could rescue itself only by the free use of the committee’s dilution of the original beverage. [Laughter.] It seems, somehow, almost a desecration to put the facts over against the figure ^ speech. Here is a little book of letters of an editor, Mr. Carr, of the Cardiff Mail, to his wife. It is full of ex- pressions of surprise over this “wonderful country,” “phenomenal prosperity,” “extent and strength of the enormous interests created by the American pol- icy of protection,” Only last November Mr. W. H. Mitchell, an Eng- lish lecturer, fresh from a three months visit to our country, addressed the Textile Society of Bradford, England. He was here in the interest of trade Hence what he had to say smacks of trade. Labors’ Hard Times School. 379 “The importance,” says he, “of America as a trade outlet was very obvious. It had 65,000,000 people who spent more money on dress than any other peo- ple on the face of the earth. Again, in spite of the wonderful development which has taken place, the possibilities, he might say the certainties, of future progress were marvelously illimitable.” “Marvelously illimitable.” These were his very words. How the mouths of the Textile Society of Bradford must have watered as he detailed to them the hopes he had that such fruitage would be lifted to their very lips. [Laughter.] But of that, by and by. Without further quotation, unnecessary for this audience, for whom all that a foreigner can say is but a reminder, it only remains to ask if all this pros- perity has been at the expense of the laboring man, of those who furnish service whether of brain or muscle. If it has been at their expense, for one I say down with it. The lowest depths of the Wilson bill are not half low enough for such a civilization. That, however, can hardly be so, from the testi- mony itself. “Sixty-five millions of people, who spend more money on dress than any other people on earth,” and whose “certainties” of progress in that direction are “marvelously illimitable,” have evi- dently not been sacrificed to the Moloch of accumu- lated wealth. Editor Carr, already quoted, says this country “is the paradise of the workingman.” All the bigotry of free trade cannot wipe that out. “The further my inquiries extend,” says he, “the more convinced I become that the real truth of the matter is that in this country a workman earns twice 38o Labors’ Hard Times School. as much as he would in England, and the cost of his living, except in the matter of rent and clothing, is about the same. Even in the matter of clothing the difference is not great, except as it is brought about by the general use of much better clothing. Says Mr. Erancis Walker in substance, for I quote only from memory, and from a newspaper at that, “If the workman of America could be content with the meager life beyond seas he could save two-thirds of his entire wages.” These quotations, also, are only reminders for you, Mr. Speaker, and all who hear me know that the American who has been long enough here to know his opportunities has found the best place for wages in the world. Lest anyone might doubt the condition of our laborer, and knowing that to many men the declara- tion of a tariff reformer imports absolute verity, I cite my eloquent associate on the committee, the gentleman from New York. It is not from his speech on the tariff, but from the speech madewhile the Democracy were assuring the country that the repeal of the silver act was all that stood between them and prosperity. [Laughter.] I hold here in my hand the Aldrich report, which comes to me with the approval of the distinguished Secretary of the Treasury, and which emanates from a Democratic Bureau of Statistics. The accuracy of its figures has never been impugned; and it shows that never in the history of human civilization have wages been so high, measured by gold. [Applause,] Lest there should be any doubt as to the applica- tion of all this to our own workingmen, I cite again: “Through long strikes and suffering and woe labor Labors’ Hard Times School. 381 has improved its condition in this country until by the figures of this Aldrich committee we find that it enjoys today the largest proportion of that which it produces that it has ever enjoyed in the history of the world.” We may safely assume, then, Mr. Speaker, that a country which has become in the last thirty years the “richest country in the world,” to quote Mr. Jeans again, a country which during all that period was a “paradise for laboring men,” does not need to try any dubious experiments. A good thing in this world of disappointments is not to be lightly left. A better thing we should desert with still more reluct- ance, and nobody but a misguided man would leave the best thing ever known in the history of the uni- verse unless he had such a glimpse of the future as would place him securely among the prophets and not land him among those unhappy martyrs whose blood is the seed of no church. [Laughter.] What are the reasons why any change of principle should be had? Of course, we are not to change the history of the last thirty years and the principles of a hundred years because some gentlemen specially gifted with sonorous voices have distributed epithets. [Laugh- ter.] We are not going to risk our all upon frag- ments of ancient platform speeches, upon loud out- cries and abusive language. There must be addressed to us some solid argu- ments, or at least the opinions of wise men who have proved their wisdom by the actual test of human life. Surely we are not going to venture into the unknown because political economists bid us do so while they still leave unproved every principle upon 382 Labors’ Hard Times School. which they found their advice. So long as they cannot agree among themselves on any of their propositions, they cannot be cited as a body to force our conclusions. On no trackless future will we venture unless the prospect of increased happiness is large enough to justify risk and exposure. Is there any example in the history of the world of any nation situated like ours who has taken the step to which we are invited? Some gentlemen, perhaps, are hastening to say that England affords us the needed example; that we have but to turn to her history and find all that we need by way of examples, just as in the state- ments of her political economists we shall find all that is necessary for advice, for guidance and in- struction. Mr. Speaker, I have looked there, and I am amazed to find how little the example of Eng- land can teach. According to the usual story that is told, England had been engaged in a long and vain struggle with the demon of protection, and had been year after year sinking further into the depths until at a moment when she was in her deepest distress and saddest plight, her manufacturing system broken down, “protection having destroyed home trade by reduc- ing,” as Mr. Atkinson says, “the entire population to beggary, destitution, and want,” Mr. Cobden and his friends providentially appeared, and after a hard struggle, established a principle for all times and for all the world, and straight- way England enjoyed the sum of human happiness. Hence all good na- tions should do as England has done and be happy ever after. [Laughter.] This fairy tale has not the slightest resemblance Labors’ Hard Times School. 383 to history. England, after three centuries of station- ary life, during which the wages of its laborers re- mained without change, at the beginning of this century began to feel the pulses of a new life. Wages then commenced to rise, and in 1840 were 80 per cent, higher in money than in 1800, and, measured by purchasing power, were 90 per cent, higher than ever before. Coming as this did, right after three centuries of stagnation, it showed the great power of two things, protection and the estab- lishment of the factory system. For England was enormously protected, not only by duties such as we have, but by the laws which forbade the exportation of machinery, whereby she obtained or sought to obtain a monopoly of steam-driven methods. It had so happened that England’s development, owing to her insular position and her early efforts to obtain the results of skill which caused her to import Flemish weavers, to receive the Huguenots driven out of France, to welcome workers from everywhere, and in every way to encourage manu- factures, had reached such a point that the invention of the steam engine was in her grasp and possible to her alone. Whoever has examined, even in the most cursory way, the history of the long line of inventions which culminated in the steam engine of James Watt cannot fail to be satisfied that the con- dition of England at that period led to that line of invention, and that nothing else could. With the steam engine and the factory system England could so utilize human labor that no nation in the world could compete with her, no matter what the wages were, until the invention passed her borders. Unfortunately, England at that time and for years 3^4 Labors’ Hard Times School. afterwards had no conception of its duty to its work- ingmen. The only limit of work was human strength. It took the fiercest struggle to get slight remission of labor even for children. . Shorter hours of labor were scorned not only by Cobden and Bright, but by every political economist of England, even down to 1883, when Bonamy Price denounced shorter hours of labor as a “repudiation of the great doc- trine of free trade.’' The sole idea of the political economist of that class has always been as low wages as possible, as long hours as could be, and a product of as cheap a price as possible. England also was a country where in the main the raw materials were scanty and few in number. Even the raw material of labor, wheat and other bread- stuffs, could not be produced within her borders in sufficient amount for the consumption of her work- ers. Naturally enough her theory of low prices for labor prevented a reasonable division of the tre- mendous increase of production caused by the steam engine, and restricted her own market, and in 1840 she found herself in manufactures entirely ahead of her consumption. Her manufactures had grown out of proportion and could no longer subsist on English patronage alone. The workmen were pressing them for that regular increase of wages which I shall by and by show to be the natural progress of civilization, and therefore manufacturers commenced their agi- tation against the corn laws which resulted in their repeal. Was that crusade the same as is waged here to- day? Are the gentlemen of the Ways and Means Committee legitimate successors of Bright and Cob- den and the Anti-corn Law League? Not the least Labors’ Hard Times School. 385 in the world. That was a fight by the manufactur- ers. This is a fight against the manufacturers. The manufacturers then desired no protection what- ever. Turn over this big volume of Cobden’s Speeches until you come to the twentieth speech, seven years after he began; you will find hardly one allusion to protective duties to manufacturers, and even in the twentieth speech they are only alluded to to reiterate the declaration made in 1838, when the Corn Law League began, that all duties were to be abolished so as to make food cheaper. [Applause on the Democratic side.] I am glad to see that my Democratic friends recognize a bit of truth, but I am afraid it is by mistake. It so happens, Mr. Speaker, the corn laws were not, as these Democrats in their ignorance imagine, for the protection of the farmer. [Laughter.] What Cobden was fighting was an odious law enacted to enhance the price of bread, not for the benefit of the farmer, but of the aristo- cratic owner of land. Workingmen were clamoring for increase of pay. The manufacturers knew that decrease of the price of wheat was the- equivalent of higher pay. Men do not work for money; they work for money’s worth. I have said the corn law was an odious law. It was more than that. In its workings it deprived the poor of food and put the enhanced price into the pockets of those who toiled not nor spun. Had that enhanced price gone to the farmers and farm labor- ers, it might have been defended today on the ground that it was a fair means of distribution among the farmers of their share of the wonderful gains of the earlier manufacturing. But as it was, no more unjust law was ever attacked. Meantime 386 Labors’ Hard Times School. what was the attitude of the manufacturers as to their own protective duties? Why, by the aid of these protective duties and the inventions they led to, they had grown so powerful, had machinery so superior, and the factory system so firmly established they could hold their own market, beyond clamor or dispute, with duties or without. No nation with capital as great and machinery as useful and pro- ductive, and wages of skilled workmen lower by more than one-third, hung threatening over her bor- der. Her machinery was so superior that even the low wages of other countries could not affect her. Not only were these manufacturers in condition to permit the duties to be taken off, but they knew it themselves. Not only did they know it but they avowed it; not in a corner, but to Parliament itself. I have here Hansard for February 8, 1842 (volume 60, page 133), where the Marquis of Lansdowne presents the petition of the woolen manufacturers of England, asking that all duties be abolished, includ- ing their own, but especially the corn laws. On page 137, of the same volume. Lord Brougham declared that prior to that time he had “laid upon the table a petition from persons authorized by all the great manufacturing bodies of the Kingdom. They prayed for the repeal of every duty levied under the pre- tense of protection.’' I am using the very language of Lord Brougham. This, then, was a fight made by the manufactures for the manufacturers against the aristocratic land-owners over the question of cheap food in an island that could not produce a supply for its workingmen. The men who made the fight were not philanthro- pists or saints. They were good, honest, selfish men. Labors’ Hard Times School. 387 struggling for their own interests and never lost sight of them. Down to their latest day they re- sisted lesser hours of labor, and were deaf to all im- provements which led to the elevation of the work- ing classes. They held firmly to the doctrine that “as wages fall profits rise.” To sum this all up, England when she became free trade was a workshop wherein was manufactured the raw material of the rest of the world. Of raw material she herself had none. Her coal and iron and the invention of the steam engine had developed her manufactures so out of proportion to the wages of the workmen that she must have a larger market. At that time the only idea of a larger market was one that had more consumers. The notion that the market could be enlarged by those who were al- ready consumers had not entered into the popular thought, yet her workmen were clamoring for more pay. Tariff had really ceased to be a protection except on corn, and not on that in any true protective sense. It was only a tax like that on sugar. It made food dear. Repeal of the corn laws meant an in- crease of real wages. Repeal of tariff on manu- factures meant nothing. The whole crusade of 1840 was for free food, and Cobden nowhere says any- thing else. Protection in our modern sense, is never mentioned in any one of his free trade speeches. After this review of the story of England’s change, will any man dare to say that he finds therein any justification for the present deed of violence which is called the Wilson bill? Suppose England, instead of being a little island in the sea, had been the half of a great continent full of raw material, capable of an internal commerce 388 Labors’ Hard Times School. which would rival the commerce of all the rest of the world. Suppose every year new millions were flocking to her shores and every one of those new millions in a few years, as soon as they tasted the delights of a broader life, would become as great a consumer as any one of her own people. Suppose that these millions and the 70,000,000 al- ready gathered under the folds of her flag were every year demanding and reciving a higher wage and therefore broadening her market as fast as her ma- chinery could furnish production. Suppose she had produced cheap food beyond all her wants, and that her laborers had spent so much money that whether wheat was ninety cents a bushel or twice that sum hardly entered the thoughts of one of them except when some Democratic tariff bill was paralyzing his business. Suppose that she was not only but a cannon’s shot from France, but that every country in Europe had been brought as near to her as Baltimore is to Wash- ington, for that is what cheap ocean freights mean between us and the European producers. Suppose all those countries had her machinery, her skilled workmen, her industrial system, and labor forty per cent, cheaper. Suppose under that state of facts, with all her manufacturers proclaiming against it, frantic in their disapproval, England had been called upon by Cobden to make the plunge into free trade, would she have done it? Not if Cobden had been backed by the Angelic Host. History gives England credit for great sense. [Laughter and applause.] While our wiseacres are reading British books of forty years ago with the emotions of great discover- Labors’ Hard Times School. 389 ers, what do the English themselves say about the actual facts? They come here in shoals. Naturally they do not like our system; but for it they could do our manufacturing for us. Nevertheless, preju- diced and prepossessed as they are, they are startled into some incautious truths. Says Mr. Jeans, whom I have already quoted about the “amazing prosper- ity’' of the United States: “It requires, I think, unusual temerity to allege that the tariff system of the United States has been a failure for that country.” What a prejudiced English free trader regards as “unusual temerity,” and which he might have called unexampled rashness, is not only exhibited by our Committee of Ways and Means, but by every gentle- man who can recite Sidney Smith’s discourse on the taxed Englishman under the impression that he is delivering an original speech. Mr. Carr, too, remarks the strange phenomena: “I am,” says he, “a convinced free trader. ProteC' tion is to me an economical heresy, the fraud and folly of which” — How like one of our own dear Southern statesmen he sounds — [Laughter.] “the fraud and folly of which are capable of mathe- matical demonstration. * ^ ^ And yet through- out the length and breadth of this vast continent one is almost daily brought face to face with solid, indis- putable facts that seem to give the lie to the sound- est and most universally accepted axioms of political economy.” Yes, not only do “solid, indisputable facts seem to give the lie to the soundest and most universally ac- cepted axioms of political economy,” but they do give it, and so does the whole history of this country- 390 Labors’ Hard Times School. If what he calls “the soundest and most universally accepted axioms” had been axioms at all, this coun- try ought to have been permanently for thirty years in the situation which it is now in temporarily, after eleven months of this free trade nightmare. We ought to have been halting in every branch of man- ufactures; we ought to have stopped progress and faltered to the rear, for we were wasting both capital and labor in unprofitable employment. Our workmen, penned up in our little country, while Englishmen reveled in the markets of the world, ought to be impoverished beyond all the ex- perience of history. Instead of that the Aldrich re- port, which deserves the high encomium of the gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockran], “with the approval of the distinguished Secretary of the Treasury,” even if it does “emanate from a Demo- cratic Bureau of Statistics,” shows that since i860 money wages have risen 68 per cent. Or if you say, and you would be right in so saying, that wages should be measured by what they will buy, the result is still more striking. The same report shows that, measured by prices of things bought, wages have risen, real wages, 79 per cent. By which I mean to say, that where our people in i860 received a dollar, our people have now one dollar and sixty-eight cents and six mills in money, and a dollar and seventy-nine cents and one mill in consumable wealth. During the same period the hours of labor, by average in all the occupations calculated, have fallen from eleven to ten. If you count that and reckon the man’s hour saved to be worth as much to him as it used to be to his employer ^and it is — you have real wages raised 97 per cent. Labors’ Hard Times School. 391 and you find the wage-earner today, after thirty-three years of protection, with ^1.97, where in i860 he had but a single dollar. The history of the world shows nothing like it. The Aldrich report declares that there exists no thorough digest of facts relating to European wages, but if you will show me any fig- ures of increase at all approximating what I have just described in free-trade England, you will dis- cover what my search has not been able to find. With wages rising, prices of manufactured goods falling, with lessening hours of labor, what more do you want except more of the same sort? [Applause on Republican side.] The truth is that this very question of rising wages is what makes a good many men free traders. People with fixed incomes think that anything which rises wages is inimical to them. Manufacturers who have foreign markets are naturally anxious to have wages on the foreign standard, and when a great cocoa manufacturer in Boston and a great agricultu- ral tool-maker in Philadelphia proclaim themselves on the side of free trade, we find in both cases a large foreign trade and along with it a desire for foreign wages for their workingmen. I confess to you that this question of wages is to me the vital question. To insure our growth in civil- ization and wealth we must not only have wages as high as they are now but constantly and steadily in- creasing. [Loud applause on the Republican side.] This desire of mine for constantly increasing wages does not have its origin in tove for the individual, but in love for the whole nation in that enlightened selfishness which recognizes the great truth that your fate and mine, Mr. Speaker, and the fate of your de- 392 Labors’ Hard Times School. scendants and mine are so wrapped up in the fate of all others that whatever contributes to their progress gives to us all a nobler future and a higher hope. [Applause on the Republican side.] I do not mean to use the word ‘‘contribute’' as ade- quate to describe the influence of wages on human progress. That would be to belittle the subject. In my judgment upon wages and the consequent distri- bution of consumable wealth is based all our hopes of the future and all the possible increase of our civ- ilization. The progress of this nation is dependent upon the progress of all. This is no new thought with me. Our civilization is not the civilization of Rome, a civilization of nobles and slaves, but a civil- ization which tends to destroy distinction of classes and to lift all to a common and higher level. [Cheers on the Republican side.] There are some men in this world and in this nation who do not like that. When I talk about wages I use the word in its broadest sense as the price and value of service whether of brain or muscle. When I speak of constant and continuous. increase of wages I do not mean the caprices of benevolence or of charity, or the fantasy of a mind longing for the impossible. The increase of wages which the service seller ought to have and the only useful increase he can ever get will be by the operation of natural laws working upon the opportunities which legislation may aid in furnishing. The increase will never come from the outside, will never be the gift of any em- ployer. It must come from the improvement in the man himself. Can you get a carpenter or bricklayer to work for twenty-five cents a day? He did it in Labors’ Hard Times School. 393 England in 1725. Today in the United States it is a poor place where he cannot get ten times that sum. Why does he have to have ten times as much? Be- cause the carpenter of today could no more live as did the carpenter of 1725 than he could live in a cave and hunt snakes for food. The difference in wages means the difference in living, and the ^2.50 is as much a necessity today as the 25 cents was 150 years ago. Man is not a mere muscular engine to be fed with meat and give forth effort. Man is a social being. He must have whatever his neighbor has. He can- not grow unless he does. Every growth implies a larger consumption of consumable wealth, and by consumable wealth I mean whatever is made by man and* contributes to his enjoyment, whether it be a loaf of bread, a novel or a concert. The more a man wants of consumable wealth the more his wages are likely to be. But by wants I do not mean any wild longing for what is beyond reach, but such wants as are in sight and to supply which he has such longing as will make him work. What is the rule and measure of wages? There has never been a subject on which so much ingenuity has been wasted and where the political economist has so befogged the world. He had a fund set apart in his mind which he called the wage fund. Divide the wage fund by the number of service sellers, having due regard to difference of service, and there it was plain as mathematics. True, nobody could calculate the wage fund, nobody had ever seen it. It was in nobody’s bookkeeping, but it was a comprehensive answer, and that was what he was after. Others of his disciples today dispose of it by the catchwords 394 Labors’ Hard Times School. “supply” and “demand,” and though the listener had acquired some words he had acquired very little knowledge. In thus speaking slightingly of “supply and de- mand,” I do not mean to say that the relation be- tween the worker and the work has no influence on wages. What I say is that it in no sense solvers the problem. Only last week, in this very city, the builders, and material men, and the workers met to- gether to see if in response to oversupply compared with demand concessions could be made. The ma- terial men were ready to yield, but the workmen, whose labor was the only perishable article involved, utterly refused. According to supply and demand they ought to have been hustling each other to see who could get into the job. Instead of that they are ready to struggle and to endure privations rather than give up what have become to them necessaries of life. Of course in time they will have to submit unless this bill is beaten, but there are limitations beyond which you cannot go. No nation can endure in peace any cut which goes into the quick. Neces- sities born of social life and advancing civilization are the real measure of wages. This question of wages is all important as bearing upon the question of consumption. All production depends upon consumption. Who are the consum- ers? In the old days when the products of manu- facturers were luxuries, the lord and his retainers, the lady and her maids were the consumers, a class apart by themselves, but today the consumers are the producers. Long ago the laborer consumed only what would keep him alive. Today he and his wife and their children are so immeasurably the most Labors’ Hard Times School. 395 0 valuable customers that if the shop had to give up the wealthy or those whom it is the custom to call poor, there would not be a moment’s hesitation or a moment’s doubt. Unfortunately the gentlemen on the other side have persistently retained the old idea that the pro- ducers are one class and the consumers are another, and hence we hear on all hands such stupidities of speech as those which sum up the workers in each branch and compare them with the whole, people. One hundred and fifty thousand workers in woolens — you ask what are they compared with 70,000,000 of consumers; 200,000 workers in steel, what are they compared with 70,000,000 of consumers ; 200,000 work- ers in cotton, what are they compared with 70,000,000 of consumers, and so on all through the long list, forgetting that all these people added together make the whole 70,000,000 themselves. It so happens that America is filled with workers. There are idle people, but they are fewer here than elsewhere except now, when we are living under the shadow of the Wilson bill. If those workers are all getting good wages they are themselves the market, and if the wages are increasing the market is also increasing. The fact that in this country all the workers have been getting better wages than else- where is the very reason why our market is the best in the world and why all the nations of the world are trying to break into it. We do not appre- ciate the nature of our market ourselves. I have given you already the glowing testimony of Englishmen who have seen us with their own eyes. ‘‘Amazing prosperity,” “Greatest market in the world,” “Paradise of the workingman.” These 396 Labors’ Hard Times School. are strong words; but let us see if cold mathematics do not put to shame the fervor of adjectives. We are nominally 70,000,000 people. That is what we are in mere numbers. But as a market for man- ufactures and choice foods we are {Potentially 175,- 000,000 as compared with the next best nation on the globe. Nor is this difficult to prove. When- ever an Englishman earns one dollar an American earns a dollar and sixty cents. I speak within bounds. “ Both can get the food that keeps body and soul together and the shelter which the body must have for 60 cents. Take 60 cents from a dollar and you have 40 cents left. Take that same 60 cents from the dollar and sixty and you have a dollar left, just two and a halftimes as much. That surplus can be spent in choice foods, in house furnishings, in fine clothes and all the comforts of life — in a word, in the products of our manufacturers. That makes our population as consumers of products, as com- pared with the English population, 175,000,000. Their population is 37,000,000 as consumers of pro- ducts which one century ago were pure luxuries, while our population is equivalent to 175,000,000. [Applause on the Republican side.] If this is our comparison with England what is the comparison with the rest of the world, whose mar- kets our committee are so eager to have in exchange for our own. Mulhall gives certain statistics which will serve to make the comparison clear. On page 365 of his Dictionary of Statistics he says the total yearly products of the manufacturers of the world are ;£‘4,474,ooo,oro, of which the United States pro- duces ^1.443,000,000. I do not vouch, nor can anybody vouch for these Labors’ Hard Times School. 397 figures, but the proportion of one-third to tv/o-thirds nobody can fairly dispute. We produce one-third, and the rest of the world, England included, two- thirds. The population of the world is 1,500,000,000, of which we have 70,000,000, which leaves 1,430,000.000 for the rest of mankind. We use all our manufac- tures, or the equivalent of them. Hence we are equal to one-half the whole globe outside of our- selves, England included, and compared as a market with the rest of the world our population is equal to about 700,000,000. [Applause on the Republican side.] I repeat, as compared with England herself as a market, our people are equivalent to 175,000,000. As compared with the rest of the world, England included, we are equal as a market to 700,000,000. These figures more than justify the adjectives of the Englishman, and the cold facts of mathematics sur- pass the spasms of rhetoric. Instead of increasing this market by leaving it to the steady increase of wages which the figures of the Aldrich report so conclusively show, and which have not only received the sanction of the member from New York, the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Democratic Bureau of Statistics, but the sanction of everybody who hears me, our committee propose to lower wages and so lessen the market and then divide that market with somebody else, and all on the chance of getting the markets of the world. Who have these markets of the world now? There is hardly a spot on the globe where three generations of Englishmen, Frenchmen or Germans have not been camped in possession of every avenue of trade. 39^ Labors' Hard Times School. Do you suppose that with machinery nearly as good as ours and wages at one-half these men are going to surrender to us the markets of the world? Why, the very duties you keep on show that you do not believe it. If we cannot without duties hold our own mar- kets how shall we pay freight, the expense of intro- ducing goods, and meet the foreigner where he lives? To add to the interesting impossibilities of this contention, the orators on the other side say they are going to maintain wages. How can that be pos- sible? All things sell at the cost of production. If the difference between cost of production here and cost of production in England be not equalized by the duty, then our cost of production must go down or we must go out. Therefore, our labor, the great component part of cost of production, must go down also. If you say this will come out of profits, then profits will be lessened in every occupation, for your own political economists teach you that the profits in protected industries can never be greater than in other occupations, and will not long consent to be less. Let it be noised abroad that any occu- pation is making big profits and straightway it will be swamped with competitors, so that over-profit is the sure precursor of no profits at all. But all these questions of wages are to be met, says the gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockran], by our superior civilization, and accuses me of “con- fessing that civilization at the highest level is incap- able of meeting the competition of civilization at its lowest level.” [Laughter on the Democratic side.] Now, it is a great truth that civilization can suc- cessfully meet barbarism, but it must do it with brains and not with rhetoric. How often have I heard Labors’ Hard Times School. 399 this and similar eloquent outbursts about our superi- ority, and therefore inevitable conquest of the in- terior. Survival of the superior! That is not the way the great naturalist put it. “Survival of the fit- test,” was his expression; survival of the fittest to survive; not the superior, not the loveliest, not the most intellectual, but the one who fitted best into the surroundings. Compare the strong bull of Basham with a salt water smelt. Who doubts the superiority of the bull? Yet, if you drop them both into the Atlantic Ocean I will take my chances with the smelt. [Laughter.] A little tomtit, insignificant as a bit of dust in the balance, cannot compare with the domestic swan either in grace, beauty, or power. Yet, if both were dropped from a baloon hung high in air, I would rather be the insignificant tomtit than the graceful swan. If I had a job to dig on the rail- way, the competitor for that job whom I should fear would not be my friend from New York [Mr. Cock- ran] [laughter], but some child from sunny Italy, so newly imported that he had not grown up to the wages of his adopted country. But let us make these illustrations a little broader and take in a bit of history. Shortly after I entered Congress one Dennis Kearney began on the sand lots to address the world on the Chinese. He said these people were of a lower civilization; in fact to use the very expression of the gentleman from New York [Mr. Cockran], he said it was “civilization at its lowest level.” Indeed, to be strictly accurate, he used stronger expression. [Laughter.] He de- nounced the Chinese, and instead of relying on su- perior civilization, on the flag of freedom in the air above us, the emblem of freedom on the earth be- 400 Lai^ors’ Hard Times School. neath us, he actually wanted protection by law, and in spite of the jeers and flouts of us in the East he has got it at last and with our consent. I know that when the gentleman learns these facts he will be so sorry that he was not here to tell these misguided men that having seized the lightnings and beat the miracles of Moses without being guilty of his mistakes [laughter], we must be able to beat the Chinese without law because of their lower level of civilization. What Mr. Kearney would have said to the gentleman from New York I do not dare to record. Why did the working people of California object to the Chinese? Because they knew that if they swarmed here in sufficient numbers the law of wages would make our own wages impossible. Had the Chinese had the samewants,and been therefore forced to demand the same wages, they could have wor- shiped their ancestors here without let or hindrance. It was just because the higher civilization could not contend on a free field with the lower that its higher civilization had to put brains into the scale and pro- tect itself. If then we protect ourselves against Chinese labor here, why should we not protect our- selves from a lower level of labor as represented by imported goods? Lower-priced labor can compete with our labor whether it take the form of goods or imported Chinamen. But says some gentleman, having heard some other gentleman say it, and having been struck by its epigrammatic point, but “labor is on the free list.” Well, that sounds conclusive, does it not? Yet what utter nonsense it really is when you come to look at it. Does the Englishman, when he comes Labors* Hard Times School. 40! here, bring his rate of wages with him? I should like to see any immigrant who has been here long enough to know his bearings who does not demand as good wages as the rest. That is what they come here for. [Applause on the Republican side.] Only last week the Hungarians and Poles and Slavs in Pennsylvania were trying to break up all work in the coal mines because our native citizens, under the stress of the Wilson bill, were consenting to take less wages. Obviously these gentlemen did not bring their rate of wages with them. Why did we forbid the importation of contract labor? Because the price of it was tainted by the wage scales of a land on a lower level of wages. Let me restate this: Men in America demand high and higher wages because their surroundings erect what used to be luxuries into necessities. Men who come here are soon affected by these same surround- ings and are soon under the same necessities. But Chinamen, because they sequester themselves from these surroundings, and bales of goods, because they cannot have the labor in them subjected to our in- fluences, ought to be under the restriction of law. I do not mean to make the comparison go on all fours and have the goods prohibited like the Chinese. I only meant to convey an idea. But is it not a dreadful business to tax people? Not necessarily., , Taxes raised for a good. purpose — like a schoolhouse, a road, an army, for payment of pensions, for the public debt, and indeed for all the purposes of a free people — are not only not bad but very good. Taxes to build a palace for the king’s mistress or to place a barbarian queen on a deserted throne [prolonged laughter and cheers on the Re- ’ Labors* Hard Times School. publican side] would be dreadful; but we are not likely, owing to a series of fortunate accidents, to be called upon to do even the last. But can you accomplish anything but oppression by taxes? Oh, yes; the gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Hatch] will tell you that taxation has regu- lated oleomargarine and can regulate stock sales. At least so he thinks. It has destroyed wild cat banks. On the question of the constitutionality of tariff taxation,! shall spend no time. I have not been here as long as I have without learning that “constitution- ality” and “unconstitytionality” on the other side of the chamber are merephrases, andthat whenagentle- man of the other side with swelling voice denounces the tariff as unconstitutional he merely means that he does not like it. [Laughter and applause.] Inasmuch as nobody in a hundred years has even asked the Supreme Court to pass on that question, it seems hardly worth while to discuss it. If the Father of his Country, fresh from the convention, in signing the first tariff-tax bill, signed an unconsti- tutional act, the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Tur- ner] and the whole Democratic party are better than George Washington — a thing not hitherto charged upon them. [Laughter.] But do not the people pay the tariff taxes, and do they not go into the pockets of monopolists? Do you believe the consumer pays the tax, or the for- eigner? Well, I am going to be perfectly frank about that, and answer, sometimes one and sometimes the other, and sometimes both. The first thing a for- eigner does when a tariff tax is laid is to see if he can get into our market without paying anything. If Labors* Hard Times School. 403 so, then he will not reduce his prices. If he cannot he looks over his margin of profit and sees if he can^ by abating some part of these profits, get his goods in. So far as he does abate them he pays the tax. So far as he does not, the rest of the tax is paid by the consumer. If the foreigner pays all the tax, then within the limit where his goods can circulate there may be protection or there may not. If after paying the whole tax he still has a margin of profit to sacrifice in the industrial war, there will be no protection, or very limited protection. But if there be only a slight margin, which he cannot sacrifice without rendering the market worthless, then there will be competition the same as if he manufactured here. In the latter case he at least cannot shut up our factories. In these cases the prices will not be raised. But where the consumer pays any part of the tax, by so much is the price raised. This is the general rule, but often it does not work so. After the act of 1890 large importations in anticipation of large profits, anticipations frustrated by the Baring failure panic, made great changes in the case. Many prices did not rise at all, and yet manufacturers, knowing that there would be a certainty at least that they could not be badly undersold, began work. It often happens that men will begin manufactur- ing under a tariff that does not raise prices because they know that such a tariff will prevent them from going down. It is not enough to have goods in the natural mar- ket at a price which will bring a profit. The manu- facturer must know that the industrial enemy cannot force the price below the range of profit. Then 404 Labors’ Hard Times School. without any increase he may put up a plant. This operation' of a tariff which does not raise the price is because industrial warfare sometimes assumes this shape. A rival maker may sacrifice his goods in order to sacrifice another man’s factory, or to pre- vent the establishment of a competitor. If there be a tariff, then, which will not raise prices, but which will maintain them, then the native manufacturer’s risk in building a factory is limited. He may be put to hard struggle, but he cannot be beaten out of hand. He will have a fighting chance. There are, however, so many instances where the foreigner pays the tax that there is no wonder that the assertion has been made broadcast. The Ber- muda vegetable men appeared before this very com- mittee to urge this very fact. Canada, both under the present law and just after the repeal of the reci- procity act, is a multitudinous witness all along our borders that the foreigner pays the tax. I venture to say that the lumber tax, lowered by the act of 1890, has all of it gone out of our treasury into Canadian pockets. It would be an interesting chapter in economic history if we could have in figures the abatement of foreign prices which have followed every increase of the tariff, for it would show what enormous profits have been made out of us by these people when no protection existed. Having thus shown that even where tariff taxes are paid by the foreigner and the price not raised there may be some protection, let us face the ques- tion whether, where the price is raised and the con- sumer pays the whole tax or,a part of it, there is any benefit to our country thereby. Does not the public Labors’ Hard Times School. 405 suffer for the benefit of the few? Not for the bene- fit of the capitalists, for in the long run your own political economy will show you that protected in- dustries will not obtain any greater remuneration than the unprotected. The same is all they ask for and more than they often get. But we need not depend upon political econo- mists, for they are always unsafe. The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Draper] in his admirable speech has demonstrated the fact of equalization of profits. In Massachusetts they have statistics so well col- lected that they mean something, and those statis- tics show that Massachusetts’ manufacturing stocks pay 3.87 per cent., Boston bank stocks 4.53 per cent, and in New England Railroad stocks 4.29 per cent. Let me put the assertion in another form. If you will give me all that capital has made on railroads, an unprotected industry, I will give you all that capital has made on factories, and agree to feed the hungry crowds caused by the Wilson bill and not claim any virtue for my charity. The public again do not suffer for the sake of the employes of the protected industries, for they get no higher wages than the unprotected. In fact, the in- crease goes to one as much as the other. Who built the mills at Fall River? Who made the machinery? Who furnished the provisions and other consumable wealth which Fall River and its mills demand? The answer must be the whole United States. “But,” says my questioner, “if you only distribute among all of us who paid it, this money which was taken from us for the extia price, what is the good?” If that were all theie was to it I could still answer that 4o6 Labors’ Hard Times School. at least there was no loss. But beyond a question , this system establishes diversified industries. No- body can doubt that. Diversified industries call out all the working powers of the world. Some men are fitted for one thing, some for another. The only way to utilize all the powers of body and mind in a nation is to have something which suits all. By this means the great army of the unem- ployed can be diminished. A nation which keeps its people employed is in the end sure to show the largest gains even of wealth. Diversified industries educate the people and give them a broader edu- cation than books can give, and so helps them on the road to greater civilization. We have already seen that greater civilization leads to higher wages, to greater production. In a country of high wages there are greater inducements for inventors, for they can save more by their inventions, which are there- fore more readily adopted. We were talking awhile ago about higher wages. The question naturally comes up, how can these higher wages be got? There must be something for them to come from. Just think a moment what wages are. They are the devourers of consumable wealth. In order to have more consumable wealth you must have an incentive for its creation. Wealth will never be made unless a consumer stands ready. More consumable wealth, therefore, depends upon a broadening market. This I have already shown does not mean more purchasers, but purchasers with better purses, though for that matter in this country we have both. But how can you make more wealth with the same number of workers? By using the forces of nature Labors’ Hard Times School. 407 and by utilizing human brains. How can you do that? By incentives. The brain no more works without incentive than the body does. To hear the discussion in Congress you* v^ould suppose that invention dropped from Heaven like manna to the Jews. [Laughter.] You would suppose that James Watt reached out into the darkness and pulled back a steam engine. It was not so. All in- vention is the product of necessities and of pressure When the boy who wanted to go off to play, and so rigged the stopcocks that the engine went itself, he was not only a true inventor, but he had the same motive — his personal advantage — that all inventors have, and like them was urged on by business neces- sities. What originated Bessemer steel? Sir Henry Bes- semer? No; but the necessities of railroads, under public pressure for lower rates of traffic, which would, every one of them, been bankrupt without steel rails. If Sir Henry had not invented the process, somebody else would. It detracts not one iota from the fame of Alexander Bell that a dozen men were close on his track. It has been so in every great in- vention. I say, therefore, that it was the diversifi- cation of our industries that has stimulated inven- tions. Otherwise all the inventive power of America would have run to waste; and when a man calculates the wonders of American inventive genius he knows where some of our wealth comes from. [Laughter and applause.] As a further proof that invention is born of neces- sity, tell me why great inventions never come until the world is in such shape as to enjoy them? What would the Crusaders have done with railroads? There was not money enough in the world, travel or 4o8 Labors’ Hard Times School. merchandise to keep them goin^ a week. [Laughter.] And this brings me to another fact. No invention is worth its salt which does not have increased con- sumption behind it. Take the very case of railroads; are railroads economical? ‘‘Certainly,” you reply. “They can carry passengers for half a cent a mile, for a quarter of a cent, and a New York hack will cost you $ 2 , and even a lumbering coach may cost you 10 cents. Of course it is economical.” But suppose you had only a stage load to carry every day, would it pay to build a railroad and would that conveyance be cheap? Hardly. You can make an ax handle with a machine in two seconds; without, in three hours. It would pay to build a machine to make a million of ax handles, but not to make one. Therefore I say that the great forces of nature and the wisest inventions are alike unprofitable except for a large consumption. Hence large consumption is at the basis of saving in manufacture, and hence high wages contribute their share to progress. If you once accept the idea that necessity is the mother of invention, instead of regarding invention as com- ing from heaven knows where, you can see how high wages stimulate it. I sa^w at a machine-shop not long ago a great machine which could work only in one direction, and naturally consumed, in going back to place, as much time as in coming forward. It took three men at ^3 a day to run it. Half their time was lost. Could the speed of the return have been doubled, more than $2 a day would have been saved. That inven- tion was made because, being applicable to many machines, it meant much money. Had it been worked by men who were paid 50 cents a day, it is Labors’ Hard Times School. 409 doubtful if it would have been demanded. Where wages are low invention is rare. It does not pay. It has always seemed to me, until I heard the gen- tleman from New York the other day say to the contrary, that the establishment of new industries and not the destruction of old ones was the way to make two jobs hunt one man, to use the words I have ordinarily employed in putting it; but he says no, that is wasteful production because you are employ- ing capital in comparatively unprofitable occupation. That used long ago to puzzle me, and I used to put it this way: Suppose the nation to have a million dollars and no m*ore, all employed at 6 per cent, in that interesting dream of fancy “the most profitable employment,” and a man should come along and say, “If you people will let me put a hundred thous- and of this capital, my share, into a less profitable, a 5 per cent, employment, I will do it on condition that you pay me and all people who come here and do the same enough to equalize my profits with the rest of you.” At first sight that looks like mathe- matics. It would seem incontestable that the nation would lose I per cent, on a hundred thousand dollars, or a thousand dollars every year. Yet I said if free trad- ers are correct, this, to a greater or less degree, is what the United States did even under the Walker tariff. Why is it that we have not gone to pieces long ago? Well, one of the fallacies of this demon- stration is this: It proceeds on the assumption not only that one million is all the capital of the United States, but all the capital of the world. Suppose that law which taxed the profitable em- ployment coaxed in the ^100,000 from the rest of the 410 .Labors’ Hard Times School. globe, our nation would have gained $5, oooevery year, instead of losing ^i,ooo, for we should have hacl the whole $1,100,000 earning 6 per cent, less the tax laid on the whole to raise /$ 1,000. But you say, why should not the new $100,000 come in and go into the 6 per cent, most profitable employment; why should it select the 5 per cent, employment? Just simply because that money does not come here by attrac- tion of gravitation, but by the mind of a man, and men’s minds are what play havoc with cut and dried political economy. Suppose you go to a manufacturer of cotton in England and tell him that by putting his surplus capital into a Dakota farm he can make 10 per cent. The chances are he will not even look at it. Then you try him with a proposal to build a cotton factory in Georgia; show him he can make 6 per cent, while he is making only 4 at home. The chances are that the cotton mill will tempt him and not the farm. He knows the cotton business, but he is not a farmer. This, in fact, is the history of the United States. • Our laws have invited money and men and we have grown great and rich thereby. The gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Black] has noticed that men come here, and he does not want them to come; hence he is willing that our wages shall be lowered to keep peo- ple away. Well, this is not the time to discuss im- migration;but while peopleare coming lam glad they have not yet imbibed the gentleman’s ideas and have not yet begun to clamor for lower wages. I really cannot help adding that when the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Black] starts his reformed immigration of men who come here “unawed by influence and unbribed by gain” I hope to be there, for it would Labors’ Hard Times School, 41 i be a sight hitherto unknown on earth of men who forsook their home without either being pushed or pulled. [ Laughter. ] To sum it up, if this protection gives us money and men and our vast country needs both, it may show why we have so wonderfully prospered. If it does, I am inclined to think that the way to have two jobs hunting one man is to keep on making new mills and try and prevent the Committee on Ways and Means from pulling down old ones. ^‘But,’^ says some gentleman fuller of political economy than of sense, “why do you not transfer your capital from these protected industries to the more profitable?” Yes, that would be a good idea. We will commence in West Virginia and take up the coal mine holes and stick them down somewhere else, unless we can utilize them as places of refuge for the committee after the election. There is what used to be $8,000,000 worth of stuff belonging to the people that make screws. Let us take that up. But it is not worth $800,000, let alone $8,000,000. The bill has dropped $7,200,000 — that can not be transferred anywhere. But what do you say about the farmer? Well, on that subject I do not profess any spegial learning, but there is one simple statement I wish to make and leave the question there. If with cities growing up like magic, manufactur- ing villages dotting every eligible site, each and all swarming with mouths to be filled, the producers of food are worse off than when half this country was a desert, I abandon sense in favor of political econ- omy. One other thing I have noticed in this debate. 412 Labors’ Hard Times School. When the gentleman from Kansas [Mr. Simpson] gets a little money ahead he does not put it into the stocks in these immensely profitable manufactures. He has too much sense. He adds to his farm, and he has told us so. Example is richer than precept. If the hope of agriculturists is in English free trade, they had better ponder on the fact that while the wages of artisans have increased in England ^2.43 per week since 1850, the wages of agricultural laborers have only increased 72 cents, and while the Lancashire operatives in the factories live as well as anybody except Americans, the agricultural laborers are hardly better off than the continental peasantry. England’s example will not do for agriculture. Here let me meet one other question, and let me meet it fairly. We are charged with having claimed that the tariff alone will raise wages, and we are pointed triumphantly to the fact that the wages of France and Germany, protected by a tariff, are lower than England, free of all tariff, and to America with a tariff and still higher wages. We have never made such a claim in any such form. Free traders have set up that claim for us in order to triumphantly knock it over. What we do say is that where two nations have equal skill and equal appliances and a market of nearly equal size, and one of them can hire labor at one-half less, nothing but a tariff can maintain the higher wages, and that we can prove. If there be two bales of goods side by side made by the same kind of machinery and with the labor of the human being in both the same degree of skill, and if the labor of one bale cost one-half, for ex- ample, as much as the other, that other bale can never be sold until the extra cost of the costlier Labors’ Hard Times School. 413 labor is squeezed out of it, provided there is an abundant supply of the product of the cheaper labor. If the bale with the cheaper labor of England in it meets the bale with the dearer labor of America in it, which will be bought at the cost of production? I leave that problem just there. The sale of the English bale will be only limited by England’s pro- duction. Now as to France and Germany. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Harter] makes the same blunder which he charges on us. He says the tariff makes lower wages, and asks us to compare the three coun- tries, saying they are all the same except the tariff. I do not read history that way. England had cen- turies of peace or distant war, while both Germany and France were the battlefields of Europe. Until Bismarck made Germany a nation she was not even big enough to enter successfully modern industrial warfare. To compare either of those nations in ma- chinery or wealth to England, a hundred years in advance of them both by reason of her history be- fore 1850 and her tributary provinces, is absolutely farcical. Let Germany and France get thoroughly estab- lished within themselves as good machinery as Eng- land now has, together with her factory system, and nothing but higher wages in those countries or a tariff in their own will ever save the English people from ruin. Lord Armstrong knew what he was doing when he established an English iron manufactory in Italy with English appliances and Italian labor at half price. No, no; tariff does not make the blind see, the lame walk, nor does it raise the dead to life, but it is 414 Labors’ Hard Times School. a good, sound, sensible policy for the United States for its growth in riches and civilization, and if it is stricken down the people who in their secret hearts will think us the most shortsighted will be the for- eigners who profit by our folly. There is still another argument which I desire to present out of the large number yet unused. What has made England rich? It is the immense profits which come of converting raw material into manu- factured goods. She is the huge workshop, doing the most profitable work of*the world; changing ma- terial to finished product. So long as she can per- suade the rest of the world to engage in the work which is the least profitable and leave her the most enriching she can well be content. Let me give one item, and the figures shall be furnished by the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Wheeler], who told me in your presence that the value ot all the cotton raised in the United States was only $300,000,000, while the finished product of that cotton was $1,750,000,000. When cotton leaves the field it is worth $300,000,000; when it leaves the mill it is worth six times as much. On our own cot- ton crop alone we might in time make the profits on a billion and a half of manufactured goods. Nor is there anything to prevent such a result in a protect- ive tariff. Some men think, indeed, this bill and its author’s speeches proceed upon the supposition that the first step towards gaining the markets of the world is to give up our own, just as if a fortified army, with enemies on all flanks, should overturn. its own breast- works as the first preliminary to a march into the open. Even the foolish chivalry of the Marquis de Labors’ Hard Times School. 415 Montcalm which led him to his death on the Heights of Abraham had not that crowning folly. Such is not the history of the world; such is not even the example of England. Tariff duties, whether levied for that purpose or for revenue, become a dead letter when we are able to compete with the outside world. We are the only rival that England fears, for we alone have in our borders the population and the wages, the raw material, and within ourselves the great market which insures to us the most improved machinery. Our constant power to increase our wages insures us also continuous progress. If you wish us to follow the example of England, I say yes, with all my heart, but her real example and nothing less. Let us keep protection, as she did, until no rival dares to invade our territory, and then we may take our chances for a future which by that time will not be unknown. [Applause on the Re- publican side.] • Nobody knows so well as I do how much even of my own comprehension of the great argument which should control this vote I have failed to present. I have said not a word of the great fall of prices which has always come from the competition of the whole world within itself rendered possible by protection and substituted for the competition within a single island. I have said not a word of the great differ- ence between the attitude of employers who find their own workmen their best customers in their own land, and who are, therefore, moved by their own best interests to give their workmen fair wages, and those who sell abroad and are therefore anxious for low wages at home, and on whom works unrestrict- edly, that pernicious doctrine, as wages fall profits 4i6 Labors’ Hard Times School. rise. These and much more have I omitted, for there is a limit to all speaking. We know, my friends, that before this tribunal we all of us plead in vain. Why we fail let those answer who read the touching words of Abraham Lincoln’s first inaugural and remember that he plead in vain with these same men and their predecessors. Where he failed we cannot hope to succeed. But though we fail here today, like our great leader of other days, in the larger field before the mightier tribunal which will finally and forever decide this question we shall be more than conquerers; for this great nation, shaking off as it has once before the in- fluence of a lower civilization, will go on to fulfill its high destiny until over the South, as well as over the North, shall be spread the full measure of that amaz- ing prosperity which is the wonder of the world. [Prolonged applause on the floor and in the galleries.] Mr. Maxwell. To substantiate what Mr. Reed has said relative to our being the richest nation on the face of the earth, and you, Mr. Labor, having made the same claim since the first lessons in this school, I hand you a table showing wealth, debt and per capita wealth and debt of all nations. DEBT AND WEALTH OF NATIONS CONTRASTED. During the decade reaching from 1870 to 1880 taxation in Great Britain increased 20.17 per cent.; in France 36.13 per cent.; in Russia 37.10 per cent.; in Sweden and Norway 50.10 per cent.; in Germany, 57.81 percent.; and taking into account the other governments, great and small, of Europe, we arrive at for all an average of 28.01 per cent. In the United States for the same period taxation Labors’ Hard Times School. 417 decreased 9.15 per cent. Thus we find the financial condition of the United States most satisfactorily exceptional when compared with that of other na- tions. Our national debt is rapidly disappearing; our rate of taxation is diminishing. Table showhig wealthy debt, and per capita wealth and debt of all nations. Countries. United States.. England or Great Britain France Germany Russia Austria Italy Spain Netherlands. . . Belgium Sweden Canada Mexico Australia Portugal Denmark Argentine Re- public Switzerland.... Norway Greece Turkey Chile Colombia. U. S. of Peru Uruguay Venezuela. . . Egypt All other countries . . Total of the world Wealth. Debt of all kinds. Wealth per capita. Debt per capita. $60, 4*75, 000, 000 957 , 876,000 $ 1,039 00 32 37 43 . 600 . 000 . 000 40 . 300 . 000 . 000 31 . 600 . 000 . 000 21 . 715 , 0e0,000 18 . 065 . 000 . 000 11 . 755 . 000 . 000 7 . 965 . 000 . 000 4 . 935 . 000 . 000 4 . 030 . 000 . 000 3 . 475 . 000 . 000 3 . 250 . 000 . 000 3 . 150 . 000 . 000 2 . 950 . 000 . 000 1 . 855 . 000 . 000 1 . 830 . 000 . 000 5 , 695 , 659,000 87 79 4 , 892 , 840,000 1,060 89 116 35 2 , 695 , 265,000 681 31 4 , 869 , 768,000 257 92 30 79 2 , 642 , 021,000 462 31 72 42 2 , 250 , 000,000 399 05 76 06 1 , 106 , 650,006 452 58 71 27 518 , 000,000 95 56 213 , 000,000 705 64 63 10 580 , 000,000 739 70 13 73 273 , 000,000 47 51 110 , 000,000 6 89 593 , 670,000 418 51 134 11 58 , 467,000 963 56 15 66 1 , 660 , 000,000 1 , 620 , 000,000 i ; 410 , 000,000 1 , 055 , 000,000 148 , 000,000 65 . 000 . 000 29 . 869.000 13 . 625.000 868 , 590,000 92 . 850.000 15 . 000 . 000 520 71 71 98 3 72 7 13 49 06 342 , 624,000 79 , 100,000 63 , 700,009 732 , 000,000 3 , 500 , 000,000 $ 253 , 685 , 000,000 $ 34 , 456 , 574,000 From the above table it appears the United States stands at the head of nations as to wealth, and has in proportion to debt about $i to ^60 of her assets. No other great nation can show anything like this proportion; yet, notwithstanding all this, a party of pro-English citizens of our land want us to adopt a policy that suits a nation that has a debt of $i to 4i8 Labors’ Hard Times School. every she can show of wealth. Is it not time for the people to adopt a financial policy that will suit our own nation first, and let the debt-burdened na- tions of Europe follow our lead, if they wish to, since we can show that within two hundred years we have outstripped them all in progress of every kind? THE LESSON IT TEACHES. While the United States stands at the head of all the nations of the world in wealth, amounting to ;^i,039 capita, she also stands at the foot of the list of great nations in her per capita indebtedness, which amounts to $32.37. The population of the United States in i860 was thirty-one millions, and her wealth amounted to fourteen billions of dollars, showing a per capita of about $450, while in 1890 her population was sixty-two millions and her total wealth sixty-eight billions of dollars, or a per capita of $1,039. It will be seen by the foregoing statement that while her population has about doubled since i860, her wealth per capita has more than trebled. This is what the Democrats call a bankrupt nation. In 1880 the public debt amounted to three billion forty-five millions. In 1890 it was reduced to two billion twenty-seven millions — a reduction in ten years of one billion eighteen million dollars. Thus it will be seen that the per capita indebtedness of the national Government was reduced from $60.73 in 1880 to $32.37 in 1890. This is a favorable show- ing for a wasteful nation, using the words of the tariff reformers of the present day. Labors’ Hard Times School. 419 DEBT OF U. S. — INTEREST-BEARING. Highest amount — August 31, 1865 -..fc, 385 » 039 » 3 i 5 June 30, 1892 585,637,100 Amount paid 1,799,402,215 June 30, 1896 847,363,890 Amount increase 262,726,790 The amount of the debt August 31, 1865, known as high-water mark (see above) was gradually re- duced until 1893. Mr, Maxwell. These figures, Mr. Labor, are mar- velous. Just think of our wealth in i860 — fourteen billions of dollars, and in 1890 (only thirty years) over sixty billions. This increase was under laws protecting all our in- dustries, as Mr. Reed in his arguments against the Wilson bill so appropriately recites. Labor. It does appear now, Mr. Maxwell, that the free trader should cease any further attempts to de- fend his former claims, but will he? Mr. Maxwell. The out and out free trader, never. If in your travels, Mr. Labor, you ever meet a man who has been an outspoken free trader, who has faced about and is repudiating his old trash, I wish you would get his photograph and address and send them to me. I will make a long trip to see that kind of a man. No, Mr. Labor, if the Dingley bill passes and be- comes a law, as we all look for, prices will increase on nearly everything. Then the free trade smart man in our Congressional elections in 1898 will be out with tables showing how cheap everything was 420 Labors’ Hard Times School. in 1896 under the Wilson bill, and in 1900, at our next Presidential election, they will have all manner of* campaign songs ridiculing high prices and a pro- tective tariff, and I fear some of our laboring men will have forgotten what we have just passed through and give audience to such demagogues. Our late cheapness of products, Mr. Labor, has simply been deformity of country and nothing less. You have shown in your lessons, all of them, that from eight to nine-tenths of everything is days works, and all there is to cut is those days works in order to have cheap goods. Are we laboring people going to remember that, or will we ignore this fact the same as sellers of days works did at Groversville, never recognizing that in order that our goods may be cheap they will have to work for less pay, and for the goods to be made in foreign countries means no work for them, hence no money, and without money they cannot buy goods at any price. We men who work for a living cannot afford to listen to those who write or talk any such rot. The laboring man is the first seller of goods, they all pass through his hands first, and when they are fin- ished if they can be sold cheap it is because he has worked cheap. We must keep this principle well in mind, and hoot down with no uncertain hoot the man or men who undertake to tell us anything else. As certain, Mr. Labor, as fhe next campaign comes will the free trader be on deck citing how cheap everything was in 1896, and have tables to prove it. That will be their war cry, and we must shout back to them, “Groversville.” Chicago, one city, mind you, received 1,700,000 tons less coal in 1894 than in 1893. I will give you Labors’ Hard Times School. 421 the figures copied from the Daily News Almanac, 1895 issue: Chicago’s total receipts in tons for the eleven months of all kinds of coal and coke have been 1893 7>026,7I7 1894 5;233.482 1793,235 The above, you see, Mr. Labor, was for eleven months, and one month added at ratio of eleven months would bring the shrinkage up to a fraction less than two million tons for the year. We must bear in mind this was for only one city. What must such a rate of shrinkage mean for our whole country? There must, beyond a question, have been a large overproduction of coal, and the wonder to me is that there have been no coal strikes. The price we know is badly broken in bituminous coal, and we know that the miners have been chopped down to starvation prices for digging. This is a good example of things cheap; the sel- lers of days works are the men that method reaches and remains with, and we are the men to frown on all that kind of sentiment in the future. Think of only one city taking two millions tons less coal in one year! What does that, when our whole country is considered, mean to our industries, Mr. Labor? It means idle shops, idle machinery and idle men. Could they have had much money in the past three or four years to buy cheap goods with? Will sellers of days works listen again to the yelping free trade demagogue when he tells them they can have more when everything is cheap and the seller is idle and without money than they can when goods 422 Labors’ Hard Times School. bring a decent price and they have work and plenty of money? I say, boys, we should vote in the future for candidates who will protect our market regard- less of the political party they represent, and not get fooled again. I listened to a conversation and saw some acting the other day, Mr. Labor, that is very appropriate right here. It was between two brothers in a city of some 20,000 inhabitants. Ed was a farmer and lived some seven miles outside the limits. Hank, his brother, was a mechanic and lived in the city. The latter I had known for several years and whenever I was in the city on my trips he always called at the hotel to see me, and on this occasion he brought his brother Ed., the farmer, who was in town, and had been home with Hank for luncheon. I bought some cigars and we all sat down to have a smoke and chat, and in conversation we drifted on to the close times. Ed., the farmer, remarked that it was good and tough on farmers, and cited that he had on hand all the grain he raised in 1896; that the price was so low he wouldn’t sell. Hank said: “Yes, Ed., and you voted the free trade ticket in 1892,” and Ed. asked him, “What of that?” “Well,” Hank says, “I told you not to do it, and now see what we have got. I am not to blame for any of it and you are.” And Hank added, “Now, Ed., you are kicking about your wheat and other grains because they don’t bring a price. I want to make you a proposition. As a mechanic, I have all my labor for 1896 on hand. I didn’s sell a single day’s work of it that year. I want to trade you the Labors’ Hard Times School. 423 whole of that stored up year’s labor for a portion of your stored up labor in your crop of grain.” Ed. laughed and wanted to know if Hank thought he was a fool, or was he making fun of him? Hank answered and cited that he (Ed.) was fool enough to vote a tom fool ticket in 1892, and told him if there was any kicking to be done he thought he (Hank) was the one to do it. “Here I am loaded with every one of my days works for 1896, and you wouldn’t give me a peck of wheat for the whole batch. You have your year’s work for 1896 in your granary and can look at it, but what can I see of mine? You can sell yours for something, and, possibly, if you hold it you can realize a decent price, and if we get a good bill through both houses protecting our industries, I think you will, but what am I going to do with my stored up labor for 1896? It is worth less than rotten potatoes. “In fact, I have had to wear my shoes out walking for exercise to keep my health good and be ready for work as soon as we get some laws that will justify our people in starting the factories again. “What is more, Ed., you can eat your wheat and grain, but what would I do trying to eat my stored up labor for 1896? Think these things over, old man, and look happy. I am the one to do the kick- ing and get frightened. You farmers are the ones who are always all right. Your shoes may pinch a little sometimes, but you are never in any special danger of starving to death.” Ed. answered,. “That makes me think. Hank, I al- ways bring what you buy to eat down to you, and my wife and I were talking about it a few days ago. She always keeps account of what you get, and she said 424 Labors’ Hard Times School. for the past two years you had lived on a little less than half what you had used the two years before, and she wanted me to ask you if you were buying of someone else.” Hank said, “Ed., I haven’t bought a thing except sugar, coffee, tea, etc., of anyone else. You have no idea how close we have lived. My wife said the other day she had used more yarn and thread darn- ing and patching the last few years than she had in the whole fourteen years since we were married.” Ed. appeared to be quite wrought up, and said, “Well, Hank, why haven’t you spoken of these things? I can bring you lots of stuff off the farm, and I will. There is no use pinching yourselves for something to eat. Are you broke. Hank? Do you want any money?” “No, Ed.,” spoke up Hank, “I am not broke yet, but I would have been had I not been careful and bought only what we absolutely had to have.” About that time, Mr. Labor, someone called Hank away for a moment and Ed. said to me: “Thunder, Maxwell, I have never stopped to think what kind of a time these men out of work have been having. You can bet Hank won’t worry any more. I will haul more stuff down there from the farm than he can take care of and then they will have to eat, and I will kill a sheep every week and tell him I have some fat wethers that I want to get rid of, and for the reason that they bring so little in price we have decided to eat them up. In this way I can give him meat and he will never dream that I am killing the sheep on purpose to do that. And between times we can give him chickens, and frequently a turkey, and lots of things that we won’t miss, Labors’ Hard Times School. 425 ‘‘Darned if I am not ashamed. Hank must think I’m a hog. My wife will give me a good raking over for this. You will see her harness up her horse to- morrow morning and pile down here with a rush, and she won’t say a word about where she is going, either.” At this moment I was sorry to see Hank coming back, Mr. Labor, for I wanted to hear what more Ed. would have to say. When Hank had taken his seat Ed. said to him: “Do you remember, Hank, that when we were boys I promised you a suit of clothes, if ever I was able to buy them, if you wouldn’t tell father and mother a certain thing I did?” “No,” Hank said, “I don’t remember any such circum- stance, and you never made me any such promise.” Ed. declared that he did and Hank wanted to know what it was that he kept to himself for him. “If you have forgotten it I am glad of it, and I shall never remind you of what it was; it was of a nature easy for you to forget but not for me,” said Ed. Your friend Maxwell being a traveling man must be a ^ood judge of cloth and I am going to ask him to go over to the store with us and help pick out a suit, and be witness to the fact that I have kept an old promise. Hank was reluctant about going. I saw Ed.’s motive, and gathered from his tactics that Hank wouldn’t appreciate anything on the score of charity, so to help Ed. out I said to Hank that probably his brother would feel better if he (Hank) would go and get the suit of clothes and let him (Ed.) keep his pledge. That remark settled it, and we all start- ed for the clothing store. When the clothes were selected and Ed. had paid for them he wanted Hank 426 Labors’ Hard Times School. to wear them home. “Not much,” Hank said, “my pards in the streets in a kind way would guy the life out of me; would want to know what I had run up against and if I had quit them and gone to work, and all that kind of a racket.” Truly, Mr. Labor, in this transaction there was a great lesson to me, and I hope the members of your class will take it home with them. Labor, What was there that so particularly served as a lesson, Mr. Maxwell? Mr, Maxwell, Hank was no fool, Mr. Labor, and could divine Ed.’s motive as well as you or anyone else, and at first offered some resistance to accepting the suit of clothes. After a moment he became silent, and I could plainly see there was an intense struggle within, which I interpreted as a biting ne- cessity in a hot fight with his pride. The result was that the necessity conqered, and Hank was in a manner forced to accept what two or three years prior he would have abhorred and in some way re- sented. The lesson to me was that a man who declines to do a given thing today, may tomorrow under some unlooked for pressure, be only too glad to do the very same objectionable thing. I beg your pardon, Mr. Labor, for taking up the time of the class recalling a circumstance like this. I know how impossible it is for me to relate it and have it impress others as it did me. Labor, I should be sorry had you omitted it, Mr. Maxwell, for it brings these things home to us in a sense that we can and do grasp. Many like the brother you mention, who was able and willing, are Labors’ Hard Times School. 427 heedless, and rarely study and give thought to those who are the last ones to make a want known. This instance you have just called to our minds, Mr. Maxwell, is but one in hundreds of thousands, if not millions, that the public in the last two or three years have not known a thing of, and the bulk of them were not fortunate enough to have a brother or relative who could help them. The silent needy in numbers are unknown and will ever remain unknown, provided the relief we are looking for in the way of revived industries is not too long deferred. Mr, Maxwell. Yes, Mr. Labor, and the great mass, like the party I have mentioned, living on one-half what they formerly consumed, shows that all we could extend our trade into the over competed-for markets of the world would not, in a small measure even, compensate for the shrinkage of our own mar- kets. Our working people must not forget that most articles they make and receive five dollars each for making them would sell in most foreign countries, finished, for from three to four dollars each. On this principle what can we hope to do in foreign markets with our goods? We may make a few art- icles that we specially excel in, or other countries do not make, that our people can get a price for in the markets of the world, but such cases are so rare, Mr. Labor, that it is rash* madness to cripple or neglect our own market chasing after them. If we have any people who are crazy about the markets of the world, let them go where the markets are, and stay there. We will always have plenty to take the places of that class. 428 Lakors’ Hard Times School. I have seen parties who always ate their partially decayed fruit, leaving the sound fruit to decay while they were doing it. Our country seeking the markets of the world, Mr. Labor, partakes too much of this quality of sagacity to suit me. The free trader has for years, Mr. Labor, been un- yielding in his claim that whatever a protective tariff added as duty would have to be added to the price of the goods. In 1877 I was in a retail store, when the merchant was opening some large cases of prints. Large piles of the calico were on the counter. Striking a piece with the flat of his hand he remarked that he either paid or was going to sell those goods for six cents a yard, and that the duty on them was five cents per yard. It does not matter whether the gentleman had bought the goods at six cents a yard, or he was go- ing to sell them at that price. The case shows that the five cents duty had not been added to them, and it shows, too, that on account of the duty the goods had been made in our own country, for they could not have been sold for any such price after paying five cents per yard duty. I have no data at hand, Mr. Labor, to refer to, to learn what the duty was on cotton goods in 1877, but I take it for granted that the merchant dealing in them was correct in his statement. I have some other data here on iron and steel that is still further proof that the duty is not added to the price of the product. I do not want the class to infer from what I read or say that I claim the duty is never added to the price of what we import. Any- thing that is strictly a luxury, or that we do not pro- Labors’ Hard Times School. 42g duce, no doubt the buyer in this country pays the duty, but it must be remembered that quite all that we do not produce, except absolute luxuries, the McKinley bill placed on the free list. First, Mr. Labor, I want to read the result of pro- tection on pig iron, showing the value of a furnace to a community, and, following that, some figures and tables showing the products of iron in this coun- try in 1890. After that comes the article on steel rails, proving that the consumer does not pay the duty for a very long period on anything we care to give special attention to the manufacture of. IRON — RESULT OF PROTECTION ON PIG IRON, AS SHOWN BY OPERATION OF A SINGLE FURNACE. No. 206. The value of a furnace to a community is a matter of mathematical demonstration. The consequence of stopping a furnace of 900 to 1,000 tons capacity per week would be somewhat as follows: The freight receipts, inward and outward, amount to not less than gi 5,000 to $ 20,000 per month, which is about equal to the average revenue to a railroad derived from a city of 20,000 people. This gives one some idea of the enormous amount of business set in motion by a large furnace in opera- tion. In addition to the direct loss to the railroad in the falling off of its business, the employees of the railroad and those dependent upon them would suffer corresponding hardships and losses. There would also be cut off in wages to furnace employees ;?! 5,000 to $16,000 per month. The farmers in the vicinity who sell their farm products — flour, bacon, corn, hay, potatoes, butter, eggs, chickens, fruits and live stock — would lose a ready, profitable home 430 Labors’ Hard Times School* market, and would soon be made to feel the hard times incidental to stopping the furnace. The coal miner would also have to stand his share of the burden, as it requires from 300 to 350 tons of coal per day to produce coke for such a furnace. This would cut off about ;^io, 000 monthly at the coal mines and result in preventing 150 to 200 miners from earning their daily bread. Following in the track of depression and losses, our wholesale merchants at home would suffer a monthly loss of thousands of dollars of trade. To present these results with more practical force we will work out the problem of one furnace and apply to the entire iron interest of Tennessee and give the figures in gross covering a year: The loss to railroad in freight, passenger fares, and in- direct services, $20,000 per month $240,000 The loss to those dependent upon railroad, $1,000 per month. 12,000 Employees of furnace, $15,000 to $16,000 per month . . 186,000 To farmers in vicinity, $8,000 per month 96,000 Coal miners, $10,000 per month 120,000 Wholesale merchants, say $6,000 per month 72,000 Doctor fees, monthly, $300 3,600 Total loss estimated to the people of Tennessee by stopping furnace for one year $729,600 IRON — ARCHITECTURAL AND ORNAMENTAL, I89O. No. 207. Establishments 724 Capital ; $21,968,172 Employees 18,672 Wages $11,951,457 Materials 18,620,510 Products 37,745»294 Wages, per capita, $640.07. Labors’ Hard Times School. 43A IRON AND STEEL — IN GENERAL, iSQO. No. 208. Establishments Capital Employees Wages Materials Products 645 $373,478,018 152,535 $ 84,665,506 295.777,843 430,954,348 Wages, per capita, $555.05. IRON AND STEEL — NAILS AND SPIKES, CUT AND WROUGHT, INCLUDING WIRE NAILS, I89O. No. 209. Establishments Capital.. Employees Wages Materials Products Wages, per capita, $456.76. 138 $ 24,334,549 12,064 $ 7,816,994 22,960,737 34,227,517 IRON AND STEEL — PIPE, WROUGHT, I89O. No. 2T0. Establishments Capital Employees Wages Materials Products Wages, per capita, $484.53. 22 22,622,367 17,116 5,845,462 25,988,798 37,906,801 IRON AND STEEL — BESSEMER STEEL. No. 2II. In 1865 the first Bessemer steel rail was made in this country. There was a duty of 45 per cent, on the foreign product at that time. This continued until January i, 1871, when the act of Congress which imposed a specific duty of ^28 a ton went into effect. Steel rails in 1867 were selling in our market 432 Labors’ Hard Times School. for $i 66 a ton in currency or §138 in gold. The price had fallen to ^106.75 in 1870, when the duty was imposed. Now, if the free trader is correct in his theory, the imposition of the duty of $28 per ton would have had the effect of advancing the price from $106.75 ^ $134.75 a ton. But what has been the result? In 1867 our steel rail mills pro- duced 2,278 tons. In 1887 they produced 2,101,904 tons. How about the price? A ton, in 1867, was sold in our market at $166; a ton in March, 1888, sold for $31.50. What becomes of the free trader’s theory again, that the duty enhances the cost of the article and becomes a tax to the consumer? But in this connection we must not lose sight of the fact that millions of capital have been invested in this industry by reason of the encouragement extended by the act of 1870, and that thousands of laborers have been employed in this great industry. Mr, Maxwell. What I have read to you, Mr. Labor, shows very conclusively that the tax on steel rails was not added to the product soon as we could manufacture in quantities to supply our own de- mands, and had it not been for the duty originally we would not be so extensively in that business in this country, and beyond any question steel rails would be selling in our market for double the price they bring today. The question is so plainly stated as I have read that it needs no further comment. The importance of a pig iron furnace to a com- munity is so clear that more words are uncalled for. The figures, Mr. Labor, showing iron products in 1890 you see are misleading again on material. We will consider the table under the heading Labors’ Hard Times School. 433 IRON AND STEEL — IN GENERAL — 1 SqO. Wages get credit for $ 84,665,506 Materials get credit for 295,777,843 It is but very few people, Mr. Labor, who in read- ing the above figures will not take it for granted that the former amount represents all the days works that can be found in this statement, while, in truth, the material used was pig iron, fully two-thirds of which value is labor or days works paid for. Labor. We have already covered that point in full, Mr. Maxwell, in this same lesson. Mr. Maxwell. I am glad, Mr. Labor, that you take pains to remind me of that. If I dare do it I would suggest that a foot note be inserted on every page of your report of the proceedings in this school covering this very point. It cannot be repeated too many times, and I care not how frequently it is re- ferred to; there will be more in the end who will forget than there will be who remember it. You must not forget, Mr. Labor, that the best teacher is the one who repeats, rehashes and pounds away until he knows that not a single important point has been missed by a single pupil in his class. Schools are never charged with repeating and this is a school, and, for practical business purposes, the best I ever attended. I can assure you, Mr. Labor, that although I have been here every day, and paid strict attention to each and every lesson, I shall, when the proceedings are published, study them very closely, to be sure I have not overlooked a single thing of importance to me or to our country. When all our people, Mr. Labor, realize that what they buy is purchased of the seller of days works, and that the material means days works, they will 434 Labors’ Hard Times School. see the special importance of buying the material at home and keep our money at home. A man working in a factory making shoes ought to be in favor of using American leather, for, if the men making leather can sell their days works to make such leather they will have money to buy and wear out the shoes the factory man makes. Now, I am going to repeat again, Mr. Labor, that leather is material and the question is, — do we all catch the point and see the importance of making and using our own material and thus build and improve our own market? If I thought there was a man here now who had missed this point I would go and beat it into him with a club, and repeat it with the club until I knew he had it regardless of any charge of repeating. Labor. You are right, Mr. Maxwell, and I concede your claims. What we desire is that everybody shall recognize the labor that is in everything, and that the selling of our labor is what makes our market. The two brothers, one a farmer and the other a me- chanic, was a good illustration. If the farmer’s barn should burn with his grain in it, everyone would feel so sorry that he had lost his year’s work, for, very likely, the barn would be insured but not the grain. This could all be seen and realized. The mechanic brother, however, had met with just as severe a loss, but we fail to recognize and realize it as we should. What I have said on this is from the stand that the farmer brother did all his own work. Mr. Maxwell. If a cargo of grain belonging to our own country, which represents days works for a mass of people, sinks to the bottom of the ocean, we can see that our country has had a loss, but it is virtually Labors’ Hard Times School. 435 no greater loss than the enforced idleness of the same number of people in other industries, where the value of their employment would be equal to the grain. One we can see and the other it seems we try not to see. Even this has been told us here before, in some other words if not the same, but it is good to reiter- ate that its fruit may not be lost. We are short sighted, Mr. Labor. I might try to make myself believe I could do as well selling for- eign goods on the road, but if I did it would send just so much more of our money to Germany, Eng- land, Erance, Japan and other countries, and hurt our market just that much, and in the end I would sell fewer goods, which would cause me to work for less pay. This is a fact, too, that cannot be dis- guised, Mr. Labor. I am not willing to buy our goods of foreign countries, and see the people selling them to us smoking perfectos, or better, while we are smoking cob pipes. Labor. If we are honest and true to ourselves we will patronize our own people first, so far as it is possible to do so. Speaking of honesty, I would like to have you de- fine an honest man, Mr. Maxwell. Mr. Maxwell. You have asked me to solve a prob- lem that up to date I have been unable to unravel. There is such a difference in the same man when it is convenient for him to be honest and when it is not, that the whole question staggers me. Labor. You have read a great deal about honest men and dishonest men, have you not? Mr. Maxzvell. How could honest men write or say 43^ Labors* Hard Times School, very much about dishonesty? They are not posted. I cannot remember of Abraham Lincoln ever writ- ing or saying very much about dishonest people. Labor. You have often read of officials charging that some one tried to bribe them? Mr. Maxwell. Yes, I have, Mr. Labor, and the play they are making always confuses me. Most people are after a reward of some kind, that I do know, and it is difficult for them to pass the station that ap- pears to hold the greatest opportunity. I had an official tell me once that no one ever tried to buy him, but if anyone ever did try he would keep still about it, and ask the buyer how he found out that he would sell. If the party said no one had ever told or intimated to him that he was in the market or anything of the kind, and he believed he was telling the truth, then the official said he would ask him what there was in his looks or actions that had encouraged the offer, saying to me, “You know, Maxwell, it is never too late to reform.” I asked him if he didn't think a man who would buy an official ought to be exposed. Yes, he said, he did, but he added, “If a man should try to buy me I would feel so ashamed over something I had done or said, or the kind of reputation I had that I would be the last one to open my mouth about it, but I would try to find out what had aroused the man’s courage to the point of making the offer.” Labor. Some people, Mr. Maxwell, pay their debts promptly and some do not. Mr. Maxwell. That is no particular evidence of honesty. If a man owes a dollar and pays it he simply conforms to the law; he has only done what the law requires of him. Most business men today Labors’ Hard Times School. 437 pay promptly because it is policy to do so. They want that kind of a reputation; it helps them in their business. What worse blast could a house get than to miss a week in paying their help? No, Mr. Labor, you have given me too large a question to handle; the word honesty covers too much. You will have to let me give it up. If we can find out how to be truly honest to ourselves, we will come about as near treating everybody else all right as any other way. You know what Shakespeare tells us about ^‘to thyself be true.’’ A man is honest in proportion as he is unselfish, and in the same ratio is he a Christian. I think Lin- coln was the most unselfish public man I have ever read of. It is easy to condemn, and many are prolific in that art, but if you keep close watch you will find them frequently taking a dirty trick themselves when they think they can do it by winking the other eye. Of course this does not mean me, or anyone present. My sympathy always goes out to the man who shows by what he says or writes that he is burdened with too much honesty. It has already been said here, and it is true, that the man who seeks to rise by pulling others down is sure sooner or later to run out of material. If we were all sincerely honest we would buy and wear only American goods. What will answer for President McKinley to be inaugurated in is plenty good enough for any Ameri- can to wear. I hope that if there is anything of foreign make in use in the White House that our country can pro- duce, President McKinley will make a present of it 43B Labors’ Hard Times School to former Presidents and replace it with American make. Dine and wine all who enter there on Ameri- can dishes and set an example for future Presidents. Labor. You are aware, Mr. Maxwell, that our aim is to better our country and to better our people. When we are doing that we are moving in lines best suited to the true interest of our wage earners. What can you recommend in the latter’s interest that has not already been tried? Mr. Maxwell. It looks to me like you are striving after hard questions, Mr. Labor. If I were going to advise the wage earners of the United States how to benefit themselves I would tell them to hire the best adviser on earth, and then listen to him. Labor. Wage earners have always had plenty of advisers, Mr. Maxwell. Mr. Maxwell. Yes, they have always had plenty of cheap advisers. Good and valuable advisers come high, the same as anything else that is of much worth. If wage earners will hire a lawyer who is worth ^50,000 a year (I say worth that) and let such a man study their interests, listen to him and do just as he tells them, they will get all that is their due, and they won’t have to lose half their time through strikes to get it, either. Labor. It would require a very peculiar man to fill such a place, and succeed, Mr. Maxwell. Mr. Maxwell. It would require a man with a very popular national reputation; it would require a man as free from the tarnish of guile or intrigue as Mr. Idncoln, Conklin or Grant; it would require a man as firm as any of those three. It would require a man who is honest because he has no disposition to be anything else. It would require a man who at Labors’ Hard Times School. 439 heart scorns buying goods of foreign countries that our wage earners can make. It would require a man who, when his card was sent in to no matter how difficult a place to enter, the doors would fly open at once, rather than to receive word to be seat- ed and await his turn. Not only that the doors would fly open either, but that the magnate within would come forth to greet him, not trusting others to carry the word to enter. When wage earners will employ such a man, Mr. Labor, to study their interest, one able to meet tal- ent with talent, they will have opened the way to peace and plenty for themselves. The last things that wage earners can afford to have are expensive contentions and fights. What they want is settle- ment and peace. You will find that the best law talent obtainable is directing all our large enterprises today. Such en- terprises would not think of moving in any new direction until the approval of their attorney was had.' Talent, however, that would answer for every day affairs would not answer for the wage earners. They, to succeed, must have a representative man, with all known good qualities, and no bad ones, combined with the talent. They require a man so large in heart and mind that there are none larger. The largest interests in the United States today are those of labor; then why should labor allow any smaller institution to have any better adviser than they? You need not tell me that ordinary men can do this work for labor; they cannot reach far enough. Labor by nature has the sympathy of our whole country, and the right man to constantly adjust that 440 Labors’ Hard Times School. sympathy and the wage earners so as to keep them m touch with each other would not meet with resist- ance sufficient to make disputes interesting, let alone having such a thing as contests. The chief worth of such a man to wage earners, Mr. Labor, would be when he pointed out to them their duties, and held them in lines where, strictly speaking, they could not criticise themselves. If wage earners can find a man in height six feet, weighing 200 pounds. Full of talent, to meet talent. Full of honesty, to meet honesty, Full of justice, to meet justice. Full of fairness, to meet fairness, Full of refinement, to meet refinement, Full of sagacity, to meet sagacity. Full of logic, to meet logic, one of the select, to meet the select, and one that the circle of the select cannot be complete until he is there — they, the wage earners, can well afford to pay such a man $100,000 per year, if he cannot be had for less money, but he must be a man who will not need to go out into the open to seek the loan of a heart or soul. I might as well claim, Mr. Labor, that I could handle a large army as successfully as the greatest general who ever graduated at West Point as for wage earners to tell me that they can with any or- dinary talent, or any ordinary man, economically direct their own interests. Like against like, full of courage for the right, is what will win for them. The wage earner has all the advantage, and always has had, but when he dons the garb of the bully the eye of the law, and all the forces behind the law, Labors’ Hard Times School. 44r including every consistent citizen, will be upon him. I havs a table here, showing the occupation of all the people of our country, according to the census of 1890. All occupations show the immense number of 22,735,661. Over five million of these people were, in 1890, employed in manufacturing and me- chanical industries. I do not think it best, Mr. Labor, to take up the time of the- class in discussing any of the special de- partments of labor; the field is too broad, or was in 1890, when everybody was in some manner em- ployed. I am satisfied that you will look upon this table as containing too much valuable information to leave out of your proceedings. It is copied from the Daily News Almanac of 1896, and shows nearly two million laborers not specified. Any who choose can very readily go through the table when they get the published proceedings and gather a comprehensive conception of the wage earners' interest. 442 Labors’ Hard Times School. OCCUPATIOXS OF THE PEOPL.E. Number of persons in the United States engaged in each specified occupa- tion, classified by sex, Census of 1890. For foot notes as(l) , etc., see end of table, pages 446-447. OCCUPATIONS. Total. Males. Females. All occupations 22,735,661 18,820,950 3,914,711 Agriculture, fisheries, and mining 9,013,201 8,333,692 679,509 Agricultural laborers (1) 3,004,015 2,556.930 447,085 Apiarists 1,800 1,755 45 Dairymen and dairy women 17,806 16,072 1,734 Farmers, planters, aud overseers (2) 5,281,557 5,055,130 226,4 27 Fishermen and oystermen (3) 60,150 59,887 263 Gardeners, florists, nurserymen, ana vine growers 72,601 70,186 2,415 Lumbermen and raftsmen 65,857 65,829 28 Miners (coal) 208,549 208,330 219 Miners (not otherwise specified) 141,039 140.906 133 Quairymen 37,658 37,628 30 Stock raisers, herders, and drovers.. 70,734 70,047 687 Wood choppers 33,697 33,665 32 Other agricultural pursuits (4) 17,738 17,327 411 Professional service 944,323 632,641 311,682 Actors 9,728 5,779 3,949 Architects 8,070 8.048 22 Artists and teachers of art 22,486 11,676 10,810 Authors and literary and scientific persons 6,714 3,989 2,725 Chemists,assayers,and metallurgists 4,510 4,464 46 Clergymen 88,295 87,060 1,235 Dentists 17,498 17,161 337 Designers, draughtsmen, and invent- ors 9,322 9,086 306 Engineers (civil, mechanical, electri- cal, and mining) and surveyors — 43,242 43,115 127 Journalists. 21,849 20,961 888 Lawyers 89,630 89,422 208 Musicians and teachers of music — 62,155 27,636 34,519 Officers of United States army and 2,926 2,926 Officials, government (5) 79,664 74,789 4,875 Physicians and surgeons 104,803 100,248 4,555 Professors in colleges and universi- ties 5,432 4,697 735 Teachers 341,811 96,581 245,230 Theatrical managers, showmen, etc.. 18,055 17,421 634 Veterinary surgeons — 6,494 6,492 2 Other professional service 1,569 1,090 479 Domestic and personal service 4,360,506 2,692,920 1,667,686 Barbers and hairdressers 84,976 82,15i 2,825 Bartenders 55,807 55,660 147 Boarding and lodging house keepers 44,349 11,756 32,593 Engineers and firemen (not Jocomo- tive) 139,765 139,718 47 Hotelkeepers 44,140 92,810 38,825 5,315 Housekeepers and stewards (6) 6,008 86,802 Hunters, trappers, guides, and scouts 2,552 2,53 1 2 1 Janitors 21,556 18,776 2,780 Laborers, not specified (1) 1,913,317 1,858,504 54,813 Launderers and 1 ^undresses 248,443 31,816 216,627 Nurses and midwives 58,090 6,688 51,402 Labors’ Hard Times School. 443 OCCUPATIONS OF THE PEOPLE. — Continued. OCCUPATIONS. Total. Males. Females. Restaurant keepers 19,301 16,885 2,416 Saloonkeepers 71,412 69,137 2.275 Servants 1.443,399 237,523 1,205,876 Sextons 4,981 4,954 30 Soldiers, sailors, and marines, U.S. (7) 27,919 27,919 Watchmen, policemen, and detectives 74,633 74,350 283 Other domestic and personal service 13,053 9,619 3,434 Trade and transportation 3,325,962 3,097.653 228 309 Agents (claim, commission, real es- tate, insurance, etc.) and collectors 174,579 169,704 4,875 Auctioneers * Bankers and brokers, (money and 3,207 3,205 29,516 2 stocks) 30,020 504 Boatmen and canalmen 16,719 16,683 36 Bookkeepers and accountants (8) , . . 159,374 131,602 27.772 Brokers (commercial) 5,965 5,953 12 Clerks and copyists (9) 556,900 492,852 64,048 Commercial travelers 58,701 58,089 612 Draymen, hackmen, teamsters, etc.. 368,502 368,265 237 Foremen and overseers 36,100 355,117 983 Hostlers 54,029 54,005 24 Hucksters and peddlers 59,083 56,824 2,259 Livery stable keepers 26,767 26,719 48 Locomotive engineers and firemen (10) 79,463 79,459 4 Merchants and dealers In drugs and chemicals (retail) 46,411 45,672 739 Merchants and dealers in dry goods (retail) 42,587 40,358 2,229 Merchants and dealers in groceries (retail) 115,085 108,722 6,363 Merchants and dealers in wines and liquors (retail) 10,090 9,945 145 Merchants and dealers in wines and liquors (wholesale) 3,657 3,609 48 Merchants and dealers not specified (retail) 446,230 430,303 15,927 Merchants and dealers (wholesale), importers and shipping merchants 27,542 27,344 198 Messengers and errand andofficeboys 51,355 48,446 2,909 Newspaper carriers and newsboys. .. 5,288 5,216 72 Officials of banks, and of insurance, trade, transportation, trust, and other companies (11) 39,956 39,719 237 Packers and shippers 24,930 18,426 6,504 Pilots 4,266 4,265 1 Porters and helpers (in stores and warehouses) 24,327 24,002 329 Sailors (1) 55,904 55,875 25 Salesmen and saleswomen ^ 264,380 205,931 58,449 Steam railroad employes (not other- wise specified (12) 382,750 381,312 1,438 Stenographers and typewriters 33,333 12,148 21,185 Street railway employes 37,435 37.423 12 Telegraph and telephone operators.. 52,214 43,740 8,474 Telegraph and telephone linemen and eleclric light company employes. . . 11,134 10.465 669 Undertakers 9,900 9,817 S3 ^V’^eighers, gaugers, and measurers... 3,897 3,842 55 0- her persons in trade and transpor- tation 3,882 3,080 802 444 Labors’ Hard Times School. OCCUPATIONS OF THE PEOPLE — Continued. OCCUPATIONS. Total. Males. Females. Manufacturing and mechanical indus tries 5,091,-669 4,064,144 1,027,525 Agricultural implement makers, not otherwise classified (13) 3,771 3,717 64 Apprentices (blacksmiths) 4,245 4,242 3 Apprentices (boot and shoe makers) 1,031 1,004 27 Apprentices (carpenters and joiners) 6,735 6,726 9 Apprentices (carriage and wagon ma- kers 853 851 2 Apprentices (dressmakers) 4,439 132 4,307 Apprentices (leather curriers, etc.) . . 422 421 1 Apprentices (machinists) 9,729 9,717 12 Apprentices (masons) 1.927 1,926 1 Apprentices (milliners) 1,835 140 1,195 Apprentices (painters) 2,322 2,314 8 Apprentices (plumbers) 4,579 4,576 3 Apprentices (printers) 4,628 4,476 152 Apprentices (tailors) 2,625 1,925 700 Apprentices (tinsmiths) 2,036 2,032 4 Apprentices (not otherwise specified) 35,580 34,039 1,541 Artificial flower makers 3,130 603 2.527 Bakers 60,181 57,908 2.273 Basket makers 5,223 4,517 706 Blacksmiths 205,315 205,256 59 Bleachers, dyers, and scourers 14,19^ 12,495 1,697 Bone and ivory workers . . 1,792 1,548 244 Bookbinders 23,787 12.289 11,498 Boot and shoe makers and repairers 218,447 179,838 33,609 Bottlers, and mineral and soda water makers 7,215 6,659 556 Box makers (paper) .. 19,239 6,271 12,968 Box makers (wood) 9,446 8,098 1,348 Brass workers (not otherwise speci- fied) (14) 17,268 16,353 915 Brewers and maltsters (15) 20,349 20,277 72 Brick and tile makers and terra cotta workers (15) 60,201 60,007 194 Britannia workers 1,020 893 127 Broom and brush makers 10,117 8,944 1,173 Builders and contractors 45,986 45,976 10 Butchers 105,442 105,313 129 Butter and cheese makers 11,440 10,941 499 Button makers 2,589 1,067 1,622 Cabinet makers 35,926 35,891 35 Candle, soap, and tallow makers.. .. 3,449 3,053 396 Carpenters and joiners 611,417 611,226 191 Carpet makers (16) 22,290 11,545 10,745 Carriage and wagon makers (not otherwise classified (27) 34,572 34,294 278 'Charcoal, coke, and lime burners.. .. 8,699 8,684 15 Chemical works employes (17) 3,783 2,689 1,044 Clock and watch makers and repair- ers 25,303 20,543 4,760 Compositors (18) 29,988 23,702 6,286 Confectioners 23,168 17,562 5,606 Coopers 47,489 47,435 54 Copper workers 3,381 3,873 8 Corset makers 6,608 792 5,816 Cotton mill operatives (19) 173,058 80,144 92,914 Distillers and rectifiers (20) 3,349 3,340 9 Door, sash, and blind makers (21) .. 5,062 5,034 28 Dressmakers 1 288,983 828 288,165 Labors* Hard Times School, 445 OCCUPATIONS OF THE PEOPLE — Continued. OCCUPATIONS. Total. Males. Females. Electroplaters 2,757 ' 2,64E ) 112 Electrotypers and stereotypers (18) . 1,508 ! 1,50£ ! 5 Engravers 8,319 1 8,016 i 303 Fertilizer maker (17) 716 1 705 1 11 Fish curers and packers (22) 1,303 ; 1,095 208 Gas works employes (17) 5,246 5,209 37 Glass workers 34,382 32,660 ' 1,722 Glove makers 6,432 2,760 3,663 Gold and silver workers Gunsmiths, locksmiths, and bell 20,225 16,890 3,335 hangers 9,154 9,065 89 Hair workers Harness and saddle makers and re 1,266 708 558 pairers 43,468 42,612 856 Hat and cap makers Hosiery and knitting mill operatives 24,030 17,336 6,694 (16) 29,219 8,706 20,513 Iron and steel workers (23) 144,536 142,087 2,449 Lace and embroidery makers 5,393 915 4,478 Lead and zinc workers Leather curriers, dressers, finishers, 4,685 4,452 233 and tanners 39,345 39,032 313 Machinists Manufacturers and ofiicials of manu- 177,076 176,937 139 facturing companies 103,265 101,216 2,049 Marble and stone cutters 61,069 61,006 63 Masons (brick and stone) Meat and fruit packers, canners, and 158,916 158,874 42 preservers (24) 6,002 4,604 1,398 Mechanics (not otherwise specified) . Metal workers (not otherwise speci 15,481 15.468 13 fied ) Mill and factory operatives (not spe- 16,702 15,840 862 cified) (25) Millers (flour and grist) 93,411 51,561 41,859 52,844 52.745 99 Milliners 60,464 406 60,058 Model and pattern makers 10,301 10,156 145 Molders Musical instrument makers (nototh 66;288 66,241 47 erwise specified (26) 724 701 23 Nail and tack makers (27) 4,638 4,130 508 Oil well employes 9,239 9,229 10 Oil works employes 5,624 5,587 37 Painters, glaziers, and varnishers. .. 219,868 218,622 1,246 Paper hangers 12,367 12,313 54 Paper mill operatives 27,824 18,869 8,955 Photographers Piano and organ makers and tuners 20,029 17,834 2,195 (28) 14,717 14,360 357 Plasterers 38,935 38,912 23 Plumbers and gas and steam fitters. 56,597 56,555 42 Potters 14,963 12,943 2,020 Powder and cartridge makers Printers, lithographers and press- 1,396 978 418 men (29) 86,454 80,889 5,565 Printworks operatives (30) Publishers of books, maps and news- 7,103 5,356 1,747 papers 6,426 6,207 219 Roofers and slaters 7,137 7,134 3 Rope and cordage makers 8,420 5.044 3,376 Rubber factory operatives 16,349 9.886 6,463 Sail, awninar, and tent makers 3,244 2.999 245 Labors* Hard Times School. 446 OCCUPATIONS OF THE PEOPLE — Continued. OCCUPATIONS. Total. Males. Females. Salt works employes 1,867 1,758 109 Saw and planing mill employes (31) 133,518 133,216 302 Seamstresses (32) Sewing machine makers (not other- 149,704 3,988 145,716 wise classified) (23) 1,085 888 197 Sewing machine operators (32) 7,028 1.145 5,883 Ship and boat builders 22,932 22,929 3 Shirt, collar, and cuff makers (35) . . 21.155 5,206 15,949 Silk mill operatives (36) 34,814 14,192 20,622 Starch makers 775 681 194 Steam boiler makers 21,278 21,272 6 Stove, furnace, and grate makers(27) 9,420 9,397 23 Straw workers 3,805 1,342 2,463 Sugar makers and refiners 2,737 2,733 4 Tailors and tailoresses (35) 185,197 121,586 63,611 Tinners and tinware makers 55,374 54,427 947 Tobacco and cigar factory operatives Tool and cutlery makers (not other- 111,422 83,601 27,821 wise classified) (36) Trunk, valise, leather case, and 18,105 17,454 651 pocketbook makers 6,300 5,467 833 Umbrella and parasol makers 3,415 1,480 1,935 Upholsterers 25,723 23,916 1,807 Well borers 4,889 4,888 1 Wheelwrignts 12,853 12,852 1 Whitewashers 3,984 3.975 9 Wire workers. Wood workers (not otherwise speci- 12,348 11,255 1,093 fied) 67,225 63,529 3,696 Woolen mill operatives (37) Other persons in manufacturing and 84,071 47.636 36,435 mechanical industries 74.686 59.807 3 4,87 ■9 (1.) In agricultural districts “agricultural laborers” are often reported simply as laborers. (2.) Farmers’ wives, sons, and daughters, working in common and without stated remuneration, especially in the southern states, are often reported as “farmers” and so tabulated. (3.) Frequently returned as “sailors.” In many cases where the avoca- tion is followed for only a portion of the year they are reported under some other branch of industry. (4.) Includes “turpentine farmers and laborers,” principally found in a few of the southern states. (5.) Includes national, state, county, city, and town governments. (6.) Includes pfiid housekeepers in private families, hotels, etc., matrons in public and private institutions and stewards and stewardesses. (7.) “Sailors” at sea are liable to be omitted unless they are actual members of families which are enumerated. (8.) Includes bookkeepers and accountants of all kinds, irrespective of where they may happen to be employed. (9.) Includes clerks and copyists of all kinds, irrespective of where they may happen to be employed. See “Stenographers and typewriters.” (io,) See “Steam railroad employes (not otherwise specified).” (11.) Includes officials of mining and quarrying companies, classified iu 1880 with officials of manufacturing companies. (12.) See “Tiocomotive engineers and firemen.” (13.) Generally reported as blacksmiths, carpenters, iron and steel workers, machinists, painters, wood workers, etc. (14.) See “ Holders ” and “ Metal workers (not otherwise specified).” (15.) The unskilled workmen are often reported as common laborers. (16.) S e “ Woolen mill operatives ” and “ Mill and factory operatives (not specified).” Labors’ Hard Times School. 447 (17.) Generally reported as blacksmiths, carpenters, iron and steel workers, machinists, painters and varnishers, upholsterers and trimmers, wheelwrights, woodworkers, etc. (18.) The unskilled workmen are often reported as common laborers. (19.) See ‘‘Printers, lithographers, and pressmen,” (20.) See ‘ Print-works operatives ” and “ Mill and factory operatives (not specified.” (21.) See “Saw and planing mill employes.” (22.) See ‘‘Meat and fruit packers, canners, and preservers.” (23.) Includes employes of foundries, furnaces, and rolling mills. See “Metal workers (not otherwise specified),” “Moiders,” “Nail and tack makers,” and “Stove, furnace, and grate makers.” (24.) See “Fish curers and packers.” (25.) Includes textile mill operatives (not otherwise specified), and also mill and factory hands for whom the specific branch of industry was not reported. (26.) See “Piano and organ makers and tuners.”” (27.) See “Iron and steelworkers,” and ‘‘Metal workers (not otherwise specified).” (28.) See “Musical instrument makers (not otherwise specified).” (29.) See “Compositors” and “Electrotypers and sterreotypers.” (30.) See “Cotton mill operatives ” and “Mill and factory operatives (not specified.” (31.) See “Door, sash, and blind makers.” (32.) See “Sewing machine operators,” ‘Shirt, collar, and cuff makers,” and “Tailors and tailoresses.” (33.) Generally reported as cabinet makers, iron and steel workers, machinists, wood workers, etc. (34,) See “Seamstresses,” “Shirt, collar, and cuff makers,” and “ Tailors and tailoresses.” (35.) See “ Seamstresses ” and “ Sewing machine operators.” (36.) Generally reported as blacksmiths, machinists, etc. (37.) See “Carpet makers,” “ Hosiery and knitting mill operatives.” and “ Mill and factory operatives (not specified).” Mr. Maxwell. No person can examine that list of toilers for bread, Mr. Labor, without discovering that everybody is interested in the wage earner’s in- terest. 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I “o g'o gi2— ' I d g g o d j ft ft CD-O c d » ■ bo ^ O CO ^ ri CO H fl-i da “S p d a ^ r! cn CO O fH d • ^ g d 2 ’d CO aif ;§ I I'd ^ • d s ! d O-dT O) o M — H s-4a d^ c a co~ d d d a d a'^^ ”.a S ^ ' .sp-'gd^ ogggd a ^ .dc- ( H CD d ^ 20 APPENDIX A (N os CO C9 .CQ.'H . . . .=. -fosocx)000? osos'^ <0 o) O) as os OS • .asasasoscc CQ W os CD os CO : 35 o-§ CS O O^S-IO Of-^ o o o o J>COCOrH,HTJfeO?C^feT3'COT3T3 •JOJO CS OOOOOOiOiOiOOOCS TOlOW-CO'CrHC^r-lCOWCOlO orbntterine I 3*40 lb | 3%c lb Appendix A. 21 tHCOCD 05 0) CD C^CO => o 73 'Ti 0? 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(in (.H O W P^H Xi S P.( m Pencil APPENDIX A loioo oo : oo.fHO TjH^OOTJrH • tH(MPM)0 o\o\ lOlOOlOO IOtJHIOCOt ■ oo oo rHIM'CiO o y-i H <1 S ^ o f-H CC-M JiD U «.p. ^<3 rn t -L a o L “ >ja 5 p^ o ^ ® O o ^ o ^ 0 flP o |:d|.2a^| o go oggi^ss 1 ^ d 2 ftg § ® d rS ^ rrt CO M d >-.2f O M o O 'Ti M as O^ >r^ fl ® ft d'^ ® o cScli ^ '«S«2|J=3 ®.!h .&f^ a PM p cn^ ® 9 * Or^ "I ::S§ g‘? §- CO ^ I ^ ^ o « 5 tj • d ® d ”cO dTS eM "^ — < p _4 a® miS 03 =3 03 03 O in ® f any country or dependency shall impose an export duty on wood pulp exported to the United States, there shall be imposed upon printing paper when imported from such country or dependency, an additional duty of one-tenth of one cent per pound for each dollar of export duty per cord so imposed, and proportionately for fractions of aMollar of such export duty. 397. Papers commonly known as copying paper, stereo- type paper, paper known as bibulous paper, tissue paper, pot- tery paper, and all similar papers, white, colored or printed, weighing not over six pounds to the ream of four hundred and eighty sheets, on a basis of twenty by thirty inches, and whether in reams or any other form, six cents per pound and fifteen per centum ad valorem; if weighing over six pounds and not over ten pounds to the ream, and letter copying books, whether wholly or partly manufactured, five cents per pound and fifteen per centum ad valorem; crepe paper and filtering paper, five cents per pound and fifteen per centum ad valorem. 398. Surface-coated papers not specially provided for in this Act, two and one-half cents per pound and fifteen per centum ad valorem; if printed, or wholly or partly covered with metal or its solutions, or with gelatin or flock, three cents Appendix B. S2 per pound and twenty per centum ad valorem; parchment papers, two cents per pound and ten per centum ad valorem, plain basic photographic papers for albumenizing, sensitizing, or baryta coating, three cents per pound and ten per centum ad valorem; albumenized or sensitized paper or paper other- wise surface coated for photographic purposes, thirty per* centum ad valorem. MANUFACTURES OF PAPER: 399. Paper envelopes, plain, twenty per centum ad valo- rem; if bordered, embossed, printed, tinted, or decorated, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 400. Lithographic prints from stone, zinc, aluminum, or other material, bound or unbound (except cigar labels, flaps, and bands, lettered, or otherwise), music and illustrations when forming a part of a periodical or newspaper and accompanying the same, or if bound in or forming a part of printed books, not specially provided for in this Act), on paper or other ma- terial not exceeding eight one-thousandth of an inch in thick- ness, twenty cents per pound; on paper or other material ex- ceeding eight one-thousandths of one inch and not exceeding twenty one-thousandths of one inch in thickness, and exceed- ing thirty-five square inches, but not exceeding four hundred square inches cutting size in dimensions, eight cents per pound; exceeding four hundred square inches cutting size in dimensions, thirty-five per centum ad valorem; prints exceed- ing eight one-thousandths of one inch and not exceeding twenty one-thousandths of one inch in thickness, and not ex- ceeding thirty-five square inches cutting size in dimensions, five cents per pound; lithographic prints from stone, zinc, alumi- num, or other material, on cardboard or other material, ex- ceeding twenty one-thousandths of one inch in thickness, six cents per pound; lithographic cigar labels, flaps and bands, lettered or blank, printed from stone, zinc, aluminum or other material, if printed in less than eight colors (bronze printing to be counted as two colors), but not including labels, flaps and bands printed in whole or in part in metal leaf, twenty cents per pound. Labels, flaps and bands, if printed entirely in bronze printing, fifteen cents per pound; labels, flaps and bands printed in eight or more colors but not including labels, flaps and bands printed in whole or in part in metal leaf, thirty cents per pound; labels, flaps and bands printed in whole or in part in metal leaf, fifty cents per pound. Books of paper or other material for children’s use, containing illuminated litho- graphic prints, not exceeding in weight twenty-four ounces each, and all booklets and fashion magazines or periodicals printed in whole or in part by lithographic process or deco- rated by hand, eight cents per pound. 401. Writing, letter, note, hand-made, drawing, ledger, bond, record, tablet and typewriter paper, weighing not less than ten pounds and not more than fifteen pounds to the ream. Appendix B. 53 two cents per pound and ten per centum ad valorem; weigh- ing more than fifteen pounds to the ream, three and one-half cents per pound and fifteen per centum ad valorem; but if any such paper is ruled, bordered, embossed, printed, or decorated in any manner, it shall pay ten per centum ad valorem in addi- tion to the foregoing rates: Provided, That in computing the duty on such paper every one hundred and eighty thousand square inches shall be taken to be a ream. 402. Paper hangings and paper for screens or fireboards, and all other paper not specially provided for in this Act, twenty-five per centum ad valorem; all Jacquard designs of one-line paper, or parts of such designs, finished or unfinished, thirty-five per centum ad valorem, all Jacquard designs cut on Jacquard cards, or parts of such designs, finished or unfin- ished, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. MANUFACTURES OF PAPER: 403. Books of all kinds, including blank books and pamphlets, and engravings bound or unbound, photographs, etchings, maps, charts, music in books or sheets, and printed matter, all the foregoing not specially provided for in this Act, twenty-five per centum ad valorem. 404. Photograph, autograph and scrap albums, wholly or partly manufactured, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 405. All fancy boxes made of paper, or of which paper is the component material of chief value, or if covered with sur- face-coated paper, forty-five per centum ad valorem. 406. Playing cards, in packs not exceeding fifty-four cards and at a like rate for any number in excess, tzn cents per pack and twenty per centum ad valorem. 407. Manufactures of paper, or of which paper is the component material of chief value, not specially provided for in this Act, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. SCHEDULE N. SUNDRIES. 408. Beads of all kinds, not threaded or strung, thirty-five per centum ad valorem; fabrics, nets or nettings, laces, em- broideries, galloons, wearing apparel, ornaments, trimmings and other articles not specially provided for in this Act, com- posed wholly or in part of beads or spangles made of glass or paste, gelatin, metal or other material but not composed in part of wool, sixty per centum ad valorem. 409. Braids, plaits, laces, and willow sheets or squares, composed wholly of straw, chip, grass, palm leaf, willow, osier, or rattan, suitable for making or ornamenting hats, bonnets or hoods, not bleached, dyed, colored or stained, fifteen per centum ad valorem; if bleached, dyed, colored or stained, twenty per centum ad valorem; hats, bonnets and hoods, com- posed of straw, chip, grass, palm leaf, willow, osier, or rattan, whether wholly or partly manufactured, but not trimmed. 54 Appendix B. thirty-five per centum ad valorem; if trimmed, fifty percent- urn ad valorem. But the terms “grass” and “straw” shall be understood to mean these substances in their natural form and structure and not the separated fiber thereof. 410. Brushes, brooms and feather dusters of all kinds, and hair pencils, in quills or otherwise, forty per centum ad valorem. 41 1. Bristles, sorted, bunched or prepared, seven and one- half cents per pound. BUTTONS AND BUTTON FORMS: 412. Trousers buckles made wholly or partly of iron or steel, or parts thereof, valued at not more than fifteen cents per hundred, five cents per hundred; valued at more than fif- teen cents per hundred and not more than fifty cents per hundred, ten cents per hundred; valued at more than fifty cents per hundred, fifteen cents per hundred; and in addition thereto on each and all of the above buckles or parts of buckles, fifteen per centum ad valorem. 413. Button forms: Bastings, mohair, cloth, silk, or other manufactures of cloth, woven or made in patterns of such size, shape or form, or cut in such manner as to be fit for buttons exclusively, ten per centum ad valorem. 414. Buttons or parts of buttons and button molds or blanks, finished or unfinished, shall pay duty at the following rates, the line button measure being one-fortieth of one inch, namely: Buttons known commercially as agate buttons, metal trousers buttons (except steel), and nickel bar buttons, one twelfth of one cent per line per gross; buttons of bone, and steel trousers buttons, one-fourth of one cent per line per gross; buttons of pearl or shell, one and one-half cents per line per gross; buttons of horn, vegetable ivory, glass, or metal, not specially provided for in this Act, three-fourths of one cent per line per gross, and in addition thereto, on all the foregoing articles in this paragraph, fifteen ppr centum ad valorem; shoe buttons made of paper, board, papier mache, pulp or other similar material, not specially provided for in this Act, valued at not exceeding three cents per gross, one cent per gross; buttons not specially provided for in this Act, and all collar or cuff buttons and studs, fifty per centum ad valorem. 415. Coal, bituminous, and all coals containing less than ninety-two per centum of fixed carbon and shale, sixty-seven cents per ton of twenty-eight bushels, eighty pounds to the bushel; coal slack or culm such as will pass through a half- inch screen, fifteen cents per ton of twenty eight bushels, eighty pounds to the bushel : Providedy That on all coal im- ported into the United States, which is afterwards used for fuel on board vessels propelled by steam and engaged in , trade with foreign countries, or in trade between the Atlantic and Pacific ports of the United States, and which are regis^ Appendix B. 55 tered under the laws of the United States, a drawback shall be allowed equal to the duty imposed by law upon such coal, and shall be paid under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall prescribe; coke, twenty per centum ad valorem. 416. Cork bark, cut into squares or cubes, eight cents per pound; manufactured corks over three-fourths of an inch in diameter, measured at larger end, fifteen cents per pound; three-fourths of an inch and less in diameter, measured at larger end, twenty-five cents per pound; cork, artificial, or cork substitutes, manufactured from cork waste and not otherwise provided for, eight cents per pound. 417. Dice, draughts, chessmen, chess balls, and billiard, pool and bagatelle balls, of ivory, bone, or other materials, fifty per centum ad valorem. 418. Dolls, doll heads, toy marbles of whatever materials composed, and all other toys not composed of rubber, china, porcelain, parian, bisque, earthen or stone ware, and not speci- ally provided for in this Act, thirty-five per centum ad val- orem. 419. Emery grams and emery manufactured, ground, pulverized, or refined, one cent per pound; emery wheels, emery files, and manufactures of which emery is the compo- nent material of chief value, twenty-five per centum ad va!^ orem. EXPLOSIVE SUBSTANCES: 420. Firecrackers of all kinds, eight cents per pound, the weight to include all coverings, wrappings, and packing ma- terial. 421. Fulminates, fulminating powders, and like articles, not specially provided for in this Act, thirty per centum ad valorem. 422. Gunpowder, and all explosive substances used for mining, blasting, artillery, or sporting purposes, when valued at twenty cents or less per pound, four cents per pound; val- ued above twenty cents per pound, six cents per pound. 423. Matches, friction or lucifer, of all descriptions, per gross of one hundred and forty-four boxes, containing not more lhan one hundred matches per box, eight cents per gross; when imported otherwise than in boxes containing not more than one hundred matches each, one cent per one thousand matches. 424. Percussion caps, thirty per centum ad valorem; cartridges, thirty-five per centum ad valorem; blasting caps, two dollars and thirty-six cents per one thousand caps. 425. Feathers and downs of all kinds, including bird skins or parts thereof with the feathers on, crude or not dressed, colored, or otherwise advanced or manufactured in any manner, not specially provided for in this Act, fifteen per centum ad valorem; when dressed, colored, or otherwise ad- 56 Appendix B. vanced or manufactured in any manner, including quilts of down and other manufactures of down, and also dressed and finished birds suitable for millinery ornaments, and artificial or ornamental feathers, fruits, grains, leaves, flowers, and stems or parts thereof, of whatever material composed, not specially provided for in this Act, fifty per centum ad valorem. 426. Furs, dressed on the skin but not made up into arti- cles, and furs not on the skin, prepared for hatters’ use, in- cluding fur skins carroted, twenty per centum ad valorem. 427. Fans of all kinds, except common palm leaf fans, fifty per centum ad valorem. 428. Gun v/ads of all descriptions, twenty per centum ad valorem. 429. Hair, human, if clean or drawn but not manufac- tured, twenty per centum ad valorem. 430. Hair, curled, suitable for beds or mattresses, ten per centum ad valorem. 431. Haircloth, known as “crinoline” cloth, ten cents per square yard; haircloth, known as “hair seating,” and hair press cloth, twenty cents per square yard. 432. Hats, bonnets or hoods, for men’s, women’s, boys’, or children’s wear, trimmed or untrimmed, including bodies, hoods, plateaux, forms or shapes, for hats or bonnets, com- posed wholly or in chief value of fur of the rabbit, beaver, or other animals, valued at not more than five dollars per dozen, two dollars per dozen; valued at more than five dollars per dozen and not more than ten dollars per dozen, three dollars per dozen; valued at more than ten dollars per dozen and not more than twenty dollars per dozen, five dollars per dozen; valued at more than twenty dollars per dozen, seven dollars per dozen; and in addition thereto on all the foregoing, twenty per centum ad valorem.. 433. Indurated fiber ware and manufactures of wood or other pulp, and not otherwise specially provided for, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. JEWELRY AND PRECIOUS STONES: 434. Articles commonly known as jewelery, and parts thereof, finished or unfinished, not specially provided for in this Act, including precious stones set, pearls set or strung, and cameos in frames, sixty per centum ad valorem. 435. Diamonds and other precious stones advanced in condition or value from their natural state by cleaving, split- ting, cutting, or other process, and not set, ten per centum ad valorem; imitations of diamonds or other precious stones, composed of glass or paste, not exceeding an inch in dimen- sions, not engraved, painted, or otherwise ornamented or deco- rated, and not mounted or set, twenty per centum ad valorem. 436. Pearls in their natural state, not strung or set, ten per centum ad valorem. Appendix B. 57 LEATHER, AND MANUFACTURES OF: 437. Hides of cattle, raw or uncured, whether dry, salted, or pickled, fifteen per centum ad valorem: P 7 'ovided^ That upon all leather exported, made from imported hides, there shall be allowed a drawback equal to the amount of duty paid on such hides, to be paid under such regulations as the Secre- tary of the Treasury may prescribe. 438. Band or belting leather, sole leather, dressed upper and all other leather, calfskins tanned or tanned and dressed, kangaroo, sheep and goat skins (including lamb and kid skins) dressed and finished, chamois and other skins and bookbinders’ calfskins, all the foregoing not specially pro- vided for in this Act, twenty per centum ad valorem; skins for morocco, tanned but unfinished, ten per centum ad val- orem; patent, japanned, varnished or enameled leather, weighing not over ten pounds per dozen hides or skins, thirty cents per pound and twenty per cent ad valorem; if weighing over ten pounds and not over twenty-five pounds per dozen, thirty cents per pound and ten per centum ad valorem; if weighing over twenty-five pounds per dozen, twenty cents per pound and ten per centum ad valorem; pianoforte leather and pianoforte action leather, thirty-five per centum ad valorem; leather shoe laces, finished or unfinished, fifty cents per gross pairs and twenty per centum ad valorem; boots and shoes made of leather, twenty-five per centum ad valorem; Provided, That leather cut into shoe uppers or vamps or other forms, suitable for conversion into manufactured articles, shall be classified as manufactures of leather and pay duty ac- cordingly. GLOVES: 439. Gloves made wholly or in part of leather, whether wholly or partly manufactured, shall pay duty at the follo^\ing rates, the lengths stated in each case being the extreme length when stretched to their full extent, namely: 440. Women’s or children’s “glace” finish, Schmaschen (of sheep origin), not over fourteen inches in length, one dollar and seventy-five cents per dozen pairs; over fourteen inches and not over seventeen inches in length, two dollars and twenty- five cents per dozen pairs; over seventeen inches in length, two dollars and seventy-five cents per dozen pairs; men’s “glace” finish, Schmaschen (sheep), three dollars per dozen pairs. 441. Women’s or children’s “glace” finish, lamb or sheep, not over fourteen inches in length, two dollars and fifty cents per dozen pairs; over fourteen and not over seventeen inches in length, three dollars and fifty cents per dozen pairs; over seven- teen inches in length, tourdollars and fifty cents per dozen pairs; men’s “glace” finish, lamb or sheep, four dollars per dozen pairs. 442. Women’s or children’s “glace” finish, goat, kid, or other leather than of sheep origin, not over fourteen inches in length, three dollars per dozen pairs; over fourteen and not 58 Appendix B. over seventeen inches in length, three dollars and seventy-five cents per dozen pairs; over seventeen inches in length,' four dollars and seventy-five cents per dozen pairs; men’s “glace” finish kid, goat, or other leather than of sheep origin, four dol- lars per dozen pairs. 443. Women’s or children’s, of sheep origin, with exterior grain surface removed, by whatever name known, not over seventeen inches in length, two dollars and fifty cents per dozen pairs; over seventeen inches in length, three dollars and fifty cents per dozen pairs; men’s, of sheep origin, with exterior surface removed, by whatever name known, four dol- lars per dozen pairs. 444. Women’s or children’s kid, goat, or other leather than of sheep origin, with exterior grain surface removed, by whatever name known, not over fourteen inches in length, three dollars per dozen pairs; over fourteen inches and not over seventeen inches in length, three dollars and seventy-five cents per dozen pairs; over seventeen inches in length, four dollars and seventy-five cents per dozen pairs; men’s goat, kid, or other leather than of sheep origin, with exterior grain surface removed, by whatever name known, four dollars per dozen pairs. 445. In addition to the foregoing rates there shall be paid the following cumulative duties: On all leather gloves, when lined, one dollar per dozen pairs; on all pique or prix seam gloves, forty cents per dozen pairs; on all gloves stitched or embroidered, with more than three single strands or cords, forty cents per dozen pairs. 446. Glove tranks, with or without the usual accompany- ing pieces, shall pay seventy-five per centum of the duty pro- vided for the gloves in the fabrication of Vv^hich they are suit- able. 447. Harness, saddles and saddlery, or parts of either, in sets or in parts, finished or unfinished, forty-five per centum ad valorem. MISCELLANEOUS MANUFACTURES: 448. Manufactures of amber, asbestos, bladders, cork, catgut or whipgut or worm gut, or wax, or of which these sub- stances or either of them is the component material of chief value, not specially provided for in this Act, twenty-five per centum ad valorem. 44g. Manufactures of bone, chip, grass, horn, india-rub- ber, palm leaf, straw, weeds or whalebone, or of which these substances or either of them is the component material of chief value, not specially provided for in this Act,*thirty per centum ad valorem; but the terms “grass” and “straw” shall be understood to mean these substances in their natural form and structure, and not the separated fiber thereof. 450. Manufactures of leather, finished or unfinished, man- ufactures of fur, gelatin, guita-percha, human hair, ivory Appendix B. 5g vegetable ivory, mother-of-pearl and shell, plaster of paris, papier mache, and vulcanized india-rubber known as “hard rubber,” or of which these substances or either of them is the component material of chief value, not specially provided for in this Act, and shells engraved, cut, ornamented, or otherwise manufactured, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 451. Masks, composed of paper or pulp, thirty-five per centum ad valorem. 452. Matting made of cocoa fiber or rattan, six cents per square yard; mats made of cocoa fiber or rattan, four cents per square foot. 453. Musical instruments or parts thereof, pianoforte ac- tions and parts thereof, strings for musical instruments not otherwise enumerated, cases for musical instruments, pitch pipes, tuning forks, tuning hammers, and metronom.es; strings for musical instruments, composed wholly or in part of steel or other metal, all the foregoing, forty-five per centum ad valorem^ 454. Paintings in oil or water colors, pastels, pen and ink drawings, and statuary, not specially provided for in this Act, twenty per centum ad valorem; but the term “statuary” as used in this Act shall be understood to include only such stat- uary as is cut, carved or otherwise wrought by hand from a solid block or mass of marble, stone or alabaster, or from metal, and as is the professional production of a statuary or sculptor only. 455. Peat moss, one dollar per ton. 456. Pencils of paper or wood filled with lead or other material, and pencils of lead, forty-five cents per gross and twenty-five per centum ad valorem; slate pencils, covered with wood, thirty-five per centum ad valorem; all other slate pencils, three cents per one hundred. 457. Pencil leads not in wood, ten per centum ad valorem. 458. Photographic dry plates or films, twenty-five per centum ad valorem. 459. Pipes and smokers’ articles: Common tobacco pipes and pipe bowls made wholly of clay, valued at not more than forty cents per gross, fifteen cents per gross; other tobacco pipes and pipe bowls of clay fifty cents per gross; and twenty-five per centum ad valorem; other pipes and pipe bowls of what- ever material composed, and all .smokers’ articles whatsoever, not specially provided for in this Act, including cigarette books, cigarette book covers, pouches for smoking or chewing tobacco, and cigarette paper in all forms, sixty per centum ad valorem. 460. Plows, tooth and disk harrows, harvesters, reapers, agricultural drills, and planters, mowers, horserakes, culti- vators, threshing machines, and cotton gins, twenty per centum ad valorem. 461. Plush, black, known commercially as hatters’ plush, composed of silk, or of silk and cotton, such as is used exclu- sively for making men’s hats, ten per centum ad valorem. 6o Appendix B. 462. Umbrellas, parasols, and sunshades covered with material other than paper, fifty per centum ad valorem. Sticks for umbrellas, parasols or sunshades, and walking canes, finished or unfinished, forty per centum ad valorem. 463. Waste, not specially provided for in this Act, ten per centum ad valorem. FREE LIST. Sec. 2. That on and after the passage of this Act, unless otherwise specially provided for in this Act, the following ar- ticies when imported shall be exempt from duty: 464. Acids: Arsenic or arsenious, benzoic, carbolic, flu- oric, hydrochloric or muriatic, nitric, oxalic, phosphoric, phthalic, picric or nitro-picric, prussic, silicic, and valerianic. 465. Aconite. 466. Acorns, raw, dried or undried, but unground. 467. Agates, unmanufactured. 468. Albumen, not specially provided for. 469. Alizarin, natural or artificial, and dyes derived from alizarin or from anthracin. 470. Amber, and amberoid unmanufactured, or crude gum. 471. Ambergris. 472. Aniline salts. 473. Any animal imported specially for breeding pur- poses shall be admitted free: Provided, That no such animal shall be admitted free unless pure bred of a recognized brted, and duly registered in the book of record established for that breed: And provided fitrther, That certificate of such record and of the pedigree of such animal shall be produced and submitted to the customs officer, duly authenticated by the proper custodian of such book of record, together with the affidavit of the owner, agent or importer that such animal is the identical animal described in said certificate of record and pedigree: And provided further, That the Secretary of Agri- culture shall determine and certify to the Secretary of the Treasury what are recognized breeds and pure bred anima.ls under the provisions Of this paragraph. The Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe such additional regulations as n av be required for the strict enforcement of this provision. Cat- tle, horses, sheep, or other domestic animals straying across the boundary line into any foreign country, or driven acros s such boundary line by the owner for temporary pasturage purposes only, together with their offspring, may be brought back to the United States within six months free of duty, under regulations to be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury. 474. Animals brought into the United States temporari:y for a period not exceeding six months, for the purpose of ex- hibition or competition for prizes offered by any agricultural or racing association; but a bond shall be given in accordance Appendix B. 6i with regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury; also teams of animals, including their harness and tackle and the wagons or other vehicles actually owned by persons emi- grating from foreign countries to the United States with their families, and in actual use for the purpose of such emigration under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe; and wild animals intended for exhibition in zoolog- ical collections for scientific and educational purposes, and not for sale or profit. 475. Annatto, roucou, rocoa, or Orleans, and all extracts of. 476. Antimony ore, crude sulphite of. 477. Apatite. 478. Arrowroot in its natural state and not manufactured. 479. Arsenic and sulphide of, or orpiment. 480. Arseniate of aniline. 481. Art educational stops, composed of glass and metal and valued at not more than six cents per gross. 482. Articles in a .crude state used in dyeing or tanning and not specially provided for in this Act. 483. Articles, the growth, produce, and manufacture of the United States, when returned after having been exported, without having been advanced in value or improved in con- dition by any process of manufacture or other means; casks, barrels, carboys, bags, and other vessels of American manu- facture exported^ filled with American products, or exported empty and returned tilled with foreign products, including shooks and staves when returned as barrels or boxes; also quicksilver flasks or bottles, of either domestic or foreign man- ufacture, which shall have been actually exported from the United States; but proof of the identity of such articles shall be made, under general regulations to be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, but the exemption of bags from duty shall apply only to such domestic bags as may be im- ported by the exporter thereof, and if any such articles are subject to the internal tax at the time of exportation, such tax shall be proved to have been paid before exportation and not refunded: Provided, That this paragraph shall not apply to any article upon which an allowance of drawback has been made, the reimportation of which is hereby prohibited except upon payment of duties equal to the drawbacks allowed; or to any article manufactured in bonded warehouse and exported under any provision of law: And provided further, That when manufactured tobacco which has been exported without pay- ment of internal-revenue tax shall be reimported it shall be retained in the custody of the collector of customs until in- ternal-revenue stamps in payment of the legal duties shall be placed thereon. 484. Asbestos unmanufactured. 485. Ashes, wood and lye of, and beet-root ashes. 486. Asafetida: 487. Balm of Gilead. 62 Appendix B. 488. Barks, cinchona or other from which quinine may be extracted. 489. Baryta, carbonate of, or witherite. 490. Beeswax. 491. Binding twine: All binding twine manufactured from New Zealand hemp, istle or tampico fibre, sisal grass, or sunn, or a mixture of any two or more of them, of single ply and measuring not exceeding six hundred feet to the pound: Provided, That articles mentioned in this paragraph if import- ed from a country which lays an import duty on like articles imported.from the United States, shall be subject to a duty of one-half of one cent per pound. 492. Bells, broken, and bell metal broken and fit only to be remanufactured. 493. Birds, stuffed, not suitable for millinery ornaments. 494. Birds and land and water fowls. 495. Bismuth. 496. Bladders, and all integuments and intestines of ani- mals and fish sounds, crude, dried or salted for preservation only, and unmanufactured, not specially provided for in this Act. 497. Blood, dried, not specially provided for. 498. Bolting cloths, composed of silk, imported expressly for milling purposes, and so permanently marked as not to be available for any other use. 499. Bones, crude, or not burned, calcined, ground, steam- ed, or otherwise manufactured, and bone dust or animal car- bon, and bone ash, fit only for fertilizing purposes. 500. Books, engravings, photographs, etchings, bound or unbound, maps and charts imported by authority or for the use of the United States or for the use of the Library of Con- gress. 501. Books, maps, music, engravings, photographs, etch- ings, bound or unbound, and charts, which shall have been printed more than twenty years at the date of importation, and all hydrographic charts, and publications issued for their sub- scribers or exchanges by scientific and literary associations or academies, or publications of individuals for gratuitious pri- vate circulation, and public documents issued by foreign Governments. 502. Books and pamphlets printed exclusively in lang- uages other than English; also books and music, in raised print, used exclusively by the blind. 503. Books, maps, music, photographs, etchings, litho- graphic prints, and charts, specially imported, not more than two copies in any one invoice, in good faith, for the use or by order of any society or institution incorporated or established solely for religious, philosophical, educational, scientific, or literary purposes, or for the encouragement of the fine arts, or for the use or by order of any college, academy, school, or seminary of learning in the United States, or any State or pub- Appendix B, 63 lie library, and not for sale, subject to such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall prescribe. 504. Books, libraries, usual and reasonable furniture, and similar household effects of persons or families from foreign countries, all the foregoing if actually used abroad by them not less than one year, and not intended for any other person or persons, nor for sale. 505. Brass, old brass, clippings from brass or Dutch met- al, all the foregoing, fit only for remanufacture. 506. Brazil paste. 507. Brazilian pebble, unwrought or unmanufactured. 508. Breccia, in block or slabs. 509. Bristles, crude, not sorted, bunched, or prepared. 510. Broom corn. 51 1. Bullion, gold or silver. 512. Burgundy pitch. 513. Cadmium. 514. Calamine. 515. Camphor, crude. 516. Castor or castoreum. 517. Cat gut, whip gut, or worm gut, unmanufactured. 518. Cerium. 519. Chalk, crude, not ground, precipitated, or otherwise manufactured. 520. Chromate of iron or chromic ore. 521. Civet, crude. 522. Clay; Common blue clay in casks suitable for the manufacture of crucibles. 523. Coal, anthracite, not specially provided for in this Act, and coal stores of American vessels, but none shall be unloaded. 524. Coal tar, crude, pitch of coal tar, and products of coal tar known' as dead or creosote oil, benzol, toluol, naph- thalin, xylol, phenol, cresol, toluidine, xylidin, cumidin t ini- trotoluol, binitrobenzol, benzidin, tolidin, dianisdin, naphtol, naphtylamin, diphenylamin, benzaldehyde, benzyl chloride, resorcin, nitro-benzol, and nitro-toluol; all the foregoing not medicinal and not colors or dyes. 525. Cobalt and cobalt ore. 1526. Cocculus indicus. 527. Cochineal. 528. Cocoa, or cacao, crude, and fiber, leaves, and shells of. 529. Coffee. 530. Coins, gold, silver, and copper. 531. Coir, and coir yarn. 532. Copper in plates, bars, ingots, or pigs, and other forms, not manufactured or specially provided for in this Act. 533. Old copper, fit only for manufacture, clipping from new copper, and all composition metal of which copper is a component material of chief value not specially provided for in this Act. 64 Appendix B. 534. Copper, regulus of, and black or coarse copper, and copper cement. 535. Coral, marine, uncut, and unmanufactured. 536. Cork wood, or cork bark, unmanufactured. 537. Cotton, and cotton waste or flocks. 538. Cryolite, or Kryolith. 539. Cudbear. 540. Curling stones, or quoits, and curling-stone handles. 541. Curry, and curry powder. 542. Cutch. 543. Cuttlefish bone. 544. Dandelion roots, raw, dried, or undried, but un- ground. 545. Diamonds and other precious stones, rough or un- cut, and not advanced in condition or value from their natural state by cleaving, splitting, cutting, or other process, including miners’, glaziers’, and engravers’ diamonds not set, and dia- mond dust or bort. 546. Divi-divi. 547. Dragon’s blood. 548. Drugs, such as barks, beans, berries, balsams, buds, bulbs, and bulbous roots, excrescences, fruits, flowers, dried fibers and dried insects, grains, gums, and gum resin, herbs, leaves, lichens, mosses, nuts, nut-galls, roots, and stems, spices, vegetables, seeds aromatic and seeds of morbid growth, weeds, and woods used expressly for dyeing; any of the foregoing which are drugs and not edible and are in a crude state, and not advanced in value or condition by refining or grinding, or by other process, and not specially provided for in this Act. 54g. Eggs of birds, fish, and insects: Provided^ however, That this shall not be held to include the eggs of game birds or eggs of birds not used for food, the importation of which is prohibited except specimens for scientific collections, nor fish roe preserved for food purposes. 550. Emery ore. 551. Ergot. 552. Fans, common palm leaf, plain and not ornamented or decorated in any manner, and palm-leaf in its natural state, not colored, dyed, or otherwise advanced or manufactured. 553. Felt, adhesive, for sheathing vessels. 554. Fibrin, in all forms. 555. Fish, fresh, frozen, or packed in ice, caught in the Great Lakes or other fresh waters by citizens of the United States. 556. Fish skins. 557. Flint, flints, and flint stones, unground. 55k Fossils. 55Q. Fruits or berries, green, ripe, or dried, and fruits in brine, not specially provided for in this Act. 560. Fruit plants, tropical and semi-tropical, for the pur- pose of propagation or cultivation. Appendix B. 65 561. Furs, undressed. 562. F ur skins of all kinds not dressed in any manner and not specially provided for in this Act. 563. Gambier. 564. Glass enamel, white, for watch and clock dials. 565. Glass plates or discs, rough-cut or unwrought, for use in the manufacture of optical instruments, spectacles, and eye glasses, and suitable only for such use; Pi'ovided, however, That such discs exceeding eight inches in diameter may be polished sufficiently to enable the character of the glass to be determined. 566. Grasses and fibers; Istle or Tampico fiber, jute, jute butts, manila, sisal grass, sunn, and all other textile grasses or fibrous vegetable substances, not dressed or manufactured in any manner, and not specially provided for in this Act. 567. Gold-beaters’ molds and gold-beaters’ skins. 568. Grease, and oils (except fish oils), such as are com- monly used in soap making or in wire-drawing, or for stuffing or dressing leather^ and which are fit only for such uses, and not specially provided for in this Act. 569. Guano, manures, and all substances used only for manure. 570. Gutta percha, crude. 571. Hair of horse, cattle, and other animals, cleaned or uncleaned, drawn or undrawn, but unmanufactured, not specially provided for in this Act; and human hair, raw, un- cleaned, and not drawn. 572. Hide cuttings, raw, with or without hair, and all other glue stock. 573. Hide rope. 574. Hones and whetstones. 575. Hoofs, unmanufactured. 576. Hop roots, for cultivation. 577. Horns, and parts of, unmanufactured, including horn strips and tips. 578. Ice. 579. India rubber, crude, and milk of, and old scrap or refuse India rubber which has been worn out by use and is fit only for remanufacture. 580. Indigo. 581. Iodine, crude. 582. Ipecac. 583. Iridium. 584. Ivory tusks in their natural state or cut vertically across the grain only, with the bark left intact, and vegetable ivory in its natural state. 585. Jalap. 586. Jet, unmanufactured. 1587. Joss-stick, or Toss light. 588. Junk, old. 589. Kelp. 66 Appendix ll . 590. Kieserite. 591. Kyanite, or cyanite, and kaninite* 592. Lac dye, crude, seed, button, stick, and shell. 593. Lac spirits. ^94. Lactarene. 595. Lava, unmanufactured. 596. Leeches. 597. Lemon juice, lime juice, and sour orange juice. 598. Licorice root, unground. 599. Lifeboats and life-saving apparatus specially im- ported by societies incorporated or established to encourage the saving of human life. 600. Lime, citrate of. 601. Lithographic stones, not engraved. 602. Litmus, prepared or not prepared. 603. Loadstones. 604. Madder and munjeet, or India madder, ground or prepared, and all extracts of. 605. Magnesite, crude or calcined, not purified. 606. Magnesium, not made up into articles. 607. Manganese, oxide and ore of. 608. Manna. 609. Manuscripts. 610. Marrow, crude. 61 1. Marshmallow or althea roots, leaves or flowers, nat- ural or unmanufactured. 612. Medals of gold, silver or copper and other metallic articles actually bestowed as trophies or prizes, and received and accepted as honorary distinctions. 613. Meerschaum, crude or unmanufactured. 614. Minerals, crude or not advanced in value or condi- tion by refining or by grinding or by other processes of manu- facture, not specially provided for in this Act. 615. Mineral salts obtained by evaporation from mineral waters, when accompanied by a duly authenticated certificate and satisfactory proof showing that they are in no way artifi- cially prepared, and are only the product of a designated mineral spring. 616. Models of inventions and other improvements in the arts, including patterns for machinery, but no article shall be deemed a model or pattern which can be fitted for use other- wise. 617. Moss, seaweeds, and vegetable substances, crude or unmanufactured, not otherwise specially provided for in this Act. 618. Musk, crude, in natural pods. 619. Myrobolans. 620. Needles, hand sewing, and darning. 921. Newspapers and periodicals; but the term “period- icals” as herein used shall be understood to embrace only un- bound or paper-covered publications, issued within six months Appendix B. 67 of the time of entry, containing current literature of the day and issued regularly at stated periods, as weekly, monthly, or quarterly. 622. Nuts: Brazil nuts, cream nuts, palm nuts and palm- nut kernels; cocoanirts in the shell and broken cocoanut meat or copra, not shredded, dessicated, or prepared in any manner. 623. Nux vomica. 624. Oakum. 625. Oil cake. 626. Oils: Almond, amber, crude and rectified amber- gris, anise or anise seed; aniline, aspic or spike lavender, berg- amot, cajeput, caraway, cassia cinnamon, cedrat, chamomile, citronella or lemon grass, civet, cocoanut, fennel, ichthyol, jasmine or jasimine, juglandium, juniper, lavender, lemon, limes, mace, neroli or orange flower, enfleurage grease, nut oil or oil of nuts not otherwise specially provided for in this Act, orange oil, olive oil for manufacturing or mechanical purposes fit only for such use and valued at not more than sixty cents per gallon, ottar of roses, palm, rosemary or an- thoss, sesame, or sesamum seed or bean, thyme, origanum red or white, valerian; and also spermacetti, whale and other fish oils of American fisheries, and all fish and other products of such fisheries; petroleum, crude or refined: Provided, That if there be imported into the United States crude petroleum or the products of crude petroleum produced in any country which imposes a duty on petroleum or its products exported from the United States, there shall in such cases be levied, paid, and collected a duty upon said crude petroleum or its products so imported equal to the duty imposed by such country. 627. Orange and lemon peel, not preserved, candied or dried. 628. Orchil, or orchil liquid. 629. Ores of gold, silver, copper, or nickel, and nickel matte; sweepings of gold and silver. 630. Osmium. 631. Palladium. 632. Paper stock, crude of every description, including all grasses, fibers, rags (other than wool), waste, including jute waste, shavings, clippings, old paper, rope ends, waste rope, and waste bagging, including old gunny cloth and old gunny bags, fit only to be converted into paper. 633. Paraffin. 634. Parchment and vellum. 635. Pearl, mother of, and shells, not sawed, cut, polished or otherwise manufactured, or advanced in value from the natural state. 636. Personal effects, not m.erchandise, of citizens of the United Sta.tes dying in foreign countries. 637. Pewter and britannia metal, old, and fit only to be remanufactured. 68 Appendix H. 638. Philosophical and scientific apparatus, utensils, in- struments, and preparations, including bottles and boxes con- taining the same, specially imported in good faith for the use and by order of any society or institution incorporated or es- tablished solely for religious, philosophical,- educational, scieii- titic, or literary purposes, or for the encouragement of the fine arts, or for the use or by order of any college, academy, school, or seminary of learning in the Unitea States, or any State or public library, and not for sale, subject to such regu- lations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall prescribe. 639. Phosphates, crude. 640. Plants, trees, shrubs, roots, seed-cane and seeds, im- ported by the Department of Agriculture or the United States Botanic Garden. 641. Platina, in ingots, bars, sheets, and wire. 642. Platinum, unmanufactured, and vases, retorts and other apparatus, vessels, and parts thereof composed of pla- tinum, for chemical uses. 643. Plumbago. 644. Potash, crude, or “black salts;” carbonate of potash, crude or refined; hydrate of, or caustic potash, not including refined in sticks or rolls; nitrate of potash or saltpeter, crude; sulphate of potash, crude or refined, and muriate of potash. 645. Professional books, implements, instruments, and tools of trade, occupation, or employment, in the actual pos- session at the time, of persons emigrating to the United States; but this exemption shall not be construed to include machin- ery or other articles imported for use in any manufacturing establishment, or for any other person or persons, or for sale, nor shall it be construed to include theatrical scenery, prop- erties, and apparel; but such articles brought by proprietors or managers of theatrical exhibitions arriving from abroad for temporary use by them in such exhibitions, and not for any other person, and not for sale, and which have been used by them abroad, shall be admitted free of duty under such regu- lations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe; but bonds shall be given for the payment to the United States of such duties as may be imposed by law upon any and all such articles as shall not be exported within six months after such importation: Provided, That the Secretary of the Treasury may in his discretion extend such period for a’further term of six months in case application shall be made therefor. 646. Pulu. 647. Quinia, sulphate of, and all alkaloids or salts of cin- chona bark. 648. Rags, not otherwise specially provided for in this Act. 649. Regalia and gems, statuary, and specimens or casts of sculpture, where specially imported in good faith for the use and by order of any society incorporated or established solely for religious, philosophical, educational, scientific, or literary Appendix B. 69 purposes, or for the encouragement of the fine arts, or for the use and by order of any college, academy, school, or seminary of learning in the United States, or any State or public library, and not for sale; but the term “regalia” as herein used shall be held to embrace only such insignia of rank or office or em- blems as may be worn upon the person or borne in the hand during public exercises ot the society or institution, and shall not include articles of furniture or fixtures, or of regular wear- ing apparel, nor personal property of individuals. 650. Rennets, raw or prepared. 651. Saffron and safflower, and extract of, and saffron cake. 652. Sago, crude. 653. Salacin. 654. Salep, or Salop. 655. Sausages, bologna. 656. Seeds: Anise, caraway, cardamom, cauliflower, cori- ander, cotton, cummin, fennel, fenugreek, hemp, hoarhound, mangel-wurzel, mustard, rape. Saint John’s bread or bean, sugar beet, sorghum or cane for seed; bulbs and bulbous roots, not edible and not otherwise provided tor; all flower and grass seeds, all the foregoing not especially provided for in this Act. 657. Sheep dips, not including compounds or prepara- tions that can be used for other purposes. 658. Shotgun barrels, in single tubes, forged, rough bored, 659. Shrimps and other shell fish. 660. Silk, raw, or as reeled from the cocoon, but not doubled, twisted, or advanced m manufacture in any way. 661. Silk cocoons and silk waste. 662. Silkworm’s eggs. 663. Skeletons and other preparations of anatomy. 664. Skins of all kinds, raw (except sheepskins with the wool on), and hides not specially provided for in this Act. 665. Soda, nitrate of, or cubic nitrate. 666. Specimens of natural history, botany, and mineral- ogy, when imported for scientific public collections, and not for sale. 667. Spices: Cassia, cassia vera, and cassia buds; cinna- mon and chips of; cloves and clove stems; mace; nutmegs; pepper, black or white, and pimento; all the foregoing when unground; ginger root, unground and not preserved or can- died. 668. Spunk. 669. Spurs and stilts used in the manufacture of earthen, porcelain, and stone ware. 670. Stamps; foreign postage or revenue stamps, can- celed or uncanceled. 671. Stone and sand: burrstone in blocks, rough or un- manufactured; clift' stone, unmianufactured: rotten stone, trip- 70 Appendix B. oli, and sand, crude or manufactured, not otherwise provided for in this Act. 672. Storax or styrax. 673. Strontia, oxide of, and brotoxide of strontian, and strontianite, or mineral carbonate of strontia. 674. Sulphur, lac or precipitated, and sulphur or brim- stone, crude, in bulk, sulphur or as pyrites, or sulphuret of iron in its natural state, containing in excess of twenty-five per centum of sulphur, and sulphur not otherwise provided for. 675. Sulphuric acid which at the temperature of sixty degrees Fahrenheit does not exceed the specific gravity of one and three hundred and eighty thousandths, for use in manu- facturing super phosphate of lime or artificial manures of any kind, or for any agricultural purposes; Provided, That upon all sulphuric acid imported from any country, whether inde- pendent or a dependency, which imposes a duty upon sul- phuric acid imported into such country from the United States, there shall be levied and collected a duty of one-fourth of one cent per pound. 676. Tamarinds. 677. Tapioca, cassava or cassady. 678. Tar and pitch of wood. 679. Tea and tea plants. 680. Teeth, natural or unmanufactured. 681. Terra alba, not made from gypsum or plaster rock. 682. Terra japonica. 683. Tin ore, cassiterite, or black oxide of tin, and tin in bars, blocks, pigs, or grain or granulated. 684. Tobacco stems. 685. Tonquin, tonqua, or tonka beans. 686. Turmeric. 687. Turpentine, Venice. 688. Turpentine, spirits of. 68g. Turtles. 690. Types, old, and fit only to be remanufactured. 691. Uranium, oxide and salts of. 692. Vaccine virus. 693. Valonia. 694. Verdigris, or subacetate of copper. 695. Wax, vegetable or mineral. .696. Wafers, unleavened or not edible. 697. Wearing apparel, articles of personal adornment, toilet articles, and similar personal effects of persons arriving in the United States; but this exemption shall only include such articles as actually accompany and are in the use of, and as are necessary and appropriate for the wear and use of such persons, for the immediate purposes of the journey and present comfort and convenience, and shall not be held to apply to merchandise or articles intended for other persons or for sale: P^'ovided, That in case of residents of the United States return- ing from abroad, all wearing apparel and other personal effects Appendix B. 71 taken by them out of the United States to foreign countries shall be admitted free of duty, without regard to their value, upon their identity being established, under appropriate rules and regulations to be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treas- ury, but no more than one hundred dollars in value of articles purchased abroad by such residents of the United States shall be admitted free of duty upon their return. 698. Whalebone, unmanufactured. 699. Wood: Logs and round unmanufactured timber, in- cluding pulp-woods, firewood, handlebolts, shingle-bolts, gun- blocks for gunstocks rough-hewn or sawed or planed on one side, hop-poles, ship-timber and ship-planking; all the fore- going not specially provided for in this Act. 700. Woods: Cedar, lignum-vitae, lancewood, ebony, box, granadilla, mahogany, rosewood, satinwood, and all forms of cabinet woods, in the log, rough, or hewn only; briar root or briar wood and similar wood unmanufactured, or not further advanced than cut into blocks suitable for the arttcles into which they are intended to be converted; bamboo, rattan, reeds unmanufactured, India malacca joints, and sticks of partridge, hair wood, pimento, orange, myrtle and other woods not specially provided for in this Act, in the rough, or not fur- ther advanced than cut into lengths suitable for sticks for um- brellas, parasols, sunshades, whips, fishing-rods, or walking- canes. 701. Works of art, drawings, engravings, photographic pictures, and philosophical and scientific apparatus brought by professional artists, lecturers, or scientists arriving from abroad for use by them temporarily for exhibition and in il- lustration, promotion, and encouragement of art, science, or industry in the United States, and not for sale, shall be ad- mitted free of duty, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall prescribe; but bonds shall be given for the payment to the United States of such duties as may be im- posed by law upon any and all such articles as shall not be exported within six months after such importation: Provided^ That the Secretary of the Treasury may, in his discretion, ex- tend such period for a further term of six months in cases where applications therefor shall be made. 702. Works of art, collections in illustration of the prog- ress of the arts, sciences, or manufactures, photographs, works in terra cotta, parian, pottery or porcelain, antiquities and ar- tistic copies thereof in metal or other material, imported in good faith for exhibition at a fixed place by any State or by any society or institution established for the encouragement of the arts, science, or education, or for a municipal corpora- tion, and all like articles imported in good faith by any society or association, or for a municipal corporation for the purpose of erecting a public monument, and not intended for sale, nor for any other purpose than herein expressed; but bonds shall be given under such rules and regulations as the Secretary of 72 Appendix B. the Treasury may prescribe, for the payment of lawful duties which may accrue should any of the articles aforesaid be sold, transferred, or used contrary to this provision, and such arti- cles shall be subject, at any time, to examination and inspec- tion by the proper officers of the customs: Provided, That the privileges of this and the preceding section shall not be al- lowed to associations or corporations engaged in or connected with business of a private or commercial character. 703. Works of art, the production of American artists re- siding temporarily abroad, or other works of art, including pictorial paintings on glass, imported expressly for presenta- tion to a national institution, or to any State or municipal cor- poration, or incorporated religious society, college, or other public institution, except stained or painted window-glass or stained or painted glass windows; but such exemption shall be subject to such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe. 704. Yams. 705. Zaffer. Sec. 3. That for the purpose of equalizing the trade of the United States with foreign countries, and their colonies, producing and exporting to this country the following articles: Argols, or crude tartar, or wine lees, crude; brandies, or other spirits manufactured or distilled from grain or other materials; champagne and all other sparkling wines; still wines and ver- muth; paintings and statuary; or any of them, the President be, and he is hereby authorized, as soon as may be after the passage of this Act, and from time to time thereafter, to enter into negotiations with the governments of those countries ex- porting to the United States the above-mentioned articles, or any of them, with a view to the arrangement of commercial agreements in which reciprocal and equivalent concessions may be secured in favor of the products and manufactures of the United States; and whenever the government of any country, or colony, producing and exporting to the United States the above-mentioned articles, or any of them, shall en- ter into a commercial agreement with the United States, or make concessions in favor of the products, or manufactures thereof, which, in the judgment of the President shall be re- ciprocal and equivalent, he shall be, and he is hereby, author- ized and empowered to suspend, during the time of such agreement or concession, by proclamation to that effect, the imposition and collection of the duties mentioned in this Act, on such article or articles so exported to the United States from such country or colony, and thereupon and thereafter the duties levied, collected and paid upon such article or articles shall be as follows, namely: Argols, or crude tarter, or wine lees, crude, five per centum ad valorem. Brandies, or other spirits manufactured or distilled from Appendix B. 73 grain or other materials, one dollar and seventy-five cents per proof gallon. Champagne and all other sparkling wines, in bottles con- taining not more than one quart and more than one pint, six dollars per dozen; containing not more than one pint each and more than one-half pint, three dollars per dozen; containing one-half pint each or less, one dollar and fifty cents per dozen; in bottles or other vessels containing more than one quart each, in addition to six dollars per dozen bottles on the quan- tities in excess of one quart, at the rate of one dol ar and ninety cents per gallon. Still wines, and vermuth, in casks, thirty-five cents per gallon; in bottles or jugs, per case of one dozen bottles or jugs containing each not more than one quart and more than one pint, or twenty-four bottles or jugs containing each not more than one pint, one dollar and twenty-five cents per case, and any excess beyond these quantities found in such bottles or jugs shall be subject to a duty of four cents per pint or fractional part thereof, but no separate or additional duty shall be as- sessed upon the bottles or jugs. Paintings in oil or water colors, pastels, pen and ink draw- ings, and statuary, fifteen per centum ad valorem. The President shall have power, and it shall be his duty, whenever he shall be satisfied that any such agreement in this Section mentioned is not being fully executed by the Govern- ment with which it shall have been made, to revoke such sus- pension and notify such Government thereof. And it is further provided that with a view to secure re- ciprocal trade with countries producing the following articles, whenever and so often as the President shall be satisfied that the the Government of any country, or colony of such Govern- ment, producing and exporting directly or indirectly to the United States coffee, tea, and tonquin, tonqua, or tonka beans, and vanilla beans, or any of such articles, imposes duties or other exactions upon the agricultural, manufactured, or other products of the United States, which, in view of the introduc- tion of such coffee, tea, and tonquin, tonqua, or tonka, beans, and vanilla beans, into the United States, as in this Act here- inbefore provided for, he may deem to be reciprocally un- equal and unreasonable, he shall have the power and it shall be his duty to suspend, by proclamation to that effect, the pro- visions of this Act relating to the free introduction of such coffee, tea, and tonquin, tonqua, or tonka beans, and vanilla beans, of the products of such country or colony, for such time as he shall deem just; and in such case and during such sus- pension duties shall be levied, collected, and paid upon coffee, tea, and tonquin, tonqua, or tonka beans, and vanilla beans, the products or exports, direct or indirect, from such desig- nated country, as follows: On coffee, three cents per pound. On tea, ten cents per pound. 74 Appendix B. On tonquin, tonqua, or tonka beans, fifty cents per pound; vanilla beans, two aollars per pound; vanilla beans, commer- cially known as cuts, one dollar per pound. Sec. 4. That whenever the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, with a view to secure reciprocal trade with foreign countries, shall, within the period of two years from and after the passage of this Act, enter into commercial treaty or treaties with any other country or countries concerning the admission into any such country or countries of the goods, wares and merchandise of the United States and their use and disposition therein, deemed to be for the interests of the United States, and in such treaty or treaties, in consideration of the advantages ac- cruing to the United States therefrom, shall provide for the re- duction during a specified period, not exceeding five years, of the duties imposed by this Act. to the extent of not more than twenty per centum thereof, upon such goods, wares, or mer- chandise as may be designated therein of the country or coun- tries with which such treaty or treaties shall be made as in this section provided for; or shall provide for the transfer during such period from the dutiable list of this Act to the free list thereof of such goods, wares, and merchandise, being the natural products of such foreign country or countries and not of the United States; or shall provide for the retention upon the free list of this Act during a specified period, not exceed- ing five years, of such goods, wares, and merchandise now in- cluded in said free list as maybe designated therein; and when any such treaty shall have been duly ratified by the Senate and approved by Congress, and public proclamation made accordingly, then and thereafter the duties which shall be collected by the United States upon any of the designated goods, wares, and merchandise from the foreign country with which such treaty has been made, shall during the period pro- vided for, be the duties specified and provided for in such treaty, and none other. Sec. 5. That whenever any country, dependency, or col- ony shall pay or bestow, directly or indirectly, any bounty or grant upon the exportation of any article or merchandise from such country, dependency, or colony, and such article or merchandise is dutiable under the provisions of this Act, then upon the importation of any such article or merchandise into the United States, whether the same shall be imported directly from the country of production or otherwise, and whether such article or merchandise is imported in the same condition as when exported from the country of production or has been changed in condition by remanufacture or otherwise, there shall be levied and paid, in all such cases, in addition to the duties otherwise imposed by this Act, an additional duty equal to the net amount of such bounty or grant, however the same be paid or bestowed. The net amount of all such bounties or grants shall be from time to time ascertained, determined, and Appendix B. 75 declared by the Secretary of the Treasury, who shall make all needful regulations for the identification of such articles and merchandise and for the assessment and collection of such ad- ditional duties. Sec. 6. That there shall be levied, collected, and paid on the importation of all raw or unmanufactured articles, not enumerated or provided for in this Act, a duty of ten per centum ad valorem, and on all articles manufactured in whole or in part, not provided for in this Act, a duty of twenty per centum ad valorem. Sec. 7. That each and every imported article, not enum- erated in this Act, which is similar, either in material, quality, texture, or the use to which it may be applied, to any article enumerated in this Act as chargeable with duty, shall pay the same rate of duty which is levied on the enumerated article which it most resembles in any of the particulars before men- tioned; and if any nonenumerated article equally resembles two or more enumerated articles on which different rates of duty are chargeable, there shall be levied on such nonenum- erated article the same rate of duty as is chargeable on the article which it resem^bles paying the highest rate of duty; and on articles not enumerated, manufactured of two or more ma- terials, the duty shall be assessed at the highest rate at which the same would be chargeable if composed wholly of the com- ponent material thereof of chief value; and the words “compo- nent material of chief value,” wherever used in this Act, shall be held to mean that component material which shall exceed in value any other single component material of the article; and the value of each component material shall be determined by the ascertained value of such material in its condition as found in the article. If two or more rates of duty shad be ap- plicable to any imported article, it shall pay duty at tlie high- est of such rates. Sec. 8. That all articles of foreign manufacture, such as are usually or ordinarily marked, stamped, branded, or la- beled, and all packages containing such or other imported articles, shall, respectively, be plainly marked, stamped, brancfed, or labeled in legible English words in a conspicuous place, so as to indicate the country of their origin and the quantity of their contents; and until so marked, stamped, branded, or labeled they shall not be delivered to the im- porter. Should any article of imported merchandise be marked, stamped, branded, or labeled so as to indicate a quantity, number, or measurement in excess of the quantity, nurnber, or measurement actually contained in such article, no delivery of the same shalkbe made to the importer until the mark, stamp,, brand, or label, as the case may be, shall be changed so as to conform to the facts of the case. Sec. g. That section thirty-three hundred and forty-one of the Revised Statutes of the United States be, and hereby is, amended to read as follows: 76 Appendix B. “Sec. 3341. The Commissioner of Internal Revenue shall cause to be prepared, for the payment of such tax, suitable stamps denoting the amount of tax required to be paid on the hogsheads, barrels, and halves, thirds, quarters, sixths, and eighths c-f a barrel of such fermented liquors (and shall also cause to be pre[)ared suitable permits for the purpose herein- after mentioned), and shall furnish the same to the collectors of internal revenue, who shall each be required to keep on hand at all times a sufficient supply of permits and a supply of stamps equal in amount to two months’ sales thereof, if there be any brewery or brewery warehouse in his district; and such stamps shall be sold, and permits granted and de- livered by such collectors, only to the brewers of their dis- trict, respectively. “Such collectors shall keep an account of the number of permits delivered and of the number and value of the stamps sold by them to each brewer. Sec. 10. That section thirty-three hundred and ninety- four of the Revised Statutes of the United States, as amended, be, and the same is hereby, further amended, so as to read as follows: “Upon cigars which shall be manufactured and sold, or removed for consumption or sale, there shall be assessed and collected the following taxes, to be paid by the manufacturer thereof: On cigars of all descriptions made of tobacco, or any substitute therefor and weighing more than three pounds per thousand, three dollars per thousand; on cigars, made of to- bacco, or any substitute therefor, and weighing not more than three pounds per thousand, one dollar per thousand; on cigar- ettes, made of tobacco, or any substitute therefor, and weigh- ing more than three pounds per thousand, three dollars per thousand; on cigarettes, made of tobacco, or any substitute therefor, and weighing not more than three pounds per thousand, one dollar per thousand: Provided, That all rolls of tobacco, or any substitute therefor, wrapped with tobacco, shall be classed as cigars, and all rolls of tobacco, or any sub- stitute therefor, wrapped in paper or any substance other than tobacco, shall be classed as cigarettes. • “And the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, shall provide dies and adhesive stamps for cigars weighing not more than three pounds per thousand: Provided, That such stamps shall be in denominations of ten, twenty, fifty and one hundred, and the laws and regulations governing the packing and removal for sale of cigarettes, and the affixing and canceling of the stamps on the packages thereof, shall apply to cigars weighing not more than three pounds per thousand. “None of the packages of smoking tobacco and fine-cut chewing tobacco and cigarettes prescribed by law shall be permitted to have packed in, or attached to, or connected with them, any article or thing wh itsoever other than the manu- Appendix B. 77 facturers’ wrappers and labels, the internal revenue stamp and the tobacco or cigarettes, respectively, put up therein, on which tax is required to be paid under the internal revenue laws; nor shall there be affixed to, or branded, stamped, marked, written, or printed upon, said packages, or their con- tents, any promise or offer of, or any order or certificate for, any gift, prize, premium, payment or reward.” Sec. II. That no article of imported merchandise which shall copy or simulate the name or trade-mark of any do- mestic manufacture or manufacturer, or which shall bear a name or mark, which is calculated to induce the public to be- lieve that the article is manufactured in the United States, shall be admitted to entry at any custom-house of the United States. And in order to aid the officers of the customs in en- forcing this prohibition, any domestic manufacturer who has adopted trade marks may require his name and residence and a description of his trade-marks to be recorded in books which shall be kept for that purpose in the Department of the Treasury, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall prescribe, and may furnish to the Department facsimiles of such trade-marks; and thereupon the Secretary of the Treasury shall cause one or more copies of the same to be transmitted to each collector or other proper officer of the customs. Sec. 12. That all materials of foreign production which may be necessary for the construction of vessels built in the United States for foreign account and ownership, or for the purpose of being employed in the foreign trade, including the trade between the Atlantic and Pacihc ports of the United States, and all such materials necessary for the building of their machinery, and all articles necessary for their outfit and equipment, may be imported in bond under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe; and upon proof that such materials have been used for such purposes no duties shall be paid thereon. But vessels receiving the benefit of this section shall not be allowed to engage in the coastwise trade of the United States more than two months in any one year except upon the payment to the United States of the chities of which a rebate is herein allowed: Provided, That vessels built in the United States for foreign account and ownership shall not be allowed to engage in the coastwise trade of the United States. Sec. 13. That all articles of foreign or domestic production needed for the repair of American vessels engaged in foreign trade, including the trade between the Atlantic and Pacific ports of the United States,, may be withdrawn from bonded ware- houses free of duty, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe. Sec. 14. That the sixteenth section of an Act entitled “An Act to remove certain burdens on the American merchant marine and encourage the American foreign carrying trade. 78 Appendix B. and for other purposes,” approved June twenty-sixth, eighteen hundred and eighty-four, be amended so as to read as follows: “Sec. i6. That all articles of foreign production needed and actually withdrawn from bonded warehouses and bonded manufacturing warehouses for supplies (not including equip- ment) of vessels of the United States engaged in foreign trade, or in trade between the Atlantic and Pacific ports of the Uni- ted States, may be so withdrawn from said bonded warehouses free of duty or of internal revenue tax, as the case may be, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe; but no such articles shall be landed at any port of the United States.” Sec. 15. That all articles manufactured in whole or in part of imported materials, or of materials subject to internal revenue tax, and intended for exportation without being charged with duty, and without having an internal revenue stamp affixed thereto, shall, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe, in order to be so manufactured and exported, be made and manufactured in bonded warehouses similar to those known and designated in Treasury Regula- tions as bonded warehouses, class six: Provided, That the manufacturer of such article shall first give satisfactory bonds for the faithful observance of all the provisions of law and of such regulations as shall be prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury: Provided further, That the manufacture of dis- tilled spirits from grain, starch, molasses or sugar, including all dilutions or mixtures of them or either of tlTem, shall not be permitted in such manufacturing warehouses. Whenever goods manufactured in any bonded warehouse established under the provisions of the preceding paragraph shall be exported directly therefrom or shall be duly laden for transportation and immediate exportation under the supervis- ion of the proper officer who shall be duly designated for that purpose, such goods shall be exempt from duty and from the requirements relating to revenue stamps. Any materials used in the manufacture of such goods, and any packages, coverings, vessels, brands and labels used in putting up the same may, under the regulations of the Secre- tary of the Treasury, be conveyed without the payment of rev- enue tax or duty into any bonded manufacturing warehouse, ^and imported goods may, under the aforesaid regulations, ’be transferred without the exaction of duty from any bonded warehouse into any bonded manufacturing warehouse; but this privilege shall not be held to apply to implements, machinery, or apparatus to be used in the construction or repair of any bonded manufacturing warehouse or for the prosecution of the business carried on therein. No articles or materials received into such bonded manu- facturing warehouse shall be withdrawn or removed therefrom except for direct shipment and exportation or for transporta- tion and immediate exportation in bond under the supervision Appendix B. 79 of the officer duly designated therefor by the collector of the port, who shall certify to such shipment and exportation, or ladening for transportation, as the case may be, describing the articles by their mark or otherwise, the quantity, the date of exportation, and the name of the vessel. All labor performed and services rendered under these provisions shall be under the supervision of a duly designated officer of the customs and at the expense of the manufacturer. A careful account shall be kept by the collector of all mer- chandise delivered by him to any bonded manufacturing ware- house, and a sworn monthly return, verihed by the customs officers in charge, shall be made by the manufacturers con- taining a detailed statement of all imported merchandise used by him in the manufacture of exported articles. Before commencing business the proprietor of any manu- facturing warehouse shall file with the Secretary of the Treas- ury a list of all the articles intended to be manufactured in such warehouse, and state the formula of manufacture and the names and quantities of the ingredients to be used therein. Articles manufactured under these provisions may be withdrawn under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe for transportation and delivery into any bonded warehouse at an exterior port for the sole purpose of immediate export therefrom. The provisions of Revised Statutes thirty-four hundred and thirty-three shall, so far as may be practicable, apply to any bonded manufacturing warehouse established under this act and to the merchandise conveyed therein. Sec. i6. That all persons are prohibited from importing into the United States from any foreign country any obscene book, pamphlet, paper, writing, advertisement, circular, print, picture, drawing, or other representation, figure or image on or of paper or other material, or any cast, instrument or other article of an immoral nature, or any drug or medicine, or any article whatever for the prevention of conception or for caus- ing unlawful abortion, or any lottery ticket or any advertise- ment of any lottery. No such articles, whether imported separately or contained in packages with other goods entitled to entry, shall be admitted to entry; and all such articles shall be proceeded against, seized, and forfeited by due course of law. All such prohibited articles and the packages in which they are contained in the course of importation shall be de- tained by the officer of customs, and proceedings taken against the same as hereinafter prescribed, unless it appears to the satisfaction of the collector of customs that the obscene articles contained in the package were inclosed therein without the knowledge or consent of the importer, owner, agent or con- signee: Provided, That the drugs hereinbefore mentioned, when imported in bulk and not put up for any nf the purposes hereinbefore specified, are excepted from the operation of this section. / 8o Appendix B. Sec. 17. That whoever, being an officer, agent or employe of the Government of the United States, shall knowingly aid or abet any person engaged in any violation of any of the provis- ions of law prohibiting importing, advertising, dealing in, ex- hibiting, or sending or receiving by mail obscene or indecent publications or representations, or means for preventing con- ception or procuring abortion, or other articles of indecent or immoral use or tendency, shall be deemed guilty of a misde- meanor, and shall for every offense be punishable by a fine of not more than $5,000, or by imprisonment at hard labor for not more than ten years, or both. Sec. 18. That any Judge of any District or Circuit Court of the United States, within the proper district, before whom complaint in writing of any violation of the two preceding sections is made, to the satisfaction of such Judge, and founded on knowledge or belief, and if upon belief, setting forth the grounds of such belief, and supported by oath or affirmation of the complainant, may issue, conformably to the Constitution, a warrant directed to the Marshal or any Deputy Marshal in the proper district, directing him to search for, seize, and take possession of any such article or thing mentioned in the two preceding sections, and to make due and immediate return thereof to the end that the same may be condemned and de- stroyed by proceedings, which shall be conducted in the same manner as other proceedings in the case of municipal seizure, and with the same right of appeal or writ of error Sec. 19. That machinery for repair may be imported into the United States without payment of duty, under bond, to be given in double the appraised value thereof,to be withdrawn and exported after said machinery shall have been repaired; and the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized and directed to pre- scribe such rules and regulations as may be necessary to pro- tect the revenue against fraud and secure the identity and character of all such importations when again withdrawn and exported, restricting and limiting the export and withdrawal to the same port of entry where imported, and also limiting all bonds to a period of time of not more than six months from the date of the importation. Sec. 20. That the produce of the forests of the State of Maine upon the Saint John River and its tributaries, owned by American citizens, and sawed or hewed in the province of New Brunswick by American citizens, the same being otherwise un- manufactured in whole or in part, which is now admitted into the ports of the United States free of duty, shall continue to be so admitted, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall from time to time prescribe. Sec. 21. That the produce of the forests of the State of Maine upon the Saint Croix River and its tributaries owned by American citizens, and sawed or hewed in the province of New Brunswick by American citizens, the same being otherwise un- manufactured in whole or in part, shall be admitted into the Appendix B. 8i ports of the United States free of duty, under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury shall from time to time pre- scribe. Sec. 22. That a discriminating duty of ten per centum ad valorem, in addition to the duties imposed by law, shall be levied, collected and paid on all goods, wares, or merchandise which shall be imported in vessels not of the United States, or which, being the production or manufacture of any foreign country not contiguous to the United States, shall come into the United States from such contiguous country; but this dis- criminating duty shall not apply to goods, wares, or merchan- dise which shall be imported in vessels not of the United States, entitled at the time of such importation by treaty or convention to be entered in the ports of the United States on payment of the same duties as shall then be payable on goods, wares and merchandise imported in vessels of the United States, nor to such foreign products or manufactures as shall be imported from such contiguous countries in the usual course of strictly retail trade. Sec. 23. That no goods, wares, or merchandise, unless in cases provided for by treaty, shall be imported into the United States from any foreign port or place, except in vessels of the United States, or in such foreign vessels as truly and wholly belong to the citizens or subjects of that country of which the goods are the growth, production or manufacture, or from which such goods, wares, or merchandise can only be, or most usually are, first shipped for transportation. All goods, wares, or merchandise imported contrary to this section, and the vessel wherein the same shall be imported, together with her cargo, tackle, apparel, and furniture, shall be forfeited to the United States; and such goods, wares, or merchandise, ship or vessel, and cargo shall be liable to be seized, prosecuted, and condemned in like manner, and under the same regulations, restrictions and provisions as have been heretofore established for the recovery, collection, distribution, and remission of for- feitures to the United States by the several revenue laws. Sec. 24. That the preceding section shall not apply to vessels or goods, wa^es or merchandise imported in vessels of a foreign nation which does not maintain a similar regulation against vessels of the United States. Sec. 25. That the importation of neat cattle and the hides of neat cattle from any foreign country into the United States is prohibited: Provided, That the operation of this section shall be suspended as to any foreign country or countries, or any parts of such country or countries, whenever the Secre- tary of the Treasury shall officially determine, and give public notice thereof that such importation will not tend to the intro- duction or spread of contagious or infectious diseases among the cattle of the United States; and the Secretary'' cd the Treasury is hereby authorized and empowered, and it shall be his duty, to make all necessary orders and regii^'^'^ioLS tj carry 82 Appendix B. this section into effect, or to suspend the same as herein pro- vided, and to send copies thereof to the proper officers in the United States, and to such officers or agents of the United States in foreign countries as he shall judge necessary. Sec. 26. That any person convicted of a wilful violation of any of the provisions of the preceding section shall be fined not exceeding five hundred dollars, or imprisoned not exceed- ing one year, or both, in the discretion of the court. Sec. 27. That upon the reimportation of articles once ex- ported, of the growth, product or manufacture of the United States, upon which no internal tax has been assessed or paid, or upon which such tax has been paid and refuhded by allow- ance or drawback, there shall be levied, collected and paid a duty equal to the tax imposed by the internal revenue laws upon such articles, except articles manufactured in bonded warehouses and exported pursuant to law, which shall be sub- ject to the same rate of duty as if originally imported. Sec. 28. That whenever any vessel laden with merchan- dise, in whole or in part, subject to duty, has been sunk in any river, harbor, bay, or waters subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, and within its limits, for the period of two years, and is abandoned by the owner thereof, any person who may raise such vessel shall be permitted to bring any mer- chandise recovered therefrom into the port nearest to the place where such vessel was so raised free from the payment of any duty thereupon, but under such regulations as the Sec- retary of the Treasury may prescribe. Sec. 29. That the works of manufacturers engaged in smelt- ing or refining metals, or both smelting and refining, in the United States may be designated as bonded warehouses under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may pre- scribe: Provided^ That such manufacturers shall first give satisfactory bonds to the Secretary of the Treasury. Ores or metals in any crude form requiring smelting or refining to make them readily available in the arts, imported into the United States to be smelted or refined and intended to be ex- ported in a refined but unmanufactured state, shall, under such rules as the Secretary of the Treasury may prescribe, and un- der the direction of the proper officer, be removed in original packages or in bulk from the vessel or other vehicle on which they have been imported, or from the bonded warehouse in which the same may be, into the bonded warehouse in which such smelting or refining, or both, may be carried on, for the purpose of being smelted or refined, or both, without payment of duties thereon, and may there be smelted or refined, to- gether with other metals of home or foreign production; Pro- vided, That each day a quantity of refined metal equal to ninety per centum of the amount of imported metal smelted or refined that day shall be set aside, and such metal so set aside shall not be taken from said works except for transporta- tion to another bonded warehouse or for exportation, under Appendix B, 83 the direction of the proper officer having charge thereof as aforesaid, whose certificate, describing the articles by their marks or otherwise, the quantity, the date of importation, and the name of vessel or other vehicle by which it was imported, with such additional particulars as may from time to time be required, shall be received by the collector of customs as suf- ficient evidence of the exportation of the meta-l, or it may be removed under such regulations as the Secretary of the Treas- ury may prescribe, upon entry and payment of duties, for domestic consumption, and the exportation of the ninety per centum of metals hereinbefore provided for shall entitle the ores and metals imported under the provisions of this section to admission without payment of the duties thereon: Provided furthery That in respect to lead ores imported under the pro- visions of this section the refined metals set aside shall either be reexported or the regular duties paid thereon within six months from the date of the receipt of the ore. All labor per- formed and services rendered under these regulations shall be under the supervision of an officer of the customs, to be ap- pointed by the Secretary of the Treasury, and at the expense of the manufacturer. Sec. 30. That where imported materials on which duties have been paid are used in the manufacture of articles manu- factured or produced in the United States, there shall be al- lowed on the exportation of such articles a drawback equal in amount to the duties paid on the materials used, less one per centum of such duties: Providedy That when the articles ex- ported are made in part from domestic materials, the imported materials, or the parts of the articles made from such materials, shall so appear in the completed articles that the quantity or measure thereof may be ascertained: And provided fu 7 ‘thery That the drawback on any article allowed under existing law shall be continued at the rate herein provided. That the imported materials used in the manufacture or production of articles entitled to drawback of customs duties when exported shall, in all cases where drawback of duties paid on such materials is claimed, be iden- tified, the quantity of such material used and amount of duties paid thereon shall be ascertained, the facts of the manufacture or production of such articles in the United States and their exportation therefrom shall be determined, and the drawback due thereon shall be paid to the manufacturer, producer, or exporter, to the agent of either or to the person to whom such manufacturer, producer, exporter, or agent shall in writing order such drawback paid, under such regulations as the Sec- retary of the Treasury shall prescribe. Sec. 31. That all goods, wares, articles, and merchandise manufactured wholly or in part in any foreign country by convict labor shall not be entitled to entry at any of the ports of the United States, and the importation thereof is hereby prohibited, and the Secretary of the Treasury is authorized 84 Appendix B. and directed to prescribe such regulations as may be necessary for the enforcement of this provision. Sec. 32. That sections seven and eleven of the Act entitled “An Act to simplify the laws in relation to the collection of the revenues,” approved June tenth, eighteen hundred and ninety, be, and the same are hereby, amended so as to read as follows; Sec. 7. That the owner, consignee, or agent of any imported merchandise which has been actually purchased may, at the time when he shall make and verify his written entry of such merchandise, but not afterwards, make such addition in the entry to the cost or value given in the invoice or pro forma invoice or statement in form of an invoice, which he shall pro- duce with his entry, as in his opinion may raise the same to the actual market value or wholesale price of such merchandise at the time of exportation to the United States, in t«he principal markets of the country from which the same has been import- ed; but no such’ add it ion shall be made upon entry to the in- voice value of any imported merchandise obtained otherwise than by actual purchase; and the collector within whose dis- trict any merchandise may be imported or entered, whether the same has been actually purchased or procured otherwise than by purchase, shall cause the actual market value or whole- sale price of such merchandise to be appraised; and if the ap- praised value of any article of imported merchandise subject to an ad valorem duty or to a duty based upon or regulated in any manner by the value thereof shall exceed the value de- clared in the entry, there shall be levied, collected, and paid, in addition to the duties imposed by law on such merchandise, an additional duty of one per centum of the total appraised value thereof for each one per centum that such appraised value exceeds the value declared in the entry, but the ad- ditional duties shall only apply to the particular article or articles in each invoice that are so undervalued, and shall be limited to fifty per centum of the appraised value of such art- icle or articles. Such additional duties shall not be construed to be penal, and shall not be remitted, nor payment thereof in any way avoided, except in cases arising from a manifest cler- ical error, nor shall they be refunded in case of exportation of the merchandise, or on any other account, nor shall they be subject to the benefit of drawback: Provided^ That if the ap- praised value of any merchandise shall exceed the value de- clared in the entry by more than fifty per centum, except when arising from a manifest clerical error, such entry shall be held to be presumptively fraudulent, and the collector of customs shall seize such merchandise and proceed as in case of for- feiture for violation of the customs laws, and in any legal pro- ceedings that may result from such seizure, the undervaluation as shown by the appraisal shall be presumptive evidence of fraud, and the burden of proof shall be on the claimant to re- but the same and forfeiture shall be adjudged unless he shall rebut such presumption of fraudulent intent by sufficient evi- Appendix B. 85 dence. The forfeiture provided for in this section shall apply to the whole of the merchandise or the value thereof in the case or package containing the particular article or articles in each invoice which are undervalued: Provided, further. That all additional duties, penalties or forfeitures applicable to merchandise entered by a duly certified invoice, shall be alike applicable to merchandise entered by a pro forma invoice or statement in the form of an invoice, and no forfeiture or dis- ability of any kind, incurred under the provisions of this sec- tion shall be remitted or mitigated by the Secretary of the Treasury. The duty shall not, however, be assessed in any case upon an amount less than the invoice or entered value: Sec. II. That, when the actual market value as defined by law, of any article of imported merchandise, wholly or partly manufactured and subject to an ad valorem duty, or to a duty based in whole or in part on value, cannot be otherwise ascer- tained to the satisfaction of the appraising officer, such officer shall use all available means in his power to ascertain the cost of production of such merchandise at the time of exportation to the United States, and at the place of manufacture; such Cost of production to include the cost of materials and of fab- rication, all general expenses covering each and every outlay of whatsoever nature incident to such production, together with the expense of preparing and putting up such merchan- dise ready for shipment, and an addition of not less than eight nor more than fifty per centum upon the total cost as thus ascertained; and in no case shall such merchandise be ap- praised upon original appraisal or reapprai^ement at less than the total cost of production as thus ascertained. It shall be lawful for appraising officers, in determining the dutiable value of such merchandise, to take into consideration the wholesale price at which such or similar merchandise is sold or offered for sale in the United States, due ailovvance being made for estimated duties thereon, the cost of transportation, insurance, and other necessary expenses from the place of shipment to the United States, and a reasonable commission, if any has been paid, not exceeding six per centum. Sec. 33. That on and after the day when this Act shall go into effect all goods, wares and merchandise previously im- ported, for which no entry has been made, and all goods, wares, and merchandise previously entered without*payment of duty and under bond for warehousing, transportation, or any other purpose, for which no permit of delivery to the importer or his agent has been issued, shall be subjected to the duties imposed by this Act and to no other duty, upon the entry of the with- drawal thereof: Provided, That when duties are based upon the weight of merchandise deposited in any pnblic or private bonded warehouse, said duties shall be levied and collected upon the weight of such merchandise at the time of its entry. Sec. 34. That sections one to twenty-four, both inclusive, of an Act entitled “An Act to reduce taxation, to provide revenue 86 Appendix B. for the Government, and for other purposes,” which became a law on the twenty-eighth day of August, eighteen hundred and ninety-four, and all Acts and parts of Acts inconsistent with the provisions of this Act are hereby repealed, said repeal to take effect on and after the passage of this Act, but the repeal of existing laws or modifications thereof embraced in this Act shall not affect any act done, or any right accruing or accrued, or any suit or proceedings had or commenced in any civil cause before the said repeal or modifications; but all rights and liabilities under said laws shall continue and may be en- forced in the same manner as if said repeal or modifications had not been made. Any offences commited and all penalties or forfeitures or liabilities incurred prior to the passage of this Act under any statute embraced in or changed, modified, or repealed by this Act may be prosecuted or punished in the same manner and with the same effect as if this Act had not been passed. All Acts of limitation, whether applicable to civil causes and proceedings or to the prosecution of offences or for the recovery of penalties or forfeitures embraced in or modified, changed, or repealed by this Act shall not be affect- ed thereby; and all suits, proceedings, or prosecutions, whether civil or criminal, for causes arising or acts done or committed prior to the passage of this Act, may be commenced and pros- ecuted within the same time and with the same effect as if this Act had not been passed: And provided further ^ That nothing in this Act shall be construed to repeal the provisions of sec- tion three thousand and fifty-eight of the Revised Statutes as amended by the Act approved February twenty-third, eighteen hundred and eighty-seven, in respect to the abandonment of merchandise to underwriters or the salvors of property, and the ascertainment of duties thereon: And provided further, That nothing in this Act shall be construed to repeal or in any manner affect the sections numbered seventy-three, seventy- four, seventy-five, seventy-six, and seventy-seven of an Act entitled “An Act to reduce taxation, to provide revenue for the Government, and for other purposes,” which became a law on the twenty-eighth day of August, eighteen hundred and ninet^fe-four. Approved July 24, 1897. Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. University of Illinois Library jcrr 19 WAY -f ?io SEP 0 4 juN n SEP 28 FEB 0 3 892 1991 1391 1991 L161— 0-1096