' '' '" ( THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY From the collection of Julius Doerner, Chicago Purchased, 1918. ^©0.3 \84-:i- V.I Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. University of Illinois Library \ L161 — 1141 t DICTIONARY, PRACTICAL, THEORETICAL, AND HISTORICAL, or COMMERCE AND COMMERCIAL NAVIGATION ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPs> AND PLANS. BY J. R. MTULLOCH, ESQ- A NEW EDITION: » WITH AN ENLARGED SUPPLEMENT, BRINGING DOWN THE INFORMATION CONTAINED IN THE WORK TO September, 1842. Tutte le invenzioni le piiJ benemerite del genere umano, e che hanno svillupato 1' ingcgno e la facoUa dell' animo nostro, sono quelle che accostano 1* uomo all' uomo, e facilitano la conimunicazioiie delle idee, del bisogni, dei sentimcnti, e riducano il genero umano a massa. Vekri LONDON: PRINTED FOB LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS. MDCCCXLII. ^%0, 3 ADVERTISEMENT TO THIS EDITION. In this edition all the more important returns and accounts as to the Trade, Navigation, and Consumption of Great Britain and other countries, have been brought down to the latest period. In some instances, too, the form of the returns has been changed, and new ones, drawn up on a more comprehensive plan, and embracing various additional particulars, have been substituted for those previously embodied in the work. In illustration of this, the reader is referred to the tables now given under the article Imports and Exports ; they will, it is believed, be found to contain, within a brief space, the completest view hitherto laid before the public of the recent trade of the empire. A few articles have also been rewritten, among which may be specified those on Lighthouses, Bombay, Malta, Sydney, &c. The Supplement given with this edition has been greatly enlarged, and, it is hoped, materially improved. It contains as much matter as would fill, if printed with types of medium size, a large octavo volume, and embraces a good deal of important information not elsewhere to be met with. Neither labour nor expense has been spared to render it instructive and trustworthy. It embodies the principal part of the Supplement issued in February, 1839, and has, among others, articles on the following subjects ; viz. Austrian Tariff, and Com- mercial Treaty with Austria ; Joint-Stock Banks, embracing a complete list of these establishments, with an examination of the principles on which they should be founded ; Unjted States Bank, with an inquiry into the liabilities of the foreign holders of its stock; New Customs Act for Benga-l; New Coin- age of America and India ; State of the British Cotton Manufacture from 1816 to 1839, both inclusive ; Tables showing the extent of the Foreign Trade of the Country during each of the ten years ending with 1839, with remarks on the influence of Foreign competition ; New Post-Office Arrange- ments ; Opium Trade; Trade with Prussia, Prussian Commercial League and Tariff ; Railways and Railway Legislation ; Classification of Ships ; State of the Sugar Trade ; Alterations in the British and Russian Ta- riffs ; Commercial Treaty with Turkey ; with notices of Civita Vecchia, Galacz and the Navigation of the Danube, Guayaquil, Port Lamar, Mon- tevideo, Moulmein, Rostock, &c. The author has been able to avail himself, in preparing this edition, of some very valuable communications. In this respect, he is under especial obligations to the government of Prussia. With a liberality of which there are few (if any) examples, it has not merely taken pains to supply him with ample and authentic details as to the Commerce, Population, Finances, &c. of that flourishing kingdom, but has authorised him to make any use he pleased of the information so communicated, without stipulation or condition of any kind. We have also been indebted to various private and official gentlemen, at home and abroad, for many useful hints and valuable statements. Mr. Porter, of the Board of Trade, allowed us the use of several unpublished returns belonging to his department ; Mr. Wood, Chairman of the Board of Excise, and Mr. Mayer, of the Colonial Office, gave us every assistance in their power ; the interventioi) A 2 S0104G iv ADVERTISEMENT TO THIS EDITION. of Mr. Hall, late vice-consul for the republic of Uruguay, at Liverpool, and of Mr. Kreeft, consul for Mecklenburg, has enabled us to furnish the commercial world with accurate details as to the ports of Montevideo, Rostock, &c. ; and gentlemen resident in Bombay, Calcutta, Malta, Singapore, &c., have supplied important information. We are sorry that our limits will not permit of our specifying the different parties to whom we have been indebted ; but we beg them to accept our best thanks for their attentions. We are most anxious to have the means of cor- recting the errors into which we may have fallen, and of rendering our book jts accurate as possible. This, however, can only be effected by gentlemen apprising us of the changes that are constantly taking place in the regulations under which commerce is conducted, and in the channels in which it is carried on. This information, so important to the mercantile world, might, sometimes, be com- municated without much trouble, and will always be most gratefully received by us. THE PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION. The first impression of this Dictionary, consisting of 2,000 copies, was entirely sold off in less than nine months from the date of its publication. We feel very deeply indebted to the public for this unequivocal proof of its approbation ; and we have endeavoured to evince our gratitude, by labouring to render the work less un- deserving a continuance of the favour with which it has been honoured. In the prosecution of this object, we can truly affirm we have grudged neither labour nor expense. We have subjected every part of the work to a careful revision; have endeavoured to eradicate the errors that had crept into it ; to improve those parts that were incomplete or defective ; and to supply such articles as had been omitted. We dare not flatter ourselves with the idea that we have fully suc- ceeded in these objects. The want of recent and accurate details as to several important subjects, has been an obstacle we have not, in all cases, been able to overcome; but those in any degree familiar with such investigations will not, perhaps, be disposed severely to censure our deficiencies in this respect. The changes in the law bearing upon commercial transactions have been care- fully specified. Copious abstracts of all the late Customs Acts are contained in the articles Colonies and CoLaNY Trade, Importation and Exportation, Navigation Laws, Registry, Smuggling, Warehousing, &c. The abolition of the East India Company's commercial monopoly, and the great and growing interest that has in consequence been excited amongst all classes as to the commercial capabilities and practices of India, China, and other Eastern countries, have made us bestow peculiar attention to this department. The articles Bangkok*, Batavia, Bombay, Bushire*, Bussorah*, Cal- cutta, Canton, Columbo, East India Company and East Indies, Indigo, Macao*, Madras, Manilla, Mocha, Muscat*, Nangasacki*, Rangoon*,. Singapore, Tatta*, Tea, &c. contain, it is believed, a greater mass of recent and well-authenticated details as to the commerce of the vast countries stretching from the Arabic Gulf to the Chinese Sea, than is to be found in any other English publication. In compiUng these and other articles, we derived much valuable assistance from John Crawfurd, Esq. The article Banking is mostly new. Besides embodying the late act prolong- ing the charter of the Bank of England, and the more important details given in the Report of the Select Committee on the Renewal of the Bank Charter, this article contains some novel and important information not elsewhere to be met with. No account of the issues of the Bank of England has hitherto been pub- The articles marked with an asterisk were not in the former edition. A 3 vi PREFACE. lished, that extends farther back than 1777. But this deficiency is now, for the first time, supplied ; the Directors having obligingly furnished us with an account of the issues of the Bank on the 28th of February and the 31st of August of each year, from 1698, within four years of its establishment, down to the present time. We have also procured a statement, from authority, of the mode of transacting business in the Bank of Scotland ; and have been able to supply several additional particulars, both with respect to British and to foreign banks. We have made many additions to, and alterations in, the numerous articles descriptive of the various commodities that form the materials of commerce, and the historical notices by which some of them are accompanied. We hope they will be found more accurate and complete than formerly. The Gazetteer department, or that embracing accounts of the principal foreign emporiums with which this country maintains a direct intercourse, was, perhaps, the most defective in the old edition. If it be no longer in this pre- dicament, the improvement has been principally owing to official co-operation. The sort of information we desired as to the great sea-port towns could not be derived from books, nor from any sources accessible to the public; and it was necessary, therefore, to set about exploring others. In this view we drew up a series of queries, embracing an investigation of imports and exports, commercial and shipping regulations, port charges, duties, &c., that might be transmitted to any port in any part of the world. There would, however, in many instances, have been much difficulty in getting them answered with the requisite care and attention by private individuals ; and the scheme would have had but a very partial success, had it not been for the friendly and effectual interfereiK:e of Mr. Poulett Thomson. Alive to the importance of having the queries properly answered, he voluntarily undertook to use his influence with Lord Palnierston to get them transmitted to the Consuls. This the Noble Lord most readily did ; and answers have been received from the greater number of these functionaries. There is, of course, a considerable inequality amongst them ; but they almost all embody a great deal of valuable information, and some of them are drawn up with a degree of skill and sagacity, and display an extent of research and a capacity of observation, that reflect the highest credit on their authors.* The information thus obtained, added to what we received through other, but not less authentic channels, supplied us with the means of describing twice the number of foreign sea-ports noticed in our former edition ; and of enlarging, amending, and correcting the accounts of such as were noticed. Besides much fuller details than have ever been previously published of the nature and extent of the trade of many of these places, the reader will, in most instances, find a mi- nute account of the regulations to be observed respecting the entry and clearing of ships arid goods, with statements of the different public charges laid on shipping, the rates of commission and brokerage, the duties on the principal goods imported and exported, the prices of provisions, the regulations as to quarantine, the practice as to credit, banking, &c., with a variety of other particulars. We have also described the ports ; and have specified their depth of water, the course to be steered by vessels on entering, with the rules as to pilotage, and the fees on jiccount of pilots, light-houses, &c. As it is very difficult to convey a sufficiently distinct idea of a sea-port by any description, we have given plans, taken from * The returns furnished by the Consuls at lTambur{;h, Trieste and Venice, Naples, Dantzic, Bordeaux, Christiaiiia, Amsterdam, Elsincur, New York, Charleston, &c, are particularly gooiL PREFACE. vii the latest and best authorities, of about a dozen of the principal foreign povtH. Whether we have succeeded, is more than we can venture to say; but we hope we have said enough to satisfy the reader, that we have spared no pains to furnish him with authentic information on this important department. The Tariff, or Table of Duties on Imports, &c., in this edition, is highly important and valuable. It is divided into three columns : the first containing an account of the existing duties payable on the importation of foreign products for home use, as the same were fixed by the Act of last year, 3 & 4 Will. IV. cap. 56. The next column exhibits the duties payable on the same articles in 1819, as fixed by the Act 59 Geo. III. cap. 52. : and the third and last column exhibits the duties as they were fixed m 1787 by Mr. Pitt's Consolidation Act, the 27 Geo. Ill- cap. 13. The duties are rated throughout in Imperial weights and measures ; and allowances have been made for differences in the mode of charging, &c. The reader has, therefore, before him, and may compare together, the present customs' duties with the duties as they stood at the end of the late war, and at its com- mencement. No similar Table is to be met with in any other work. W e are indebted for it to J. D. Hume, Esq., of the Board of Trade, at whose suggestion, and under whose direction, it has been prepared. Its compilation was a work of great labour and difficulty j and could not have been accomplished by any one not thoroughly acquainted with the customs acts, and the various changes in the mode of assessing the duties. Its accuracy may be relied on. - The article Slaves and Slave Trade contains a full abstract of the late important statute for the abolition of slavery. Among the new articles of a miscellaneous description, may be specified those on Aliens, Ionian Islands, Population, Tally Trade, Truck System, &c. On the whole, we trust it will be found, that the work has been improved throughout, either by the correction of mistakes, or by the addition of new and use- ful matter. Still, however, we are well aware that it is in various respects defective ; but we are not without hopes that those who look into it will be indulgent enough to believe tli^ this has been owing as much to the extreme difficulty, or rather, perhaps, the ;npossibihty, of obtaining accurate information respecting some of the subjects treated of, as to the want of care and attention on our part. Even as regards many important topics connected with the commerce and manufac- tures of Great Britain, we have had to regret the want of authentic details, and been obliged to grope our way in the dark. Nothing, indeed, can exceed the accuracy and luminous arrangement of the customs accounts furnished by the Inspector General of Imports and Exports. But, owing to the want of any details as to the cross-channel trade between Great Britain and Ireland, the value of these accounts is much diminished. The condition and habits of the people of Ireland and of Great Britain are so very different, that conclusions deduced from considering the trade or consumption of the United Kingdom e7i masse, are generally of very little value ; and may, indeed, unless carefully sifted, be the most fallacious imaginable ; while, owing to the want of any account of the trade between the two great divisions of the empire, it is not possible ac- curately to estimate the consumption of either, or to obtain any sure means of judging of their respective progress in wealth and industry. As respects manu- factures, there is a still greater deficiency of trustworthy, comprehensive details. We submitted the articles relating to them in this work, to the highest practical authorities ; so that we incline to think they are about as accurate as they can well be rendered in the absence of official returns. It is far, however, from creditable to the country, that we should be obliged, in matters of such import- A 4 viii PREFACE. ance, to resort to private and irresponsible individuals for the means of coming at the truth. Statistical science in Great Britain is, indeed, at a very low ebb : and we are not of the number of those who suppose that it will ever be mate- rially improved, unless government become more sensible, than it has hitherto shown itself to be, of its importance, and set machinery in motion, adequate to procure correct and comprehensive returns. The statistical Tables published by the Board of Trade embrace the substance of hundreds of accounts, scattered over a vast mass of Parliamentary papers. They seem to be compiled with great care and judgment, and are a very valuable acquisition. We have frequently been largely indebted to them. But their arrangement, and their constantly increasing number and bulk, make them quite unfit for being readily or advantageously consulted by practical men. Most part of the returns relating to the principal articles given in this work, go back to a much more distant period than those published by the Board of Trade. We have seen no reason to modify or alter any principle of commercial POLICY advanced in our former edition. In some instances, we have varied the exposition a little, but that is all. In every case, however, we have separated the practical, legal, and historical statements from those of a speculative nature ; so that those most disposed to dissent from our theoretical notions will, we hope, be ready to admit that they have not been allowed to detract from the practical utility of the work. The maps given with the former edition have been partially re-engraved, and otlierwise improved. Exclusive of the plans already referred to, the present edition contains two new maps : one, of the completed and proposed canals and rail-roads of Great Britain and Ireland ; exhibiting, also, the coal fields, the position of the different light-houses, &c. : the other map exhibits the mouths of the rivers Mersey and Dee, and the country from Liverpool to Manchester, with the various lines of communication between these two great and flourishing em- poriums. Care has been taken to render them accurate. The important service done to us, or rather to the public, by Mr. Poulett Thomson, in the obtaining of the Consular Returns, is a part only of what we owe to tliat gentleman. We never applied to him for any sort of information which it was in his power to supply, that he did not forthwith place at our free disposal. That system of commercial policy, of which the Right Honourable gentleman is the enlightened and eloquent defender, has nothing to fear from publicity. On the contrary, the better informed the public become, the more fully the real facts and circumstances relating to it are brought before them, the more will they be satisfied of the soundness of the measures advocated by Mr. Thomson, and of their being eminently well fitted to promote and consolidate the commercial greatness and prosperity of the empire. It is proper, also, to state, that, besides the Board of Trade, all the other departments of government to which we had occasion to apply, discovered every anxiety to be of use to us. We have been particularly indebted to Mr. Spring Rice ; Sir Jtlenry Parnell ; Mr. Wood, Chairman of the Board of Stamps and Taxes ; Mr. Villiers, Ambassador at Madrid ; and Mr. Mayer, of the Colonial Office. We are under peculiar obligations to the many mercantile and private gentle- men in this and other countries, who have favoured us with communications Wc hardly ever applied to any one, however much engaged in business, for any information coming within his department, which he did not readily furnish. We have not met with any mystery, concealment, or affectation of concealment. PREFACE. ix Every individual seemed disposed to tell us all that he knew ; and several gen- tlemen have taken a degree of trouble with respect to various articles in this work, for which our thanks and gratitude make but a poor return. The expense of reprinting a work of this sort, containing a greater mass of figures and of small type than any other volume in the English language, is quite enormous. This edition is, therefore, stereotyped ; and will not be recast for a few years. But we intend to publish, whenever they seem to be required. Supplements, containing statements of any alterations in the duties on commodities, and in the laws and regulations as to commercial affairs in Great Britain and foreign countries, with such additional information on other topics as may seem to possess general interest. And we do most anxiously hope that our mercantile and other friends at home and abroad will enable us to make these Supplements as useful as possible, by pointing out whatever errors or omissions they may perceive in the present edition, and by supplying us with fresh details. Much of what is most valuable in this work has been derived from the Circulars ?ssued by mercantile houses, brokers, &c. ; and the transmission to us, through Messrs. Longman and Co., of such documents, is one of the greatest favours lue can receive. Any stipulations as to the use to be made of them will be carefully attended to ; and we beg no one will consider his Circular as not being of sufficient interest to be acceptable to us. / PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. It has been the wish of the Author and Publishers of this "Work, that it should be as extensively useful as possible. If they be not deceived in their expectations, it may be advantageously employed, as a sort of vade mecum.^ by merchants, traders, ship-owners, and ship-masters, in conducting the details of their respective businesses. It is hoped, however, that this object has been attained without omitting the consideration of any topic, incident to the subject, that seemed cil- culated to make the book generally serviceable, and to recommend it to the attention of all classes. Had our object been merely to consider commerce as a science, or to investi- gate its principles, we should not have adopted the form of a Dictionary. But commerce is not a science only, but also an art of the utmost practical importance, and in the prosecution of which a very large proportion of the population of every civilised country is actively engaged. Hence, to be generally useful, a work on commerce should combine practice, theory, and history. Different readers may resort to it for different purposes j and every one should be able to find in it clear and accurate information, whether his object be to make himself familiar with details, to acquire a knowledge of pnnciples, or to learn the revolutions that have taken place in the various departments of trade. The following short outline of what this Work contains may enable the reader to estimate the probability of its fulfilling the objects for which it has been intended : — I. It contains accounts of the various articles which form the subject matter of commercial transactions. To their English names are, for the most part, sub- joined their synonymous appellations in French, German, Italian, Russian, Spanish, &c. ; and sometimes, also, in Arabic, Hindoo, Chinese, and other Eastern languages. We have endeavoured, by consulting the best authorities, to make the descriptions of commodities as accurate as possible; and have pointed out the tests or marks by which their goodness may be ascertained. The places where they are produced are also specified ; the quantities exported from such places ; and the different regulations, duties, &c. aflfecting their importation and export- ation, have been carefully stated, and their influence examined. The prices of most articles have been given, sometimes for a lengthened period. Historical notices are inserted illustrative of the rise and progress of the trade in the most important articles; and it is hoped, that the information embodied in these notices will be found to be as authentic as it is interesting. II. The Work contains a general article on Commerce, explanatory of its na- ture, principles, and objects, and embracing an inquiry into the policy of restrictions PREFACE. xl intended to promote industry at home, or to advance the public interests by- excluding or restraining foreign comi)etition. Exclusive, however, of this general article, we have separately examined the operation of the existing restrictions on the trade in particular articles, and with particular countries, in the accounts of those articles, and of the great sea-port towns belonging to the countries referred to. There must, of course, be more or less of sameness in the discus- sion of such points, the principle which runs through them being identical. But in a Dictionary this is of no consequence. The reader seldom consults more than one or two articles at a time ; and it is of infinitely more importance to bring the whole subject at once before him, than to seek to avoid the appearance of repetition by referring from one article to another. In this Work such references are made as seldom as possible. III. The articles which more particularly refer to commercial navigation are Average, Bills of Lading, Bottomry, Charterparty, Freight, Master, Navigation Laws, Owners, Registry, Salvage, Seamen, Ships, Wreck, &c. These articles embrace a pretty full exposition of the law as to shipping : we have particularly endeavoured to exhibit the privileges enjoyed by British ships ; the conditions and formalities, the observance of which is necessary to the acquisition and preservation of such privileges, and to the transference of property in ships ; the responsibilities incurred by the masters and owners in their capacity of public carriers ; and the reciprocal duties and obligations of owners, masters and seamen. In this department, we have made considerable use of the treatise of liord Tenterden on the Law of Shipping, — a work that reflects very great credit on the learning and talents of its noble author. The Registry Act and the Navigation Act are given with very little abridgment. To this head may also be referred the articles on the Cod, Herring, Pilchard, and Whale fisheries. IV. The principles and practice of commercial arithmetic and accounts are unfolded in the articles Book-keeping, Discount^ Exchange, Interest and Annuities, &c. The article Book-keeping has been furnished by one of the official assignees under the new bankrupt act. It exhibits a view of this important art as actually practised in the most extensive mercantile houses in town. The tables for calculating interest and annuities are believed to be more complete than any hitherto given in any work not treating professedly of such subjects. V. A considerable class of articles may be regarded as descriptive of the various means and devices that have been fallen upon for extending and facihtating com- merce and navigation. Of these, taking them in their order, the articles Banks, Brokers, Buoys, Canals, Caravans, Carriers, Coins, Colonies, Companies, Consuls, Convoy, Docks, Factors, Fairs and Markets, Light-houses, Money, Partnership, Pilotage, Post-Office, Rail-roads, Roads, Treaties (Commercial), Weights and Measures, &c. are among the most important. In the article Banks, the reader will find, besides an exposition of the principles of banking, a pretty full account (derived principally from official sources) of the Bank of England, the private banks of London, and the Enghsh provincial banks; the Scotch and Irish banks; and the most celebrated foreign banks: to complete this department, an account of Savings' Banks is subjoined, with a set of rules which may be taken as a model for such institutions.* There is added to the article Coins a Table of the assay, weight, and sterling value of the principal foreign gold and silver coins, deduced from assays made at the London and Paris Mints, taken, by permission, from the last edition of Dr. Kelly's Some of the improvements made on this article arc noticed in the Preliice to the Second Edition. xii PREFACE. Cambist, The article Colonies is one of the most extensive in the work : it con- tains a sketch of the ancient and modern S3'stems of colonisation ; an examination of the principles of colonial policy ; and a view of the extent, trade, population, and resources of the colonies of this and other countries. In this article, and in the articles Cape of Good Hope, Halifax, Quebec, Sydney, and Van Diemen's Land, recent and authentic information is given, which those intending to emigrate v/ill find worthy of their attention. The map of the British possessions in North America is on a pretty large scale, and is second to none, of those countries, hitherto published in an accessible form. It will be a valuable acqui- sition for emigrants to Canada, Nova Scotia, &c. The article Colonies is also illustrated by a map of Central America and the West Indies. An engraved plan is given, along with the article Docks, of the river Thames and the docks from Blackwall to the Tower ; and the latest regulations issued by the different Dock Companies here and in other towns, as to the docking of ships, and the charges on that account, and on account of the loading, unloading, warehousing, &c. of goods, are given verbatim. The statements in the articles Light-houses and Pilotage have been mostly furnished by the Trinity House, or derived from Parliamentary papers, and may be implicitly relied upon. In the,article Weights and Measures the reader will find tables of the equivalents of Wine, ale, and Winchester measures, in Imperial measure.* VI. Besides a general article on the constitution, advantages, and disadvan- tages of Companies, accounts are given of the principal associations existing in Great Britain for the purpose of conducting commercial undertakings, or under- takings subordinate to and connected with commerce. Among others (exclusive of the Banking and Dock Companies already referred to) may be mentioned the East India Company, the Gas Companies, the Insurance Companies, the Mining Companies, the Water Companies, &c. The article on the East India Company is of considerable length ; it contains a pretty complete sketch of the rise, progress, and present state of the British trade with India ; a view of the revenue, population, &c. of our Indian dominions ; and an estimate of the influence of the Company's monopoly. We have endeavoured, in treating of insurance, to supply what we think a desideratum, by giving a distinct and plain statement of its principles, and a brief notice of its history ; with an account of the rules and practices followed by individuals and companies in transacting the more important departments of the business ; and of the terms on whicli houses, lives, &c. are commonly insured. The pact of the article which peculiarly respects marine insurance has been contributed by a practical gentleman of much knowledge and experience in that branch. VII. In addition to the notices of the Excise and Customs regulations affecting particular commodities given under their names, the reader will find articles under the heads of Customs, Excise, Importation and Exportation, Licences, Smuggling, Warehousing, &c. which comprise most of the practical details as to the business of the Excise and Customs, particularly the latter. The most important Customs' Acts are^^iven with very little abridgment, and being printed in small letter, they occupy comparatively little space. The article Tariff con- tains an account of the various duties, drawbacks, and bounties, on the import- ation and exportation of all sorts of commodities into and from this country. — « The article Canals in this (the second) edition has been greatly enlarged. It is accompanied by the map already referred to (see Preface to Second Edition) of the completed and proposed British Canalb, llAiL-noAns, LiGiiT-iiousEs, &c. The latter have been laid down, by permission of the Trinity Houst^ from a chart recently published by that corporation. The article Docks is now, also, accompanied by a Chart of the Mouths of the Mersey and Dec, &c. iSce Preface to Second Edition.) PREFACE. xiii (See Preface to Second Edition.) Wc once intended to give the tariffs of some of the principal Continental states ; but from the frequency of the changes made in them, they would very soon have become obsolete, and would have tended rather to mislead than to instruct. But the reader will notwith- standing find a good deal of information as to foreign duties under the articles Cadiz, Dantzic, Havre, Naples, New York, Trieste, &c. VI II. Among the articles of a miscellaneous description, may be specified Aliens *, Apprentice, Auctioneer, Balance of Trade, Bankruptcy, Contraband, Credit, Hanseatic League, Imports and Exports, Im- pressment, Ionian Islands*, Maritime Law, Patents, Pawnbroking, Piracy, Population*, Precious Metals, Prices, Privateers, Publicans, Quarantine, Revenue and Expenditure*, Tally Trade *, Truck System*, &c. IX. Accounts are given, under their proper heads, of the principal emporiums with which this country has any immediate intercourse ; of the commodities usually exported from and imported into them ; of their monies, weights, and measures ; and of such of their institutions, customs, and regulations, with respect to commerce and navigation, as seemed to deserve notice. There are occasionally subjoined to these accounts of the great sea-ports, pretty full statements of the trade of the countries in which they are situated, as in the instances of Alexan- dria, Amsterdam, Bordeaux, Cadiz, Calcutta, Canton, Copenhagen, Dantzic, Havannah, Havre, Naples, New York, Palermo, Petersburgh, Rio de Janeiro, Smyrna, Trieste, Vera Cruz, &c. To have attempted to do this systematically would have increased the size of the Work beyond all reasonable limits, and embarrassed it with details nowise interesting to the English reader. The plan we have adopted has enabled us to treat of such matters as might be supposed of importance in England, and to reject the rest. We believe, however, that, notwithstanding this selection, those who compare this work with others, will find that it contains a much larger mass of authentic information respecting the trade and navigation of foreign countries than is to be found in any other English publication, f The reader may be inclined, perhaps, to think that it must be impossible to embrace the discussion of so many subjects in a single octavo volume, without treating a large proportion in a very brief and unsatisfactory manner. But, in point of fact, this single octavo contains about as much letter-press as is contained in two ordinary folio volumes, and more than is contained in Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, in four large volumes quarto, published at 8/. Ss. ! This extraordinary condensation has been eflfected without any sacrifice either of beauty or distinct- ness. Could we suppose that the substance of the book is at all equal to its form, there would be little room for doubt as to its success. Aware that, in a work of this nature, accuracy in matters of fact is of prunary importance, we have rarely made any statement without mentioning our autho- rity. Except, too, in the case of books in every one's hands, or Dictionaries, the page or chapter of the works referred to is generally specified ; experience having taught us that the convenient practice of stringing together a list of authorities at the end of an article is much oftener a cloak for ignorance than an evidence of research. Our object being to describe articles in the state in which they are offered for sale, we have not entered, except when it was necessary to give precision or * The articles marked * are new, f For an account of the improvements effected in this department, see Preface to Second Editioa ' xiv PIlEl'ACE. clearness to their description, into any details as to the processes followed in their manufacture. Besides the maps ah'eady noticed, the work contains a map of the world, on Mercator's projection, and a map of Central and Southern Europe and the Medi- terranean Sea. These maps are on a hirger scale than those usually given with works of this sort ; and have been carefully corrected, and compared with the best authorities. Such is a rough outline of what the reader may expect to meet with in this Dictionary. We do not, however, flatter ourselves with the notion that he will consider that all that has been attempted has been properly executed. In a work embracing such an extreme range and diversity of subjects, as to many of which it is exceedingly difficult, if not quite impossible, to obtain accurate information, no one will be offended should he detect a few errors. At the same time we can honestly say that neither labour nor expense has been spared to render the Work worthy of the public confidence and patronage. The author has been almost incessantly engaged upon it for upwards of three years; and he may be said to have spent the previous part of his life in preparing for the undertaking.* He has derived valuable assistance from some distinguished official gentlemen, and from many eminent merchants; and has endeavoured, wherever it was practicable, to build his conclusions upon official documents. But in very many Instances he has been obliged to adopt less authentic data ; and he does not sup- pose that he has had sagacity enough always to resort to the best authorities, or that, amidst conflicting and contradictory statements, he has uniformly selected those most worthy of being relied upon, or that the inferences he has drawn are always such as the real circumstances of the case would warrant. But he has done his best not to be wanting in these respects. Not being engaged in any sort of business, nor being under any description of obligation to any political party, there was nothing to induce us, in any instance, to conceal or pervert the truth. We have, therefore, censured freely and openly whatever we considered wrong ; but the grounds of our opinion are uniformly assigned ; so that the reader may always judge for himself as to its correctness. Our sole object has been to produce a work that should be generally useful, particularly to merchants and traders, and which should be creditable to ourselves. Whether we have suc- ceeded, the award of the public will show; and to it we submit our labours, not with " frigid indifference," but with an anxious hope that it may be found we have not misemployed our time, and engaged in an undertaking too vast for our limited means. The following notices of some of the most celebrated Commercial Dictionaries may not, perhaps, be unacceptable. At all events, they will show that there is at least room for the present attempt. The Grand Dictionnaire de Commerce^ begun and principally executed by M. Savary, Inspector of Customs at Paris, and completed by his brother, the Abbe Savary, Canon of St. Maur, was published at Paris in 1723, in two volumes folio: a supplemental volume being added in 1730. This was the first work of the kind that appeared in modern Europe ; and has furnished the principal part of the materials for most of those by which it has been followed. The under- taking was liberally patronised by the French government, who justly considered that a Commercial Dictionary, if well executed, would be of national importance. The preparation of this new edition has cost nearly two years of additional labour. PREFACE. XV Hence a considerable, and, indeed, the most valuable, portion of M. Savary's work is compiled from Memoirs sent him, by order of government, by the inspectors of manufactures in France, and by the French consuls in foreign coun- tries. An enlarged and improved edition of the Dictionnaire was published at Ge- neva in 1 750, in six folio volumes. But the best edition is that of Copenhagen, in five volumes folio ; the first of which appeared in 1759, and the last in 1765. More than the half of this work consists of matter altogether foreign to its proper object. It is, in fact, a sort of Dictionary of Manufactures as well as of Commerce; descriptions being given, which are, necessarily perhaps, in most instances exceedingly incomplete, and which the want of plates often renders un- intelligible, of the methods followed in the manufacture of the commodities described. It is also filled with lengthened articles on subjects of natural his- tory, on the bye laws and privileges of different corporations, and a variety of subjects nowise connected with commercial pursuits. No one, however, need look into it for any developement of sound principles, or for enlarged views. It is valuable as a repertory of facts relating to commerce and manufactures at the commencement of last century, collected with laudable care and industry ; but the spirit which pervades it is that of a customs officer, and not that of a merchant or a philosopher. " Souvent dans ses reflexions^ il tend plutot d egarer ses lecteurs qu*d les conduire, et des maxhnes nuisibles au progres die com7nerce et de rindustrie ohtiennent presqiie toujours ses eloges et son approbation.^' The preceding extract is from the Prospectus, in one volume octavo, published by the Abbe Morellet, in 1769, of a new Commercial Dictionary, to be completed in five or probably six volumes folio. This Prospectus is a work of sterling merit ; and from the acknowledged learning, talents, and capacity of its author for laborious exertion, there can be no doubt that, had the projected Dictionary been completed, it would have been infinitely superior to that of Savary. It appears (Prospectus, pp. 353 — 373.) that Morellet had been engaged for a number of years in preparations for this great work ; and that he had amassed a large collection of books and manuscripts relative to the commerce, navigation, colo- nies, arts, &c. of France and other countries. The enterprise was begun under the auspices of M. Trudaine, Intendant of Finance, and was patronised by Messrs, L'Averdy and Bertin, Comptrollers General. But whether it were owing to the gigantic nature of the undertaking, to the author having become too much en- grossed with other pursuits, the want of sufficient encouragement, or some other cause, no part of the proposed Dictionary ever appeared. "We are ignorant of the fate of the valuable collection of manuscripts made by the Abbe Morellet. His books were sold at Paris within these few years. A Commercial Dictionary, in three volumes 4to, forming part of the Encyclo^ pedie Methodique, was published at Paris in 1783. It is very unequally executed, and contains numerous articles that might have been advantageously left out. The editors acknowledge in their Preface that they have, in most instances, been obliged to borrow from Savary. The best parts of the work are copied from the edition of the Traite General du Commerce of Ricard, published at Amsterdam in 1781, in two volumes 4to.* The earliest Commercial Dictionary published in England, was compiled by Malachy Postlethwayt, Esq., a diligent and indefatigable writer. The first part of the first edition appeared in 1751. The last edition, in two enormous foiio volumes, was published in 1774. It is chargeable with the same defects as that * This, when published, must have been a very valuable work. It is now, however, in a great measure oosolele. xvi PREFACE. of M. Savary, of which, indeed, it is for the most part a literal translation. The, author has made no effort to condense or combine the statements under different articles, which are frequently not a little contradictory ; at the same time that many of them are totally unconnected with commerce. In 1761, Richard Rojf, Esq. published a Commercial Dictionary in one pretty large folio volume. The best part of this work is its Preface, which was contri- buted by Dr. Johnson. It is for the most part abridged from Postlethwayt ; but it contains some useful original articles, mixed, however, with many ahen to the subject. In 1766, a Commercial Dictionary was published, in two rather thin folio volumes, by Thomas Mortimer, Esq., at that time Vice- Consul for the Nether- lands. This is a more commodious and better arranged, but not a more valuable work than that of Postlethwayt. The plan of the author embraces, like that of his predecessors, too great a variety of objects ; more than half the work being filled with geographical articles, and articles describing the processes carried on in different departments of manufacturing industry ; there are also articles on very many subjects, such as architecture, the natural history of the ocean, the land- tax, the qualifications of surgeons, &c., the relation of which to commerce, navigation, or manufactures, it seems difficult to discover. In 1810, a Commercial Dictionary was published, in one thick octavo volume, purporting to be by Mr. Mortimer. We understand, however, that he had but little, if any thing, to do with its compilation. It is quite unworthy of the sub- ject, and of the epoch when it appeared. It has all the faults of those by which it was preceded, with but few peculiar merits. Being not only a Dictionary of Commerce and Navigation, but of Manufactures, it contains accounts of the dif- ferent arts: but to describe these in a satisfactory and really useful manner, would require several volumes, and the co-operation of many individuals : so that, while the accounts referred to are worth very little, they occupy so large a space that room has not been left for the proper discussion of those subjects from which alone the work derives whatever value it possesses. Thus, there is an article of twenty-two pages technically describing the various processes of the art of painting, while the general article on commerce is comprised in less than two pages. The articles on coin and money do not together occupy four pages, being considerably less than the space allotted to the articles on engraving and etching. There is not a word said as to the circumstances which determine the course of exchange ; and the important subject of credit is disposed of in less than two Hues ! Perhaps, however, the greatest defect in the work is its total want of any thing like science. No attempt is ever made to explain the prin- ciples on which any operation depends. Every thing is treated as if it were em- pirical and arbitrary. Except in the legal articles, no authorities are quoted so that very little dependence can be placed on the statements advanced. In another Commercial Dictionary, republished within these few years, the general article on commerce consists of a discussion with respect to simple and compound demand, and simple an4^ double competition : luckily the article does not fill quite a page; being considerably shorter than the description of the Kaleidoscope. Under these circumstances, we do think that there. is room for a new Dictionary of Commerce and Commercial Navigation : and whatever may be thought of our Work, it cannot be said that in bringing it into the field we are ei^croaching on ground already fully occupied. A DICTIONARY OF COMMERCE AND COMMERCIAL NAVIGATION. -A. AM, AuM, or Ahm, a measure for liquids, used at Amsterdam, Antwerp, Hamburgh, Frankfort, &c. At Amsterdam it is nearly equal to 41 English wine gallons, at Antwerp to 36^ ditto, at Hamburgh to 38^ ditto, and at Frankfort to 39 ditto. AB ANDONMENT, in commerce and navigation, is used to express the abandoning or surrendering of the ship or goods insured to the insurer. It is held, by the law of England, that the insured has the right to abandon, and to compel the insurers to pay the whole value of the thing insured, in every case " where, by the happening of any of the misfortunes or perils insured against, the voyage is lost, or not worth pursuing, and the projected adventure is frustrated; or where the thing insured is so damaged and spoiled as to be of little or no value to the owner ; or where the salvage is very high ; or where what is saved is of less value than the freight ; or where further expense is necessary, and the insurer will not undertake to pay that expense," &c (Marshall, book i, cap. 13. § 1.) Abandonment very frequently takes place in cases of capture : the loss is then total, and no question can arise in respect to it. In cases, however, in which a ship and cargo are recaptured within such a time that the object of the voyage is not lost, the insured is not entitled to abandon. The mere stranding of a ship is not deemed of itself such a loss as will justify an abandonment. If by some fortunate accident, by the exertions of the crew, or by any borrowed assistance, the ship be got off and rendered capable of con- tinuing her voyage, it is not a total loss, and the insurers are only liable for the expenses occasioned by the stranding. It is only where the stranding is followed by shipwreck, or in any other way renders the ship incapable of prosecuting her voyage, that the insured can abandon. It has been decided, that damage sustained in a voyage to the extent of forty-eight per cent, of the value of the ship, did not entitle the insured to abandon. If a cargo be damaged in the course of a voyage, and it appears that what has been saved is less than the amount of freight, it is held to be a total loss. — (Park on Insurance, cap. 9.) When by the occurrence of any of the perils insured against the insured has acquired a right to abandon, he is at liberty either to abandon or not, as he thinks proper. He is in no case bound to abandon ; but if he make an election, and resolve to abandon, he must abide by his resolution, and has no longer the power to claim for a partial loss. In some foreign countries specific periods are fixed by law within which the insured, after being infoi med of the loss, must elect either to abandon or not. In this country, however, no particular period is fixed for this purpose ; but the rule is,, that if the insured determine to abandon, he must intimate such determination to the insurers within a reasonable period after he has got inteUigence of the loss, — any unnecessary delay in making this intimation being interpreted to mean that he has decided not to abandon. No particular form or solemnity is required in giving notice of an abandonment. It may be given either to the underwriter himself, or the agent who subscribed for him. The effect of an abandonment is to vest all the rights of the insured in the insurers. The latter become the legal owners of the ship, and as such are liable for all her future outgoings, and entitled to her future earnings. An abandonment, when once made, is irrevocable. B 2 ABATEMENT.— ACAPULCO. In case of a shipwreck or other misfortune, the captain and crew are bound to exert themselves to the utmost to save as much property as possible ; and to enable them to do this without prejudice to the right of abandonment, our policies provide that, " in case of any loss or misfortune, the insured, their factors, servants, and assigns, shall be at liberty to sue and labour about the defence, safeguard, and recovery of the goods, and merchan- dises, and ship, &c., without prejudice to the insurance ; to the charges whereof the in- surers agi-ee to contribute, each according to the rate and quantity of his subscription." " From the nature of his situation," says Mr. Serjeant Marshall, " the captain has an implied authority, not only from the insured, but also from the insurers and all others interested in the ship or cargo, in case of misfortune, to do whatever he thinks most con- ducive to the general interest of all concerned ; and they are all bound by his acts. Therefore, if the ship be disabled by stress of weather, or any other peril of the sea, the captain may hire another vessel for the transport of the goods to their port of destination, if he think it for the interest of all concerned that he should do so ; or he may, upon a capture, appeal against a sentence of condemnation, or carry on any other proceedings for the recovery of the ship and cargo, provided he has a probable ground for doing so ; or he may, upon the loss of the ship, invest the produce of the goods saved in other goods, which he may ship for his original port of destination ; for whatever is recovered of the effects insured, the captain is accountable to the insurers. If the insured neglect to abandon when he has it in his power to do so, he adopts the acts of the captain, and he is bound by them. If, on the other hand, the insurers, after notice of abandonment, suffer the captain to continue in the management, he becomes their agent, and they are bound by his acts." As to the sailors, when a misfortune happens, they are bound to save and preserve the merchandise to the best of their power ; and while they are so employed, they are entitled to wages, so far, at least, as what is saved will allow ; but if they refuse to assist in this, they shall have neither wages nor reward. In this the Rhodian law, and the laws of Oleron, Wisby, and the Hanse Towns, agree. The policy of the practice of abandonment seems very questionable. The object of an insurance is to render the insurer liable for whatever loss or damage may be incurred. But this object does not seem to be promoted by compelling him to pay as for a total loss, when, in fact, the loss is only partial. The captain and crew of the ship are selected by the owners, are their servants, and are responsible to them for their proceedings. But in the event of a ship being stranded, and so damaged that the owners are entitled to abandon, the captain and crew become the servants of the underwriters, who had nothing to do with their appointment, and to whom they are most probably altogether unknown. It is admitted that a regulation of this sort can hardly fail of leading, and has indeed frequently led, to very great abuses. We, therefore, are inclined to think that abandon- ment ought not to be allowed where any property is known to exist; but that such pro- perty should continue at the disposal of the owners and their agents, and that the under- writers should be liable only for the damage really incurred. The first case that came before the British courts with respect to abandonment was decided by Lord Hardwicke, in 1744. Mr. Justice Buller appears to have concurred in the opinion now stated, that abandonment should not have been allowed in cases where the loss is not total. For further information as to this subject, see the excellent works of Mr. Serjeant Marshall (book i. cap. 13. ) ; and of Mr. Justice Park (cap. 9.) on the Law of Insurance. ABATEMENT, or Rebate, is the name sometimes given to a discount allowed for prompt payment ; it is also used to express the deduction that is sometimes made at the custom-house from the duties chargeable upon such goods as are damaged. This allow- ance is regulated by the 6 Geo. 4. c. 107. § 28. No abatement is made from the duties charged on coffee, currants, figs, lemons, oranges, raisins, tobacco, and wine. ACACIA. See Gum Arabic. ACAPULCO, a celebrated sea-port on the western coast of Mexico, in lat. 16° 50^' N., long. 99^ 46' W. Population uncertain, but said to be from 4,000 to 5,000. The harbour of Acapulco is one of the finest in the world, and is capable of containing any number of ships in the most perfect safety. Previously to the emancipation of Spanish America, a galleon or large ship, richly laden, was annually sent from Acapulco to Manilla, in the Philippine Islands ; and at her return a fair was held, which was much resorted to by strangers. But this sort of intercourse is no longer carried on, the trade to Manilla and all other places being now conducted by private individuals. The exports consist of bullion, cochineal, cocoa, wool, indigo, &c. The imports principally consist of cotton goods, hardware, articles of jewellery, raw and wrought silks, spices, and aromatics. Acapulco is extremely unheahhy ; and though it be the principal port on the west coast of Mexico, its commerce is not very considerable. The navigation from Acapulco to Guayaquil and Callao is exceedingly tedious and difllicult, so that there is but little intercourse between Mexico and Peru. The monies, weights, and measures are the same as those of Spain j for which see Cadiz. ACIDS. 3 ACIDS, are a class of compounds which are distinguished from all others by the following properties. They are generally possessed of a very sharp and sour taste: redden the infusions of blue vegetable colours; are often highly corrosive, and enter into combination with the alkalies, earths, and metallic oxides ; forming compounds in which the characters of the constituents are entirely destroyed, and new ones i)roduced differing in every respect from those previously existing. Tlie quality or strength of an acid is generally ascertained, either by its specific gravity, which is found by means of the hydro- meter, if the acid be liquid, or by the quantity of pure and dry subcarbonate of potass or soda, or of carbonate of lime (marble), which a given weight of the acid re(juires for its exact neutralisation. This latter process is termed Acidimetry, or the ascertain- ing the quantity of real acid existing in any of the liquid or crystallised acids. The principal acids at present known are, the Acetic, Benzoic, Boracic, Bromic, Car- bonic, Citric, Chloric, Cyanic, Fluoric, Ferroprussic, Gallic, Ilydrobromic, liydriodic, Iodic, Lactic, Malic, Margaric, Meconic, Muriatic or Hydrochloric, Nitrous, Nitric, Oleic, Oxalic, Phosphoric, Prussic or Hydrocyanic, Purpuric, Saccholactic, Suberic, Sulphurous, Sulphuric, Tartaric, Uric, and many others which it would be superfluous to detail. It is the most important only of these, however, that will be here treated of, and more particularly those employed in the arts and manufactures. Acetic or pyroligneoics acid. — This acid, in its pure and concentrated form, is obtained from tlic fluid matter which passes over in distillation, when wood is exposed to heat in close iron cylinders. This fluid is a mixture of acetic acid, tar, and a very volatile ether ; from these the acid may be separated, after a second distillation, by saturating with chalk, and evaporating to dryness ; an acetate of lime is thus pro. cured, which, by mixture with sulphate of soda (Glauber's salt), is decomposed, the resulting coinpounda beuigan insoluble sulphate of lime, and a very soluble acetate of soda; these are easily separated from each other by solution in water and filtration ; the acetate of soda being obtained in the crystalline form by evaporation. From this, or the acetate of lime, some manufacturers employing the former, others the latter, the acetic acid is obtained by distillation with suljjhuric acid (oil of vitriol) ; as thus procured, it is a colourless, volatile fluid, having a very pungent and refreshing odour, and a strong acid taste. Its strength should be ascertained by the quantity of marble required for its neutralisation, as its specific gravity does not give a correct indication. It is employed in the preparation of the acetate of lead (sugar of lead), in many of the pharmaceutical compounds, and also as an antiseptic. Vinegar is an impure and very dilute acetic acid, obtained by exposing cither weak wines or infusions of malt to the air and a slow fermentation ; it contains, besides the pure acid, a large quantity of colouring matter, some mucilage, and a little spirit; from these it is readily separated by distillation. The impurities with which this distilled vinegar is sometimes adulterated, or with which it is accidentally contaminated, are oil of vitriol, added to increase the acidity, and oxides of tin or copper, arising from the vinegar having been distilled through tin or copper worms. These may be easily detected ; the oil of vitriol by the addition of a little solution of muriate of barytes to the distilled vinegar, which, should the acid be present, will cause a dense white precipitate ; and the oxides of tin or copper by the addition of water impregnated with sulphureted hydrogen, Vinegar is em.ployed in many culinary and domestic operations, and also very largely in the manufacture of the carbonate of lead (white lead). Benzoic acid — exists naturally, formetl in the gum benzoin, and may be procured either by submitting the benzoin in fine powder to repeated sublimations, or by digesting it with lime and water, straining off the clear solution, and adding muriatic acid, which enters into combination with the lime, and the benzoic acid, being nearly insoluble in water, falls as a white powder ; this may be further purified by a sublim. ation. Benzoic acid is of a beautiful pearly white colour when pure, has a very peculiar aromatic odour, and an acrid, acid, and bitter taste ; it is used in making pastilles and perfumed incense. This acid also occurs in the balsams of Tolu and Peru, and in the urine of the horse and cow. Boracic acid — is found in an uncombined state in many of the hot springs of Tuscany, as also at Sesso in the Florentine territory, from whence it has received the name of Sessolin. In Thibet, Persia, and South America, it occurs in combination with soda, and is imported from the former place into thi| country in a crystalhne form, under the name of Tincal. These crystals are coated with a rancid, fatty substance, and require to be purified by repeated solutions and crystallisations ; after w hich it is sold undei the appellation of borax (bi-borate of soda) ; from a hot solution of this salt the boracic acid is readily ob- tained, by the addition of sulphuric acid in slight excess ; sulphate of soda is formed, and the boracic acid crystallises as the solution cools. When pure, these crystals are white, and have an unctuous greasy feel ; they are soluble in alcohol, communicating a green tinge to its flame ; when fused it forms a trans- parent glass, and has been found by Mr. Faraday to unite with the oxide of lead, producing a very uniform glass, free from all defects, and well adapted for the purpose of telescopes and other astronomical instruments. Borax is much employed in the arts, particularly in metallurgic operations as a flux ; also in enamelling, and in pharmacy. Carbonic acid. — This acid occurs very abundantly in nature, combined with lime, magnesia, barytes, aerial acid, fixed air, mephitic acid ; from any of these it is easUy separated by the addition of nearly any of the other acids. In its uncombined form, it is a transparent, gaseous fluid, having a density of Voo, atmospheric air being unity ; it is absorbed to a considerable extent by water, and when the water is ren- dered slightly alkaline by the addition of carbonate of soda, and a large quantity of gas forced into it by pressure, it forms the well known refreshing beverage, soda water. This gas is also formed in very large quantities during combustion, respiration, and fermentation. Carbonic acid gas is destructive of animal life and combustion, and from its great weight accumulates in the bottoms of deep wells, cellars, caves, &c., which have been closed for a long period, and numerous fatal accidents arise frequently to persons entering such places incautiously; the precaution should always be taken of introducing a lighted candle prior to the descent or entrance of any one ; for should the candle be extinguished, it would be dangerous to enter until properly ventilated. The combinations of carbonic acid with the alkalies, earths, and metallic oxides are termed carbonates. Citric acid — exists in a free state, in the juice of the lemon, lime, and other fruits, combined however with mucilage, and sometimes a little sugar, which renders it, if required to be preserved for a long period, very liable to ferment; on this account, the crystallised citric acid is to be preferred. It is pre- pared by saturating the lemon juice with chalk : the citric acid combines with the lime, forming an insoluble compound, while the carbonic acid is liberated; the inso'uble citrate, alter being well washed, is to be acted upon by dilute sulphuric acid, which forms sulphate of lime, and the citric acid enters into solution in the water ; by filtration and evaporation the citric acid is obtained in colourless transparent crystals. The chief uses to which it is applied are as a preventive of sea scurvy, and in making refreshing acidulous or effervescing drinks; for which latter purposes it is peculiarly fitted from its very pleasant flavour. Fluoric acid — is found in the well known mineral fluor spar in combination with lime; from which it is B 2 4 ACIDS. procured in the liquid form, by distillation with dilute sulphuric acid in a leaden or silver retort; the receiver should be of the same material as the retort, and kept cool by ice or snow. This acid is gaseous in its pure form, highly corrosive, and intensely acid ; it is rapidly absorbed by water, communicating its properties to that fluid. Its chief use is for etching on glass, which it corrodes with great rapidity. For this purpose a thin coating of wax is to be melted on the surface of the glass, and the sketch drawn by a fine hard-pointed instrument through the wax ; the liquid acid is then poured on it, and after a short time, on the removal of the acid and coating, an etching will be found in the substance of the glass. A very excellent apphcation of this property, possessed by fluoric acid, is in the roughing the shades for table lamps. All the metals, except silver, lead, and platina, are acted upon by this acid. Gallic acid. — The source from which this acid is generally obtained is the nut gall, a hard protuberance produced on the oak by the puncture of insects. The most simple method of procuring the acid in its pure form, is to submit the galls in fine powder to sublimation in a retort, taking care that the heat be applied slowly and with caution ; the other processes require a very long period for their completion. When pure, gallic acid has a white and silky appearance, and a highly astringent and slightly acid taste. The nut galls, which owe their properties to the gallic acid they contain, are employed very extensively in the arts, for dyeing and staining silks, cloths, and woods of a black colour ; this is owing to its forming with the oxide of iron an intense black precipitate. Writing ink is made on the same principle: a very excellent receipt of tlie late Dr. Black's is, to take 3 oz. of the best Aleppo galls in fine powder, 1 oz. sul. phate of iron (green vitriol), 1 oz. logwood finely rasped, 1 oz. gum arabic, one pint of the best vinegar, one pint of soft water, and 8 or 10 cloves ; in this case the black precipitate is kept suspended by the gum. llydriodic acid, — a compound of iodine and hydrogen, in its separate form is of very little importance In the arts; its combinations with potass, soda, and other of the metallic oxides, will be treated of hereafter. Malic acid — exists in the juices of many fruits, particularly the apple, as also in the berries of the service and mountain ash. Meconic acid — is found in opium, in combination with morphia, forming the meconate of morphia, on which the action of opium principally depends. Muriatic acid, or spirits of salts. — This acid (the hydrochloric of the French chemists) is manufactured from the chloride of sodium (dry sea salt), by the action of sulphuric acid (oil of vitriol). The most econo- mical proportions are 20 pounds of fused salt, and 20 pounds of oil of vitriol previously mixed with an equal weight of water; these are placed in an iron or earthen pot, to which an earthen head and receiver are adapted, and submitted to distillation ; the muriatic acid passes over in the vaporous form, and may be easily condensed. The liquid acid thus obtained should have a specific gravity of ri7, water being equal to 100; it has a strong acid taste, and a slight yellow colour; this is owing to a small quantity of oxide of iron. By redistillation in a glass retort at a low temperature, it may be obtained perfectly pure and colourless. It sometimes contains a little sulphuric acid ; this is detected by a solution of muriate of barytes. Muriatic acid, in its uncombined state, is an invisible elastic gas, having a very strong affinity for water; that fluid absorbing, at a temperature of 40° Fahrenheit, 480 times its volume, and the resulting liquid acid has a density of 121. So great is this attraction for water, that when the gas is liberated into the air, it combines with the moisture always present in that medium, forming dense white vapours. Its combinations with the alkalies, &c. are termed muriates ; those of the greatest importance are, the muriates of tin, ammonia, barytes, and sea salt. The test for the presence of muriatic acid in any liquid is the nitrate of silver (lunar caustic), which causes a curdy white pre- cipitate. Nitric acid, or aquafortis. — This, which is one of the most useful acidf with which the chemist is acquainted, is prepared by acting upon saltpetre (nitre or nitrate of potass) with oil of vitriol : the pro- portions best suited for this purpose are, three parts by weight of nitre and two of oil of vitriol ; or 100 nitre, and 60 oil of vitriol previously diluted with 20 of water ; either of these proportions will produce a very excellent acid. When submitted to distillation, which should be conducted in earthen or glass vessels, the nitric acid passes over in the form of vapour, and a biaulphate of potass (sal mixum) remains in the retort. Nitric acid of commerce has usually a dark orange-red colour, giving off copious fumes, and having a specific gravity of 150, water being 100. It is strongly acid and highly corrosive. It may be obtained perfectly colourless by a second distillation, rejecting the first portion that passes over. It is much employed in the arts, for etching on copper-plates for engraving ; also, for the separation of silver from gold, in the process of quartation. In pharmacy and surgery it is extensively used, and is employed for destroy- ing contagious effluvia. Combined with muriatic acid, it forms aqua regia (nitro-muriatic acid), used as a solvent for gold, platina, &c. This acid is frequently contaminated with the muriatic and sulphuric acids ; these may be detected by the following methods. — A portion of the suspected acid should be diluted with three or four times its volume of distilled water, and divided into two glasses ; to one of which nitrate of silver Clunar caustic in solution) is to be added, and to the other, nitrate of barytes : if muriatic acid be present, a white curdy precipitate will be thrown down by the former ; and if sulphuric, a white granular precipitate by the latter. Oxalic acid — occurs in combination with potass as binoxalate of potass in the different varieties of sorrel, from whence the binoxalate of potass has been termed salt of sorrel. This acid is usually prepared by the action of nitric acid upon sugar, evaporating the solution, after the action has ceased, to the con- sistence of a syrup, and redissolving and recrystallising the crystals which are thus procured. It is sold in small white acicular crystals, of a strongly acid taste and highly poisonous, and sometimes in its external appearance bears a strong similarity to Epsom salts (sulphate of magnesia), which it has been unfortunately frequently mistaken for. It is instantly distinguished from Epsom salts by placing a small crystal upon the tongue ; when its strong acid taste, compared with the nauseous bitter of the sulphate of magnesia, will be quite a sufficient criterion. In cases of poisoning however by this acid, lime, or chalk, mixed with water to form a cream, should be immediately administered, the combinations of oxalic acid with these substances being perfectly inert. It is employed in removing ink stains, iron moulds, &c. from linen and leather; the best proportions for these purposes are, 1 oz. of the acid to a pint of water, 'ihe most delicate test of the presence of oxalic acid is, a salt of lime or lime-water, with either of which it forms a white precipitate, insoluble in water, but soluble in acids. Its combinations are termed oxalates. Phosphoric acid — is of very little importance in a commercial point of view, except as forming with lime the earth of bones (phosphate of lime). It is prepared by heating bones to whiteness in a furnace; from this phosphoric acid is obtained by the action of sulphuric acid, still combined, however, with a small quantity of lime. The action of nitric acid upon phosphorus, the latter being added gradually and in small pieces, yields this acid in a state of purity ; its combinations are termed phosphates. Prussic acid, or hi/droci/anic acid. — This acid, which is the most virulent and poisonous acid known, is contained in peach blossoms, bay leaves, and many other vegetable productions, which owe their peculiar odour to the presence of prussic acid. For the purposes of medicine and chemistry, this acid is prepared either by distilling one part of the cyanuret of mercury, one part of muriatic acid of specific gravity ri.'j. and six parts of water, six jiarts of prussic acid being collected; or, by dissolving a certain weight of cyanuret of mercury, and passing a current of sulphureted hydrogen through the solution, until the whole of the mercury shall be ])recipitated; if an excess of sulphureted hydrogen should be present, a little carbonate of lead (white lead), will remove it ; on filtering, a colourless prussic acid will be obtained. J}y the first process, which is the one followed at Apothecaries' Hall, the acid has a density 993, water being equal to 1000 ; by the latter, it may bej>rocurcd of any required strength, depending on the quantity ACORNS.— ADAMANTINE SPAR. 5 of cyanurct of mercury dissolved. Tlie best test for the presence of this acid is, first to add a small quantity of the protosulphate of iron (solution of green vitriol), then a little solution of potassa, and lastly diluted sulphuric acid ; if prussic acid be preserit, i)russian blue will be formed. Its combinations are c alled prus. siates or hydrocyanates ; when in its concentrated form, it is so rapid in its effects that large animals have been killed in the short space of 80 seconds, or from a mirmtc to a minute and a half Sulphurous acid — is formed whenever sulphur is burnt in atmospheric air: it is a sufTocating and pungent gas, strongly acid, bleaches vegetable colours with great rapidity, and arrests the process of vinous fermentation. For these purposes it is therefore very much employed, especially in bleaching woollen goods and straws. Fermentation may be immediately arrested by burning a small quantity of sulphur in casks, and then racking off the wine while still fermenting into them; this frequently givca the wine a very unpleasant taste of sulphur, which is avoided by ihe use of sulphate of potass, made by impregnating a solution of potass with sulphurous acid gas. Sulphuric acid, or oil of vitriol — called oil of vitriol from its having been formerly manufactured from green vitriol (sulphate of iron). In some parts of the Continent this process is still followed. The method generally adopted in this country, is to introduce nine parts of sulphur, intimately mixed with one part of nitre, in a state of active combustion, into large leaden chambers, the bottoms of which are covered with a stratum of water. Sulphurous and nitrous acid gases are generated, which entering into combination form a white crystalline solid, which falls to the bottom of the chamber; the instant that the water comes in contact with itj this solid is decomposed with a hi.ssing noise and effervescence, sulphuric acid combines with the water, and nitrous gas is liberated, which combining with oxygen from the air of the chamber, is converted into nitrous acid gas, again combines with sulphurous acid gas, and again falls to the bottom of the chamber : this process continues as long as the combustion of the sulphur is kept up, or as long as atmospheric air remains in the chamber; the nitrous acid merely serving as a means for the transference of oxygen from the atmosphere to the sulphurous acid, to convert it into sulpfiuric acid. The water is removed from the chamber when of a certain strength, and replaced by fresh. These acid waters are then evaporated in leaden boilers, and finally concentrated in glass or platina vessels. As thus manufactured, sulphuric acid is a dense oily fluid, colourless, intensely acid, and highly corrosive, and has a specific gravity of 1,846, water being equal to 1,000. This acid is the most important with which we are acquainted ; it is employed in the manufacture of the nitric, muriatic, acetic, phosphoric, citric, tartaric, and many other acids ; also in the preparation of chlorine, for the manufacture of the bleaching powder (oxymuriate of lime or chloride of lime), for the preparation of sulphate of mercury, in the manu- facture of calomel and corrosive sublimate, and in innumerable other chemical manufactures. In the practice of physic it is also very much employed. It usually contains a little oxide of lead, which is readily detected by diluting the acid with about four times its volume of water, and allowing the sulphate of lead to subside. Its combinations are denominated sulphates. The fuming sulphuric acid, as manu- factured at Nordhausen, contains only one half the quantity of water in its composition. Tartaric acid. — This acid is procured from the cream of tartar (bitartrate of potass), obtained by purifying the crust which separates during the fermentation of wines by solution and crystallisation. "When this purified bitartrate is dissolved, and lime or carbonate of lime added, an insoluble tartrate of lime falls, which after washing should be acted upon by sulphuric acid ; sulphate of lime is thus formed, and the tartaric acid enters into sohition, and may be obtained by evaporation and crystallisation. It is employed very much in the arts, in calico-printing, as also in making effervescing draughts and powders in pharmacy. IJric acid — is an animal acid of very little importance, except in a scientific point of view : it exists in the excrement of serpents, to the amount of 95 per cent., and forms the basis of many of the urinary calculi and gravel N. B. This article, and that on alkalies^ has been furnished by an able practical chemist. ACORNS (Ger. Eicheln, Eckern ; Fr. Glands; It. Ghiande ; S^. Bellotas ; Rus. Schedudii ; Lat. Glandes), the seed or fruit of the oak. Acorns formed a part of the food of man in early ages, and frequent allusion is made in the classics to this circum- stance ( Virgil, Georg. lib. i. lin. 8. ; Ovid. Met. lib. i. lin. 106, &c.). In some countries they are still used, in periods of scarcity, as a substitute for bread. With us they aie now rarely used except for fattening hogs and poultry. They are said to make, when toasted, with the addition of a little fresh butter, one of the best substitutes for coffee. Their taste is astringent and bitter. A CO RUS ( Calamus aromaticus), sweet flag, or sweet rush, a red or knotty root, about the thickness of the little finger, and several inches long. " The root of the sweet flag has a pleasant aromatic odour, similar to that of a mixture of cinnamon and allspice. The taste is warm, pungent, bitterish, and aromatic." — ( Thomson's Dispensatory.) The root, which is used in medicine, was formerly imported from the Levant, but it is now obtained of an equally good quality from Norfolk. ACRE, a measure of land. The Imperial or standard English acre contains 4 roods, each rood 40 poles or perches, each pole 272^ square feet ; and consequently each acre = 43,560 square feet. Previously to the introduction of the new system of weights and measures by the act 5 Geo. IV. cap. 74., the acres in use in different parts of England varied considerably from each other and from the standard acre ; but these customary measures are now abolished. The Scotch acre contains four roods, each rood 40 falls, and each fall 36 ells ; the ell being equal to 37 -06 Imperial inches. Hence the Imperial is to the Scotch acre nearly as 1 to 1:^, one Scotch acre being equal to 1-261 Imperial acres. The Irish acre is equal to 1 acre 2 roods and 1 9j|'-j poles j 30^ Irish being equal to 49 Imperial acres. ADAMANTINE SPAR (Hind. Corundum), a stone so called from its hardness, fouiid in India, Ava, China, &c., crystallised, or in a mass. It is ascertained to be a species of sapphire. The Indian variety is the best. Colour grey, with shades of green and light brown ; fracture foliated and sparry, sometimes vitreous. It is brittle, and so hard as to cut rockr crystal and most of the gems. Specific gravity from 3-71 to 4-18. The Chinese variety differs from the Indian in containing grains of magnetic iron ore disseminated through it, in being generally of a darker colour, and having externally a chatoyant lustre : its specific gravity is greater, and its hardness somewhat inferior. It is employed to polish gems. B 3 6 ADJUSTMENT. — ADVERTISEMENT. ADJUSTMENT, in commercial navigation, the settlement of a loss incurred by the insured. In the case of a total loss, if the policy be an open one, the insurer is obliged to pay the goods according to their prime cost, that is, the invoice price, and all duties and ex- penses incurred till they are put on board, including the premium of insurance. Whether they might have arrived at a good or a bad market, is held by the law of England to be immaterial. The insurer is supposed to have insured a constant and not a variable sum ; and in the event of a loss occurring, the insured is merely to be put into the same situ- ation in which he stood before the transaction began. If the policy be a valued one, the practice is to adopt the valuation fixed in it in case of a total loss, unless the insurers can show that the insured had a colourable interest only, or that the goods were greatly over-valued. In the case of all partial losses, the value of the goods must be proved. " The nature of the contract between the insured and insurer is," says Mr. Justice Park, " that the goods shall come safe to the port of delivery ; or, if they do not, that the insurer will indemnify the owner to the amount of the value of the goods stated in the policy. Wherever then the property insured is lessened in value by damage received at sea, justice is done by putting the merchant in the same condition (relation being had to the prime cost or value in the policy) in which he would have been had the goods arrived free from damage ; that is, by paying him such proportion of the prime cost or value in the policy as corresponds with the proportion of the diminution in value occa- sioned by the damage. The question then is, how is the proportion of the damage to be ascertained ? It certainly cannot be by any measure taken from the prime cost ; but it may be done in this way : — Where any thing, as a hogshead of sugar, happens to be spoiled, if you can fix whether it be a third, a fourth, or a fifth worse, then the da- mage is ascertained to a mathematical certainty. How is this to be found out ? Not by any price at the port of shipment, but it must be at the port of delivery, when the voyage is completed and the whole damage known. Whether the price at the latter be high or low, it is the same thing ; for in either case it equally shows whether the da- maged goods are a third, a fourth, or a fifth worse than if they had come sound ; con- sequently, whether the injury sustained be a third, fourth, or fifth of the value of the thing. And as the insurer pays the whole prime cost if the thing be wholly lost, so if it be only a third, fourth, or fifth worse, he pays a third, fourth, or fifth, not of the value for which it is sold, hut of the value stated in the policy. And when no valuation is stated in the policy, the invoice of the cost, with the addition of all charge, and the premium of insurance, shall be the foundation upon which the loss shall be computed." Thus, suppose a policy to be effected on goods, the prime cost of which, aU expenses included, amounts to 1,000/. ; and suppose further, that these goods would, had they safely reached the port of delivery, have brought 1,200Z., but that, owing to damage they have met with in the voyage, they only fetch 800Z. ; in this case it is plain, inasmucli as goods that would otherwise have been worth 1,200Z. are only worth 800/., that they have been deteriorated one third ; and hence it follows, conformably to what has been stated above, that the insurer must pay one third of Xhevr prime cost (1,000/.), or 333/. 6s. 8d. to the insured. In estimating the value of goods at the port of delivery, the gross and not the neti proceeds of the sales are to be taken as the standard. A ship is valued at the sum she is worth at the time she sails on the voyage insured, including the expenses of repairs, the value of her furniture, provisions, and stores, the money advanced to the sailors, and, in general, every expense of the outfit, to which is added the premium of insurance. When an adjustment is made, it is usual for the insurer to indorse upon the policy " adjusted this loss at (so much) per cent." payable in a given time, generally a month, and to sign it with the initials of his name. This is considered as a note of hand, and as such is prima facie evidence of the debt not to be shaken, but by proving that fraud was used in obtaining it, or that there was some misconception of the law or the fact upon which it was made. See, for a further discussion of this subject, the article Marine Insurance, Park on the Law of Insurance (cap. 6.), and Marshall (book i. cap. J 4.). ADMEASUREMENT. Sec Tonnage. ADVANCE implies money paid before goods are delivered, or upon consignment. It is usual with merchants to advance from a half to two thirds of the value of goods consigned to them, on being required, on their receiving invoice, bill of lading, orders to insure them from sea risk, &c. ADVERTISEMENT, in its general sense, is any information as to any fact or circumstance tliat has occurred, or is expected to occur ; but, in a commercial sense, it is understood to relate only to specific intimations with respect to the sale of articles, the formation and dissolution of partncrshijis, bankruptcies, meetings of creditors, &c. Until last year, a duty of 3s. 6d. was charged upon every advertisement, long or short, inserted in the Gazette, or in any newspaper, or literary work published in parts ADVICE. — ALCOHOL. 7 3T numbers. This duty added about 100 per cent, to the cost of advertising, for the charge (exclusive of the duty) for inserting an advertisement of the ordinary length in the newspapers rarely exceeds 3s. or 4s. In 1832, the duty produced 155,401/. in Great Britain, and 15,249/. in Ireland. Last year (1833) the duty on advertisements was reduced to Is. 6d. ; and this, we have no doubt, will occasion such an increase of advertising as to prevent the revenue I'rom being materially injured by the reduction. But, instead of being modified merely, this is a duty that ought to be wholly repealed. Its operation is necessarily most unequal, and, in many instances, most oiipressive. Can any thing be more glaringly unjust than to impose the same duty on a notice of the publication of a sixpenny pamphlet, or of a servant being out of p'ace, as on an intimation of the sale of a valuable estate V But as it is alto- gether impossible to impose the duty on an ad valorem principle, this injustice cannot be obviated so long as it is maintained. In a commercial country, a duty on advertisements is peculiarly objectionable, inas- much as it checks the circulation of information of much importance to mercantile men. We, there- fore, hope that this unjust and impolitic tax may be speedily given up. Its abandonment would not cause any diminution of revenue ; for it is abundantly certain that its loss would be more than made up by the increased productiveness of the duties on paper and newspaper stamps. For an account of the operation of the stamp duty on literature, see Books. ADVICE, is usually given by one merchant or banker to another by letter, inform- ing him of the bills or drafts drawn on him, with all particulars of date, or sight, the sum, to whom made payable, &c. Where bills appear for acceptance or payment, they are frequently refused to be honoured for want of advice. It is also necessary to give advice, as it prevents forgeries : if a merchant accept or pay a bill for the honour of any other person, he is bound to advise him thereof, and this should always be done under an act of honour by a notary public. AGARIC, a fungus growing on the trunks of trees. That produced in the Le- vant from the larch is accounted the best. It is brought into the shops in irregular pieces of different magnitudes, of a chalky whiteness, and very light. Tlie best is easily cut with a knife, is friable between the fingers, and has no hard, gritty, or coloured veins. It is used in medicine and dyeing. — (Lewis, Mat. Med.) AGATE (popularly Cornelian), (Ger. Achat Tin. Achaat ; Ft. Agate ; It. Agata ; Rus. Agat ; Lat. Achates). A genus of semi-pellucid gems, so called from the Greek o.XO-T€S, because originally found on the banks of the river of that name in Italy. It is never wholly opaque like jasper, nor transparent as quartz-crystal ; it takes a very high polish, and its opaque parts usually present the appearance of dots, eyes, veins, zones, or bands. Its colours are yellowish, reddish, bluish, milk-white, honey-orange, or ochre- yellow, flesh-blood, or brick-red, reddish brown, violet blue, and brownish green. It is found in irregular rounded nodules, from the size of a pin's head to more than a foot in diameter. Th^ lapidaries distinguish agates according to the colour of their ground ; the finer semi-transparent kinds being termed oriental. The most beautiful agates found in Great Britain are commonly known by the name of Scotch pebbles, and are met with in different parts of Scotland, but principally on the mountain of Cairngorm ; whence they are sometimes termed Cairngorms. The German agates are the largest. Some very fine ones have been brought from Siberia and Ceylon. They are found in great plenty at the eastern extremity of the settlement of the Cape of Good Hope ; and are still met with in Italy. But the principal mines of agate are situated in the little principality of Rajpepla, in the province of Gujrat, fourteen miles distant from the city of Broach, where they are cut into beads, crosses, snuff-boxes, &c. They are exported in con- siderable quantities to other parts of India, and to this country ; and hence, perhaps, the jewellers' term " broach." AGENT. See Factor. AGIO, a term used, to express the difference, in point of value, between metallic and paper money ; or between one sort of metallic money and another. ALABASTER (Ger. Alabaster ; It. Alabastro ; Fr. Albdtre ; Rus. Alabastr Lat, Alabastrites). A kind of stone resembling marble, but softer. Under this name are con- founded two minerals, the gypseous and calcareous alabasters ; they are wholly distinct from each other when pure, but in some of the varieties are occasionally mixed together. The former, when of a white or yellowish, or greenish coloui-, semi-transparent, and capable of receiving a polish, is employed by statuaries. It is very easily worked, but is not susceptible of a polish equal to marble. Calcareous alabaster is heavier than the former ; it is not so hard as marble, but is notwithstanding susceptible of a good polish, and is more used in statuary. The statuaries distinguish alabaster into two sorts, the common and oriental. Spain and Italy yield the best alabaster. That produced at Montania, in the papal states, is in the highest esteem for its beautiful whiteness. In- ferior sorts are found in France and Germany. Alabaster is wrought into tables, vases, statues, chimney-pieces, &c. ALCOHOL, (ardent Spirit) (Fr. Esprit de Vin Ger. Weingeist ; It. Spirito ardente, Spirito di Vino, Acquarzente), the name given to the pure spirit obtainable by distillation, and subsequent rectification, from all liquors that have undergone the vinous fermentation, and from none but such as are susceptible of it. It is light, transparent, colourless, of a sharp, penetrating, agreeable smell, and a warm stimulating B 4 8 ALDER. — ALE AND BEER. taste. It is quite the same, whether obtained from brandy, wine, whisky, or any other fluid which has been fermented. The specific gravity of alcohol when perfectly pure is from '792 to '800, that of water being 1,000 ; but the strongest spirit afforded by mere distillation is about '820 ; alcohol of the shops is about '835 or "840. Alcohol cannot be frozen by any known degree of cold. It boils at 174°. It is the only dissolvent of many resinous substances; and is extensively used in medicine and the arts. — (Drs. A. T. Thomson, TJre, Sec.) ALDER, the Betula alnus of botanists, a forest tree abundant in England and most parts of Europe. It thrives best in marshy grounds and on the banks of rivers. It rarely attains to a very great size ; its wood is extremely durable in water or in wet ground ; and hence it is much used for piles, planking, pumps, pipes, sluices, and ge- nerally for all purposes where it is kept constantly wet. It soon rots when exposed to the weather or to damp ; and when dry, it is much subject to worms. The colour of the wood is reddish yellow, of different shades, and nearly uniform. Texture very uniform, with larger septa of the same colour as the wood. It is soft, and works easily. — ( Tredgolcfs Principles of Carpentry. ) ALE and BEER, well known and extensively used fermented liquors, the principle of which is extracted from several sorts of grain, but most commonly from barley, after it has undergone the process termed malting. 1. Historical Notice of Ale and Beer. — The manufacture of ale or beer is of very high antiquity. Herodotus tells us, that owing to the want of wine, the Egyptians drank a liquor fermented from barley (lib. ii. cap. 77.). The use of it was also very anciently introduced into Greece and Italy, though it does not appear to have ever been very extensively used in these countries. Mead, or metheglin, was probably the earliest intoxicating liquor known in the North of Europe. Ale or beer was, however, in com- mon use in Germany in the time of Tacitvis (Morib. Germ. cap. 23.). " All ^ the nations," says Pliny, " who inhabit the West of Europe have a liquor with which they intoxicate themselves, made of corn and water (fruge madida). The manner of making this liquor is somewhat different in Gaul, Spain, and other countries, and it is called by many various names ; but its nature and properties are every where the same. The people of Spain, in particular, brew this liquor so well that it will keep good for a long time. So exquisite is the ingenuity of mankind in gratifying their vicious appetites, that they have thus invented a method to make water itself intoxicate." — (Hist. Nat. lib. xiv. cap. 22.) The Saxons and Danes were passionately fond of beer; and the drinking of it was supposed to form one of the principal enjoyments of the heroes admitted to the hall of Odin. — ( Mallefs Northern Antiquities, cap. 6, &c. ) The manufacture of ale was early introduced into England. It is mentioned in the laws of Ina, King of Wessex ; and is particularly specified among the liquors provided for a royal banquet in the reign of Edward the Confessor. It was customary in the reigns of the Norman princes to regulate the price of ale; and it was enacted, by a statute passed in 1272, that a brewer should be allowed to sell two gallons of ale for a penny in cities, and three or four gallons for the same price in the country. The use of hops in the manufacture of ale and beer seems to have been a German invention. They were used in the breweries of the Netherlands, in the beginning of the fourteenth century ; but they do not seem to have been introduced into England till 200 years afterwards, or till the beginning of the sixteenth century. In 1530, Henry VIII. enjoined brewers not to put hops into their ale. It would, however, appear that but little attention was paid to this order; for in 1552 hop plantations had begun to be formed. — (Beckmann's Hist. Invent, vol. iv. pp. 336 — 341. Eng. ed.) The addition of hops renders ale more palatable, by giving it an agreeable bitter taste, while, at the same time, it fits it for being kept much longer without injury. Generally speaking, the English brewers employ a much larger quantity of hops than the Scotch. The latter are in the habit of using, in brewing the fine Edinburgh ale, from a pound to a pound and a half of hops for every bushel of malt. 2. Distinction between Ale and Beer, or Porter. — This distinction has been ably elucidated by Dr. Thomas Thomson, in his valuable article on Brewing, in the Supple- ment to the Encyclopaedia Britannica : — " Both ale and beer are in Great Britain obtained by fermentation from the malt of barley ; but they differ from each other in several particulars. Ale is light-coloured, brisk, and sweetish, or at least free from bitter ; while beer is dark-coloured, bitter, and much less brisk. What is called porter in England is a species of beer ; and the term *' jiorter " at present signifies what was formerly called strong beer. The original difference between ale and beer was owing to the malt from which they were prepared. Ale malt was dried at a very low heat, and consequently was of a pale colour ; while beer or ])orter malt was dried at a higher tem- perature, and had of consequence acquired a brown colour. This incipient charring had developed a peculiar and agreeable bitter taste, wliich was communicated to tlie boor along witli tlie dark colour. This bitter taste rendered beer more agreeable to tlio ALE AND BEER. 9 palate, and less injurious to the constitution than ale. It was consequently manufac- tured in greater quantities, and soon became the common drink of the lower ranks in England. When malt became high priced, in consequence of the heavy taxes laid upon it, and the great increase in the price of barley which took place during the war of the French revolution, the brewers found out that a greater quantity of wort of a given strength could be prepared from pale malt tlian from brown malt. The consequence was that pale malt was substituted for brown malt in the brewing of porter and beer. We do not mean that the whole malt employed was pale, but a considerable proportion of it. The wort, of course, was much paler than before ; and it wanted that agreeable bitter flavour which characterised porter, and made it so much relished by most palates. The porter brewers endeavoured to remedy these defects by seveial artificial additions. At the same time various substitutes were tried to supply the place of the agreeable bitter communicated to porter by the use of brown malt. Quassia, cocculus indicus, and we believe even opium, were employed in succession ; but none of them was found " to answer the purpose sufficiently. Whether the use of these substances be still per- severed in we do not know ; but we rather believe that they are not, at least by the London porter brewers." 3. Adulteration of Ale and Beer — substitution of Raw Grain for Malt. — The use of the articles other than malt, referred to by Dr. Thomson, has been expressly forbidden, under heavy penalties, by repeated acts of parliament. The act 56 Geo. 3. c. 58. has the following clauses : — " No brewer or dealer in or retailer of beer shall receive or have in his possession, or make, or use, or mix with, or put into any worts or beer, any liquor, extract, calx, or other material or preparation for the purpose of darkening the colour of worts or beer ; or any liquor, extract, calx, or other material or pre- paration other than brown malt, ground or unground, as commonly used. in brewing ; or shall receive, or have in his possession, or use, or mix with, or put into any worts or beer, any molasses, honey, liquorice, vitriol, quassia, cocculus indicus, grains of paradise, Guinea pepper, or opium, or any extract or prepara- tion of molasses, honey, liquorice, vitriol, quassia, cocculus indicus, grains of paradise, Guinea pepper, or opium, or any article or preparation whatsoever for or as a substitute for malt or /lops, upon pain that all . such liquor, extract, calx, molasses, honey, vitriol, quassia, cocculus indicus, grains of paradise, Guinea pepper, opium, extract, article, and preparation as aforesaid, and also the said worts and beer, shall be I'orfeited, together with the casks, vessels, or other packages, and may be seized by any officer of excise; and such brewer of, dealer in, or retailer of beer, so offending, shall for each offence forfeit 2( 0/. " No druggist, or vender of or dealer in drugs, or chemist, or other person whatever, shall sell, send, or deliver to any licensed brewer of, or dealer in, or retailer of beer, knowing him to be so licensed, or reputed to be so licensed, or to any other person for, or on account of, or in trust for, or for the use of such brewer, dealer, or retailer, any colouring, from whatever material made, or any other material or preparation other than unground brown malt, for the purpose of darkening the colour of worts or beer ; or any liquor or preparation heretofore or hereafter made use of for darkening the colour of worts or beer, or any molasses or other articles, as mentioned in the first section, for or as a substitute for malt or hops respectively ; and if any druggist, or vender of or dealer in drugs, or any chemist, or other person what- ever, shall so do, all such liquor called colouring, and material or preparation for the purpose atbresaid, and liquor and preparation used for darkening the colour of wortsorbeer, molasses, and article or jirepar- ation to be used as a substitute for malt or hops, shall be forfeited, and may be seized by any ofhcer of excise ; and the druggist, vender, dealer, chemist, or other person so offending, shall forfeit 5(jOZ." By the act 1 Will. 4. c. 51. for the repeal of the ale and beer duties, it is enacted ( § 17.), " that no brewer shall have in his brewery, or in any part of his entered premises, or in any mill connected with such brewery, any raw or unmalted corn or grain ; and all unmalted corn or grain which shall be found in such brewing premises or mill, and all malted corn or grain with which such unmalted corn or grain may have been mixed, shall be forfeited, and may be seized by any officer, together with all vessels or packages in which such raw or unmalted corn or grain shall be contained, or in which such unmalted corn or grain, and the malted corn or grain with which the same may have been mixed, shall be contained ; and every brewer shall for every such offence forfeit 200/." 4. Descriptions of Ale and Beer. — Previously to 1823 there were only two sorts of beer allowed to be brewed in England, viz. strong beer, that is, beer of the value cf 16s. and upwards the barrel, exclusive of the duty; and small beer, or beer of the value of less than 16s. a barrel, exclusive of the duty. In 1823, however, an act was passed (4 Geo. 4. c. 51.) authorising the brewing, under certain conditions, of an i7i- termediate beer. But this sort of beer was either not suited to the public taste, or, which is more probable, the restrictions laid on the brewers deterred them from engaging extensively in its manufacture. This limitation and classification of the different sorts of ale and beer, according to their strength, originated in the duties laid upon them; and now that these duties have been repealed, ale and beer may be brewed of any degree of strength. This is an immense advantage. 5. Regulations as to the Manufacture of Ale and Beer. — Since the abolition of the beer duties, these regulations are very few and simple ; and consist only in taking out a licence, entering the premises, and abstaining from the use of any article, other than malt, in the preparation of the beer. A brewer using any place, or mash-tun, for the purpose of brewing, without having made an entry thereof at the nearest excise office, forfeits for every such offence 200/. ; and all the worts, beer, and materials for making the same, together with the mash-tun, are forfeited, and may be seized by any officer. — Brewers obstructing officers shall, for every such offence, forfeit 100/. — (1 Will. 4. c. 51. §§ 15, 16.) 6. Licence Duties. — Number of Brewers. — The licence duties payable by brewers -i 10 ALE AND BEER. of ale and beer, under the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 81., and the numbers of such licences granted during the years 1829 and 1832 are as follow : — Sums charged for Licences. Number of Licences granted. 1829. 1832. £ s. d. 0 10 0 2,854 8,593 1 0 0 4,871 6,844 1 10 0 6,997 9,162 16,828 2 0 0 11,562 3 0 0 297 619 7 10 0 249 488 11 5 0 63 124 15 0 0 24 71 30 0 0 32 89 45 0 0 5 23 60 0 0 2 6 75 0 0 12 16 0 10 0 22 51 1 0 0 8 9 1 10 0 13 12 2 0 0 111 27 5 5 0 1,279 50 Common brewers of strong beer, not exceeding 20 barrels Exceeding 20 and not exceeding 50 barrels 50 — 100 — 1,000 — 2,000 — 5,000 — 7,500 — 10,000 — 20,000 — 30,000 Exceeding 100 1,000 2,000 5,000 7,500 10,000 20,000 30,000 40,000 40,000 I5rewers of table beer only, not exceeding 20 Exceeding 20 and not exceeding 50 barrels — 50 — 100 — Exceeding - - - 100 — Retail brewers of strong beer - _ - parrels Tlie great increase in the number of brewers in 1832, as compared with 1829, is to be ascribed to the abolition of the beer duties in 1830. The increase since 1832 has not been very material. N. B. The barrel contains 36 gallons, or 4 rirkins of 9 gallons each, Imperial measure. It is enacted (1 Will. 4. c 51. S 7-)j that, from the 10th of October, 1830, brewers are to pay their licence duty according to the malt used by them Ln brewmg, and that every brewer shall be deemed to have brewed one barrel of beer for every two bushels of malt used by such brewer. Account of the Number of Brewers, Licen.sed Victuallers, Persons licensed for the sale of Beer, to be drunk on and off the Premises, &c. ; with the Quantities of Malt used by such Brewers, &c. in England, Scotland, and Ireland, during the Year 1835.— (Pari. Papery No. 259. Sess. 1836.) Collections. T«j,„r,i,»v „f 1 Number who brew their Number of | ^^^^^ Bushels of Malt consumed bj each Class. Brewers. Victuallers. Persons licensed to sell Beer Victuallers. Persons licensed to sell Beer 1 Brewers. Victuallers. Persons licensed to sell Beer To be drunk on the Preniises. Not to be drunk on the Prem.ses. To be drunk on the Preniises. Not to be drunk on the Premises. To be drunk on the Preniises. Not to be drunk on the Premises. England Scotland Ireland 2,0D9 34,551 17,026 35,536 4,ilS 25,962 335 14,810 987 16,412,440 988,800 1,829,58; 9,521,797 149,380 3,702,417 218,616 United ICing- dom 2,5SG .-.'•>/>,^6 4, lis 2^,907 987 10,2.-(l,S2; 9,671,177 .■5,702,417 218,616 It is enacted, (1 Will. 4. c. 51.,) that every person who shall sell any beer or ale in less quantities than four and a half gallons, or two dozen reputed quart bottles, to be drunk elsewhere than on the premises where sold, shall be deemed a dealer in beer. 7. Progressive Consumption of Ale and Beer. — Malt liquor early became to the labour- ing classes of England what the inferior sorts of wine are to the people of France, at once a necessary of life and a luxury : the taste for it was universally diffused. There are, however, no means by which an estimate can be formed of the quantity actually consumed previously to the reign of Charles II. But duties, amounting to 2s. 6d. a barrel on strong, and to 6d. a barrel on small ale or beer, were imposed, for the first time, in 1660. These duties being farmed until 1684, the amount of the revenue only is known ; and as there are no means of ascertaining the proportion which the strong bore to the small beer, the quantities that paid duty cannot be specified. But, since the collection of the duty was intrusted to officers employed by government, accurate accounts have been kept of the quantities of each sort of beer on which duty was paid, as well as of the rate of duty and its amount. Now, it appears, that, at an average of the ten years from 1684 to 1693 inclusive, the amount of ale annually charged with duty was as follows : — Strong ale - - 4,567,293 barrels. Small do - - 2,376,278 do. Soon after the Revolution several temporary duties were imposed on ale and beer ; but in 1694 they were consolidated, the established duties being then fixed at 4s. 9d. a barrel on the strong, and at Is. 3d. on the small beer, instead of 2s. 6d. and 6d., which had been the rates previously to 1 690. This increase of duty had an immediate efifect on the consumption, the quantity brewed during the ten years from 1 694 to 1 703 being as follows : — Strong ale - - - 3,374,604 barrels. Small do. - - - 2,180,764 do. The whole of this decrease must not, however, be ascribed to the increase of the beer duties only ; the duties on malt and hops having been, at the same time, considerably increased, operated partly, no doubt, to produce the tfllbct. ALE AND BEER. 11 During the five years ending with 1750, the ale brewed amounted, at an average, to 3,803,580 barrels of strong, and 2,162,540 barrels of small. — (^Hamilton's Principles of Taxation, p. 255.) The ale brewed in private families for their own use has always been exempted from any duty ; and it may, perhaps, be supposed that the falling off' in the consumption, as evinced by the statements now given, was apparent only, and that the decline in the public brewery would be balanced by a proportional extension of the private brewery. But, though there can be no doubt that the quantity of beer bre%w;d in private familit s was increased in consequence of the peculiar taxes laid on the beer brewed for sale, it is abundantly certain that it was not increased in any thing like the ratio in which the other was diminished. This is established beyond all dispute, by the fact of the con- sumption of malt having continued very nearly stationary, notwithstanding the vast increase of population and wealth, from the beginning of last century down to 1750, and, indeed, to 1830 ! — (See Malt.) Had the fact, as to malt, been different, or had the demand for it increased proportionally to the increase of population, it would have shown that the effect of the malt and beer duties had not been to lessen the consumption of beer, but merely to cause it to be brewed in private houses instead of public breweries : but the long continued stationary demand for malt completely negatives this supposition, and shows that the falling off in the beer manufactured by the public brewers has not been made up by any equivalent increase in the supply manufactured at home. I. An Account of the Quantity of the different Sorts of Beer made in England and Wales, in each Year from 1787 to 1825, both inclusive, the Rate of Duty, and the total Produce of the Duties (English Ale Gallons). Years ended 5th July. Strong Beer. Barrels. Rate of Duty. Table Beer. Barrels. Rate of Duty. Small Beer. Barrels. Rate of Duty. Total Amount of Duty. 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1S03 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 8*. Qd. 9 5 lO^O 4,426,482 4,304,895 4,437,831 4,525,950 4,754,588 5,082,293 5,167,850 5,011,320 5,037,804 5,504,453 5,839,627 5,784,467 5,774,311 4,824,306 4,735,574 5,345,884 6,582.516 5,265,623 5,412,131 5,443,502 5,577,176 5,571,360 5,513,111 5,753,319 5,902,903 5,860,869 5,382,946 5,624,015 6,150,544 5,982,379 5,236,048 5,364,009 5,629,240 5,296,701 5,575,830 5,712,937 6,177,271 6,188,271 6,500,664 — 35. Qd. 485,620 524,176 514,900 546,260 579,742 625,260 620,207 586,554 576,464 565,630 584,422 622,064 611,151 574,995 500,025 392,022 1,660,828 1,779,570 1,776,807 1,771,754 1,732,710 1,710,243 1,682,899 1,635,588 1,649,564 1,593,395 1,455,759 1,432,729 1,518,302 1,514,867 1,453,960 1,434,642 1,460,244 1,444,290 1,439,970 1,492,281 1,419,589 1,401,021 1,485,750 — 1,3-12,301 1,834,947 1,244,046 1,282,157 1,347,086 1,401,870 1,414,255 1,446,939 1,453,036 1,479,130 1,518,512 1,547,570 1,597,139 1,360,502 1,191,930 976,787 Intermediate Beer. 9,559 j6'1, 932,922 1,889,580 1,935,303 1,977,796 2,078,602 2,2-0,164 2,254,454 2,188,973 2,198,460 2,385,234 2,524,748 2,510,267 2,507,872 2,106,671 2,048,695 2,321,198 2,782,263 2,810,768 2,883,746 2,898,926 2,961,859 2,956,704 2,924,845 3,040,218 3,116,407 3,089,774 2,837,048 2,955,280 3,227,102 3,142,676 2,763,420 2,825,468 2,960,&i4 2,792,779 2,931,912 3,005,696 3,230,594 3,234,237 3,401,296 15 0 It appears from the foregoing table, that the quantity of strong beer manufactured by the public brewers had increased about a third since 1787 ; but the quantity of malt consumed in 1787 was quite as great as in 1828; a fact, which shows conclu- sively, either that the quality of the beer brewed in the public breweries has been deteriorated since 1787, or that less, comparatively, is now brewed in private families; or, which is most probable, that both effects have been produced. 12 ALE AND BEER, II. An Account of the Quantity of all the different Sorts of Beer, stated in Barrels, made in each Year, from 5th of January 1S25 to 5th of January 1830; the Kates of Duty per Barrel in each Year, and Total Amount thereof in each Year in England and Scotland. — {Pari. Paper, No. 190. Sess. 1830.) ENGLAND. Years ended 3th January Number of Barrels, Imperial Measure. * Total Amount of Duty. Strong. • Rate per Barrel. Table. Rate per Barrel. Intermediate. Rate per Barrel. 1826 1827 { 1828 [ 1829 ^ 1830 [ 7,008,143 4,177,225 2,512,767 3,895,226 2,500,043 3,941,519 2,617,691 3,569,364 2,379,930 s. d. 9 10 9 0 9 10 9 0 9 10 9 0 9 10 9 0 9 10 1,606,899 ~ 1,040,726 562,927 989,827 542,481 977,962 .552,457 879,879 500,590 S. d. 1 111 1 n 1 Hi 1 9i 1 Hi 1 9i 1 Hi 1 9i 1 Hi 6,160 ] 7,707 I 17,158 j 62,617 j 55,498 S. d. 4 11 je s. d. 3,m,179 10 4 3,265,441 14 6 3,128,047 9 0 3,217,812 2 11 2,917,828 8 4 SCOTLAND. 1826 1827 [ 1828 [ 1829 1 1830 \ 133,903 116,594 5,545 102,769 9,250 101,475 17,248 94,387 16,566 s. d. 9 10 9 0 9 10 9 0 9 10 9 0 9 10 9 0 9 10 264,035 219,722 51,613 187,873 53,420 178,530 68,913 161,488 67,896 s. d. 1 Hi 1 9i 1 Hi 1 9i 1 Hi 1 9i 1 Hi 1 9i 1 lU J- - \- ■ }■ - ]■ ■ S. d. =£• s. d. 91,731 2 2 79,931 4 7 72,855 4 4 76,885 9 11 71,733 17 5 N. B. The duty on beer being repealed in 1830, there are no later accounts of the quantity brewed. HL An Account of the Number of Barrels of Strong Beer exported in each Year, from 5th of January 1825 to 5th of January 1830. Number of Barrels (Imperial Measure) exported from England. Scotland. Ireland. pl826 - 1 1827 Years ended 5lh of January - - ■{ 1828 1829 1 1830 53,013 42,602 59,471 71,842 74,902 1,827 1,679 2,509 3,304 3,131 9,855 10,000 11,261 14,499 15,207 The exports in 1832 were 70,130 barrels. It has been contended by some, that the condition of the bulk of the people has declined since the commencement of the late French war ; and that this decline, and not the duties and restrictions on the manufacture and sale of malt and beer, has been the real cause that the consumption of malt liquors continued stationary during the thirty years ending with 1 830. But nearly four millions of persons were added to the population of England and Wales during the eighteenth century, and it is admitted, on all hands, that the condition of the middle and lower classes wa.s, at the same time, vastly im- proved. Instead, however, of increasing, as no doubt it would have done but for some very powerful counteracting cause, we have seen that the consumption of malt liqvior continued stationary during the whole of last century ; so that the fair presump- tion is, that it continued stationary during that period of the present century already re- ferred to, not because the people have become less able to purchase beer, but because the same causes which formerly prevented the increase of consumption have continued to operate. If we except a portion of the peasantry in seme of the southern counties, where the pernicious practice of paying wages out of the poor's rates has been intro- duced, it will be found that the condition of the labouring classes has been, speaking generally, changed very much for the better during the last thirty years. Their health has been remarkably improved ; a result which could hardly have taken place without an improvement in their habits as to cleanliness, and in their ordinary accommodations ; and, independent of this circumstance, the fact that the lower classes liave lodged up- wards of fifteen millions sterling in Savings' Banks, and that upwards of a million of them are members of Friendly Societies, shows pretty clearly that, though they may not be anywhere so comfortable as could be wished, and though, in Kent, Hampshire, and some other southern counties, they are exposed to very great privations, their con- dition is, on the whole, superior to what it has ever previously been. It has further been contended, that if the decline in the consumption of beer cannot be ascribed to any * The ale gallon contains 282 cubic inches, and the Imperial gallon 277J : the latter being ' Va^t less than the former. °^ ALE AND BEER. 13 falling off in the condition of the people, or in theu" power to purchase malt liquors, the fair inference is, that it has originated in a change of taste ; and the increased con- sumption of spirituous liquors that lias taken place of late years has been api)ea]ed to in proof that such is the fact. IJut this increase has been very greatly exaggerated : admitting, however, that the circumstances are really such as have been represented, the question instantly recurs, to what is this change of taste owing? Hoav comes it that the people of England should be less partial than heretofore to that palatable and nutritious beverage to which they have been long accustomed, and that they should be resorting to ardent spirits and other deleterious compounds, destructive alike of their health and morals ? If we mistake not, it will be found to be wholly owing to the duties and restrictions that have been laid on the manufacture and sale of beer. 8. Duties on Ale and Beer : old licensing System. — The duty on malt is 20s. Sd. a quarter ; on hops 2d. a pound ; and on strong beer, which forms five tenths of the whole quantity brewed, the duty was 9s. \0d. a barrel. It is commonly estimated, that from three to three and a halt" barrels of beer are manufactured from a quarter of malt ; and that each quarter of malt requires twelve pounds of hops. Now, supposing that three and a quarter barrels of beer are produced from a quarter of malt, the duties affecting it, down to the 10th of October, 1830, were s. d. Duty laid directly on malt - - 20 8 Beer duty on three and a quarter barrels - 31 11 Hop duty - - - 2 0 54s. Id. and dividing this sum of 54s. Id. by 3^, thff duties affecting each barrel of beer will be 17s. Such duties are obviously oppressive. The price of barley does not at an average ' exceed 35s. per quarter. But the duties on malt or beer produced from a quarter of barley (exclusive of the hop duty) amounted to 52s. Id., being equal to 150 per cent, upon the cost of the barley employed ! Need we seek elsewhere for the cause of the stationary demand for malt liquors ? The taxes on wine, British spirits, tea, and coffee, do not, in any case, exceed 100 per cent. Nor can there be a doubt that the dispro- portionately heavy burden that has thus been imposed on the natural and healthy beverage wf the lower classes has principally contributed to lessen its consumption, and to cause them to resort to less salubrious substitutes. In another point of view, the beer duties were still more indefensible. They affected only that description of beer which was brewed for sale; and as all the higher classes brewed their own beer, the duty fell only on the lower and middle ranks of the com- munity, and particularly the former. It is singular, that a tax so grossly unequal and oppressive should have been so long submitted to. Should the public necessities require, at any future period, that an effort should be made to increase the revenue from beer, the fair and proper method would be to increase the malt duties. They affect alike those who brew the beer which they consume, and those who buy it from a public brewer. Their increase would not require the employment of any additional officers ; for it is obvious, that the same officers and regulations that serve to collect a duty of 20s. 8(/. would equally serve to collect a duty of 30s. ; and, what is most important, an increase of fliis sort would not require any interference with the process of brewing. But besides the obstacles to the consumption of beer arising from the oppressive duties with which it was burdened, the system recently in force of granting licences for its sale, opposed obstacles that were hardly less formidable. Previously to 1830, no one could open a house for the sale of beer without first obtaining a licence renewable annually from tlie magistrates-; and as these functionaries were accustomed only to grant licences to the occupiers of particular houses, the brewers naturally endeavoured, in order to ensure the sale of their beer, either to buy up those houses or to lend money upon them : and in many extensive districts a few large capitalists succeeded in engrossing most of the public houses ; so that even the appearance of competition was destroyed, and a ready market and good prices secured for the very worst beer ! We, therefore, look upon the abolition of the beer duties, and the granting per- mission to all individuals to retail beer upon taking out an excise licence costing 21. 2s., as highly advantageous measures. The repeal of the duty has put an end to the unjust distinction that previously obtained ; the poor man is no longer burdened with a heavy tax, from which the noble and affluent of the land were exempted ; but all classes are placed, in so far at least as the duties on beer are concerned, in the same situation. The fall of price caused by the abolition of the duty, by rendering beer more easily obtainable, will do much to check the consumption of spirits; and will, at the same time, powerfully contribute to the health and comfort of the poor. The change in the mode of licensing houses for the retail of beer has introduced into the trade that system of free competition 14 ALE AND BEER. that is so advantageous. It is no longer in the power of any combination of brewers to maintain the price of beer at an unnatm-al elevation; and the public may now depend on being supplied with malt liquors at the lowest price that will serve to indemnify the brewers. 9. Complaints of the Increase of Beer Shops. — In despite, however, of what has now been stated, it is strenuously objected to the late measure for licensing houses for the sale of beer, that it has led to their excessive multiplication in different parts of the country, and has, in consequence, had a most pernicious influence on the public morals : but there do not seem to be any good grounds for sui3h statements. The whole number of public houses licensed for the sale of beer and ale only in England and Wales, during the year ended 31st of March, 1833, was 4,821 ; while 47,286 houses were licensed, during the same year, for the sale of beer, ale, and spirits. — (Pari. Paper, No. 426. Sess. 1833.) Whatever, therefore, may be the inconveniences arising from the number of the latter, it does seem ludicrous to imagine that they can be materially increased by the opening of the beer shops. On the contrary, we should think that every measure which has a tendency to substitute beer shops for spirit shops must be advantageous ; and such is the precise effect of the act 1 Will. 4. cap. 64. Its privileges are acquired by those only who confine themselves to the sale of beer ; and until it has been shown that the drinking of beer is less advantageous, or more pernicious, than the drinking of spirits, we shall not be inclined to lay much stress on the complaints so frequently put forth as to the number of beer shops. In order, however, to check their unnecessary multiplication, and to ensure as far as possible the maintenance of good order in them, it might be expedient, perhaps, to increase the license duty, and the security required from those applying for a licence, and to facilitate the suppression of disorderly houses : but we protest against any attempt to lessen the number of public houses by reviving the old licensing system, with the injustice and jobbing inseparable from it, and from every modification of it. 10. Existing Regulations with respect to the Sale of Beer. — The sale of ale, beer, &c. by retail in England, is now regulated by the act 1 Will. 4. c. 64., of which we subjoin a pretty full abstract. Licenses to be granted by commissioners of excise, or by persons authorised by them ; to cost 21. 2s. a year : not to authorise the sale of wine or spirits ; not to be granted to sheriffs' officers, nor to any person executing the legal process of any court of justice, nor to any person not being a householder assessed to the parish. — § 2. The party requiring such licence to enter into a bond to the commissioners, with one sufficient surety in the penalty of 20/., or with two sufficient sureties in the penalty of 10/. each, for the payment of any penalty or sum of money, not exceeding the amount of such 20/. or 10/. respectively, which shall be incurred for any offence against this act by the party to whom such licence shall be granted ; and no person licensed to soil beer by retail, or not being a householder paying the poor rates, shall be surety in any suca bond. — § § 4, 5. Every person who shall be licensed under this act, shall cause to be painted, in letters three inches at least in length, in white upon a black ground, or in black upon a white ground, publicly visible and legible, upon a board, to be placed over the door of the house in which such person shall be licensed, the Christian and surname of the persons mentioned in such licence, at full length, together with the words " Licensed to sell Beer by Retail ; " and every such person shall keep up such name and words during all the time that auch _persoii shall continue so licensed, upon pain of forfeiting for every omission 10?. — • \ 6. No person to sell any beer by retail, under this act, after the expiration of any licence granted, nor m any house not specified in such licence ; and any person selling beer by retail, not being duly licensed, as the keeper of a common inn, ale-house, or victualling-house; or if any.such person, so licensed, shall deal m or retail any wine or spirits, he shall, for every such offence, forfeit 20/., half to go to the informer and half to the king ; such penalty to be recovered as other excise penalties ; and the powers of the excise act 7 & 8 G. 4. c. 53, &c. extended to this act. — ^ ^ 7, 8, 9. Persons trading in partnership, and in one house, shall not be obliged to take out more than one licence in any one year : provided also, that no one licence shall authorise any person to sell beer, in any other than the house mentioned in such licence. — § 10 In cases of riot or expected riot or tumult, every person licensed under this act, and keeping any house situate within their jurisdictions, shall close his house at any time which the justice or justices shall direct; and every such person who shall keep open his house at or after any hour at which such justices shall have so ordered or directed such house to be closed, shall be deemed to have not maintained good order and rule therein, and to be guilty of an offence against the tenor of his licence. — \ 11. livery person licensed to sell beer by retail, shall sell (except in quantities less than a half pint) by the gallon, quart, pint, or half pint measure, sized according to the standard; and in default thereof, he shall for every such offence forfeit the illegal measure, and pay not exceeding 40s., together with the costs of the conviction, to be recovered within thirty days next after that on which such offence was committed, before two justices ; such penalty to be over and above all penalties to which the offender may be liable under any other act. — § 12. Every seller of beer by retail, having a licence under this act, who shall permit any person to be guilty of drunkenness, or disorderly conduct, in the house mentioned in such licence, shall forfeit the sums following: for the first offence, not less than 40*. nor more than 5/., as the justices, before whom such' retailer .shall be convicted, shall adjudge ; and for the second offence, any sum not less than [>l. nor more than 10/. ; and for the third offence, any sum not less than 20/. nor more than 50/. ; and it shall be lawful for the justices, before whom any such conviction for such third offence shall take place, to adjudge, it they .shall think fit, that such offender shall be disqualified from .selling beer by retail for the space of two years next ensuing such conviction, and also that no beer shall be sold by retail, by any per.son in the house mentioned in the licence of such offender ; and if any person so licensed shall, knowingly, sell any heer, ale, or porter, made otherwise than from malt and hoi)s, or shall mix, or cause to be mixed, any drugs or other pernicious ingredients, with any beer .sold in his house, or shall fraudulently dilute, or in any way adulterate, any such beer, such offender shall, for the first offence, forfeit not less than 10/. nor more than 20/., and for the second such offence such otfonder shall be adjudged to be disqualified from BcMing beer, ale, or porter, by retail, for the term of two years, or to forfeit not less than 20/. nor more than 50/., and shall be subject to a like penalty at every house where he shall commit such offence ; and if any ALE AND BEER. 15 person shall, during any term in which it shall not be lawful for beer to be sold by retail on the prcmiseg of any offender, sell any beer by retail on such premises, knowing that it was not lawful to be soid, such offender shall forfeit not less than 10/. nor more tlian m. ; every person suffering the conditions of the hcence to be infringed to be deemed guilty of disorderly conduct — ^ 13. Retailers' houses not to be open before four in the morning, nor after ten in the evening ; nor between the hours often in the forenoon and one in the afternoon, nor at any time between the hours of three and five in the afternoon, on any Sunday, Good Friday, Christmas-day, or any day appointed for a public fast or thanksgiving ; and any person offending herein shall forfeit 40*. for every offence j every separate sale to be deemed a separate offence. — ^ 14. All penalties under this act, except for selling beer by any person not duly licensed, shall be recovered, upon the information of any person before two justices in petty sessions; and every such penalty shall be prosecuted for within three calendar months next after the offence ; and every person licensed under this act, who shall be convicted before two justices, shall, unless proof be adduced to the satisfaction of sucJi justices, that such person had been theretofore convicted before two justices, within the space of twelve calendar months next preceding, be adjudged by such justices to be guilty of a first offience against this act, and to forfeit and pay any penalty by this act imposed for such offence, or if no specific penalty be imposed, then any sum not exceeding 5/., together with the costs of the conviction ; and if proof be adduced to the satisfaction of such justices, that such person had been previously convicted, within the space of twelve calendar months next preceding, of one such offence only, such person to be adjudged guilty of a second offence against this act, and to forfeit and pay any penalty by this act imposed for such offence, or if no specific penalty be so imposed, then any sum not exceeding 10/., together witli the costs of conviction ; and if proof shall be adduced that such person had been previously convicted within the space of eighteen calendar months next preceding, of two such separate offences, and if proof be adduced that such person, so charged, is guilty of the offence charged against him, such person shall be adjudged to be guilty of a third offence against this act, and to forfeit and pay any penalty imposed by this act, in respect of such offence, or if no such specific penalty shall be imposed, then to forfeit and pay the sum of 50/., together with the costs of conviction. — ^ 15. The party, convicted of any such third offence, may appeal to the general sessions, or quarter sessions, then next ensuing, unless held within twelve days after conviction, and in that case, to tiie then next sub- sequent sessions ; and, in such case, the party convicted shall enter into a recognizance, with two sureties, personally to appear at the said general or quarter sessions, to abide the judgment of the court ; and to pay such costs as shall be by the court awarded ; or, in failure of the party convicted entering into such recognizance, such conviction shall remain good and valid; and the said justices who shall take such recognizance, are also required to bind the person who shall make such charges to appear at such general or quarter sessions, then and there to give evidence against the person charged, and, in like manner, to bind any other person who shall have any knowledge of such offence; and it shall be lawful for the said general or quarter sessions to adjudge such person to be guilty of such third offence against this act, and such adjudication shall be final ; and it shall be lav/ful for such general or quarter sessions to punish suclr offender by fine, not exceeding 100/., together with the costs of such appeal, or to adjudge the licence to be forfeited, or that no beer be sold by retail in the house for the term of two years, and if such licence shall be adjudged to be forfeited, it shall henceforth be void ; and whenever, in such case, the licence of such offender shall be adjudged to be void, sucli offender shall be deemed incapable of selling beer, ale, or porter, by retail, in any house kept by him, for the space of two years, to be computed from the time of such adjudication ; and any licence granted to such person during such term shall be void. — ^ 16. In default of payment of penalties, proceedings may be had against the sureties. — ^19. Any person summoned as a witness, who shall neglect or refuse to appear, and not make such reasonable excuse for such neglect, &c. as shall be admitted by such justices of sessions, or who, appearing, shall refuse to be examined, shall, on conviction, forfeit not exceeding 10/. — ^ 20. Offenders refusing or neglecting, within seven days after conviction, to pay the penalty imposed, and any costs assessed, such justices may issue their warrant, to levy the amount by distress and sale, together with the costs of distress and sale ; and in every such case, such offenders, if in custody, shall be forthwith discharged ; but if the goods and chattels are not sufficient, such justices may commit the offender to the common gaol or house of correction for not exceeding one calendar month, if the penalty shall not be above bl. ; for not exceeding three calendar months, if the penalty shall be above 51. and not more than 10/. ; and for not exceeding .six calendar months, if the penalty shall be above 10/. ; provided, that when- ever such offender shall pay to the gaoler or keeper, or to whomsoever such justices shall have appointed, the penalty and costs, together with all the costs of apprehension and conveyance to gaol, at any time previous to the expiration of the time for which such offender shall have been committed, such offijnder shall be forthwith discharged. — § 21. No conviction under this act, nor any adjudication made upon appeal therefrom, shall be quashed for want of form, nor removed by certiorari. — § 27. Every action against any justice, constable, or other person, for any thing done in execution of his duty under this act, to be commenced within three calendar months, and not afterwards; and if any person be sued, he may plead the general issue, and give the special matter in evidence. — § 28. This act not to affect the two universities, nor the vintners' company in London; nor to prohibit the sale of beer at fairs, as heretofore. 11. Scotch Ale and Beer Duties. — The duties on ale and beer in Scotland have been for a lengthened period the same as in England. At the union in 1707, the English duties on ale and beer were introduced into Scot- land. But, besides strong and small beer, the Scotch had an intermediate species, which they called two-penny, and which was their favourite beverage. The duty on this de- scription of beer was fixed, at the union, at 2s. l^d. a barrel. For thirti/ years after its imposition, the quantity of two-penny that paid duty was always above 400,000, and .sometimes exceeded 500,000 barrels a year. But in 1760 the duty on two-penny was increased to 3s. 41c?. and the consumption immediately fell off to between 100,000 and 200,000 barrels ! The quantity that paid duty in 1800 amounted to 149,803 barrels. The manufacture of this species of beer ceased entirely in 1 802. No account has been kept of the quantity of beer brewed in Ireland since 1809, when it amounted to 960,300 barrels. — (Morewood on Intoxicatiiig Liquors, p. 353.) Per- haps it may now amount to from 1,000,000 to 1,200,000 barrels. 1 2. Regulations as to the Exportation of Beer. — Ale or beer exported to foreign parts as merchandise is allowed a drawback of 5s. the barrel of 36 gallons, Imp. nieas. But before any debenture for the above drawback shall be paid, "the exporter or his prin- cipal clerk or manager .shall make oath thereon, before the proper officer of excise, that such ale or beer was put on board the exporting ship as merchandise to be sent beyond 16 ALEXANDRIA. seas, and no part thereof for the ship's use ; and that, according to the best of his know- ledge and belief, the same has been brewed wholly from malt which has been charged with and paid the duty of 2s. Id. a bushel, and shall also specify in such oath the time when and the place where ; and the brewer, being an entered and licensed brewer for sale, by whom such beer or ale was brewed, and that the quantity of malt used in brewing was not less than two bushels (Imp. meas.) for every 36 gallons of such beer or ale. Persons making false statements forfeit the sum of 200Z. and the debenture is void. — (1 Will. 4. cap. 51. § 11.) ALEXANDRIA, so called from its founder, Alexander the Great, the principal sea- port of Egypt, on the coast of the Mediterranean. It is situate about 1 2 miles W. of the Canopic mouth of the Nile; the Pharos being in lat. 31^ 12| N., long. 29° 53^' E. The situation of this famous city was most admirably chosen. Until the discovery of the route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, Egypt formed the natural seat of the commerce between the eastern and western worlds ; and Alexandria was placed in the most favourable position in Egypt for an emporium. It is the only port on the whole northern coast of that country where there is, at once, deep water, and security for shipping throughout the year. The ports of Rosetta and Damietta, the former on the west, and the latter on the eastern arm of the Nile, are both difficult of entrance, each having a bar, upon which there is always a dangerous surf. Ships bound for Alex- andria avoid this serious inconvenience ; and by means of an artificial navigation, stretching from the city to the western branch of the Nile, it has, for a while at least, almost the same facilities of internal navigation that are enjoyed by the cities referred to. It may be proper, however, to mention that this artificial communication with the Nile has not always been open. It existed in antiquity, but fell into decay during the barbarism of more modern times. After being shut up for some centuries, it has been re-opened by Mohammed Ali, who has dug a canal from Alexandria to Fouah on the Nile, about 27 miles above Rosetta. This important work is 48 miles in length, 90 feet in breath, and from 15 to 18 feet deep. It was opened in 1819; but owing partly to the nature of the ground, partly to some defects in its construction, and partly to the mud deposited by the water of the Nile, it is difficult to keep in repair ; and cannot now, it is said, be navigated except during the period of the inundation. Its free navigation at all periods would, however, be of the greatest advantage, not to Alexandria only, but to all Egypt ; and it is believed that this might be secured by facing the canal with brick, and putting it otherwise into good order. Ports, 8fC.—The ancient city was situated a little more inland than the modern one, opposite to the small island of Pharos, on which was erected the lighthouse, so celebrated in antiquity — {Ctesar de Bello Civlli, lib. iii. cap. 112.) This island was, partly by artificial means, and partly by natural causes, gradually joined to the land by a mound, and on this the new town is principally built. The isthmus and island have now the form of a T, its head being N.E. and S.W. A square castle, or tower, built on a small islet or rock, at the extremity of a mole projecting from the north-east angle of the city, is still called the Pharos, and a light is regularly exhibited upon it. On each side of the city there is a port. That on the western, or African side, called the Old Port, is by far the largest and best. It stretches from the town westwards to Marabout, about six miles, and is about a mile and a half wide. It is bounded on the north, partly by the western tongue or angle of the island on which the city is partially built, and partly by rocks and sand banks. It has three entrances. The first, or that nearest the city, having 17 feet water, is about two miles S. W. from the large building, situated a little to the westward of the town, called the palace ; but it is too narrow and difficult to be attempted by any one not thoroughly acquainted with the port. The eastern side of the second or middle entrance is marked by buoys which lie about two miles and three quarters S.W. from the palace ; it is about a quarter of a mile wide, and nas, where shallowest, 27 feet water. The third or western entrance has its western boundary within about three eighths of a mile from the east end of Marabout island ; it is about half a mile wide, and has from 25 to 27 feet water in its shallowest places. This last is the best entrance. Ships, when in, may anchor close to the town in from 22 to 40 feet water, and there is good anchorage in deep water all along the shore. Foreigners were formerly excluded from this port; but this prohibition no longer exists. The New or Asiatic harbour is on the easterrf side of the town. A rock called the Diamond lies a little to the east of the Pharos tower ; and ships entering the port ought to have this rock about a cal)le's length on the right If they get much further to the left, they will come in contact with a shoal which stretches westward from the'l'harillon, or little tower, on the east side of the port The water immediately within the port S. W. from the Pharos is from3{) to 40 feet deep ; but the space for anchorage is very limited, and is exposed to the northerly gales ; and the ground being foul and rocky, hempen cables are very apt to chafe, and several accidents have happened in consequence to ships unprovided with iron cables. Ordinary tides rise 2 feet ; but during the overflow of the Nile the rise is 4 feet. Variation IS^ west. — (See Plan of Alexandria, by Lieut. Falbe.) Ancient and Modem C%.— Under the Ptolemies and Romans, Alexandria was the first commercial city in the world. It sutR'red greatly by its reduction by the Saracens in 640; but it continued to be a place of considerable commercial imi')ortance til! the despotism of the Mamelukes and Turks, and tho discovery of the route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, completed its ruin. Under the Ptolemies, the population is l)elieved to have amounted to about ."OO.OOO, and the city was adorned by a vast number ot magnificent structures. At present the population varies with the seasons of the year, but, when greatest, it is not supposed to exceed 2.'j,()()() ; and may vary between this amount and l(),t)00 or 18,()(X). The appearance of the modern town is most unpromising. " It may be justly said, that in the new city of Alex- andria we find a poor orphan, whose sole inheritance has been the venerable name of its father. The vast extent of the ancient city is contracted in the new, to a little neck of land, between the two ports. The most superb temples are changed into j)lain mosques ; the most magnificent palaces into houses of a bad structure ; the royal seat is become a prison for slaves ; an opulent and numerous people has given way to a small number of foreign traders, and to a multitude of wretches, that are the servants of those on whom they depend : a place formerly so famous for the extent of its conur.crcc, is no longer any thing ALEXANDHIA. 17 more than a mere place of embarking ; in fine, it is not a phoenix that revives from its own as!)C8, it is, at most, a reptile, sprung from the dirt, the dust, and corrui)tion with which tlie Alcorau has infected the wiiolo country " — [Norden's Travels, Eng. trans. 8voed. j). 37.) 'I'hore is reason, liowever, to think that this striking (iescription, though accurate at the time when it was written (1737), conveys too unfavour- able an idea ol tlie present state of Alexandria. 'J'lie vigorous government of Mohammed Ali, by intro- ducing comparative security and good order into Egypt, has latterly revived the commerce of Alexandria, which has again become a place of considerable importance in the trading world. Trade of Alexandria. — The imports principally consist of cotton stufis, timber, hardware, iron and tin, tobacco, machinery, ammunition, silk goods, woollens, staves, &c. The exi)orts consist of raw cotton, wheat and barley, rice, linen, flax, linseed, sugar, coffee (from the Ked Sea), drugs, gums, sal-ammoniac, saffron, wax, &c. 'I'he principal articles of importation into this country from Egypt are cotton, flax and linseed, senna, and gum. Of these, cotton is by far the most important. We began to import it in 1823 ; and since then the imi)orts have been as follows : — Years. Bales. Years. Bales. Years. Bales. 1824 38,022 1827 22,450 1830 14,7.02 1825 111,023 1828 32,889 1S31 38,124 1826 47,6^1 1829 24,739 1832 41,183 In 1832, the French imported 25,807 bales of Egyptian cotton ; the imports at Trieste during the same year were about .')0,00() bale's ; and those at Leghorn and Genoa were, together, about the same as at Trieste. I'he l)ale of Egyptian cotton v/cighs about 220 lbs. This iniportant trade owes its existence almost entirely to the exertions of the Pacha, by whom the cotton i)lantations have been established. The cotton eximrted is all long>-staple, but of two sorts: one called in Egypt makko, and in England connnon Egyptian; the other, the produce of sea-island seed, called in Eg>pt Sennaar, and in England sea-island Egyptian. Besides these two descriptions, Egypt produces from 15,000 to 20,(/00 bales of short- staple cotton, similar in quality to that of Smyrna, and chiefly consumed in the country. The cotton brought from Egyi>t is found to be amongst the most useful that is grown : that raised from sea-island seed ranks next to American sea-island. The exports from this country to Egy])t principally consist of cotton goods and twist, earthenware, iron and steel, arms and ammunition, 8cc. Their real value amounted, in 1831, to 122,832/. ; but besides what goes direct, a good deal of British produce finds its way to Egypt at second hand from Malta, Smyrna, &c. Constantinople and the islands of the Archipelago are the great markets for the wheat and other grain exported from Egypt, the quantity sent to them being sometimes very large. The supplies are, however, extremely uncertain. Every thing in Egypt depends on the Nile; and when it does not rise to the usual height, the crops are very much below an average. Beans are extensively cultivated, and have sometimes been brought to England, but rarely, if ever, with advan- tage to the importers. They are very inferior to English beans, and are peculiarly subject to the worm. No oats are raised in Egypt, the horses being entirely fed upon barley. Besides cotton, the Pacha has turned his attention to the culture of sugar, indigo, &c. The first has long been raised in Egypt, but the exports are not very considerable. Silk is grown to some extent. The date-palm thrives in every part of Egypt, and the fruit is largely exported. It is singular, that notwithstanding the luxuriance of many of it's vegetable productions, Egypt should be entirely destitute of timber. — {Lords' Report of IS^T, on llie Price 0' Fo7-eign Corn, Min. of Evid. p. 120., and private ivfo7-mation.) In 1831, there entered the port of Alexandria 1,215 ships, of the burden of 198,299 tons. Of these, the Austri^in were the most numerous; next, the English and Ionian; and then the French, Sardi- nian, Spanish, &c. Money. — Accounts are kept at Alexandria, as at Cairo, in current piastres, each piastre being equal to 40 paras, or medini, and each medijio to 30 asi>ers. The mednio is also divided into 8 borbi, or fi forli. A purse contains 25,000 medini. The piastres struck in 1826 contain a great deal of alloy ; 15| or 16 i)iastres = 1 Spanish dollar; hence 1 piastre — S^d. sterling, very nearly. Payments in transactions of any importance are generally made in Spanish dollars. Weights and Meas2{res. — The yard, or pik, — 26 8 English inches ; hence 100 piks = 74 '438 English yards. The measures for corn are iUe rhebebe, and the quillot or kisloz ; the former — 4'36't English bushels, the latter = 4 729 ditto. The cantaro or quintal ~ \00 rottoli, but the rottolo has different names and weights : 1 rottolo forforo = '9347 lb. avoirdupois ; 1 rotfo/o xaidino — V3S5 lb. ditto; 1 rottolo xanro or xaro — 2 07 lbs. ditto ; 1 rottolo mina — ViSl lb. ditto. — [Manuel Universel de Nelkcnbrecher.) Duties. — With the exception of the commercial m.onopolies of the Pacha, and the arbitrary principles on which he fixes the prices of commodities, there is nothing objectionable in his policy as to commerce. The duties on imports are only 3 per cent. We believe, however, that a small increase of the customs duty would comj-ensate the Pacha for the abolition of most of his monopolies; and thera can be little doubt that his subjects would be materially benefited by the change. Policy of the Pacha. — It is to be regretted that Mohammed Ali, who, in many respects, is one of the most extraordinary persons of the age, should have no just idea of the principles, by the adoption of which • his plans of improvement might be perpe- tuated, and industry be rendered really floin-ishing. He leaves nothing to the discretion and enterprise of individuals. He may, indeed, be said to be the sole proprietor, manufacturer, farmer general, and wholesale merchaait of Egypt. He has monopolised the entire foreign trade of the covmtry ; and has fixed the price to be paid for every article to the cultivator, and the price at which it is to be sold to the foreigner. Hence the extension of cultivation, and the growth of commerce and manufactures, have been of no real advantage to the bulk of the nation ; and hence, also, the risk, in the event of the reins of government falling into less vigorous or able hands, that the fabric of apparent prosperity which the Pacha has been attempting to raise, may fall to pieces : but we would fain hope that the influence of the many intelligent Europeans now in Egypt, and the observation.s which the Egyjitians sent to England and France by the Pacha cannot fail to have made upon the advant^iges resulting from the security of property and the freedom of industry, may be instrumental in paving the way for the gradual introduction of a more enlarged and liberal system. Ancient Trade of Alexandria. — As already remarked, Alexandria was, for a long series of years, — first under the Greek successors of Alexander, and subsequently under the Romans, — the principal entrepot of the ancient world. Most part of the traffic be- tween Asia and Europe that had at a more early period centered at Tyre, was gradually C 18 ALEXANDRIA. diverted to this new emporluiTi. An intercourse between the ports on the eastern coast of Egypt, and those on the o^jposite coast of Arabia, had svibsisted from a very early period. That between Egypt and India was more recent. It was at first carried on by ships, which having sailed down the Red Sea from Myos Hormos and Berenice, coasted along the Arabian shores till they reached Cape Rasselgate, whence a short course brought them to India near the mouth of the river Indus. This was the course fol- lowed during the dynasty of the Ptolemies : but about 80 years after Egypt had been annexed to the Roman empire, Hippalus, the comnnander of an Egyptian ship trading to India, having observed the regular shifting of the trade winds, ventured to sail with the western monsoon from the Straits of Babelmandeb right across the Arabian Ocean ; and was fortunate enough, after a prosperous voyage, to arrive at J/Iusiris, in that part of India now known by the name of the Malabar coast. Having taken on board a cargo of Indian produce, Hippalus returned in safety with the eastern monsoon to Egypt. This discovery was deemed of so much importance, that the name of the dis- coverer was given to the wind which had carried him across the ocean to India: and how trifling soever this voyage may now appear, those who consider that Hippalus had no compass by which to direct his course, and that owing to this circumstance, and the otherwise imperfect state of the art of navigation, the ancients seldom ventured out of sight of land, even in seas with which they were well acquainted, will be forward to admit that his enterprise and daring were nowise inferior to his success ; and that he was well entitled to the gratitude of his contemporaries and the respect of posterity. From the epoch of this discoveiy, fleets traded periodically from Egypt to Musiris, conveying the products of Eui'ope to India, and conversely. The Indian goods having been landed at Myos Honnos and Berenice, were thence conveyed by caravans to Coptos (the modern Kenne), on the Nile, where they were put on board lighters and sent to Alexandria, whence they were distributed all over the western world. The goods sent to India were conveyed to Myos Hormos and Berenice by the same route. Myos Hormos was situated on the shore of the Arabian gulf, about a degree to the north of the modern port of Cosseir. The distance from it to Coptos, in a straight line, is about 70 English miles. Berenice was situated a good way further to the south, being nearly under the tropic. It was built by Ptolemy Philadelphus. Its distance from Coptos is stated by Pliny at 258 Roman miles ; the different resting places on the road were determined by the wells, and the journey occupied about 12 days. Ptolemy seems to have preferred this station to Myos Hormos, though the land carriage to Coptos was so much further, from its greater proximity to the Straits of Babelmandeb, and its lessening the voyage up the Red Sea. Pliny says that the cost of the Indian commodities brought to Rome through Alex- andria was increased a hundred fold (centuplicato veneant) by the expense of carriage, &c. We suspect that this is a rhetorical exaggeration, meaning merely that their price was very materially enhanced. If the increase was to any thing like the extent mentioned, it must have been owing to the imposition of oppressive tolls and duties, for it could not possibly have been occasioned by the mere expenses of conveyance. * — ( Pliyi. Hist. Nat. lib. vi. cap. 23. ; Ameilhon, Commerce des Egyptiens, pp. 161 — 176. &c. ; Robertson's Ancient India, note 20. &c. ) Besides this important traflic, which supplied Rome and the western world with the silks, spices, precious stones, and other products of Arabia and India, a great trade in corn was carried on from Alexandria to Rome. Egypt, for a lengthened period, consti- tuted the granary from which Rome, and afterwards Constantinople, drew the principal part of their supplies ; and its possession was, on that account, reckoned of the utmost consequence. Augustus employed merchantmen of a larger size than any that had previously traded in the Mediterranean, to convey the corn of Egypt to Ostia. They were escorted by ships of war. Tlte fleet received the names of sacra and felix enihole ; and enjoyed several peculiar privileges. The ships belonging to it were the only ones authorised to hoist the small sail called snpparum, when they drew near the coasts of Italy. Some of the fast-sailing vessels attached to the fleet were sent on before, to give notice of its approach ; and a deputation of senators went down to Ostia to receive the ships, wJiich anchored amid the acclamations of an immense number of spectators. The captains were obliged to make oath that the corn on board their ships was that which had been delivered to them in Egypt, and that the cargoes were entire as shi})ped. — (/fwe^. Commerce et Navigation des Anciens, cap. xlviii. ; Senecgypt, where it was procured by submitting the soot of camels' dung (there emplo>ed for fuel) to sublimation in closed vessels; it is, however, at present manufactured in ve<-y large quantities in this country in a variety of ways. The most economical processes are either submitting sulphate of ammonia mixed intimately with muriate of soda (sea salt) to sublimation, or by substituting the bittern of sea water, which consists chiefly of muriate of magnesia, for the sea salt. In tiie first process a sulphate of soda is formed, and the muriate of ammonia, which, being volatile, rises in the vaporous form, and is condensed in the cool parts of the apparatus : in the latter process, a sulphate of magnesia (Epsom salts) results. It is generally from this salt (muriate of ammonia) that the liquid ammonia is manufactured : it is also employed in tinning and soldering, to preserve the metals from oxidation. It is a semi-transparent, tough salt, having an acri(i and cool taste, and is usually met with in the form of hemispherical masses. Sal ammoniac is made at Calcutta, and is thence exported to Great Britain, the United States, and the Arabian and Persian gulfs. In 18'24-2.5, the exports amounted to 114 tons. Sulphate of Ammonia. — The preparation of the sulphate has been already given under the head of am- monia ; it is employed in the manufacture both of the carbonate and muriate. Acetate qf Aynmoma. — The spirit of Min(Jererus is obtained by acting upon the carbonate of ammonia by acetic acid ; the carbonic acid escapes with effervescence, and an acetate of amjnonia is formed : it is employed in medicine as a febrifuge. All these salts of ammonia have the following properties ; — they are volatile at a low red heat ; the fixed alkalies decompose them, combining with their acid, and the ammonia is liberated. VV'hen combined with a fixed acid, such as the boracic or phosphoric, they are decomposed, the am- monia alone being volatilised, and the acid remaining pure. This process was described for obtaining pure phosphoric acid. Potass, or Vegetable Alkali. — The original source of this alkali is in the vegetable kingdom, whence is derived its name of vegetable alkali. When wood is burnt, and the ashes lixiviated with water, boiled, strained, and evaporated to dryness, an intensely alkaline mass is obtained, which is known by the name of potash, from this process being conducted in iron pots. It is then removed to a reverberatory furnace, and submitted to heat, and a current of air. This burns out extractive matter and other impurities, and the salt assumes a pearly white colour, and is hence called pearlashes. Care should be taken, during this process, that the potashes do not enter into fusion, as this would destroy the full eflect of the operation. Pearlashes. — Pearlashes generally contain about from 60 to 83 or 84 per cent, of pure carbonate of potass. Its uses in manufactures are numerous and important. It is employed in making flint-glass, of which it constitutes about one sixth of the materials employed ; in soap-making, especially for the softer kinds of soap : for this purpose, however, it is first rendered caustic by means of lime. In the rectifi- cation of spirits, large quantities are employed to combine with the water previously in union with the spirit. Stcdcarbonate of Potass, or Salt of Tartar — is used in preparing the subcarbonate of potass of the Pharma- copoeia, (carbonate of potass of the chemical nomenclature,) and likewise in rendering hard spring waters soft, and in cleansing substances from grease; it is sometimes called salt of wormwood. When made by the deflagration of two parts of tartar of argol and one of nitre, it is called black flux, and is used extensively in metallurgic operations. From the subcarbonate of potash the pure and uncombined potass is obtained, by adding an equal weight of fresh burnt lime, previously slaked, and boiling them with half their weight of water. By this process the lime combines with the carbonic acid, and the potass remains in solution in its caustic state ; by boiling the clear solution rapidly in iron vessels, and submitting it to fusion, we obtain the fused potass. If it be required perfectly pure for chemical purposes, it is necessary to evaporate in silver vessels, and dissolve in strong alcohol. This takes up the pure potass, and leaves any portion of the subcarbonate that may not have been acted upon by the lime ; then the alcohol is to be distilled oft', and the potass fused at a red heat, and poured out in its liquid state on a cold slab. As thus procured, it is a white, brittle mass, highly deliquescent, absorbing moisture and carbonic acid rapidly from the atmosphere. When evapor- ated in iron vessels it has a dirty colour, and lets fall a quantity of oxide of iron, when dissolved in water, from its having acted upon the iron boilers. Potass acts with great rapidity upon animal substances, destroying their texture, and is on this account employed as a caustic, and was formerly called lapis infernalis. Carbonate {or, in the chemical nomenclature. Bicarbonate) of Potass — is prepared by passing carbonic acid gas through a solution of the subcarbonate : and evaporating at a temperature below 212°, and crys- tallising. It is used in making effervescing draughts. It loses one proportion of its carbonic acid when heated, and is converted into the subcarbonate. Sulphate of Potass, or Sal Poli/chrest, or Vitriolated Tartar — is obtained by submitting the salt, which remanis after the manufacture of nitric acid from nitre and sulphuric acid, to a red heat, or by neutrali.s. ing the excess of acid contained in that salt by subcarbonate of potass. Bisulphate of Potass, or Sal Enixum. — This is the salt mentioned above, as the residue from the process for obtaining nitric acid. It is employed, in very large quantities, in the manufacture of alum; also in tinning iron, for pickling, as it is termed ; it is sometimes also used as a flux. Nitrate of Potash, Nitre, or Saltpetre. — This salt, which is of so much importance in every branch of the arts, is found native in many parts of the world, especially in the East Indies. It is obtained ^'on soils composed of decomposing granite, the felspar of which gives rise, as is supposed, to the potas; The nitric acid is not so easily accounted for, except it is by a union of the nitrogen and oxygen gases in the atmosphere taking place in those hot climates; for, from authenticated accounts, no 'decaying animal or vegetable matter exists in the nitre districts of India. By lixiviation with water the nitre" is dissolved from the soil, which is again thrown out into the air, to be washed the following year ; so that it is formed continually. These lixiviations are then evaporated ; and when of a certain strength, a quantity of common salt separates, which is removed as it falls; and the nitre is then crystallised and imported to this country, always containing a certain quantity of impurities, which are deducted in the purchase of large quantities of the article, being termed its refraction. It is generallv used for the manufacture of gunpowder and pure nitric acid, rehned or re-crystallised. Nitre may be also made artificially, in beds of decaying vegetable or animal substances, mixed with old mortar, or other refuse calcareous earth ; these are watered occasionally, too much moisture being hurt- ful; after a certain period, depending on the rapidity with which the process has gone on, the whole is «ubniittetl to lixiviation together with wood-ashes, which contain subcarbonate of potass, and which de- 26 ALKALIES. composes any nitrate of lime formetl, of which there is generally a considerable quantity. After the lixiviation is complete, which takes some time, the solution is separated and boiled dov/n ; the salt sepa- rates as in the other process, and the nitre is tlien crystallised. It was from this source that the whole of the nitre, nearly, employed by the French during the long protracted war with the continental powers, was obtained. Nitre has a cold, penetrating, and nauseous taste ; enters into igneous fusion at a gentle heat, and is then moulded into round cakes called sal prunella. It is employed in the manufacture of nitric acid; of gunpowder, which is composed of 75 parts by weight of nitre, 1(5 of charcoal, and 9 of sulphur (the nitre for this purpose should be of great purity) ; and in the manufacture of oil of vitriol : as a flux it is one of the most powerful we possess; it is also used for the preservation of animal food, and in making fri- gorific mixtures : 1 oz. of nitre dissolved in 5 oz. of water lowers its temperature 15 degrees of Fahren- heit's thermometer. — (See Saltpetre.) Oxalate and Binoxalate of Potass. — The binoxalate of potass, or salt of lemon, or sorrel, by both wliich last names it is very commonly known, is procured from the juice of the common sorrel (Rumex Acetosa), or the wood sorrel (Oxalis Acetosella), by crystallisation, after the feculent matter has been separated by standing a few days. Its chief uses are, in removing ink spots or iron moulds ; and also as a refreshing beverage when mixed witii sugar and water. The neutral oxalate is obtained from this salt by combining the excess of acid which it contains with a solution of subcarbonate of potass. Is very much used in chemistry, as the best test of the presence of lime. Tartrate and Bitarti-ate of Potass. — Bitartrate of potass, or cream of tartar, is, when in its crude and impure state, called argol, and is deposited in the interior of wine casks during fermentation, and from this source the whole of the cream of tartar is obtained. It is generally of a very dark brown colour, but may be purified and rendered perfectly white by solution and crystallisation. It is employed very exten- sively in dyeing, hat-making, and in the preparation of tartaric acid, and many of the compounds of tartaric acid, as tartar emetic, soluble tartar (tartrate of potass) : when heated to redness it is converted into carbonate of potass and charcoal ; mixed with half its weight of nitre and thrown into a red hot crucible it forms the black flux, and with its own weight of nitre the white flux, both of which are very much em- ployed in metallurgic operations. The tartrate is made by the addition of subcarbonate of potass to a solution of the bitartrate until perfectly neutral : it is used in medicine as a mild purgative. Ferrocyanate or Prussiate of Potass. — This salt is obtained by the action of subcarbonate of potass, at a low red heat, upon refuse animal matter, such as hoofs, horns, skin, &c., in the proportion of two of sub- carbonate, to four or five of the animal matter. But tlie process recommended by M. Gautier is prefer, able; he finds, that wlien animal matter is heated with nitre, it yields a much larger quantity of the ferroprussiate than when either potass or subcarbonate of potass are employed ; the proportions he finds most economical are, 1 part by weight of nitre, 3 parts of dry blood, and iron scales or filings equal to a fiftieth of tiie blood employed. The coagulum of blood is mixed intimately with the nitre and iron filings, and dried by exposure to the air; they are then submitted to a very low red heat, in deep iron cylinders, as long as vapours con- tinue to be liberated; when cold, the contents are dissolved in 12 or 15 times their weight and strained. On evaporation, till of the specific gravity 128i, and allowing it to cool, a large quantity of bicarbonate of potass crystallises, and by further evaporation till of the specific gravity 1-306, the ferroprussiate of potass crystallises on cooling. This is to be recrystallised. It is a beautiful yellow salt, very tough, having a tenacity similar to spermaceti, and is decomposed at a red heat. It is employed very extensively in dyeing blues, and in calico printing ; also in the manufacture of Prussian blue, which is a compound of the ferroprussic acid and oxide of iron, prepared by adding 1 part of the ferroprussiate of potass dissolved in water, to 1 part of copperas, and 4 parts of alum in solution. Chromate of Potass. — This salt is obtained from the native chromate of iron by the action of nitre at a full red heat in equal proportions. By solution, filtration, and evaporation, a beautiful lemon-yellow coloured salt results. It is very much employed in dyeing, calico printing, and calico making, from its producing bright yellow precipitates with solutions of lead. Bichromate of Potass — is prepared from the above-mentioned salt, by the addition of nitric acid to the yellow solution obtained from the heated mass by the action of water ; on evaporating this, a dark red coloured salt crystallises, which is the bichromate. This is also very largely employed by the calico printers, and when mixed in solution with nitric acid, possesses the property of destroying vegetable colours ; on this account it is of great importance, as it at the same time removes a vegetable colour, and forms a base for a yellow dye. Chlorate or Hyperoxymuriate of Potass.— The preparation of this salt is attended with some little diffi- culty, and requires a great deal of nicety. It is obtained by passing a current of chlorine gas through a solution of caustic potass; then boiling and evaporating; the first salt that separates is the chlorate of potass; and by further evaporation, muriate of potass is obtained. It is used in making matches for in- stantaneous light boxes, which are prepared by first dipping the wood in melted sulphur, and then into a thin paste, formed of 3 parts chlorate of potass, 2 parts starch, and a little vermilion ; with sulphur it forms a very explosive compound, generally employed for filling the percussion caps of fowling-pieces. Soda, or Mineral Alkali. — The sources of this alkali in nature are various. It is obtained in combination with carbonic acid, when plants which grow by the sea-side are burnt. The ashes thus obtained are called barilla and kelp; and also in some countries it is found as an efflorescence upon the surface of the earth, and is called nitrum or natron ; this occurs particularly in Egypt and South America. Trona is also another native carbonate of soda, and is exported from Tripoli. In combination with muriatic acid it is also found in immense abundance, forming the rock salt, and sea salt, or muriate of soda. It is obtained from the carbonate exactly in the same way as potass is obtained from its carbonate, namely, by boiling it with fresh burnt lime previously slaked, decanting t'he clear solution, and evaporating and fusing. It is a white brittle substance, and by exposure to the air becomes converted into a dry carbonate. Its uses in the ai ts and manufactures are of considerable importance. In soap-making it is employed in very large quantities, and lor this purpose is generally procured from barilla or kelp, by mixing them with lime, and by the infusion of water procuring a caustic soda ley ; this is mixed with oil and fatty matters in various pr()i)ortions, and boiled ; the saponification of the fatty matter takes place, and the soap formed rises to the surface ; the ley is then drawn from beneath, and fresh leys added, until the soap is completely free from oil ; it is then allowed to dry. Soda is also employed in the manufacture of plate, crown, and bottle glass, though for this purpose it is generally in the form of carbonate or sulphate. Subcarbonate of Soda. (In the chemical nomenclature it is called carbonate.) — This is generally pre- pared from barilla, which contains about from IG to 24 per cent. Barilla is procured by incinerating the salsola soda, and other sea-side plants ; it is made in large quantities on the coast of Spain. Kelp is another impure carbonate of soda, but does not contain more than 4 or 5 per cent. ; it is the ashes obtained I'rora sea weeds by incineration, and is made on the northern shores of Scotland. From these, the crystallised carbonate (or subcarbonate, as it is more frequently called) is made by the addition of a small quantity of water, boiling, straining, evaporating, and skimming ott" the common salt as it forms on the surface; on cooling, the subcarbonate of soda crystallises. Another method is by heating the sulphate of soda with carbonate of lirne and charcoal, and then dissolving out the soluble carbonate ; also, by the action of car- bonate of potass (pcarlash) upon solutions of sea salt. — (See Bauii.la and Kei.p.) Bicarbonate of Soda — is procured by driving a current of carbonic acid gas through solutions of the carbonate, and then evaporating at a temperature below 212° Fahrenheit ; it is chiefly employed in making soda water powders. This is the carbonate of soda of the Pharmacopa'ia. By the application of a red heat it loses carbonic acid, and is converted into the subcarbonate. ALKANET. — ALMONDS. 27 Sulphafe of Soda, or Glauber Salts. — This salt, which has received the nnme of Glauber, from its dis- coverer, is the residue of a great many chemical processes j for instance, when muriate of soda is acted upon by oil of vitriol, muriatic acid and sulphate of soda result; in making chlorine gas for the manu- facture of the chloride of lime, or bleaching powder, sulphate of soda and sulphate of manganese result; the materials employed being sea salt, sulphuric acid (oil of vitriol), and black oxide of manganese : also, in the [)reparation of acetic acid from the acetate of soda, and in the preparation of muriate of ammonia from sea salt and sulphate of ammonia. Sulphate of soda is a colourless, transparent salt, effloresces readily when exposed to the air, and becomes converted into a dry powder ; it has a cold, bitter taste. It is used for the preparation of carbonate of soda, and as a medicine. It is found native in some countries, particularly in Persia and South America — frequently as an efflorescence upon new walls. Nitiatc of Soda. — This salt is found native in some parts of the East Indies, and is called, from its square form, cubic nitre; it is, however, very little used. Muriate of Soda, or Sea Salt. — This compound is found in immense quantities in the earth, and is called from this circumstance rock salt, or sal gem. The mines of Cheshire and Uroitwich, in this country, and those in Poland, Hungary, and Spain, and many others, afford immense quantities of this compound. It is also obtained by the evaporation of sea water, both spontaneously in pits formed for the purpose, and in large iron boilers ; the uncrystallisable fluid is called the bittern ; basket salt is made by placing the salt after evaporation in conical baskets, and passing through it a saturated solution of salt, which dissolves and carries oft" the muriate of magnesia or lime. Pure salt should not become moist by exposure to the air; it decrepitates when heated; it is employed for the preparation of muriatic acid, carbonate of soda, muriate of ammonia, and many other operations ; also in glazing stone-ware, pottery, &c. ; and from its great antiseptic properties, is used largely for the preservation of animal food; as a flux also in metal- lurgy. Borate of Soda, or Borax. — This salt is found in Thibet and Persia, deposited from saline lakes; it is called tincal, and is imported into this country, where it is purified by solution ; the fatty matter with which the tincal is always coated being removed, and the solution evaporated and crystallised : its principal uses are as a flux, from its acting very powerfully upon earthy substances. ALKANET, OR ANCH USA (Ger. Or/eawe^ ; Tin. Ossetong : Fr. Orcanette ; It. An- cusa ; Sp. Arcaneta), a species of bugloss (Atichusa tinctoria Lin.). It has been cultivated in England i but is found of the finest quality in Siberia, Spain, and more particularly in the south of France, in the vicinity of Montpellier. The roots of the plant are the only parts that are made use of. When in perfection, they are about the thickness of the finger, having a thick bark of a deep purplish red colour. This, when separated from the whitish woody pith, imparts a fine deep red to alcohol, oils, wax, and all unctuous substances. To water it gives only a dull brownish hue. It is principally employed to tint pomatums and unguents, wax used in the making of fancy candles, oils employed in the dressing of mahogany, rose-wood, &c. The alkanet brought from Constantinople yields a more beautiful but less permanent dye than that of France. — (^Lewis's Mat. Med.; Magnien, Dictionnaire des Productions.) The duty, which was previously very oppressive, was reduced in 1832 to 25. a cwt. In that year it pro- duced 1,787/. 45. 8d. This, supposing it to have been all charged with the 25. duty, shows a consumption of 17,87ii cwt. The price varies from 275. to 325. a cwt. ALLOWANCES, TARES, &c. In selling goods, or in paying duties upon them, certain deductions are made from their weights, depending on the nature of the packages in which they are enclosed, and which are regulated in most instances by the custom of merchants, and the rules laid down by public oflSces. These allowances, as they are termed, are distinguished by the epithets Draft, Tare, Trett, and Cloff. Draft is a deduction from the original or gross weight of goods, and is subtracted before the tare is taken off! Tare is an allowance for the weight of the bag, box, cask, or other package, in which goods are weighed. Beat or open tare is the actual weight of the package. Customary tare is, as its name implies, an established allowance for the weight of the package. Comptited tare is an estimated allowance agreed upon at the time. Average tare is when a few packages only among several are weighed, their mean or average taken, and the rest tared accordingly. Super.tare is an additional allowance, or tare, where the commodity or package exceeds a certain weight. When tare is allowed, the remainder is called the nett weight; but if trett be allowed, it is called the suttle weight. Trett is a deduction of 41bs. from every 104 lbs. of suttle weight. This allowance, which is said to be for dust or sand, or for the waste or wear of the commodity, was formerly made on most foreign articles sold by the pound avoirdupois ; but it is now nearly discontinut d by merchants, or else allowed in the price. It is wholly abolished at the East India warehouses in London ; and neither trett nor draft is allowed at the Custom-house. Cloff, or Clougfi, is another allowance that is nearly obsolete. It is stated in arithmetical books to be a deduction of 2 lbs. from every 3 cwt. of the second suttle ; that is, the remainder after trett is subtracted ; but merchants, at present, know cloff" only as a small deduction, like draft, from the original weight, and this only from two or three articles. — (See Kelly's Cainbist, art. " London.") For an account of the tares and allowances at London, see Tare; for the tares and allowances at the great foreign trading towns, see their names. ALMONDS (Ger. Mandeln,- Du. Amandelen; Fr. Amandes; It. Mandorli ; Sp. Al- mendra; Port. Amendo ; Rus. Mindal; Lat. Amygdalce amarcc, didces), a kind of medicinal fruit, contained in a hard shell, that is enclosed in a tough sort of cotton skin. The tree (Amggdalus communis) which pi'oduces this fruit nearly resembles the peach both in leaves and blossoms ; it grows spontaneously only in warm countries, as Spain, and par- ticularly Barbary. It flowers early in the spring, and produces fruit in August. Almonds are of two sorts, sweet and bitter. They are not distinguishable from each other but by the taste of the kernel or fruit. " The Valentia almond is sweet, large, and flat-pointed at one extremity, and compressed in the middle. The Italian almonds are not so sweet. 28 ALOES. smaller, and less depressed in the middle. The Jordan almonds come from Malaga, and are the best sweet almonds brought to England. They are longer, flatter, less pointed at one end and less round at the other, and have a paler cuticle than those we have de- scribed. The sweet almonds are imported in mats, casks, and boxes ; the bitter, which come chiefly from Mogadore, arrive in boxes." — ( Thomsoii's Dispensatory.) Duties on Almonds. — Previously to 1832, almonds were among the most grossly overtaxed articles in the British tariff; but the subjoined statement shows that the duties were then materially reduced. It further appears from it, that though the duty on bitter almonds in 1832 amounted to only about one eighth part of its amount in 1831, the revenue derived from them did not fall off more than about half, showing that the consumption had increased in a fourfold proportion ! The revenue from Jordan almonds in 1831 was 7,830/. ; and in 1832, 5,092/. ; though the duty in the latter year was less than half what it had been in the former. The results of the reduction of the duty on other sorts of almonds are exactly similar. This, therefore, is a striking instance of the beneficial influence of reasonable duties. The fair presumption is, that in a few years the revenue from almonds, under the present moderate duties, will be much greater than it has ever been under the high duties. An Account of the different Descriptions of Almonds imported into the United Kingdom in the Years 1831 and 1832, the Rates of Duty thereon, the Produce of the Duties, with the Countries from whence the Almonds were brought, and specifying the Quantities brought from each. — (Obtained from the Custom-house for this Work.) Countries from which imported. Quantities imported. Bitter Almonds. Jordan Almonds. Almonds of other Sorts. 1831. 1832. 1831. 1832. 1831. 1832. German.y ' - - - The Netherlands France - - Portugal, Azores, and \ Madeira - - - J Spain - - - Gibraltar - Italy - - - Tripoli,Barbary, andMo- 1 rocco - - -3 Cape of Good Hope United States of America Isles of Guernsey, Jersey, 1 and Man - - -i Total . From Foreign Countries From British Possessions Nett produce of the Duties Cwt. qrs. lbs. 56 122 1 2 24 13 6 193 3 7 22 2 6 3,115 3 24 Cwt. qrs. lbs. 22 2 5 21 2 24 43 1 24 2 2 16 18 2 24 2,697 0 21 101 3 13 Cwt. qrs. lbs. 1 2 10 2,361 2 3 130 0 23 0 2 0 0 1 5 Cmt' qrs. lbs. 0 1 8 1,333 3 11 0 0 18 0 0 2 0 0 6 1 1 27 Cwt. qrs. lbs. 103 3 2 550 0 22 331 2 25 2,618 2 10 232 0 22 151 3 15 0 0 27 0 0 13 5,138 2 11 0 0 6 1 0 23 7 0 1 Cwt. qrs. lbs. 5 0 8 0 1 9 549 1 12 339 3 2 1,835 3 17 86 1 12 140 0 5 6,018 3 15 0 0 14 0 1 24 25 3 14 3,392 1 5 2,908 0 15 2,49'1 0 13 1,335 3 16 9,135 2 9 9,002 0 20 Rates of Duty per Cwt. £ s. d. 1 11 8 0 15 10 2,260 6 2 j£ s. d. 0 4 0 0 4 0 1,068 17 1 £ s. d. 4 15 0 2 7 6 7,830 5 11 £ s. d. 2 0 0 1 0 0 5,092 0 6 £ s. d. 2 7 6 2 7 6 7,850 17 6 £ s. d. 1 0 0 1 0 0 5,466 5 7 Almonds were worth, in bond, in the London market, in August 1833, Jordan, 75s. to 100s. per cwt. ; Barbary (bitter), 31s. per ditto; Valencia (sweet), 72s. to 75s. per ditto. ALOES (Du. Aloe; Fr. Aloes; Ger. and Lat. Aloe; Rus. Sahir; Sp. Aloe; Arab. Mucihar), a bitter, gummy, resinous, inspissated juice, obtained from the leaves of the plant of the same name. There are four sorts of aloes met with in commerce ; viz. Socotrine, Hepatic, Caballine, and Cape. 1. Socotrine — so called from the island of Socotra, in the Indian Ocean, not very distant from Cape Guardafui, whore the plant {Aloe spicata), of which this species is the produce, grows abundantly. It is in pieces of a reddish brown colour, glossy as if varnished, and in some degree pellucid. "When reduced to powder, it is of a bright golden colour. Its taste is extremely bitter; and it has a peculiar aromatic odour, not unlike that of the russet apple decaying. It softens in the hand, and is adhesive; yet is suf- ficiently pulverulent. It is importeti by way of Smyrna and Alexandria, in cJiests and casks, but is very scarce in England. 2. llepatic. — The real hepatic aloes, so called from its liver colour, is believed to be the produce of the Aloe perfoliala, which grows in Yemen in Arabia, from which it is exported to Bombay, whence it finds its way to Europe. It is duller in the colour, bitterer, and has a less pleasant aroma than the Socotrine aloes, for which, however, it is sometimes substituted. Barbadoes aloes, which is often passed off for the hepatic, is the i)roduce of the Aloe vulgaris. It is brought home in calabashes, or largo gourd shells, con- taining from 60 to 70 lbs. It is duskier in its hue than the Bombay, or real hepatic aloes, and the taste is more nauseous, and intensely bitter. The colour of the powder is a dull olive yellow. 3. CaballinCy or Horse, Aloes seems to be merely the coarsest species or refuse of the Barbadoes aloes. It is used only in veterinary medicine ; and is easily distinguished by its rank foetid smell. 4. Cape Aloes is the produce of the Aloe spicata, which is found in great abundance in the interior of the Cape colony, and in Melinda. The latter furnishes the greater part of the extract sold in Europe under the name of Socotrine aloes. The odour of the Cape aloes is stronger and more disagreeable than that of the Socotiine ; they have, also, a yellower hue on the outside ; are less glossy, softer, and more pliable; the colour of the jjowder is more like that of gamh(»gc than that of the true Socotrine aloes. — {Ainslic's Mat. Iiidica ; Tfiomson's Dispensatory and Mat. Medico.) ALOES-WOOIX — AMBER-GRIS. 29 Last year the duty on aloes was reduced to Id. per 11). on those from a British posscssJon, and to8u. Amber ; Tr. Amber- gris ; It. Amhra-grigia ; Sp. Ambar-gris ; Lat. Ambra, Ambra grisea), a solid, opaque, generally ash-coloured, fatty, inflammable substance, variegated like marble, remarkably light, rugged and uneven in its surface, and has a fragrant odour when heated ; it does not effervesce with acids, melts freely over the fire into a kind of yellow resin, and is hardly soluble in spirit of wine. It is found on the sea-coast, or floating on the sea, near the coasts of India, Africa, and Brazil, usually in small pieces, but sometimes in masses of 50 or 100 lbs. weight. " Various opinions have been entertained respecting its origin. 8G AMETHYST. — AMMUNITION. Some affirmed that it was the concrete juice of a tree, others thought it a bitumen ; but it is now considered as pretty well established that it is a concretion formed in the sto- mach or intestines of the Pliyseter macrocephalus, or spermaceti whale." — ( Thomson's Chemistry. ) Ambergris ought to be chosen in large pieces, of an agreeable odour, entirely grey on the outside, and grey with little black spots within. The purchaser should be very cautious, as this article is easily counterfeited with gums and other drugs. AMETHYST (Ger. ^me%s^; ¥r. Amethyste ; It. Amatista ; S^p. Ametisto ; Lat. Amethystus), a precious stone, of which there are two species differing widely in quality and value. The Oriental mnethyst is a gem of the most perfect violet colour, and of extraordinary brilliancy and beauty. It is said to be as hard as the sapphire or ruby, with which it also corresponds in its form and specific gravity — (see Sapphire), differing in colour merely. It has been met with in India, Persia, Siam, and other countries ; but it is exceedingly scarce. That found in India is said by Pliny to be the best. [Principatum amethysti Indicce tenent. — Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvii. cap. 9.) Mr. Mawe says he had rarely seen an oriental amethyst offered for sale, unless small and inferior in colour. Mr. Hope, the author of Anastasius, had in his cabinet the finest gem of this sort in Europe. This exquisite specimen exceeds an inch in its greatest diameter ; in daylight it exhibits the most beautiful violet colour, while by candle-light it is a decided blue. The Occidental amethyst is merely coloured crystal or quartz. — " When perfect, its colour resembles that of the violet, or purple grape ; but it not unfrequently happens that the tinge is confined to one part of the stone only, while the other is left almost colourless. "When it possesses a richness, clearness, and uniformity of hue, it is considered a gem of exquisite beauty; and as it occurs of considerable size, it is suited to all ornamental purposes. In specific gravity and hardness it bears no comparison with the oriental amethyst; it is also inferior in beauty and lustre; though I have often seen the common ame. thyst offered for sale as oriental. Brazil, Siberia, and Ceylon produce very fine amethysts : they are found in rolled pieces in the alluvial soil, and finely crystallised in fissures of rock. From the first of these localities, they have lately been imported in such quantities, as considerably to diminish their value : but as they are the only coloured stones, except garnets, that are worn with mourning, they still retain, when perfect, a distinguished rank among the precious gems. The present price of inferior light-coloured stones, in the rough state, is about 20s. per pound, whilst those of good quality sell at 10s- or Yls. per ounce. Amethysts calculated for brooches or seals may be purchased at from I5s. to two or three guineas each, for which, ten years ago, treble that sum would have been given." — {Mawe on Diamonds, 2d ed. pp. 115—117.) AMIANTHUS, ASBESTOS, or MOUNTAIN FLAX, a mineral of which there are several varieties, all more or less fibrous, flexile, and elastic. It is inconsumable by a high degree of heat ; and in antiquity the art was discovered of drawing the fibres into threads, and then weaving them into cloth. Pliny says that he had seen napkins made of this substance, which, when soiled, were thrown into the fire, and that they were better cleaned by this means than they could have been by washing ! Hence it obtained from the Greeks the name of A/xiauros (undefiled). Its principal use, as stated by Pliny, was to wrap the bodies of the dead previously to their being exposed on the funeral pile, that the ashes of the corpse might not be mixed with those of the wood. And in corrobo- ration of this statement we may mention, that in 1702, a skull, some calcined bones, and a quantity of ashes, were found at Rome, in a cloth of amianthus nine Roman palms in length by seven in width. Its employment in this way was, however, confined to a few of the very richest families, incombustible cloth being very scarce, and bringing an enormously high price. Rarum inventu, difficile textu propter hrevitatem. Qiim inventum est, cequat pretia exceUentium margaritarum. — (Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xix. cap. 1.) The disuse of the practice of cremation, or of burning the dead, caused the manufacture of amianthine cloth to be neglected. Several moderns have, however, succeeded in making it ; but, if it be not lost, the art is now rarely practised. — ( For further particulars, see Bees' s Cyclopcedia.) AMMONIACUM (Fr. Gomme Ammoniaque ; It. Gomma Ammoniaco ; Sp. Goma Ammoniaco ; Lat. Ammoniacum ; Arab. Feshook), a concrete resinous juice obtained from a plant resembling fennel, found in the north of Africa, Arabia, Persia, the East Indies, &c. Pliny says that it derived its name from its being produced in the vicinity of the temple of Jupiter Ammon in Africa. — (Hist. Nat. lib. xii. cap. 23.) It has a faint but not ungrateful smell ; and a bitter, nauseous, sweet taste. The fragments are yellow on the outside and white within, brittle, and break with a vitreous fracture ; their specific gravity is 1 -207. The best ammoniacum is brought from Persia by Bombay and Calcutta, packed in cases and chests. It is in large masses, composed of small round fragments or tears ; or in separate dry tears, Avhich is generally considered a sigp of its goodness. The tears should be white internally and externally, and free fron? seeds or other foreign substances. Reject that which is soft, dark-coloured, and foul. It is used principally in the materia medica, and the quantity imported is but small. — (Rees^s Cyclopaedia; Thomson's Dispensatory ; Milhurn's Orient. Com. 8fc.) AMMONIAC (Sy^L). See Alkm.it.s (Muriate of Ammonia). AMMUNITION, a term expressive of the various implements used in war. No ammunition can be imported into the United Kingdom by way of merchandise, except by licence from his Majesty, and such licence is to be granted for furnishing his Majesty's stores only, under penalty of forfeiture. — (6 Geo. 4. c. 107.) His Majesty may forbid, by order in council, the exportation of any saltpetre, gunpowder, or any sort of AMSTERDAM. 81 ammunition. Any master of a vessel exporting ammunition when so forbidden, shall for every such offence forfeit 100/. — (29 Geo. 2. c. IG.) AMSTERDAM, the principal city of Holland, situated on the Y, an arm of the Zuyder Zee, in lat. 52° 25' N., and long. 4^ 40' E. From 1580 to 1750, Amsterdam was, per- haps, the first commercial city of Europe ; and though her trade has experienced a great falling off since the last-mentioned epoch, it is still very considerable. In 1785, the population is said to have amounted to 2;}5,000 ; in 1814, it had declined to 180,000 , but at present it exceeds 200,000. The harbour is spacious arid the water deep ; but on account of a bank (the Pampus) wlicre the Y joins the Zuyder Zee, large vessels going or coming by that sea are obliged to load and unload a part of their cargoes in the roads. The navigation of the Zuyder Zee is also, by reason of its numerous shallows, very intri- cate and difficult ; and as there were no hopes of remedying this defect, it became neces- sary to resort to other means for improving the access to the port. Of the various plans suggested for this purpose, the preference was given to the scheme for cutting a canal capable of admitting the largest class of merchantmen, from the north side of the port of Amsterdam to Newdiep, opposite to the Texel, and a little to the east of the Helder. This canal has fully answered the views of the projectors, and has proved of signal service to Amsterdam, by enabling ships to avoid the Pampus, as well as the difficult navigation of the Zuyder Zee, where they were frequently detained for three weeks, and to get to Newdiep without any sort of risk in less than 24 hours. The canal was begun in 1819, and completed in 1825. The ground between its extremities being nearly level, it has only a lock at each end ; and the dues and charges on account of towing, &c. are very moderate. At Newdiep the water is deeper than in any other port on the coast of Holland, and ships are there in the most favourable position for getting expe- ditiously to sea. — (See Canals. ) The imports principally consist of sugar, coffee, spices, tobacco, cotton, tea, indigo, cochineal, wine and brandy, wool, grain of all sorts, timber, pitch and tar, hemp and flax, iron, hides, linen, cotton and woollen stuffs, hardware, rock salt, tin plates, coal, dried fish, &c. The exports consist partly of the produce of Holland, partly of the produce of her possessions in the East and West Indies and other tropical countries, and partly of commodities brought to Amsterdam, as to a convenient entrepot, from different parts of Europe. Of the first class are cheese and butter (very important articles), madder, clover, rape, hemp, and linseeds, rape and linseed oils, Dutch linen, &c. Geneva is principally exported from Schiedam and Rotterdam ; oak bark principally from the latter. Of the second class are spices. Mocha and Java coffee ; sugar of Java, Brazil, and Cuba ; cochineal, indigo, cotton, tea, tobacco, and all sorts of Eastern and colonial products. And of the third class, all kinds of grain, linens from Germany, timber and all sorts of Baltic produce ; Spanish, German, and English wools ; French, Rhenish, and Hungarian wines, brandy, &c. The trade of Amsterdam may, indeed, be said to com- prise every article that enters into the commerce of Europe. Her merchants were formerly the most extensive dealers in bills of exchange. And though London be now, in this respect, far supei-ior to Amsterdam, the latter still enjoys a respectable share of this business. The Bank of the Netherlands was established at Amsterdam in 1814. It is not, like the old Bank of Amsterdam, Vhich ceased in 1Y96, merely a bank of deposit, but a bank of deposit and circulation formed on the model of the Bank of England. — (See Bank.s, Foreign.) For an account of the Dutch fisheries, see the articles Herring Fishery and Whale Fishery. Ships entering the Port of Amsterdam during the three Years ending with 1831, specifying the Coun- tries whence they came. Countries, 1829. 1830. 1831. Ports of Norway and North Sea . - - - Baltic and Archangel - - - Mediterranean, France, Spain, and Portugal . - - South America - - - - - North America - - - - - West Indies - - _ - - - Great Britain - East Indies and China - . - - - Total Ships. 496 1,134 113 7 4fi 79 82 18 Ships. 788 801 105 10 57 95 114 26 Ships. 601 565 99 10 40 77 209 23 1,975 1,996 1,624 There are no means of ascertaining the tonnage and the crews of these vessels. About 220 or 230 large ships belong to Amsterdam ; they are employed in the East and West India trades, and in trading to the Baltic, the Mediterranean, &c. There is comparatively little coasting trade at Amsterdam, the communication with most other ports in the vicinity being principally kept up by canals, and that with Friesland by regular packets. The total number of ships of all sorts annually entering the port amounts, at an average, to about 2,200. 32 AMSTERDAM. Account of some of the principal Articles, specifying their Quantities and "Values, imported into Amster- dam by Sea during the Years 1829, 1830, and 1831. Denomination of Mer- chandise. Descrip- tion of Package. Quantity. Value in Dutch Money. ^'-alue in Ster- ling. 1830. Quantity. Value in Dutch Money. ing. Quantity. Value in Dutch Money. ling. Coffee, East India - — West India - — Ditto Sugar, West India - Havannah Brazil Mauritius East India Ditto Ditto Cotton '\\'ool,_American — Effyptian — West India — East India Tobacco, Maryland — Kentuclfy Hides Wheat B gs Casks Bags Casks Chests Do. Bai5 1,600 I 1,758,240 ' 369,900 55,760 68,000 122,8.59 56,846 656,016 21,310 419,050 112,200 1,476,300 90,613 298,150 359,550 33,320 924,638 167,895 3,211,200 4,350,060 £ 168,000 -5,100 2.55,060 27g,.500 146,520 30,825 4,4S0^ 5,66G 10,240 3,076 54,670 2,026 34,920 11,850 123,080 7,550 24,846 29,960 2,777 77,0.50 13,990 267,000 362,505 84,470 2,270 50,770 21,560 8,820 1,060 11,400 1,800 2,530 6,6.>0 3,710 40 4,270 490 5,520 5,550 580 48,600 1,150 r no,s7oi or 114,155 [.quarters \ Florins. 1,667,437 436,1>S0 3,096,970 3,380,608 579,474 218,625 191,520 122,130 126,879 110,.389 466,752 4,680 609,756 44,120 1,0.53,620 673,712 72,007 577,125 35,220 487,129 100,200 138,9.53 36,250 258,080 281,717 48,290 18,220 15,960 10,177 10,573 9,200 38,896 390 50,815 3,G77 86,1.57 56,145 6,000 48,094- 2,955 40,591 8,342 187.500 910-j ,870 ters ' S 10. or 114 (.quarte c 15,3107 <5 or 161,070 J. (.quarters \ c 2,7707 •< or 29,085 J- (.quarters j 3,183,540 2,515,7 265,295 121,500 1,190 21,280 19,850 17,690 1,260 27,800 7,430 1,490 500 2,590 660 .5,220 C,050 ISO 42,000 2,060 5,830 2,260 I 3,1707 or 33,2S5 ) .quarters ) c 13,3007 ■I or 139,650 V (.quarters J ( 18,2907 i or 192,015 V (quarters J r 2907 s'-^c- The rt?M(^/ is 45 cents (9 ■> \ s j \. waiuo, The charge called port money is payable half on entry, and half on departure; and that called haven money the same. The hire of a liorse for towing along the whole line of the canal amounts to 12 flor 40 cents, or about M. ]s. (lunrantine. — The quarantine station is at the island of Wierengen, near tlie Hcldor Cotnmission.— The usual rate of commission or factorage on the' purchase or sale of goods is 2 ner cent, and on bill transactions § and per cent, according to their nature. Provisions of all sorts are abundant at Amsterdam, and reasonably cheap. The wages of ships' car- penters vary from 1 flor. 20 cents to 1 flor. 80 cents ; that is, from about 2*. to 3s. a day For an account of the prices of corn at Amsterdam, see Corn Thadk and Corn Laws Custom-house Reaulations. — Capfdina of ships are bound to make, within 24 hours of their arrival at Amsterdam, or any Dutch port, a declaration in writing, of the goods of which their cargo consists If the captains be not acfiuaiiitcd with the goods of which the cargo consists?, they must make their dec aratioii under the general term of merchandise, and exhibit the bills of lading along with the declaration. The Custom-house oHiccrs are instructed to inform the captains of all formalities required AMSTERDAM. 23 ' All ftood8, whether for homo consumption or transit, may bo deposited In bonacd warehouses. If re- exported by sea, they pay no duty ; but if re-exported by canals or otlierwise for the interior, they arc subject to a transit duty. The warehouse rent cliargeable per month on a quarter of wheat (Imp. mea«.) is, on an upper loft, l2d., on an under do. l^d. ; on a ton (Eng.) of sugar in casks, the cliarge is 8d. ; in chests or mats, 6d. ^ The business of insurance is extensively practised at Amsterdam ; the premiums arc moderate, and the security unexceptionable. The high duty imposed in this country on policies of insurance has con- tributed to the increase of this busmess in Holland. Credit, Discount, Sfc. — Holland is, and has always been, a country of short credit. A discount i? usually given for prompt payment, at the rate of 1 per cent, for six weeks, and of 2 per cent, for two months; but the terms of credit on most articles, and the discount allowed for ready money, have been fixed by usage, and are regarded as essentialconditions in every bargain. Some of the more im. portant of these terms and discounts are specified in the following table. In consequence of the pre- ference given in Holland to ready money transactions, it is not a country in which adventurers without capital have much chance of speedily making a fortune. " Rien, en efFet, de plus facile que de s'etablir a Amsterdam ; mais rien de pltts difficile que de s'y sautemr sans des grandes ressources. Dans cette ville, oi) I'argent abonde, oil on le prele centre des sGretes h. si bon march (5, il est pourtant impossible de s^en procurer d. credit; et sans argent il n'y a plus de jjossibilite d'y travailler, que de trouver quelqu'un qui veuille de se charger d'un papier nouveau qui ne seroit pas appuy^ d'un crtfdit que I'opinion, la protec- tion, ou des effets reek feroient valoir k la bourse. Les HoUandois suivent l^t-dessus des maximes trfes austferes, meme I'egard des maisons d'une certaine consideration." — {Encyclopidie MWiodique, Com- merce, t. ii. p. 650.) But this austerity is not a disadvantage, but the reverse. It prevents commerce from degenerating, as it has too often done in other places, into gambling adventures, and places it on a com- paratively solid foundation. And it should be mentioned to the honour of the Dutch, and as a proof of the excellence of this system, that, notwithstanding the distress and loss of trade occasioined by the inva- sion and occupation of their country by the French, the bankruptcies in 1795 and subsequent years were not, comparatively, so numerous as in England in ordinary seasons ! The regulations in the Code Napo- leon as to bankruptcy are enforced in Holland. It has long been the practice in Holland to make, on selling articles, considerable deductions from their weight, particularly from those of large bulk, as compared with their value. These tares and drafts, as they are termed, are now fixed by ancient usage; and the most important amongst them are here specifietL Tares and Allowances on the principal Articles sold at Amsterdam. Tares. Allowances. (Draft and Discount.) months' Ashes 42 lbs. per cask Barilla per cent Cocoa, Caracas 42 lbs Maranham ... ditto ' Cayenne ditto Martinique... ditto Surinam 6 per cent Coffee, East and West 7. „ , „„, „„ , India in ge- ,^ ieral ?!. \ casks real tare. . Bourbon HO lbs per original L mat .Tava 14 lbs. per ffunny . Mocha 24 lbs. per bal6 count, and 1 per cent. 2 per cent, and 2 per cent. 1 per cent. 2 per cent, and 2 per cent. ''°"°"'bS..."^]8p-"°* |2percem. and 1 all other kinds . 6 per cent; j P^'^ Cotton yarn twist Indigo, Bengal real tare . Cochineal 3 Ji 4 lbs Galls 6 lbs. or 20 lbs. 1 per cent. C 1 per cent. 2 per i cent, and 1 per / cent. r4 per cent, aug- < ment. (.1 per cent. deduct, f 2 per cent, and 2 1 per cent. Gums, Senegal 16 lbs. 14 lbs. or 21 2 Arabic^ u ibs." oVso'ibs.' : f ^^^^ Logwood 2 and 3 per cent. .1 g „„„^ Fustic 2 per cent ) 2 per cent. "&c!'. .^.r.':}'^ lbs. per hide •••{''^ ^^r"^*^.^'"'^ ^ Linens. Flemish".!.'.'. Pfer^^^^;;^^"^ ^ all other kinds .. 1 per cent. Oils 1 per cent. Kice, Carolina real tare 12 per cent, and 2 East India 6 lbs J per cent. Saltpetre 8 k 14 lbs { ^ ''^er centf"** Li'iuorice real tare and 4 lbs. { ^fj^^^,,^''^ ^ Spices, pepper loon^ orl^lbs cinnamon S '"^s* °' cloves and mace — 1 per cent. nim«ito C 42 lbs. and above 7 s;;c^:::::.|,^-^---;:::::jipercent. ginger 8 lbs. a 16 lbs 2 per cent. sugars, Martinique ..7 St. Domingo.. M8 per cent. St. Croix ' Surinam. English colo- ^20 per cent 12 per cent, and 2 nies 3 C per cent. Demerara . Berbice , „ >:s.se<)uibo per cent. Brazil, white. Ditto, Musco- vado Harannah ... 80 lbs. Java 48 lbs. 18 months' dis- count, 2 per cent, ahd 2 per cent. 2 per cent, and 2 per cent. «»alt Tea, bohea Congo souchong campoi hyson pekoe tonquin Tobacco, Maryland Virginia . •21 lbs. k 24 lbs. 18 lbs !■ 18 lbs. k 42 lbs. 1 per cent. 1 per cent. Tin plates Wool, Spanish . Wines Madder. Herrings . Smaltz. Flax, hams, seeds, ge- neva, grain Butter Hides . Cheese, Edam Gouda , 2 per cent, and t I per cent, da- I maged, and 1 ( per ( enu . 2 per cent 1 per cent. Jbags tared, and 24? '"^I count'^Ld^'\" l lbs..perl761bs.]- ^^clntf"'' ' 1 per cent. . casks tared "^^^'^'^ 1. and 2 per cent. { 1 per cent. 2 (ler cent, and 2 pet cent. 2 per cent. 1 per cent. casks tared 2 and 8 fiet cent. 3 or 5 per cent. 36 lbs none. 2 and 1 per cent. 2 per cent. 1 per cent. Indigo Sugar The above are the customary tares and other allowance made by the merchants in their transactions with each other. But in paving the import duties at the Custom-house, the tare upon goods paving duty by weight is, with the exceptions un- dermentioned, fixed at 15 per cent, for such as are in casks or barrels, and at 8 per cent, for such as are in packages, ca- nisters, mats, baskets, &c. Merchants dissatisfied with these allowances may pay the duty according to the real weight, ascertained by the customs officers at their expense. Exceptions. — The tare upon grain imported in sacks is fixetl at 2 per cent. Porcelain, 15 per cent. in chests, 25 per cent. serons, 15 per cent, -chests from Havannah, 18 per cent., other places 20 per cent. ^ canisters, 10 per cent. casks and packages, 15 and 8 per cent. The tare upon sugar refined in the interior and exported, - is 12 per cent, per barrel, S per cent per package. AUrirvavces for leakage are made upon all liquids, including treacle and honey, as follows, viz. Coming from England, the northern ports of Etirope, and France, by inland navigation, 6 per cent. From France by sea, and from other countries by the rivers Rhine and Waal, 12 per cent. From any other port or place, 14 per cent. Finally, from whatever i^lace the same may come, upon train oil, 12 per cent. ; blubber, 6 per cent. In case liquids shall have experienced^upon the vovage, such leakage as shall cause the importer to be dissatisfied with the allowance before specified, he is permitted to pay the duty upon the actual quantity, to be ascertained by tne otficers at the importer's expense. Money — Accounts used to be kept at -Amsterdam bv the pound Flemish = 6 florins = 20 schillings = 120 stivers = 240 groats =1920 pennings. But in 1820, the decimal system was introduced. In order, however, to cause as little incon- venience ^s possible, the florin = \s. 8|rf. sterling, was mada the unit ol the new system. The florin is supposed to be di. vided info 100 equal parts or cents ; and the other sliver coins are equal multiples or sub->"?iultiples of it. The new gold coin is called the florin piece, and is worth 16j. f^d. very nearly. But accounts are still sometimes kept in the old way or by AMSTERDAM. the pound Flemish. Par of exchange between Amsterdam and London is H flor. 58 cents per pound sterling. Weights and Measures. — In 1820, the French system of ■weights and measures was introduced into the Netherlands, the names only being changed. ^The pond is the uiut of weight, and answers to the French "kilogramme. Its divisions are the ons, lood, wigtje, and korrel. The elle, which is the unit or element of long measure, equals the French mitre. Its decimal divisions are the palm, duim, and streep ; and its decimal multiples, the roede and mijje. The vierkante elle, or square ell, is the unit of superficial measure ; and answers to the centiare or mitre carr^ of France. Its divisions are the vierkante palm, vierkante duim, and the •vierkante streep ; and iu multiples, the vierkante roede and vierkante bunder. The kubicke elle is the unit of measures of capacity ; and equals the French stire. Its divisions are the kubicke palm, kubicke duim, and. kubicke streep. The term tvisae is given to a kubicke elle of fire-wood. The kop is the unit of measures for dry wares, and is the cube of the palm ; answering to the French litre. Its division is the maatje, and its multiples the schepel and mudde ; the latter is also called the zak, and equals the French hectolitre. 30 mudden make 1 last. The kan is the unit for liquid measure, and is the cube of the palm ; it corresponds to the French litre. Its divisions are the maatje and vingerhoed, and 100 kans make a vat or cask, •which equals the French hectolitre. The apothecary's new pound is 12 ounces, 96 drachms, 288 scruples, or 5,760 grains ; and answers to 375 grammes, or 6,787 English grains. By the old method of calculating, which is not yet entirely supersede !, the pound of Amsterdam was = to 1'09 lb. avoir- dupois, or 100 lbs. Amsterdam = 108-923 lbs. avoirdupois. The last or measure for com = 27 mudden = 10 qurs. bushels Winchester mejisure. The aam liquid mea- sure =4 ankers=8 steckans = 21 viertels = G4 stoops or stoppen = 128 mingles = 256 pints = 41 English wine gallons. The stoop Contains 5 l-8th pints English wine measure. 100 mingles are equal to 32 English wine gallons, or 26 l-5th English beer gallons, or 26 '<;-5d Imperial gallons. French wine is sold per hogshead of 180 mingles. Spanish and Portugxiese wine, per pipe of 319 ditto. French brandy, per hogshead of .-. . . 30 viertels. Beer, per barrel (equal to the aam) of 128 mingles* Vegetable oils, per aam, of 120 ditto. Whale oil, per ditto 16 ditto. Rum is sold per anker of 2 steckan = 10^ English wine gallons. The foot of Amsterdam =11 l-7th English inches. The Rhineland foot . . . = 12 ditto. The ell, cloth measure = 27 1-1 2th ditto. Rock salt is sold per hondert of 404 maaten, making 20 tons, or 4,000 lbs. Dutch. Pit coal is sold per hoed of 38 maaten ; nine hoeds are five chaldrons of Newcastle, or six hoeds are five chaldrons of London. Butter is sold per barrel ; the barrel of Leyden is 320 lbs. nett that of Friesland 28 lbs. nett — and tHe common Dutch barrel 336 lbs. gross. A last of herrings is reckoned at 12, 13, or 14 barrels. A last of pitch is 12 barrels. A last of tar, 13 barrels. A bag of seed = 2^ Winchester quarters. A last for freight is reckoned 4,000 lbs. equal to two English tons. Eight hogsheads (or oxhofts) of wine Twelve barrels of pitch I are reckoned Thirteen barrels of tar I as one last Twenty chests of lemons, &c. > in settling 4,000 lbs. of iron, copper, and colonial produce I the freight 4,000 lbs. of almonds I of ships. 2,000 lbs . of wool or feathers J A last of wheat is considered 10 per cent, higher than one of rye, and the latter 20^ per cent, higher than oats, and 10 per cent, higher than seed. A last of ballast is only 2,000 lbs. — These details have been derived from the answers by the British consul to the circular queries, the Diclionnaire du Commerce, (Ency. Mithod.) tom. ii. pp. 554—650., Kelly'i Cambist, private information, '6(0. Magnitude of the Commerce of Holland in the seventeenth Century. — Causes of its Prosperity and Decline. — We believe we need make no apology for embracing this opportunity to lay before our readers the following details with respect to the commerce and commercial policy of Holland. It forms one of the most instructive topics of investigation ; and it is to be regretted that so little attention should have been paid to it in this country. Previously to the commencement of the long-continued and glorious struggle made by the Dutch to emancipate themselves from the blind and brutal despotism of Old Spain, they had a considerable marine, and had attained to distinction by their fisheries and commerce ; and the war, instead of being injurious to the trade of the repubb'c, con- tributed powerfully to its extension. After the capture of Antwerp by the Spaniards, in 1585, the extensive commerce of which it had been the centre was removed to the ports of Holland, and principally to Amsterdam, which then attained to the distinction she long enjoyed, of the first commercial city of Europe. In 1602, the Dutch East India Company was formed; and notwithstanding the pernicious influence of that association, the Indian trade increased rapidly in magni- tude and importance. Ships fitted either for commercial or warlike purposes, and having a considerable number of soldiers on board, were sent out within a few years of the establishment of the company. Amboyna and the Moluccas were first wrested from the Portuguese, and with them the Dutch obtained the monopoly of the spice trade. Factories and fortifications were in no long time established, from Bussorah, near the mouth of the Tigris, in the Persian Gulf, along the coasts and islands of India as far as Japan. Alliances were formed with several of the Indian princes ; and in many parts, particularly on the coasts of Ceylon, and in various districts of Malabar and Coromandel, they were themselves the sovereigns. Batavia, in the large and fertile island of Java, the greater part of which had been conquered by the Dutch, formed the centre of their Indian commerce ; and though unhealthy, its port was excellent, and it was admirably situated for commanding the trade of the Eastern Archipelago. In 1651, they planted a colony at the Cape of Good Hope, which had been strangely neglected by the Portuguese. Every branch of commerce was vigorously prosecuted by the Dutch. Their trade with the Baltic was, however, by far the most extensive and lucrative of which they were in possession. Guicciardini mentions that the trade with Poland, Denmark, Prussia, &c., even before their revolt, was so very great, that fleets of 300 ships arrived twice a year at Amsterdam from Dantzic and Livonia only ; but it increased pro- digiously during the latter part of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries. The great population of Holland, and the limited extent and unfruitful nature of the soil, render the inhabitants dependent on foreigners for the greater part of their supplies of corn. The countries round the Baltic have always furnished them with the principal part of those supplies ; and it is from them that tliey liave been in tlie habit of bringing timber, iron, hemp and flax, pitch and tar, tallow, aslies, and other bulky articles required in the building of their houses and ships, and in various ma- nufactures. Nothing, however, redounds so much to the credit of the Dutch, as tlie AMSTERDAM. 35 policy they have invariably followed witli respect to the trade in com. Tliey liave, at all times, had a large capital embarked in this business. The variations wliich are pei-petually occurring in the harvests, early led them to engage very extensively in a sort of speculative corn trade. When the crops liappened to be unusually productive, and prices low, they bought and stored up large quantities of grain, in the expectation of profiting by the advance that was sure to take place on the occurrence of an un- favourable year. Repeated efforts were made, in periods when prices were rising, to pre- vail on the government to prohibit exportation ; but they steadily refused to interfere. In consequence of this enlightened policy, Holland has long been the most important European entrepot for corn ; and her markets have on all occasions been furnished with the most abundant supplies. Those scarcities which are so very disastrous in countries without commerce, or where the trade in corn is subjected to fetters and restraints, have not only been totally unknown in Holland, but became a copious source of wealth to her merchants, who then obtained a ready and advantageous vent for the supplies ac- cumulated in their warehouses. " Amsterdam," says Sir Walter Raleigh, " is never without 700,000 quarters of corn, none of it of the growth of Holland ; and a dearth of only one year in any other part of Europe enriches Holland for seven years. In the course of a year and a half, during a scarcity in England, there were carried away from the ports of Southampton, Bristol, and Exeter alone, nearly 20O,O00Z. ; and if London and the rest of England be included, there must have been 2,000,000Z. more." — ( Observations touching Trade and Commerce with the Hollander, Miscel. Works, vol. ii.) The very well informed author of the Richesse de la Hollande, published in 1778, observes, in allusion to these circumstances, " Que la disette de grains regne dans les quatre parties du monde ; vous trouverez du froment, du seigle, et d'autres grains a Amsterdam; its n'y' manqiient jamais." — (Tome i. p. 376.) The Bank of Amsterdam was founded in 1609. The principal object of this esta- blishment was to obviate the inconvenience and uncertainty arising from the circvdation of the coins imported into Amsterdam from all parts of the world. The merchants who carried coin or bullion to the Bank obtained credit for an equal value in its books : this was called bank-money ; and all considerable payments were effected by writing it off from the account of one individual to that of another. This establishment continued to flourish till the invasion of the French in 1795. Between the years 1651 and 1672, when the territories of the republic were invaded by the French, the commerce of Holland seems to have reached its greatest height. De Witt estimates its increase from the treaty with Spain, concluded at Munster in 1 643, to 1669, at fully a half. He adds, that during the war with Holland, Spain lost the greater part of her naval power ; that since the peace, the Dutch had obtained most of the trade to that country, which had been previously carried on by the Hanseatic mer- chants and the English ; that almost all the coasting trade of Spain was carried on by Dutch shipping ; that Spain had even been forced to hire Dutch ships to sail to her American possessions ; and that so great was the exportation of goods from Holland to Spain, that all the merchandise brought from the Spanish West Indies was not sufficient to make returns for them. At this period, indeed, the Dutch engrossed, not by means of any artificial monopoly, but by the greater number of their ships, and their superior skill and economy in all that regarded navigation, almost the whole carrying trade of Europe. The value of the goods exported from France in Dutch bottoms, towards the middle of the fourteenth century, exceeded 40,000,000 livres ; and the commerce of England with the Low Countries was, for a very long period, almost entirely carried on in them. The business of marine insurance was largely and successfully prosecuted at Amster- dam ; and the ordinances published in 1551, 1563, and 1570, contain the most judicious regulations for the settlement of such disputes as might arise in conducting this difficult but highly useful business. It is singular, however, notwithstanding the sagacity of the Dutch, and their desire to strengthen industrious habits, that they should have prohibited insurance upon lives. It was reserved for England to show the advantages that might be derived from this beautiful application of the science of probabilities. In 1690, Sir William Petty estimated the shipping of Eui'ope at about 2,000,000 tons, which he supposed to be distributed as follows : — viz. England, 500,000 > France, 100,000 ; Hamburgh, Denmark, Sweden, and Dantzic, 250,000 ; Spain, Por- tugal, and Italy, 250,000 ; that of the Seven United Provinces amounting, according to him, to 900,000 tons, or to nearly one half of the whole tonnage of Europe ! No great dependence can, of course, be placed upon these estimates ; but the probability is, that, had they been more accurate, the preponderance in favour of Holland would have been greater than it appears to be ; for the official returns to the circulars addressed in 1701 by the commissioners of customs to the officers at the different ports, show that the wliole mercantile navy of England amounted at that period to only 261,222 tons, carry- ing 27,196 men. — (^Mucphcr son's Annals of Commerce, anno 1701.) D 2 36 AMSTERDAM. It may, therefore, be fairly concluded, that, during the seventeenth century the foreign commerce and navigation of Holland was greater than that of all Europe besides ; and yet the country which was the seat of this vast commerce had no native produce to export, nor even a piece of timber fit for ship-building. All had been the fruit of industry, economy, and a fortunate combination of circumstances. Holland owed this vast commerce to a variety of causes : partly to her peculiar situ- ation, the industry and economy of her inhabitants, the comparatively liberal and enlightened system of civil as well as of commercial policy adopted by the republic ; and partly also to the wars and disturbances that prevailed in most European countries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and prevented them from emulating the success- ful career of the Dutch. The ascendancy of Holland as a commercial state began to decline from about the commencement of last century. After the war terminated by the treaty of Aix-la- Chapelle, the attention of the government of Holland was forcibly attracted to the state of the shipping and foreign commerce of the republic. The discovery of means by which their decline might be arrested, and the trade of the republic, if possible, restored to its ancient flourishing condition, became a prominent object in the speculations of every one who felt interested in the public welfare. In order to procure the most correct in- formation on the subject, the Stadtholder, William IV., addressed the following queries to all the most extensive and intelligent merchants, desiring them to favour him with their answers : — " 1. What is the actual state of trade? and if the same should be found to be dimi- nished and fallen to decay, then, 2. To enquire by what methods the same may be sup- ported and advanced, or, if possible, restored to its former lustre, repute, and dignity ? " In discussing these questions, the merchants were obliged to enter into an examin- ation, as well of the causes which had raised the commerce of Holland to the high pitch of prosperity to which it had once attained, as of those which had occasioned its subse- quent decline. It is stated, that, though not of the same opinion upon all points, they, speaking generally, concurred as to those that were most important. When their answers had been obtained, and compared with each other, the Stadtholder had a dis- sertation prepared from them, and other authentic sources, on the commerce of the republic, to which proposals were subjoined for its amendment. Some of the principles advanced in this dissertation apply to the case of Holland only ; but most of them are of universal application, and are not more comprehensive than sound. We doubt, indeed, whether the benefits resulting from religious toleration, political liberty, the security of property, and the freedom of industry, have ever been more clearly set forth than in this dissertation. It begins by an enumeration of the causes which contributed to advance the commerce of the republic to its former unexampled prosperity ; these the authors divide into three classes, embracing under the first those that were natural and physical ; under the second, those they denominated moral ; and under the third, those which they consi- dered adventitious and external ; remarking on them in succession as follows : — " I. The natural and physical causes are the advantages of the situation of the country, on the sea, and at the mouth of considerable rivers ; its situation between the northern and southern parts, which by being in a manner the centre of all Europe, made the republic become the general market, where the merchants on both sides used to bring their superfluous commodities, in order to barter and exchange the same for other goods they wanted. " Nor have the barrenness of the country, and the necessities of the natives arising from that cause, less contributed to set them upon exerting all their application, industry, and utmost stretch of genius, to fetch from foreign countries what they stand in need of in their own, and to support themselves by trade. " The abundance of fish in the neighbouring seas put them in a condition not only to supply their own occasions, but with the overplus to carry on a trade with foreigners, and out of theproduce of the fishery to find an equivalent for what they wanted, through the sterility and narrow boundaries and extent of their own country. " II. Among the moral and political causes are to be placed, The unalterable maxim and fundamental law relating to the free exercise of different religions ; and always to consider this toleration and con., nivance as the most effectual means to draw foreigners from adjacent countries to settle and reside here, and so become instrumental to the peopling of these provinces. " The constant policy of the republic to make this country a perpetual, safe, and secure asylum for an persecuted and oppressed strangers. No alhance, no treaty, no regard for or solicitation of any potentate whatever, has at any time been able to weaken or destroy this law, or make the state recede from pro^ tecting those who have fled to it for their own security and self-preservation. " Throughout the whole course of all the persecutions and oppressions that have occurred in other countries, the steady adherence of the republic to this fundamental law has been the cause that many people have not only fled hither for refuge, with their whole stock in ready cash, and their most valuable effects, but have also settled, and established many trades, fabrics, manufactories, arts, and sciences, in this country, notwithstanding the first materials for the said fabrics and manufactories were almost wholly wanting in it, and not to be procured but at a great expense from foreign parts. " The constitution of our form of government, and the liberty thus accruing to the citizen, are further reasons to which the growth of trade, and its estal)lishment in the republic, may fairly be ascribed ; and all her policy and laws are put upon such an equitable footing, that neither life, estates, nor dignities, depend on the caprice or arbitrary power of any single individual ; nor is there any room for any person, who, by care, frugality, and diligence, has once acquired an affluent fortune or estate, to fear a depriv- ation of them by any act of violence, oppression, or injustice. " The administration of justice in the country has, in like manner, always been clear and imp.irtial, and without distinction of superior or inferior rank, — whether the parties have been rich or poor, or were tliis a furcijncr and that a native; and it were greatly to be wished we could at this day boast of AMSTERDAM. 37 •uch impartial quickncES and despatch in all our legal processes, considering how great an influence it has on trade. " To sum up all, amongst the moral and political causes of the former flourishing state of trade, may be likewise placed the wisdom and prudence of the administration ; the intrepid firmness of the councils ; the faithlulness with which treaties and engagements were wont to be fulfilled and ratified ; and particu- larly the care and caution practised to preserve tranquillity and peace, and to decline, instead of entering on, a scene of war, merely to gratify the ambitious views of gaining fruitless or imaginary conquests. " By these moral and political maxims was the glory and reputation of the republic so f ar spread, and foreigners animated to place so great a confidence in the steady determinations of a state so wisely and prudently conducted, that a concourse of them stocked this country with an augmentation of inhabitants and useful hands, whereby its trade and opulence were from time to time increased. " III. Amongst the adventitious and external causes of the rise and flourishing state of our trade may be reckoned — " That at the time when the best and wisest maxims were adopted in the republic as the means of making trade flourish, they were neglected in almost all other countries; and any one, reading the his- tory of those times, may easily discover, that the persecutions on account of religion throughout Spain, Brabant, Flanders, and many other states and kingdoms, have powerfully promoted the establishment of commerce in the republic. " To this happy result, and the settling of manufacturers in our country, the long continuance of the civil wars in France, which were afterwards carried on in Germany, England, and divers other parts, have also very much contributed. " It must be added, in the last place, that during our most burthensome and heavy wars with Spain and Portugal (however ruinous that period was for commerce otherwise), these powers had both neglected their navy ; whilst the navy of the republic, by a conduct direcily the reverse, was at the same time formidable, and in a capacity not only to protect the trade of its own subjects, but to annoy and crush that of their enemies in all quarters." * We believe our readers will agree with us in thinking that these statements reflect the greatest credit on the merchants and government of Holland. Nothing, as it appears to us, could be conceived more judicious than the account they give of the causes which principally contributed to render Holland a great commercial common- wealth. The central situation of the country, its command of some of the principal inlets to the continent, and the necessity under which the inhabitants have been placed, in consequence of the barrenness of the soil and its liability to be overflowed, to exert all their industry and enterprise, are circumstances that seem to be in a great degree peculiar to Holland. But though there can be no doubt that their influence has been very considerable, no one will pretend to say that it is to be compared for a moment with the influence of those free institutions, which, fortunately, are not the exclusive attributes of any particular country, but have flourished in Phoenicia, Greece, England, and America, as well as in Holland. Many dissertations have been written to account for the decline of the commerce of Holland. But, if we mistake not, its leading causes may be classed under two pro- minent heads, viz. first, the natural growth of commerce and navigation in other countries ; and second, the weight of taxation at home. During the period when the republic rose to great eminence as a commercial state, England, France, and Spain, dis- tracted by civil and religious dissensions, or engrossed wholly by schemes of foreign con- quest, were unable to apply their energies to the cultivation of commerce, or to withstand the competition of so industrious a people as the Dutch. They, therefore, were under the necessity of allowing the greater part of their foreign, and even of their coasting trade, to be carried on in Dutch bottoms, and under the superintendence of Dutch factors. But after the accession of Louis XIV. and the ascendancy of Cromwell had put an end to internal commotions in France and England, the energies of these two great nations began to be directed to pursuits of which the Dutch had hitherto enjoyed almost a monopoly. It was not to be supposed, that when tranquillity and a regular system of government had been established in France and England, their active and enterprising inhabitants would submit to see one of their most valuable branches of industry in the hands of foreigners. The Dutch ceased to be the carriers of Europe, without any fault of their own. Their performance of that function necessarily termin- ated as soon as other nations became possessed of a mercantile marine, and were able to do for themselves what had previously been done for them by their neighbours. Whatever, therefore, might have been the condition of Holland in other respects, the natural advance of rival nations must inevitably have stripped her of a large portion of the commerce she once possessed. But the progress of decline seems to have been con- siderably accelerated, or rather, perhaps, the efforts to arrest it were rendered ineffectual, by the extremely heavy taxation to which she was subjected, occasioned by the unavoidable expenses incurred in the revolutionary struggle with Spain, and the subsequent wars with France and England. The necessities of the state led to the imposition of taxes on corn, on flour when it was ground at the mill, and on bread when it came from the oven ; on butter, and fish, and fruit ; on income and legacies ; the sale of houses ; and, in short, almost every article either of necessity or convenience. Sir William Temple mentions that in his time — and taxes were greatly increased afterwards — one fish sauce was in common use, which directly paid no fewer than thirty different duties of excise ; * The Dissertation was translated into English, and published at London in 175L We have quoted from the translation. D 3 38 AMSTERDAM. and it was a common saying at Amsterdam, that every dish of fish brought to table was paid for once to the fisherman, and six times to the state. The pernicious influence of this heavy taxation has been ably set forth by the author of the Richesse de la Hollande, and other well-informed writers ; and it has also been very forcibly pointed out in the Dissertation already referred to, drawn up from the communications of the Dutch merchants. " Oppressive taxes," it is there stated, " must be placed at the head of all the causes that have co-operated to the prejudice and dis- couragement of trade ; and it may be justly said, that it can only be attributed to them that the trade of this country has been diverted out of its channel, and transferred to our neighbom's, and must daily be still more and more alienated and shut out from us, unless the progress thereof be stopped by some quick and effectual remedy : nor is it difficult to see, from these contemplations on the state of our trade, that the same will be effected by no other means than a diminution of all duties. ** In former times this was reckoned the only trading state in Europe ; and foreigners were content to pay the taxes, as well on the goods they brought hither, as on those they came here to buy ; without examining whether they could evade or save them, by fetch- ing the goods from the places where they were produced, and carrying others to the places where they were consumed : in short, they paid us our taxes with pleasure, without any farther enquiry. " But, since the last century, the system of trade is altered all over Europe : foreign nations, seeing the wonderful effect of our trade, and to what an eminence we had risen only by means thereof, they did likewise apply themselves to it ; and, to save our duties, sent their superfluous products beside our country, to the places where they are most consumed ; and in return for the same, furnished themselves from the first hands with what they wanted." But, notwithstanding this authoritative exposition of the pernicious effects resulting from the excess of taxation, the necessary expenses of the state were so great as to render it impossible to make any sufficient reductions. And, with the exception of the transit trade carried on through the Rhine and the Meuse, which is in a great measure independent of foreign competition, and the American trade, most of the other branches of the foreign trade of Holland, though still very considerable, continye in a com- paratively depressed state. In consequence principally of the oppressiveness of taxation, but partly, too, of the excessive accumulation of capital that had taken place while the Dutch engrossed the carrying trade of Europe, profits in Holland were reduced towards the middle of the seventeenth century, and have ever since continued extremely low. This circumstance would of itself have sapped the foundations of her commercial greatness. Her capitalists, who could hardly expect to clear more than two or three per cent, of nett profit by any sort of undertaking carried on at home, were tempted to vest their capital in other countries, and to speculate in loans to foreign governments. There are the best reasons for thinking that the Dutch were, until very lately, the largest creditors of any nation in Europe. It is impossible, indeed, to form any accurate estimate of what the sums owing them by foreigners previously to the late French war, or at present, may amount to ; but there can be no doubt that at the former period the amount was immense, and that it is still very considerable. M. Demeunier (JDictionnaire de VEconomie Politique^ tome iii. p. 720.) states the amount of capital lent by the Dutch to foreign governments, exclusive of the large sums lent to France during the American war, at seventy-three millions sterling. According to the author of the Richesse de la Hollande (ii. p. 292. ), the sums lent to France and England only, previously to 1778, amounted to 1,500,000 livres tournois, or sixty millions sterling. And besides these, vast sums were lent to private individuals in foreign countries, both regularly as loans at interest, and in the shape of goods advanced at long credits. So great was the difficulty of finding an advantageous investment for money in Holland, that Sir William Temple mentions, that the payment of any part of the national debt was looked upon by the cieditors as an evil of the first magnitude. " They receive it," says he, " with tears, not knowing how to dispose of it to interest with such safety and ease." Among the subordinate causes which contributed to the decline of Dutch commerce, or which have, at all events, prevented its growth, we may reckon the circumstance of the commerce with India having been subjected to the trammels of monopoly. De Witt expresses his firm conviction, that the abolition of the East India Company would have added very greatly to the trade with the East ; and no doubt can now remain in the mind of any one, that such would have been the case.* The interference of the administration in regulating the mode in which some of the most important branches of industry should be carried on, seems also to have been exceedingly injurious. Every ' * For proofs of tliis, sco the article on the Commerce of Holland in the Edinburgh Review, No. 102., from which most part of these statements have been taken. ANCHOR. S9 proceeding with respect to the herring fishery, for example, was regulated by the orders of government, carried into effect under the inspection of officers appointed for that purpose. Some of these regulations were exceedingly vexatious. The period when the fishery might begin was fixed at five minutes past twelve o'clock of the night of the 24th of June ! and the master and pilot of every vessel leaving Holland for the fishery, were obliged to make oath that they would respect the regulation. The species of salt to be made use of in curing different sorts of herrings was also fixed by law ; and there were endless regulations with respect to the size of the barrels, the number and thickness of the staves of which they were to be made; the gutting and packing of the herrings; the branding of the barrels, &c. &c. — (Histoire des Pcches, Sfc. dans les Mers du Nord, tom. i. chap. 24.) These regulations were intended to secure to the Hollanders that superiority which they had early attained in the fishery, and to prevent the reputation of their herrings from being injured by the bad faith of individuals. But their real effect was precisely the reverse of this. By tying up the fishers to a system of routine, they prevented them from making any improvements ; while the facility of counterfeiting the public marks opened a much wider door to fraud, than would have been opened had government wisely declined interfering in the matter. In despite, however, of the East India monopoly, and the regulations now described, the commercial policy of Holland has been more liberal than that of any other nation. And in consequence, a country not more extensive than Wales, and naturally not more fertile, conquered, indeed, in a great measure from the sea, has accumulated a population of upwards of two millions ; has maintained wars of unexampled duration with the most powerful monarchies ; and, besides laying out immense sums in works of utility and ornament at home, has been enabled to lend hundreds of millions to foreigners. During the occupation of Holland by the French, first as a dependent state, and subsequently as an integral part of the French empire, her foreign trade was almost entirely destroyed. Her colonies were successively conquered by England ; and, in addition to the loss of her trade, she was burdened with fresh taxes. But such was the vast accumulated wealth of the Dutch, their prudence, and energy, that the influence of these adverse circumstances was far less injurious than could have been imagined ; and, notwithstanding all the losses she had sustained, and the long interruption of her com- mercial pursuits, Holland continued, at her emancipation from the yoke of the French in 1814, to be the richest country in Europe! Java, the Moluccas, and most of her other colonies were then restored, and she is now in the enjoyment of a large foreign trade. Her connection with Belgium was an unfortunate one for both countries. The union Avas not agreeable to either party, and has been injurious to Holland. Belgium was an agricultural and manufacturing country ; and was inclined, in imitation of the French, to lay restrictions on the importations of most sorts of raw and manufactured produce. A policy of this sort was directly opposed to the interests and the ancient practice of the Dutch. But though their deputies prevented the restrictive system from being carried to the extent proposed by the Belgians, they were unable to prevent it from being carried to an extent that materially affected the trade of Holland. Whatever, therefore, may be the consequences as to Belgium, there can be little doubt that the late separation between the two divisions of the kingdom of the Netherlands will redound to the advantage of Holland. It must ever be for the interest of England, America, and all trading nations, to maintain the independence of a state by whose means their productions find a ready access to the great continental markets. It is to be hoped that the Dutch, profiting by past experience, will adopt such a liberal and conciliatory system towards the natives of Java, as may enable them to avail themselves to the full of the various resources of that noble island. And if they do this, and freely open their ports, with as few restrictions as possible, to the ships and commodities of all countries, Holland may still be the centre of a very extensive commerce, and may continue to preserve a respectable place among mercantile nations. Even at this moment, after all the vicissitudes they have undergone, the Dutch are, beyond all question, the most opulent and industrious of European nations. And their present, no less than their former state, shows that a free system of government, security, and the absence of restrictions on industry, can overcome almost every obstacle ; " can convert the standing pool and lake into fat meadows, cover the barren rock with verdure, and make the desert smile with flowers. • ANCHOR (Fr. Ancre ; Lat. Afichora ; Gr. AyKvpa), a well-known maritime in- • strument used in the mooring or fastening of ships. It consists of a shank having two hooked arms at one end, and at the other end a bar, or stock, at right angles to the arms, with a ring to which the cable is fastened. The arms, shank, and ring should be made of the very best and toughest iron ; the stock is for the most part of oak, but it is frequently also, especially in the smaller anchors, made of iron. On being let go, or cast into the water, the anchor sinks rapidly to the bottom, and is thrown by the stock into such a position that the Jit(ke, or point of one of the arms, is sure to strike the ground perpendicularly, and being kept in that direction, unless the bottom be particularly hard D 4 40 ANCHORAGE. or rocky, sinks into it, and cannot be dislodged, where the ground is not soft or oozy, without a violent effort. When the anchor is dislodged, it is said, by the sailors, to come home. Seeing that the safety and preservation of ships and crews are very frequently depend- ent on their anchors and cables, it is needless to say that it is of the utmost importance that these should be of the most approved quality and construction. Every ship has, or ought to have, three principal anchors ; viz. 1st, the sheet anchor, the largest of all, and only let down in cases of danger, or when the vessel is riding in a gale of wind ; 2d, the best bower anchor ; and, 3d, the small bower anchor. There are, besides, smaller anchors for mooring in rivers, ports, &c. The largest class of men-of- war have six or seven anchors. The weight of an anchor is determined principally by the tonnage; it being usual to allow, for every 20 tons of a ship's burthen, 1 cwt. for the weight of her best bower anchor ; so that this anchor in a ship of 400 tons should weigh about 20 cwt., or a ton. To cast, or let go, the anchor, is to let the anchor fall from the ship's bows into the water, so that it may take hold of the ground. To drag the anchor, is to make it come home ; that is, to dislodge it from its bed, and to drag it over or through the ground. This may be occasioned by the anchor being too light, by the violent straining of the cable in a storm or a current, by the too great hardness or softness of the ground, &c. To weigh the anchor, is to dislodge it from jls hold, and heave it up by means of the capstan, &c. Law as to Anchors left, parted from, S(C. — By the 1 & 2 Geo. 4. c. 75., pilots and other persons taking possession of anchors, cables, and other ship materials, parted with, cut from, or left by any vessel, whe- ther in distress or otherwise, shall give notice of the same to a deputy vice-admiral, or his agent, within forty-eight hours, on pain of being considered as receivers of stolen goods ; and if any person shall knowingly and wilfully purchase any such anchor, &c. that shall have been so obtained, without its being so reported, he shall be held to be a receiver of stolen goods, and suffer the like punishment as for a mis- *lemeanour at common law, or be liable to be transported for seven years, at the discretion of the court. Any master of a ship or vessel outward-bound finding or taking on board any anchor, &c. shall make a true entry of the circumstance in the log-book of such ship or vessel, reporting the same by the first possible opportunity to the Trinity House, and on his return shall deliver the article to the deputy vice- admiral, or his agent, nearest to the port where he shall arrive, under a penalty of not more than 100/. nor less than 30/., on conviction before a magistrate on the oath of one witness ; one half to go to the informer, the other half to the Merchant Seamen's Society, established by 20 Geo 3. c. 38. : he shall also forfeit double the value of the article to the owner. And every pilot, hoveller, boatman, &c. who shall convey any anchor, &c. to any foreign harbour, port, creek, or bay, and sell and dispose of the same, shall be guilty of felony, and be transported for any term not exceeding seven years. — (See Salvage.) Invention of the Anchor. — This instrument, admirable alike for its simplicity and effect, is of very considerable antiquity. It was not, however, known in the earliest ages. The President de Goguet has shown that it was not used by the Greeks till after the Trojan war ; and that they were then accustomed to moor their «hips fcy means of large stones cast into the sea, a practice which still subsists in some rude nations. — ( O'^igin of Laws, vol. iL p. 330. Eng. tr^ns.) Pliny ascribes the invention of the anchor to the Tyrrhenians. — (Hist. Nat. lib. vii. cap. 56.) At first it had only one arm, the other being added at a subsequent period ; some authors say, by Anacharsis the Scythian. — i Origin of Laws, vol. i. p. 293.) Since this remote epoch, the form and construction of the instrument seem to have undergone very little change. ANCHORAGE, or ANCHORING GROUND. Good anchoring ground should neither be too hard nor too soft ; for, in the first case the anchor is apt not to take a sufficient hold, and in the other to drag. The best bottom is a stiff clay, and next to it a firm sand. In a rocky bottom the flukes of the anchor are sometimes torn away, and hempen cables are liable to chafe and be cut through. It is also essential to a good anchorage that the water be neither too deep nor too shallow. When too deep, the pull of the cable, being nearly perpendicular, is apt to jerk the anchor out of the ground ; and when too shallow, the ship is exposed to the danger, when riding in a storm, of striking the bottom. Where a ship is in water that is land-locked, and out of the tide, the nature of the ground is of comparatively little importance. The anchorage of ships, especially ships of war, being a subject of great importance to the naval and commercial interests of the kingdom, several statutes have been enacted with resp ct to it. The first which it is necessary to notice here is 19 Geo. 2. c. 22. It prohibits masters of ships from casting out bal- last, or rubbish of any kind, into any harbour or channel, except on the land where the tide never comes, on pain of forfeiting not more than 51. nor less than 50*. on conviction before a justice on view, or on the oath of one witness, or of being committed to prison for two months; which penalty is increased to 10/., over and above the expense of removing the same, by 54 Geo. 3. c. 159. In pursuance of the same object, 54 Geo. 3. c. 159. enables the Lords of the Admiralty to establish regulations for the preservation of the king's moorings or anchorage, as well as fbr those of merchant ships, in all the ports, harbours, channels, &c. &c. of the United Kingdom, as far as the tide flows, where or near to which his Majesty has, or may hereafter have, any docks, dock-yards, arsenals, wharfs, or moorings. It prohibits all descriptions of pri- vate ships from being moored, or anchored, or placed in any of his Majesty's moorings, &c. without special licence obtained from the Admiralty, or other persons' appointed to grant such licences, on pain of forfeit- ing not exceeding 10/., one moiety to his Majesty, the other to the informer, on conviction before any justice of the peace or commissioner of the navy. It further prohibits the breaming of private vessels in such places, otherwise than appointed by the safd authority of the Admiralty ; and the receiving or having gunpowder, beyond a certain limited quantity, under a penalty of .0/. for every five pounds' weight of such powder beyond the quantity allowed. It prb- liibits, likewise, all such private vessels, in any such places, having any guns on board shotted or loaded with ball, as well as firing and discharging any such before sun-rising and after sun-setting, under a ANCHOVY ANTIMONY. 41 penalty of 51. fox every gun so shotted, and 10/. for every gun so fired. Tt furtliei gives to every officer of vessels of war, to liarbour-masters, and others in their aid, a right of search in all i^rivate vessels so moored in sucli places, and inflicts a penalty of 10/. on resistance. Anchorage also means a duty laid on ships for the use of the port or harbour. ANCHOVY (Fr. Anchois ; It. Acciughe ; Lat. Encrasicolus), a small fish (Clupea encrusicolus Lin.), common in the Mediterranean, resembling the sprat. Those brought from Gorgona in the Tuscan Sea are esteemed the best. They should be chosen small, fresh pickled, white outside and red within. Their backs should be round. The sar- dine, a fish which is flatter and larger than the anchovy, is frequently substituted for it. About 120,000 lbs. are annually entered for home consumption. ANGELICA, a large umbelliferous plant, with hollow jointed stalks, of which there are several varieties. It grows wild, and is cultivated in moist places near London, and in most European countries from Lapland to Spain. Its roots are thick, fleshy, and resinous ; have a fragrant agreeable smell, and a bitterish pungent taste, mixed with a pleasant sweetness glowing on the lips and palate for a long, time after they have been chewed. To preserve them, they must be thoroughly dried, and kept in a well-aired place. The other parts of the plant have the same taste and flavour as the roots, but in an inferior degree. The leaves and seeds do not retain their virtues when kept. The London confectioners make a sweetmeat of the tender stems. The faculty used to direct that none but the roots of Spanish angelica should be kept by the druggists. In Nor- way the roots are sometimes used as bread, and in Iceland the stalks are eaten with butter. Here the plant is used only in confectionary and the materia medica. — (^Lewis's Mat. Med.; Bees' s Cyclopaedia, S^c.) The duty of 4s. per cwt on Angelica produced, in 1832, 275/. 10c/., showing that 1,375 cwt. had been entered for home consumption. ANISE, OR ANISUM (Fr. Anis ; It. Anice ; Lat. Anisum), a small seed of an oblong shape. It is cultivated in Germany, but the best comes from Spain. It is also a pro- duct of China, whence it is exported. It should be chosen fresh, large, plump, newly dried, of a good smell, and a sweetish aromatic taste. ANKER, a liquid measure at Amsterdam. It contains about 10\ gallons English wine measure. ANNOTTO, OR ARNOTTO (Fr. Rocou; Ger. Orlean; It. Onana), a species of red dye formed of the pulp enveloping the seeds of the Bixa orellana, a plant common in South America, and the East and West Indies ; but dye is made, at least to any extent, only in the first. It is prepared by macerating the pods in boiling water, extracting the seeds, and leaving the pulp to subside ; the fluid being subsequently drawn off, the residuum, with which oil is sometimes mixed up, is placed in shallow vessels and gradu- ally dried in the shade. It is of two sorts, viz. flag or cake, and roll annotto. The first, which is by far the most important article in a commercial point of view, is furnished almost wholly by Cayenne, and comes to us principally by way of the United States. It is imported in square cakes, weighing 2 or 3 lbs. each, wrapped in banana leaves. When well made, it ought to be of a bright yellow colour, soft to the touch, and of a good con- sistence. It imparts a deep but not durable orange colour to silk and cotton, and is used for that. purpose by the dyers. Roll annotto is principally brought from Brazil. The rolls are small, not exceeding 2 or 3 oz. in weight ; it is hard, dry, and compact, brownish on the outside, and of a beautiful red colour within. The latter is the best of all ingredients for the colouring of cheese and butter ; and is now exclusively used for that purpose in all the British and in some of the continental dairies. In Gloucestershire it is the practice to allow an ounce of annotto to a cwt. of cheese ; in Cheshire, 8 dwts. are reckoned suflficient for a cheese of 60 lbs. When genuine, it neither affects the taste nor the smell of cheese or butter. The Spanish Americans mix annotto with their chocolate, to which it gives a beautiful tint. — ( Gray's Supplement to the Pharmacopeias; Loudon's Encyc. of Agriculture, andi private information.) At an average of the three years ending with 1831, the annotto entered for home consumption amounted to 128,528 lbs. a year. Previously to 1832, the duty on flag annotto was 185. 8t/. a cwt., and on other sorts 5/. 12s. ; but the duty is now reduced to Is. a cwt. on the former, and to 4s. on the latter. This judicious and liberal reduction will, we have no doubt, be followed by a considerable increase of consumption. The price of flag annotto varies in the market from 6c/. to Is. per lb., and of roll from Is, to Is. 6d. ANNUITIES. See Interest and Annuities. ANTIMONY (Ger. ^x^A Hvi. Spiesglas ; Fr. Antimoine ; It. Antimotiio ; B-us. Anti- monia ; Lat. Antimonium), a metal which, when pure, is of a greyish white colour, and has a good deal of brilliancy, showing a radiated fracture when broken ; it is converted by exposure to heat and air into a white oxide, which sublimes in vapours. It is found in. Saxony and the Hartz, also in Cornwall, Spain, France, Mexico, Siberia, the Eastern Islands, and Martaban in Pegu. We are at present wholly supplied with this metal from Singapore, which receives it from Borneo ; it is imported in the shape of ore, and 42 ANTWERP. commonly as ballast. It is about as hard as gold ; its specific gravity is about 6*7 ; it is easily reduced to a very fine powder ; its tenacity is such that a rod ©f ^'^th of an inch diameter is capable of supporting 10 lbs. vreight. Antimony is used in medicine, and in the composition of metal types for printing. The ores of antimony are soft, and vary in colour from light lead to dark lead grey ; their specific gravity varies from 4*4 to 6-8 ; they possess a metallic lustre, are brittle, and occur in the crystallised massive forms. — ( Thomson's Chemistry, and private information. ) ANTWERP, the principal sea-port of Belgium, long. 4° 22' E., lat. 51° 14' N. A large, vi^ell built, and strongly fortified city, situated on the Scheldt. It has about 65,000 inhabitants. Previously to its capture by the Spaniards, under Farnese, in 1585, Ant- werp v/as one of the greatest commercial cities of Europe ; but it suflfered much by that event. In 1648, at the treaty of Westphalia, it was stipulated by Spain and Hol- land, that the navigation of the Scheldt should be shut up ; a stipulation which was ob- served till the occupation of Belgium by the French, when it was abolished. In 1803, the improvement of the harbour was begun, and extensive new docks and warehouses have since been constructed. Ships of the largest burden come up to the town, and goods destined for the interior are forwarded with the greatest facility by means of canals. Almost all the foreign trade of Belgium is at present centred in Antwerp, which has again become a place of great commercial importance. By a decree issued in 1814, all goods are allowed to be warehoused in Antwei-p en entrepot, and may be exported on paying a charge of ^ per cent, ad valorem. The exports chiefly consist of corn, seeds, linen, lace, carpets, flax, tallow, hops, &c. The imports principally consist of cotton, wine, hardware, sugar, tobacco, colFee, and all sorts of colonial produce. ' Money. — Accounts are now commonly kept in ^orms of 1816, worth ls.S\d. sterling. The florin is divided into 20 sous, and the sou into 5 cents. Formerly accounts were kept in the pound Flemish =; 2| rix dollars = 6 florins = 20 schillings = 120 stivers = 240 groats = 1,920 pennings. — (See U'able of Coins.) The par of exchange between Antwerp and London is 11 florins 58 cents per pound sterling. Weights and Measures. — By a law of 1816, the French system of weights and measures was adopted in the Netherlands on the 1st of January, 1820 ; but the old denominations are retained. The pond is the unit of weight, and answers to the French kilogramme. — (See Amsterdam.) Of the old weights, which are still occasionally referred to, the quintal of 100 lbs. is equal to 103^ lbs. avoirdupois, 100 lbs. avoirdupois being consequently equal to 96'8 lbs. of Antwerp. A schippound is equal to 3 quintals, or 300 lbs. ; a stone is equal to 8 lbs. Of the old measures, a viertel of corn =: 4 macken ; 37| viertels =: last ; and 40 viertcls = 10| Imperial quarters very nearly. The aam of wine contains 50 stoopen, or 36^ English wine gallons. Of the weights and measures now current, 50f lbs. = 112 lbs. English ; luO lbs. = 100 kilogrammes of France, or 212f Antwerp old weight. One barrel =: 26| gallons English — 100 litres French. Custo?n-house Regulations. — Captains of ships arriving at Antwerp, or any of the Belgian ports, must make, within 24 hours, a declaration in writing, of the goods of which their cargo consists; specifying the marks and numbers of the bales, parcels, &c. ; their value, according to the current price at the time when the declaration is made ; the name of the ship or vessel, as well as that of the captain, and of the country to which she belongs, &c. Shipping. —The ships entering the port of Antwerp, during the five years ending with 1828, have been as follows : — Years. Ships. Years, Ships. 1824 - . - 681 1827 - - - - 822 1825 - - - - 800 1828 - - - 955 1826 - - . - 928 Of the 800 ships entering Antwerp in 1825, 114 were from Liverpool, 119 from London, 44 from Hull, 48 from Havre, 41 from Bordeaux, 24 from Petersburgh, 24 from New York, 25 from Cuba, 26 from Ri€ Janeiro, 11 from Batavia, &c. — {^Bulletin des Sciences Geographiques, for January, 1829, and February 1826.) The commerce of Antwerp suffered much, in 1831 and 1832, from the hostilities between the Belgians and Dutch. In 1831, there were only 388 arrivals of foreign ships. Comparative Statement of the Imports of the undermentioned Goods, at Antwerp, since 1827, and of the Stocks at the Close of each Year, Articles. Coffee Cotton Hides, S.A, Indigo Pimenlo Pei)i)fr, small Kice •SuL'ar Tea Tobacco IjOffwood Fustic tons bales No. chests serons bags do. tierces bags tons packages' - hhds.i tons do. Imports. 1827 7,158 4,420 2.3, 100 23,108 211,549 1,3.57 rm 1,810 22,14 14,505 lfi,8!)7 IS. 000 1,564 1,101 70fi- 57.3 1828. 1829. 1S30. 1831. 1832, !),fi47 1,501 22,900 18,,y24 148,584 2,103 380 1,870 6,340 13,961 .38,889 17,800 91 2,328 2,260 822 11,642 3,987 23,080 .33,985 462,577 1,846 725 1,810 11,522 18,712 98,827 24,730 186 1,552 855 1,6.39 6,951 1 ,639 21,110 21,845 340,507 1,063 206 2,220 12,999 2.3,221 41,5.30 10,51- 1,253 2,253 952 2,0.33 7,452 728 10,300 13,720 228,896 433 120 576 6,406 6,029 16,483 9,800 814 8, ,361 1,250 255 8,,506 3,.558 14,700 28,687 362,878 649 252 562 4,960 14,4,'-)S 10,1,53 12,200 3,778 12,825 1,200 31 Stocks, 31st December. 1827. 1828. 1829. 1830. 1831, 600 1,000 8,2,50 4,420 4,000 287 247 500 12,500 2,300 9,400 3,370 2,2,55 375 700 800 200 8,6,50 5,563 1,350 606 268 500 6,000 1 ,200 30,000 2,600 1,878 717 900 2,950 1,200 8,4.30 6,1.55 43,600 717 360 200 8,400 5,000 13, ,500 8,050 1,.3,35 225 3,50 490 214 250 4,000 4,700 22,500 286 101 100 3,000 4, .500 2,500 1,2.50 391 40 13'1 670 In the imports of 1831 and 1832, are included those received through Ostend which were destined for this port. The stocks of these goods now at Ostend, or on their way thence, arc also included. APPLES. — APPRENTICE. The following goods were imported at Antwerp in 1832 from all places ! 43 Great Britain S. America and W. Indies United States Continent of Europe East Indies Jersey and Guernsey Totals Coffee. Sugar. Hides. Cotton Casks. 1 Uarrels. Bags. Casks. CBraz. Ux.IIav Can. Barrels. BaKS. Ox& Cow. 05,104 203,756 66,079 20,202 7,016 Bales. 12,789 1,62.3 13,754 521 211 90 ir, 102 101,285 71,121 .'>0,102 ll,(i the Outward West India Dock, the further sum of 4rf. ; and for every ton of ballast delivered in or unladen from the London Docks, tlia further sum of id. ; and for every ton of ballast delivered in or unladen from the Inward East India Doc):, the further sum of lOd. ; and for every ton of ballast delivered in or unladen from the Outward East India Dock, the further sum of 4d. ; and for every ton of ballast delivered in or unladen from the Com-. mercial Dock, the further sum of id. ; and for every ton of ballast delivered in or unladen from the East Country Dock, the further sum of id. ; and for every ton of ballast delivered in or unladen from the City Canal, the further sum of id. ; and for every ton of ballast delivered in or unladen from the Surrey Canal, the I'urther sum of id. ; and for every ton of ballast delivered in or unladen from the Regent's Canal, the further sum of id. Which further rates or prices shall be payable and paid over and above the respective rates first mentioned. In 1832, the gross receipt of the sums paid on account of ballast to tlie ballast office, on the Thames, amounted to 25,220/. 19s. id. The expenses amounted, during the same year, to about 23,000/. The ballast of all ships or vessels coming into the Thames is to be unladen into a lighter, at the charge of Of/, a ton. If any ballast be thrown or unladen from any ship or vessel into the Thames, the captain, master, &c. shall for every such offence forfeit 20/. No ballast is to be received on board otherwise than from a. lighter. By the stat. 54 Geo. 3. c. 149. it is enacted, that no person shall, under a penalty of 10/. over and above all expenses, discharge any ballast, rubbish, &c. in any of the ports, harbours, roadsteads, navigable rivers, &c. of the United Kingdom ; nor take ballast from any place prohibited by the Lords of the Admiralty. The masters of all ships clearing out in ballast, are required to answer any questions that may be put to them by the collectors or comptrollers, touching the departure and destination of such ships. (3 Si i Will. 4. c.52. §80.) If a foreign ship clear out in ballast, the master may take with him British manufactured goods of the value of 20/., the mate of the value of 10/., and 51. worth for each of the crew. — § 87. BALSAM (Ger. Balsam; Du. Balsem ; Fr. Baume ; It. and Sp. Bahama ; Lat. Balsamum). Balsams are vegetable juices, either liquid, or which spontaneously become concrete, consisting of a substance of a resinous nature, combined with benzoic acid, or which are capable of affording benzoic acid by being heated alone, or with water. The liquid balsams are copaiva, opobalsam, balsam of Peru, storax, and Tolu ; the concrete are benzoin, dragon's blood, and red or concrete storax. — (Dr. Ure.) 1. Copaiva (Fr. Baume de Copahu ; Ger. Kopaiva Balsam; Sp. Copayva"), obtained from a tree ( Copaifera) growing in South America and the West India islands. The largest quantity is furnished by the province of Para in Brazil. It is imported in small casks, containing from 1 to 1^ cwt. Genuine good copaiva or copaiba balsam has a peculiar but agreeable odour, and a bitterish, hot, nauseous taste. It is clear and trans- parent ; its consistence is that of oil ; but when exposed to the action of the air it becomes solid, dry, and brittle, like resin. — ( Thomson's Dispensatory.) 2. Opobalsam ( Fr. Balsamier de la Mecquc ; It. Opohulsamo ; Pat. Balsamum verum album, JEgyptiacum ; Egypt. Balessan), the most precious of all the balsams, com- monly called Balm of Gilead. It is the produce of a tree (Amyris Gileadensis), indige- nous to Arabia and Abyssinia, and transplanted at an early period to Judea. It is obtained by cutting the bark with an axe at the time that the juice is in the strongest circulation. The true balsam is of a pale yellowish colour, clear and transparent, about the consistence of Venice turpentine, of a strong, penetrating, agreeable, aromatic smell, and a .sliglitly bitterish pungent taste. By age it becomes yellower, browner, and thicker, losing by degrees, like volatile oils, some of its finer and more subtile parts. It is rarely if ever brought genuine into this country ; dried Canada balsam being generally substituted for it. It was in high repute among the ancients ; but it is now principally used as a cosmetic by the Turkish ladies. — (Drs. Ure and IVwmson.) The Canada balsam, now referred to, is merely twpentine. It is the produce of the Pinus Balsamea, and is imported in casks, each containing about 1 cwt. It has a strong, but not a disagreeable odour, and a bitterish taste ; is transparent, whitish, and has the consistence of copaiva balsam. — (See Tuhpentine.) " Szafra and Bcder are the only places in the Hedjaz where the balsam of Mccha, or Balessan, can be I)rocui ed in a j>ure state. The tree from which it is collected grows in the TiciKhbouring mountains, but principally upon Djebel Sobh, ami is called, by the Arabs, Beshem. [ was infornK'd that it is from 10 to 15 feet high, with a smooth trunk, and thin bark. In the middle of summer small incisions are made in the bark ; and the juice, which immediately issues, is taken off with the thumb nail, and put into a vessel : the gum api)ears to be of two kinds, one of a white, and the other of a yellowish white colour ; the first is the moat esteemed. I saw here some of the latter sort in a small sheep-skin, which the Be- douins use in bringing it to marliel : it had a strong turpentine smell, and its taste was bitter. The people of Szafra usually adulterate it with sesamum oil and tar. When they try its purity, they dip their finger Mito it and then set it on fire ; if it burn without liurting or leaving a mark on the finger, they judge it BALSAM. 61 to be of good quality, but if it burn the fingor as soon as it is set on fire, they consider it to be adul- terateii. 1 renieinbcr to have read, in Bruce's Travels, an account of the mode of trying it, by letting a drop fall into a cup filled with water; the good balsam falling coagulated to the bottom, and the bad dissolving and swimming on the surface. I tried this experiment, which was unknown to the people here, and found the drop swim upon the water ; 1 tried also their test by fire upon the finger of a Bedouin, who had to regret his temerity : I, therefore, regarded the balsam sold here as adulterated ; it was of less density than honey. I wished to purchase some ; but neither my own baggage, nor any of the shops of Szafra coidd furnish any thing like a bottle to hold it : the whole skin wa.-> too dear. 'l"he Bedouins, who bring it here, usually demand two or three dollars per pound for it when 69 No particular form of words is necessary in a bank note. The essential requisites are, that it should be for a definite sum (in England and Wales not less than 5/., and in Scotland and Ireland not less than 1/.), that it should be payable to bearer on demand, and that it should be properly stamped. Promissory notes, though issued by bankers, if not payable to bearer on demand, do not come under the denomination of bank notes ; they are not, like the latter, taken as cash m all ordinary transactions ; nor are they, like them, assignable by mere delivery. The circulation of notes for less than 51. was restrained by law (stat. 15 Geo. 3. c. 51.) from 1766 to 1797. In 1808, it was enax;ted by stat. 48 Geo. 3. c. 88., that all bank notes, promissory notes, or other negotiable instruments for less than 20s. should be absolutely void: a penalty of from 20s. to 51., at the discretion of the justices, being imposed on their issuers. It was enacted by the 7 Geo. 4. c. 6., that the issue of all bank notes or promissory notes for less than 51. by the Bank of England, or by any licensed English bankers, and stamped on the 5th of February, 1826, or previously (after which period such notes were not stamped), should terminate on the 5th of April, 1829. The stamp duties on bank notes or promissory notes payable on demand, are — ' £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. Not exceeding 110- - - - - -005 Exceeding 110 and not exceeding 220- . - - 0 0 10 — 220 — 550- - - -013 — 550 — 10 00- - - -01 9 — 10 0 0 — 20 0 0- - - -0 2 0 — 20 0 0 — SO 00- . - -030 — 30 0 0 — 50 0 0 - - - - 0 5 C — 50 0 0 — 100 0 0- - - -0 8 6 Which notes may be reissued after payment, as often as shall be thought fit, provided they be issued by a banker or person who has taken out a licence, renewable annually, and costing 30Z., to issue notes payable to bearer on demand. Any banker or other person issuing such reissuable notes, without being duly licensed, shall forfeit 100/. for every offence. — (55 Geo. 3. c. 184. § 27.) These conditions do not apply to the Bank of England, the stamp duties on the notes of that establishment being compounded for at the rate of 3,5001. per million of its notes In circulation. Notes or bills not payable to bearer on demand, are not reissuable, under a peralty of 50/. — (For the stamp duties affecting them, see Exchange.) By the 9 Geo. 4. c. 23., English bankei's not in the city of London, or within three miles thereof, are authorised to issue promissory notes, and to draw and issue bills of exchange, on unstamped paper, for any siim of 51. or upwards, expressed to be payable to the bearer on demand, or to order at any period not exceeding 7 days after sight, {hills may also be drawn at any period not exceerding 21 days after date,) upon obtaining licences, costing 30Z., to that effect, provided such bills of exchange be drawn upon bankers in London, Westminster, or Southwark ; or provided such bills be drawn by any banker or bankers at the place where he or they shall be licensed to issue unstamped notes and bills, upon himself or themselves, or his or their copartner or copartners, payable at any other place where such banker or bankers shall be licensed to issue such notes and bills. Bankers having such licences, are to give security by bond, that they will keep a true account of all promissory notes and bills so issued, and account for the duties on them at the rate of 3s. 6d. for every lOOZ., and also for the fractional jjarts of 1 OOZ. of the average value of such notes and bills in circulation. Persons post- dating unstamped notes or bills shall, for every such offence, forfeit lOOZ. (5.) Legal Effect of the Payment of Bank Notes. — Notes of the Bank of England were not, previously to the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 98., like bills of exchange, mere securities, or documents of debt, but were treated as money or cash in the ordinary course or transactions of business ; the receipts given upon their payment being always given as for money. Now, however, they are legal tender, every where except at the Bank, for all sums above 51. All notes payable to bearer are assignable by delivery. The holder of a bank note is prima facie entitled to prompt payment of it, and cannot be affected by the previous fraud of any former holder in obtaining it, unless evidence be given to show that he was privy to such fraud. Such privity may, however, be inferred from the circumstances of the case. To use the words of Lord Tenterden, " If a persoa take a bill, note, or any other kind of security, under circumstances which ought to excite suspicion in the mind of any reasonable man acquainted with the ordinary affairs of life, and which ought to put him on his guard to make the necessary inquiries, and he do not, then he loses the right of maintaining possession of the instrument against the lawful owner."— (Guildhall, 25th October, 1826.) Country bank notes are usually received as cash. But though taken as such, if they be presented in due time and not paid, they do not amount to a payment, and the de- liverer of the notes is still liable to the holder. It is not easy to determine what is a F 3 70 BANK OF ENGLAND. due or reasonable time, inasmuch as it must depend in a great measure on the circtinv- stances of each particular case. On the whole, the safest rule seems to be to present all notes or drafts payable on demand, if received in the place where they are payable, on the day on which they are received, or as soon after as possible. When they have to be transmitted by post for payment, no unnecessary delay should be allowed to intervene. — ( Chith/s Commercial Law, vol. iii. p. 590., and the art. " Check " in this Dic- tionary. ) II. Bank of England (Account of). ( 1 . ) Historical Sketch of the Bank. — This great establishment, which has long been the principal bank of deposit and circulation, not in this country only, but in Europe, was founded in 1694. Its principal projector was Mr. William Paterson, an enterprising and intelligent Scotch gentleman, who was afterwards engaged in the ili-fated colony at Darien. Government being at the time much distressed for want of money, partly from the defects and abuses in the system of taxation, and partly from the difficulty of bor- rowing, because of the supposed instability of the revolutionary establishment, the Bank grew out of a loan of 1,200,000/. for the public service. The subscribers, besides receiving eight per cent, on the sum advanced as interest, and 4,000/. a year as the expense of management, in all 100,000/. a year, were incorporated into a society deno- minated the Governor and Company of the Bank of England. The charter is dated the 27th of July, 1694. It declares, amongst other things, that they shall " be capable in law, to purchase, enjoy, and retain to them and their successors, any manors, lands, rents, tenements, and possessions whatsoever ; and to purchase and acquire all sorts of goods and chattels whatsoever, wherein they are not restrained by act of parliament ; and also to grant, demise, and dispose of the same. <' That the management and government of the corporation be committed to the governor, deputy governor, and twenty- four directors, who shall be elected between the 25th day of March and 25th day of April, each year, from among the members of the Company duly qualified. " That no dividend shall at any time be made by the said Governor and Company, save only out of the interest, profit, or produce arising by or out of the said capital stock or fund, or by such dealing as is allowed by act of parliament. " They must be natural born subjects of England, or naturalised subjects ; they shall have in their own name and for their own use, severally, viz. — the governor, at least 4,000/., the deputy governor 3,000/., and each director 2,000/. of the capital stock of the said corporation. " That thirteen or more of the said governors and directors (of which the governor or deputy governor must be always one) shall constitute a court of directors, for the management of the affairs of the Company, and for the appointment of all agents and servants which may be necessary, paying them such salaries as they may consider reasonable. " Every elector must have, in his- own name and for his own use, 500/. or more capital stock, and can only give one vote. He must, if required by any member present, take the oath of stock ; or the declaration of stock, in case he be one of the people called Quakers. " Four general courts to be held in every year ; in the months of September, De- cember, April, and Julj'. A general court may be summoned at any time, upon the requisition of nine proprietors, duly qualified as electors. " The majority of electors in general courts have the power to make and constitute l)y-laws and ordinances for the government of the corporation, provided that such by- laws and ordinances be not repugnant to the laws of the kingdom, and be confirmed and approved, according to the statutes in such case made and provided." The corporation is prohibited from engaging in any sort of commercial imdertaking other than dealing in bills of exchange, and in gold and silver. It is authorised to ad- vance money upon the security of goods or merchandise pledged to it ; and to sell, by public auction, such goods as are not redeemed within a specified time. It was also enacted, in the same year in which the Bank was established,4)y statute 6 William and Mary, c. 20., that the Bank " sliall not deal in any goods, wares, or merchandise (except bullion), or purchase any lands or revenues belonging to the crown, or advance or lend to their Majesties, their lieirs or successors, any sum or sums of money by way of loan or anticipation, or any part or parts, branch or branches, fund or funds of the revenue, now granted or belonging, or hereafter to be granted to their Majesties, their heirs and successors, other than such fund or funds, part or parts, branch or branches of the said revenue only, on which a credit of loan is or shall be granted by parliament." And in 1697 it was enacted, that the "common capital and principal slock, and also the real fund of the Governor and Company, or any profit or produce to BANK OF ENGLAND. 71 be made thereof, or arising thereby, shall be exempted from any rates, taxes, assess- ments, or impositions whatsoever, durin<^ the continuance of the IJank ; and that all the profit, benefit, and advantage, from tims to time arising out of the management of the said corjioration, shall be applied to the vises of all the members of the said corporation of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, rateably and in propoi tion to each member's part, share, and interest in the common capital and principal stock of the said Governor and Company hereby establislied." It was further enacted, in 1697, that the forgery of the Company's seal, or of any sealed bill or Bank note, should be felony without benefit of clergy, and that the making of any alteration or erasure in any bill or note should also be felony. In 1696, during tlie great recoinage, the Bank was involved in considerable difficulties, and was even compelled to suspend payment of her notes, which were at a heavy discount. Owing, however, to the judicious conduct of the directors, and the assistance of govern- ment, the Bank got over the crisis. But it was at the same time judged expedient, in order to place her in a situation the better to withstand any adverse circumstances that might afterwards occur, to increase her capital from 1,200,000Z. to 2,201,1 7 In 1708, the directors undertook to pay off and cancel one million and a half of Exchequer bills they had circulated two years before, at 4^ per cent., with the interest on them, amounting in all to 1,775,028/. ; which increased the permanent debt due by the public to the Bank, including 400,000/. then advanced in consideration of the renewal of the charter, to 3,375,028/., for which they were allowed 6 per cent. The Bank capital was then also doubled or increased to 4,402,343/. But the year 1708 is chiefly memorable, in the history of the Bank, for the act that was then passed, which declared, that during the continuance of the corporation of the Bank of England, " it should not be lawful for any body politic, erected or to be erected, other than the said Governor and Company of the Bank of England, or for any other persons whatsoever, united or to be vmited in covenants or partnership, exceeding the number of 6 persons, in that part of Great Britain called England, to borrow, owe, or take up any sum or sums of money on their bills or notes payable on demand, or in any less time than 6 months from the borrowing thereof." — This proviso, which has had so powerful an operation on banking in England, is said to have been elicited by the Mine-adventure Company having commenced banking business, and begun to issue notes. It has been pretty generally imagined, from the private banking companies in the metropolis not issuing notes, that they were legally incapacitated from doing so. But the clause in the act of 1708, which has been the only restriction on the issue of notes, applied generally to all England, and had no peculiar reference to London. The fact that banks with 6 or fewer partners have not issued notes in the metropolis, as well as in the provinces, is, therefore, ascribable either to their being aware that their notes would obtain no considerable circulation concurrently with those of a great association like the Bank of England, or from their believing that their issue would not be pro- fitable. The charter of the Bank of England, when first granted, was to continue for eleven years certain, or till a year's notice after the 1st of August,. 1705. The charter was further prolonged in 1697. In 1708, the Bank having advanced 400,000/. for the public service, without interest, the exclusive privileges of the corporation were pro- longed till 1733. And in consequence of various advances made at different times, the exclusive privileges of the Bank have been continued by successive renewals, till a year's notice, after the 1st of August, 1855, under the proviso that they may be cancelled on a year's notice to that effect being given on the 1st of August, 1845. We subjoin An Account of the successive Renewals of the Charter, of the Conditions under which these Renewals were made, and of the Variations in the Amount and Interest of the Permanent Debt due by Govern- ment to the Bank, exclusive of the Dead Weight, Dato of Conditions under which Renewals were made, and Pennatient Debt contracted. Permanent Debt. Charter granted under the act 5 & 6 Will. 3. c. 20., redeemable upon the expiration of 12 months' notice after the 1st of August, 1705, upon payment by the public to the BanR of the demands therein specified. Under this act the Bank advanced to the public 1,200,000/., in con- sideration of their receiving an annuity of 1GU,00()/. a year, viz. 8 per cent, interest, and 4,00()/. lor management . - Charter continued by the 8& 9 Will. 3. c. 20. till 12 months' notice after 1st of August, 1710, on payment, &c. Under this act the Bank took up and added to their stock 1,001,171/. Exchequer bills and tallies. Carried forward - ^ s. d. 1,200,000 0 0 1,200,000 0 0 72 BANK OF ENGLAND. An Account of the successive Renewals of the Charter, &c. — continued. Conditions under which Renewals were made, and Permanent Debt contracted. 1708. 1713. 1742. 17&i. 1781. 1833. Brought forward - Charter continued by 7 Anne, c. 7. till 12 months' notice after 1st of August, 1732, on payment, &c. Under this act the Bank advanced 400,000/. to government vyitli- out interest; and delivered up to be cancelled 1,775,027/. 17*. lOrf. Exchequer bills, in consideration of their receiving an annuity of 106,501/. 135., being at the rate of 6 per cent. Charter continued by 12 Anne, stat. 1. c. 11. till 12 months' notice after 1st of August, 1742, on payment, &c. In 1716, by the 3 Geo. 1. c. 8., Bank advanced to government, at 5 per cent. - - - - - And by the same act, the interest on the Exchequer bills cancelled in 1708 was reduced from 6 to 5 per cent. In 1721, by 8 Geo. 1. c. 21., the South Sea Company were authorised to sell 200,000/. government annuities, and corporations pur- chasing the same at 26 years' purchase were authorised to add the amount to their capital stock. The Bank purchased the whole of these annuities at 20 years' purchase 5 per cent, interest was payable on this sum to Midsummer, 1727, and thereafter, 4 per cent. At different times between 1727 and 1738, both inclusive, the Bank received from the public, on account of permanent debt, 3,275,027/. 17*. lOd., and advanced to it on account of ditto, 3,000,000/. : Dif- ference - - - - _ Debt due by the public in 17:?8 .... 9,100,000 0 0 Charter continued by 15 Geo. 2. c. 13. till 12 months' notice after 1st of August, 1764, on payment, &c. Under this act the Bank advanced 1,600,000/. witliout interest, which being added to the original advance of 1,200,000/., and the 400,000/. advanced in 1710, bearing interest at 6 per cent., reduced the interest on the whole to 3 per cent. - - - 1,600,000 0 0 In 1745, under authority of 19 Geo. 2. c. 6., the Bank delivered up to be cancelled 986,000/. of Exchequer bills, in consideration of an annuity of 39,472/., being at the rate of 3 per cent - - 986,000 0 0 In 1749, the 23 Geo. 2. c. 6. reduced the interest on the 4 per cent, annuities held by the Bank, to 3i percent, for 7 years from the 25th of December, 1750, and thereafter to 3 per cent. Charter continued by 4 Geo. 3. c. 25. till 12 months' notice after lai of August, 1786, on payment, &c. Under this act theBank paid into the Exchequer 110,000/. free of all charge. Charter continued by 21 Geo. 3. c. 60. till 12 months' notice after 1st of August, 1812, on payment, &c. Under this act the Bank advanced 3,000,000/. for the public service for 3 year^at 3 per cent. Charter continued by 40 Geo. 3. c. 28. till 12 months' notice after 1st of August, 1833, on payment, &c. Under this act theBank advanced to government 3,000,000/. for 6 years without interest ; but in pursuance of the recommendation of the committee of 1807, the advance was continued without interest till 6 months after the signature of a definitive treaty of peace. In 1816, the Bank, under authority of the act 56 Geo. 3. c. 96, advancedat3per cent., to be repaid on or before 1st of August, 18.33 3,000 000 0 0 Charter continued by 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 98. till 12 months' notice after 1st of | ! August, 1855, with a proviso that it may be dissolved on 12 months' i 14,686,800 0 0 notice after 1st of August, 181-5, on payment, &c. This act directs that in future the Bank shall deduct 120,000/. a I year from their charge on account of the management of the public i debt ; and that a fourth part of the debt due by the public to the Bank, or 3,638,250/., be pakl off . - - - 5,638,250 0 0 Permanent advance by the Bank to the public, bearing interest at 3 per cent, independent of the advances on account of dead weight - - ■ - - ! 11,048,550 0 0 Permanent Debt. £ s. d. 1,200,000 0 0 2,175,027 17 10 2,000,000 0 0 4,000,000 0 0 9,375,027 17 10 275,027 17 10 For further details as to this subject, see the Appendix No. 1. of the Report o/1832 on the Renewal of the Bank Charter, and the acts of parliament referred to in it; see also James PostlethwayVs History of the Revenue, pp. 301 — 310. ; and Fainnan on the Funds, 7th ed. pp. 85 — 88. &c. The capital of the Bank on which dividends are paid, has never exactly coincided with, though it has seldom differed very materially from, the permanent advance by the Bank to the public. We have already seen that it amounted, in 1708, to 4,402,343/. Between that year and 1727 it was increased to near 9,000,000Z. In 1746, it amounted to 10,780,000/. From tliis period it underwent no change till 1782, when it was increased 8 per cent., or to 11,642,400/. It continued stationary at this sum down to 1816, when it was raised to 14,553,000/. by an addition of 25 per cent, from the profits of the Bank, under the provisions of the act 56 Geo. 3. c. 96. The late act for the renewal of the charter, 3&4 Will. 4. c. 98., directs that the sum of 3,638,250/., the portion of tJic debt due to the Bank to be repaid by the public, shall be deducted from the Bank's capital; which will, therefore, be in future 10,914,750/. — (Report on Barik Charter, Appen. No. 33.) BANK OF ENGLAND. 73 The Bank of England has been frequently affected by panics amongst the holders of Its notes. In 1745, the alarm occasioned by the advance of the Highlanders under the Pretender as far as Derby, led to a run upon the Bank ; and in order to gain time to concert measures for averting the run," the directors adopted the device of paying in shillings and sixpences ! But they derived a more effectual relief from the retreat of tlie Highlanders ; and from a resolution agreed to at a meeting of the principal merchants and traders of the city, and very numerously signed, declaring the willingness of the subscribers to receive Bank notes in payment of any sum that might be due to them, and pledging themselves to use their utmost endeavours to make all their payments in the same medium. During the tremendous riots in June, 1780, the Bank incurred considerable danger. Had the mob attacked the establishment at the commencement of the riots, the con- sequences might have proved fatal. Luckily, however, they delayed their attack till time had been afforded for providing a force sufficient to insure its safety. Since that period a considerable military force is nightly placed in the interior of the Bank, as a protection in any emergency that may occur. In the latter part of 1792 and beginning of 1793, there was, in consequence of a pre- vious over-issue on their part, a general run on most of the private banks ; and about OTie third of these establishments were forced to stop payment. This led to a consider- able demand for coin from the Bank. The year 1797 is, however, the most important epoch in the recent history of the Bank. Owing partly to events connected with the war in which we were then engaged — to loans to the Emperor of Germany — to bills drawn on the treasury at home by the British agents abroad — and partly, and chiefly, perhaps, to the advances most unwillingly made by the Bank to government, which prevented the directors from having a sufficient con- trol over their issues, — the exchanges became unfavourable in 1795, and in that and the following year large sums in specie were drawn from the Bank.* In the latter end of 1796 and beginning of 1797, considerable apprehensions were entertained of invasion, and rumours were propagated of descents having been actually made on the coast. In consequence of the fears that were thus excited, runs were made on the provincial banks in different parts of the country ; and some of them having failed, the panic be- came general, and extended itself to London. Demands for cash poured in upon the Bank from all quarters; and on Saturday, the 25th of February, 1797, she had only 1,272,000/. of cash and bullion in her coffers, with every prospect of a violent run taking place on the following Monday. In this emergency an order in council was issuod on Sunday, the 26th, prohibiting the directors from paying their notes in cash until the sense of parliament had been taken on the subject. And after parliament met, and the mea- sure had been much discussed, it was agreed to continue the restriction till six months after the signature of a definitive treaty of peace. As soon as the order in council prohibiting payments in cash appeared, a meeting of the principal bankers, merchants, traders, &c. of the metropolis, was held at the Mansion- house, when a resolution was agreed to, and very numerously signed, pledging, as had been done in 1745, those present to accept, and to use every means in their power to cause Bank notes to be accepted as cash in all transactions. This resolution tended to allay the apprehensions that the restriction had excited. Parliament being sitting at the time, a committee was immediately appointed to ex- amine into the affairs of the Bank ; and their report put to rest whatever doubts might have been entertained with respect to the solvency of the establishment, by showing that at the moment when the order in council appeared, the Bank was possessed of property to the amount of 15,513,690/., after all claims upon it had been deducted. Much difference of opinion has existed with respect to the policy of the restriction in * So early as Deceinber, 1794, the court of directors represented (o government their uneasiness on account of the magnitude of the debt due by the government to the Bank, and aiixiouslv requested a re- payment of at least a considerable part of what had been advanced. In January, 1795,' they resolved to limit their advances upon treasury bills to 500,000/. ; and at the same time they informed Mr. Pitt that it was their wish that he would adjust his measures for the year m such a manner as not to depend on any further assistance from them. On the 11th of February, ]79f), they resolved, " That it is the opinion of this court, founded upon the experience of the late Imperial loan, that if any further loan or advance of money to the emperor, or to any of the foreign states, should in the present state of affairs take place, it will, in all probability, prove fatal to the Bank of England. The court of directors do, therefore, most earnestly deprecate the adoption of any such measure, and they solemnly i)rotest against any responsibility for the calamitous consequences that may follow thereupon." But notwithstanding these, and many other similar remonstrances, fresh advances of money were made to our foreign allies, and fresh demands upon the Bank ; the directors reluctantly abandoning their own better judgment to what thev truly termed the " pressinfT solicitations " of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and their desire to avert " the probable dis- tress which a refusal {on their part) might occasion, in the then alarming situation of public affairs." But notwithstanding the difficulties of the Bank were greatly aggravated by that conduct on the part of government against which the directors had so strongly protested, she could hardly, in any state of her affairs, have got safely over the crisis of 1797. The run upon the Bank that then took place, was occa- sioned by alarms of invasion ; and it is clear, as remarked in the text, that while they continued, no paper immediately convertible into gold could remain in circulation. BANK OF ENGLAND. 1797 ; but, considering the peculiar circumstances under which it took place, its ex- pediency seems abundantly obvious. The run did not originate in any over-issue of Bank paper ; but grew entirely out of political causes. So long as the alarms of invasion continued, it was clear that no Bank paper immediately convertible into gold would remain in circulation. And as the Bank, though possessed of ample funds, was without the means of instantly retiring her notes, she might, but for the interference of govern- ment, have been obliged to stop payment ; an event which, had it occurred, must have produced consequences in the last degree fatal to the public interests. It had been generally supposed, previously to the passing of the Restriction Act, that Bank notes would not circulate unless they were immediately convertible into cash ; but the event showed, conformably to principles that have since been fully explained, that this was not really the case. Though the notes of the Bank of England were not, at the passing of the Restriction Act, publicly declared to be legal tender, they were rendered so in practice, by being received as cash in all transactions on account of govern- ment, and of the vast majority of individuals. For the first three years of the restriction, their issues were so moderate, that they not only kept on a par with gold, but actually bore a small premium. In the latter part of 1 800, however, their quantity was so much increased that they fell to a discount of about 8 per cent, as compared with gold, but they soon after rose nearly to par; and it was not until 1808 that the decline of their value excited any considerable attention. Early in 1810, they were at a discount of about 13^ per cent. ; and this extraordinary fall having attracted the attention of the legislature, the House of Commons appointed a committee to inquire into the circum- stances by which it had been occasioned. The committee examined several witnesses ; and in their report, which was drawn up with considerable ability, they justly ascribed the fall to the over-issue of Bank paper, and recommended that the Bank should be obliged to resume cash payments within two years. This recommendation was not, however, acted upon ; and the value of Bank paper continued to decline, as compared with gold, till 1814. At the period when the restriction on cash payments took place in 1797, it is supposed that there were about 280 country banks in existence ; but so rapidly were these esta- blishments multiplied, that they amounted to above 900 in 1813. The price of corn, influenced partly by the depreciation of the currency, and the facility with which dis- counts were obtained, but far more by deficient harvests, and the unprecedented diffi- culties which the war threw in the way of importation, had risen to an extraordinary height during the five years ending with 1813. But the harvest of that year being unusually productive, and the intercourse with the Continent being then also renewed, prices, influenced by both circumstances, sustained a very heavy fall in the latter part of 1813, and the beginning of 1814. And this fall having proved ruinous to a considerable number of farmers, and produced a general want of confidence, such a destruction of provincial paper took place as has rarely been paralleled. In 1814, 1815, and 1816, no fewer than 240 country banks stopped payment; and cighty-ni7ic commissions of bankruptcy were issued against these establishments, being at the rate of one commission against every ten and a half of the total number of banks existing in 1813. The great reduction that had been thus suddenly and violently brought about in the quantity of country bank paper, by extending the field for the circulation of Bank of England paper, raised its value in 1817 nearly to a par with gold. The return to cash payments being thus facilitated, it was fixed, in 1819, by the act 59 Geo. 3. c. 78., commonly called Mr. Peel's Act, that they should take place in 1823. But to prevent any future over-issue, and at the same time to render the measure as little burdensome as possible, it was enacted, in pursuance of a plan suggested by the late Mr. Ricardo, that the Bank should be obliged, during the interval from the jiassing of the act till the return to specie payments, to pay her notes, if required, in bars of standard bullion of not less than sixty ounces' weight. This plan was not, however, acted upon during the period allowed by law ; for, a large amount of gold having been accumulated at the Bank, the directors preferred recommencing specie payments on the 1st of May, 1821. — (See Table III. for an account of the price of bullion, the depreciation of paper, &c. from 1800 to 1821.) A great diversity of opinion has been entertained with respect to the policy of the return to the old standard, in 1819. By one party it has been represented as a wise and politic measure: they contend that Mr. Peel's Act not only put an end to those fluctu- ations in the value of money, which had previously been productive of great mischief, and gave cfFect to the solemn engagements into which the jiublic had entered with the national creditor, but that it did this without adding any thing material to the national burdens. But another, and, perhaps, a more numerous party, take a totally different view of this measure : they contend that the public was not really bound to return to cash pnymcnts ut the old standard at the termination of the war; that the return has BANK OF ENGLAND. 75 very greatly cnlicinccd tlie value of tlie currency ; and that this enhancement, by adding proportionally to the fixed burdens laid on the industrious classes, has been most inju- rious to their interests. It will, however, be found in this, as in most cases of tlie sort, that the statements of both parties arc exaggerated ; and that if, on the one hand, the measure has not been so advantageous as its apologists represent, neither, on the other, has it been nearly so injurious as its enemies would have us believe. In discussing this question, it is material to observe that tJie value of paper, which had been in 1815 and 1816 about 16f per cent, below that of gold, rose in 1817 and 1818, from the causes already mentioned, without any interference whatever on the part of government, to within little more than 2^ per cent, of the value of gold ; and that in 1819 the depreciation only amounted to 4^ per cent. — (See Table III.) It is, therefore, quite ludicrous to ascribe to the act of 1819, as is often done, the whole rise that has taken place in the value of the currency since the peace, seeing that the currency had been for three years previously to its enactment from 12^ to Hi per cent, above its value in 1815, and from 21 to 23 per cent, above its value in 1814! The main object which the promoters of the act of 1819 had in view, was to sustain the value of the ciu-rency at the point to which it had recovered itself, without legislative interference. This, however, could not be done without recurring to specie payments ; and the difference of 4| per cent, that obtained in 1819 between the value of gold and paper, was not deemed suffi- ciently considerable to warrant a departure from the old standard, and from the acts engaging to restore it. But it is alleged, that those who suppose that the act of 1819 added only 4i per cent, to the value of the currency, mistake altogether the effect of the measure. It is admitted, indeed, that paper was then only 4^ per cent, less valuable than gold ; but by reverting to specie payments, we made an unexpected purchase of thirty millions of gold ; and it is affirmed, that this novel and large demand, concurring simultaneously with the contraction of paper in several of the continental states, and with a falling off in the supply of bullion from the mines, had the effect of adding very greatly to the value of gold itself, and consequently to that of the currency. It is very difficult, or rather, per- haps, impossible, to determine the precise degree of credit that ought to be attached to this statement ; but while we incline to think that it is well founded to a certain extent, we see no grounds for believing that it is so to any thing like the extent that has been stated. The gold imported into Great Britain, to enable the Bank to resume specie payments, was not taken from any particular country or district, but was drawn from the market of the world ; and considering the vast extent of the supply whence it was derived, it is against all reason to suppose that its value could be materially influenced by our purchases. We doubt, too, whether the contraction of the paper currency of some of the continental states, and the substitution of specie in its stead, was not more than balanced by the cessation of the demand for specie for the military chests of the different armies, by the stoppage of the practice of hoarding, and the greater security consequent to the return of peace. And with respect to the falling off in the supplies from the mines, it is not a circumstance, supposing it to have had a considerable influence, that parliament could take into accoimt. It could neither determine the extent to which bullion had been raised, nor at what point the rise would stop, nor liow soon it might again begin to decline. The diminution in the supply of bullion had then continued for too short a period, and its influence on the value of gold was much too uncertain, to make it a ground for interfering in anj degree with the standard. The decline in the price of most articles that has taken place since the peace, has been often referred to, as a conclusive proof of the great enhancement in the value of bullion. But the inference is by no means so certain as has been represented. The prices of commodities are as much affected by changes in the cost of their production, as by changes in the quantity of money afloat. Now, there is hai-dly one of the great articles of commerce, the cost of wliich has not been considerably reduced, or which has not been supplied fi-om new sources, within the last few years. The growth of corn, for example, has been vastly extended in France, Prussia, and generally throughout the Continent, by the splitting of large estates, and the complete subversion of the feudal system ; and the reduction of its price in this country is, at least, as much owing to the extraordinary increase of imports from Ireland, as to any other cause. The fall in the price of wool is most satisfactorily accounted for by the introduction and rapid multipli- cation of Merino sheep in Germany, where they seem to succeed even better than in Spain ; and by the growing imports from New Holland and elsewhere. And a very large portion, if not the whole, of the fall in the price of colonial products, is admitted,, on all hands, to be owing to the destruction of the monopoly system, and the vast extension of cultivation in Cuba, Brazil, Louisiana, Demerara, &c. Although, there- fore, we do not deny that the falh'ng off in the supply of bullion from the mines musf have had some influence on prices, we hold it to be the greatest imaginable error to 76 BANK OF ENGLAND. ascribe to it the entire fall that has taken place since the peace. Were its effect rated at 10 per cent, we believe it would be very considerably overstated. — ;(See art. Precious Metals.) On the whole, therefore, we are disposed to approve of the conduct of those who framed the act of 1819. That it added to the burdens of the industrious classes, and has been in so far hostile to the public interests, it seems impossible to doubt ; but it has not done this in any thing like the degree which its enemies represent. The period, too, when it was passed, is now so distant, that the existing engagements amongst indi- viduals have almost all been formed with reference to the altered value of the currency ; so that whatever injury it may have occasioned in the first instance, must be nearly gone by. To modify or change the standard at this late period, would not be to repair injus- tice, but to commit it afresh. At the end of the war, the circumstances were consider ably different. The standard had been really abandoned for the previous 18 years; and, perhaps, we may now say, that it would have been better, all things considered, had the mint price of bullion been raised, in 1815, to the market price. But having sur- mounted all the difficulties attendant upon the restoration of the old standard, and maintained it since 1821, it would be in the last degree impolitic to subject it to new alterations. Should the country become, at any future period, unable to make good its engagements, it will better consult its honour and its interest, by fairly compounding with its creditors, than by endeavouring to slip from its engagements by resorting to tlie dishonest expedient of enfeebling the standard. The price of corn, which had been very much depressed in 1821 and 1822, rallied in 1823; and this circumstance contributed, along with others peculiar to that period, to promote an extraordinary rage for speculation. The issues of the country banks being in consequence far too much extended, the currency became redundant in the autumn of 1824 ; and the exchanges having been depressed, a drain for gold began to operate upon the Bank of England. But the directors of the Bank having entered, in the early part of that year, into an engagement with government to pay off such holders of 4 per cent, stock as might dissent from its conversion into a 3^ per cent, stock, they were obliged to advance a considerable sum on this account after the depression of the exchange. This tended to counteract the effect of the drain on the Bank for gold ; and, in consequence, the London currency was not very materially diminished till September, 1825. When, however, the continued demand of the public on the Bank for gold had rendered money scarce in the metropolis, the pressure speedily extended to the country. Such of the provincial banks — and they were a numerous class — as had been originally established without sufficient capital, or had conducted their business upon erroneous principles, began to give way the moment they experienced an increased difficulty of obtaining pecuniary accommodations in London. The alarm, once excited, soon became general ; and con- fidence and credit were, for a while, almost wholly suspended. In the short space of 6 weeks, above 70 banking establishments were desti'oyed, notwithstanding the very large advances made to them by the Bank of England ; and the run upon the Bank, for cash to supply the exigencies of the country banks, was so heavy, that she was well nigh drained of all the coin in her coffers, and obliged, as already remarked, to issue about a million of IZ. and 21. notes. In order to guard against a recurrence of the wide-spread mischief and ruin, produced by this and the previous bankruptcies of the country banks, it was resolved, in 1826, with consent of the Bank of England, to make a change in the law of 1 708, limiting the number of partners in banking establishments to 6 only. And it was accdrdingly enacted, that thenceforth any number of partners might form themselves into associations, to carry on the business of banking, including the issue of notes, any where not within sixty-five miles of London. The directors of the Bank of England came, at the same time, to the resolution of establishing branches in some of tlie principal towns ; and, at this moment, branch banks are established in Gloucester, IManchester, Birmingham, Leeds, Liverpool, Bristol, Exeter, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Hull, Norwich, &c. The branch banks cannot fail of being highly useful : but we believe that the benefit resulting from the formation of joint stock banks will not be nearly so great as has been anticipated. — (See post, 13anks (English Provincial).) So long as every one is allowed to issue notes without any sort of check or control, a thousand devices may be fallen upon to insure a certain circulation to those tliat are most worthless. At best, this measure is but a feeble palliative of inveterate disorders. It is quite illusory to expect to make any real improvement upon the system of country banking in England, by the mere introduction of a plan for aUowincj banking establishments with large capitals to be set on foot. There have always been, and are at this moment, a great number of such establishments in England. What is really wanted, is the adoption of a system, that will exclude the possibility of notes being discredited, by prerenting all individuals or associations from issuing such as have not been previously guaranteed. BANK OF ENGLAND 77 Besides attempting to lessen the frequency of bankruptcy among the country banlc% by repealing the law limiting the number of partners, it was further resolved, in 182G, to prohibit the future issue of 1/. notes. The policy and effects of this measure have given rise to much dispute. It seems clear, that it has gone far to shut up one of the most convenient channels by which the inferior class of country bankers contrived to get their notes into circulation, and must, in so far, do good, liut there are many other channels still open to them ; and to imagine that tliis measure will place the pro- vincial currency on that solid basis on which it ought to be placed, is quite visionary. There were no notes under 51. in ciixulation in 1792 ; and yet fully one third of the country banks then in existence became bankrupt ! The truth is, as already stated, that it is not possible to guard against loss and fraud, from the proceedings of the country bankers, otherwise than by compelling them to give security for their issues; and, as security may as easily be given for 1/. notes as for those of 51., the suppression of the former does not appear to have been at all essential. No doubt can, however, be enter- tained, that the representations as to the extreme injury occasioned by the withdrawal of the 1/. notes have been very greatly exaggerated ; — though it is at the same time obvious, that the means of the bankers to make advances, as well as the profit derived from making them, must both have been diminished by the suppression of the small notes ; and it would be foolish to deny that this circumstance must have occasioned some loss and inconvenience to many individuals. These remarks are meant to apply only to the case of the country banks. The extra- ordinary extent to which the forgery of the ll. notes of the Bank of England was carried, affords, perhaps, a sufficient vindication of the policy of their suppression. But the comparatively limited circulation of the country banks, and, perhaps we may add, the greater attention paid to the manner in wiiich their notes were engraved, hindered their forgery from becoming injuriously prevalent. (2.) Cash kept hy the Bank. Regulation of her Issues. — Of late, the Bank directors have endeavoured, as a general rule, to have as much coin and bullion in their coffers as may together amount, when the exchange is at par, to a third part of the Bank's liabilities, including deposits as well as issues ; so that, in the event of the notes afloat, and the public and private deposits in the coffers of the Bank, amounting to 27,000,OOOZ. or 30,000,000?., they would not consider the establishment in a perfectly satisfactory state, unless she was, generally speaking, possessed of about 9,000,000/. or 10,000,000/. of coin and bullion. Such a supply seems to afford every requisite security ; and now that the notes of the Bank are made legal tender, and that she must be less exposed than formerly to drains during panics, it may, probably, be found to be unnecessarily large. The issues of the Bank are wholly governed, at least in all ordinary cases, by what Mr. Horsley Palmer expressively calls " the action of the public : " — that is, they are increased during a favourable exchange, or when bullion is sent to the Bank to be ex- changed for notes, and diminished during an unfavourable exchange, or when notes are sent to the Bank to be paid. If the exchange were so favourable that the Bank was accumulating considerably more bullion than was equivalent to the third part of her liabilities, the directors would seem to be justified in adding to the currency by buying a larger amount of government securities, or by increasing their discounts, &c. ; and conversely, if the exchange were so unfavourable as to depress the supply of coin and bullion considerably below the average proportion. But the most intelligent directors seem to think that this would be an undue interference ; and, in all but extraordinary cases, the rule of the Bank is, to allow the public to regulate the currency for itself through the action of the exchange. * It is frequently said that the value of money, and, consequently, that the price of all sorts of property, depends on the fiat of the Bank, by which it is capriciously elevated at one time and depressed at another. But the account now given of the mode in which the issues of the Bank are regulated completely disproves such state- ments ; and independently of this, every one who knows that the Bank must pay her notes in coin when presented, and that coin may be at all times obtained from the Mint, without any charge, in exchange for bullion, must know that the very supposition of their being true involves a contradiction. (3.) Bank of England in its Connexion with Government and the Public. — The Bank of England conducts the whole banking business of the British government. " It acts not only," says Dr. Smith, " as an ordinary bank, but as a great engine of state. It receives and pays the greater part of the annuities, which are due to the creditors of the public ; it circulates Exchequer bills ; and it advances to government the annua] * Mr. Horsley Palmer's evidence before the late committee of the House of Commons on the Bank charter contains by far the best exposition ever given to the public, of the mode in which the business of the Bank of England is conducted. It is also highly deserving of attention, from its general ability, and the strong and steady light which it throws on the p.»inciplcs of banking and currency. 78 BANK OF ENGLAND. amount of the land and malt taxes, which are frequently not paid till some years there- after." (4. ) Advances hij the Bank in Discounts, ^c. — The greater part of the paper of the Bank has generally been issued in the way of advances or loans to government, upon security of certain branches of the revenue, and in the purchase of Exchequer bills and bullion; but her issues through the medium of discounts to individuals have, notwith- standing, been at all times considerable, while, during war and in periods of distress, they have been occasionally very great. Generally speaking, however, the directors do not think it advisable to enter into competition with private bankers in the transacting of ordinary banking business, or in the discounting of mercantile paper. Mr. Horsley Palmer is decidedly of opinion, that all banking business, apart from the issue of notes, is better transacted by private bankers than by public bodies. — (Min. of Evidence, p. 37.) He also thinks, that were the Bank to come fairly into competition, at all times, witli the private bankers and other individuals in discounting, it would be very apt to lead, every now and then, to an excess of the currency, and a fall of the exchange, producing fluctuations that could not fail to be most injurious. At present, therefore, and gene- rally since the peace, the rate of interest charged by the Bank for loans has been some- what above the market rate. The consequence is, that, in ordinary periods, very few applications are made to her for discounts. But, at the same time, every one who has any reasonable security to offer, knows where they may always be had ; while the rate of interest charged by the Bank necessarily forms a maximum rate which no other esta- blishment can exceed. When, however, any circumstances occur to occasion a pressure in the money market, or a difficulty of obtaining accommodations in the usual channels, the market rate of interest immediately rises to the rate fixed by the Bank ; and on such occasions, the private bankers, and the public generally, resort to the Bank for aid. She then becomes, as it were, a bank of support ; and has, as such, on many trying occasions, particularly in 1793, 1815 and 1816, and 1825-26, rendered the most essential service to public credit, and to the commercial interests of the country. The usual limited amount of the Bank's discounts does not, therefore, proceed, as has been absurdly enough stated, from any indisposition on the part of the directors to render every assistance in their power to the commercial classes, bixt is, in fact, the effect of such disposition. They consider, and we believe justly, that, except under peculiar circumstances, the business of discounting and banking is best conducted by private parties ; and that, by abstaining from coming into competition with them, they are better able to act as a bank of sup- port — that is, to sustain public and private credit by making extraordinary advances in seasons of distress and difficulty. This is not to neglect the interests of the mercantile classes, but to promote them in the best and most efficient manner, even though it should be at the expense of the Bank. No. XIV. of the accounts subjoined to this article shows the average annual amount of commercial paper discounted by the Bank in London, from 1795 down to 1831. But the svibjoined account will probably be deemed still more interesting, from its ex- hibiting in detail 'the variations in the discounts by the Bank during the 17 years ending with 1831. The sudden increase and immense amount of the discounts, in the last quarter of 1825 and the first quarter of 1825, show the vast importance of the assistance then rendered by the Bank to the trading interests. Had this assistance been with- held, or the Bank not been in a situation to render it, it is not easy to estimate the consequences. Account of the Average Amount of Bills and Notes discounted by the Bank of England, in each Quarter of each of the Seventeen Years ending with 1831. — {Appen. to Rep. on Bank Cliartcrt No. 5G.) 1815 181f) 1S17 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 182.'3 1824 1825 1S26 1827 1828 1829 i8.';o £ IS.Gll.-^OO i+,yi.'5,yoo 5,823,500 2,97(i,900 8,3(i3,700 4,810,700 3,238,300 3,137,000 4,107,200 2,226,800 2,4fi0,800 9,.586,700 Q,m,cm 1,298,400 3,952,!)u0 l,8f)(),5(K) 2,549,200 £ 13,8-16,500 13,380,400 4,148,300 2,847,800 6,632,.';00 3,fi()5,500 2,715,100 3,21fi,.0OO 3,252,200 2,5.53,500 3,973,700 5,037,400 1,226,47,2(X) 2,152,700 1,930,7(X) S,771,fjOO BANK OF ENGLAND. 79 The annual average loss by bad debts on the discounts of the Bank of England in London, from 1791 to 1831, both inclusive, has been 31,698/. — (/ijjpen. to liep. on Bank Charter, No. 60.) (5.) Advances hy the Bank to Government. — These are made on account of the produce of taxes not yet received, and on the security of Exchequer bills, &c. They varied, from 1792 down to 1810, from about 10,000,000/. to about 16,000,000/. During the re- mainder of the war, and down to 1820, they were a good deal larger ; they were, at an average of each of the 7 years ending with that last mentioned, as follows : — £ £ 1814 - - - 30,149,000 1818 - - - 28,061,000 1815 - - - =26,494,000 1819 - - - 24,636,975 1816 - - - 23,544,000 1820 - - - 21,915,825* 1817 - - - 27,347,000 But in these are included about 1,000,000/. a year paid to government out of the sums issued on account of the dividends, but not claimed. This can hardly be regarded as an advance by the Bank. In 1819, provision was made for reducing the amount of these advances; and they do not at present, excluding the permanent advance on account of the dead weight, exceed a third of their amount in 1820. They are represented by the Exchequer bills and defi- ciency bills in the hands of the Bank ; and the average amount of these in her possession during the 4 years ending with 1831, was as follows : — £ I £ 1828 - - - 9,367,630 1830 - - - 8,783,730 1829 - - - 8,664,020 | 1831 - - - 6,733,260 (Appen. to Rep. on Bank Charter, No. 64.) (6. ) Balances of Puhlic Money. — In point of fact, however, a very large part of these advances has been nominal only, or has been virtually cancelled by the balances of public money in the hands of the Bank. Thus, from 1806 to 1810, both inclusive, the average advances to government amounted to 14,492,970/. But the average balance of public money in possession of the Bank during the same period amounted to about 1 1 ,000,000/. ; so that the real advance was equal only to the difference between these two sums, or to about 3,500,000/. This statement completely negatives, as Mr. Tooke has justly stated, tlie supposition so commonly entertained and reasoned upon as a point beyond doubt, that the Bank was rendered, by the restriction, a mere engine in the hands of government for facilitating its financial operations (First Letter to Lord Grenville, p. 64.) The Bank being enabled to employ the greater part of the balances of public money in her hands as capital, they have formed one of the main sources of the profit she has derived from her transactions with the public. This subject was brought very promi- nently forward jn the Second Report of the Committee of the House of Commons on Public Expenditure in 1807. And it was agreed in the same year, that the Bank should, in consideration of the advantages derived from the public balances, continue the loan of 3,000,000/. made to government in 1800 for 6 years, without interest, on the same terms, till 6 months after the signature of a definitive treaty of peace. In 1816, this sum was finally incorporated with the debt due by government to the Bank, at an interest of 3 per cent. In 1818, the public balances had fallen to about 7,000,000/. ; and they have been still further reduced, in consequence of measures that were then adopted. Thev amoimted, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1831, to 4,157,570/. — (See Table XII.) A part of the public balances is formed of the dividends payable at the Bank, but unclaimed. The balance arising from this source has sometimes amounted to above 1,000,000/.; but in 1808 and 1811, arrangements were made by which the balances growing out of this fund have been much reduced. (7. ) Management of Public Debt. — Previously to 1786, the Bank received an allowance on this account — that is, for trouble in paying the dividends, superiti tending the trans- fer of stock, &c. — of 5G2L 10s. a million. In 1786, this allowance was reduced to 450/. a million, the Bank being, at the same time, entitled to a considerable allowance for her trouble in receiving contributions on loans, lotteries, &c. This, however, though long regarded as a very improvident arrangement on the part of the public, was acquiesced in till 1808, when the allowa*ice on account of management was reduced to 340/. a million on 600,000,000/. of the public debt ; and to 300/. a million on all that it exceeded that sum, exclusive of some separate allowances for annuities, &c. The im- pression, however, was still entertained, that the allowances for management should be further reduced; and the act 3&4\Vill. 4. c. 98., fo^ the renewal of the charter, has directed that 1 20,000/. a year shall be deducted from their amount. During the year ended the 5th of April, 1832, the Bank received 251,461/. for the management oi » These arc (he averages of the total advances on the 26th of February, and the 26th of August, each year. 80 BANK OF ENGLAND. the public debt, and annuities. This item may, therefore, be taken for the future at about 130,000Z. a year.* — (^Report on Bank Charter, Appen. p. 35.) It should be observed, that the responsibility and expense incurred by the Bank in managing the public debt are very great. The temptation to the commission of fraud in transferring stock from one individual to another, and in the payment of the dividends, is well known ; and notwithstanding the skilfully devised system of checks adopted by the Bank for its prevention, she has frequently sustained very great losses by forgery and otherwise. In 1803, the Bank lost, through a fraud com- mitted by one of her principal cashiers, Mr. Astlett, no less than 340,000/. ; and the forgeries of Fauntleroy the banker cost her a still larger sum ! At an average of the 10 years ending with 1831, the Bank lost, through forgeries on the public funds, 40,204/. a year.f — (^Report on Bank Charter, Appen. p. 165.) The total sum paid by the public to the Bank on account of the loans raised. Exche- quer bills funded, transfer of 3^ per cent, stock, &c. from 17&3 to 1820, both included, amoimted to 426,795/. Is- \ \d. — {Pari. Paper, No. 81. Sess. 1822.) (8.) Dead Weight. — Besides the transactions alluded to, the Bank entered, on the 20th of March, 1823, into an engagement with government with respect to the public pensions and annuities, or, as they have been more commonly termed, the dead weight. At the end of the war, the naval and military pensions, superannuated allowances, &c. amounted to above 5,000,000/. a year. They would, of course, have been gradually lessened and ultimately extinguished by the death of the parties. But it was resolved, in 1822, to attempt to spread the burden equally over the whole period oi forty-five years, during which it was calculated the annuities would continue to decrease. To effect this purpose, it was supposed that, upon government offering to pay 2,800,000/. a year for 45 years, capitalists would be found who would undertake to pay the entire annui- ties^ according to a graduated scale previously determined upon, making the first year a payment of 4,900,000/. and gradually decreasing the payments until the forty-fifth and last year, when they were to amount to only 300,000/. This supposition was not, however, realised. No capitalists were found willing to enter into such distant engage- ments. But in 1823 the Bank agreed, on condition of receiving an annuity of 585,740/. for forty -four years, commencing on the 5th of April, 1823, to pay, on account of the pensions, &c., at different specified periods, between the years 1823 and 1828, both inclusive, the sum of 13,089,419/. — (4 Geo. 4. c. 22.) (9.) Rate of Discount. — The Bank discounted private bills at 5 per cent, during nearly the whole period from her establishment till 1 824, when the rate was reduced to 4 per cent. In 1 825, it was raised to 5 per cent. ; but was again reduced to 4 per cent, in 1827, at which it continues. It may well be doubted, however, whether the rate of discount ought not to be more frequently varied, as occasion may require. When the currency happens, from any cause, to become redundant, its contraction, always a matter of some difficulty, is to be eflfected only by the sale of bullion or public securities by the Bank, or by a diminution of the usual discounts, or all. But were the Bank to throw any consider- able amount of public securities upon the market, the circumstance would be apt to excite alarm ; and, even though it did not, it would be difficult to dispose of them without a heavy loss. Hence, when a reduction is determined upon, it is most com- monly effected partly by a contraction of discounts ; and it is plain, that such con- * See Table VI. for an account of the sums paid by the public to the Bank, for the management of the public debt during the year 1829. t We subjoin an abstract of the principal provisions in the late statute with respect to the forgery of bank notes, powers of attorney, &c. It is enacted, 1 Will. 4. c. 66., that if any person shall forge or alter, or shall offer, utter, dispose of, or put off, knowing the same to be forged or altered, any Exchequer bill or Exchequer debenture, or any indofsement on or assignation of any such bill or debenture, or any East India bond, or indorsement upon or assignation of the same, or any note or bill of the Bank of England, or a bank post bill, or any indorsement on or ass?^nment of any bank note, bank bill of exchange, or bank post bill, with intent to defraud any person whatsoever, he shall be guilty of felony, and shall upon conviction sufffer death as a Persons making false entries in the books of the Bank of England, or other books in which accounts of public stocks or funds are kept, with intent to defraud, shall suffer death as felons. — § 5. By the same act, the forging of any transfer of any share of, or interest in, or dividend upon, any public stock or of a power of attorney to transfer the same, or to receive dividends thereon, is made capital. If any person, falsely personating the owner of any share, interest, or dividend of any of the public funds, thereby transfer such share, &c., and receive the money due to the lawful owner, he shall upon conviction suffer death as a felon. — § 6. And any person endeavouring hy such false personation to procure the transfer of any share, niterest, &c. in the public funds, may, upon conviction, be transported beyond seas for life, or for any term not less than seven years, or be imprisoned for any term not more than four, nor less than two years. — § 7. The forgery of the attestation to any power of attorney for the transfer of stock is to be punished by transportation for seven years, or by imprisonment for not more than two and not less than one year. Clerks or servants of the Bank of England knowingly making out or delivering any dividend warrant for a greater or less amount than the party in whose behalf such warrant is matle out is entitled to, may, upon conviction, be transported beyond seas for the term of seven years, or imprisoned for not more thau, two por less than one year. — ^ 9. BANK OF ENGLAND. 81 traction cannot be made except by rejecting altogether some of the bills sent in for discount, or, which is in effect the same thing, by shortening their dates, or by raising the rate of interest, so that fewer may be sent in. Of these methods, the last seems to be in every respect the most expedient. When bills are rejected for no other reason than that the currency may be contracted, the greatest injury is done to individuals, who, entertaining no doubt of getting their usual accommodations from the Bank, may have entered into transactions which they are thus deprived of the means of completing. Were the reduction made by raising the rate of interest, it would principally affect those who are best able to bear it ; at the same time that its operation, instead of being, like the rejection of bills, arbitrary and capricious, would be uniform and impartial. It does, therefore, seem that the Bank should never throw out good bills that she may contract her issues; but that when she has resolved upon such a measure, she should, provided the contraction cannot be made by the sale of bullion and public securities, raise the rate of discount. The Bank could not, however, act in the way now suggested, until the usury laws were modified ; but the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. cap. 98. has exempted all bills not having more than 3 months to run from their operation ; and it is to be hoped that this serious inroad on these antiquated, unjust, and impolitic laws may be followed by their total repeal. The dividends on Bank stock, from the establishment of the Company to the present time, have been as follows : — Years. Dividend. Years. Dividend. 1694 1697 1708 7 17293 Lady-day - - 1730 Michaelmas - 1730 Lady-day - , 1731 Michaelmas - 1731 Lady.day - - 1732 8 per cent. 9 — Varied from 9 to 5i per cent. 6 — 51 - 6 — 5| - 6 — Michaelmas - 1732 Lady-dav . - 1747 Ditto - . 1753 Michaelmas - 1764 Ditto . - 1767 Ditto - - - 1781 Lady-day - - 1788 Ditto - . - 1807 Ditto . - 1823 5| per cent 5 — 41 — 5 — I' - 7 — 10 — 8 — Previously to 1759, the Bank of England issued no notes for less than 20/. She began to issue lOZ. notes in 1759; 51. notes in 1793; and IZ. and 21. notes in March, 1797. The issue of the latter ceased in 1821. (10.) Interest on Deposits. — The Bank of England does not allow, either in London, or at her branches, any interest on deposits ; but it would be exceedingly desirable if .she could safely make some alteration in this respect. The want of tlie power readily to invest small sums productively, and, at the same time, with perfect security, tends to weaken the motives to save and accumulate. Nothing has contributed more to diffuse a spirit of economy, and a desire to save, amongst all classes of the population of Scotland, than the readiness with which deposits of small sums are received by banks of undoubted solidity in that part of the country, and the allowance of interest upon them. — (See Banks (Scotch).) This advantage is in some degree, indeed, secured in England, by the institution of savings banks. These, however, are but a very inadequate substitute. They are not open to all classes of depositors ; and of those to whom they are open, no one can deposit more than 30Z. in a year, and 150Z. in all. — (See Banks (Savings).) But it is desirable that every facility should be given to safe and profitable investments. " Were the English banks, like the Scotch banks, to receive deposits of lOZ. and upwards, and allow interest upon them at about 1 per cent, less than the market rate, they would confer an immense advantage upon the community, and open a source of profit to themselves. This is, in fact, a part of the proper business of a bank. A banker is a dealer in capital, an intermediate party between the borrower and the lender. He borrows of one party, and lends to another ; and the difference between the terms at which he borrows and those at which he lends is the source of his profit. By this means, he draws into active operation those small sums of money which were previously unproductive in the hands of private individuals, and at the same time furnishes accom- modation to another class, who have occasion for additional capital to carry on their commercial transactions." — (See GilbarVs Practical Observations on Banking, p. 52.) In further corroboration of what has now been stated, it may be mentioned that it was estimated hy a very well-informed witness (Sir J. G. Craig), before the Lords' Committee on Scotch and Irish Banking, in 1826, that the deposits in the Scotch banks, at that period, amounted to about 24,000,000Z. , of which more than a half consisted of sums from lOZ. to 200Z. ! This is a most satisfactory proof of the vast importance of the system. Perhaps it is not going too far to affirm, that but for the receiving of deposits by the banks, and the allowing of interest upon them, not one third of the sums under 200Z., and not one half of those above it, would ever have been accumulated. — (See Banks (Scotch).) We are not, however, able to say whether the Bank of England could offer interest on deposits without having so large a sum forced upon her as might endanger her G 82 BANK OF ENGLAND. stability. And it were better that the system should continue as at present, than that any risk of this sort should be incurred. Since 1826, the private deposits in the hands of the Bank have nearly doubled. Their increase is mainly ascribable to the preceding panic, and the loss that was then occasioned by the failure of private banks. The composition paid by the Bank at the rate of 3,500/. per million, as an'equivalent for the stamp duty on her notes, amounts, at an average, to about 70,000/. a year. (11.) Method of conducting Business at the Bank. — All accounts kept at the Bank with individuals are termed drawing accounts ; those with whom they are opened being entitled to draw checks upon them, and to send the bills and drafts in their favour to be presented by the Bank, exactly as if they dealt with private bankers. There is no fixed sum with which an individual must open a drawing account ; nor is there any fixed sum which the Bank requires him to keep at his credit to indemnify them for their trouble in answering his drafts, &c. Mr. Horsley Palmer gave in his evidence the following statement as to the facilities granted by the I5ank in drawing accounts since 1 825 : — 1. The Bank receive dividends by power of attorney for all persons having drawing accounts at the Bank. 2. Dividend warrants are received at the Drawing. office for ditto. 3. Exchequer bills and other securities are received for ditto ; the bills exchanged, the interest received, and the amount carried to their respective accounts. 4. Checks may be drawn for 51. and upwards, instead of 10/. as heretofore. 5. Cash-boxes taken in, contents unknown, for such parties as keep accounts at the Bank. 6. Bank notes are paid at the counter, instead of drawing tickets for thera on the pay clerks as hereto^ fore. 7. Checks on city bankers paid in by three o'clock may be drawn for between lour and five; and those paid in before four will be received and passed to account the same evening. 8. Checks paid in after four are sent out at nine o'clock the following morning, received and passed to account, and may be drawn for as soon as received. y. Dividend warrants taken in at the Drawing-office until five in the afternoon, instead of three as heretofore. 10. Credits paid into account are received without the Bank book, and are afterwards entered therein without the party claiming them. 11. Bills of exchange accepted payable at the Bank are paid with or without advice; heretofore with advice only. 12. Notes of country bankers payable in London are sent out the same day for payment. 13. Checks are given out in books, and not in sheets as heretofore. A person having a drawing account may have a discount account ; but no person can have the latter without, at the same time, having the former. When a discount account is opened, the signatures of the parties are entered in a book kept for the purpose, and powers of attorney are granted, empowering the persons named in them to act for their principals. No bill of exchange drawn in the country is discounted by the Bank in London under 20/., nor London note under 100/., nor for a longer date, under existing regulations, tlian three months. The number of holidays formerly kept at the Bank has recently been reduced about a half, in the view, as stated by the directors, of preventing the interruption of business. There are no holidays in the months of March, June, September, and December, except- ing Christmas ; Easter Monday and Tuesday are no longer kept. We subjoin an account of the days for transferring stock, and when the dividends are due at the Bank, the South Sea House, and the East India House : — Transfer Days at the Bank. 3 Bank Stock. —Tues. Thurs. and Frid. -■) 3 per Cent. Red.— Tues. Wed. Thurs. f April 5. and Frid. - - -f Oct. 10. 31 per Cent. 1818.— Tues. Thurs. and Frid. J 3 per Cent. 1726. — Tues. and Thurs. t„„ n 3 per Cent. Cons.— Tues. Wed. Thurs. V^^^^ ^• Ved. Thurs.-) - ( April 5. ». — Mond. f Oct. 10. and Frid. Si per Cent. Red. —Tues. Wed. Thurs. and Frid. Long Annuit. to Jan Wed. and Sat. 4 per Cent. 1826. — Mond. Wed. and f April Frid. - - - -I Oct. 10. New 3J per Cent Annuit. — Tues. Wed.") Thurs. and Frid. - - -(Jan. .'5. New 5 per Cent. Annuit. —Tues. Wed. f July 5. and Frid. - - -J Annuit. for Terms of Years, ending 7 Anril <> 10th of Oct. 18r>9, pursuant to 10 Geo. 4. — Tues. Thurs. and Sat. - -3 ^ *" Annuit. for Terms of Years, ending 5th ^ of Jan. 1860, pursuant to 10 Geo. 4- — f juiy 5 Tues. Thurs. and Sat. - -J ' ' ife Annuit., if transferred between '^j ^ Jan. 5. and April 4., or between July 5. > t„, * ^ and Oct. 9. - - ^Juiyi?.. ife Annuit., if transferred between 7 , April 5. and July 4., or between Oct. 10. ,n and Jan. 4. - - - .i""-^"- At the South Sea House. 3| per Cents. — Mond. Wed. and Frid. - ^j^^^ |- 3 per Cent. Old Annuit. — Mond. Wed. C April 5. and Frid. - - -I Oct. 10. 3 per Cent. New Annuit. — Tues. Thurs. ^ j^^^^ ^ and Sat. - - - > t' 1 ' .-" 3 per Cent. 1751. — Tues. and Thurs. -3 At the East India House. India Stock. — Tues. Thurs. and Sat . [ j^iy^ C Mar 31 Interest on India Bonds, due - - J^sept'ao, Tickets for preparing transfer of stock must be given in at each office before one o'clock : at the East India House before two o'clock. Private transfers may be made at other times than as above, the books not being sliut, by paying, at the Bank and India House, 2s. (>L and upwards. Persons having drawing accounts at Swansea may order money to be paid at the Bank in London to their credit at this place, and vice versa, without expense. The branch may be called upon to change any notes issued and dated at Swansea ; but they do not change the notes of the Bank in London, nor receive them in payment, unless as a matter of courtesy where the parties are known. Bank post bills, which are accepted and due, are received at the branch from parties having drawing accounts, and taken to account without any charge for postage ; but unaccepted Bank post bills, which must be sent to London, are subject to the charge of postage, and taken to account when due. No interest is allowed on deposits.. No advance is made by the branch upon any description of landed or other property, nor is any account allowed to be overdrawn. The notes are the same as those issued by the parent establishment, except being dated Swansea, and made payable there and in London. No note issued exceeds the sum of 500/., and none are for a less amount than 51" (13.) Act for the Renewal of the Charter. — We subjoin a full abstract of the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 98., continuing the charter, and regulating the exclusive privileges of the Bank of England. The first section, after referring to the acts 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 28., and the 7 Geo. 4. c. 46., goes on to declare that it is expedient that certain exclusive privileges of banking be continued to the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, for the period, and upon the terms and conditions herein-after mentioned. — \\. No Banking Company of more than 6 Persons to issue Notes payable on Demand within London, or 65 Miles t/iereof. — That during the continuance of the said privilege, no body politic or corporate, and no society or company, or persons united or to be united in covenants or partners.hips, exceeditig 6 persons, shall make or issue in London, or within 65 miles thereof, any bili of exchange or promissory note, or engagement for the payment of money on demand, or upon which any person holding the same may obtain payment on demand: provided always, that nothing herein or in the said act of the 7 Geo. 4. c. 46. contained shall be construed to prevent any body politic or corporate, or atiy society or companv» or incorporated company or corporation, or co-partnership, carrying on and transacting banking business at any greater distance than 65 miles from London, and not having any house of business or establish- ment as bankers in London, or within 65 nnics thereof, (except as herein-after mentioned,) to make and issue their bills and notes, payable on demand or otherwise, at the place at which the same shall be issued, being more than 65 miles from London, and also in London, and to have an agent or agents in London, , or at any other place at which such bills or notes shall be made payable, for the purpose of payment only, but no such bill or note shall be for any sum less than 51., or be re-issued in London, or within 65 milei thereof.— ^2. G 2 84. BANK OF ENGLAND Companies or Partnerships may carry on Banking in London, or within 65 Miles thereof . And whereas the intention of this act is, that the Bank of England should, during the period stated in this act (subject nevertheless to such redemption as is described in this act), continue to hold and enjoy all the exclusive j)rivileges of banking given by the act 39 & 40 Geo. 3. c. 28. as regulated by the act 7 Geo. 4. c. 46. or any prior or subsequent act or acts of parliamejit, but no other or further exclusive privilege of banking : and whereas doubts have arisen as to the construction of the said acts, and as to the extent of such exclusive privilege; and it is expedient that all such doubts should be removed, be it therefore declared and enacted, that any body politic or corporate, or society, or company, or partnership, although consisting of more than 6 persons, may carry on the trade or business of banking in London, or within 65 miles thereof, provided that such body politic or corporate, or society, or company, or partnership, do not borrow, owe, or take up in England any sum or sums r>f money on their bills or notes payable on demand, or at any less time than 6 months from the borrowing thereof, during the continuance of the privileges granted by this act to the said Governor and Company of the Bank of England. — ^3. An Bank of England Notes payable on Demand issued out of London payable at the Place where issued, 4c. — From and after the 1st of August, l&3i, all promissory notes payable on demand of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England issued at any pl.ice in England out of London, where the trade and business of banking shall be carried on for and on behalf of the said Governor and Com- pany, shall be made payable at the place where such promissory notes shall be issued ; and it shall not be lawful for the said Governor and Company, or any committee, agent, cashier, officer, or servant of the same, to issue at any place out of London, any promissory note payable on demand not made payable at the place where the same shall be issued, any thing in the said act 7 Geo. 4. c. 46. to the contrary not- withstanding. — § 4. Exclusive Privileges to end upon One Year's Notice at the end of 10 Years after August, 1834. — Upon one year's notice given within 6 months after the expiration of 10 years from the 1st of August, 18 )4, and upon repayment by parliament to the said Governor and Company, or their successors, of all principal money, interest, or annuities which may be due from the public to the said Governor and Company at the time of the expiration of such notice, as is herein. after stipulated and provided in the event of such notice being deferred until after the 1st of August, 1855, the exclusive privileges of banking granted by this act shall cease and determine at the expiration of such year's notice ; and any vote or resolution of the House of Commons, signified by the Speaker of the said house in writing, and delivered at the public office of the said Governor and Company, or their successors, shall be deemed and adjudged to be a sufficient notice. — h 5. Bank Notes to be a legal Tender, except at the Bank and Branch Banks. — From and after the 1st of August, 1834, unless and until parliament shall otherwise direct, a tender of a note or notes of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, expressed to be payable to bearer on demand, shall be a legal tender, to the amount expressed in such note or notes, and shall be taken to be valid as a tender to guch amount for all sums above 51. on all occasions on which any tender of money may be legally made, so long as the Bank of England shall continue to pay on demand their said notes in legal coin : provided always, that no such note or notes shall be deemed a legal tender of payment by the Governor and Com- pany of the Bank of England, or any branch bank of the said Governor and Company ; but the said Governor and Company are not to become liable or be required to pay and satisfy, at any branch bank of the said Governor and Company, any note or notes of the said Governor and Company not made specially payable at such branch bank ; but the said Governor and Company shall be liable to pay and satisfy at the Bank of England in London all notes of the said Governor and Company, or of any branch thereof. — \ 6. Bills not having more thanS Months to run, not subject to Usury Laws. — No bill of exchange or promissory note made payable at or within 3 months after the date thereof, or not having more than 3 months to run, shall, by reason of any interest taken thereon or secured thereby, or any agreement to pay or receive or allow interest in discounting, negotiating or transferring the same, be void, nor shall the liability of any party to any bill of exchange or promissory note be affected by reason of any statute or law in force for the prevention of usury ; nor shall any person or persons drawing, accepting, indorsing, or signing any such bill or note, or lending or advancing any money, or taking more than the present rate of legal interest in Great Britain and Ireland respectively for the loan of money on any such bill or note, be subject to any penalties under any statute or law relating to usury, or any other penalty or for- feiture ; any thing in any law or statute relating to usury in any part of the United Kingdom to the con. trary notwithstanding. — ^7. Accounts of Bullion and of Notes in Circulation to be sent tveekly to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. — - An account of the amount of bullion and securities in the Bank of England belonging to the said Governor and Company, and of notes in circulation, and of deposits in the said Bank, shall be trans- mitted weekly to the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the time being, and such accounts shall be con- solidated at the end of every month, and an average state of the Bank accounts of the preceding 2 months, made from such consolidated accounts as aforesaid, shall be published every month in the next succeeding London Gazette. — ^8. Public to pay the Bank i Part o/ 14,686,800/. — One fourth part of the debt of 14,686,800/., now due from the public to the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, shall and may be repaid to the said Governor and Company. — ^9. Capital Stock of the Bank may be reduced. — A general court of proprietors of the said Governor and Company of the Bank of England shall be held some time between the passing of this act and the 5th of October, 1834, to determine upon the propriety of dividing and appropriating the sum of 3,638,250/. out of or by means of the sum to be repaid to the said Governor and Company as before mentioned, or out of or by means of the fund to be provided for that purpose amongst the several persons, bodies politic or corporate, who may be proprietors of the capital stock of the said Governor and Company on the said 5th of October, 1834, and upon the manner and the time for making such division and appropriation, not inconsistent with the provisions for that purpose herein contained; and in case such general court, or any adjourned general court, shall determine that it will be proper to make such division, then, but not otherwise, the capital stock of the said Governor and Company shall be, and the same is hereby declared to be reduced from the sum of 14,553,000/., of which the same now consi.sts, to the sum of 10,914,750/., making a reduction or difference of 3,638,250/. capital stock, and such reduction shall take place from and after the 5th of October, 18.j4 ; and thereupon, out of or by means of the sum to be repaid to the said Governor and Company as herein-before mentioned, or out of or by means of the fund to be provided for that purpose, the sum of 3,638,250/. sterling, or such proportion of the said fund as shall represent the same, shall be appropriated and divided amongst the several persons, bodies politic or corporate, who may be proprietors of the said sum of 14,5.53,000/. Bank stock on the said 5th of October, 1834, at the rate of 25/. sterling for every 100/. of Bank stock which such persons, bodies politic and corporate, may then be proprietors of, or shall have standing in their respective names in the books kept by the said Governor and Company for the entry and transfer of such stock, and so in proportion for a greater or lesser sum. — \ 10. Governor, Deputy, or Directors not to be disqualified by Reduction of their Share of the Capital Stock. — The reduction of the share of each proprietor in the capital stock of the said Governor and Company of the Bank of England, by the repayment of such i part thereof, shall not disqualify the present governor, deputy governor, or directors, or any or either of them, or any governor, deputy governor, or director who may be chosen in the room of the present governor, deputy governor, or directors at pny time before the general court of the said Governor and Company to be hold between the 25th of March and the 25tlj of A|)ril, 1835 : provided that at the said general court, and from and after the same, no governor, deputy governor, or director of the said corporation shall be capable of being chosen such governor, deputy BANK OF ENGLAND S5 governor, or director, or shall continue in his or their respective offices, unless he or they respectively shall at the time of such choice have, and during such his respective office continue to have, in his and their respective name, in his and their own right, and for his and their own use, the respective sums or shares of and in the capital stock of the said corporation in and hy the charter of the said Governor and Company prescribed as the qualification of governor, deputy governor, and directors resj)ectively. — ^ J 1. Proprietors not (o he disqualified. — Provided also, and be it enacted, that no i)roi)rietor shall be dis. qualified from attending and voting at any general court of the said Governor and Company to be held between the said 5th of October, 1834, and the 25th of April, IS35, in consequence of the share of such proprietor of the capital stock of the said Governor and Company having been reduced by such repayment as aforesaid below the sum of 500/. of the said capital stock; provided such proprietor had in his own name the full sum of 500/. of the said capital stock on the said 6th of October, 1834 ; nor shall any pro- prietor be required, between the said 5th of October, 1834, and 4he 25th of April, 1835, to take the oath of qualification in the said charter. — § 12. Bank to deduct 1 20,000/. /row Sum allowed for Management of National Debt. — From and after the 1st of August, 1834, the said Governor and Company, in consideration of the privileges of exclusive bank- ing given by this act, shall, during the continuance of such privileges, but no longer, deduct from the sums now payable to them, for the charges of management of the public unredeemed debt, the annual sum of 120,000/., any thing in any act or acts of parliament or agreement to the contrary notwithstand- ing : provided always, that such deduction shall in no respect i)rejudice or afTect the right of the said Governor and Company to be paid for the management of the public debt at the rate and according to the terms provided by the act 48 Geo. 3. c. 4., intituled " An Act to authorize the advancing for the public Service, upon certain Conditions, a Proportion of the Balance remaining in the Bank of England for Pay- ment of unclaimed Dividends, Annuities, and Lottery Prizes, and for regulating the Allowances to be made for the Management of the National Debt." — ^ 13. Provisions of Act of 39 8{ 40 Geo. 3. to remain in force, except as altered by this Act. — All the powers, authorities, franchises, privileges, and advantages given or recognised by the said recited act of the 39& 40 Geo. 3. c. 28. aforesaid, as belonging to or enjoyed by the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, or by any subsequent act or acts of parliament, shall be and the same are hereby declared to be in full force, and continued by this act, except so far as the same are altered by this act, subject nevertheless to such redemption upon the terms and conditions following; (that is to say,Uhat at any time, upon 12 months' notice to be given after the 1st of August, 1855, and upon repayment by parliament to the said Governor and Company, or their successors, of the sum of 11,015,100/., being the debt which will remain due from the public to the said Governor and Company after the payment of the \ of the debt of 14,686,804/. as herein-before provided, without any deduction, discount, or abatement whatsoever, and upon payment to the said Governor and Company and their successors of all arrears of the sum of 100,000/. per annum in the said act of 39 & 40 Geo. 3. aforesaid mentioned, together with the interest or annuities payable upon the said debt or in respect thereof, and also upon repayment of all the principal and interest which shall be owing unto the said Governor and Company and their successors upon all such tallies, exchequer orders, exchequer bills, or parliamentary funds which the said Governor and Com- pany, or their successors, shall have remaining in their hands or be entitled to at the time of such notice to be given as last aforesaid, then and in such case, and not till then, (unless under the proviso herein- before contained,) the said exclusive privileges of banking granted by this act shall cease and determine at the expiration of such notice of 12 months. — \ 14. Tables exhibiting a View of the Circulation, Deposits, Profits, 8j-c. of the Bank of England. No. I. — A Return of the Number of Persons convicted of Forgery, or passing forged Notes and Post Bills of the Bank of England, in each Year, from 1791 to 1829, inclusive. Years. Capital Convic- tions. Convictions for having forged Bank Notes in Possession. Total Num- ber of Con- victions each Year. Years. Capital Convic- tions. Convictions for having forged Bank Notes in Possession. Total Num. ber of Con- victions each Year. 1791-1796 nil. nil. nil. 1813 9 49 58 1797 1 1 1814 5 39 44 1798 11 11 1815 8 51 59 1799 12 12 1816 20 84 104 1800 29 29 1817 33 95 128 1801 1802 32 1 ' 33 1818 62 165 227 32 12 44 1819 33 160 193 1803 7 1 8 1820 77 275 352 1804 13 8 21 1821 41 93 134 1805 10 14 24 1822 16 16 1806 nil. 9 9 1823 6 6 1807 16 24 40 1824 5 5 1808 9 23 32 1825 2 2 1809 23 29 52 1826 18 " 4 ' 22 1810 10 16 26 1827 24 24 1811 5 19 24 1828 10 10 1812 26 26 52 1829 13 1 " 14 The Bank of England does not possess the means of stating or distinguishing the punishments inflicted for the said crimes. No. li. — A Return of the Number of Persons convicted of Forgery on the Bank of England connected with the Public Funds, Bills of Exchange, or otherwise, except Bank Notes, &c., in each Year, from 1791 to 1829, inclusive. ConvictioBS. Convictions. Convictions. Convictions. 1790 1 1800 1 1810 nil. 18207 nil 1791 nil. 1801 . - nil. 1811 - 2 18215 ' 1792 2 1802 1 1812 nil. 1822 1 1793- 1803 - 1 1813 . 2 1823 nil 1794 nil. 1804 - 1 1814 1 1824 1 1795: 1805 . 1 1815 - nil. 1825 ■) 1796 2 1806 nil. 1816 2 1826 f nil. 1797 nil. 1807 . 1 1817 3 1827 C ■ 1798 3 1808 nil. 1818 7 nil. 1828 3 1799 nil. 1809 - 1 1819 i " 1S29 2 The Bank of England does not possess the means of stating or distinguishing the punishments inflicted for the said crime*. — (2Gth of May, 1830. G 3 S6 BANK OF ENGLAND. No. 1 II,— An Account of the Average Market Price of Bullion in each Year, from 1800 to 1821 (taken from otiicial Documents), of the Average Value per Cent, of the Currency, estimated by the Market Price of Gold for the same Period, and of the Average Depreciation per Cent. Years. Average Price of Gold per oz. Average erCent of the Value of the Currency. Average Depre- ciation per Cent. Years. Average Price of Gold per oz. Average erCent of the Value of the Currency. Average Depre- ciation per Cent. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. 1800 3 17 10| 100 0 0 Nil. 1811 4 4 6 92 3 2 7 16 10 1801 4 5 0 91 12 4 8 7 8 1812 4 15 6 79 5 3 20 14 9 1802 4 4 0 92 14 2 7 5 10 1813 5 1 0 77 2 0 22 18 0 1803 4 0 0 97 6 10 2 13 2 1814 5 4 0 74 17 6 25 2 6 1801 4 0 o; 97 6 10 2 13 2 1815 4 13 e 83 5 9 16 14 3 1805 4 0 0 97 6 10 2 13 2 1816 4 13 6 83 5 9 16 14 3 1806 4 0 0 97 6 10 2 13 2 1817 4 0 0 97 6 10 2 13 2 1807 4 0 0 97 6 10 2 13 2 1818 4 0 0 97 6 10 2 13 2 1808 4 0 0 97 6 10 2 13 2 1819 4 16 95 11 0 4 9 0 1809 4 0 0 97 6 10 2 13 2 1820 3 19 11 97 8 0 2 12 0 1810 4 10 0 86 10 6 13 9 6 1821 3 17 IQA 100 0 0 Nil. No. IV. —Account of the Debts and Assets (exclusive of the Bank Capital) of the Bank of England j exhibiting, on the one hand, the Amount of Bank Notes, Post Bills, &c. in Circulation, and of the public and private Deposits in the Hands of the Bank ; and, on the other, the Amount of the various public and private Securities, and of the Bullion held by the Bank, on the 31st of August, in each Year, from 1778 to 1831 inclusive. — (From the Appendix, No. 5. of Report on Bank Charter.) 31 August, 1778. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1779. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1780. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1781. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1782. Circulation Deposits SO August, 17S3. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1784. Civculation Deposits 31 August, 1785. Circulation I Deposits 31 August, 1786. Circulation Deiwsits £ 4,715,580 11,473,650 7,276,540 5,201,040 12,477,580 6,341,600 6,655,800 12,997,400 6,309,430 5,921,630 12,231,060 6,759,310 6,759,450 13,518,760 6,307,270 6,105,650 12,412,920 5,592,510 6,267,130 11,859,640 6,570,650 6,252,030 12,822,680 8,184,330 5,867,240 14,051,570 Securities Bullion 31 August, 1778. (•Public i Private Rest, 1,282,740/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1779. r Public \ Private - Rest, 1,355,560/. 31 August, 1780. f Public i Private Securities BuUion . . - Rest, Securities Bullion . . - Rest, 1,742,040/. 1,527,510/. 31 August, 1781, r Public X Private Securities Bullion August, 1782. (•Public X Private • Rest, 1,921,580/. Securities Bullion Securities Bullion SO August, 1783 f Public X Private 2,018,960/. 31 August, 1784. f Public i Private - Rest, 2,204,570/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1785. f Public X Private - - Rest, 2,608,930/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1786. (• Public X Private Rest, 2,638,260/. 6,540,433: 3,087,537: 7,493.649 2,336,191. 6,740,514 3,605,026 6,609,457 7 4,501,053 i 8,987,573 7 4,496,2173 9,566,037 \ 4,275,763 j 8,435,777 7 4,088,6033 6,725,891 7 3,218,6793 7,988,241 X 2,390,5393 £ 9,627,970 3,128,420 12,756,390 9,849,840 3,983,300 13,833,140 10,345,540 4,179,370 14,524,910 11,110,510 2,862,590 13,973,100 13,483,790 1,956,550 15,440,340 13,841,800 590,080 14,431,880 12,524,380 1,539,830 14,064,210 9,944,570 5,487,040 15,431,610 10,378,780 6,311,050 16,689,830 BANK OF ENGLAND. Amount of Notes in Circulation, and Deposits, and Securities held by the Bank — continued. 87 31 August, 1787. Circulation Deposits 30 August, 1788. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1789 Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1790. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1791. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1192. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1793. Circulation Deposits 30 August, 1794. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1795. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1796. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1797. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1798. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1799. Circulation Deposits 9,685,720 5,031,540 15,317,260 10,002,880 5,528,640 15,531,520 11,121,800 6,402,450 17,524,250 11,433,340 6,199,200 17,632,540 11,672,320 6,437,730 18,110,050 11,006,300 5,526,480 10,865,050 6,442,810 17,307,1 10,286,780 5,935,710 16,222,490 10,862,200 8,154,980 9,246,790 6,656,320 15,903,110 11,114,120 7,765,350 18,879,470 12,180,610 8,300,720 20,481,330 13,389,490 7,642,240 21,031,730 Securities Bullion 31 August, 1787. ( Public I Private Rest, 2,829,400^. Securities Bullion 30 August, 1788. C Public (_ Private - Rest, 2,937,960/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1789. (■ Public i Private Rest, 2,819,370/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1790. ("Public I Private - - - - Rest, 2,757,310/. 31 August, 1791. securities - {?,ta?e i Bullion - - - Rest, 2,765,400/. 8,066,303 > 3,787,3573 8,840,068 7 2,730,2523 9,661,859 7 2,035,9013 10,047,257 ■ 1,956,263. 10,921,300 7 1,898,6403 11,853,600 6,293,000 18,140,fi60 11,570,320 6,899,160 18,469,480 11,697,700 8,645,860 20,343,620 Securities Bullion 31 August, 1792. (■Public - 10,715,041 i Private 3,715,041 7 3,190,8693 - Rest, 2,730,510/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1793. (" Public I Private 12,003,520 8,386,330 20,389,850 12,819,940 8,055,510 20,875,450~ 13,905,910 5,357,380 19,263,290 Rest, 2,823, Securities Bullion 30 August, 1794. y Public i Private - - - Rest, 2,994,080/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1795. (■Public t Private - Rest, 3,109,C Securities Bullion 31 August, 1796. f Public i Private . - - Rest, 3,245,310/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1797. ("Public (.Private 10,381,838 7 4,427,8423 8,863,048 7 3,583,4123 13,250,904 ; 3,739,016' 10,875,347 7. 6,150,1233 8,765,224 7 9,495,9463 Rest, 3,471,320/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1798. ("Public I Private - - - Rest, 3,414,410/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 179 C Public l Private 0,930,038 7 6,419,602 3 9,452,9557 7,477,4853 Rest, 2,899,490/. O 4, 14,809,680 5,322,010 20,131,690 12,446,460 6,770,110 19,216,570 16,989,920 5,136,350 22,126,270 17,025,470 2,122,950 19,148,420 18,261,170 4,089,620 22,350,790 17,349,640 6,546,100 23,895,740 16,930,440 7,000,780 88 BANK OF ENGLAND. Amount of Notes in Circulation, and Deposits, and Securities held by the Bank — continued. 30 August, 1800. Circulation Deposits SI August, 1801. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1802. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1803. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1804. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1805. Circulation Deposits - ; 31 August, 1806. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1807. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1808. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1809. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1810. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1811. Circulation Deposits .■31 August, 1812. Circulation Deposits 15,047,180 8,335,060 23,382,240 14,556,110 8,133,830 22,689,940 17,097,630 9,739,140 26,836,770 15,983,330 9,817,240 25,800,570 17,153,890 9,715,530 26,869,420 16,388,400 14,048,080 30,436.480 21,027,470 9,636,330 30,663,800 19,678,360 11,789,200 31,467,560 17,111,290 13,012,510 30,123,800 19,574,180 12,257,180 31,831,360 24,793,990 13,617,520 3,411,510 23,286,850 11,075,660 34,362,510 23,026,880 11,848,910 34,875,790 Securities Bullion 30 August, 1800. ("Public I Private Rest, 3,906,630^. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1801. C Public ? Private - Rest, 3,854,890/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 180^ f Public ? Private - Rest, 4,168,370/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1803. f Public " /Private Rest, 4,710,770/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1804. C Public # Private - Rest, 4,836,450/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1805. (" Public ? Private Rest, 4,960,870/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1806. f Public / Private - Rest, 5,024,320/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1807. r Public i Private Rest, 4,953,740/L Securities Bullion 31 August, 1808. C Public i Private Rest, 5,136,230/. 31 August, 1809. (■ Public I Private Securities Bullion - - - Rest, 5,256,390/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1810. ' f Public / Private Rest, 5,754,110/. Securitips Bullion 31 August, 1811 C Public Private Rest, 5,964,070/1 Securities Bullion 81 August, 1812. f Public / Private 13,586,590 i 8,551,830J 11,926,873 10,282,697 13,528,599 7 13,584,761 5 13,336,179 7 13,582,661 i 14,993,395 10,833,285 11,413,266 7 16,359,584] 14.167,772 7 15,305,328 i 13,410,055 ; 16,526,895 J 14,956,394 7 14,2a7,696j 15,307,673 18,127,597 17,198,677 7 23,775,0933 21,884,248 7 15,199,032 J 21,165,iy07 17,010,9303 - Rest, 6,399,600/. 22,138,420 5,150,450 27,288,870 22,209,570 4,335,260 26,544,830 27,113,360 3,891,780 31,005,140 26,918,840 3,592,500 25,826,680 5,879,190 31,705,870 27,772,850 7,624,500 35,397,350 29,473,100 6,215,020 35,688,120 29,936,950 6,484,350 36,421,300 29,244,090 6,015,940 35,260,030" 33,435,270 3,652,480 37,087,750 40,973,770 3,191,850 44,165,( 37,083,280 3,243,300 38,176,120 3,099.270 41,275,390 BANK OF ENGLAND. Amount of Notes in Circulation, and Deposits, and Securities held by the Bank — continued. 89 31 August, 1813. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1814. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1815. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1816. Circulation Deposits 50 August, 1817. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1818. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1819. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1820. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1821. Circulation Deposits 51 August, 1822. Circulation Deposits 30 August, 1823. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1824. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1825. Circulation Deposits 24,828,120 11,159,730 35,987,850 28,368,290 14,849,940 43,218,230 27,248,670 12,696,000 39,944,670 26,758,720 11,856,380 58,615,100 29,543,780 9,084,590 2,150 7,730 34,129,! 25,252,690 6,304,160 31,556,850 24,299,340 4,420,910 28,720,250 20,295,300 5,818,450 26,113,750 17,464,790 6,399,440 23,864,230 19,231,240 7,827,350 27,058,590 20,132,120 9,679,810 ,811,930 19,598,840 6,410,560 25,809,400 Securities Bullion 31 August, 1813. ("Public 1 Private 591, 14,514,744 25,591,536 ^ Rest, 6,830,500/. 40,106,080 2,712,270 Securities Bullion 31 August, 1814. f Public ■ I Private Rest, 7,225,4W. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1815. (■Public 1 Private Rest, 8,318,550i Securities Bullion 31 August, 1816. (•Public i Private 34,982,485 > 13,363,4753 24,194,086 > 20,660,0943 26,097,431 > 11,182,1093 Rest, 6,227,220/. 42,818,350 48,345,960 2,097,680 50,443,640 44,854,180 3,409,040 48,263,220 37,279,540 7,562,780 Securities Bullion 30 August, 1817. (■ Public I Private Rest, 5,645,if30/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1818. f Public i Private Rest, 4,604,040/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1819. (" Public (, Private Rest, 3,779,060/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1820. (" Public t Private Rest, 3,336,950/, Securities Bullion 31 August, 1821. ("Public t Private 27,098,238 ' 5,507,392. 27,257,012 ^ 5,113,7483 25,419,148 ■ 6,321,402 J 19,173,997 : 4,672,123J 15,752,953; 2,722,587: 44,842,320 82,605,630 11,668,260 44,273^890" 32,370,760 6,363,160 5,733,920 31,740,550 3,595,360 35,335,910 23,846,120 8,211,080 Rest, 3,595,380/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1822. ("Public I Private Rest, 3,524,240/. Securities Bullion 50 August, 1823. ("Public ■ I Private - - - Rest, 3,067,020A Securities Bullion 31 August, 1824 ("Public i Private - Rest, 2,880,030/: Securities Bullion 31 August, 1825. (■ Public / Private 13,668,359 > 3,622,1513 11,842,677" 5,624,693 ' 14,649,187 7 6,255,3433 17,414,5667 7,691,4643 - Rest, 2,930,950/. 32,057,200 18,475,540 11,233,590 29,709,130 17,290,510 10,097,960 27,JJ88,470 17,467,370 12,658,240 30,125,610 20,904,530 11,787,430 32,691,960 25,106,030 3,634,320 28,740^350" ^ BANK OF ENGLAND. Amount of Notes in Circulation, and Deposits, and Securities held by the Bank— continued. 31 August, 1826. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1827. Circulation Deposits 30 August, 1828. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1829. Circulation Deposits 30 August, 1830. Circulation Deposits 31 August, 1831. ^ Circulation I Deposits 21,563,560 7,199,860 28,763,420 22,747,600 8,052,090 30,799,690 21,357,510 10,201,280 31,558,790 19,547,380 9,035,070 28,582,450 21,464,700 11,620,840 33,085,540 18,538,630 9,069,310 27,607,940 Securities Bullion - - - Rest, Securities Bullion 31 August, 1826. ("Public I Private 3,074,440/. 31 August, 1827. (■Public 1 Private Rest, 2,863,400i Securities Bullion 30 August, 1828. (■Public 1 Private Rest, 2,845,620/. Securities Bullion 31 August, 1! (" Public i Private Rest, 2,874,890/. Securities Bullion 30 August, 1830. (•Public 1 Private Rest, 2,630,630/: Securities Bullion 31 August, 1831. (■public " I Private Rest, 2,736,850/. 17,713,881 7 7,369,749 i 19.809,595 7 3,389,725 i 25,083,630 6,754,230 31,837y 23,199,320 10,463,770 I 33,663,090 20,682,7767 3,222,754 j 20,072,4407 4,589,370 J 20,911,616 7 3,654,074 j 18,056,552 7 5,848,4785 23,905,530 10,498,880 34,404,410 24,661,810 6,795,530 31,457,340 24,565,690 11,150,480 35,716,170 23,905,030 6,439,760 30,344,-/90 No. V. — An Account of the total Amount of Outstanding Demands on the Bank of England, and likewise the Funds for discharging the same j 30th of January, 1819.- Db. - - The Bank, To Bank notes out To other debts ; viz. Drawing accounts Audit roll Exchequer bills deposited And various other debts Balance of surplus in favour of the Bank of England, exclusive of the debt from government, at 31. per cent ^11,686,800 And the advance to government, per 56 Geo. 3. cap. 96. at 31. per cent £3,m,m £ 26,094,430 7,800,150 33,894,580 5,202,320 39,096,900 30th January, 1819. By advances on government securities ; viz. On Exchequer bills, on malt, &c. 1818 Bank loan, 1808 - - . Supply, 1816, at 4/. per cent - Growing produce of the conso- lidated fund to 5th of April, 1819, and interest due, and loans to government on un- claimed dividends By all other credits, viz. Cash and bullion Exchequer bills purchased, and interest - Bills and notes discounted Treasury bills for the service of Ireland . . . Money lent, and various other articles - By the permanent debt due from government, for the capital of the Bank, at 31. per cent per annum . . _ - By the advance to government, • per act 56 Geo. 3. cap. 96. at 31. per cent per annum Bank of England, 22d of February, 1819. William Dawes, Accountant GeneraL BANK OF ENGLAND. 91 No. VI. — An Account of Money paid or payable at the Bank of England, for the Management of the Public Debt, in the Year 1829, together with an Account of all the Allowances made by the Public to the Bank, or charged by the Bank against the Public, for transacting any Public Service in the Year 1829; describing the Nature of the Service, and the Amount charged thereon in the said Year, and including any Sum under the Denomination of House-money, or House Expenses; and also, any Sum under the Denomination of Charges of Management on South Sea Stock, and stating the aggregate Amount of the whole. Denomination of Payments. Amount. Charge for management of the unredeemed public debt for one year, ending the 5th of April, 1830, being the annual period at which the accounts are made up, as directed by the act 48 Geo. 3. c. 4. - - - - - - Ditto, ditto, for one year ending ditto, on sundry annuitieis, transferred to the Com- missioners for the Reduction of the National Debt, for the purchase of life annuities per act 48 Geo. 3. and subsequent acts - . . . Charges of management, being part of an entire yearly fund of 100,000/. enjoyed by the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, originally by the act of the 5th and 6th of William and Mary, c. 20., confirmed to the said Governor and Company by several subsequent acts, and lastly by the Act of the 39th and 40th Geo. 3. c. 28., as per Return made to the Honourable House of Commons, on the 21st of June, 1816 - - ..... Ditto, ditto, on 4,000,000/. South Sea stock, purchased by the Governor and Com. pany of the Bank of England of the South Sea Company, and transferred by them to the said Governor and Company, in pursuance of the act of the 8th Geo. 1. c. 21., and which charges of management were assigned by the said South Sea Company to the said Governor and Company, out of a sum of 8,397/. 9*. 6d. per annum then paid by the public to the said South Sea Company for charges of management on their funds, as per Return made to the Honourable House of Commons, on the 21st of June, 1816 - - . ... je s. d. 248,417 17 2| 2,922 11 9 4,000 0 0 1,898 3 5 ^251,238 12 4f Bank of England, 11th of March, 1830. T. RippoN, Chief Cashier. No. VIL — The following is an Account of all Distributions made by the Bank of England amongst the Proprietors of Bank Stock, whether by Money Payments,' Transfer of 5 per Cent. Annuities, or other- wise, under the Heads of Bonus, Increase of Dividend, and Increase of Capital, betwixt the 25th of February, 1797, and 31st of March, 1832, in addition to the ordinary Annual Dividend of 7 per Cent, on the Capital Stock of that Corporation, existing in 1797, including therein the whole Dividend paid since June, 1816, on their increased Capital; stating the Period when such Distributions were made, and the aggregate Amount of the whole. — {Appen. No. 29.) Denomination and Periods of Distribution. In June, 1799 : 10/. per cent, bonus in 5 per cents. 1797, on 11,642,400/., is - . May, 1801 : 51. per cent, ditto, in Navy 5 per cents, ditto _ . . November, 1802 : 2/. 10s. per cent, ditto, ditto, ditto - . . - October, 1804 : 51. per cent, ditto, cash, ditto - - . - October, 1805 : 51. per cent, ditto, ditto, ditto ..... October, 1806 : 51. per cent, ditto, ditto, ditto ..... From April, 1807, to Oct. f Increase of dividends at the 'rate of 31. per cent, per 1822, both inclusive i annum on 11,642,400/., is, 16 years . . From April, 1823, to Oct. C Increase of dividend at the rate of 1/. per cent, per 1829, both inclusive \ annum on 11,642,400/., is, 7 years . - . In June, 1816 - - Increase of capital at 25 per cent, is From Oct. 1816, to Oct. f Dividend at the rate of 10/. per cent, per annum on 1822, both inclusive f 2,910,600/., increased capital, is, 6^ years From April, 1823, to Oct. (" Dividend at the rate of 8/. per cent, per annum on 1831, both inclusive 1 2,910,600/. increased capital, is, 9 years Aggregate amount of the whole Annual dividend payable on Bank stock in 1797, on a capital of 11,642,400/. at the rate of 11. per cent per annum - - . . . Annual dividend payable since June, 1816, on a capital of 14,553,000/., to October, 1822, inclusive, at the rate of 10/. per cent per annum ... Annual dividend payable from April, 1823, to the 31st of March, 1832, both inclusive, on a capital of 14,553,000/., at the rate of 8/. per cent per annum £ 1,164,240 582,120 291,060 582,120 582,120 582,120 5,588,352 814,968 2,910,600 1,891,890 2,095,632 ^17,318,070 jf* 814,968 £ 1,455,300 £ 1,164,240 Bank of England, 27th of June, 1832. William Smee, Dep. Acct No. VIII. _ An Account of the Profits of the Bank of England, in fie Year ending 29th of February, 1832 ; stating the Description of the Securities held by the Bank, and the Sources from which the said Profits have accrued. — (JVb. 15. Appen. to Report.^ Interest on commercial bills - - . Interest on Exchequer bills - - . . . Annuity for 45 years (the dead-weight account) - - - - . Interest on capital received from government - . . - « Allowance received for management of the public debt - . - . Interest on loans on mortgages - - - - . Interest on stock in the public funds - - . - . - Interest on private loans - - . . Profit on bullion, commission, rent, receipts on discounted bills unpaid, management of the business of the Banks of Ireland, of Scotland, and Royal Bank of Scotland, and sundry items - - - - - £ 130,695 204,109 451,415 446,502 2;jl,896 60,684 15,075 56,941 71,859 92 BANK OF ENGLAND. No. IX. — Expenses of the Bank of England, for the Year ending 29th of February, Dr. National debt department Bank notes . Banking department - - - 164,143 106,092 69,165 Cr. Salaries and pensions - House expenses - - Directors' allowance Rent - - - Expenses at eleven branches, arising from the banking department Expenses attending the circulation of 2,500,000/. of branch Bank of Eng- land notes, at eleven branches £ £ 218,003 39 187 slooo 40,000 5,702 28,508 ^339,400 339,400 No. X. — An estimated Account of Profit derived by the Bank from Circulation of Promissory Notes, and from Government Business {Appen. No. 23.) £ Circulation . - - 20,000,000 Government deposits - 4,000,000 24,000,000, of which two thirds are estimated to be invested in securities, and one third in bullion. Securities of 16,Ofl0,O0OZ. ; viz. 9,000,000 Exchequer bills 800,000 stock - . - 1,000,000 advances for circulation on discount 500,000 country discount 4,700,000 ... at 2^ per cent. — 3 — -3i _ -4^ - 16,000,000 Deduct, Expense of circulation - - Expense of government deposits Stamp duty on circulation 1 per cent, on capital (held by government at 3 per cent.) The Public Debt. Amount received from government for management of the public debt, for the year ending 5th of April, 1832, including life annuities Management of life annuities, supposed to be transferred Deduct, Expenses for management of the national debt - - Average of forgeries per annum, during the last ten years £ 202,500 24,000 30,000 17,500 193,875 106,000 10,000 70,000 147,000 251,000 3,000 164,000 40,000 467,875 333,000 248,000 204,000 Estimated profit 134,875 44,000 ^178,875 No. XL — State of the Affairs of the Bank of England, 29th of February, 1832. Dr. To Bank notes outstanding To public deposits, viz. Drawing accounts - Balance of audit roll Life annuities unpaid - Annuities for terms of years unpaid Exchequer bills deposited To private deposits, viz. Drawing accounts - Various other debts To the Bank of England for the capital To balance of surplus in favour of the Bank of England - ■ 2,034,790 550,550 85,030 38,360 490,000 5,683,870 54,560 18,051,710 3,198,730 5,738,430 14,553,000 2,637.760 £ 44,179,630 Cr. By advances on government securities ; by Exchequer bills on the growing pro- duce of the consolidated fund in the quarter ending 5th of April, 1832 Ditto, 5th of July, 1832 Exchequer bills on supplies, 1825 Ditto for 10,500,000/. for 1825 By the advances to the trus- tees appointed by the act 3 Geo. 4. c. 51. towards the purchase of an annuity of 585,740/. for 44 years from 5th of April, 1823 By other credits ; viz. Exchequer bills purchased Stock purchased City bonds Bills and notes discounted - Loans on mortgages - London Dock Company - Advances on security, and various articles By cash and bullion By the permanent debt due from government 3,428,340 697,000 7,600 2,000 2,700,000 764,600 500,000 2,951,970 1,452,100 227,500 570,6 Rest or surplus brought down - Bank capital due to proprietors - 4,134,940 10,897,880 - 9,166,860 5,293,150 14,686,800 .£■44,179,1 2,637,760 14,553,000 £ 17,190,^ BANK OF ENGLAND. 9S No. XII. — An Account of the Average aggregate Amounts of Public Deposits in the Hands of the Bank, from the Year 1800 ; distinguishing each Year. — {Appcn. No. 24.) Year. Amount. 1 Year. j Amount. Year. Amount. j Year. Amount. 1807 1808» 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 12,647,.'351 11,761,448 11,093,648 11,9.'>0,047 10,19J,854 10,390,130 10,393,404 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 12,158,227 11,737,436 10,807,660 8,699,133 7,066,887 4,538,373 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 3,713,442 3,920,157 4,107,853 5,-026,635 7,222,187 5,347,314 1826 1827 1828 1829 18.30 1831 j£ 4,214,271 4,223,867 3,821,697 3,862,6.56 4,761,9.52 3,948,102 N. B. — The Bank is unable to furnish correctly the aggregate amount of public deposits previous to the year 1807 ; the public accounts prior to that period not being required generally to be kept at the Bank ; and many of the public accounts at that time werein the names of individuals, without reference to that part of the public service to whicli the accounts applied. No. XIII. — An Account of the Average aggregate Amounts of Private Deposits in the Hands of the Bank, from the Year 1807; distinguishing each Year. — {Appen. No. 32.) Year. Amount. Year. Amount. Year. Amount. Year. Amount. 1807 l.S(J8 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1,582,720 1,940,630 1,492,190 1,428,720 1,567,920 1,573,950 1,771,310 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 j£ 2,374,910 1,690,490 1,333,120 1,672,800 1,640,210 1,790,860 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1,325,060 1,326,020 1,373,370 2,321,920 2,369,910 2,607,900 1826t 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 3,322,070 3,931,370 5,701,280 5,217,210 5,562,250 5,201,370 N. B. — The Bank is unable to return the average aggregate amounts of private deposits for the years prior to 1807, as the public and private drawing accounts were not kept separately till that period, when distinct offices were established. No. XIV An Account of the annual Average Amount of Commercial Paper under Discount at the Bank, in London, in each Year, from the Year 1795. — {Appen. No. 59.) 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1K04 Amount. 2,946,500 3,505,000 5,350,000 4,490,600 5,403,900 6,401,900 7,905,100 7,523,300 10,747,600 9,982,400 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 11,366,500 12,380,100 13,484,600 12,950,100 15,475,700 20,070,600 14,355,400 14,291,600 12,330,200 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 Amount. £ 13,285,800 14,947,100 11,416.400 3,960,600 4,325,200 6,515,000 3,883,600 2,676,700 5,366,700 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 Amount. £ 3,123,800 2,369,800 4,941,500 4,908,300 1,240,400 1,167,400 2,250,700 919,900 1,533,600 No. XV. — An Account of the Notes, Post-Bills, &c. of the Bank of England in Circulation, on the 28th of P'ebruary and 31st of August in each Year, from 1698 to 1792 both included, as near as the same can be made up. Year 28th Feb. 1699 1700 1701 1702 1703 1704 1705 1706 1707 1708 1709 1710 1711 1712 1,221,290 745,850 938,240 920,730 933,760 961,990 556,610 996,840 959,820 648,680 707,470 f;01,580 477,510 738,920 1713 1,221,880 1714 623,640 1715 972,160 17161,460,660 1717 2,053,150 1718 2,782,420 1719 1,807,010 1720 2,466,880 1721 2,244,280 31st Aug £ 1,240,400 519,150 781,430 763,860 1,030,900 1,214,040 946,010 1,043,150 80.5,410 824,860 598,940 691,350 480,920 573,230 2,025,200 800,810 1,651,780 978,840 1,579,730 2,188,030 1,806,640 1,939,5.50 3,032,460 206,-260 Year 'iSth Feb. 1722 1723 1724 1725 1726 1727 1728 1729 1730 1731 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 £ 2,365,640 3,516,110 3,232,830 3,734,480 3,076,850 3,888,180 4,574,920 4,152,590 3,998,280 4,451,720 4,251,660 4,385,060 4,203,070 4,627,990 4,907,750 5,215,010 4,766,280 4,347,270 4,550,980 4,841,840 4,471,510 4,654,890 4,253,610 4,279,610 31st Aug. £ 3,006,430 ,3,482,210 3,857,710 3,343,400 3,152,340 4,677,640 4,513,790 4,199,910 4,416,870 5,249,880 4,592,400 4,543,000 4,671,930 4,738,550 5,077,570 4,414,690 4,609,420 [ 4,152,420 I 4,444,000 i 4,084,450 , 4,911,390 i 4,250,180 4,270,590 I 3,465,3.50 1746 174 1748 1749 1750 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 28th Feb. £ 3,383,720 4,107,420 3,894,650 3,737,110 3,964,970 4,022,160 4,444,960 4,401,580 4,062,870 3,950,650 4,106,790 5,319,130 5,320,590 4,586,840 4,969,250 5,632,350 5,741,090 5,999,910 5,501,800 6,316,670 5,617,570 5,510,990 5,778,990 .5,707,190 31st Aug. £ 3,842,500 3,652,310 3,789,720 4,183,390 4,318,490 5,195.310 4,750;350 4,420,290 4,081,280 4,115,280 4,516,360 5,149,940 4,864,110 4,809,790 4,936,280 5,246,680 5,886,980 5,314,600 6,210,680 5,356,490 5,246,410 4,883,440 5,415,530 5,411,450 Year 28th Feb. 1770 1771 1772 1773 1774 177 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780 1781 1782 178: 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 £ 5,237,210 6,822,780 5,962,160 6,037,060 7,550,780 9,135,930 8,699,720 8,712,230 7,440,530 9,012,610 8,410,7^0 7,092,450 8,028,880 7,675,090 6,202,760 5,923,090 7,581,960 8,329,840 9,561,120 9,807,210 10,040,540 11,439,200 11,307,380 31st Aug. £ 5,736,780 6,0 14, IK 5,987,570 6,362,220 9,886,2-0 8,398,310 8,551,090 7,753,590 6,758,070 7,276,540 6,341,600 6,309,4.S0 6,759,..10 6,307,270 5,592,510 6,570,650 8,184,330 9,685,720 10,002,880 11,121,800 11,433,340 11,672,320 11,006,300 jV. B. — No previously published table of the circulation of the Bank of England extends further back than 1777 : we are indebted to the Court of Directors for being able to supply this striking detect, and to exhibit, for the first time, the circulation of the Bank, from within four years of its establishment down to the present day. * The Bank advanced, in March, 1808, 3,000,000/., without interest, for the public service, which so continued till April, 1818, on account of public balances, t The increased amount of deposits in this and the following years, arose from the increase of accoiint& 94 BANK OF ENGLAND. NO. XVL — An Account of the Amount of Bank Notes in Circulation on the undermentioned Days • distinguishing the Bank Post Bills, and the Amount of Notes under Five Pounds, with the AgRregate of the whole. 1792 February 25 August 25 1793 February 26 August 26 1794! February 26 August 26 1795 February 26 August 26 1796 February 26 August 26 1797 February 25 August 26 1798 February 26 August 25 1799 February 26 August 26 1800 February 25 August 26 1801 February 26 August 26 1802 February 26 August 26 1803 February 26 August 26 1804 February 25 August 25 1805 February 26 August 26 1806 February 25 August 26 1807 February 26 August 26 1808 February 26 August 26 1809 February 25 August 26 1810 February 26 August 25 1811 February 26 August 26 1812 February 26 August 26 1813 February 26 August 26 1814 February 26 August 26 1815 February 25 August 26 1816 February 26 August 26 1817 February 26 August 26 1818 February 26 August 26 1819 February 26 August 26 1820 February 26 August 26 1821 February 26 August 26 1822 February 26 August 26 1823 February 26 August 26 1824 February 26 August 26 1825 February 26 August 26 1826 February 26 August 26 1827 February 26 A ugust 26 1828 February 26 August 26 1829 February 26 August 26 1830 February 26 August 26 1831 February 26 August 26 1832 February 25 August 25 1833 February 2() August 26 Notes of 5/. and upwards. 10,394,106 10,281,071 10,780,643 10,163,839 10,079,165 10,060,248 12,968,707 10,939,880 10,266,561 8,981,645 8,167,949 9,109,614 10,856,188 9,997,958 10,576,510 11,260,675 13,106,368 12,221,451 12,975,006 11,715,665 12,038,970 12,801,746 11,796,424 12,413,924 12,054,943 11,766,628 11,403,290 11,182,188 11,994,350 14,141,510 12,274,629 15,077,013 13,746,598 12,440,930 12,730,999 13,255,599 13,650,592 16,078,390 15,110,688 15,203,611 14,523,049 14,873,705 14,567,267 14,975,479 15,632,250 18,066,180 16,394,359 16,332,275 15,307,228 16,686,087 17,538,656 20,388,502 19,077,951 17,465,628 16,307,000 16,972,140 15,402,830 16,047,390 14,372,840 16,095,020 15,178,490 15,295,090 15,751,120 17,392,260 17,244,940 18,409,230 18,308,990 17,091,120 21,100,400 18,172,160 18,787,330 19,253,890 19,428,010 19,016,980 17,402.470 17, 16-1,940 17,862,990 19,40.5,610 17,566,140 16,774,890 16,201 ,8!)0 16,068,370 17,507,320 17,827,150 755,703 725,898 647,738 674,375 618,759 567,972 570,456 518,502 643,133 549,690 474,615 524,587 551,549 553,236 607,907 653,766 723,600 823,366 954,982 759,270 803,499 772,577 820,039 776,030 848,894 743,841 1,029,580 718,510 725,736 702,425 724,485 725,262 742,671 795,102 944,727 880,104 907,620 1,145,832 1,133,419 1,016,303 1,059,854 '987,880 1,034,882 1,015,616 1,091,242 1,246,479 1,184,459 1,115,079 1,336,467 1,286,429 1,376,416 1.712,807 1,838,600 1,627,427 1,622,330 1,468,920 1,421,160 1,633,730 1,615,600 1,634,260 1,609,620 1,610,600 1,742,190 1,763,650 2,198,260 2,122,760 2.334.260 2,061,010 2,487.080 2,040,400 2,052,310 2,270,110 2,329,880 2,417,440 2,444,660 2,030,280 2,284.520 2,217,870 1,777,790 1,621,350 1,641,990 1,533,970 1,603,710 1,604.590 934,015 1,442.348 1.639,831 1,451,728 1,345,432 1,406,708 1,690.561 2,647,526 2,495,386 2,616,407 3,312,790 2,960,469 3.846.005 4,673,515 4,813,525 4,801,596 4,395,480 4,428,360 4,228,958 4,206,230 4.231.837 4.103.785 4,129,234 4,338.951 5,221,538 5.871.069 7,221.953 7,140,726 7,573,201 7,415,294 7,621,325 7,705.322 8.033,774 8,371,923 9,667,217 9,094,552 9,576,695 9,036,374 9,103,338 8,143,506 7,998,599 7,362,492 7,509,782 7,317,360 7,216,530 6,745,160 6,772,260 6,483,010 2,598,460 1,384,360 862,650 683,160 550,010 486,600 443,970 416,880 396,670 1,367,560 1,175,450 668,910 483,060 416,890 382,860 357,170 334,190 320,550 313,4(50 306,900 302,480 2^:9,190 294,940 292.450 289,720 BANKS (ENGLISH PRIVATE AND PROVINCIAL). 95 No, XVII An Account of the aggregate Circulation of the Branch Banks of the Bank of England, from their first Establishment, on the 28lh of February and Slst of August in each Year. 1827 February - 322,150 1830 February . 1,482,160 1832 February . 2,748,280 August 559,870 August - 2,019,770 August - 2,8(^0.650 1828 February 585,820 1831 February - 2,272,360 1833 February - 3,088,670 August 649,740 August . 2,433,860 August - 3,313,850 1829 February 807,450 August - 1,165,390 III. Banks (English Private and Provincial). Besides charging the usual rate of interest on bills discounted, the provincial bankers are mostly in the habit of charging 5s. or 6s. per cent, as commission. They also charge a commission on all payments ; and derive a profit from charges for the transmission of money, &c. They usually allow from 2 to 3 per cent, on money deposited ; but the numerous failures that have taken place amongst them have, by generating a feeling of insecurity in the minds of the depositors, confined this branch of their business within comparatively narrow limits. When their customers overdraw their accounts, they are charged with interest at the rate of 5 per cent. Country banks established by individuals possessed of adequate funds, and managed with due discretion, are productive of the greatest service. They form commodious reservoirs, where the floating and unemployed capital of the surrounding districts is collected, and from which it is again distributed, by way of loan, to those who will employ it to the best advantage. It is, therefore, of the utmost importance, in a public point of view, that these establishments should be based upon solid foundations. But in England, unfortunately, this has been but little attended to; and the destruction of country banks has, upon three different occasions, — in 1792, in 1814, 1815, and 1816, and in 1825 and 1826, — produced an extent of bankruptcy and misery that has never, perhaps, been equalled, except by the breaking up of the Mississippi scheme in France. Government is bound to interfere to hinder the recurrence of such disastrous results. The repeal of the act of 1708, preventing the association of more than six persons for carrying on the trade of banking, has already led to the formation of joint stock banking companies in a few of the large towns ; but it remains to be seen in how far this should be regarded as an improvement. It is, indeed, quite visionary to suppose that the power to establish such banks is all that is required to establish the provincial currency on a secure foundation. What is really wanted, is not a regulation to allow banks with large capitals to be set on foot, (for there have, at all times, been many such banks in England,) but a regulation to prevent any bank, be its partners few or many, from issuing notes without previously giving security for their payment. This would render the bankruptcy of such banks impossible, and would give a degree of security to the money system of the country that it can never otherwise attain. — (The reader is referred, for a full discus- sion of this important question, to the Note on Money, in my edition of the Wealth of Nations, vol. iv. pp. 280 — 292. ) The following is an account of the number of commissions of bankruptcy issued against country bankers in England, from 1809 to 1830, both inclusive: — Years. Commissions. Years. Commissions. Years. Commissions. Years. Commissions. 1809 4 1815 25 1821 10 1826 43 1810 20 1816 37 1822 9 1827 8 1811 4 1817 3 1823 9 1828 3 1812 17 1818 3 1824 10 1829 3 1813 8 1819 13 1825 37 1830 14 1814 27 1820 4 {Appen. to Report on Bank Charter, p. 116.) Exclusive of the above, many banks stopped payments, to the great injury of their creditors and the public, that afterwards resumed them ; at the same time that the affairs of some bankrupt concerns were arranged without a commission. During the whole of this period, not a single Scotch bank gave way. The stamp duties on country bank notes have been already specified (p. 69.). Besides the stamp duties payable on notes, each individual or company issuing them must take out a licence, renewable annually, which costs 30Z. This licence specifies the names and places of abode of the body corporate, person, or persons, in the firm to whom it is granted, the name of such firm, the place where the business is carried on, &c. ; and a separate licence is to be taken out for every town or place where any notes shall be issued by or on account of any banker, &c. Unless the licence granted to persons in partnership set forth the names and places of abode of all persons concerned in the partnership, whether their names appear on the notes issued by them or not, such licence shall be absolutely void. — (55 Geo. 3. c. 184. s. 24.) For the regulations as to the issue of unstamped notes, see ante, p. 69. 96 BANKS (ENGLISH PRIVATE AND PROVINCIAL). The issue of notes for less than 51. was prohibited in England, as previously shown, from 1777 to 1797 ; but they continued to be issued from the latter period down to the 5th of April, 1829, when their further issue ceased in consequence of an act passed in 1826. This act did not extend to Scotland or Ireland, and was intended to give greater stability to the system of country banking in England, by shutting up one of the prin- cipal channels through which the inferior class of bankers had been in the habit of getting their notes into circulation. But notwithstanding it will certainly have this effect, the policy of the measure seems very doubtful. It is idle, indeed, to imagine that it can give that stability to the banking system which is so desirable ; and in proof of this, it is sufficient to state, that though none of the country banks existing in 1793 had any notes for less than 51. in circulation, -upwards of one third of their entire nurhber stopped payment during the revulsion that then took place. The truth is, that nothing but the exacting of security for payment of notes can ever place the country issue of notes on that solid foundation on which it ought to stand ; and as security may be taken for IZ. notes as easily as for those of 51., there would, were such a system adopted, be no ground for suppressing the former. Metropolitan Joint Stock Banks. — It was for a lengthened period generally under- stood, that the act of 1708, and the other acts conveying exclusive privileges to the Bank of England, not only prevented any company with more than 6 partners from issuing notes payable on demand ; but that they also prevented such companies from under- taking ordinary banking business, — that is, from receiving the money of individuals and paying their drafts, &c. Recently, however, strong doubts began to be entertained whether companies with numerous bodies of partners, established for the mere business of banking, and without issuing notes, were really prohibited by the acts in question. During the discussions on the late renewal of the charter of the Bank of England, the point was submitted for the consideration of the Attorney and Solicitor Generals, who gave it as their decided opinion, that such banks might be legally established within the limits to which the exclusive privileges of the Bank of England were restricted by the act 7 & 8 Geo. 4. c. 46. But as the opinion of other eminent lawyers differed from theirs, a clause has been inserted in the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 98., which removes all doubts on the subject, by expressly authorising the establishment of banks not issuing notes, with any number of partners, any where within the district to which the ex- clusive privileges of the Bank of England, as a bank of issue, are now restricted. — (See ante, p. 84.) Down to this period (September, 1833), no advantage has been taken of this declar- atory enactment, by the formation of a joint stock bank in the metropolis ; but several projects of the kind have been made public, and it seems most likely that some of them will be matured. It is not easy to form beforehand any certain conclusions as to the probable working of such establishments. Provided, however, that they possess large paid up capitals, and numerous bodies of partners, individually liable, as at present, for the debts of the company, it may, one should think, be fairly concluded, that they will afford comparatively safe places for the deposit of money ; and in so far their institution will be advantageous. But it is not easy to discover in what other respects they will have any superiority over the present banks. There is great weight in the following statement made by Mr. Jones Loyd before the committee on the Bank of England charter : — "I think that joint stock banks are deficient in every thing requisite for the conduct of banking business, except extended responsibility ; the banking busi- ness requires peculiarly persons attentive to all its details, constantly, daily, and hourly watchful of every transaction, much more than mercantile or trading businesses. It also requires immediate, prompt decisions upon circumstances when they arise, — in many cases a decision that does not admit of delay for consultation ; it also requires a discretion to be exercised with reference to tha special circumstances of each case. Joint stock banks being, of course, obliged to act through agents, and not by a principal, and, therefore, under the restraint of general rules, cannot be guided by so nice a reference to degrees of difference in the character or responsibility of parties ; nor can they undertake to regu- late the assistance to be granted to concerns under temporary embarrassment by so accurate a reference to the circumstances, favourable or unfavourable, of each case." — (Min. of Evid. p. 236.) We confess, too, that we have great doubts whether the competition of such banks with each other, and with the private banks, may not be productive of much inconve- nience. It will be very apt, at times, to occasion an artificial reduction of the rate of interest, and a redundancy of the currency, which must, of course, be followed by a fall of the excliange, and a period of more or less difficulty. It is stated, that the metro- politan joint stock banks are to give interest on deposits ; and if they can do so without endangering their stability, it will be an important advantage. But we have yet to learn how it is possible that a joint stock bank should be able to do what would seem to ejcceed the power of (he wealthiest and best managed private establishments. BANKS (ENGLISH PRIVATE AND niOVlNCIAL). 97 As already remarked, the only circumstance in which joint stock banks seem to liave any decided superiority over private companies, consists in their greater resjjonsibiiity. But this is not a necessary attribute of all joint stock companies. Associations of this sort may, and indeed do, exist, that are in all respects inferior to respectable private' com- panies. And it seems indispensable, in order to the prevention of fraud, that such regu- lations should be adopted as may make the public fully aware of the real nature of all joint stock associations, and of their claims to credit and confidence. Proposed Measures as to Joint Stock Banks. — The future intentions of government os to the regulation of private banking companies in England were supposed to be partially developed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his speech introducing the l)ill lor the renewal of the charter of the Bank of England. According to the statement then made, it appears to have been intended that half the subscribed capital of all banks for the issue of notes should be paid up and vested in such securities as parliament should direct ; that the responsibility of the partners in such banks should be unlimited ; and that their accounts should be periodically published. In the case of banks not issuing notes, only a fourth part of their subscribed capital was to be paid up, and the responsibility of their shareholders was to be limited. But with the exception of that part of the above plan which relates to the publication of the accounts of banks of issue, the consideration of the remainder was deferred to a more convenient opportunity ; and notwithstanding our respect for the quarter whence it pro- ceeded, we hope it may never be revived. The adoption of the proposed regulations would not have amended any one of the principal defects in the present system of English country banking, while there are not a few which it would have materially aggravated. There is not so much as the shadow of a ground for interfering with the concerns of such banks as do not issue notes, further than to let the public know with whom they are dealing, and tlie real amount of their paid up capital ; and the proposed interference in the case of banks that do issue notes, could have been productive of nothing but mischief. On this point we shall take leave to quote a conclusive paragraph from a Memorial drawn up by tlie directors of the Manchester and Liverpool District Banking Company : — " We contend, first, that, except in so far as the issue of notes is concerned, banking is essentially a private business, with which the state has no more title to interfere than it has to interfere with any other description of mercantile agency. If A. choose to deposit money in the hands of B., who lends it to others, why is the interference of government more necessary than if A. had deposited it in the hands of C, who employs it in manufactures or agriculture ? It is the duty of parliament to take care that coins, and the paper notes issued as substitutes for them, be always of their professed value ; but assuredly it is no part of its duty to inquire into the solvency of those into whose hands coins or paper may come. We contend, secondly, that, admitting it to be right to exact secvirity from banks of issue, that should not be done by the compulsory investment of a portion of their capital. The issues of one bank may be more than twice or three times the amount of its capital ; while those of another, placed in a different situation, or conducted in a different way, may be under a third or a fourth part of its capital. What, then, could be more unequal as respects the banks, and anore illusory as respects the public, than to oblige both these establishments to give security for their issues by vesting half their capital in government stock ? Were the first bank to stop payment, the security in tl:e hands of government would not afford the holders of its notes more than from 3s. 4rf. to 5s. in the pound; while, were the latter in the same predicament, the holders of i(s notes would be paid in full out of the government securities, and there would be a large surplus over. It is clear, therefore, that the security to be given by a bank of issue ought to be proportioned to its issues, and not to its capital. The former mode will effectually protect the public from loss ; the latter gives little, or rather no protf ctiou whatever." It is, in fact, quite ludicrous to tamper with a subject of this sort. Nothing short of the obligation to give security for their issues can ever give the public that effectual guarantee for the integrity of the currency that is so essential ; nor is there any other plan at once fair and equal as respects different banks. Distinction between subscribed aiid paid up Capital. Expediency of suppressing all Reference to the former. — An immediate stop ought, we think, to be put to the practice now so prevalent among joint stock banking companies, of representing their capitals as consisting, not of what has been actually paid up by the shareholders, but of what they have subscribed for. Not a few institutions have recently been set on foot in England, professing to have capitals of 1,000,OOOZ., 2,000,000Z., or more, when, in point of fact, their capital does not really consist of a tenth part of that sum. The practice is to organise u company with«some 5,000 or 10,000 shares of lOOZ. each ; but it is perfectly under- stood that not more than 5 or at most 10 per cent, of each share is to be called up ; and if more were demanded, it is most probable it could not be paid, at least witl;cut much difficulty. This practice is pregnant with mischief. In the first place, it tends 11 98 BAiSfKS (ENGLISH PRIVATE AND PROVINCIAL;. to deceive the public, who imagine there can be no risk in dealing with a bank professing to possess 1,000,000/. of capital, who yet might hesitate about having any thing to do with it, were they aware that the capital paid into its coffers, and on which it carries on business, does not really exceed 50,000Z. or 100,000Z. In the second place, this system tends to deceive the mass of the partners. These are tempted to embark in such hazardous concerns, imagining that they are to be large shareholders with but little out- lay, and that they will derive a considerable dividend upon the nominal amount of their shares ! We mistake if a good many such persons be not in the end grievously disap- pointed. Banking, in an ordinary state of things, is not a business in which large profits can be expected. It is true that many banking houses made immense sums during the war, but they did this more as dealers in the funds, and particularly by their rise on the return of peace, than as bankers. But it is needless to say that no prudently con- ducted banking establishment will now count much upon this source of emolument. At present, the dividend on the stock of the best established Scotch banks varies, we believe, from about 5 to 6 per cent. ; and as they might invest their capital at 3^ or 4 per cent., it appears that the real profits of banking, even in the best managed concerns, can hardly be estimated at more than from 1^ to 2^ per cent. It is, besides, a radical mistake to suppose that any banking concern can ever be esta- blished on a solid foundation, that is not possessed of a pretty large amount of paid up and available capital. We believe, however, that several of the joint stock companies recently established in England take a different view of this matter ; and that they trust more to deposits and credit, than to their command of capital of their own. There can be no objection to these, or, indeed, to any associations whatever, being allowed to issue notes, provided they give full security for their payment : but government and parliament will be alike neglectful of their duty to the public if they do not take imme- diate steps to compel this being done ; and to secure the currency of the country from being disturbed by the fraud, mismanagement, or insuflScient capital of its issuers. The system of advertising subscribed instead of paid up capitals ought also to be put an end to ; nor ought any association to be allowed to say that its capital exceeds what has actually been paid into its coffers. Responsibility ought not, in any Case, to he limited. — We protest against the pro- posal for allowing the partners in banks not issuing notes to limit their responsibility. Such a measure would be good for nothing, except to serve as a premium on every species of fraud. What check would there be, under such a system, to hinder the partners of a bank going on for a series of years dividing large profits, when, perhaps, they were really incurring a loss, until every farthing of its capital and deposits was absorbed ? To talk of subjecting such persons to punishment as fraudulent bankrupts, on evidence derived from their books, is absurd ; for, supposing that it was the intention of the parties to defraud, they might easily keep their books so that they could afford no information that was not false or misleading. The annexed list of joint stock banking companies shows that there is no disinclination on the part of individuals to engage in such concerns even with the present unlimited responsibility. And the way in which some of them are conducted, proves sufficiently, if any such proof were wanted, that the serious liabilities incurred by the partners are not more than enough for the protection of the public. To lessen them would be an act of gratuitous folly. If we are to interfere, let them be increased, not diminished. But in the case of banks not issuing notes, enough is done if measures be taken to prevent deception, by letting the public know the partners in them, and making sure that they shall have no means of evading the responsibility attaching to their engagements. The first object may be secured by compelling all banking associations whatever to publish annually a list of the names and addresses of their partners, with the amount of their paid up capital ; and to accomplish the latter object, we have merely to abstain from interference, and to let the law take its natural course. Accounts of Issues. — The act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 83. directs that all persons or associ- ations carrying on banking business, and issuing promissory notes payable on demand, shall keep weekly accounts of their issues ; and shall, within a month of each of the quarters ending with the 1st of April, 1st of July, 1st of October, and 1st of January, make up, from the weekly accounts, an average account, verified on oath, of their issues during the preceding quarter, which shall be transmitted to the Stamp-oflfice in London. Penalty for neglecting or refusing to make and transmit such account, 500/. on the corporation, company, persons, &c. issuing the notes, and 100/. on the secretary so offending. The wilful sending a false return to be punished as perjury. Drawing on London. — The act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 83. repeals the n^ulation in the 7 Geo. 4. c. 46., prohibiting banks with more than 6 partners from drawing on London on demand, or otherwise, for sums of less than 50Z. — § 2. BANKS (ENGLISH PRIVATE AND PROVINCIAL). 99 No. An Account of the Number of Licences taken out by Country Bankers Wales, in each Year since 1809. England and Years. Licences. Years. Licences. Years. licences. Years. Jyicences. 1809 702 1815 916 1821 781 1827 668 1810 782 1816 831 1822 776 1828 672 1811 779 1817 752 1823 779 1829 677 1812 825 1818 765 1824 788 1830 671 1813 922 1819 787 1825 797 1831 641 1814 940 1820 769 1826 809 1832 636 N. B. — The years in this account end on the 10th of October. The account for 1832 only comes down to the 26th of June. Stamp Office, 26th of June, 1832. x^o. II. — An Account of all Places where United or Joint Stock Banks have been established under the Act 7 Geo. 4. c. 46., together with the Number of Partners therein ; also, the Nominal Capital * of each such Bank, and the Amount of Capital paid up. — (Par/. Paper, No. 504. Sess. 1833.) Birmingham . _ - Liverpool - Manchester and Bolton in Lancashire, and Stockport in Cheshire. Kendal - . - . Barnsley - - ^ Birmingham ... Bradford, Yorkshire » - . Bradford, Yorkshire Bristol .... Workington, Cockermouth, Maryport, Wig- ton, Carlisle and Penrith. Darlington, Stockton and Barnard Castle, in Durham ; Northallerton and Stokesley in Yorkshire. Gloucester - - - Halifax . - . . Huddersfield Knaresborough, Wetherby, Ripon, Easing- wold, Helmsley, Thirsk, Boroughbridge, Masham, Pately Bridge, Otley and Harro- gate. Lancaster, Ulverston and Preston Leeds _ - - . . Leicester and Hinckley - - Carlisle - - - - Liverpool .... Manchester, Liverpool, Oldham, Ashton, Warrington, Bury, Preston, Blackburn and Wigan, in Lancashire ; Stockport and Nantwich in Cheshire ; Hanley, Stafford, Cheadle, Lane End and Kugeley, in Staf. fordshire; Market Drayton in Shropshire, and Glossop in Derbyshire. Mirfield, Huddersfield, Wakefield, Dews- bury and Dobcross. Norwich, SwaflFham, Foulsham, East Dere- ham, Fakenham, I>ynn, Harleston and Watton, in Norfolk : and Bungay in Suf- folk. Newcastle-upon-Tyne in Northumberland, and Sunderland in Durham. Plymouth, Devonport and Kingsbridge Saddleworth, Ashton and Oldham Sheffield - Stamford, Spalding, Market Deeping, Boston, Bourn and Grantham, in Lincolnshire; Oundle, Kettering, Thrapstone and Peter- borough, in Northamptonshire; Oakham and Uppingham, in Rutlandshire ; Melton Mowbray and Market Harborough, in Leicestershire ; Huntingdon in Hunts, and Wisbeach in Cambridgeshire. Bristol, Bridgewater, Taunton, Chard, Crew- kerne, llminster, Langport, Wells, Bruton and Shepton Mallet Wakefield Whitehaven and Penrith Wolverhampton - . - York, Malton, Selby, Howden, Scarborough and Goolc. York, Bridlington and Great Driffield The Bank of Birmingham The Bank of Liverpool The Bank of Manchester - - The Bank of Westmorland The Barnsley Banking Company The Birmingham Banking Company The Bradford Banking Company The Bradford Commercial Joint Stock Banking Company. The Bristol Old Bank The Cumberland Union Banking Company - The Darlington District Joint Stock Bank- ing Company. The Gloucestershire Banking Company The Halifax Joint Stock Banking Company The Huddersfield Banking Company The Knaresborough and Claro Banking Company. The Lancaster Banking Company The Leeds Banking Company The Leicestershire Banking Company The Leith Banking Company The Liverpool Commercial Banking Com- pany. The Manchester and Liverpool District Banking Company. The Mirfield and Huddersfield District Banking Company. The Norfolk and Norwich Joint Stock Bank- ing Company. North of England Joint Stock Banking Com- pany. Plymouth and Devonport Banking Company The Saddleworth Banking Company The Sheffield Banking Company The Stamford and Spalding Joint Stock Bank- ing Company. Stuckey's Banking Company The Wakefield Banking Company The Whitehaven Joint Stock Banking Com- pany. The W^olverhampton and Staffiardshire Banking Company. The York City and County Banking Com. pany. The York Union Banking Company * This department is not in possession of any information which enables a statement to be the nominal capital of each such Bank, and the amount of capital paid up. Stamps and Taxes, Somerset Place, 4th of July, 1833. H 2 0 -- . 100 BANKS (SCOTCH). It is not possible to obtain any accurate account of the number of country notes in circulation at different periods. But the following table, drawn up by the late Mr. Mushet, of the Mint, founded pai-tly on official returns, and partly on the estimates of Mr. Sedgwick, late chairman of the Board of Stamps, is, so far as it goes, the most complete and comprehensive hitherto published. No. III. — An Account of theTfJumber of Country Bank Notes, of all Denominations, stamped in each Year, ending Oct. 10., from 1804 to 1825 inclusive, with the Percentage of Increase and Decrease, comparing each Year with the Year preceding; together with an Estimate of the total Amount in Circulation, according to Mr. Sedgwick's Tables, in each Year, from 1804 to 1825 inclusive ; with the Percentage of Increase and Decrease, comparing each Year with the Year preceding. The Amount of Coun- The Amount of Coun- The Percent- The Percent- try Bank Notes in Cir- The Percent- The Percent- try Sank Notes of all age of Mr. Sedgwick's 'f'a- age of Denominations stamp- Increase, com- Decrease, com- Increase, com- Decrease, com- Vears. ed in each vear, end- peiring each paring each bles, in each year, ending Oct. 10., from paring each ^ar witli the paring each ing Oct. "10., from year with the year with the year with the 1804 to 1825. year preceding. year preceding. 1804 to 1825 inclu- year preceding. year preceding. 1805 11,342,413 11,480,547 1806 12 1807 6,587,398 42-6 18,021,900 1808 8,653,077 23-8 ' 16,871,524 6-3 1809 15,737,986* 81-8 23,702,493 40-5 1810 10,517,519 33-1 23,893,868 •8 1811 8,792,433 10,577,134 12,615,509 16-4 21,453,000 1-6 1812 20-3 19,944,000 22,597,000 7- 1813 19-2 13-3 1814 10,773,375 14-6 22,709,000 •5 1815 7,^24,949 29 2 19,011,000 16-3 1816 6,423,466 15-7 15,096,000 20-6 1817 9,075,958 41-1 " 15,898,000 20,507,000 5-3 1818 12,316,868 35-7 29- 1819 6,130,313 50-2 ' 17,366,875 15-3 1820 3,574,894 417 11,767,391 32-2 3821 3,987,582 115 " 8,414,281 28-5 1822 4,217,241 4,657,589 5-7 8,067,260 8,798,277 4 1 1823 10-4 9- 18^24 6,093,367 SO-8 10,604,172 20-5 182'") 8,532,438 40- 14,147,211 23-4 No. IV. — An Account of the Value of Country Bank Notes, of all Denominations, stamped in each Year from 1826 to 1832, both inclusive. Years. Value. Years. Value. 1826 1827 1828 1829 £ 1,239,755 1,970,595 2,842,130 2,403,700 1830 1831 1832 £ 1,955,430 2,217,915 1,751,685 {.Pari. Paper, Na 456. Sess. 1833.) JV. B. — No 1/. and 11. notes were stamped after the 3d of February, 1826. IV. Banks (Scotch). The act of 1 708, preventing more than 6 individuals from entering into a partnership for carrying on the business of banking, did not extend to Scotland. In consequence of this exemption, several banking companies, with numerous bodies of partners, have always existed in that part of the empire. Banh of Scotland. — This institution was projected by Mr. John Holland, merchant of London, and was established by act of the Scotch parliament (Will. 3. Pari. 1. § 5.) in 1695, by the name of the Governor and Company of the Bank of Scotland. Its ori- ginal capital was 1,200,000Z. Scotch, or 100,000Z. sterling, distributed in shares of 1,000?. Scotch, or S?>1. 6s. 8d. sterling, each. The act exempted the capital of the bank from all public burdens ; and gave it the exclusive privilege of banking in Scotland for 21 years. The objects for which the bank was instituted, and its mode of management, were in- tended to be, and have been, in most respects, similar to those of the Bank of England. The responsibility of the shareholders is limited to the amount of their shares. The capital of the bank was increased to 200,000/. in 1744; and was enlarged by subsequent acts of parliament, the last of which (44 Geo. 3. c. 23.) was passed in 1804, to 1,500,000Z., its present amount. Of this sum, 1,000,000Z. has been paid up. The last mentioned act directed that all sums relating to the affairs of the bank should hence- forth be rated in sterling money, that the former mode of dividing bank stock by shares should be discontinued, and that, for the future, it should be transferred in any sums or parcels. On the union of the two kingdoms in 1707, the Bank of Scotland under- took the rccoinnge, and effected the exchange of the currency in Scotland : it WH6 also lljc organ of government, in the i.ssue of the new silver coinage in 1817. * In 1809, the duty on 1/. notes was increased from 3(1. to 4d., and may account for the great increase in ih'n ytar, the notes bearing a Sd. stamp being no longer issuable. BANKS (SCOTCH). 101 The Bank of Scotland is the only Scotch bank constituted by act of parliament. It began to establish branches in 1696 ; and issued notes for 1/. so early as 1704. Tlie bank also began, at a very early period, to receive deposits on interest, and to grant credit on cash accounts ; a minute of the directors with respect to the mode of keeping the latter, being dated so far back as 1729. It is, therefore, entitled to the credit of having intro- duced and established the distinctive principles of the Scotch banking system, which, whatever may be its defects, is probably superior to every other system hitherto esta- blished. Generally speaking, the Bank of Scotland has always been conducted on sound and liberal principles; nor can there be a doubt that it has been productive, both directly and as an example to other banking establishments, of much public utility and advantage. It may be worth mentioning, that the act of Will. 3., establishing the Bank of Scot- land, declared that all foreigners who became partners in the bank, should, by doing so, become, to all intents and purposes, naturalised Scotchmen. After being for a long time forgotten, this clause was taken advantage of in 1818, when several aliens acquired pro- perty in the bank in order to secure the benefit of naturalisation. But after being suspended, the privilege was finally cancelled in 1822. We subjoin an official abstract of the constitution and objects of the Bank of Scotland, printed for the use of the proprietors in 1818; — the terms and mode of transacting business are, of course, sometimes altered, according to circumstances. I. The Bank of Scotland is a public national establishment ; erected and regulated by the legislature alone : and expressly as a public Bank in this kingdom ; for the benefit of the nation, and for the advancement of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures ; and for other objects of public policy {fVm. Pari. 1. ^ 5. ; 14 Geo. 3. c. 32. ; 24 Geo. a c. 8. ; 32 Geo. 3. c 25. ; 34 Geo. 3. c. 19. ; 44 Geo. 3. c. 23.) II. The statutory capital is at present 1,500,OOOZ. sterling. It is raised by vnluntary subscription ; .and has been subscribed for. 1,000,000/. has been called for, and paid in. — (44 Geo. 3. c. 23.) III. Subscribers, if not under obligation to the Bank, may, at pleasure, transfer their right. If under obligation to the Bank, the obligation must be previously liquidated ; or, the proceeds of the sale, at a price to the satisfaction of the directors, must be applied towards such liquidation. Transfers are made by a short assignment and acceptance thereof, both in a register appointed for that purpose. ' The ex- pense, beside the government stamp, is lis. — {Will. Pari. 1. ^ 5.) IV. Bank of Scotland stock may be acquired, in any portions, by any person, community, or other lawful party whatsoever J without selection, exclusion, or limitation of numbers. — {IVill. Vatl. 1. ^5.; 44 Geo. 3. c. 23.) V. Bank of Scotland stock may be conveyed by latter will, and, if specially mentioned, without ex- pense of confirmation. It cannot be arrested : the holder's right may be adjudged. Dividends may be arrested. — ( Will. Pari. 1. § 5.) VI. The Bank of Scotland is a public corporation by act of parliament. The Bank's transactions are distinct from those of the stockholders ; and theirs from those of the Bank. — ( Will. Pari. 1. § 5.) VII. The establishment is expressly debarred from any other business than that of banking. — (.Will. Pari. 1. ^ 5.) VIII. The management is vested, by statute, in a governor, deputy governor, twelve ordinary, and twelve extraordinary directors. They are chosen annually, on the last Tuesday of March, by tlie stockholders having 2501. of stock or upwards. Those above 2501. have a vote for every 2.'50/. ; to 5,000/., or 20 votes. No person can have more than 20 votes. The governor must hold, at least, 2,000/. of stock ; the deputy governor 1,500/. ; and each director 750/. They swear to be equal to all persons : and cannot hold any inferior office in the Bank. — ( WiU. Pari. 1. ^ 5. ; 14 Geo. 3. c. 32. ; 44 Geo. 3. c. 23.) IX. The executive part is conducted by a treasurer, secretary, and other public officers, all sworn. Those having the official charge of ca.sli find due security. — {Will. Pari. 1. § 5.) X. The Board of directors sits for the general administration of the Bank, at the Bank's Public Head Olllce in Edinburgh. The local business of that district is also conducted at that oflice. For the local business in the other parts of the kingdom, the Bank has its regular public offices in the principal towns. At each of these offices, there is the Bank agent or cashier, who gives due security, and conducts the Bank's business for that district, in the manner after mentioned. There is aho the Bank's accountant for that office ; who is appointed by the directors. — {Will. Pari. 1. § 5.) XI. The Bank takes in money, at all its public offices, on deposit receipts or promissory notes, or on current deposit account.* At the Head Office, draughts on London, or on any of the agencies, are given : at each agency, draughts on London, or on the Head Otiice, are given. All these documents are on t/ie Bank's check (and sealed with the Bank's sealf). They bear, in words, to be " For the Bank of Scotl.nnd ; " or, " For the Governor and Company of the Bank of Scotland.'' These documents are signed, if at Eidinburgh, by the treasurer, and countersigned by the principal accountant : if at au agency, they must be signed by the Bank's agent as agent, and countersigiied by the Rank's acr covntant for that agency ; otherwise they infer no obligation on the Bank. — {Resolution of Court, * 28th Feb. 1793.) XII. Bills on London, Edinburgh, or any town where the Bank has its official correspondents, are dis- counted and purchased at all the Bank's public offices. The Bank's agents judge, in ordinary cases, of the bills presented ; so that parties meet with no delay. The Bank does not sell, at any of its offices, the bills which it has discounted and purchased. Its agerits cannot indorse its bills, unless officially to the treasurer. — {Resolution of Court, 23d Feb. 1789.) XIII. Government stock and other public funds, transferable in London, may be purchased or sold, and dividends thereon may be received, througli the Bank. XIV. The Bank gives credit on cash accounts at any of its offices, on bond, with security. The secu- rity may be personal co-obligants, conjunctly and severally; or Bank of Scotland stock; or both : or such other security as may be specially agreed on. Applications for cash accounts are given in to the office where liie casn account is wanted, and must specify the credit desired, and the security proposed ; and the individual partners, where copartneries are proposed. Cash accounts are granted by the directors only ; and are not recalled unless by their special authority. It is understood that these credits are r,ot used as dead loans, to produce interest only. In the fair course of business, the advantage of the Bank * The Bank has always allowed interest on deposits. The rate allowed varies, of course, with the variations in the market rate. During the greater part of the late war it vvi* as high as 4 per cent. ; but at present it is only 2 per cent. f The seal is now dispensed with, except on the Bank's notes. II 3 102 BANKS (SCOTCH). IS consulted by an active circulation of its notes, and by frequent repayments to it in a way least afftctJng that circulation. -r/^eso/M^ora of Court, 6th Nov. 1729, and 23d Feb. 1789.) XV. The Bank's dividend of profits has for some time been 91 per cent, per annum (at present, 1833, it is 6 per cent.) on that part of its capital stock, or 1,000,000/. sterling, paid in. The dividends are paid regularly twice a year, without expense. They may be drawn either at the Bank's Head Office, or at any of its other offices, as most agreeable to the stockholder. By Order of the Court of Directors. 6th Nov. 1818. Most of the other Scotch banks are conducted on the same principles and in the same way as the Bank of Scotland, so that the details as to its management will nearly apply to them all. The Royal Bank of Scotland was established in 1727. Its original capital was 151,000/. At present it amounts to 2,000,000/. The British Linen Company was incorporated in 1746, for the purpose, as its name implies, of undertaking the manufacture of linen. But the views in which it originated were speedily abandoned ; and it became a banking company only. Its capital amounts to 5O0,O00Z. None of the other banking companies established in Scotland are chartered asso- ciations, with limited responsibility ; the partners being jointly and individually liable, to the whole extent of their fortunes, for the debts of the firms. Some of them, such as the National Bank, the Commercial Banking Company, the Dundee Commercial Bank, the Perth Banking Company, &c., have very numerous bodies of partners. Their affairs are uniformly conducted by a Board of directors, annually chosen by the shareholders. The Bank of Scotland began, as already stated, to issue \l. notes so early as 1704; and their issue has since been continued without interruption. " In Scotland," to use the statement given in the Report of the Committee of the House of Commons of 1826, on the Promissory Notes of Scotland and Ireland, " the issue of promissory notes payable to the bearer on demand, for a sum of not less than 20s. has been at all times permitted by law ; nor has any act been passed, limiting the period for which such issue shall continue legal in that country. In England, the issue of promissory notes for a less sum than 51. was prohibited by law from the year 1777 to the period of the Bank Restriction in 1797. It has been permitted since 1797; and the permission will cease, as the law at present stands, in April, 1829." There have been comparatively few bankruptcies among the Scotch banks. In 1793 and 1825, when so many of the English provincial banks were swept off, there was not a single establishment in Scotland that gave way. This superior stability seems to be ascribable partly to the formation of so many banks with numerous bodies of partners, which tends to prevent any company with only a few partners, unless they are known to possess considerable fortunes, from getting paper into circulation ; partly to the less risk attending the business of banking in Scotland ; and partly to the facility afforded by the law of Scotland of attaching a debtor's property, whether it consist of land or moveables, and making it available to the payment of his debts. In the Report already quoted, the last-mentioned topic is touched upon as follows : — " The general provisions of the law of Scotland bearing upon this subject are cal- culated to promote the solidity of banking establishments, by affording to the creditor great facilities of ascertaining the pecuniary circumstances of individual partners, and by making the private fortunes of those partners available for the discharge of the obligations of the bank with which they are connected. There is no limitation upon the number of partners of which a banking company in Scotland may consist ; and, ex- cepting in the case of the Bank of Scotland and the two chartered banks, which have very considerable capitals, the partners of all banking companies are bound jointly and severally, so that each partner is liable, to the whole extent of his fortxme, for the whole debts of the company. A creditor in Scotland is empowered to attach the real and heritable, as well as the personal estate of his debtor, for payment of personal debts, among which may be classed debts due by bills and promissory notes ; and recourse may be had, for the purpose of procuring payment, to each description of property at the same time. Execution is not confined to the real property of a debtor merely during his life, but proceeds with equal effect upon that property after his decease. " The law relating to the establishment of records gives ready means of procuring information with respect to the real and heritable estate of which any person in Scotland may be possessed. No purchase of an estate in that country is secure until the seisine (that is, the instrument certifying that actual delivery has been given) is put on record, nor is any mortgage effectual until the deed is in like manner recorded. " In the case of conflicting pecuniary claims ui)on real property, the preference is not regulated by the date of the transaction, but hy the date of its record. These records are accessible to all persons; and thus the public can with ease ascertain the effective means wln"ch a banking company possesses of discharging its obligations ; -and the partners in that coin])any arc enabled to determine, with tolerable accuracy, the degree of risk and responsibility to which the private property of each is cxjjosed." BANKS (SCOTCH). 103 Deposits. — As was previously observed, all the Scotch banks receive deposits of so low a value as 10/., and sometimes lower, and allow interest upon them. " The interest," say the committee, " allowed by the Bank upon deposits varies from time to time according to the current rate of interest which money generally bears. At present (1826) the interest allowed upon deposits is 4 per cent." (At this moment (1833) the interest allowed on deposits is only 2 or 2^ per cent.) " It has been calculated that the aggregate amount of the sums deposited with the Scotch banks amounts to about 20,000,000/. or 21,000,000/." (It is believed to be now, (1833,) little if any thing under 24,000,000/.) " The precise accuracy of such an esti- mate cannot of course be relied on. The witness by whom it was made thought that the amount of deposits could not be less than 16,000,000/., nor exceed 25,000,000/., and took an intermediate sum as the probable amount. Another witness, who had been connected for many years with different banks in Scotland, and has had expe- rience of their concerns at Stirling, Edinburgh, Perth, Aberdeen, and Glasgow, stated that more than one half of the deposits in the banJts with which he had been connected were in sums from ten pounds to two hundred pounds. Being asked what class of the commu- nity it is that makes the small deposits, he gave the following answer, from which it appears that the mode of conducting this branch of the banking business in Scotland has long given to that country many of the benefits derivable from the establishment of savings banks. " Question, What class of the community is it that makes the smallest deposits? — Answer. They are generally the labouring classes in towns like Glasgow : in country places, like Perth and Aberdeen, it is from servants and fishermen, and that class of the community, who save small sums from their earnings, till they come to be a bank deposit. There is now a facility for their placing money in the Provident Banks, which receive money till the deposit amounts to 10/. When it comes to 10/., it is equal to the minimum of a bank deposit. The system of banking in Scotland is an extension of the Provident Bank system. Half-yearly or yearly those depositors come to tlie bank, and add the savings of their labour, with the interest that has accrued upon the deposits from the previous half year or year, to the principal ; and in this way it goes on without being at all reduced, accumulating (at compound interest) till the depositor is able either to buy or build a house, when it comes to be 100/., or 200/., or 300/., or till he is able to commence business as a master in the line in which he has hitherto been a servant. A great part of the depositors of the bank are of that description, and a great part of the most thriving of our farmers and manufacturers have arisen from such beginnings.^'' Cash Accounts, or Credits. — The loans or advances made by the Scotch banks are either in the shape of discounts, or upon cash credits, or, as they are more commonly termed, cash accounts. This species of account does not differ in principle from an over-drawing accoiuit at a private banker's in England. A cash credit is a credit given to an individual by a bank- ing company for a limited sum, seldom under 100/. or 200/., upon his own security, and that of two or three individuals approved by the bank, who become sureties for its pay- ment. The individual who has obtained such a credit is enabled to draw the whole sum, or any part of it, when he pleases ; replacing it, or portions of it, according as he finds it convenient ; interest being charged upon such part only as he draws out. *' If a man borrows 5,000/. from a private hand, besides that it is not always to be found when required, he pays interest for it whether he be using it or not. His bank credit costs him nothing, except during the moment it is of service to him ; and this circumstance is of equal advantage as if he had borrowed money at a much lower rate of interest." — (Hume^s Essay on the Balance of Trade.) This, then, is plainly one of the most commodious forms in which advances can be made. Cash credits are not, however, intended to be a dead loan ; the main-t)bject of the banks in granting them is to get their notes circulated, and they do not grant them except to persons in business, or to those who are frequently drawing out and paying in money. The system of cash credits has been very well described in the Report of the Lords' Committee of 1826, on Scotch and Irish Banking. " There is also," say their lordships, " one part of their system, which is stated by all the witnesses (and, in the opinion of the committee, very justly stated) to have had the best effects upon the people of Scotland, and particularly upon the middling and poorer classes of society, in producing and en- couraging habits of frugality and industry. The practice referred to is that of cash cre(fits. Any person who applies to a bank for a cash credit, is called upon to produce two or more competent sureties, who are jointly bound ; and after a full inquiry into the character of the applicant, the nature of his business, and the sufficiency of his securities, he is allowed to open a credit, and to draw upon the bank for the whole of its a:nount, or for such part as his daily transactions may require. To the credit of the account he pays in such sums as he may not have occasion to use, and interest is charged or credited H 4 104. BANKS (SCOTCH). upon the daily balance, as the case may be. From the facility which these cash credits give to all the small transactions of the country, and from the opportunities which they atibrd to persons, who begin business with little or no capital but their character, to employ profitably the minutest products of their industry, it cannot be doubted that the most important advantages are derived to the whole community. The advantage to the banks who give these cash credits arises from the call which they continually produce for the issue of their paper, and from the opportunity which they afford for the profitable employment of part of their deposits. The banks are indeed so sensible, that in order to make this part of their business advantageous and secure, it is necessary that their cash credits should (as they express it) be frequently operated upon, that they refuse to con- tinue them unless this implied condition be fulfilled. The total amount of their cash credits is stated by one witness to be 5,000,000/., of which the average amount advanced by the banks may be one third." The expense of a bond for a cash credit of 500Z. is stamp duty, and a charge of from 5s. to 10s. 6d. per cent, for filling it up. Circulation, ^c. — According to a demi-official return given in the Commons' Report already referred to, the total number of notes m circulation in Scotland, in the early part of 1826, amounted to 3,309,082 ; of which 2,079,344 were under 5l, and 1,229,838, 51 and upwards. The Scotch banks draw on London at 20 days' date. This is denominated the par of exchange between London and Edinburgh. Most of the great Scotch banks, such as the Bank of Scotland, the Royal Bank, &c., have established branches in other towns besides that where the head office is kept. By the act 9 Geo. 4. c. 65., to restrain the negotiation in England of Scotch or Irish promissory notes and bills under 51., it is enacted, that if any body politic or corporate, or person, shall, after the 5th of April, 1829, publish, utter, negotiate, or transfer, in any part of England, any promissory or other note, draft, engagement, or undertaking, pay- able on demand to the bearer, for any sura less than 51., purporting to have been made or issued in Scotland or Ireland, every such body politic or corporate, or person, shall forfeit for every such offence not more than 20Z. nor less than 51. Nothing contained in this act applies to any draft or order drawn by any person on his or her banker, or on any person acting as such banker, for the payment of money held by such banker or person for the use of the person by whom such draft or order shall be drawn. No. I. — Tlie following Table contains an Account of the Number of Banks in Scotland; the Names of the Firms or Banks ; Dates of their Establishment ; Places of the Head Offices ; Number of Branches ; Number of Partners ; and the Names of their London Agents.— (Extracted principally from the Appendix, p. 19. to the Commons' Report of 18'i6, on Scotch and Irish Baiiking.) Names of Firms or Banks. Date. Head Office. No. of Branches No. of Partners. London Agents. 1 2 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1-2 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 2o 27 28 29 30 Bap.k of Scotland Royal Bank of Scotland British Linen Company Aberdeen Banking Company Aberdeen Town and Coun. Bk. Arbroath Banking Company Carrick and Co. or Ship Bank Com. Bank. Comp. of Scotland Commercial Banking Comp. Dundi-e Banking Company - Dundee New Bank Dundee Commercial Bank - Dundee Union Bank - Falkirk Banking Company - Greenock Banking Company Glasgow Banking Company - Hunters and Co. Leith Banking Company National Bank of Scotland - Montrose Bank Paisley Banking Company - Paisley Union Bank Perth Banking Company Perth Union Bank Ramsay's, Bonar's, and Co. - Renfrewshire Banking Comp. Shetland Hank - - Sir Wni. Forbes and Co. Stirling Banking Company - Thistle Bank 1695 1727 1746 1767 18'25 1825 1746 1810 1778 1777 1802 1825 1809 1787 1785 1809 1773 1792 18i;5 1814 1783 1788 1766 1738 1802 1777 1761 Edinburgh Ditto Ditto Aberdeen Ditto Arbroath Glasgow Edinburgh Aberdeen Dundee Ditto Ditto Ditto Falkirk Greenock Glasgow Ayr Leith Fdinburgh Montrose Paisley Ditto Perth Ditto Kdinburgh Greenock I erwick Edinburgh Stirling Glasgow 16 1 27 6 4 2 None SI None None 1 None 4 I 3 1 3 4 8 2 4 3 None 5 2 None Act of P. Charter Ditto 80 446 112 3 521 15 61 6 202 85 5 14 19 8 15 1,238 97 6 4 147 8 6 4 7 7 6 Coutts and Co. Bank of England, and ditto. Smith, Payne, and Co. Glyn and Co. Jones, Loyd, and Co. Glyn and Co. Smith, Payne, and Co. Jones, Loyd, and Co. Kinloch and Sons. Kinloch and Sons. Ransom and Co. Glyn and Co. Glyn and Co. Remington and Co. Kay and Co. Ransom and Co., Glyn and Co. Herries and Co. Barnet and Co. Glyn and Co. Barclay and Co. Smith, Payne, and Co. Glyn and Co. Barclay and Co. Remington and Co. Coutts and Co. Kay and Co. Barclay and Co. Barclay & Co., Coutts & Co. Kinloch and Sons. Smith, Payne, and Co. Private Banking Companies in Edinburgh who do not issue Notes. Names of Firms or Banks. Date. Head Office. No. of Brandies. No. of Partners. London Agents. 1 2 3 Messrs. Kinnear, Smith, & Co Robert Allan and Son . James Inglis and Co. - \H:]() 1776 Kdiiibu'gh Ditto Ditto None None None Smith, Payne, and Co. IJosanquet and Co. Bosanquct and Co. I BANKS (IRISH). 105 No. IT. — An Account of the Number of Licences taken out by Country Bankers in Scotland for the Years ending tlie 10th of October, 1824., 1825, 182G. and 1827 ; specifying such as have been given to Firms carrying on Business in more Places than one. 1824. 1825. i8i.'a 1827. Number of licences issued to bankers who issue notes at one place only 10 1.3 y Ditto to bankers who issue notes at two different places - - - 10 12 12 I Ditto to bankers who issue notes at three different jjlaces - - 6 6 1" 56 Ditto to bankers who issue notes at four or more places 52 .02 GO 78 8;J 89 IT Certified. Thomas Pundeh, Compt. Stamp Office, Edinburgh, 4th of March, 1828 No. III. — Statement of the Number of Persons convicted of Forgery of all Instruments connected with the Chartered and other Banks of Scotland ; whether of Bank Notes, of Post Bills, Bills of Exchange, or otherwise, from 1791 to 1829, both inclusive; particularising the Capital Convictions upon which Execution took place, and the Cases of mitigated Punishment. For Forging. For Uttering. Total Number Convicted. Number were Pains of Law restricted, and Sentence short of Death pronounced. Number on wliom Capital Sentence pro- Number whose Sentences were miti- gated by His Majesty. Number Executed nounced. Pardoned. Commuted. 49 150 199 -472 27 2 11 16 Edinburgh, Certified by Ja. Andebson, 18th of June, 1830. Depute Clerk of Justiciary. V. Banks (Irish). " In no country, perhaps," says Sir Henry Parnell, " has the issuing of paper money been carried to such an injurious excess as in Ireland. A national bank was established in 1783, with similar privileges to those of the Bank of England, in respect to the restriction of more than 6 partners in a bank ; and the injury that Ireland has sustained from the repeated failure of banks may be mainly attributed to this defective regulation. Had the trade of banking been left as free in Ireland as it is in Scotland, the want of paper money that would have arisen with the progress of trade would, in all probability, have been supplied by joint stock companies, supported with large capitals, and governed by wise and effectual rules. "In 17 97, when the Bank of England suspended its payments, the same privilege was extended to Ireland ; and after this period the issues of the Bank of Ireland were rapidly increased. In 1797, the amount of the notes of the Bank of Ireland in circulation was 621,917Z. ; in 1810, 2,266,471Z. ; and in 1814, 2,986,9997. " These increased issues led to corresponding increased issues by the private banks, of which the number was 50 in the year 1804. The conseqvience of this increase of paper was a great depreciation of it; the price of bullion and guineas rose to 10 per cent, above the mmt price; and the exchange with London became as high as 18 per cent., the par being 8g. . This unfavourable exchange was afterwards corrected ; not by any reduction in the issues of the Bank of Ireland, but by the depreciation of the British currency in the year 1810, when the exchange between London and Dublin settled again at about par. " The loss that Ireland has sustained by the failure of banks may be described in a few words. It appears by the Report of the Committee on Irish Exchanges in 1804, that there were at that time in Ireland .50 registered banks. Since that year, a great many more have been established ; but the whole have failed, one after the other, involv- ing tlie country from time to time in immense distress, with the following exceptions : — first, a few that withdrew from business ; secondly, four banks in Dublin ; thirdly, three at Belfast ; and, lastly, one at Mallow. These eight banks, with the new Provin- cial Bank, and the Bank of Ireland, are the only banks now existing in Ireland. " In 1821, in consequence of 11 banks having failed nearly at the same time, in the preceding year, in the south of Ireland, government succeeded in making an arrangement with the Bank of Ireland, by which joint stock companies were allowed to be established at a distance of 50 miles (Irish) from Dublin, and the bank was permitted to increase its capital 500,000Z. The act of 1 & 2 Geo. 4. c. 72. was founded on this agreement. " But ministers having omitted to repeal in this act various restrictions on the trade of banking that had been imposed by 33 Geo. 2. c. 14., no new company was formed. In "1824, a party of merchants of Belfast, wishing to establish a joint stock company, petitioned parliament for the repeal of this act of Geo. 2. ; and an act was accordingly passed in that session, repealing some of the most objectionable restrictions of it (the 5 Geo. 4. c. 73.). " In consequence of this act, the Northern Bank of Belfast was converted into a joint stock company, with a capital of 500,000/., and commenced business on the 1st of 106 BANKS (IRISH). January, 1825. But the remaining restrictions of 33 Geo. 2., and certain provisions contained in the new acts of 1 & 2 Geo. 3. and 5 Geo. 4., obstructed the progress of this company, and they found it necessary to apply to government to remove them ; and a biU vi'as accordingly introduced, which would have repealed all the obnoxious clauses of the 33 Geo. 2., had it not been so altered in the committee as to leave several of them in force. In 1825, the Provincial Bank of Ireland commenced business, with a capital of 2,000,000Z. ; and the Bank of Ireland has of late established branches in all the principal towns in Ireland. " The losses that have been sustained in Ireland by abusing the power of issuing paper have been so great, that much more is necessary to be done, by way of protecting the public from future loss, than the measure proposed last session (1826) by ministers, of abolishing small notes ; and the measure already adopted, of allowing joint stock com- panies to be established in the interior of the country. As the main source of the evi) consists in the interference of the law in creating a national bank with exclusive privi- leges, the first step that ought to be taken for introducing a good system into Ireland is the getting rid of such a bank, and opening the trade of banking in Dublin. The next measure should be the requiring of each bank to give security for the amount of paper that is issued ; for after the experience of the ignorance with which the Irish banks have conducted their business, and the derangement of the natural course of the trade by the long existence of the Bank of Ireland, it would be unwise to calculate upon a sound system of banking speedily supplanting that which has been established. " Under the circumstances in which Ireland is placed, nothing would so much contri-. bute to her rapid improvement in wealth, as the introducing of the Scotch plan of cash credits, and of paying interest on deposits. By cash credits, the capital which now exists would be rendered more efficient, and the paying of interest on small deposits would lead to habits of economy, and to the more rapid accumulation of new capital. " The charter of the Bank of Ireland has still to run till the year 1838." — ( Observ- ations on Paper Money, ^c, by Sir Henry Parnell, pp. 171 — 177.) The capital of the Bank of Ireland at its establishment in 1783 amounted to 600,000/. ; but it has been increased at various periods ; and has, since 1821, amounted to 3,000,000/. At present, no bank having more than 6 partners can be established any where within 50 Irish miles of Dublin ; nor is any such bank allowed to draw bills upon Dublin for less than 50/., or at a shorter date than 6 months. This enactment seems to amount to a virtual prohibition of the drawing of such bills. The Bank of Ireland draws on London at 20 days' date. She neither grants cash credits, nor allows any interest on deposits. She discounts at the rate of 51. per cent. In 1828, the currency of Ireland was assimilated to that of Great Britain. Previously to that period, the currency of the former was 8i per cent, less valuable than that of the latter. Account of Bank of Ireland Notes in Circulation, including Bank Post Bills, in each Half Year, com- mencing with the Half Year ending 1st of January, 1797, to 1st of January, 1819, inclusive. January 1. July 1. January 1. July 1. 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 180fi 1807 £ [733,763 1,081,512 1,363,710 1,928,381 2,350,133 2,431,152 2,662,405 2,798,767 2,817,697 2,560,271 2,693,796 2,746,717 £ 785,101 1,245,214 1,557,737 2,317,235 2,323,901 2,587,187 2,617,144 2,859,977 2,778,635 2,517,581 2,789,544 2,798,835 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 £ 3,002,699 3,170,064 3,331,892 3,616.476 3,957;920 4,165,906 4,528,041 4,179,549 4,277,018 4,387,155 4,477,019 £ 3,144,677 3,171,607 3,472,781 3,763,229 4,199,474 4,281,449 4,434,455 4,193,853 4,304,040 4,413,463 An Account of the Average Amount of Bank of Ireland Notes, including Bank Post Bills, issued during the Six Years ending with 1825. Years. Notes and Bills Irish Currency. Years. Notes and Bills Irish Currency. 1820 1821 1822 of 51. and upwards under 51. 0(51. and upwards under 51. . of 51. and upwards under 51. - £ s. 2,894,777 5 1,314,806 15 3,501,119 11 1,710,603 3 £ s. 4,209,584 0 5,211,792 14 5,170,432 3 1823 1824 1825 of 51. and upwards under 51. . of 51. and upwards under 5/. - of 51. and upwards under 51. - £ s. 3,528,625 7 1,588,764 7 £ s, 5,117,389 14 5,(22,455 14 6,411,349 8 3,890,337 8 1,732,118 6 3,618,111 1 1,552,321 2 4,446,995 0 1,964,354 8 {Commons Report of 1826, p. 29.) There is no later account of the circulation of the Bank of Ireland, or of the other Irish banks. The entire paper circulation of Ireland may now, probably, amount to between 7,000,000^. and 8,000,000/. sterling. BANKS (FOREIGN). 107 It appears from the statements given in the Report of tlie Commons' Committee of 1826, that the average value of the notes and post bills of the Bank of Ireland of 5L and upwards in circulation, during the five years ending vi^ith 1825, amounted to 3,646,660/. Irish currency ; and that the average value of the notes and post bills under 51. in circulation during the same period amounted to 1,643,828/. Irish currency. The average value of the notes of all descriptions issued by the other banking establishments in Ireland, in 1825, amounted to 1,192,886/. Provincial Bank of Ireland. — This important establishment was, as already stated, founded in 1825. Its subscribed capital consists of 2,000,000/., divided into 20,000 shares of 100/. each, of which 25 per cent., or 500,000/., has been paid up. Its head office is in I^ondon j and at present it has subordinate offices in Cork, Limerick, Clonmel, Londonderry, Sligo, Wexford, Waterford, Belfast, Galway, Armagh, Athlone, Coleraine, Kilkenny, Ballina, Tralee, Youghall, Enniskillen, Monaghan, Banbridge, and BalJy- mena. The last 5 have been opened since 1831. The entire management of the establishment is vested in the court of directors in London. The business of the branch banks is conducted, under the control of the head office, by the managers, with the advice and assistance of 2 or more gentlemen of respectability in the district, each holding 10 shares in the bank. The business consists of discounting bills; granting cash credits, after the manner of the Scotch banks; receiving deposits, on which interest, varying according to circumstances, is allowed ; in drawing and giving letters of credit on other places of Ireland, Great Britain, &c. ; and of other details incident to banking. It has had several pretty severe runs to sustain. In the course of a single week, in October, 1828, about 1,000,000/. in gold was sent from England to Ireland on account of the Provincial Bank ! This prompt and ample supply effectually maintained the credit of the establishment, and did much to restore confidence. The notes of the Provincial Bank have always been payable at the places where they are issued. The Bank of Ireland began to establish branches in 1825; but the notes issued by her branches were not, at first, payable except at the head office in Dublin. This distinction, which tended to throw the principal pressure of runs in the country on the Provincial Bank, and other private companies, was abolished by the act 9 Geo. 4. c. 81., which made it obligatory on a// banks to pay their notes at the place of issue. Notes of the Provincial Bank are received by the Treasury in payment of taxes, in the same way as those of the Bank of Ireland ; and it is the bank of government for the excise, post-office, and stamp revenues for those parts of the country beyond the exclusive privileges of the Bank of Ireland. The dividends have been at the rate of 4, 5, and, since the 25th of December, 1832, of 6 per cent, per annum. Its stock is now at a high premium, the 25/. paid up shares fetching 35/. or 36/. Northern Banking Company. — This establishment has its head office in Belfast, and its branches are distributed throughout Ulster. Its capital and operations are on a much less extensive scale than those of the Provincial Bank, but in other respects they are conducted nearly in the same way. There are very few private banking establishments at present existing in Ireland, at least compared with those in this country. VI. Banks (Foreign). To attempt giving any detailed account of the principal foreign banks would very far exceed our limits ; we shall, therefore, only notice a few of the more celebrated. The Bank of Venice seems to have been the first banking establishment in Europe. It was founded so early as 1171, and subsisted till the subversion of the republic in 1797. It was essentially a deposit bank ; and its bills bore at all times a premium or agio over the current money of the city. The Bank of Amsterdam was established in 1659. It was a deposit bank ; and pay- ments were made by writing off sums from the account of one individual to those of another. According to the principles on which the bank was established, it should have had at all times in its coffers bullion equal to the full amount of the claims upon it. But the directors privately lent about 10,500,000 florins to the states of Holland and Friesland. This circumstance transpired when the French invaded Holland, and caused the ruin of the bank. — (See my edition of the Wealth of Nations, vol. ii. p. 333.) The Bank of the Netherlands was established in 1814. It is formed on the model of the Bank of England ; and was to enjoy for 25 years the exclusive privi- lege of issuing notes. The original capital of 5,000,000 florins was doubled in 1819. The king holds one tenth of the shares. The affairs of the bank are managed by a president, secretary, and 5 directors, who are chosen every 6 months, but may be indefinitely re-elected. This bank discounts bills of exchange with three responsible signatures ; it takes continuations on stock, and sometimes lends on bullion at such a rate of interest and to such an extent as may be agreed upon. It occasionally, also. 108 BANKS (FOREIGN). makes loans on merchandise, but never at less than 5 per cent. Its notes vary from 1,000 florhis to 25 florins, that is, from 83i/. to 2^J. The dividends have varied from 3 to 7 per cent. The shares are each 1,000 florins, and are at present worth 25 per cent, premium ex dividend. The responsibility of the shareholders is limited to the amount of their stock. — (^Consul's Answer to Circular Queries.^ The Bank of Hamburgh is a deposit bank, and its affairs are managed according to a system that insures the fullest publicity. It receives no deposits in coin, but only in bullion of a certain degree of fineness. It charges itself with the bullion at the rate of 442 schillings the mark, and issues it at the rate of 444 schillings ; being a charge of |ths, or nearly ^, per cent, for its retention. It advances mon'fey on jewels to f ths bf their value. The city is answerable for all pledges deposited with the bank ; they may be sold by auction, if they remain 1 year and 6 weeks without any interest being paid. If the value be not claimed within years, it is forfeited to the poor. The Bank of Hamburgh is universally admitted to be one of the best managed in Europe. The Bank of France was founded in 1 803. The exclusive privilege of issuing notes payable to bearer was granted to it for 40 years. The capital of the bank consisted at • first of 45,000,000 fr., but it was subsequently increased to 90,000,000 fr., divided into 90,000 shares or actions of 1,000 fr. each. Of these shares, 67,900 are in the hands of the public; 22,100, being purchased up by the bank, form part of her capital. The notes issued by the bank are for 1,000 and 500 fr. The dividend varies from 4 to 5 « per cent. ; and there is, besides, a reserve retained from the profits, which is vested in the 5 per cents. A bonus of 200 fr. a share was paid out of this reserve to the share- holders in 1820. The reserve in possession of the bank in 1828, amounted to 6,623,000 fr. No bills are discounted that have more than 3 months to run. The customary rate of discount is 4 per cent., but it varies according to circumstances. The discounts in 1827 amounted to 621,000,000 fr. The bank is obliged to open a compte courant for every one who requires it ; and performs services for those who have such accounts, similar to those rendered by the private banks of London to their customers. She is not allowed to charge any commission upon current accounts, so that her only remu- neration arises out of the use of the money placed in her hands by the individuals whose payments she makes. This branch of tlie business is said not to be profitable. There are about 1,600 accounts current at the bank ; and of the entire expenses of the establish- ment, amounting to about 900,000 fr. a year, two thirds are said to be incurred in this department. The bank advances money on pledges of different kinds, such as foreign coin or ^ullion, government or other securities, &c. It also undertakes the care of valuable articles, as plate, jewels, bills, title-deeds, &c. The charge is g per cent, of the value of each deposit for every period of 6 months or under. The administration of the bank is vested in a council general of 20 members, viz. 17 regents, and 3 censors, who are nominated by 200 of the principal proprie- tors. The king appoints the governor and deputy governor. The first must be possessed of 150, and the latter of 50 shares. A compte rendu is annually published, and a report by the censors, which together give a very full exposition of the affairs of the bank. The institution is flourishing, and enjoys unlimited credit. — (For further details with respect to the Bank of France, see Storch, Cours d'Eco7iomie Politique, Paris, 1823, torn. iv. pp. 168 — 180., and the Comptes Rendus of the different years.) Banks have also been established at Berlin, Copenhagen, Vienna, and Petersburgh. Those who wish for detailed information with respect to these establishments, may consult the work of M. Storch, to which we have just referred. In the 4th volume, there is an admirable account of the paper money of the different continental states. The objects we have in view will be accomplished by laying before our readers the following details with respect to the Commercial Bank of Russia, established in 1818 : — " This bank receives deposits in gold and silver, foreign as well as Russian coin, and in bars and ingots. It has a department for transferring the sums deposited with it, on the plan of the Hamburgh Bank. It discounts bills, and lends money on deposits of mer- cliandise of Russian produce or origin. Its capital consists of 30,000,000 of bank-note rubles. It is administered by a governor and 4 directors appointed by government, and 4 directors elected by the commercial body of Petersburgh. The property in the bank is protected against all taxation, sequestration, or attachment; and it is enacted, that subjects of countries with which Russia may be at war shall be entitled at all times to receive back their deposits witliout any reservation. It is also declared, that at no time shall the bank be called upon for any part of its capital to assist the government. All deposits must be made for 6 months at least, and be repayable at or before that period, and not be less than 500 rubles : sums so deposited to \niy ^ per ce'.it. The deposits, if in bars, ingots, or foreign specie, are estimated in Russian silver coin, and so registered in the attestation ; and if not demanded back within 15 days of the expiration of 6 niontlis, or the necessary premium paid for tlie prolongation, the owner loses the right of claiming his original deposit, and must take its estimated value in Russian silver BANKS (FOREIGN). 109 coin. No bills are discounted that have less than 8 days or more than 6 months to run. The rate of discount is 6 per cent. No interest is allowed on money deposited in the bank, unless notice be given that it will be allowed to lie for a year, and 3 months' notice be given of the intention to draw it out, when six per cent, interest is allowed." — {Kelly's Cambist, vol. i. p. 303.) This bank has branches at Archangel, Moscow, Odessa, Riga, &c. The Bank of the United States v/as incorporated in 1816. Its capital is 35,000,000 dollars, divided into 350,000 shares of 100 dollars each. Seven millions were sub- scribed by the United States, and the remaining 28,000,000 by individuals, companies, corporations, &c. In 1832, 84,000 shares were held by foreigners. The bank issues no note for less than 5 dollars; all its notes are payable in specie on demand. It discounts bills and makes advances on bullion at the rate of 6 per cent. The management is under 25 directors; 5 of whom, being holders of stock, are annually appointed by the President of the United States. Seven directors, including the president, constitute a Board. The principal office of the bank is in Philadelphia; but in January, 1830, it had twenty-seven subordinate offices, or branch banks, established in diffiirent parts of the Union. Subjoined is a statement of some of the items in the affairs of the Bank of the United States, on the 1st of April, 1830, and the 2d of November, 1832. 1830. 1832. Notes discounted . - - Domestic bills discounted . - . Funded debt held by the bank . . - Real estate - Funds in Europe, equal to specie Specie .... Public deposits - . - . Private deposits - - Circulation . _ - . 32,138,270-89 dol. 10,506,882-54. 11,122,530-90 2,891 ,890-75 2,789,498-54 9,043,748-97 8,905,501-87 7,704,256 87 16,083,894 00 45,726,934 95 dol. 16,304,498-48 4,747,696-45 1,822,721-51 2,8.s5,016-26 8,026,055-45 6,957,621-54 7,622,898 84, 17,968,733-36 The total liabilities of the bank to the public on the 1st of November, 1832, includ- ing its notes in circulation, deposits, and debts to the holders of public funds, were 37,296,950-20 dollars ^ and its assets, including .specie, cash in Europe, debts from individuals, banking companies, &c. were 79,593,870-97 dollars; leaving a surplus of 42,296,920-77 dollars, showing the stability of the bank to be equal to that of any institution of the sort in the world. — (lieport to Secretary of Treasury on Affairs of the Bank of the United States, Dec. 4. 1832.) The charter of the bank expires in 1836. A bill for its renewal passed both houses of Congress in 1832, but was rejected by the President. The probability, however, seems to be, that the measure will still pass. Of its expediency no reasonable doubt can be entertained. The establishment of the Bank of the United States has been of material service, by affording a currency of undoubted solidity, readily accepted in all parts of the Union. At the period when it was organised, nothing could be in a less satisfactory condition than the paper currency of the United States ; in fact, with the exception perhaps of England and Ireland, they have suffered more than any other country from the abuse of banking. In 1814, all the banks south and west of New England stopped-payment ; and it appears, from the official returns, that in all, no fewer than 165 banks were in this predicament between the 1st of January, 1811, and the 1st of January, 1830! It is of importance to observe, that rn^t of these banks were joint stock companies. At present, indeed, there are no strictly private banking companies in the United States. They are all incorporated by law, with a fixed capital, the shareholders being only liable in most cases, though not uniformly, to the extent of their shares. They all issue notes of 5 dollars ; but the issue of notes of a lower value has been forbidden in Pennsyl- vania, Maryland, and Virginia. A good deal has been said in this country of the flourishing state of the New England banks, particularly those of INIassachusetts, and they have been held up as a model for our imitation. But, bad as our system of country banking undoubtedly is, we should be exceedingly sorry to see any attempt made to improve it, by the adoption of even the best parts of the American system. Among other regulations, an act of the legislature of Massachusetts provides that no bank for the issue of notes can go into operation in any way, until at least half its capital stock shall be paid in gold and silver into the bank, and be actually exist- ing in its coffers ; and the cashier of every bank is bovmd to make specific returns once a year of its debts and assets, on being required to do so by the secretary of state. But such regulations are found, in practice, to be nearly if not wholly worthless. In- stances have occurred of banks having borrowed an amount of dollars equal to half their capital, for a single day ; and of such dollars having been examined by the com- missioners appointed for that purpose, and reported by them, -and sworn by a majority of the directors to be the first instalment paid by the stockholders of the bank, and intended 110 BANKS FOR SAVINGS. to remain in it ! — ( Gouge's Paper Money and Banking in the United States, part ii. p. 157.) We do not, of course, imagine that such disgraceful instances can be of common occurrence; but a system which permits of frauds of this sort being per- petrated under cover of authority, must be altogether vicious. The publicity, too, to which the banks are subject, is injurious rather than otherwise. They know when they are to be called upon to make their returns ; and in order to render them as favourable as possible, they are in the habit, for a month or two previously, of narrowing their discounts, to the great inconvenience of those with whom they deal ; and endeavour by every means in their power, through temporary loans, and all manner of devices, to swell the amount of bullion in their coffers on the day of examination. If the banks were obliged to make regular weekly or even monthly returns of their situation, they might afford some little useful information ; but it is abundantly obvious, that that which is derived from the present returns must be, even when not so intended, misleading and deserving of very little attention. The truth cannot be too often repeated, that it is quite impossible ever to organise secure banks of issue, — and it is with such only that the legislature has any right to interfere, — except by obliging them to give security for their notes. Every other scheme, how carefully soever it may be devised, is sure in the end to prove nugatory and to be defeated. That part of the American system which limits the responsibility of the partners in a bank to the amount of their shares, seems to us to be in the last degree objectionable. It affords a strong temptation to the commission of fraud, and we have yet to learn that it possesses a single countervailing advantage. We have been assured by those weU acquainted with the facts, that it has been produc- tive of the most mischievous consequences. Six of the Massachusetts banks, having, or professing to have, a capital of 800,000 dollars, failed between the 1st of January, 1811, and the 1st of July, 1830. We subjoin an official abstract of the state of the 84 banks existing in Massachusetts on the first Saturday of August, 1832. Abstract Account of the Massachusetts Banks. Capital stock paid in - Bills in circulation Nett profits on hand Balances due to other banks Cash deposited, &c., not bearing interest - - - Cash deposited, bearing interest - Due from the banks Gold, silver, &c. in banks Real estate ... Dollars. Bills of banks in this State Bills of banks elsewhere Balances due from other banks - Due to the banks, excepting ba- lances ... Total resources of the banks Amount of last dividend — reserved profits Debts secured by pledge of stock - — due, and considered doubtful Dollars. 24,520,200-00 7,122,856 00 1,031,900-16 1,993,904-15 2,938,970-33 6,268,584-61 43,996,900-00 902,205-78 738,612-64 1,027,362-03 174,568-62 2,307,784-26 38,889,727-24 44,042,006-54 689,275-00 4-^6,708-74 944,761-73 211,914-78 Rate of dividend on amount of capital of the banks, as existing when dividend was made, 3"125 per cent. Mr. Gallatin has given the following account of the number and capital of the banking establishments existing in the United States on the 1st of January, 1830: — States. Number of Banks. Capital. States. Number of Banks. 1 Capital. Massachusetts Maine . . - New Hampshire Vermont Rhode Island Connecticut - . - New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware - Maryland District of Columbia Virginia 66 18 18 10 47 13 37 18 33 4 13 9 4 Dollars. 20,420,000 2,050,000 1,791,670 432,625 6,118,397 4,485,177 20,083,353 2,017,009 14,609,963 830,000 6,250,495 3,875,794 5,571,100 North Carolina South Carolina - Georgia - - Louisiana - - Alabama Mississippi Tennessee Ohio Michigan - - . Florida ... Delaware Total *) 5 9 4 2 1 1 11 1 1 2 . Dollars. 3,195,000 4,631,000 4,203,029 5,6&5,980 643,503 950,600 737,817 1,454,386 10,000 75,000 330 110,101 ,8!)8 For further information with respect to the banks of the United States, see the Report, 12th of February, 1820, of the Secretary of the Treasury (W. H. Crawford, Esq.) to Congress ; the pamphlet of Albert Gallatin, Esq. on the Currency and Banking System of the United States, Philadelphia, 1831 ; Gouge's Account of Paper Money and Banking in the United States, §-c. And for further details as to foreign banks, see Bokueaux, Calcutta, Christiania, Copenhagen, Naples, &c. VII. Banks for Savings, Are banks established for the receipt of small sums deposited by the poorer class of persons, and for the accumulation of such sums at compound interest. Tliey are managed by individuals, who derive no benefit whatever from the deposits. All monies paid into any Savings Bank established according to the provisions of the act 9 Geo. 4. c. 92., are BANKS FOR SAVINGS. Ill ordered to be paid into the Banks of England and Ireland, and vested in Bank annuities or Exchequer bills. The interest payable to depositors is not to exceed 2\d. per cent. per diem, or 3/. 8s. 5\d. per cent, per annum. No depositor can contribute more than 30/., exclusive of compound interest, to a Savings Bank in any one year; and the total deposits to be received from any one individual are not to exceed 150/. ; and whenever the deposits, and compound interest accruing upon them, standing in the name of any one individual, shall amount to 200/., no interest shall be payable upon such deposit so long as it shall amount to 200/. Since the establishment of this system in 1817, down to January, 1831, the sums received from depositors, and the interest accruing upon them, amounted to 20,760,228/., of which the depositors had received, in principal and interest, 5,648,838/. ; leaving, at the period in question, a balance due to the depositors of 15,111,890/. The commissioners for the reduction of the national debt have the disposal of the sums vested in the public funds on account of Savings Banks. The principle and object of these institutions cannot be too highly commended. In the metropolis, and many other parts of England, public banks do not receive small de- posits, and upon none do they pay any interest. And even in Scotland, where the public banks allow interest upon deposits, they do not generally receive less than 10/. But few poor persons are able to save so large a sum, except by a lengthened course of economy. The truth, therefore, is, that until Savings Banks were established, the poor were every where without the means of securely and profitably investing those small sums they are not unfrequently in a condition to save ; and were consequently led, from the difficulty of disposing of them, to neglect opportunities for making savings, or if they did make them, were tempted, by the offer of high interest, to lend them to persons of doubtful characters and desperate fortunes, by whom they were, for the most part, squandered. Under such circumstances, it is plain that nothing could be more important, in the view of diffusing habits of forethought and economy amongst the labouring classes, than the establishment of Savings Banks, where the smallest sums are placed in perfect safety, are accumulated at compound interest, and are paid, with their accumulations, the moment they are demanded by the depositors. The system is yet only in its infancy ; but the magnitude of the deposits already received, sets its powerful and salutary operation in a very striking point of view. We subjoin a copy of the rules of the St. Pancras Savings Bank, which may be taken as a model for similar institutions, inasmuch as they have been drawn up with great care, and closely correspond with the provisions in the act 9 Geo. 4. c. 92. 1. Management. — This Bank is under the management of a president, vice-presidents, trustees, and not less than fifty managers, none of whom are permitted to derive any benefit whatsoever, directly or indirectly, from the deposits received, or the produce thereof. One or more of the managers attend when the Bank is open for business. 2. Superintending Committee. — A committee of not less than ten managers, three of whom form a quorum, is empowered to superintend, manage, and conduct the general business of this Bank ; to add to their number from among the managers ; to fill up vacancies in their own body, and to appoint a treasurer or treasurers, agent or agents, auditors, an actuary and clerks, and other officers and servants, and to withdraw any such appointments, and to appoint others, should it be considered necessary so to do. — The proceedings of this committee are regularly laid before the general meetings of the Bank. * 3. Elections. — The superintending committee is empowered to 'add to the number of managers, until they amount to one hundred and twenty, exclusively of the president, vice-presidents, and trustees. And any vacancies of president, vice-presidents, and trustees, are to be filled up at a general meeting. 4- General Meetings. — A general meeting of the president, vice-presidents, trustees, and managers of this Bank shall be held once a year, in the month of February. The superintending committee shall lay before every such meeting a report of the transactions of the bank, and state of the accounts. The superintending committee for the succeeding year shall be elected at such general meeting j and failing such election, the former committee shall be considered as reappointed. 5. Special Meetijigs. — The superintending committee are authorised to call special general meetings when they think proper ; and also, on the requisition of any ten managers, delivered in writing to the actuary, or to the manager in attendance at the Bank ; and of such meeting seven days' notice shall be given. 6. Liability of Trustees, Managers, Officers, SfC. —tfo trustee or manager shall be personally liable except for his own acts and deeds, nor for any thing done by him in virtue of his office, except where he shall be guilty of wilful neglect or default ; but the treasurer or treasurers, the actuary, and every officer intrusted with the receipt or custody of any sum of money deposited for the purposes of this Institution, and every officer, or other person, receiving salary or allowance for their services from the funds thereof, shall give good and sufficient security, by bond or bonds, to the clerk of the peace of the county of Middlesex, for the just and faithful execution of such office of trust. 7. Investment and Limitation of Deposits. — Deposits of not less than one shilling, and not exceeding thirty pounds in the whole, exclusive of compound interest, from any one depositor, or trustee of a depositor, during each and every year ending on the 20th of November, will be received and invested, pursuant to 9 Geo. 4. c. 92. s. 11., until the same shall amount to one hundred and fifty potinds in the whole; and when the principal and interest together shall amount to live hundred pounds, then no interest will be payable on such deposit, so long as it shall continue to amount to that sum. But depo- sitors, whose accounts amounted to, or exceeded, ttvo hundred pounds, at the passing of the said act, on the S&th of July, 1828, will continue to be entitled to interest and compound interest thereon. 8. Interest to be allowed to Depositors. — In conformity with the 24th clause of the 9 Geo. 4. c. 92., an interest at the rate of 9\d. per cent, per day, being S/. 8s. 5\d. per cent, per annum {the full amount authorised by the said act), will be allowed to depositors, and placed to their accounts as a cash deposit, in the month of November in each year. Depositors demanding payment of the whole amount of their deposits in this Bank, will be allowed the interest due on such deposits up to the day on which notice of withdrawing shall be given, but no interest will be allowed, in any case, on the fractional parts of a pound sterling. 9. Description and Declaration. — Every person desirous of making any deposit in this Bank, shall, at 112 BANKS FOR SAVINGS, the time of making their first deposit, and at such other times as they shall be required so to do, declare their residence, occupation, profession, or calling, and sign (either by themselves, or, in case of infants under the age of seven years, by some person or persons to be approved of by tiie trustees or managers, or their officer), a declaration that they are not directly or indirectly entitled to any deposit in, or benefit from, the funds of any other Savings Bank in England or Ireland, nor to any sum or sums standing in the name or names of any other person or persons in the books of this Bank. And in case any such declaration shall not be true, every such person (or the person on whose behalf such declaration may have been signed) shall forfeit and lose all right and title to such deposits, and the trustees and managers shall cause the sum or sums so forfeited to be paid to the commissioners for the reduction of the natiojial debt ; but no depositor shall be subject or liable to any such forfeiture, on account of being a trustee on behalf of others, or of being interested in the funds of any Friendly Society legally esta- blished. 10. Trustees on Behalf of others. — Persons may act as trustees for depositors, whether such persons are themselves depositors "in any Savings Bank or not, provided tlaat such trustee or trustees shall make such declaration on behalf of such depositor or depositors, and be subject to the like conditions in every respect, as are required in the case of persons making deposits on their own account, and the receipt and receipts of such trustee or trustees, or the survivor of them, or the executors or administrators of any sole trustee, or surviving trustee, with or without (as may be required by the managers) the receipt of the person on whose account such sum may have been deposited, shall be a good and valid discharge to the trustees and managers of the Institution. 11. Minors. — Deposits are received from, or for the benefit of, minors, and are subject to the same regulations as the deposits of persons of 21 years of age and upwards. 12. Friendly and Charitable Societies. — Friendly Societies, legally established previous to the 2Sth of July, 1828, may deposit their funds through their treasurer, steward, or other oiticer or officers, with- out any limitation as to the amount. But Friendly Societies formed and enrolled after that date, are not permitted to make deposits exceeding the sum of 300/., principal and interest included ; and no interest will be payable thereon, whenever the same shall amount to, or continue at, the said sum of 300/. or upwards. Deposits are received from the trustees or treasurers of Charitable Societies, not exceeding 100/. per annum, provided the amount shall not at any time exceed the sum of 300/., exclusive of interest, 13. Deposits of Persons unable to attend. — Forms are given at the office, enabling persons to become depositors who are unable to attend personally ; and those who have previously made a deposit, may send additional sums, together luith their book, by any other person. 14. Depositors'" Book. — . The deposits are entered in the books of the Bank at the time they are niacte and the depositor receives a book with a corresponding entry therein ; which book must be brought to the office every time that any further sum is deposited, also when notice is given for withdrawing money, and at the time the repayment is to be made, so that the transactions may be duly Ciitered therein. 15. Withdraivina; Deposits. — Depositors may receive the whole or any part of their deposits on any day appointed by the managers, not e-x.ceeA\ng fourteen days after notice has been given for that purpose ; but such deposits can only be repaid to the depositor personally, or to the bearer of an order inider the hand of the depositor, signed in the presence of either the minister or a churchwarden of the parish in which the depositor resides, of a justice of the peace, or of a manager of this Bank. The Depositor's Book must always be produced when notice of withdrawing is given. ifi. Money withdrawn may be re-deposited. — Depositors may withdraw any sum or sums of money, and re-deposit the same at any time or times within any one year, reckoning from the 20th day of November, provided such sum or sums of money re-deposited, and any previous deposit or deposits which may have been made by such depositor in the course of the year, taken together, shall not exceed, at any time in such year, the sum of 30/., additional principal money bearing interest. 17. Return or Refusal of Deposits. — This Bank is at liberty to return the amount of the deposits to all or any of the depositors, and may refuse to receive deposits in any case, where it shall be deemed expe- dient so to do. 18. Deposits of a deceased Depositor exceeding Fifty Pounds. — In case of the death of any depo- sitor in this Bank, v/hose deposits, and the interest thereon, shall exceed in the whole the sum oi fifty pounds, the same shall only be paid to the executor or executors, administrator or administrators, on the production of the probate of the will, or letters of administration. 19. Deposits of a deceased Depositor not exceeding Fifty Pounds. — Incase a depositor in this Bank . " , sliall die, whose deposits, including interest thereon, shall not exceed the sum of fifty pounds, and that the trustees or managers shall be satisfied that no will was made and left, and tliat no letters of adnnnistration will be taken out, they shall be at liberty to pay the same to the relatives or friends of the deceased, or any or either of them, or according to the statute of distribution, or require the production of letters of administration, at their discretion. And the Bank shall be indemnified by any such pay- ments from all and every claim in respect thereof by any person whatsoever. 20. Certificate. — In ail cases wherein certificates shall be required of the amount of deposits in this Bank belonging to depositors therein, for the purpose of obtaining, free of stamp duties, a probate of will, or letters of administration, such certificate shall be signed by a manager, and countersigned by the actuary for the time being, as a true extract from the Ledger of the Institution. 21. Arbitration of Differences. — In case any dispute shall arise between the trustees or managers of this Bank, or any i)crson or persons acting under them, and any individual depositor therein, or any trustee of a depositor, or any person claiming to be such executor, administrator, or next of kin, then, and in every such case, the matter so in dispute shall be referred to the barrister at law appointed by the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt, under the authority of the P Geo. *. c. 92. s. 45. ; and wliatever award, order, or determination shall be made by the said barrister, shall be binding and conclusive upon all parties, and shall be final, to all intents and purposes, without any appeal. Purchase of Government Annuities hy Depositors in Savings Banks. — The act 2 & 3 Will. 4. c. 14. enables depositors in Savings Banks and others to purchase government annuities for life or for years, and either immediate or deferred. At present these annuities are limited to 201. a year. The money advanced is returnable in case the contracting party does not live to the age at which the annuity is to become payable, or is unable to continue the nnonthly or annual instalments. That this measure was bene- volently intended, and that it may l)e productive of advantage to inany individuals, can- not be doubted ; but we look upon all attempts, and jjarticulariy tnose made by govern- ment, to get individuals to exchange capital for annuities, as radically objectionable; and as being subversive of princijjles which ought to be strengthened rather than weakened. — (See Funds.) BANGKOK. Summarj' of Savings Banks, &c. in England, Wales, and Ireland, November, 1832. 113 In England there were, on the 10th of November, 1832, 384 Savings Banks : of these,? have made no return, the remaining Banks contain. Depositors. £ Under 20 - i — 50 - — 100 - — 150 - 1 — 200 - iAbove 200 - Friendly Societies Charitable ditto No. 1P5,035 102,536 47,903 17,031 7,908 3,756 374,169 4,162 1,996 1,410,792 3,146,753 3,235,(J83 2,042,425 1,338,233 930,953 12,161,607' 623,273 131,148 Accounts - -. . 380.327 l'^,916,028 Average amount of each deposit in England, 32^. * This is the amount given in the table whence this abstract has been taken, but it does not quite agree with the items. In Wales there were on the 10th of November, 1832 22 Savings Banks: 1 has made no return; the remaining J3anks contain. Depositors. Amount. No. £ Depositors - 1 0,174 3'22,b73 Friendly Societies J67 23.385 Charitable ditto 53 3,836 Accounts - 10,5!;4 349,794 Average amount of each deposit in Wales, 311. In Ireland there were, on the 10th of November 1832, 77 Savings Banks: 7 have made no return; the remaining Banks contain. Depositors. Depositors Friendly .Societies Charitable ditto No. 37,^98 2:.'4 347 Amount. £ 1,(-04,189 .1(),6(j9 31,027 Accounts - . . 38,479 1,015,825 Average amount of each deposit in Ireland, 26^. Grand Total in England, Wales, and Ireland, on the 10th of November, 1832. Savings Banks. Accounts. Amount. Average Amount of each Deposit. 483 429,400 £ 14,311,647 £ 30 (From the Statistical Table compiled by John Tidd Pratt, Esq.) BANGKOK, the capital of the kingdom of Siam, sittiated about 20 miles from the sea, on both sides of the river Menam, but chiefly on its left or eastern bank, in lat. 13° ■40' N., long. 101° lO' E. The Menam opens in the centre nearly of the bottom of the Gulf of Siam. There is a bar at its mouth, consisting, for the most part, of a mud flat 10 miles in depth. The outer edge of this flat, which is little more than 200 yards broad, is sandy and of harder materials than the irmer part ; which is so soft, that when a ship grounds on it during the ebb, she often sinks 5 feet in the mud and clay, which supports her upright, so that she is but little inconvenienced. The highest water on the bar of the Menam, from February to September, is about ISg feet; and in the remain- ing 4 months, somewhat more than 14 feet, — a difference probably produced by the accumulation of water at the head of the bay after the south-west monsoon, and by the heavy floods of the rainy season. On account of the deficiency of water on the bar, vessels sent to Bangkok had better, perhaps, not exceed SCO or 250 tons burden. In all other respects, the river is extremely safe and commodious. Its mouth is no sooner approached, than it deepens gradually j and at Paknam, two miles up, there are 6 and 7 fathoms water. This depth increases as you ascend, and at Bangkok is not less than 9 fathoms. The only danger is, or rather was, a sand bank oflt' Paknam, bare at low water ; but on this a fort or battery has been erected within the last few years, affording at all times a distinct beacon. The channel of the river is so equal, that a ship may range from one side to another, approaching the banks so closely that her yards may literally overhang them. The navigation is said to be equally safe all the way up to the old capital of Yuthia, 80 miles from the mouth of the river. The city of Bangkok extends along the banks of the Menam to the distance of about 2^ miles ; but is of no great breadth, probably not exceeding 1^ mile. On the left bank there is a long street or row of floating houses ; each house or shop, for they are in general both, consisting of a distinct vessel, which may be moored any where along the banks. Besides the principal river, which at the city is about a quarter of a mile broad, the country is intersected by a great number of tributary streams and canals, so that almost all intercourse at Bangkok is by water. The population has been computed at 50,000 or 60,000, half of whom are Chinese settlers. The total area of the kingdom of Siam has been estimated at 190,000 square miles, and the population at only 2,790,500, principally resident in the rich valley of the Menam. Of the entire population, it is supposed that not less than 440,CC0 are Chinese. The common necessaries of life at Bangkok are exceedingly cheap. A cwt. of rice may always be had for 2s. and very often for Is. Other necessaries, such as salt, palm-sugaj-, spices, vegetables, fish, and even flesh, are proportionally cheap. The price of good pork, for example, is 2^rf. per lb. A duck may be had for Id. and a fowl for 5d. The neighbourhood of Bangkok is one of the most productive places in the world for fine ]14 BANGKOK. fruits ; for here are assembled, and to be had in the greatest perfection and abundance, the orange and lichi of China, the mangoe of Hindostan, and the mangostein, durian, and shaddock of the Malay countries. Monies, Weights, and Measures. — Gold and copper are not used as money in Siam, and the currency consists only of cowrie shells and silver. The denominations are as follow : — 200 bia or cowries make 1 p'hai-nung; 2 p'hai-nungs, 1 sing-p'hai ; 2 sing-p'hais, 1 fuang ; 2 fuangs, 1 salung; 4 salungs, 1 bat or tical ; 80 ticals, 1 cattie ; 100 catties, 1 pfcul. The standard coin is the bat, which Europeans have called a tical ; but there are also coins, though less frequently, of the lower denominations. These are of a rude and peculiar form. They are, in fact, nothing more than small bits of a silver bar bent, and the ends beaten together. They are impressed with two or three small stamps, not covering the whole surface of the coin. The cattie and picul are, or course, only used in speaking of large sums of money. Gold and silver are weighed by small weights, which have the same denominations as the coins. The p'hai-nung, the lowest of these, is in this case subdivided into 32 sagas, or red beans, the Aln-us precatorius of botanists. ■ The bat, or tical, was assayed at the mint of Calcutta; it was found to weigh 236 grains ; its standard, however, was uncertain, and the value of different specimens varied from 1 rupee 3 anas and 3 pice, to 1 rupee 3 anas and 7 pice. The value, therefore, in sterling money, is about 25. 6rf., and it is so coasidered. In respect to ordinary measures, the Siamese cattie is double the weight of the Chinese cattie, which, as is well known, is equal to l^lb. avoirdupois. The picul, however, is of the same weight, con- sisting in the one case of 50 catties only, and in the other of 100. In weighing rice and salt, a large measure is used, consisting, in respect to the first of 22 piculs, and of the last of 25 piculs. Rice is also measured by the basket, of which 100 go to the large measure above-mentioned. The long measures are as follow : — 12 finger breadths make 1 span ; 2 spans, 1 cubit ; 4 cubits, 1 fathom ; 20 fathoms, 1 sen ; and 100 sen, 1 yuta, or, as it is more commonly pronounced by the Siamese, yut. The fathom is the measure of most frequent use, and the Siamese have a pole of this length divided into its fractional parts. This, as nearly as can be ascertained, is equal to about 6 feet 6 inches. The sen appears to be also used in the admeasurement of land, and to be the name of a square measure of 20 fathoms to the side. Port Regulations and Duties. — As soon as a European ship reaches' the bar of Siam, she must, ac- cording to the regulations of the country, communicate with the chief of the village of Paknam, at the mouth of the Menam, and from him obtain a pilot. At Paknam, the rule is to land ammunition, cannon, and small arms ; but this regulation is not very rigidly insisted on. The duties and other imposts levied on external trade are somewhat complex, and differ in some degree according to the class of vessels sub. jected to them, and which consist or junks carrying on trade with China Proper, junks of the island of Hai-nan, junks trading to the Malay islands, and European shipping. The imposts consist of a duty on the measurement or dimensions of the vessel; an ad valorem duty upon imports ; and a rated tariff in most cases, with an ad valorem duty in a few, on exports. The first-named class of vessels, viz. the large junks trading with the principal ports of China, pay no measurement or import duties, because these are vessels belonging to the king, or to the princes, or courtiers, licensed to engage freely in this branch of trade. The Hai-nan junks pay 40 ticals per Siamese fathom, on the extreme breadth of the vessel. The junks trading to the Malay countries, in lieu of measurement duty, pay 130 ticals each, without regard to size. Neither of these vessels pay import duties. The measurement duties on European vessels are estimated at 118 ticals per fathom, besides an inconsiderable impost in the form of an anchorage fee. The cargoes of these alone pay an import duty, which is reckoned at 8 per cent, ad valorem, levied in kind. The tariff on exports consists of specific duties, of which the following are specimens : — Ivory - - - per picul • - 2^ ticals. Stick lac « - - - - - I Sugar, if exported under a European flag - - - l| Ditto — an Indian flag - . - l Cotton wool - - - - - 1 Trade. — The foreign trade of Siam is conducted with China, Cochin China, Cam- bogia, and Tonquin, Java, Singapore, and the other British ports within the Straits of Malacca, with an occasional intercourse with Bombay and Surat, England and America. The most important branch of the foreign trade is that with China. This is wholly carriea on in vessels of Chinese form, navigated by Chinese, but the greater portion of them are built in Siam. The whole of the Chinese trade centres in Bangkok, with the exception of a few junks, which trade to Sungora and Ligor. The ports of China which carry on trade with Siam are, Canton, Kiang-mui, and Changlim, in the province of Quantong ; Amoi, or Emwi, in Fokien; Limpo, or Nimpo, in Chekiang ; with Siang-hai, and Saochen, in Kiang-nan ; besides several ports of the great island Hai-nan. These junks are expected in Siam in the following order ; — those of the island of Hai-nan usually arrive in January ; and those from the provinces of Canton, Fokien, and Chekiang, in the latter end of February, and down to the beginning of April. They all sail from the Menam in the months of June and July, when the south-west monsoon is at its height, and, of course, there is but one voyage performed yearly. The imports from China are very numerous, consisting of what are called in commercial language "assorted cargoes." The following is a list of the principal commodities : — Coarse earthenware and porcelain, spelter, quicksilver, tea, lacksoy (vermicelli), dried fruits, raw silk, crapes, satins, and other silk fabrics, nankeens, shoes, fans, umbrellas, writing paper, sacrificial paper, incense rods, and many other minor articles. Not the least valuable part of the importations are immigrants. The exports from Siam are also very various, but the following list comprehends the most considerable : — Black pepper, sugar, tin, cardamoms, eagle-wood, sapan-wood, red mangrove bark, rose-wood for furniture and cabinet work, cotton, ivory, stick lac, rice, areca nuts, salt fish ; the hides and .skins of oxen, buffaloes, elephants, rhinoceroses, deer, tigers, leopards, otters, civet cats, and pangolins ; of snakes, and rays, with the belly-shell of a species of land tortoise ; the horns of the buffalo, ox, deer, and rhinoceros ; the bones of the ox, buffalo, elephant, rhinoceros, and tiger ; dried deer's sinews ; the feathers of the pelican; of several .species of storks, of the peacock and kingfisher, &c. ; and, finally, BANKRUPT AND BANKRUPTCY. 115 esculent swallows' nests. The tonnage carrying on the China trade amounts in all to probably about 130 junks in number, a few of which are of 1,000 tons burden, and the whole shipping is not short of 35,000 tons. The trade with the different countries of the Malay Archipelago forms the next most important branch of the Siamese commerce, and the only one respecting which it can be necessary to give any particulars in this place. It is conducted with the following ports : — Patani, Kalantan, Tringano, Pahang, Rhio, Singapore, Malacca, Penang, Batavia, Samarang, Cheribon, Palembang, and Pontianak. In this intercourse, the staple exports of Siam are sugar, salt, oil, and rice ; to which may be added the minor articles of stick lac, iron pans, coarse earthenware, hogs' lard, &c. The returns are British and Indian piece goods, opium, with a little glass ware, and some British woollens from the European settlements, with commodities suited for the Chinese market, such as pepper, tin, dragon's blood, rattans, biche-de-mer, esculent swallows' nests, and Malay camphor from the native ports. The following are believed to be the quantities of the two greatest staple articles of Siamese export ; viz. clayed sugar, 10,000 tons ; black pepper, 3,525 tons. [We are indebted for this, as we have been for many other excellent communications, to our esteemed friend, John Crawfurd, Esq., who ascertained the particulars on the spot.] BANKRUPT AND BANKRUPTCY. In the general sense of the term, bank- rupt is equivalent to insolvent, and is applied to designate any individual unable to pay his debts. But in the law of England bankrupts form that particular class of insolvents who are engaged in trade, or who " seek their living by buying and selling," and who are declared, upon the oath of one or more of their creditors, to have committed what the law has defined to be an act of bankruptcy. At present, however, we shall merely lay before the reader a few observations with respect to the principles and leading provisions embodied in the law as to bankruptcy and insolvency ; referring the reader to the article Insolvency and Bankruptcy, for a detailed statement of these and the other provisions in that law. " All classes of individuals, even those who have least to do with industrious under- takings, are exposed to vicissitudes and misfortunes, the occurrence of which may render them incapable of making good the engagements into which they have entered, and render them bankrupt or insolvent. But though bankruptcy is most frequently, perhaps, produced by uncontrollable causes, it is frequently also produced by the thoughtlessness of individuals, or by their repugnance to make those retrenchments which the state of their affairs demands ; and sometimes also by fraud or bad faith. Hence it is, that the laws with respect to bankruptcy occupy a prominent place in the judicial system of every state in which commerce has made any progress, and credit been introduced. They differ exceedingly in different countries and stages of society ; and it must be acknow- ledged that they present very many difficulties, and that it is not possible, perhaps, to suggest any system against which pretty plausible objections may not be made. " The execrable atrocity of the early Roman laws with respect to bankruptcy is well known. According to the usual interpretation of the law of the twelve tables, which Cicero has so much eulogised*, the creditors of an insolvent debtor might, after some preliminary formalities, cut his body to pieces, each of them taking a share proportioned to the amount of his debt ; and those who did not choose to resort to this horrible extremity, were authorised to subject the debtor to chains, stripes, and hard labour ; or to sell him, his wife, and children, to perpetual foreign slavery trans Tyherim ! This law, and the law giving fathers the power of inflicting capital punishments on their children, strikingly illustrate the ferocious and sanguinary character of the early Romans. " There is reason to think, from the silence of historians on the subject, that no un- fortunate debtor ever actually felt the utmost severity of this barbarous sentence ; but the history of the republic is full of accounts of popular commotions, some of which led to very important changes, that were occasioned by the exercise of the power given to creditors of enslaving their debtors, and subjecting them to corporal punishments. The law, however, continued in this state till the year of Rome 427, 120 years after the promulgation of the twelve tables, when it was repealed. It was then enacted, that the persons of debtors should cease to be at the disposal of their creditors, and that the latter should merely be authorised to seize upon the debtor's goods, and sell them by auction in satisfaction of their claims. In the subsequent stages of Roman jurisprudence, further changes were made, which seem generally to have leaned to the side of the debtor ; and it was ultimately ruled, that an individual who had become insolvent without having committed any fraud, should, upon making a cessio bonorum, or a surrender of his entire ♦ Fremant omnes, licet ! dicam quod sentio ; bibliothecas, mehercule, omnium philosophorum unus mihi videtur duodecim labularum libellus ; siquis legum fontes et capita viderit et authoritatis pondere et utilitatia ubertate superare.— X>e Oratore, lib. i. I 2 116 BANKRUPT AND BANKRUPTCY. property to his creditors, be entitled to an exemption from all personal penalties. — ( Terasson, Histoire de la Jurisprudence Romaine, p. 117.) *' The law of England distinguishes between the insolvency of persons engaged in trade, and that of others. The former can alone be made bankrupts, and are dealt with in a comparatively lenient manner. ' The law,' says Blackstone, ' is cautious of encou- raging prodigality and extravagance by indulgence to debtors ; and therefore it allows the benefit of the laws of bankruptcy -to none but actual traders, since that set of men are, generally speaking, the only persons liable to accidental losses, and to an inability of paying their debts without any fault of their own. If persons in other situations of life run in debt without the power of payment, they must take the consequences of their own indiscretion, even though they meet with sudden accidents that may reduce their fortunes ; for the law holds it to be an unjustifiable practice for any person but a trader to encumber himself with debts of any considerable value. If a gentleman, or one in a liberal pro- fession, at the time of contracting his debts has a sufficient fund to pay them, the delay of payment is a species of dishonesty, and a temporary injustice to his creditors ; and if at such time he has no sufficient fund, the dishonesty and injustice are the greater : he cannot, therefore, murmur if he suffer the punishment he has voluntarily drawn upon himself. But in mercantile transactions the case is far otherwise ; trade cannot be carried on without mutual credit on both sides : the contracting of debts is here not only justi- fiable, but necessary ; and if, by accidental calamities, as by the loss of a ship in a tempest, the failure of brother traders, or by the nonpayment of persons out of trade, a merchant or trader becomes incapable of discharging his own debts, it is his misfortune and not his fault. To the misfortunes, therefore, of debtors, the law has given a compassionate remedy, but denied it to their faults ; since at the same time that it provides for the security of commerce, by enacting that every considerable trader may be declared a bank- rupt, for the benefit of his creditors as well as himself, it has also, to discourage extrava- gance, declared that no one shall be capable of being made a bankrupt but only a trader, nor capable of receiving the full benefit of the statutes but only an industrious trader.' — (^Commentaries, book ii. cap. 31.) " After the various proceedings with respect to bankruptcy have been gone through, if nothing be discovered to impeach the honesty of the debtor, he is allowed a certificate or discharge, provided three out of five of his creditors both in number and value agree to sign it. The bankrupt is then entitled to a reasonable allowance out of his effects ; which is however, made to depend partly on the magnitude of his dividend. Thus, if his effects will not pay half his debts, or 10s. in the pound, he is left to the discretion of the com- missioners and assignees, to have a competent sum allowed him, not exceeding 3 per cent, upon his estate, or SOOZ. in all ; but if his estate pay 10s. in the pound, he is to be allowed 5 per cent., provided such allowance do not exceed 400Z. ; 12s. 6d. then 7^ per cent, under a limitation as before of its not exceeding 500Z. ; and if 15s. in the pound, then the bankrupt shall be allowed 10 per cent, upon his estate, provided it do not exceed 600/. " According to our present law, when a person not a trader becomes insolvent, he may, after being actually imprisoned at the suit of some of his creditors for fourteen days, present a petition to the court to be relieved ; and upon surrendering his entire property, he is, unless something fraudulent be established against him, entitled to a discharge. While, however, the certificate given to the bankrupt relieves him from all future claims on account of debts contracted previously to his bankruptcy, the discharge given to an in- solvent only relieves him from imprisonment ; in the event of his afterwards accumulating any property, it may be seized in payment of the debts contracted anterior to his in- solvency. This principle was recognised in the cessio bo7iorum of the Romans, of which the insolvent act is nearly a copy. " It may be questioned, however, notwithstanding what Blackstone has stated, whether there be any good ground fijr making a distinction between the insolvency of traders and other individuals. There are very few trades so hazardous as that of a farmer, and yet should he become insolvent, he is not entitled to the same privileges he would have enjoyed had he been the keeper of an inn, or a commission agent ! The injustice of this distinction is obvious ; but, without dwelling upon it, it seems pretty clear that certi- ficates should be granted indiscriminately to all honest debtors. Being relieved from all concern as to his previous incumbrances, an insolvent who has obtained a certificate is prompted to exert himself vigorously in future, at the same time that his friends are not deterred from coming forward to his assistance. But when an insolvent continues liable to his previous debts, no one, however favourably disposed, can venture to aid him with a loan ; and he is discouraged, even if he had means, from attempting to earn any thing more than a bare livelihood ; so that, while creditors do not, in one case out of a hundred, gain tlie smallest sum by this constant liability of the insolvent, his energies and useful- ness are for ever paralysed. " The policy of imprisoning for debt seems also exceedinffly questionable. Notwith- BANKRUPT AND BANKRUPTCY. 117 standing the deference due to the great authorities who have vindicated this practice, I confess I am unable to discover any thing very cogent in the reasonings advanced in its favour. Provided a person in insolvent circumstances intimate his situation to his creditors, and offer to make a voluntary surrender of his property to them, he has, as it appears to me, done all that should be required of him, and ought not to undergo any imprisonment. If he had deceived his creditors by false representations, or if he conceal or fraudulently convey away any part of his property, he should of course be subjected to the pains and penalties attached to swindling ; but when such practices are not alleged, or cannot be proved, sound policy, I apprehend, would dictate that creditors ought to have no power over the persons of their debtors, and that they should be entitled only to their effects. The maxim, career non solvit, is not more trite than true. It is said, that the fear of imprisonment operates as a check to prevent persons from getting into debt ; and so no doubt it does. But then it must, on the other hand, be borne in mind, that the power to imprison tempts individuals to trust to its influence to enforce payment ot their claims, and makes them less cautious in their inquiries as to the condition and cir- cumstances of those to whom they give credit. The carelessness of tradesmen, and their extreme earnestness to obtain custom, are, more than any thing else, the great causes of insolvency ; and the power of imprisoning merely tends to foster and encourage these habits. If a tradesman trust an individual with a loan of money or goods, which he is unable to pay, he has made a bad speculation. But why ought he, because he has done so, to be allowed to arrest the debtor's person ? If he wished to have perfect security, he either should not have dealt with him at all, or dealt with him only for ready money ; such transactions are, on the part of tradesmen, perfectly voluntary ; and if they place undue confidence in a debtor who has not misled them by erroneous representations of his affairs, they have themselves only to blame. " It would really, therefore, as it appears to us, be for the advantage cf creditors, were all penal proceedings against the persons of honest debtors abolished. The dependence placed on their eflBcacy is deceitful. A tradesman ought rather to trust to his own pru- dence and sagacity to keep out of scrapes, than to the law for redress : he may deal upon credit with those whom he knows ; but he should deal for ready money only with those of whose circumstances and characters he is either ignorant or suspicious. By bringing penal statutes to his aid, he is rendered remiss and negligent. He has the only effectual means of security in his own hands ; and it seems highly inexpedient that he should be taught to neglect them, and put his trust in prisons. " It is pretty evident, too, that the efficacy of imprisonment in deterring individuals from running into debt has been greatly overrated. Insolvents who are honest, must have suffered from misfortune, or been disappointed in the hopes they entertained of being able, in one way or other, to discharge their debts. The fear of imprisonment does not greatly influence such persons ; for when they conti-act debts, they have no doubt of their ability to pay them. And though the imprisonment of hond fide insol- vents were abolished, it would give no encouragement to the practices of those who endeavour to raise money by false representations; for these are to be regarded as swindlers, and ought as such to be subjected to adequate punishment. (See Credit.) " But the regulations with respect to bankruptcy and insolvency differ radically in other important respects. An individual cannot be subjected to the insolvent law, ex- cept by his own act, that is, his petitioning for relief from actual imprisonment for debt ; and, on the other hand, an individual cannot be made a bankrupt and subjected to the bankrupt law, except by the act of another, that is, of a petitioning creditor*, as he is called, swearing that the individual in question is indebted to him, and that he believes he has committed what is termed an act of bankruptcy. These differences, coupled with the refinements introduced into other branches of the law, give rise to very extraordinary results. " While the law of England gives the creditor an unnecessary degree of power o^ er the debtor's person, it does not give him sufficient power over his property. In this respect, indeed, it is so very defective, that one is almost tempted to think it had been intended to promote the practices of fraudulent debtors. The property of persons sub- jected to the bankrupt laws, as well as those who choose to subject themselves to the insolvent laws, is placed at the disposal of assignees or trustees for the benefit of tlieir creditors; but when a person possessed of property, but not subject to the bankrupt laws, contracts debts, if he go abroad, or live within the rules of the King's Bench or the Fleet, or remain in prison Avithout petitioning for relief (in neither of which cases can he be subjected to the insolvent laws), he may most probably continue to enjoy the income arising from that property without molestation. " It is true, the law says that the creditors shall be authorised to seize the debtors' * One creditor, whose debt is to the amount of upwards of 100/. ; or two, whose dl. per do. ; South America, 16,000 pipes of wine, and 6,000 do. brandy; the north of Europe, 2,000 pipes of wine, and 2,000 do. brandy. A good deal of brandy is sent to Cadiz and Cette : most part of the former finds its way into the wine vaults of Xeres ; and the latter, being conveyed by the canal of Languedoc to the Garonne, is used in the preparation of the wines of Bordeaux. From 25,000 to 30,000 bags of nuts are annually sent from Tarragona to England. Tarragona also exports about 12,000 bags of almonds. 1 n 1831, only 128 foreign ships, of the burden of 15,130 tons entered Barcelona. Of these, 31 were Tuscan, 24 Sardinian, 19 Swedish, 18 English, 14 French, 8 American, &c. The ships belonging to the port carry on no foreign trade except to the Spanish West Indies ; they are few in number, and are daily decreasing. Those engaged in the coasting trade are usually of very small burden. The customs duty in the same year did not exceed 100,000/. (We have derived these details from various sources ; but principally from the Consul's Answer to Cir^ cular Queries, and from Ingliss's Spain in 1830, vol. ii. pp. 384-387. and 362.) BARILLA (Du. Soda; Fr. Sonde, Barille ; Ger. Soda, Barilla; It. Barriglia ; Port. Solda, Barrilha ; Rus. Socianka ; Sp. Barrilla ; Arab. Kali), carbonate of soda — (see Alkalies), is found native in Hungary, Egypt, and many other countries. It is largely used by bleachers, manufacturers of hard soaps, glass-makers, &c. The barilla of commerce consists of the ashes of several marine and other plants growing on the sea- shore. The best, or Alicant barilla, is prepared from the Salsola soda, which is very extensively cultivated for this purpose in the huerta of Murcia, and other places on the eastern shores of Spain. — ( Townsend's Travels in Spain, vol. iii. p. 1 95. ) The plants are gathered in September, dried, and burned in furnaces heated so as to bring the ashes into a state of imperfect fusion, when they concrete into hard, dry, cellular masses of a greyish blue colour. Sicily and TenerifFe produce good barilla, but inferior to that of Alicant and Carthageria. Kelp, which is a less pure alkali, is formed by the incineration of the common sea-wrack. — (See Kelp.) The Saracens established in Spain seem to have been the first who introduced the manufacture of barilla into Europe. They called the plants employed in its prepar- ation kali ; and this, with the Arabic article al prefixed, has given rise to the modern chemical term alkali. Of 184,649 cwt. of barilla imported into Great Britain in 1831, 61,921 cwt. came from Spain, 95,995 from TenerifFe, and 23,867 from Sicily. The values of these species are, for the most part, in the proportion of about 12, 9, and 10; that is, if Spanish barilla fetch 12Z. a ton, TenerifFe barilla will fetch 9?., and Sicilian \0l. Prime quality in barilla is to be distinguished by its strong smell when wetted, and by its whitish colour. Particular attention should be paid to have as little small or dust as possible. The duties on barilla have recently been very considerably reduced. -T-(See Tariff.) At an average of the three years ending with 1831, the barilla entered for home consumption amounted to 255,289 cwt. a year. In 1832, it produced 15,329/. 8s. M. nett revenue. BARK, the outer rind of plants. There is an immense variety of barks known in commerce, as cinnamon, Peruvian bark, oak bark, quercitron, &c. The term " bark " is, however, generally employed to express either Peruvian bark, or oak bark ; and it is these only that we shall describe in this place. 1. Peruvian or Jesuits' Bark (Fr. Quinquina; Ger. Kron-china ; Du. China-hast; Sp. Quina, Quinquina; Lat. Quinquina, Cortex Peruvianus). There are three prin- cipal species of this bark known in commerce, which have been elaborately described by Dr. A. T. Thomson, from whose account the following particulars are selected. The first species is the pale bark of the shops. It is the produce of the Cinchona lancifolia, and is the original cinchona of Peru. It is now very scarce. It is imported in chests covered with skins, each containing about 200 lbs., well packed, but generally mixed with a quantity of dust and other heterogeneous matter. It consists of pieces 8 or 10 inches long, some of them being scarcely one tenth of an inch thick, singly and doubly quilled, or rolled inwards; the quills, generally, being in size from a swan's quill to an inch and a half. It is internally of a pallid fawn or cinnamon hue; but approximates, on being moistened, to the colour of a pale orange. When in sub- stance it has scarcely any odour ; but during decoction the odour is sensible, and agreeably aromatic. The taste is bitter, but not unpleasant, acidulous, and austere. The second species, or red bark, is obtained from the Cinchona ohlongifolia , growing on the Ande!j. It is imported in chests containing from 100 to 150 lbs. each. It consists BARLEY. 121 of variously sized pieces, most of them flat, but some partially quilled or rolled. The internal part is woody, and of a rust red colour : it has a weak peculiar odour ; and its taste is much less bitter, but more austere and nauseous, than that of the other barks. 1 he third species, or yellow bark of the shops, is obtained from the Cinchona cordifolia, growing in Quito and Santa Fe. It is imported in chests containing from 90 to 100 lbs. each, consisting of pieces 8 or 10 inches long, some quilled, but the greater part Hat. The interior is of a yellow colour, passing to orange. It has nearly the same odour in decoction as the pale ; the taste is more bitter and less austere, and it excites no astringent feeling when chewed. The goodness decreases when the colour varies from orange yellow to pale yellow j when of a dark colour, between red and yellow, it should be rejected. It is needless to add, that bark is one of the most valu'^ble medical remedies. The Indians were unacquainted with its uses, which seem to have been first discovered by tlie Jesuits. It was introduced into Europe in 1632, but was not extensively used till the latter part of the seventeenth century. According to M. Humboldt, the Jesuits' bark annually exported from America amounts to from 12,000 to 14,000 quintals. Of these, 2,000 are furnished by Santa F^, and 110 by Loxa; Peru furnishing the remainder, which is shipped at Callao, Guayaquil, &c. 2. Oak Bark ( Fr. Ecorce de la Chene ; Ger. Eichenrinde ; It. Corteccia della Querela ; Lat. Querciis cortex). The bark of the common oak is a powerful astringent, and is preferred to all other substances for tanning leather. The bark of the larch is now, however, used for the same purpose. The import of oak bark is very considerable ; but owing to the cork tree being a species of oak ( Quercus Suber), bark for tanning and cork bark are usually mixed together in the parliamentary returns. The latter, how- ever, does not amount to a tenth part of the whole quantity imported. The imports of both sorts amounted, in 1831, to 931,075 cwt., which is about the average importation. Of this quantity, no less than 608,304 cwt. were brought from the Netherlands (Hol- land and Belgium), 62,437 cwt. from Germany, &c. Cork bark is almost entirely imported from Italy, Spain, and Portugal ; the imports from them being, in the above- mentioned year, Italy 95,163 cwt., Spain 78,067 cwt., and Portugal only 187 cwt. The quality of bark varies according to the size and age of the tree, the season when it is bai-ked, &c., so much, that the price varies, at this moment, from about 51. to about lOZ. per ton. The duty, which is 13s. 4c?. a ton, produced in 1832, in Great Britain, 22,251?. Os. 5d. nett. Quercitron is the bark of a species of oak tree ( Quercus tinctoria). It is not used, at least in this country, for tanning, but for imparting a yellow dye to silk and wool. It is principally imported from North America. The price varies, at present, according to the quality, from about 12s. 6d. to 15s. a cwt., duty (Is.) included. At an average of the three years ending with 1831, the entries for home consumption were 25,015 cwt. a year. We are indebted for the discovery and application of the useful properties of quer- citron to Dr. Bancroft. The doctor obtained a patent for his invention in 1775 ; but the American war breaking out soon after, deprived him of its advantages. In consi- deration of this circumstance, parliament passed, in 1785, an act (25 Geo. 3. c. 38.) securing to him the privileges conveyed by his patent for 14 years. At the expira- tion of the latter period, the House of Commons agreed to extend the doctor's pri- vilege for an additional 7 years ; but the House of Lords rejected the bill. Like too many discoverers. Dr. Bancroft profited but little by his invention, though it has been of great use to the arts and manufactures of the country. — (See Bancroft on Permanent Colours, vol. ii. p. 112., and the Report of the Committee of the House of Commons on Patents, Appendix, p. 175.) Oak bark, the produce of Europe, is not to be imported into the United Kingdom for home consump- tion, except in British ships, or in ships of the country of which it is the produce, or in ships of the country from which it is imported, on pain of forfeiting the goods, and 100/. by the master of the vessel — (7 & 8 Geo. 4. c. 58.) BARLEY (Fr. Orge; Ger. Gerstengraupen ; Du. Ryg ; It. Orzo ; Sp. Cehada : Rus. Fatschmea ; Lat. Hordeum ; Arab. Dhourra ; Hind. Jow), a species of bread-corn {Hordeum Lin.), of which there are several varieties. It is extensively cultivated in most European countries, and in most of the temperate districts of Asia and Africa. It may also be raised between the tropics ; but not at a lower elevation than from 3,000 to 4,000 feet, and then it is not worth cultivating. Large quantities of barley have been, for a lengthened period, raised in Great Britain. Recently, however, its cultivation has been supposed, though probably on no good grounds, to be declining. In 1765, Mr. Charles Smith estimated the number of barley consumers in England and Wales at 739,000 ; and as a large proportion of the population of Wales, Westmoreland, and Cumberland continue to subsist chiefly on barley bread, we are inclined to think that this estimate may not, at present, be very wide of the mark. But the principal demand 122 BARLEY-SUGAR. — BARRATRY. for barley in Great Britain is for conversion into malt, to be used in the manufacture of ale, porter, and British spirits ; and though its consumption in this way has not certainly increased proportionally to the increase of wealth and population, still there does not seem to be any grounds for supposing that it has diminished. Barley is also extensively used in fattening black cattle, hogs, and poultry. It now generally follows turnips, and is a very important crop in the rotation best adapted to light soils. The principal barley counties of England are Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridge, Bedford, Herts, Leicester, Not- tingham, the upper parts of Hereford, Warwick, and Salop. The produce varies, according to soil, preparation, season, &c., from about 20 to 60 or 70 bushels an acre. The most usual crop is from 28 to 36 or 38 bushels- The Winchester bushel of good English barley generally weighs about 50 lbs., but the best Norfolk barley sometimes weighs 53 or 54 lbs. Its produce in flour is about 12 lbs., to 14 lbs. grain. Barley is a tender plant, and easily hurt in any stage of its growth. It is more hazardous than wheat, and is, generally speaking, raised at a greater expense ; so that its cultivation should not be atttempted except when the soil and climate are favourable for its growth. — (For details as to the prices ot barley, the quantities imported and exported, &c., see Corn Laws and Corn Trade. And for further details as to its consumption and culture, see Smith's Tracts on the Corn Trade, 2d ed. p. 182. ; Brown on Mural Affairs, vol. ii. p. 42. ; Loudon's Encyc, of Agriculture, ^-c.) BARLEY-SUGAR (Fr. Sucre d'orge ; Ger. Gerstenzucker ; It. Pennito ; Sp. Al- fenique ; Lat. Alphenix), a preparation of sugar, candied with orange or lemon peel. BARRATRY, in navigation, is, in its most extensive sense, any fraudulent or un- lawful act committed by the master or mariners of a ship, contrary to their duty to their owners, and to the prejudice of the latter. It appears to be derived from the Italian word harratrare, to cheat. It may be committed by running away with a ship, wilfully carrying her out of the course prescribed by the owners, delaying or defeating the voyage, deserting convoy without leave, sinking or deserting the ship, embezzling the cargo, smuggling, or any other offence whereby the ship or cargo may be subjected to arrest, detention, loss, or forfeiture. It is the practice, in most countries, to insure against barratry. Most foreign jurists hold, that it comprehends every fault which the master and crew can commit, whether it arise from fraud, negligence, unskilfulness, or mere imprudence. But in this country it is ruled, that no act of the master or crew shall be deemed barratry, unless it proceed from a criminal or fraudulent motive. " Barratry can only be committed by the master and mariners by some act contrary to their duty, in the relation in which they stand to the owners of the ship. It is, therefore, an offence against them, and consequently an owner himself cannot commit barratry. He may, by his fraudulent conduct, make himself liable to the owner of the goods on board, but not for barratry. Neither can barratry be committed against the owner, with his consent ; for though he may be liable for any loss or damage occasioned by the misconduct of the master to which he consents, yet this is not barratry. Nothing is more clear than that a man can never set up as a crime, an act done by his own direction or consent." — (^Marshall on Insurance, book i. c. 12. § 6.) When, therefore, the owner of a ship is also the master, no act of barratry can be committed ; for no man can commit a fraud against himself. It is a maxim in law, that fraud shall not be presumed, but must be clearly proved ; and it is a rule in questions of insurance, that he who charges bari'atry must substantiate it by conclusive evidence. It is not necessary, to render an act barratrous, that it should be committed with a criminal intent as respects the owners, in order to injure them, or to benefit the captain or crew. It may even be committed with a view to promote the owner's interests ; for an illegal act done without the authority or privity of the owners, and which proves detrimental to them, is barratry, whatever be the motives in which it originated. Lord EUenborough, in an able judgment, has laid it down as clear law, " that a breach of duty by the master in respect of his owners, with a fraudulent or criminal intent, or ex malejicio, is barratry ; that it makes no difference whether this act of the master be induced by motives of advantage to himself, malice to the owner, or a disregard of those laws which it was his duty to obey ; and that it is not for him to judge or suppose, in cases not intrusted to his discretion, that he is not breaking the trust reposed in him, when he endeavours to advance the interests of his owners by means which the law forbids, and which his owners also must be taken to have forbidden." The circumstance of the owners of ships being permitted to insure against the barratry of the master and mariners can hardly fail, it may be not uncharitably presumed, of rendering them less scrupulous in their inquiries with respect to their character than they would otherwise be. Perhaps, therefore, it might be expedient to prohibit such insurances, or to lay some restrictions upon them. They were, indeed, expressly for- bidden by the Ordinance of Rotterdam ; and Lord Mansfield, whose authority on aU BARREL. — BAT AVI A. 123 points connected with the law of insurance is so deservedly high, seems to have thought that it would be well to exclude barratry entirely from policies, and to cease " making the underwriter become the insurer of the conduct of the captain whom he does not appoint, and cannot dismiss, to the owners who can do either." But though it were expedient to prevent the owners from making an insurance of this sort, nothing can be more reasonable than that third parties, who freight a ship, or put goods on board, should be allowed to insure against such a copious source of loss. — ( For a further dis- cussion of this subject, see the article Marine Insurance ; and Marshall on Insurance^ book i. c 12. § 6., and Park on Insurance, c. 5.) Owners, masters, or seamen, who wilfully cast away, burn, or destroy ships, to the prejudice of freighters or insurers, incur the penalty of death. — (See Seamen.) BARREL, a cask or vessel for holding liquids, particularly ale and beer. Formerly the barrel of beer in London contained only 32 ale gallons = 32§ Imperial gallons : but it was enacted by 43 Geo. 3. c. 69., that 36 gallons of beer should be taken to be a barrel j and by the 6 Geo. 4. c. 58. it is enacted, that whenever any gallon measure is mentioned in any excise law, it shall always be deemed and taken to be a standard Im- perial gallon. At present, therefore, the barrel contains 36 Imperial gallons. It may be worth while observing that the barrel or cask is exclusively the produce of European ingenuity ; and that no such article is known to any nation of Asia, Africa, or America, who have not derived it from Europeans. BARWOOD, a red dye wood brought from Africa, particularly from Angola, and the river Gaboon. The dark red which is commonly seen upon British Bandana handkerchiefs is for the most part produced by the colouring matter of barwood, saddened by sulphate of iron. — (^Bancroft on Colours.) The imports of barwood, in 1829, amounted to 246 tons 15 cwt. It fetches at present (October, 1833) from 9/. to 11/. a ton (duty 5s. included) in the London market. BASKETS (Fr. Corbeilles ; Ger. Korbe It. Paniere ; Sp. Canastas, Canastos } Rus. Korsinii) are made, as every one knows, principally of the interwoven twigs of willow, osier, birch, &c., but frequently also of rushes, splinters of wood, straw, and an immense number of other articles. They are used to hold all sorts of dry goods, and are constructed of every variety of quality and shape. Besides the vast quantities pro- duced at home, some of the finer kinds are imported under an ad valorem duty of 20 per cent. In 1832, this duty produced 1,044/. 7s. 9c/., showing that the value of the foreign baskets entered for home consumption in the same year had been 5,221/. 18s. 9c?. BAST, for straw hats or bonnets. See Hats. BATAVIA, a city of the island of Java, the capital of the Dutch possessions in the East Indies, and the principal trading port of the Oriental islands, in lat. 6° 12' S., long. 106° 54' E., situated in the north-west part of the island, on an extensive bay. The harbour, or rather road, lies between the main land and several small uninhabited islands, which, during the boisterous or north-western monsoon, afford suflScient shelter and good anchorage. Ships of from 300 to 500 tons anchor at about a mile and a half from shore. A small river runs through the town, navigable for vessels of from 20 to 40 tons, from the sea, a couple of miles inland ; a number of canals branch off from it into different parts of the town, affording great conveniences for trade. Batavia was formerly so notorious for its insalubrity, that General Daendels was anxious to transfer the seat of government to Sourabaya ; but being thwarted in this, he set about building a new town, a little further inland, on the heights of Weltevreden, whither the government offices were immediately removed. Most of the principal merchants have now their residences in the new town, repairing only to the old city, when business requires it, during a portion of the day. In consequence, the old town is at present principally occupied by Chinese, and the descendants of the ancient colonists, several of its streets having been deserted and demolished. Recently, however, the Baron Capellen, whose enlightened administration will long be gratefully remembered in Java, sensible of the superior advantages of the old town as a place of trade, exerted himself to prevent its further decay, by removing the causes of its unhealthiness ; to accomplish which, he widened several of the streets, filled up some of the canals, and cleaned others, demolished useless fortifications, &c. ; and the effect of these judicious measures has been, that Batavia is now as healthy as any other town in the island. The population, according to an accu- rate census taken in 1824, consisted of 3,025 Europeans and their descendants, 23,108 natives, 14,708 Chinese, 601 Arabs, and 12,419 slaves; in all, 53,861 persons, exclusive of the garrison. As the population has increased since, it may at present be estimated at about 60,000, independently pf the military, of which there are always a consider- able number. Among the principal merchants are Dutch, English, Americans, French, and Germans. The island of Java forms the most important portion of the Dutch possessions in the East, and is, in fact, one of the finest colonies in the world. It contains an area of 50,000 square miles, with a population of 6,000,000 individuals, or 120 to the square mile. The annual revenue of the Dutch government, which possesses 124^ BATAVIA. about two thirds of the island, amounts to about 3,000,000?. sterling ; and the military force amounts to about 15,000; of which not less than 8,000 are European troops, being about one third of the whole European force in British India, which has a population of 90,000,000, and an area of between 1,200,000 and 1,300,000 square miles of ter- ritory. The staple products of the island are rice (of which 25,500 tons were exported in 1828), a variety of pulses, vegetable oils, tobacco, sugar, and coffee. The production of sugar is rapidly increasing. In 1832 the exports were estimated at 200,000 piculs (12,000 tons); but it was supposed that the exports in 1833 would not fall short of 18,000 tons; and as the Dutch authorities have made extensive contracts with the owners of large tracts of land to take sugar at very remunerating prices for some years to come, it has been calculated that the exports of 1 834 would amount to 400,000 piculs, or about 24,000 tons. The production of indigo, cocoa, tea, and raw silk, is making considerable progress. The tin exported from Batavia is brought from Banca, the copper from Japan, the finer spices from the Moluccas, and the pepper from Sumatra. In 1828, the exports from and imports into Batavia were, in quantity and value, as follows : — Exports. Imports. Articles. Coffee Mace . . . Cloves Nutmegs . - - Rice Tin Sugar* - - - - Birds' nests . . - Piece goods - - - Java tobacco . • - Pepper - • . . Rattans - - - Salt Japan and sandal wood Indigo* - • - Arrack - - Hides - . . . Turmeric - - - - Horses ,"584 (to the Isle of France) Tortoiseshell Japan camphor Articles not specified Treasure - Total Piculs of 1361bs.each. 416,171 600 1,832 1,647 419,499 19,554 25,869 8,226 51,301 24,9.^0 7,240 188 Leg. 533 5,412 Florins. Articles. 8,024,039 Cotton manufactures, Netherlands 90,078 I English 229,107 French - 221,121 Woollen ditto Netherlands 1,194,486 I English and French 866,521 Provisions from England only 456,084 Brandy and geneva 5iil,392 Wines 499,470 Opium, Levant 401,002 t Bengal 151,537 Lead - - 141,506 Copper, Europe 119,890 1 "^"^ Japan - 96,474 Steel from the Netherlands 94,342 j England 86,362 I Sweden 52,140 Iron from Sweden 42,038 1 England 35,975 I Netherlands 57,941 Cotton piece goods, Bengal and Madras 43,200 Cotton yarn fi-om the Netherlemds 2,859,356 Ditto English 1,209,294 Gambir (terra Japonica) — — Rattans ... 17*499,341 Tripang (Holothurion) Silk and cotton piece goods, Chinese manufacture - - - Marine stores ... Articles not specified Treasure Total 559 110 2,891 354 11,631 726 404 186 3,200 4,593 9,033 Florins. 2,940,635 1,819,435 18,679 246,545 16,861 522,342 322,606 1,154,868 717,529 314,300 76,612 45,110 988,635 22,963 12,625 5,812 23,275 45,050 138,003 787,917 1,146 41,430 477,854 223,667 380,964 566,701 264,226 3,383,596 2,616,707 17,976,094 The following Table shows the different Countries with which Batavia carries on Trade, and the Value of the Export and Import Trade with each, in 1828. Imports. Total. Exports. Total. Netherlands England France Hamburgh Gibraltar Sweden U. S. of America Cape of Good Hope Isle of France Persian Gulf Bengal Siam Cochin China China Macao Manilla •Japan New Holland Eastern Arch pelago Total Florins. 6,459,852 2,166,515 139,302 69,932 18,275 30,384 305,161 1,624 21,051 1,510 757,424 131,004 4,909 585,566 65,(528 29,989 1,067,231 7,613 3,526,415 15,359,387 Florins. 1,001,913 16,830 89,250 597,210 10,200 5,408 " 2,550 Florins. 7,461,765 2,166,515 139,302 76,762 107,525 50,384 1,002,371 1,624 21,051 1,510 747,624 131,004 4,909 59(),e peasants decline reaping the fields at a distance from the villages! In 1831, 146,234 quarters of Spanish wheat, principally from Bilbao, were imported into Great Britain. The iron manufactures of Biscay are in a state of con- siderable activity, and some part of the produce is exported. The principal articles of importation are wove fabrics, cod-fish, cutlery, and jewellery ; sugar, coflTee, cacao, and other colonial products, spices, indigo, &c. In 1831, 210 foreign ships, of the burden of 18,822 tons, entered the port of Bilbao. The countries to which these ships belonged are not mentioned ; but in 1828, 49 British ships, of the burden of 6,051 tons, entered the port. — (We have derived these details from the Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 9. art. Spain ; the Annuaire du Commerce Maritime for 1833, p. 265. ; the Pari. Papery No. 550. Sess. 1833; dead private information.^ Monies, fVeights, and Measures, same as those of Cadiz ; which see. We may mention, however, that the fanega, or measure for grain, is equivalent to 165 Winchester quarters. BILL OF EXCHANGE. See Exchange. BILL OF HEALTH, a certificate or instrument signed by consuls or other proper authorities, delivered to the masters of ships at the time of their clearing out from all ports or places suspected of being particularly subject to infectious disorders, certifying the state of health at the time that such ships sailed. A clean bill imports, that at the time that the ship sailed no infectious disorder was known to exist. A suspected bill, commonly called a touched patent or bill, imports that there were rumours of an infec- tious disorder, but that it had not actually appeared. A foul bill, or the absence of clean bills, imports that the place was infected when the vessel sailed. — (See Quarantine.) BILL OF LADING, is a formal receipt subscribed by the master of a ship in his capacity of carrier, acknowledging that he has received the goods specified in it on board his ship, and binding himself (under certain exceptions) to deliver them, in the like good order as received, at the place, and to the individual named in the bill, or his assigns, on his or their paying him the stipulated freight, &c. When goods are sent by a ship hired by a charterparty, the bills of lading are delivered by the master to the merchant by whom the ship is chartered ; but when they are sent by a general ship, — that is, by a ship not hired by charterparty, but employed as a general carrier, — each indivi- dual who sends goods on board, receives a bill of lading for tiie same. In all cases, therefore, the bill of lading is the evidence of and title to the goods shipped. The liability of a carrier, at common law to deliver the goods intrusted to his care, is cancelled only by " the act of God and the king's enemies." But to limit this respon- sibility, the following exception is now, invariably almost, introduced into the clause in bills of lading, binding the master to the delivery of the goods : — " The act of God, the hinges enemies, fire, and all and every other dangers and accidents of the seas^ rivers, and navigation, of whatever nature and kind soever, excepted.^* Bills of lading are not, in general, immediately given by the master on receiving the goods. The usual practice is for the master or his deputy to give a common receipt 130 BILL OF SALE. -BILL OF SIGHT. for the goods, which is delivered up on receiving the bill of lading. The latter should always be required within 24 hours after the goods are received on board. Three sets of all bills of lading are made out on stamped paper : one of these should be remitted by the first post to the person to whom the goods are consigned, a second being sent to him by the ship ; the third is retained by the shipper of the goods. The master ought always to retain copies of the bills of lading for his government. A stamp duty of 3s. is charged on all bills of lading, whether for goods exported or carried coastwise. The usual form of a bill of lading is as follows : — W. B. IN-JB. — SHIPPED, in good order and well conditioned, by A. B. merchant, in and upon the No. 1. a. 10. 3 good ship called whereof C. D. is master, now in the river Thames, and bound for , the goods following, viz. \_here describe the goods,^ marked and Humbered as per margin, to be delivered, in the like good order and condition, at aforesaid, {the act of God, the king's enemies, fire, and all and every other dangers and accidents of the seas, rivers, and navigation, of whatever nature and kind soever, excepted,) unto the said A. B. or his assigns, he or they paying for the said goods at the rate of per piece freight, with primage and average accustomed. In witness whereof, I the said master of the said ship, have affirmed to three bills of lading, of this tenour and date ; any one of which bills being accomplished, the other two are to be void. London, this day of , 1834. C. D., Master. But in the case of ships homeward bound from the West Indies, which send their boats to fetch the cargo from the shore, the exception in the bill of lading is usually expressed as follows : " The act of God, the king's enemies, fire, and all and every other dangers and accidents of the seas, rivers, and navigation, of whatever nature and kind soever, save risk of boats, so far as ships are liable thereto, excepted." Other excep- tions may be and are sometimes introduced ; but the above is the general form. Transfer of Bills of Lading. — Bills of lading are transferable either by blank or special indorsement, like bills of exchange. And whatever may be the character of the person to whom the goods are consigned, whether he be a buyer, or merely the factor, agent, or broker of the consignor, the bond fide holder of a bill of lading indorsed by the consignee, is entitled to the goods, and may claim them from the master, if he can prove that he has purchased the bill for a good consideration ; but unless he can do this, he is not entitled to the goods. — (Holt, Law of Shipping, 2d ed. p. 363.) Formerly, a factor, though he might sell, could not pledge the goods of his principal. But the hardship and inconvenience arising from this rule were such, that it was set aside by the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 94. The second section of this act declares, that any person in possession of a bill of lading shall be deemed the true owner of the goods specified in it, so as to make a sale or pledge by him of such goods or biU of lading valid, unless the person to whom the goods are sold or pledged has notice that the seller or pledger is not the actual and bond fide owner of the goods. — (See Factor.) Delivery under Bill of Lading. — It being usual to sign and deliver three bills of lading, it is possible that there may be conflicting demands upon the captain by the dif- ferent holders. Nothing, however, is, in such a case, required of him, except that he act with good faith, and to the best of his judgment ; and that he make delivery of the goods to the person who first demands them of him, upon presentment of the bill of lading, provided the circumstances be not such as to justify a suspicion of his having unfairly got possession of it. If he act differently, he is answerable, according to the peculiar- ities of the case, to the person injured by his negligence ; the bill of lading being not only the instructions of the merchant to him, as his carrier or servant, but his own especial agreement to deliver according to its conditions. Where several bills of lading of a different import have been signed, no regard is to be paid to the time when they were first signed by the master ; but the person who first gets legal possession of one of them from the owner or shipper, has a right to the consignment ; and where such bills of lading, though different upon the face of them, are constructively the same, and the master has acted bond fide, a delivery according to such legal title will discharge him from all. — {Holt, p. 375. and 377.) BILL OF SALE, a contract under seal, by which an individual conveys or passes away the right and interest he has in the goods or chattels named in the bill. The property of ships is transferred by bill of sale. — ( See Registry. ) BILL OF SIGHT. When a merchant is ignorant of the real quantities or qualities of any goods assigned to him, so that he is unable to make a perfect entry of them, he must acquaint the collector or comptroller of the circumstance ; and they are authorised, upon the importer or his agent making oath that he cannot, for want of full information, make a perfect entry, to receive an entry by bill of sight, for the packages, by the best description which can be given, and to grant warrant that the same may be landed and examined by the importer in presence of the officers ; and within 3 days after any goods shall have been so landed, the importer sliall make a perfect entry, and shall either pay down the duties, or shall duly warehouse the same. — (3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 52. § 24.) In default of perfect entry within 3 days, such goods are to be taken to the king's BILL OF STORE.— BIRDLIME. 131 warehouse ; and if the importer shall not, within 1 month, make perfect entry, and pay the duties thereon, or on such purls as can be entered for home use, togetlier with charges of moving and warehouse rent, such goods shall be sold for payment of the duties. — § 25. The East India Company are authorised, without the proof before-mentioned, to enter goods by bill of sight, and to make perfect entry, and pay the duties within 3 months. — § 26. BILL OF STORE, is a licence granted by the Custom-house, to merchants, to carry such stores and provisions as are necessary for a voyage, free of duty. By the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 52., returned goods may be entered by bill of store, as follows : — From 5th January, 1826, it shall be lawful to re-import into the United Kingdom, from any place, in a ship of any country, any goods (except as herein-after excepted) which shall have been legally exported from the United Kingdom, and to enter the same by bill of store, referring to the entry outwards, and exportation thereof; provided the property in such goods continue in tlie person by whom or on whose account the same have been exported ; and if tiie goods so returned be foreign goods which had before been legally imported into the United Kingdom, the same duties shall be payable thereon as would, at the time of such re-importation, be payable on the like goods, under the same circumstances of importation as those under which such goods had been originally imported ; or such goods may be warehoused upon a first importation thereof : provided always, that the several sorts of goods enumerated or described in the list following shall not be re-imported into the United Kingdom for /lofne use, upon the ground that the same had been legally exported from thence, but that the same shall be deemed to be foreien goods, whether originally such or not, and shall also be deemed to be imported for tiie first time into the United Kingdom; viz. Goods exported, which may not be rc-importedfor Home Use. Corn, grain, meal, flour, and malt ; hops, tobacco, tea. Goods for which any bounty or any drawback of excise had been received on exportation, unless by special permission of the commissioners of customs, and on repayment of such bounty or such drawback. All goods for which bill of store cannot be issued in manner herein-after directed, except small remnants of British goods, by special permission of the commissioners of customs, upon proof to their satis, faction that the same are British, and had not been sold. — \ S3. The person in whose name any goods so re-imported were entered for exportation, shall deliver to the searcher, at the port of exportation, an exact account signed by him of the particulars of such goods, re- ferring to the entry and clearance outwards, and to the return inwards of the same, with the marks and numbers of the packages both inwards and outwards ; and thereupon the searcher, finding that such goods had been legally exported, shall grant a bill of store for the same; and if the person in whose name the goods were entered for exportation was not the proprietor thereof, but his agent, he shall declare upon oath on such bill of store the name of the person by whom he was employed as such agent ; and if the person to whom such returns are consigned shall not be such proprietor and exporter, he shall declare upon oath on such bill of store the name of the person for whose use such goods have been consigned to him ; and the real proprietor, ascertained to be such, shall make oath upon such bill of store to the identity of the goods so exported and so returned, and that he was at the time of exportation and of re-importation the proprietor of such goods, and that the same had not during such time been sold or disposed of to any other person ; and such affidavits shall be made before the collectors or comptrollers at the ports of ex- portation and of importation respectively, and thereupon the collector and comptroller shall admit such goods to entry by bill of store, and grant their warrant accordingly. — \ 34. BILLINGSGATE, a market for fish, contiguous to the Custom-house in London. It is held every lawful day, and was established in 1G99 by stat. 10 & 11 Will. 3. c. 24. Every person buying fish in Billingsgate market, may sell the same in any other market- place or places within the city of London or elsewhere, by retail, with this condition, that none out fishmongers be permitted to sell in fixed shops or houses. No person or persons shall purchase at Billingsgate any quantity of fish, to be divided by lots or in shares amongst any fishmongers or other persons, in order to be afterwards put to sale by retail or otherwise ; nor shall any fishmonger engross, or buy in the said market, any quantity of fish, but what shall be for his own sale or use, under the penalty of 20/. No person is to have in his possession, or expose to sale, any spawn of fish, or fi.sh unsizeable, or out of season. — (36 Geo. 3. c. 118.) The minimum size of the lobsters to be sold at Billingsgate is fixed by statute. — ( See Lobster. ) No fish of foreign taking or curing, or in foreign vessels, is to be imported into the United Kingdom, under penalty of forfeiture, except turbots and lobsters, stock-fish, live eels, anchovies, sturgeon, botargo, and caviare. Fresh fish of British taking, and im- ported in British ships, and turbot, however taken or imported, may be landed without report, entry, or warrant. — (6 Geo. 4. c. 107.) For some further remarks with respect to this subject, see Fish. BIRCH (Fr. Bouleau; Du. Berke ; Ger. Birke ; It. BetuUa ; Lat. Betula ; Pol. Brzoza ; Rus. Bereza ; Sp. Ahedul, Behilld), a forest tree met with every where in the north of Europe. It is applied to various purposes. In Lapland, Norway, and Sweden, the long twigs of the birch are woven into mats and twisted into ropes ; the outer bark forms an almost incorruptible covering for houses ; and the inner bark is used, in periods of scarcity, as a substitute for bread. Russia leather is prepared by means of the empyreumatic oil of the birch. It is an excellent wood for the turner, being light, compact, and easily worked. Its durability is not very great. It is sometimes used in the manufacture of herring barrels. BIRDLIME (Ger. Vogelkim ; Fr. Glu ; It. Pania ; Sp. Lifja ; Rus. Ptitschei Klei) exudes spontaneously from certain plants, and is obtained artificially from tlie middle K 2 132 BIRDS' NESTS. — BISMUTH. Jark of the holly. Its colour is greenish, its flavour sour, and it is gluey, shining, and tenacious. The natural is more adhesive than the artificial birdlime. — ( Thomson's Chemistry. ) BIRDS' NESTS (Ger. Indianische Vogelnester ; Du. Indiaansehe Vogelnestjes ; Fr. Nids de Tunkin ; It. Nidi di Tunchino ; Sp. Nidos de la China; Java. Susu ; Malay, Sarunghurung), the nests of a species of swallow peculiar to the Indian islands (Hirutido esculenta), very much esteemed in China. In shape this nest resembles that of other swallows ; it is formed of a viscid substance ; and in external appearance, as well as consistence, is not unlike fibrous, ill-concocted isinglass. Esculent nests are principally found in Java, in caverns that are most frequently, though not always, situated on the sea-coast. Many conflicting statements have been made as to the substance of nests ; some contending that they are formed of sea-foam or other marine products, and others that they are elaborated from the food of the bird, &c. But these are points as to which nothing satisfactory is known. We borrow from Mr. Crawfurd's valuable work on the Eastern Archipelago (vol. iii. pp. 432—437.), the following authentic and curious details as to the traffic in this singular production: — "The best nests are those obtained in deep damp caves, and oUch as are taken before the birds have laid their eggs. The coarsest are those obtained after the young are fledged. The finest nests are the whitest, that is, those taken before the nest has been rendered impure by the food and fa:ces of the young birds. They are taken twice a-year, and, if regularly collected, and no unusual injury be offered to the caverns, will pro- duce very equally, the quantity being very little, if at all, improved by the caves being left altogether unmolested for a year or two. Some of tfie caverns are extremely difficult of access, and the nests can only be collected by persons accustomed from their youth to the office. The most remarkable and pro- ductive caves in Java, of which I superintended a moiety of the collection for several years, are those of Karang-bolang, in the province of Baglen, on the south coast of the island. Here the caves are only to be approached by a perpendicular descent of many hundred feet, by ladders of bamboo and rattan, over a sea rolling violently against the rocks. When the mouth of the cavern is attained, the perilous office of taking the nests must often be performed by torch-light, by penetrating into recesses of the rock where the slightest trip would be instantly fatal to the adventurers, who see nothing below them but the turbu. lent surf making its way into the chasms of the rock. " The only preparation which the birds' nests undergo is that of simple drying, without direct exposure to the sun, after which they are packed in small boxes, usually of half a picul. They are assorted for the Chinese market into three kinds, according to their qualities, distinguished '\x\to first or hesty second, and third qualities. Caverns that are regularly managed, will afford, in 100 parts, 53'3 parts of those of the first quality, 35 parts of those of the second, U*? parts of those of the third. " The common prices for birds' nests at Canton are, for the first sort, no less than 3,500 Spanish dollars the picul, or 5/. 185. 1|ondon Bridge to (Uielsea bridge - Wandsworth Putney ]'ulham Barn's Elms Hammersmith Chiswick Barnes Mortlake Dei)tford Greenwich each each each s. d. London Bridge to s. d. London Bridge to d. . 0 6 Brentford . 1 3 Walton-upon-Thames . 1 9 - 0 7 Isl'!Worth - 1 3 Shepperton - 2 0 -08 Richmond - 1 3 Weyi)ridgc . 2 0 - 0 8 Twickenham - 1 6 Laleham - 2 0 - 0 8 Tide- end Town - 1 fi Chertsey . 2 0 - 0 9 Kingston - 1 6 Staines - 2 6 . 0 9 Hampton Court - - 1 9 Datchet . 3 0 - 1 0 Hampton Town - 1 <) Windsor - 3 0 - 1 0 Sunbury - 1 9 - 0 6 Blackwall - - 0 y Gravescnd - 1 fi - 0 6 1 Woolwich 1 0 BOLE.— BOMBAY. 135 For a full boat load of luggage, same as for 8 passengers. For half a load, same as for i passengers. Penalties. — Taking more than fare, not exceeding 11. Waterman to have a list of fares in his boat, and on not permitting the passenger to examine it, the passenger is discharged from paying his fare, and the waterman inay be fined not exceeding Cd. Refusing to take a passenger, or not answering when called by the number of his boat, not exceeding bl. Unnecessarily delaying a passenger, not exceeding 51. Refusing to permit any person to read the name and number of his boat, or to tell his Christian or sur- name, or the number of his boat, on being paid his fare, or making use of any abusive language, not exceeding 51. Rules and By-latvs made by the Court of Aldermen, 15/h of April, 1828. — Letting his boat remain at any stairs, while wilfully absent, or not being ready to take a passenger into his boat, not exceeding It. Refusing to give his name or number, or that of any other waterman, not exceeding 1/. Obstructing any other waterman in taking in or landing a passenger, or obstructing a passenger, not exceeding U. Towing or being towed by any other boat without the consent of all the passengers, not exceeding 31. Agreeing to take any less sum than the rate allowed, and afterwards demanding more than the sum agreed for, not exceeding 21. Only two boats to be placed aboard any steam-boat at the same time in turn. Waterman, previous to taking turn as aforesaid, to lie with his boat upon his oars at least one boat's length distant from any other boat lying alongside, and shall not approach nearer, until after the former boat shall have proceeded two boats' length, not exceeding 51. The offices of Harbour-masters are in Little Thames Street, St. Catharine's ; and Canal Office, Black- wall. BOLE, a friable earthy substance, a species of the soapstone family. Specific gravity 1 '4 to 2. It is found in the island of Lemnos, whence it is sometimes called Lemnian earth ; and in Armenia, Italy, France, Silesia, various parts of South America, &c. Ar- menian and French boles were at one time not uncommon in this country, being used in the materia medica, but they are now entirely, or almost entirely, discarded. In India, however, Armenian bole still continues to be in extensive demand. It is brought to Bombay from the Persian Gulf. It is soft, feels greasy to the touch, adheres strongly to the tongue, and is very frangible : it is generally of a yellowish brown colour ; though sometimes it is seen of a fine flesh red, which is the variety held in the highest estimation. Some savage nations, such as the Ottomaques, described by M. Humboldt, are in the habit of allaying the pains of hunger by eating boles. The Javanese, when they wish to become thin, eat cakes, called tanaampo, made of bole. — (^Lewis, Mat. Medica; Thom- son'' s Chemistry ; Ainslie's Mat. Indica.) BOHEA, a species of tea. See Tea. BOMBAY, a sea-port on the western coast of British India, being, after Calcutta and Canton, the greatest commercial emporium in the East; lat. 18° 56' N., long. 72° 57' E. It is situated on the south-eastern extremity of a small island of the same name, separated from the main land by an arm of the sea, forming, with the contiguous islands of Colabah, Salsette, Butcher's Island, and Caranjah, one of the best har- bours in India. Bombay Island was ceded by the Portuguese to the English in 1661, as the dower of Queen Catherine, wife of Charles II., and was taken possession of in 1664; so that it has been in our occupation about 170 years, being by far the oldest of our possessions in the East. In 1668, it was transferred by the crown to the East India Company, by letters patent, in free and common soccage, on payment of the annual rent of 101. But, by the present charter, it has reverted to the crown, with the rest of the Company's assets, being held by the Company in trust merely. On its cession to the crown of England, in 1661, its population did not exceed 15,000 souls, the outcasts of the natives of India. It now contains 15,474 houses, valued at 3,606,424/., and a population exceeding 229,000. The following statement of the population of Bombay, at different periods, will show its progress : — 1664, when taken po.vession of , 15,000 I 1816 - - - 161,550 1716 . . . . 16,000 I 1830 - - - 229,000 The census of 1816 exhibits the proportion of the different classes of inhabitants as follows : — British, not military - . 1,840 Hindoos - . - - 103,800 Ilitto, military and marine - - 2,460 Parsees - - . - - 13,550 Native Christians, Armenians, and de- scendants of Portuguese - - 11,500 Total 161,550 Jews - - - . 800 Mohammedans - - - 28,000 The fort stands on the south-east extremity of the island, on a narrow neck of land, im- mediately over the harbour. The fortifications are extensive, and on the sea side very strong. Bombay Harbour is one of the safest and most commodious in India. It is bounded on the west and north by the island of Colabah, or Old Woman's Island, Bombay Island, and the island of Salsette. The first two are separated only by a narrow creek fordable at low water, and Bombay Island was joined to Salsette by a causeway constructed in 1805. On the east side of the harbour, between it and the main land is Butcher's Island, distant about 4 miles from Bombay ; and immediately behind Butcher's Island is the famous island of Elephanta. About 3 miles south from Butcher's Island is the island of Caranjah, on the western side of which, next the harbour, is an extensive shoal. S. W. from Caranjah, distant about 5 miles, is Tull Point; between which and Colabah, or Old Woman's Island, is the entrance to the harbour. There is a light-house on the southern extremity of Colabah Island, elevated about 150 feet above the level of the sea, which in clear weather may be seen at the distance of 7 leagues. The K 4 136 BOMBAY. point on which the light-house stands is surrounded on all sides by .in extensive reef of rocks divltled into prongs: of these, the most dangerous is the prong stretching S.W. about 3 miles from the light- house, and forming the northern boundary of the entrance into the harbour. The reef stretching W.N.W. from TuU Point about 3i miles, forms the southern boundary of the entrance ; the breadth of the channel between them being about 3 miles, with a depth of from 7 to 8 fathoms. In going into the harbour, it is necessary to clear a sunken rock, lying almost due east from the light-house, at about 1^ mile distant ; and also a bank, called the middle ground, lying nearly opposite to and about li mile from the southern extremity of the town. — ( See Nicholson and Watson's Plan of Bombay Harbour.) Docks. — Bombay is the only port of consequence in British India in which the rise and fall of the tide are so considerable as to admit of the formation of extensive wet docks. At ordinary spring tides, the rise is about 14 feet, but occasionally as high as 17. The capacious docks constructed by the East India Company are their property, and are for the most part under the direction of Parsees, who, excepting the Chinese, are the most industrious and intelligent people of the Efist. The expense of repairing ships in them is enormous. Merchant vessels of great size, or from 1,300 to 1,400 tons burden, for the cotton trade to China, have been built in these docks. Frigates and line-of-battle ships have also been occasionally constructed in them, sometimes under the exclusive direction of Parsee artificers. Ships built at Bombay, on account of the timber being brought from a great distance, are very costly ; but being, contrary to the practice in other parts of India, entirely constructed of teak, they are the most durable vessels in the world, requiring little repair, and often running 50 or 60 years. Being for the most part built by natives, without any very strict application of the rules of art, they are commonly, though not always, heavy sailers. Monies. - Accounts are here kept in rupees; each rupee being divided into 4 quarters, and each quarter into 100 reas. The rupee is also divided into 16 annas, or 50 pice. An urd^e is 2 reas ; a doreea, 6 reas ; a dooganev, or single pice, 4 reas ; a fuddea, or double pice, 8 reas ; a paunchea is 5 rupees; and a" gold mohur, 15 rupees. Of these, the annas and re;is only are imaginary moniei. The coins of Bombay are the mohur, or gold rupee, the silver or Company's rupee, and their divi- sions ; also the double and single pice, the urdee, and doreea, which are copper coins with a mixture of tin or lead. The following LS the assay and sterling value of the present gold and lilvcr coinage of Bombay : — Gross Wt. Pure Metal. Sterling Value- prs. grs. 3. Gold Mohur - 180 - 165 - 29 2 Company's rupee (silver) ISO - 165 - l-ll if sil- ver be taken at 5s. 'id. an oz., and 2i. 0\d. if silver be taken at bs. 6d. an oz. . ■, ^ The Companv's rupee has only been corned since the 1st of September, 1835 ; hut it is almost identical in respect of value with the rupees previously in circulation. The charge for coinage in the Bombay Mint is 2} per cent, for gold, and S per cent, for silver, including the charges for refining. The machinery for this mint was sent out from England a few vears ago, and is complete, but very costly. At Bombay there are no banks, as at Madras and Calcutta, and paper money is unknown in mercantile transactions. Weights and Measures. — The weighU and measures used at Bombay are as follow : — Gvld and Silver Weight 40 Walls = Pearl Weight. 1 Tucka l.?! Tuckas = 1 Ruttee 24 lluttees = 1 Tank Commercial Weight. Avoirdnpois. lbs. oz. dr. 1 Tank = 0 0 2-48S 72 Tanks = 1 Seer = 0 1 1 3-2 40 Seers = 1 Maund = 28 0 0 These weights are used for all heavy goods, excej)ting salt. Grain Measure. lbs. oz. dr. 2Tipprees = 1 Seer = 0 U 5 2 4 Seers = 1 Paily = 2 12 12-8 7 Pailies = 1 Parah = 19 9 9-6 8 Parahs = 1 Candy = 156 12 12-8 Salt Measure. cubic inchet. — 1 Parah = 1607-61 = lAnna = 160761 = 1 Rash = 2572176 lOJ Adowlies 10(1 Parahs 16 Annas The anna weighs 2i tons, and the rash 40 tons. Liquor Measure. (Spirits and Country Arrack.) The seer weighs 60 Bombay rupees, and equals 1 lb. 8 oz. ■k dr. ; and 50 seers make the maund. Long Measure, 16 Tussoos = 1 Hath 24 Tussoos = 1 Guz. English inchei. = 18 = 27 All the foregoing standards are likewise divided into halves, quarters, &c. The preceding weights and measures are gene- rally used in Bombay ; but it sometimes occurs in mercantile transactions, that calculations are made in pounds and maunds, which last weight is reckoned at 40, 40J, 41, 43^, and 44 seers j and sometimes in Sural candies of 20 21, and 22 maunds. Shipping. — At Bombay there is an insurance society with a capital of 20 lacs of rupees, or about 2(X),000/. sterling; and there are also private underwriters who insure separately on ships. In 183G-37, 28 ships, of the aggregate burden of 20,800 tons, mostly owned by native merchants resident in Bombay, were employed in the China trade ; and there are besides a considerable number of large ships engaged in the trade to England and other places. They are for the most part navigated by Indian seamen or Lascars, those of Bombay being accounted by far the best in India; the master and superior •jfficers only, and not alwavs, being Englishmen. Besides these large vessels, there is a numerous class of native craft, under various forms and names, computed to amount in all to near 50,000 tons, of from 2 to 175 tons each. These vessels, besides furnishing the town with firewood, hay, straw, &c. from the neighbouring continent, navigate coastways from Cape Comorin to the Gulf of Cutch, and some- times cross the sea to Muscat and the Arabian Gulf. During the eight fair months, that is, from f)ctober to May, the largest sized vessels perform five or six trips to Damaun, Surat, Cambay, Broach, Jumbosier, and Cutch, bringing from these ports, where they sometimes winter, and where many of their owners reside, cotton, ghee, oil, pulse, wheat, cotton cloths, timber, firewood, putchok, mawah, &c. ; and return to the northern ports laden with the produce of Europe, Bengal, and China. The capital employed in this trade, in the minor articles of commerce, exclusive of cotton, has been estimated to amount to 1,500,000/. sterling. In 183G-37, there arrived at Bombay 253 ships (222 under British colours), of the aggregate burden of 104,913 tons. Commerce, §-c. — The small and sterile island of Bombay affords no produce for exporta- tion ; indeed, hardly yields a week's consumption of corn for its inhabitants. Nor does the whole presidency of Bombay, although estimated to contain about 70,000 square miles, and from 10,000,000 to 1 1 ,000,000 inhabitants, yield,with the exception of catton and rice, any of the great colonial staples, such as coffee, sugar, and indigo ; a circumstance that seems mainly ascribablc to the impolitic restraints upon the employment of Briti.sh settlers and capital that were long imposed by law, and acted upon with peculiar rigour in this and the sister presidency of Madra.s, in contradistinction to the greater latitude afforded in Bengal. Bombay is also much less favourably situated, in respect of internal communications, than Calcutta. The Ganges and its tributary streams intersect the richest provinces of India, and give Calcutta a vat5t command of inland navigation ; whereas alj the inland trade of Bombay has to be carried on by means olf BOMBAY. 137 roads, that are seldom available for carriages, and which can be used only by pack-bullocks and camels. The transit duties, by which the inland trade has been grievously oppressed, were abolished in Bengal in 183G ; and they either have been, or are, immediately to be abolished in Bombay. And were this judicious measure followed up by the formation of lines of road to the principal markets in the interior, a great increase of the trade of the town and improvement of the presidency would be the result. The principal trade of Bombay is carried on -with China, Great Britain, the countries on the Persian and Arabian gulfs, Calcutta, Cutch and Sinde, the Malabar coast, foreign Europe, &c. The imports from China consist principally of raw silk, sugar, and sugar-candy, silk piece goods, treasure, &c. The principal articles of export to China are, raw cotton (44,464,364 lbs., in 1836-37.), opium (20,882^ chests, in 1836-37.), principally from Malwa, pearls, sharks' fins and fish maws, sandal- wood, &c. The exports to China being much gi-eater than the imports, the returns for several years past have been made to a large extent in bills on London, drawn by American and other houses in China, and in bills on the Indian governments, drawn by the agents of the East India Company in China. The trade with the United Kingdom has been regularly increasing since the abolition of the restrictive system. The chief articles of import from Great Britain are, cotton and woollen stuffs, cotton yarn, hardware, copper, iron and lead, glass, apparel, fur, stationery, wine, &c. The principal articles of export to Britain are raw cotton (68,163,901 lbs. in 1836-37.), raw silk, from China and Persia, ivory, pepper and spices, piece goods, coffee, and wool. The export of the last-mentioned article has increased with extraordinary rapidity, the quantity shipped for England in 1 833-34 being only 69,944 lbs.; whereas the shipments for England in 1836-37 amounted to 2,444,019 lbs. ! At present the principal supply of the article is drawn from Cutch and Sinde, and from Marwar, via Guzerat ; but active measures have been taken by government for im- proving the flocks in the pastoral country of the Deccan, so that a further and very con- siderable increase of this new and important trade may be anticipated. The trade betAveen Bombay and the ports on the Persian Gulf has materially varied of late years. A large portion of the articles of British produce and manufacture that were formerly exported to Persia, by wa-y of Bombay and Bushire, being now sent through Trebisond and ports in the Levant; and a considerable portion of the raw silk that used to be exported from Persia, via Bombay, being now also sent through the ports referred to. On the other hand, however, there is a considerable increase in the exports and imports of other articles; so that, on the whole, the amount of the trade has not materially varied. The trade between Bombay and Calcutta is not so great now as it was formerly ; the abolition of the restrictive system in 1815 having given Bombay the means of bringing various articles direct from foreign ports which she was previously obliged to import at second-hand from Calcutta, and of exporting directly Account of the total Value of the Imports into, and of the Exports from Bombay, in the official years 1816-17, 1826-27, and 1836-37. Great Britain France Alatleira Cape of Good Hope Brazil Coast of Africa isle of France A merica China lanilla I'enanif, Singapoie, and the Straits - Calcutta Coast of Coromandel (Ceylon \rabian (lul Persian Gulf i\falabarand Canara Cutch and Sinde - ,Demaun,&Diu* Hamburgh - St. Helena - Total Rupees Suliordinale Ports. Panwell & Concan|- Surat - - . Guzerat - - • Rupees Total Rupees 1,90,236 2,250 7-i,4M 2,41,70.> 41,!)71 2,71,495 37,SG,172 3,67,433 6,91,808 31,79,602 62,989 79,098 .';,0ti,838 10,110,287 27,!I0,S9 2,57,82,236 91 ,00,74,283 53,000 11,02,29(» 20,10,892 5,S'2,702 1,82,975 11.000 1,26,.'57,657 23,11.564 2,57,93,23,2t6 - 2,55,30,479 - - 15,99,05,978 Subordinate Ports. Panwell & Concan f — Surat - - — Gu^erat - - — 3,25,167 23,76,202 40,85,915 21,192 7,20,503 3,42,785 3,46,35S 51,02,-05 44,28,710 54,94,473 22,F2,01l 73,47,696 24,19,037 .3,89,414 39,24,626 79,1.1,51C 26,51,426 1,12,72,322 55,33,682 15,09,845 81,50,010 49,89,236ll,05,22,918 7,30,6151 22,41,460 17,51,811 98,61,821 67,87,193 10,90,480 1,51,04,181 67,33,0771 1,51,24,533 74,51,662 Total Rupees • 78,77,747 2,18,37,258 - 12,26,26,199 At this period called Goa and the Concan. + At this period called Bassein and sundry ports. PORT CHARGES. limy and Anchorage Dues. — All Ships and Vessels or Boats not receiving Pilots From 10 to 20 tons Rps. 3 0 Above 20 to under 30 tons From 30 to 50 tons Above 50 to 100 ditto _ 100 to 150 ditto _ 150 to 200 ditto _ 200 to 250 ditto Charges for Pilotage. — A Ship of the Line or of 50 Guns A frigate or sloop of war — 10 0 :L- 20 0 — 25 0 _ 30 3 — 35 0 Pair Season. - Rj.s. 100 . ditto 75 0 per Ann 0 do. 0 do. 0 do. 0 do. 0 do. 0 do. Monsoon. Foreign ships of war are to pay, in addition to the above rates, rupees 40. N.B. There are no port charRes of any Square-rifjged Vessels of all descriptions : Above 50 to 300 tons. Rps. — 300 to 400 — — 400 to 500 — — 500 to 600 — -- 600 to 700 — — 700 to 800 — -- 800 to 900 — ~ 900 to 1000 — — 1000 to 1100 — ■ — 1100 to 1200 _ — 1200 and upwards — Light-house Dues All ships and vessels down to 20 tons^ at rupees 15 per 100 tons per annum. All vessels under 29 tons burden, at 2 rupees per annum, sort at Bombay other than the above. Fair Season Monsoon. . 50 0 0 75 0 0 55 0 0 80 0 0 60 0 0 85 0 0 65 0 0 90 0 0 70 0 0 95 0 0 75 0 0 100 0 0 80 0 0 105 0 0 85 0 0 110 0 0 90 0 0 115 0 0 95 0 0 120 0 0 100 0 0 125 0 0 General Rates of Commission in Bombay. — On the sale or purchase of goods of all denominations (except as under) - - - Per Cent. - Purchases of all kinds with the proceeds of goods sold, and on which acommissionof 5 per cent, has been previously The^^eor purchase of ships, houses, and lands The sale or purchase of opium - - - U'he sale or purchase of diamonds, pearls, and jewellery of all descriptions - ,„.",. c The sale or purchase of treasure or bullion, exclusive ot 1 per cent, on receipt of the proceeds Procuring freight , . Shipping goods of every descrintion Shipping treasure, bullion, and jewellery " , : Ships disbursements when no commission has been charged on freight or cargo Ett'ecting insurances - - ■ Settling insurance losses, whether partial or total ; also on procuring return of preniium,,exclusive of commission on receipt of cash - ./. Delcredere or guaranteeing the responsibility 6f persons to whom goods are sold, on the amount of sales 't he sale or purchase of cattle Collecting house rent - , , , " , . . " Ettecting remittances by bills of exchange [not being the proceeds of goods sold) - , . ; Taking up interest bills from the Company (exclusive of 1 per cent, on remitting) - . , ' Sale of purchase of public or private bdls of exchange exchanging Companies* securities of all descni>tions, or investing money therein, and on transferring government uaner from one constituent to another Surrendering, or depositing in the treasury. Company s security of all descriptions - I'rocuring money on respondentia or on loan - • ilecovery oftionds or bills for absentees, over due at the period of their lieing placed in the possession of the agent Debts, when a process at law or by arbitration is necessary, 2 4 i>tr rent. ; and if recovered by such means Managing the aftairs of an estate for an executor or ad- Guaranteeing hills, bonds, or debts in general, by endorse- Auending "the \u;U very of contract goods to the Company (;omu"iwI''lgntHl, and afterwards withdrawn, on Invoice Bills of exchange returned noted or protested, &c. Per cent 1 lieceipt of payment (at the option of the agent) of all monies not arising from proceeds of goods on which commission has been previously charged - -I All cases where the debtor side of the account exceeds the credit side, including the balance of interest, commis- sion chargeable on the debtor side, at the rate of - - 1 Granting letters of credit - - - 2J- Becoming security to government, or public bodies, in any case - - - 2i Goods consigned, which are disposed of by outcry or sent to a shop, on net proceeds - - - 2J Depositing government paper as security for constituents - 1 Memorandum. — Sales of European goods, when made at an advance on invoice cost, the amount to be converted into Bombay currency at the exchange of two shillings and six- pence per rupee. Dock Regulations. — At daylight the wickets of the- gates are opened, and at 7 o'clock the sentry gate. Half an hour after sunset the gates are shut, the wicket of the centre gate being left open till the evening gun be fired. No boats, saving those belonging to the Company's marine department, or her Majesty's navy, are permitted to come to the dock-yard stairs; but must use the piers expressly conMructed for their accommodation. No meat, stores, or baggage for the mer- chant ship|)ing, of any descrii)fion, are to he passed'through the dock-yards. After the firing of the evening gun, nobody belonging to the ships in the harbour, below the rank of a commissioned officer, is to be allowed to land or enter the dock-yard, without the exjiress permission of the master attendant, or other constituted authorities. Boats' crews are not to be permitted to quit their boat at the stairs, after the hour of shutting the gates. Small craft are not to deliver firewood or any other lading within the limits of the yard, without the siijierintendenfs sanction. The ships and vessels in dock are not to land any lumber whatever on the pier. Wo cargo of any description is to be landed in or passed through the yard, from or to any ship in dock, without the superintendent's permission in writing. No fire or light is allowed on board any ship or vessel in dock, without the authority of-the superintendent, to whom the pur- poses for which either may be required, must be stated in writing. (See Milbum's Oriental Commerce ; Hamilton's East India Gnxelleer, 1828; Bombay Calendar and Register ; Kelly's Cam- bist ; Report on the Commerce (f Bombaij in the Year 1836-37t. \c.) BOMBAZINE. — BOOK. 139 BOMBAZINE, a kind of silk stufF, originally manufactured at Milan, and thence sent into France and other countries. Now, however, it is nowhere manufactured better, or in larger quantities, than in this kingdom. BONES of cattle and other animals are extensively used in the arts, in forming handles for knives, and various other purposes. So long as bones are preserved fresh, a highly nutritious jelly may be obtained from them. Bones have latterly been employed, particularly in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, as a manure for dry soils, with the very best effect. They are commonly ground and drilled in, in the form of powder, with turnip seed. Their effect is considerably increased when they have undergone the process of fermenta- tion. The quantities employed are usually about 25 bushels of dust, or 40 bushels of large, to the acre. Besides the immense supplies collected at home, they have begun, within these few years, to be largely imi)orted from the Continent, principally from the Netherlands and Germany. They occupy about 40,UOO tons of small vessels belonging to these countries. Mr. Huskisson estimated the real value of those annually imported for the purpose of being used as manure at 100,000Z. ; and he contended, that it was not too much to suppose, that an advance of between 100,000/. and 200,000/. expended on this article, occasioned 500,000 additional quarters of corn to be brought to market — {Loudon's Encyclopcediaqf Agriculture ; Mr. Huskisson' s Speech, May 7. 1827.) Account of the Declared Value of the Bones imported into Great Britain during each of the 12 Years ending Jan. 5. 1833 ; and of the Amount of Duty charged on the same. — ( Pari. Pap. No. 708. Sess. 18.33.) Years. 1S21 1822 1823 1821 1825 1826 18.^7 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 Imports into England. Declared Value. L. 15,898 9,438 H,.'?95 43,940 86,571 9t,747 77,956 59,782 59,741 68,233 65,623 77,847 Declared Value. 52 82 82 139 2t5 1,798 2,H74 12,322 8,529 7,073 13,908 Great Britain. Declared Value. L. g. d. 15,968 9 11 9,490 12 5 14,477 15 8 44,023 11 11 86,710 10 2 94,993 14 4 79.754 U 2 62,{5-)6 ^5 6 72,063 16 7 66,763 10 1 72,697 6 0 91.755 5 5 Duty. L. 159 94 144 440 867 995 835 G54 748 CS8 749 910 There are no means of distinguishing between the bones imported for manure and for other purposes. BOOK, BOOKS (Ger. BUcTier ; Du. Boeken ; Da. Boger ; Sw. Backer; Fr. Livres ; It. Lihri ; Sp. Lihros ; Port. Livros ; Bus. Knigi ; Pol. Ksiaslii, Ksiegi ; Lat. Libri), a written or printed treatise or treatises on any branch of science, art, or literature, composed in the view of instructing, amusing, or persuading the reader. Copyright is the right which the authors of books or treatises claim to the exclusive privilege of printing, publishing, and selling them. Books are sometimes blank, as account books; but these enjoy no peculiar privileges, and do not come within the scope of our inquiries. Books are divided into the following classes, according to the mode in which the sheets of the paper on which they are printed or written are folded ; viz. folio, when the sheet is folded into two leaves ; quarto, when folded vtxto four ; octavo, when folded into eight ; duodecimo, when the sheet is folded into twelve, &c. In making these classifications, no attention is paid to the size of the sheet. I. Progress and present State of the Law as to the Copyright of Books. — It has been doubted whether, in antiquity, an author had any exclusive right to a work, or whether, having once published it, he could restrain others from copying it, and selling copies. We incline to think that he could. The public sale of copies of works is often referred to in the classics ; and in such a way as warrants the inference that they were productive to the author, which could not have been the case had every one been permitted to copy them at pleasure. Terence, in one of his plays {Prol. in Eunuch. 1. 20.), says, Fuhulam, quam nunc acturi sumus, postquam cediles emerunt ; but why should the magistrates have bought it, had it been free to every one to copy it ? Martial, in one of his epigrams, says — Sunt quidam, qui me dicunt non esse poetam : Sed qui me vendif, bibliopola, putat. Mart. lib. xiv. Ep. 1^4. This evidently conveys the idea that he had assigned the right to sell his book to a single person, who profited by it. Passages to the same effect may be found in Horace (i)e Arte Poeticd, line 345.), Juvenal {Sat. 7. line 8.3.), &c. It would have been singular, indeed, had it been otherwise. Of all the species of property a man can possess, the fruits of his mental labours seem to be most peculiarly liis own. And though it may, we think, be shown, that many serious inconveniences would result from giving the same absolute and interminable property over ideas that is given over material objects, these inconveniences could hardly have been perceived in antiquity. It will^ also be observed, that in antiquity a copyright was of much less value than in modern times. Books could then only be multiplied by copying them with the pen ; and if any one chose privately to copy a work, or to buy it of another, it must have been very difficult to hinder him : but when piinting had been introduced, the greater cheap- uo BOOK, BOOKS. ness of books not only extended the demand for tliem in far greater proportion, and consequently rendered copyrights more valuable, but it also afforded the means of pre- venting their piracy. Printing is not a device by which a few copies of a book can be obtained at a cheap rate. It is productive of cheapness only when it is employed upon a large scale, or when a considerable impression is to be thi-own off. And hence, after its invention, piracy could hardly be committed in secret : the pirated book had to be brought to market ; the fraud was thus sure to be detected, and the offending party might be prosecuted and punished. For a considerable time after the invention of printing, no questions seem to have occurred with respect to copyrights. This was occasioned by the early adoption of the licensing system. Governments soon perceived the vast importance of the powerful engine that had been brought into the field ; and they endeavoured to avail themselves of its energies by interdicting the publication of all works not previously licensed by authority. During the continuation of this system, piracy was effectually prevented. The licensing act (13 & 14 Chas. 2. c. 2.) and the previous acts and proclamations to the same effect, prohibited the printing of any book without consent of the owner, as well as without a licence. In 1 694, the licensing act finally expired, and the press then be- came really free. Instead, however, of the summary methods for obtaining redress for any invasion of their property enjoyed by them under the licensing acts, authors were now left to defend their rights at common law ; and as no author or bookseller could procure any redress for a piracy at common law, except in so far as he could prove damage, property in books was virtually annihilated ; it being in most cases impossible to prove the sale of one printed copy out of a hundred. Under these circumstances, applications were made to parliament for an act to protect literary property, by granting some speedy and effectual method of preventing the sale of spurious copies. In con- sequence, the statute 8 Anne, c. 1 9. was passed, securing to authors and their assignees the exclusive right of printing their books for 14 years certain, from the day of pub- lication, with a contingent 14 years, provided the author were alive at the expiration of the first term. Persons printing books protected by this act, without the consent of the authors or their assignees, were to forfeit the pirated copies, and \d. for every sheet of the same. Such books as were not entered at Stationers' Hall were excluded from the benefit of this act. It had been customary, for some time previous to this period, for the libraries of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, &c. to get a copy of most books entered at Stationers' Hall ; and the act of Anne made it imperative that one copy of all works entitled to its protection should be delivered to the following libraries : viz. the Royal Library, now transferred to the British Museum ; the Libraries of Oxford and Cambridge ; the Libraries of the four Scotch Universities ; the Library of Sion College, London ; and that of the Faculty of Advocates in Edinburgh ; — in all, nine copies. The act of Anne did not put to rest the questions as to copyrights. The authors con- tended that it did not affect their natural ownership ; and that they or their assignees were entitled to proceed at common law against those who pirated their works after the period mentioned in the statute had expired. The publishers of spurious editions resisted these pretensions, and contended that there was either no right of property at common law in the productions of the mind ; or that, supposing such a right to have existed, it was superseded by the statute of Anne. There was some difference of opinion in the courts as to these points ; but Lord Mansfield, Mr. Justice Blackstone, and the most eminent Judges, were favourable to the claims of the authors. However, it was finally decided, upon an appeal to the House of Lords in 1774, that an action could not be maintained for pirating a copyright after the term specified in the statute. — ( Godson on the Law of Patents and Copyrights, p. 205.) The act of Queen Anne referred only to Great Britain; but in 1801, its provisions were extended to Ireland ; the penalty, exclusive of forfeiture, on printing or importing books without consent of the proprietor, was also increased from Id. to 3d. a sheet. In return for this concession, two additional copies of all works entered at Stationers' Hall were to be delivered; one to Trinity College, Dublin, and one to the King's Inns, Dublin. Every one must be satisfied that 14 years' exclusive possession is far too short a period to indemnify the author of a work, the composition of which has required any considerable amount of labour and research ; tliough 28 years is, perhaps, all things considered, as proper a period as could be fixed upon. Now, the grand defect of the statute of Anne consisted in its making the right to the exclusive possession for 28 years contingent on the fact of a person having lived a day more or less than 14 years after the publication of his work. This was making the enjoyment of an important right dependent on a more accidental circumstance over which man has no control. Could any thing be more oppressive and unjust tlian to hinder an autlior from bequeath)))'' that property to his widow and childroi, that would have belonged to BOOK, BOOKS. 141 himself had he been alive ? Nothing, indeed, as it appears to us, can be more obvious than the justice of extending all copyrights to the same period, whether the authors be dead or not. But though the extreme hardship, not to say injustice, of the act of Queen Anne had been repeatedly pointed out, its provisions were continued down to 1814, when the existing copyright act, 54 Geo. 3. c. 156., was passed. This act extended the duration of all copyrights, whether the authors were dead or alive, to 28 years certain ; with the further provision, that if the author should be alive at the end of that period, he should enjoy the copyright during the residue of his life. We subjoin the principal clauses of this statute. Having recited the acts 8 Anne, c. 19. and 41 Geo. 3. c. 107., it enacts, that so much of the said several recitpd acts as requires that any copies of any books which shall be printed or published, or repriuted and published with additions, shall be delivered by the prin"ters thereof to the warehouse-keeper of the said Company of Stationers, for the use of any of the libraries in the said act mentioned, and as requires the delivery of the said copies by the warehouse-keeper for the use of the said libraries, and as imposes any penalty on such printer or warehouse.keeper for not delivering the said copies, shall be repealed. And that 11 printed copies of the whole of every book, and of every volume thereof, upon the paper upon which the largest number or impression of such book shall be jjrinted for sale, together with all maps and prints belonging thereto, which from and after the passing of tliis act shall be printed and published, on demand thereof being made in writing to or left at the place of abode of the publisher or publishers thereof, at any time within 12 months next after the publication thereof, under the hand of the warehouse-keeper of the Company of Stationers, or the librarian or other person thereto authorised by the persons or bpdy politic and corporate, proprietors or managers of tlie libraries following ; videlicet, the British Museum, Sion College, the Bodleian Library at Oxford, the Public Library at Cambridge, the Library of the Faculty of Advocates at Edinburgh, the Libraries of the Four Universities of Scotland, Trinity College Library and the King's Inns Library at Dublin, or so many of such 11 copies as shall be respectively demanded, shall be delivered by the publishers thereof respectively, within 1 month after demand made thereof in writing as aforesaid, to the warehouse-keeper of the said Company of Stationers ; which copies the said warehouse-keeper shall receive for the use of the library for which such demand shall be so made; and he is hereby required, within 1 month after any such book or volume shall be so delivered to him, to deliver the same for the use of such library. And if any such publisher or warehouse-keeper shall not observe the directions of this act, he and they so making default shall forfeit, besides the value of the said printed copies, the sum of 51. for each copy not so delivered or received, together with the full costs of suit ; to be recovered by action in any court of record in the United Kingdom. — J 2. Provided always, that no such copy shall be so demanded or delivered, &c. of the second, or of any subsequent edition of any such book, unless the same shall contain additions or alterations; and in case any edition after the first shall contain any addition or alteration, no printed copy thereof, shall be demanded or delivered, if a printed copy of such additions or alterations only, printed in an uniform manner with the former edition of such book, be delivered to each of the libraries aforesaid : provided also, that the copy of every book that shall be demanded by the British Museum shall be delivered of the best paper on which such work shall be printed. — ^3. And whereas by the said recited acts it is enacted, that the author of any book, and the assigns of such author, should have the sole liberty of printing and reprinting such book for the term of 14 years, &c. ; and it was provided, that after the expiration of the said term of 14 years, the right of printing or dis- posing of copies should return to the authors thereof, if they were then living, for another term of 14 years : and whereas it will afford further encouragement to literature, if the duration of such copyright were extended ; be it enacted, that the author of any book or books composed, and not printed and published, or which shall hereafter be composed, and be printed and published, and his assigns, shall have the sole liberty of printing and reprinting such book or books, for the full term of ttvcnty-eight years, lo commence from the day of first publishing the same ; and also, if the author shall be living at the end of that period, for the residue of his natural life ; and if any bookseller or printer, or other person what- soever, in any part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in the Isles of Man, Jersey, or Guernsey, or in any other part of the British dominions, shall, from and after the passing of this act, within the times granted and limited by this act, print, reprint, or impm-t, or shall cause to be printed, &c. any siich book, without the consent of the author, or other proprietor of the copyright, first had in writing ; or knowing the same to be so printed, &c. without such consent, shall sell, publish, or expose to sale, or cause to be sold, &c., or shall have in his possession for sale, any such book, without such consent first had and obtained ; such offender shall be liable to a special action at the suit of the. author or other proprietor of such copyright ; and every such author or other proprietor may, in such special action, recover damages, with double costs ; and every such offender shall also forfeit such book, and every sheet of such book, and shall dehver the same to the author or other proprietor, to be made waste paper of, and shall also forfeit the sum of M. for every sheet thereof either printed or printing, or publishetl or exposed to sale ; the one moiety thereof to any person who shall sue for the same. — § 4. And in order to ascertain what books shall be from time to time published, the publishers of every book demandable under this act shall, within 1 calendar month after the day on which any such book shall be first sold, published, advertised, or offered for sale, within the bills of mortality, or within '3 calendar months in any other part of the United Kingdom, enter the title to the copy of every such book, and the names and place of abode of the publisher, in the register book of the Company of Stationers in London (for every of which several entries the sum of 2s. shall be paid, and no more), under a penalty of the sum of 5/,, together with eleven times the price at which such book shall be sold or advertised ; to be recovered, together with full costs of^uit, by persons authorised to sue, and who shall first sue for the same : provided, that in the case of magazines, reviews, or other periodical publications, it shall be sutti. cient to make such entry in the register book of the said Company within 1 month next after the public- ation of the first number or volume : provided, that no failure in making any such entry shall in any manner affect any copyright, but shall only subject the person making default to the penalty aforesaid under this act. — \ 5. Provided always, that if any publisher shall be desirous of delivering the copy of such book or volumf s on behalf of any of the said libraries, at such library, it shall and may be lawful for him to deliver the same at such library ; and such delivery shall be held as equivalent to a delivery to the said warehouse- keeper. And if the author of any book, which shall not have been published 14 years at the time of passing this act, shall be living at the said tmie, and if such author shall afterwards die before the expiration of the said 14 years, then the personal representative of the said author, and the assigns of such personal representative, shall have the sole right of printing and publishing the said book lor the further term of 14 years after the expiration of the first 14. And if the author of any book which has been already published shall be living at the end of 28 years after the first publication, he or she shall, for the remainder of his or her life, have the sole right oi printing and publishing the same. 142 BOOK, BOOKS. Actions and suits shall be commenced within I'-Z months next after such offence committed, or be void and of no effect. — H 7, 8, 9, 10. Musical compositions, engravings, maps, sculptures, models, &c. enjoy a similar protection. The great practical difficulty in interpreting the copyright acts, is in distinguishing between an original work and a copy made, animo furandi, from one already in exist- ence. The following is a summary of Mr. Godson's remarks on this subject : — " The identity of a literary work consists entirely in the sentiments and language. The same con- ceptions, clothed in the same words, must necessarily be the same composition ; and whatever method is taken of exhibiting that composition to the ear or the eye, by recttaly or by writing, or by printing, in any number of copies, or at any period of time, the property of another person has been violated ; for the new book is still the identical work of the real author. " Thus, therefore, a transcript of nearly all the sentiments and language of a book is a glaring piracy. To copy part of a book, either by taking a few pages verbatim, when the sentiments are not new, or by imitation of the principal ideas, although the treatises in other respects are different, is also considered to be illegal. " Although it was held by Ellenborough C. J. that a variance in form and manner is a variance in substat.ce, and that any material alteration which is a melioration cannot be considered as a piracy; yet a piracy is committed, whether the author attempt an original work, or call his book an abridgment, if the principal parts of a book are servilely copied or unfairly varied. " But if the main design be not copied, the circumstance that part of the composition of one author is found in another is not of itself piracy sufficient to support an action. A man may fairly adopt part of the work of another ; he may so make use of another's labours for the promotion of science, and the benefit of the public : but having done so, the question will be, Was the matter so taken used fairly with that view, and without what may be termed the animus furandi ? " In judging of a quotation, whether it is fair and candid, or whether the person who quotes has been swayed by the animus furandi, the quantity taken, and the manner in which it is adopted, of course, must be considered. " If the work complained of be in substance a copy, then it is not necessary to show the intention to pirate ; for the greater part of the matter of the book having been purloined, the intention is apparent, and other proof is superfluous. A piracy has undoubtedly been committed. " But if only a smallportion of the work is quoted, then it becomes necessary to show that it was done animo furandi, with the intention of depriving the author of his just reward, by giving his work to the public in a cheaper form. And then the mode of doing it becomes a subject of inquiry; for it is not sufficient to constitute a piracy, that part of one author's book is found in that of another, unless it be nearly the whole, or so much as will show (being a question of fact for the jury) that it was done with a bad intent, and that the matter which accompanies it has been colourably introduced." — (pp. 215—217.) " If a work be of such a libellous or mischievous nature as to affect the piiUic morals, and that the author cannot maintain an action at law upon it, a court of equity will not interpose with an injunction to protect that which cannot be called property. Even if there be a doubt as to its evil tendency, the Lord Chancellor will not interfere." — [^Godson, p. 212.) II. Expedienaj of limiting Copyrights to Twenty-eight Years. — It is argued by many that copyrights should be made perpetual; that were this done, men of talent and learning would devote themselves much more readily than at present to the composition of works requiring great labour ; inasmuch as the copyright of such works, were it per- petual, would be an adequate provision for a family. But we doubt much whether these anticipations would be realised. Most books or manuscripts are purchased by the book- sellers, or published upon the presumption that there will immediately be a considerable demand for them ; and we apprehend that when copyrights are secured for 28 years certain, very little more would be given for them were they made perpetual. When an annuity, or the rent or profit arising out of any fixed and tangible property, with respect to which there can be no risk, is sold, if the number of years for which it is to continue be considerable, the price which it is worth, and which it fetches, does not differ materially from what it would bring were it perpetual. But the copyright of an unpublished work is, of all descriptions of property in which to speculate, the most hazardous ; and the chances of reaping contingent advantages from it, at the distance of 28 years, would be worth very little indeed. Those who write books, and those who publish them, calculate on their obtaining a ready and extensive sale, and on their being indemnified in a few years. Very few authors, and still fewer booksellers, are disposed to look forward to so distant a pei*iod as 28 years for remxmeration. They are mostly all sanguine enough to suppose that a much shorter term will enable them to reap a full harvest of fame and profit from the publication ; and we doubt much whether there be one case in a hundred, in which an author would obtain a larger sum for a perpetual copyright, than for one that is to continue for the period stipulated in the late act. But while the making of copyrights perpetual would not, as it appears to us, be of any material advantage to the authors, there are good grounds for thinking that it would be disadvantageous to the public. Suppose an individual calculates a table of logarithms to five or seven places ; if his computations be correct, no improvement can be made upon them, to the extent at least to which they go ; but is he or his assignees to be entitled, in all time to come, to prevent other individuals from publishing similar tables, on tlie ground of an invasion of private property ? Such a pretension could not be admitted without leading to the most misghicvous consequences ; and yet there is no real ground (though the courts have attempted to make one) on which the claim in question and others of the same description could be resisted, were copyrights made perpetual, and BOOK, BOOKS. 143 placed in all respects on the same footing as other property. We therefore, are clearly of opinion that good policy suggests the limitation of the exclusive right of printing and publishing literary works to such a reasonable period as may secure to authors the greater part of the profit to be derived from their works j and that this period being expired, they should become public property. Perhaps the period of 28 years might be advantageously extended to 35 or 40 ; but we are satisfied that more injury than benefit would result to literature, by extend- ing it beyond that term. In France, copyrights continue for 20 years after the death of the author. In most of the German states they are perpetual ; this, however, until very recently, hardly indemnified the authors for the ease with which spurious copies might be obtained from other states. But by a late resolution of the Diet, a copyright secured in one state is good in all. III. Taxes on Literature. — These taxes have been carried to such an extent in England as to be in the highest degree injurious. They are at once impolitic, oppres- sive, and unjust : impolitic, because they tend to obstruct the growth and diffusion of knowledge ; oppressive, because they very frequently swallow up the entire reward of the labours of the most deserving persons ; and unjust, because they are not propor- tioned to the value of the article on which they are laid, and are, indeed, much oftener paid out of capital than out of profit. These taxes consist of the duty on paper — (see Paper), the duty on advertisements : — (see Advertisements), and the 1 1 copies given to the public libraries. The fol- lowing statements, drawn up by a very competent authority (Mr. Rees, of the firm of Longman, Rees, and Co.), show the mode in which they operate. They refer to an octavo volume of 500 pages, the paper such as this, with the ordinary quantity of matter on the page, and sold by retail for 1 2s. a copy. Estimate of the cost of such a volume, when 500, 750, and 1,000 copies are printed, showing what part of this cost consists of taxes. Five Htmdred Copies. Printing End corrections - - - Paper . . . - . Boarding .... Advertising . - - - £ s. 88 18 38 10 10 0 SO 0 d. 0 0 0 0 £ s. d. 0 0 0 8 12 10 3 3 8 9 0 0 11 copies to public libraries. 14 copies (say) to author. 475 copies for sale at 8s. 5d. - - Deduct cost - - - £ s. d. 15)9 17 11 167 8 0 107 8 0 20 16 6 Profit to author and publisher, commission, and interest \ on capital, when all are sold - . -J 32 9 11 Seven Hundred and Fifty Copies. ) Printing and corrections - - Paper - - Boarding - Advertising i - 95 6 57 15 15 0 37 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 19 4 4 15 7 11 5 0 11 copies to public libraries. 14 copies to author. 725 copies for sale at 8s. 5*t.qrs.lbs. Overtaker 5 1 9 0 3 9 Trett 0 0 11 0 3 20 Deduct 0 3 20 Nett 4 1 17 at 1 17s. ^ cwt. Discount, 1 ^ cent. Gross proceeds £ s. d. 462 17 9 25 15 0 6 ^676 London, Sd ofAptil, 1831. Errors excepted. Henry Barclay & Co. 2 1 16 7 5 6 Freight is charged on the weight of the produce only ; not of the produce and pack- ages together. This allowance is of old standing, and is to be traced less to the reason of the case, than to the competition prevailing among shipmasters. Journal Entries resulting from the preceding Accounts of Sale. Folio of Ledger. 4 2 June 1831. Thomas Kemble & Co. Drs. to Sundries. To Sugar ^ Ceres. Proceeds of 7 hhds., M. P. 1, to 7., sold by them at one month's credit, from 2d of April . . . . . . To Coffee ^ Vittoria. Proceeds of 20 tierces, J, F. 1. to 20., sold at one month's credit, from 3d of April - . - . _ . - Sugar ^ Ceres Dr. to Sundries. To Insurance Account ; for premium and policy To Freight Account ; for freight, primage, and pierage To Customs Inward ; duty and entry Charges ; dock dues, 52s. \0d. ; warehouse rent, 35s. M. sampling, 3s. 6d. ; and fire insurance, 6s. To Thomas Kemble & Co. ; brokerage, 1 ^ cent. To Profit and Loss ; for commissions Interest on freight and duty landwaiters, 16s. £5 10 10 1 12 3 To Morris Pittman j proceeds due 2d of May, 1831 £ s. 234 0 0 7 3 1 81 11 3 234 0 0 152 BOOK-KEEPING AND ACCOUNTS. Journal Entries — continued. Folio of Ledger. 4 3 3 3 4 3 4 June 1851. — continued. Coffee ^ Vittoria Dr. to Sundries. To Insurance ; for premium and policy - - . . To Freight Account ; freight, primage, and pierage - - To Charges; dock dues, landwaiters, insurance from fire, and public sale charges To Thomas Kemble & Co. ; brokerage - - - To Profit and Loss ; for commissions .... To James Forbes ; nett proceeds due 3d of June, 1830 19 6 9 44 2 6 13 18 7 6 16 7 20 8 1 571 13 1 We have thus given an example of the transactions which form a great part of the business of our merchants ; the export of manufactured goods, and the import and sale of produce received in return. Our next illustration shall be of a merchant's Cash- book : the following is an example of the entries for a month : — CASH. 1830. Mar.l To balance at the banker's To ship Amelia, received of James Jacobs, for freight To bills receivable, received payment of -No. 251. on J. Henderson To James Bailey & Co., re- ceived payment of their draft at sight on J. Bain- bridge - To William Spence & Co., received balance of their account - - - To debenture account, re- ceived drawback on to- bacco shipped by the Plover To bills receivable, dis- counted at the bankers, Harrison & Co., due 15— 18 March To profit and loss, received 5 W cent, discount, on paying with ready money, the accounts per contra, not due till six months hence, from James Johnson j£'13 19 0 John Wilson -220 Simon Frazer 11 16 0 John Mackenzie 18 7 6 James Borradaile & Co. - - 0 16 0 Moiling & Co. 16 8 3 £ s. d. 2,550 0 0 175 3 0 200 0 0 152 10 0 970 0 10 15 8 0 730 10 0 63 8 9 4,857 0 7 PAID. Cr. 1830. Mar.S By bills payable, paid No. 261. to James Harding - By Cieorge and William Fox, paid their balance of account - By John Smith & Sons, paid J. Jackson for their ac- count - . . By bills payable, paid No. 269. to J. Stewart . By interest paid, discount on Harrison & Co., 2 months By J. Johnson, paid his bill of parcels - By John Wilson do. By Simon Frazer do. By John Mackenzie do. - By James Borradaile &Co. . . do. - By Moiling & Co. do. - By charges paid, postage, and petty disbursements this month, per petty cash book . - - By balance, carried to next month . _ - £ s. d. 145 10 0 300 0 0 6 1 10 27S 15 11 42 0 0 236 5 0 36? 10 0 32 2 0 328 5 4 15 2 6 2,686 13 0 ^4,8.>7 0 7 These transactions, when put into the Journal form, stand thus ; — Folio of March, 1830. Ledger. CASH Dr. to SUNDRIES. s. d. £ Received this month. 6 To Ship .\melia. 3d. Freight from James Jacobs ... 175 3 0 6 To Bills Receivable. 6th. Received payment of J. Anderson, due this day jff200 0 0 18th. Discounted Harrison and Co., due 9th May - 730 10 0 7 To James Bailey & Co. 930 10 0 9th. Received their draft on Bainbridge, due 152 10 0 7 To William Spence & Co. 15th. Received balance of their account 970 0 10 8 To Debenture Account. 15th. Drawback on tobacco by the P/owr 15 8 0 3 To Profit and Loss. 18th. Received discount on sundry accounts, per cash book 63 8 9 £i,m 0 7 BOOK-KEEPING AND ACCOUNTS. 153 F'olio of l.ed>;er. SUNDRIES Drs. to CASH. "did tnis montn lollows • £ #. (i. 5 Bills Payable. 2il. Paid No. 261. - - £ 145 10 0 7th. Do. 26J). . : . - 192 15 0 338 5 0 4 Customs Inward. 23d. Paid duty on sugar, ^ Ceres, 79 cwt. 25 lbs. at 27*. ^ cwt. - . . - 106 19 0 Entry - - . - . 0 6 0 - 107 5 0 8 Simon Frazer. 18th. Paid his bill of parcels ... 236 5 0 1 2ijth. Paid J. Jackson lor kis account 98 0 0 334 5 J 8 Interest Account. 18th. Paid discount on Harrison & Co. 6 1 10 1 James Johnson. 18th. Paid his bill of parcels 278 15 11 1 John Wilson. 18th. Paid his bill of parcels . - - 42 0 0 1 John Mackenzie. 18th. Paid his bill of parcels - ■ - 367 10 0 2 James Borrauaile & Co. 18th. Paid their bill of parcels • - 32 2 0 ii JMoLLING Sc Oo. 18th. Paid their balance of account 328 5 4 8 George and William Fox. 24th. Paid their balance of account 320 15 0 3 Charges. 31st. Paid postage, and petty disbursements this month 15 2 6 ^2,170 7 7 The above shows, that for all sums received, the account of cash is made debtor, and the parties paying the same are made creditors ; while for all sums paid, the cash is credited, and the parties receiving them are made debtors. We are next to state the mode of entering bill transactions. Bills Receivable. — We have seen by the Balance sheet that several correspondents are indebted to the house. The debts of correspondents abroad may be reduced by remitting either bills, specie, or merchandise for sale : from correspondents in England, bills are almost the only mode of remitting. When bills come to hand, the rule is to enter each in the bill book, with a minute statement of the date, term, sum, and other particulars thus : — No. Received From rvhom. Drawn by Date. • Term. Drawn on To order <\f Due. Sum How disp. of. 630 631 632 8 Mar. 10 do. 12 do. Bailey & Co. Watson&Co. Spcnce & Co. W. Adams J. Jacobs T. Johnson Belfast,lMar. Cork, 3 do. Falmo. 5 do. 2 mths. 1 do. 2 do. T. Jones, Dublin A.Williams J. Adams, London G. Wilson T. Allan, LiverpoorD. Jones 1- 4 May 3-6April 5-8 May L. 350 135 260 Rainier & Co. Smith & Co. Overend&Co. The Journal Entries for these bills are as follows : — Folio of Ledger. BILLS RECEIVABLE Dr. to SUNDRIES. For the following remitted this month : j£ s. d. 7 To James Bailey fi Co. No. 630. on T. Jones, Dublin, due 4th of May ... 350 0 0 7 To T. Watson & Co. No. 631. on J. Adams, London, due 6th of April 135 0 0 7 To William Spence & Co. No. 632. on T. Allan, Liverpool, due 8th of May - - . 260 0 0 .^745 0 "o~ Bills Payable. — The entries under this head are, of course, wholly different fron the preceding, being for acceptances of the house given on account of sums owing b; it to correspondents. Each acceptance is entered in the book of bills payable* thus : — No. Drawn bjf Place and Dale. To Order of\ On Account of Term. When accepted. Due. Sum. 151 162 153 J. Allan & Co. G. & W. Fox J. Clark Jamaica, 15 Jan. Falmouth, 7 Mar. Hull, 5 Mar. J. Jones Lt. Allan & Co. J. Thomson G. & W. Fox G.Barclay | J. Smith & Sons 90 days' sight 15 days' date 1 month's date 12 March 14 do. 16 do. 10-1 3 June 22-25 Mar. 5—8 ditto L.175 10 0 73 15 0 132 10 0 The Journal entries for these bills are as follows : — BOOK-KEEPING AND ACCOUNTS. Folio of Ledger. SUNDRIES Dr3. to BILLS PAYABLE. For the following bills accepted. j£ s. d. 2 8 1 James Allan & Co. No. 151. their draft, due 13th of June G. & VV. Fox. No. 152. their draft, due 25th of March SiMO.v Frazek, J. Clark's draft on his account, due 8th of March - 175 10 73 15 132 10 0 0 0 May, 1830. ^381 15 0 CASH Dr. to THOMAS KEMBLE & CO. 1 27th. Received from them proceeds of sugar ^ Ceres Less their brokerage - . _ 234 2 0 6 0 9 231 13 669 8 3 11 4 30th. Received coffee W Vittoria - . . Less brokerage - , - 676 5 6 16 6 7 £901 2 2 The preceding entries, few as they are compared to the monthly transactions of a house of business, are sufficient to show the nature of a Journal as well as of the subsidiary books, (for cash, bills, invoices, and account sales,) from which it is composed. The Journal, being a complete record of the business of the house, is very varied and com- prehensive in its nature, and may be termed an index to every book of consequence in the counting-house. But while in the cash book every payment or receipt is entered on the day it takes place, and in the bill books every bill is registered on the day it comes to hand, or is accepted, the Journal entries, being completed only at the end of the month, admit of being combined to a considerable extent, so as to exhibit a number of transactions in collective sums. Thus all the acceptances of the house paid in the course of the month appear in the Journal entry of Bills Payable Dr. to Cash : they are arranged in this entry as they fall due, after which the whole are added into one sum, which sum alone needs be carried to the Ledger. In like manner, all bills receivable, whether discounted, or kept by the house till they fall due, are collected under the head of Bills Receivable Dr. to Cash, summed up together, and carried to the Ledger in one line ; a point of great importance, as we shall see presently, in facilitating the balance of the Ledger. We proceed to give a specimen of the Ledger : the whole of the Journal entries in the preceding pages, when posted into the Ledger, vdll stand thus : — Dr. Stock. Cr. 1831. Jan. 1 Fo. 1 To sundries £ s. d. 8,753 15 0 1831. Jan. 1 Fo. 1 By sundries £ s. d. 32,391 17 10 Dr. Cash. Cr. Jan. 1 Mar. 1 May SO 1 4 15 To stock To sundries ToT.Kemblei ?cCo. 2,550 0 0 2,307 0 7 901 2 2 Mar. 31 By sundries 1 2,170 7 7 Dr. Exchequer Bills. Cr. Jan. 1 1 To stock 5,310 0 0 Dr. Three and a half ^ Cent. Stock. Cr. Jan. 1 1 To stock 5,400 0 0 Dr. James Johnson, London. Cr. Mar. 1 4 To cash 278 15 11 Mar. 6 By J Allan & Co. 278 15 11 Dr. John Wilson, London. Cr. Mar. 1 4 To cash 42 0 0 Mar. G 9 By J. Allan & Ca 42 0 0 BOOK-KEEPING AND ACCOUNTS. 155 Dr. Simon Frazer, London, Cr. Mar. 26 31 4 To cash To bills payable 331 5 0 1S2 10 0 Jan. 1 Jan. 6 2 9 By stock By J. Allan & Co. mo ir, 0 1:6 5 0 Dr. John Mackenzie, London. Cr. aiar. 8. 4 To cash - - 1 337 10 0 Mar. 6 9 By J. Allan & Co. 367 10 0 Drs. James Borradaile & Co., London. Crs. Mar. 1 4 To cash 32 2 0 Mar. 6 9 By J. Allan & Co. 32 2 0 Drs. MoLLiNo & Co., London. Crs. Mar. 1 4 To cash 328 5 4 Mar. 6 9 By J. Allan & Co. 328 5 4 Drs. J. Allan & Co., Kingston, Jamaica. Crs. Mar. 6 31 9 11 To sundries To bills payable 1,443 10 0 175 10 0 Jan. 1 2 By stock 1,150 10 0 Dr. Sugar by the Ceres. Cr. April 2 11 To sundries 234 0 0 April 2 11 ByT.Kemble&Co. 234 0 0 Dr. Freight Account. Cr. Mar. 6 April 2 May 3 9 11 13 By J. Allan & Co. Bv sugar ^ Ceres By coffee ^ Vittoria 38 10 6 24 11 11 44 2 6 Dr. Insurance Account. Cr. Jan. 1 Mar. 6 April 2 Mays 2 9 11 13 By stock By J. Allan & Co. By sugar ^ Ceres By coffee^ Vittoria 1,880 15 0 33 18 9 5 16 6 19 6 9 Dr. Charges. Cr Mar. 3 4 To cash - 15 2 6 Mar. 6 April 2 Mays 9 11 13 By J. Allan & Co. By sugar W Ceres By coffee W Vittoria 11 17 6 5 13 6 13 18 7 Dr. Profit and Loss. Cr. Mar. 6 Mar. 8 April 2 May 3 9 4 11 13 By J. Allan & Co. By cash By sugar ^ Ceres By coffee W Vittorio 74 5 0 63 8 9 7 3 1 20 8 1 Drs. Customs Inward. Cr. April 2 4 To cash 107 5 0 1 April 2 11 By sugar ^ Ceres 107 5 0 Dr. Coffee per Vittoria. Cr. April 3 13 To sundries 676 5 6 April 3 11 ByT,Keinble& Co 676 5 6 Dr. Morris Pittman, Trinidad. Cr. Jan. 1 April 2 2 11 By stock By sugar ^ Ceres 1,370 5 0 81 11 3 156 BOOK-KEEPING AND i\CCOUNTS. Dr. James Forbes, Demerara. Cr. Jan. 1 May 3 2 13 By stock 1 By coffee ^ / ittoria 720 5 0 571 13 1 Drs. Thomas Kemble & Co., London. Crs. April 3 11 To sundries 910 5 6 April 7 30 May 30 11 13 15 By sugar ^ Ceres By coffee W y ittoria By cash 2 6 9 6 16 7 901 2 2 910 5 6 Dr. Bills Receivable. Cr Jan. 1 Mar. 3 1 5 To stock To sundries 7,300 15 0 745 0 0 Mar. 1 4 930 10 0 Dr. Bills Payable. Cr. Mar. 7 4 To cash 338 5 0 Jan. 1 Mar. 3 2 5 By stock • - By sundries 2 S'lQ 10 n ^y^'Jj XV/ \J 381 15 0 Dr. Ship Amelia. Cr. Jan. 1 1 To stock 3,000 0 0 Mar. 1 4 By cash * » 175 3 0 Dr. Adventure in Irish Linen. Cr. Jan. 1 1 To stock 2,467 0 0 Drs. James Bailey & Co., Liverpool. Crs. Jan. 1 1 To stock 1,350 10 0 Mar. 3 Mar. 9 4 5 By cash By bills receivable 152 10 0 350 0 0 Drs, Thomas Watson & Co., Dublin. Crs. Jan. 1 1 To stock 3,530 12 0 1 Mar. 3 5 By bills receivable 135 0 0 Drs. William Spence & Co., Plymouth. Crs. Jan. 1 1^ To stock 970 0 10 Mar. 3 Mar. 5 4 5 By cash By bills receivable 070 0 10 260 0 0 Drs. George and William Fox, Falmouth. Crs, Man 6 4 To cash To bills payable - 320 15 C 1 73 15 0 1 Jan. 1 2 By stock Dr.. Debenture Account. Cr, Jan. 1 1 To stock 513 0 0 Mar. 5 4 By cash 15 8 0 Dr. Interest Account. Cr. Mar. 8 4 To cash 6 1 10 The Ledger is thus a register of all the entries in the Journal ; and a register so arranged as to exhibit on one side all the sums at Debtor ; on the other all those at Creditor. It is kept in the most concise form, the insertions in it hardly ever exceeding a line each, or containing more than the title of the entry in the Journal. On opening a page in the Ledger, a person unacquainted with book-keeping is apt to consider this brevity unsatisfactory ; and it was formerly the practice to and in each line a few BOOK-KEEPING AND ACCOUNTS. 157 explanatory words. Thus the entries in the account of Simon Frazer, whioh In our preceding page are briefly £ s. d. March 26. To cash . - - . 33* 5 0 31. To bills payable - . - 132 10 0 would, at an earlier date in the practice of book-keeping, have been expanded to £ s. d. March 18. To cash paid for goods per Rawlins - - 236 5 0 26. To ditto paid J. Jackson for his account - - 98 0 0 31. To bills payable, paid J. Clark's draft for his account 132 10 0 This method is still followed in some counting-houses, and such explanatory additions are certainly conducive to clearness ; but they are practicable only in a house of limited business : wherever the transactions are numerous and varied, they should be left out of the Ledger, for two reasons ; they increase greatly the labour of the book-keeper, and they never can be so full or circumstantial as to supersede the account current book. The same Ledger may continue in use from one to five years, according to the size of the book, or the extent of the transactions of the house. On opening a new Ledger, it is proper to place in succession accounts of the same class, or character: thus — Stock account ought to be followed by that of the Three per cent, consols, Exchequer bills, or other property belonging to the house ; and if the business be with the West Indies, it is fit that accounts with Jamaica should be placed near those with Demerai-a, Trini- dad, and other sugar colonies. Balancing the Ledger. — This important operation is performed by adding up the Debtor and Creditor side of every account in the Ledger, ascertaining the difference or balance in each, and carrying such balance, as the case may be, to the Debtor or Cre- ditor column in the balance sheet. On closing, for example, a few of the preceding Ledger accounts, we find them to stand thus : — Debtors. Creditors. £ s. d. £ s. d. Cash 3,587 15 2 Simon Frazer - - 730 5 0 James Allan & Ca 468 10 0 Freight account . - - 107 4 11 And so on with every account except Stock, which, having no entries in the current year, is put in the balance sheet exactly as it was in the beginning of the year. Including Stock, the total at the Debtor side of the balance sheet ought to agree exactly with the total at the Creditor side ; and if it do not, it is a rule in all well-regulated counting-houses to follow up the examination perseveringly, until they are made to agree. The apparent difference may not exceed a few shillings or a few pence ; still the search is continued, because the smallest discrepancy shows the existence of error, and to an extent perhaps greatly beyond .the fraction in question. It often happens, indeed, that, as the examination proceeds, the difference undergoes a change from a smaller to a larger amount, and without increasing the diflSculty of discovering the error, which is as likely to have occurred in the case of a large as of a small sum. Differences, when in round sums, such as lOZ., 100/., or 1,000?., generally lie in the addition ; fractional sums frequently in the posting. All this, how- ever, is uncertain ; for the error or errors may be in any month in the year, and in any one of the thousand entries and upwards which have been made in the course of it. Hence the necessity of examining the whole ; and young book-keepers are often obliged to pass week after week in the tedious labour of revising, adding, and subtracting. On the other hand, there are sometimes examples of the balance being found on the first trial ; but such cases are rare, and occur only to careful and experienced book-keepers. The only effectual means of lessening the labour and perplexity of balancing the Ledger, is to exercise great care in every stage of the book-keeping process ; as well in making the additions in the Journal, as in posting from the Journal into the Ledger, and casting up the Ledger accounts ; and, lastly, in adding up the balance sheet, which is generally of formidable length. Accuracy in addition is one of the main requisites in a clerk, and particularly in a book-keeper. Of the extent to which it may be attained by continued practice, those only can judge who have experienced it themselves, or have marked the ease and correct- ness with which clerks in banking-houses perform such operations. They are in the habit of striking a daily balance which comes within small compass ; but a merchant's balance, comprising the transactions of a year, extends commonly over, a number of folio pages. It is advisable, therefore, to divide each page into portions of ten lines each, adding such portions separately. This lessens the risk of error, as it is evidently easier to add five or six such portions in succession, than to do at once a whole folio containing fifty or sixty sums. Another important point towards agreeing a balance, is to limit carefully the number of Ledger entries j in other words, to Qomprise as much as possible in those aggregate 158 BOOK-KEEPING AND ACCOUNTS. sums in the Journal which are posted in the Ledger. Thus, in the case of the monthly entries for bills, whether receivable or payable, while the inner column of the Journal contains the amount of each specific bill — the final column, that which is carried to the Ledger — should, and generally does, comprise a number of bills in one sum. Entries in the cash book, which generally form so large a proportion of the transactions of the month, are carried by some book-keepers directly from the cash book into the Ledger, without an intermediate arrangement in the Journal form. In some lines of business this plan may answer ; but as a general rule it is better to take the trouble of jour- nalising the cash, thereby comprising in 30 or 40 Ledger entries the transactions of the month, which, when posted separately, would exceed 100. The time required for re- writing or rather re-casting them, will, in most cases, be amply made good, by exhibit- ing the cash in a proper form, and by facilitating the balance of the Ledger at the close of the year. We have said the close of the year, because, in nine mercantile houses out of ten, that is the period for striking a balance. In some branches of trade, however, the case is otherwise. Thus, among West India merchants, the 30th of April is the time of ba- lancing, because at that season the sales of the preceding crop are, in general, completed, and those of the current year not yet begun. Arrears in book-keeping ought to be most carefully avoided — calculated as they are to engender mistakes, and to produce loss from delay in adjusting accounts. The prac- tice of balancing the Ledger every six months, and of transmitting as often accounts current to the correspondents and connections of merchants, will, it is to be hoped, become general. It is, however, hardly practicable in cases where, as too often happens in the lesser mercantile establishments, the book-keeper is charged with a share of the active management. Exemption from interruption, and removal from the bustle of current business, are main requisites to accuracy and despatch in accounts. In examin- ing, or, as it is called, collating the books, the book-keeper requires not only a retired apartment, but the assistance of a clerk for the purpose of calling them over. A similar arrangement for another purpose — we mean for composing the Journal, the book-keeper dictating from the subsidiary books to a clerk whose writing forms the draught or rough copy of the Journal, has as yet been seldom adopted ; although, when properly applied, it is highly conducive both to accuracy and expedition. A Ledger must, of course, have an index ; but it is very brief, containing merely the titles of the accounts and a reference to the page, as follows : — Folio I Folio Allan & Co., James - - * ^ Bailey & Co., James - . - 7 Amelia, ship - - - 6 | Bills payable - - . 6 The Subsidiary Boohs. — In former times, when business in this country was con- ducted by most persons on a very limited scale, the accounts of a number of merchants, or rather of those dealers whom we should now think it a compliment to call merchants, were often kept on a plan somewhat like that at present followed by our shopkeepers. The merchant or his chief clerk kept a daily record of transactions, whether sales, pur- chases, receipts, or payments, in a diary, which was called a Waste-book, from the rude manner in which the entries or rather notices in it were written, being inserted, one by one, soon after the transactions in question took place. From this diary the Journal and Ledger were posted ; and book-keeping by double entry being in those days under- stood by few, one person frequently kept the books of several merchants, passing one or two days in the week at the house of each, and reducing these rough materials into the form of regular entries. In process of time, as transactions multiplied and mercantile busniess took a wider range, separate books were more generally required for particular departments, such as a bill- book for all bills of exchange, and a cash book for all ready money transactions. This had long been the case in the large mercantile towns of Italy and Holland ; and above a century ago it became a general practice in London and Bristol, which were then the only places of extensive business in England. But in English, as in foreign counting-houses, the bill book and even the cash book were long considered as little more than memoranda of details ; not as books of authority, or as fit docmnents for Journal entries : for that purpose the diary only was used. In time, however, the mode of keeping these subsidiary books improved, and merchants became aware that, when cash or bill transactions were properly entered in them, the Journal might be posted from them as well as from the diary. Similar observations are apj)licablc to the other subsidiary books, viz. an invoice book for goods sliipped, and an account of sales book for goods received and sold. When from the gradual improvement in the management of coimting-houses these books were kept in a manner to supply all that was wanted for Journal entries, the use of the diary was dispensed with for such entries also. And at last it was found, that in all well- regulated counting-houses the books kept for sci)arate departments of the business were sufficient for the composition of the Journal, with the exception of a few transactions out [BOOK-KEEPING AND ACCOUNTS. 159 of the regular course, which might be easily noticed in a supplementary book called a Petty Journal, or a book for occasional entries. The consequence was,, that the diary or waste book, formerly the groundwork of the Journal and Ledger, became excluded from every well-regulated counting-house. This has long been the case, and the name of waste book would have been forgotten, were it not found in the printed treatises on book-keeping which have appeared from time to time, and have been generally composed by teachers in schools or academies, who, unacquainted with the actual practice of mer- chants, were content to copy and reprint what they found laid down in old systems of book-keeping. The subsidiary books required in a counting-house are, the Cash book ; Book of Acceptances of the house, or Bills Payable ; Book of Bills Receivable, or bills on other merchants which are or have been in pos- session of the house ; Bought book, or book for bills of parcels ; Invoice book, or register of goods sold or exported ; Account of Sales book ; Insurance Policy book, containing copies of all policies of insurance ; Petty Journal, or book for such occasional entries as do not belong to any of the preceding. Such are the authorities from which it is now customary, in every well-regulated house, to compose the Journal. Their number indicates a repartition or subdivision, to a considerable extent, of counting-house work, and nowhere is such repartition pro- ductive of greater advantage. How much better is it to enter all bills receivable in one book, all bills payable in another, and all cash transactions in a third, than in any way to blend these very distinct entries ! The effect of this subdivision is to simplify the Journal entries in a manner highly conducive to accuracy and despatch ; and to present such means of checking or examining them, that many transactions may be stated, and an account extended over a number of folios, without a single error. The use of most of the subsidiary books is sufficiently pointed out by their names ; but it may be well to add a few remarks on the " Bought book," or receptacle for the accounts of goods purchased. A bill of parcels is the name given to the account of goods supplied by a manufacturer, tradesman, or dealer, to a merchant. Such accounts soon become numerous, and it is evidently of consequence to adopt the best method of keeping them. In former times it was the practice to fold them up in a uniform size, and after writing on the back the names of the respective furnishers, to put them away in bundles. But wherever the purchases of a merchant are extensive, and the bills of parcels numerous, the better mode, after arranging them alphabetically, is to paste them in a large book, generally a folio, made of blue or sugar-loaf paper : this book to have its pages numbered, and to have an alphabetical index. Any single bill of parcels may thus be referred to with the same ease as we turn to an account in a ledger ; and one of these folios may be made to hold a very great quantity of bills of parcels ; as many as would form a number of large bundles whon tied up on the plan of former times. Book of Bills Payable. — The notice, or, as it is termed, advice of bills payable after sight, generally comes to hand before the bills themselves. As tlie time of the arrival of the latter is uncertain, the better plan is not to enter them from the advice among the other bills payable, but to appropriate a space of ten or twelve pages at the beginning or end of the book of bills payable, and to insert there the substance of the advice received. There are a few books in every counting-house which do not form part of the vouchers or materials for the Journal; viz., the Account Current book, containing duplicates of the accounts furnished by the house to their different correspondents and connections ; The Letter-book, containing copies of all letters written to the correspondents or connections of the house ; The Petty Cash book, or account of petty disbursements, the sum of which is entered once a month in the cash book ; The Order book, containing copies of all orders received ; ' The Debenture book, or register of drawbacks payable by the Custom-house. It was formerly a practice in some houses for the book-keeper to go over the letter book at the end of each month, that he might take note of any entries not supplied by the subsidiary books. This, however, is now unnecessary ; these books, when carefully kept, containing, in one shajie or other, every transaction of the house. The Princijile of Double Entry. — From these explanations of the practice of book- keeping, we must call the attention of our readei's to a topic of more intricacy — the origin of the present system, and the manner in which it was adopted. To record the transactions of a merchant in a Journal or day book was an obvious arrangement, and to keep a Ledger or systematic register of the contents of the Journal was a natural 160 BOOK-KEEPING AND ACCOUNTS. result of his business, particularly when conducted on credit. Such, in a rude form, are the books of our shopkeepers, who enter their sales and purchases in a day book, and in their Ledger carry the former to the Dr. of their customers, the latter to the Cr. of the wholesale dealers who supply them with goods. By making at the end of the year a list of the sums due to him by his customers, and of those due by him to wholesale dealers, a shopkeeper may, after adding to the former the value of his stock on hand, make out an approximative statement of his debts and assets. Now, that which in this manner is done indirectly and imperfectly, it is the object of double entry to do with method and certainty. The shopkeeper makes out a list of debtors on one side and of creditors on the other, but he cannot make them balance, because his entries have been single ; that is, they have had no counterpart. On making a purchase of cottons from Messrs. Peel of Manchester, or of woollens from Messrs. Gott of Leeds, he merely enters the amount to their credit, but he makes no one Dr. to them, because the goods are not sold ; and to introduce an imaginary account would be too great a refinement for a plain, practical man. But a person accustomed to double entry would, without any effort of thought, make " Printed Calicoes " Dr. to Messrs. Peel, and " Kersey- meres " Dr. to Messrs. Gott, for the respective amounts ; after which, as the sales pro- ceeded, he would make the buyers Drs. to these accounts for the amount of their purchases. We thus perceive that the intricacy in the application of double entry was not with the personal so much as with the nominal accounts. Let us refer to the country where book-keeping was first studied, and take as an example the case of Doria, a merchant in Genoa, shipping, in a former age, silk, of the value of 200Z., bought from Flori, in Piedmont, to Henderson & Co., silk manufacturers, in England, on the terms of charging, not an additional price, but a commission of 5 per cent, with interest until reimbursed his advance. In entering the transaction, Doria's book-keeper would, as a matter of course, make Hendersons debtors to Flori 200Z. for the cost of the silk ; but he might not so readily find a creditor for the lOZ. commission, or the 11. interest eventually due on the advance. The custom in this primitive era. of book-keeping probably was, to introduce the firm of the house into their books, making Hendersons debtors to Doria for the 10?. and 11. • but as the practice of book-keeping improved, it was found preferable to avoid inserting, on any occasion, the firm of the house, and to substitute nominal accounts, such as, commission, interest, bills payable, bills receivable. These, attention and practice rendered in time familiar to the book-keeper, who learned to open his Journal at the beginning of a year by making the parties who owed balances to the house debtors, not to the firm by name, but to Stock; and those to whom the house was indebted, creditors by Stock. As the transactions of the year proceeded, he made those to whom money was paid debtors, not to the firm of the house, but to Cash ; and those for whose account bills were accepted debtors to Bills pay- able; so that book-keeping by double entry assumed its present form gradually and almost imperceptibly. What are the advantages of this method compared to that of single entry ? First, it supplies a test of accuracy, inasmuch as, the entries on the debtor side of the Ledger being equal to those on the creditor side, their respective totals ought, as a matter of course, to balance. After going through this proof, personal accounts of whatever length may be settled with confidence ; while in a general account, such as kerseymeres or printed calicoes, the value sold and the value remaining on hand may be ascertained by merely balancing the account in the Ledger, without the repeated references to the sales book that would otherwise be required. Without double entry, a dealer could hardly estimate his property unless he took stock ; but with it an extraction of the Ledger balances fulfils that object, and stock-taking, however proper as a test of the honesty of servants, becomes quite unnecessary as a means of calculation. In short, in regard to any person in trade, whether merchant, dealer, or manufacturer, double entry forms the connecting link of his accounts, and affords a ready solution of any inquiry as to the appropriation, increase, or diminution of his capital. This advantage may fortunately be obtained without any great sacrifice of time or labour. Of the books of dealers, manufacturers, and retailers, nine parts in ten may continue to be kept by single entry ; for the addition of a few pages of double entry in the form of a summary, at the e^d of the month or quarter, will be sufficient to exhibit the result of a great extent of transactions. Nominal Accounts. — Of tliese our limits permit us to notice only two ; Profit and Loss, and Merchandise. The former contains on the creditor side all the entries of commissions earned, and gains obtained on particular adventures ; while the debtor side exhibits the losses incurred, whether by bad debts or by unsuccessful purchases. Every house keeping regular books must have a profit and loss account, but a merchandise account is altogether optional. Those who have such a head in their Ledger are accus- tomed to make it Dr. to the dealers or furnishers from whom they make purchases, I BOOK-KEEPING AND ACCOUNTS. 161 •and to credit it in return by the correspondents or connections to wliom they make sales. In many houses, however, there is no such intenncdiate account ; the parties to whom the goods are sent being made Drs. at once to the furnishers of the goods, as in the case of the shipment to Jamaica stated in our preceding pages. A merchant, before estimating his profits, ought to charge interest on each head of investment. His clear profit cannot be ascertained without it ; and the practice of charging it is a lesson to him to hold no property that does not afford, at least, interest on his advances. Mercantile books and accounts must be kept in the money of the country in which the partners reside. A house in Rotterdam composed of English partners necessarily keep their accounts in Dutch money, although their transactions may be chiefly with England. Further, books, it is obvious, can be kept in only one kind of money ; and when a merchan in England receives from a distant country, accounts which cannot at the time be entered in sterling for want of a fixed exchange, these accounts should be noted in a separate book, until, the exchange being ascertained, they can be entered in the Journal in sterling. A book-keeper will do well to avoid all such puzzling distinctions, as " J. Johnson, my account with him ;" and " J. Johnson, his account proper ;" on the plain ground that every account in the Ledger ought to be the general account of the person whose name it bears. Errors excepted. — This expression is merely a proviso, that if any mistakes be dis- covered in the account in question, they shall be open to correction. Accounts Current. — An account current generally contains all the transactions of the house with one of its correspondents during a given time, generally oix or twelve months. The following is an example : — Messrs. James Allan & Co., Jamaica, in Account Current with Henry Barclay & Co., London, 1831. June 30 Julys July 9 Oct 10 Dec. 31 To balance of last ac- count To your draft to J. Smith, due Aug. 13. To invoice of goods ^ Amelia, due Oct. 9. To cash paid J. Har- vey on your "account To insurance on pro- duce shipped by you in the Ann, Nokes, .^^ 1,400, at iJ guineas per cent. ^"29 8 0 Policy 3 10 0 Postage and petty charges during this half year To commission, 1 ^ cent, on .^£"203 paid, Do.on ^260 received on your account To balance of interest this half year, 1,276 divided by 73, is £ s. d. 867 10 0 128 0 0 752 0 0 75 10 0 32 18 0 1 15 0 4 6 0 17 9 7 1,879 8 7 Days to 31 Dec. 1,595 179 London, 5\st of December, 1831. 2,460 Errors excepted. Crs. 1831 Aug.lOBy proceeds of 20 tierces cof- fee ^ Louisa, due Sept. 10. - By your remit, tance on J. Austin, due Oct. 10. By proceeds of 17hhds. sugar, ^ Hercules, due Oct. 15. - By cash received from J. John- son on your account Balance of in- terest carried to Dr. - Balance of ac- count carried to your Dr. in new account - Sept. 15 Sept. 20 £ s. d. 0 0 0 0 621 8 7 1,879 8 7 Days to 31 Dec 459 287 173 265 1,276 2,460 Henry Barclay & Co. We have here on the Dr. side all the payments made or responsibilities incurred for the correspondents in question, and on the Cr. side the different receipts on their account. The interest for the half year, the commission on receipts and payments, the postage and petty charges, being then added, the account may be closed and the balance carried to next year. Copies of accounts current ought to be serit off" as soon as possible after the day to which they are brought down ; and with that view they ought to be written out from the Ledger before the close of the year or half year, particularly as the entries for interest and commission can be made only after they are written out. The whole ought then to be copied into the account current book. But in some counting-houses the account current book, instead of being copied from the Ledger and Journal, is posted, like the latter, from the bill book, the cash book, the invoice book, and the account of sales book. It is then considered a check on the Journal and Ledger ; and from the comparative ease with which it is posted, may be ]\1 162 BOOTS. — BORDEAUX. completed and made use of before the latter are fully brought up. This is certainly an advantage in houses where, from pressure on the book-keeper, the Journal and Ledger are in arrear, but such ought never to be the case for any length of time ; while as to the former point — that of forming a check on the Journal and Ledger — the fact is, that these books, from the mode in which they are kept, are much more likely to be correct tlian the account current book. Printed Works on Book-keeping. — To the publications of old date by teachers have succeeded, in the present age, several treatises on book-keeping by accountants. Some of these are of very limited use, being directed more to recommend a favourite practice of the author in some particular branch of book-keeping, than to convey a comprehen- sive view of the system. The only works on the subject entitled to that character are two : one by the late Benjamin Booth, published above thirty years ago ; the other by Mr. Jones, an accountant in London, printed so lately as the year 1831. Booth was a man of ability, who had expei'ience both as a merchant and: a book-keeper, having passed one part of his life in London, the other in New York. The reader of his work finds a great deal of information in short compass, without being perplexed either by superfluous detail or by fanciful theory.* The form of Mr. Booth's Journal and Ledger is similar to what we have given in the preceding pages, and to the practice of our merchants for more than a century : it was by much the best work on book-keeping, until Mr. Jones devised several improvements calculated to lessen the risk of error in both Journal and Ledger. One of these improve- ments is the use of two columns for figures in each i>age of the Journal, one for the I>rs., the other for the Crs. : by inserting each sum twice, the book-keeper obtains the means of proving the Journal additions page by page. The posting from the Journal to the Ledger is also simplified and rendered less subject to error by the use of these columns. In regard to the great task of balancing the Ledger, Mr. Jones's plan is to do it quarter by quarter, making use of a separate book, called a balance book, in which are inserted the totals on each side of the Ledger accounts at the end of three months. By these means, the agreement of the general balance is made a matter of certainty after completing the additions. Other parts of Mr. Jones's book, viz. his formulcB for books on the single entry plan, and for the accounts of bankers, contain suggestions of evident utility. His volume consists of two parts: the printed part (120 pp.) con- taining the treatise, with directions; and the lithographed part (140 pp.) giving copious examples in two sets of books, one kept by single, the other by double entry. If, on a reimpression, the author were to divide the work, and to sell the single entry part separately from the double entry, the price of each might be moderate, and a great service would be rendered to the mercantile public. BOOTS AND SHOES, the external covering for the legs and feet, too well known to require any description. — (For an account of the value of the boots and shoes annually produced in Great Britain, see Leather.^ BORAX, OR TINCAL (Arab. Buruk ; Pers. Tunkar), one of the salts of soda. Tliis salt is obtained in a crystallised state from the bottom of certain lakes in Thibet. It is found dissolved in many springs in Persia, and may be procured of a superior quality in China. It is also said to be found in Saxony and South America ; but it is more abundant in Thibet than any where else. When dug up it is in an impure state, being enveloped in a kind of fatty matter. It is then denominated tincal ; and it is not till it has been purified in Europe that it takes the name of borax. The process followed in its purification was for a long time known only to the Venetians and Hollanders. Borax is white, transparent, rather greasy in its fracture, its taste is styptic, and it con- verts syrup of violets to a green. It readily dissolves in hot water, and swells and bubbles in the tire. It is of great use as a flux for metals. — ( Thomson's Chemistry, lire's Dictionary, Sfc.) The borax entered for home consumption amounted, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1831, to 151,5(59 lbs. a year ; the total imports during the 3 years ending with 18'>2 having been 170,392 lbs. a year. Previously to 1832, it was subject, refined, to a duty of SGs., and unrefined, to a duty of 28*. a cwt. In 1832, however, these duties were reduced, the former to 10.9., and the latter to 4s. a cwt. Their produce in that year amounted to 882/. 15s. Id. Borax is worth, in bond, unrefined, 3/. 15s. to 4/. ; refined, 4/. 10s, to 51. a cwt. BORDEAUX, a large and opulent commercial city of France, situated on the Garonne, about 75 miles from its mouth, in lat. 44° 50^ N., long. 0° 34' W. Popu- lation 110,000. The commerce of Bordeaux is very extensive. The Garonne is a noble river, with depth of water sufficient to enable large ships to come up to the city, laying oi)cn, in conjunction with the Dordogne and their tributary streams, a large extent of country. The commerce of Bordeaux is greatly promoted by the famous canal * The title of the book is " A Complete System of Hook-keopmg, by Benjamin Rooth." London, 1799, thin 4to. Printed for Grosvenor and Chater, and for the late J. .lohiison, St. Paul's Churchyard. Mr. Jones's book is entitled " The Science of liook-kocping exemplified." 4to. London, 1831. 4/. 4*. BOIiDEAUX. of Languedoc, which communicates with the Mediterranean. By its means Bordeaux is tnahled to furnish the south of France with colonial products at nearly as cheap a rate a* Marseilles. Wines, brandies, and fruits are the staple articles of export ; but the merchants apply themselves more particularly to the wine trade. Most part of their other business is confined to dealing upon commission ; but this they conduct almost invariably on their own account. The reason they assign for this is, that the difficulties attending the pur- chase, racking, fining, and proper care of wines, so as to render them fit for exportation, are so very great, as to make it almost impossible to conduct tlie business on any thing like the ordinary terms so as to satisfy their employers. Colonial products, cotton, &c. form the principal articles of importation. Money is the same at Bordeaux as in other parts of France. All accounts are kept in francs, tlic par of exchange beihg 25 fr. 20 cent, the pound sterling. — (See Exchange.) Weights and Measures. — With the exception of wines and brandies, the new or decimal system is of general application in Bordeaux, both in wholesale and retail operations. — (See Weights and Measures.) Wine is still sold by the tun of 4 hogsheads. The hogshead contains 30 veltes. Brandy by the .GO veltes. Spirits of wine by the velte. The velte is an old measure of which 50 arc equal to 3'8 hectolitres. Oil is sold by weight (per 50 kilog.) .'iO — 81| imperial gallons. Entrance to the River. — This lies between Toint de la Coubre on the north, and Point de Grave on the south, bearing from each other nearly S.E. and N.W., distant about 4 leagues. There are lights on both these points, but neither of them is elevated to any great height above the level of the sea. The middle part of the entrance to the river is encumbered with extensive sand banks and rocks. On one of the latter, in lat. 45° 35^' N., long. 1° 10' W., stands the Tour de Cordouan, one of the most celebrated light-houses in Europe. It was erected in 1610; but has been materially improved since. It is 206 feet high. The light, which is revolving, exhibits in succession a brilliant light, a feeble light, and an eclipse, the changes following each other every half minute. It may be distinguished at the distance of 8 or 9 leagues. The Point de la Coubre is 2^ leagues N. | W., and the Point de Grave ]| league S.E. by E. 5 E., from the Tour de Cordouan. There are two main channels for entering the river, — the Passe du Nord, and the Passe de Grave. The former lies between the north side of the river and the banks in the middle, about 1^ mile south from the Point de la Coubre; the water, where shallowest, being about 4| fathoms. The course hence is nearly S.E. | E. The other principal passage lies between the Tour de Cordouan and the Point de Grave, nearly in a N.N.E. and S.S.W. direction. In some places it has not more than 13 feet water; and is in all respects very inferior to the other passage, which is always to be preferred, especially with a large ship. The tides, both ebb and flood, set through the channels with great rapidity, so that a good deal of caution is required on making the river; but having once entered, there is no further danger. Spring tides rise from 14 to 15 feet, and neaps from 7 to 8 ; but they depend a good deal on the direction of the wind. All vessels, except French coasters under 80 tons burden, and small craft from the north of Spain, entering the Garonne, are obliged to take a pilot on board as soon as one offers himself. In summer, pilots are not unfrequently met with 30 or 40 miles west of the Tour de Cordouan ; but in winter they seldom venture far beyond the banks, and sometimes cannot proceed even thus far. — (See Laurie's Plan of the Bay of Biscay, with the Sailing Directions, ^c.) Shipping. — In 1831, the arrivals at Bordeaux were — Ships. Tons. French from French colonies - - 103 24,722 — foreign countries - - 146 27,226 _ fisherv - - - 234 9,165 _■ coasting trade - - 2,341 108,370 Foreign ships from foreign countries - 114 16,453 Total - 2,938 185,936 — (Administration des Douanes, p. 342.) It is stated in the Resume Annuel, published at Bordeaux, that of the 114 foreign ships entering the port in 18.31, 50 were English. In 1832, there were 95 arrivals from England ; and there was also a considerable increase in the arrivals from the north. The entire produce of the customs duties at Bordeaux in 1831, was 10,415,682 francs. Port Charges. — Account of Port Charges, Brokerage, and other public Disbursements, payable in Bor- deaux on account of a French or English Vessel of 300 Tons Burden, from a Port of England to Bor- deaux, or from Bordeaux to a Port of England, or from or to any other British Possession in Europe. On a Fr. or Brit. Vessel. On a Foreign Vessel. Nature of Charges. In French IMoney. In Sterling IMoney. In French Money. In Sterling Money. Report and pilotage from r.ea to Bordeaux, for a vessel drawing 14 J Frenchfeetwater(15ft. 3-9 in. British) - -\ Lazaretto dues ....... Moving vessel up and mooring her - - - . Entering vessel at Custom-house, and brokerage inwards Advertisements for freight and passengers, 6 fr. \0d.) to each news- Fr. c. 218 93 f.l 0 10 0 100 0 L. s. d. 8 15 2 2 IS 10 0 S 0 4 0 0 Fr. c. 247 50 61 0 10 0 100 0 L. s. d. 9 18 0 2 IS 10 0 8 0 4 0 0 paper. Tonnage money and navigation dues on 300 tons ... Visiting offirers, clearances, harbour-master, &c. - . . Manifest and freight list ... . . n.nllast taken in or out, 1 fr. 25 c. per ton (\s.). Consul's bill. Usual fees (English vessels), 17 fr. 25 c. (\5s.). I'ilotage from Bordeaux to sea - - - . Broker's commission outwards, care and attendance for expediting the vessel In ballast, 50 c. per ton {5d.), say 120 fr. at most (4/. 16s.) -1 Loaded per charter or on owner's account, 1 fr. (lOd.) per ton Vaverage Loaded in freight, 1 fr. 50 c. (1». Zd.) per ton • . j 495 0 14 75 15 0 220 0 19 Ifi 0 0 11 10 0 12 0 8 16 0 1,239 0 14 75 15 0 245 54 49 11 2 0 11 10 0 12 0 9 16 3 300 0 12 0 0 300 0 12 0 0 1,434 6ii 57 7 10 2,232 59 89 6 1 N. B. — No regard paid to the nature of the cargo, as all goods are importable either for consumption or exportation, which does not expose vessels to pay more or less charges. British vessels are on a perfect equality with French vessels when they come from British ports in Europe, otherwise they pay pilotage and tonnage dues like all other foreign vessels, as stated in the foreign column. M 2 164 BORDEAUX. Imports. — The following is a note of the leading articles iniported, by the ships and 1828, since which they have not materially varied. They are taken from the no official account being published by the Customs. Sugar Cocoa Pimento Pepper Cinnamon 1827. 16,094 5^73 312 1»540 5,717 2,273 4^800 736 38,661 m 1,202 34,424 1,996 149 1828. 22,748 4,783 346 1,608 39,317 1,949 3,490 663 Cloves Do. bruised Vanilla Indigo Lac dye Campeachy andl otiier dye > woods - 3 Cochineal Annotto Gums (different 7 kinds) -J Quercitron Quino £ablap Jalap Sarsaparilla Saltpetre 543 2,997 614 52 4,144 1,143 a 118 1,243 680 9,423 340 4,793 512 252 290 9.467 hogsheads boxes tierces casks sacks hogsheads casks tierces 51 hogsheads 525 casks 12,229 sacks 342 bales of do., sacks, (_ and packages Q f cases an*d X serons o on f bundles 3 to ^'"''^iSlbs. 323 casks bales do. chests do. 21 227 434 45 1,568 210 serons chests r parcels, ]52-< quantities (.unknown 2,926 serons casks do., bales, and sacks 116 casks 250 serons 208 bales serons do. and bales sacks 15,151 717 230 ;,7J3 Saffron Tea Rice White and yel-7 low wax - y Curcuma Ivory Mother of pearl Cotton Raw silk Wool, Cashmere Do. Peru - Tufia (new rum) Guinea blue > cloth -j American hides 1827. 0 670 2,520 1,130 28 602 9,429 46 & S 1,031 Ox horns Chinchilla Raw skins Tobacco Cigars Rattans Quicksilver Tin, Peru a»d7 Banea Lead Copper Platina Gold Silver 122 47,116 109 10,000 216 55 4^94 170,000 466 1,604 2,739 9,759 0 4,400 5 735 8,250 105 25 23 1,559,569 3, not of Europe, in 1827 ship brokers' reports, 1828. 110 bales 99 chests 4,306 casks 680[^'^;^3<'^» 2,034 sacks 70 teeth, &c 0 canisters n nfi« S bales and serons n f cases ancf bales 0 bales 616 do. 460 puncheons 490 balea 15,738 single 0 bales 21,700 0 dozens 80 bales *'^^^iand bales 80,000 685 boxes 10,370 packets. 1,990 bottles 804 bars 11,583 salon ers 3,240 do. or bars 10 packages 29 ingots 2,517 doubloons 51 chests 40 ingots , 1 (" boxes or sacks 784,231 dollars In addition to the articles above specified, there were' also received for re-exportation considerable quantities of bar iron, utensils, and tools from England, Spain, and Sweden; zinc from Germany; and linens from England, Holland, and Germany : for consumption, lead, tin plates, coal (as ballast), arsenic litharge, minium, &c. from England ; lead, steel, olive oil, liquorice, paste, saffron, and saffrarum frorn Spain ; steel from Germany ; olive oil from Italy ; fish, glue, and tallow from Russia ; timber from Baltic ports ; cheese, stock-fish, &c. from Holland. Exports. — It is impossible to procure even approximate information regarding the quantities of the several articles of exportation. No reports are published by the Customs, nor do they allow extracts of the entries outwards to be taken. The following is a list of the species of articles exported from Bordeaux to the diffferent parts of the world : — To Martiniqiie and Guadaloupe. — Provisions, flour, wine, brandy, and a small quantity of manufactured goods. To Bourbon Wines, provisions, cattle, furniture, coarse and fine hardwares, perfumery, silk, cotton and linen stuffs, stationery, fashionable articles, &c. To the United States. — Wines, brandy, almonds, prunes, verdigris, and a trifling quantity of manu. factured goods. To Spanish America, Cuba, Sic. — Wines, brandy, silks, cloths, stationery, fashions, jewellery, per- fumery, saddlerv, &c. To the South Seas. — Wines, brandy, liqueurs, and all sorts of manufactured articles. To the East Indies and China. — Wines, brandy, furniture, silver, &c. To England. — Wines, brandy, liqueurs, fruits, tartar, cream of tartar, plums, chesnuts, walnuts, loaf- sugar to Guernsey and Jersey, clover seed, armotto, corn, flour, skins raw and dressed, cork wood and corks vinegar, turpentine, resins, &c. * To the North of Europe. — Wines, brandy, spirits of wine, tartar, cream of tartar, colonial produce, loaf-sugar, molasses, &c. fVine — This forms the great article of export from Bordeaux. The estimated produce of the depart- ment of the Gironde in wines of all kinds, and one year with another, is from 220,000 to 250,000 tuns; the disposal of which is, approximately, as follows : — Consumed in the department - - about Expedited to the different parts of France Converted into brandy - - - - Exported to foreign countries ... The exports to foreign countries are as follow : — To England Holland The north of Europe America and India 50,000 tuns. 125,000 — 25,000 — 50,000 — 250,000 tuns. 1,500 to 2,000 tuns, 12,000 . 15,000 — 27,000 - 34,000 — 1,000 - 1,200 — 41.500 to 52,200 tuns. The red wines are divided into three great classes, each of which is subdivided into several sorts. Class 1. embraces the Medoc wines, 2. — Grave, and St. Emilion, 3. — common, or cargo wines. BORDEAUX. 165 Theirs* class is composed of the " grands crus," the " crus bourgeois," and the " crus ordinalres." The "grands crus" are further distinguished as firsts, seconds, and thirds. The fij-sts are the wines of Chateau Margaux, Lafitte, Latour, and Haut-Brion. The latter is properly a Grave wine, but it is always classed amongst ihe first Medocs. The seconds are the wines of Rauzan, Lecvilie, I^arose, Mouton, Gersc, &c. The thirds, wines which are produced by the vineyards touching those above named, and which ditfer little in quality from them. The quantity of " grands crus" wine of the above description does not exceed 3,000 tuns, and sells at from IjfiliO fr. to 3,500 fr. per tun on the lees. The " crus l)ourgeois " consists of the superior Margaux, St. Julien, Pauillac, St. Estephe, &c. : quantity estimatetl about 2,000 tuns, and prices on the lees 800 fr. to 1,800 fr. per tun. The " crus ordinaires," sell at 300 fr. to 700 fr. according to the year and the quality. Quantity, 25,000 to 35,000 tuns. The whole produce of Medoc is therefore about 40,000 tuns. The " grands crus" and " crus bourgeois" require 4years' care and preparation, before delivery for use or for exportation ; and this augments their price from 30 to 35 i)cr cent. The second class is composed of the red wines of Grave and St. Emil/on, which are in greater quantity, and amongst them some of a very superior quality, that are generally bought for mixing with Medoc. The first quality of these wines sells from 800 Ir. to 1,800 fr. per tun. The second qualities — Queyries, Montferrand, Bassans, — 300 fr. to 600 fr. The third class consists of the common or cargo wines, the greater part of which is consumed in the country, or converted into brandy. The portion exported is sent off" the year of its growth. Prices from 160 fr. to 250 fr. per tun. The white wines of the first "crus," such as Haut-Barsac, Preignac, Beaumes, Sauterne, &c., are only fit for use at the end of 4 or 6 years, and for exportation at the end of 1 or 2 years more. Prices on th* lees vary from 800 fr. to 1,500 fr. per tun. The " grand crus," of white Grave, St. Bries, Carbonieux, Dulamon, &c., sell, in good years, from 500 fr. to 800 fr. Inferior white wines 130 fr. to 400 fr. per tun. The expenses of all kinds to the wine-grower of Medoc, for the cultivation, gathering, and making his wine, and the cask, are estimated to amount, in the most favourable years, to 50 fr. per hogshead, or 200 fr. per tun. The merchants in general purchase up the finest crus as soon as sufficiently advanced to judge of their character; or more frequently they are bought up for a series of years, whether good or bad. They are transported to their cellars or " chays," in Bordeaux, so situated and protected by surrounding houses, as to preserve a tolerably equable temperature throughout the year; and in these they ripen, and undergo all the different processes of fining, racking, mixing, &c. considered necessary to adapt them to the different tastes of the foreign consumers. It is pretty generally the practice to adapt the wines for the English market by a plentiful dose of the strong, full-bodied, and high-flavoured wines of the Rhone ; such as Hermitage, Cote Rotie, and Croze — especially the first, by which means they are hardly cognisable by the Medoc flavour. Perhaps the principal reason for keeping these wines so long before they are used, is to give them time to acquire a homogeneous flavour, destroyed by the mixture of several different qualities. The wines shipped under the titles of Chateau Margaux, Lafitte, and Latour, are also mixed with the wines of the surrounding vineyards, which, from the nature of the soil, and proximity, cannot be greatly different. Other good wines are also said to enter largely into the composition of these celebrated crus j and those of a superior year are employed to bring up the quality of one or two bad years, so that it is easy to conceive, that the famous wines of 1811 and of the years 1815, 1819, and 1825, are not speedily exhausted. Some houses pretend to keep their wines pure ; but the practice of mixing is, at any rate, very general. The purchase of the wines, whether from the grower or merchant, is always effected through a broker. There are a few of them who have acquired a reputation for accuracy in dissecting the different flavours, and in tracing the results of the wines by certain measures of training, or treatment. England takes off" nearly half the highest priced wines, and very little of any other quality. Except in Bordeaux itself, there is but a very moderate portion of the superior Medoc consumed in France. The capital even demands only second, third, and fourth rate wines. The Dutch, who are large consumers of Bordeaux wine, go more economically to work. They send vessels to the river in the wine season, with skilful supercargoes, who go amongst the growers, and purchase the wines themselves, cheaper even than a broker would do. They live on board the ship, take their own time to select, and wait often for months before their cargo is completed; but they attain thejr object, getting a supply of good sound wine, and at as low a rate, with all charges of shipping included, as the wine merchants can deliver it into their stores in Bordeaux. They never purchase old wine ; they take only that newly made, which, being without the support of stronger bodied wines, must be consumed in the course of 2 or 3 years. They follow the same system at Bayonne, where 2 or 3 ships go annually for the white wines of Jurangon, &c. The cargo wines are so manufactured that it is hardly possible to know of what they are composed. They are put free on board for 21. per hogshead and upwards, according as they are demanded. They are such as will not bear exposure in a glass when shipping : the tasters have a small flat silver cup expressly for them. These wines are principally shipped to America and India, and some at a higher price to the north of Europe. The principal wine merchants have agents in London, whose business is more particularly to introduce their wines to family use ; and it is to that end they pay them from 300/. to 800/. for travelling expenses and entertainments, besides allowing 3 per cent, or more, on the amount of sales. They generally look out for individuals for ti.eir agents of good address, and some connection amongst the upper classes. Brandies, and Spirits of Wine. — The quantity distilled in the neighbourhood of Bordeaux is estimated at about 18,000 pieces, of 50 veltes each. Ditto, in the Armagnac - 20,000 ditto Ditto, in the Marmauduis - 8,000 ditto 46,000 pieces, ordinary proof. Of this quantity, France takes off" about 23,000 pieces for consumption; England, 2,500; United States, 10,000; India, 2,500; north of Europe, 5,000; in all, 43,000 pieces. Languedoc produces annually about 40,000 pieces, of 8J veltes each, the greater part of which comes to Bordeaux to be forwarded to the different ports of the north of France, or to foreign countries. France consumes about two thirds of the above quantity ; the remaining one third goes to the north of Europe. The prices of brandy are from 130 fr. to 150 fr. per 50 veltes, ordinary proof; spirits of wine, from 4 fr. to 5 fr. per veltc. It is at the port of Formay, on the Charente, that the greatest shipments of brandy take place to England. Cognac, from which the brandy takes its name, and where there are large distilleries, is a few leagues up the river. The quantity exported is far greater than what is made at Cognac — the two leading distillers there (Martel, and Henessey) buying great quantities from the small cultivators. The greater part of the wines made about Angoulemc, and thence down toward the sea, are of inll-rior quality, M 3 166 BORDEAUX. and fit only for making brandy; and so little do the prices vary, that the proprietors look upon it nearly in the same light as gold. When they augment their capital by savings or profits, it is employed in .keeping a larger stock of brandy, which has the further advantage of paying the interest of their capital by its improved vahie from age. England is said to receive upwards of 6,000 pieces annually from Charente. At Bordeaux, as at Paris and Marseilles, there is a constant gambling business in time bargains of spirits of wine. It is in the form of spirits of wine that nearly all the brandy consumed in France is expe- dited ; as in this form there is a great saving in carriage. — (For an official account of the exports of wine and brandy from France, see Wine.) The fruits exported consist almost entirely of prunes and almonds. The latter come principally from Languedoc. The policy of the Spanish government toward her American colonies during the last 10 years has been the cause of a great many very wealthy Spaniards settling in Bordeaux ; and their number has been still further increased by the Spaniards expelled from Mexico, who do not choose to employ their fortunes in their native country, or find greater facilities for employing them in Bordeaux. These are in possession of the greater part of. the Spanish American trade of this port, and are viewed with a very jealous eye by the old merchants. They have also contributed greatly to beautify the city, by employing their wealth in building, which they have done to a considerable extent. They have also reduced the rate of interest, and contributed to the facilities of discounting bills : the Spanish houses generally discount long bills at 1| or 2 per cent, lower tlian the Bank. Bordeaux possesses some iron founderies, cotton factories, sugar refineries, glass works,. &c., but labour and living are too high to admit of its becoming a considerable manufacturing city. Banking Establishments. — There is only one banking company in Bordeaux — the *' Bordeaux Bank." It has a capital of 3,000,000 fr., in shares of 1,000 fr. each. It issues notes for 1,000 and 500 fr. (40/. and 9.01.) payable in specie on demand. Its affairs are managed by a Board of directors, named by the 50 principal shareholders. This Board fixes the rate of discount, and the number of names that ought to guarantee each bill ; it being left to tiie discount committee to judge of the responsibility of the signatures on the bills presented. At present the bank discounts bills on Bordeaux, having 3 months to run, and guaranteed by 3 signatures, at 5 per cent., and those on Paris at 41 per cent. When bills are presented, not having the required number of names, or these deemed suspicious, they take, in guarantee, public stock bonds or other effects — advancing to the extent of 9-lOths of their cur- rent value. The bank advances f ths of the value of gold and silver in ingots, or in foreign money, deposited with them, at the rate of 5 per cent, per annum. It also accepts in deposit, diamonds, plate, and every kind of valuable property, engaging to redeliver the same in the state received, for ^ per cent, per quarter, or 1 per cent, per annum. Those who have accounts current with the bank may have all their payments made, and money received, by the bank, without fee. It allows no interest on balances, ana never makes advances either on personal security or on mortgage. On the 31st of December, 1832, the bank notes in circulation amounted to 12,650,000 fr. (506,000/.) The affairs of the bank are subject to the inspection of the Prefect, to whcm half yearly reports of its situation are made. These are printed entire, and distributed to the 50 principal shareholders ; an abstract being, at the same time, published in the Bordeaux journals. After the revolution of July, 1830, there was a severe run on the bank; and owing to the difliculty ot procuring gold from Paris, the directors were obliged to limit their deliveries in specie to 500 fr. (20/.) in a single payment ; but notwithstanding this circumstance, no notes were protested ; and the moment supplies of gold could be obtained from Paris, the operations of the bank resumed their usual course ; and her affairs have been, during the last 3 years, uncommonly prosperous. Exclusive of the dividend of 5 per cent., the bank accumulated, in 1831, a surplus profit of 72,000 fr. ; and, in 1832, her surplus profits were 250,000 fr., or 10,000/. Brokers. — No one is allowed to act as a mercantile broker in France, who is not 25 years of age, and who has not served 4 years in a commercial house, or with a broker, or a notary public. They are nomi- nated by the king, after their qualifications have been ascertained by the Chamber of Commerce. All brokers must deposit the sum of 8,000 fr. in the treasury, as a guarantee for their conduct, for which they are allowed interest at the rate of 4 per cent. At present there are in Bordeaux 21 ship brokers, 24 merchandise do., 20 wine and spirit do., 7 insurance do., and 20 money and exchange do. : the lat<^er form a separate class. All foreigners are obliged to employ ship brokers to transact their business at the Custom-house ; and although masters and owners of French vessels might sometimes dispense with their services, they never do so, finding it to be, in all cases, most advantageous to use their intervention. All duties outward on vessels and cargoes are paid by the ship brokers, who invariably clear out all vessels, French as well as ^^^Rates of Commission. — 1. Ship brokers : —Vessel in ballast, 50 cents (5rf.) per ton ; vessel loaded per charter or on owners' account, 1 fr. (]0(i.) per ton. 2. Merchandise brokers: — ! percent, on colonial produce, and other goods. 3. Wine and spirit brokers:— 2 per cent, on wine. Sec. 4. Insurance brokers- — i per cent. 5. Money brokers : — f per cent, on Paris and foreign paper; i per cent, on Bordeaux do. 6. Merchants : — 2 per cent, on all sorts of operations between natives ; 2| per cent, on all sorts of operations between strangers; 5 per cent, on litigious affairs; 1 per cent, on goods in transitu, when the constituent is present ; 1 per cent, on banking affairs. Insurance of ships, houses, and lives is effected at Bordeaux. The first is carried on partly by mdivi- duals, and partly by companies ; the last two by companies only. The partners in these associations are generally liable only to the amount of the shares they respectively hold. For statements as to the Warehousing Si/stem^ Smuggling, &c., the reader is referred to the article 'Quarantine is performed at Trompeloup, where a spacious lazaretto has been constructed. Bordeaux is a favourable place for repairing and careening ships, and for obtaining supplies of all sorts of stores. The exchange or money brokers of Bordeaux follow a kind of business pretty similar to the London private bankers. They receive, negotiate, and pay bills and orders, of such houses as have accounts open with them, charging and allowing an interest on balances, which varies from 3^ to 4| per cent, according to circumstances. They charge ^ per cent, for negotiating bills, and a per cent, on all the payments they '^There are, besides, numerous capitalists who employ their spare funds in discountingbills. They prefer bills at long dates, and take from 3 to 6 per cent, discount, according to the confidence they have in the i)ai)er presented. There are not wanting individuals who guarantee, with their names, every sort of paper presented takiPig from 5 to 60 per cent, for the risk. , ^ , Customary Mode of I'aijment, and Length of Credit. — QoXomaX produce, spices, dye stufis, and metals are usually "sold for cash, with 3 per cent, discount. Corn, flour, brandy, and several other articles, are sold for nett cash, without discount. . ^ ^ ^- ^ Wines arc generally bought of the cultivators at 12 and 15 months' credit, or 6 per cent, discount When they change hands amongst the merchants, the practice is to sell for cash, allowing 3 or 5 per cent **'The'usage is generally established in Bordeaux, to consider all paper having less than 30 days to run as cash ; and with such all payments are made, where there is not an express stipulation to be paid in com. BORDEAUX. 167 Tares. The tares allowed in Bordeaux are as follows : — At Custom-house. Cotton in bales, 6 per cent. 15 per Sugar in llhd^ cent. Do. in cases,Havannah, ice, 15 per cent. Do. in bales from bour- bon, Mauritius, Ma- nilla, &c., nett. Do. clayed, in hhds., white and brown, 12 per cent. Rice,froiTi all countries, none. Coffee in bags, tare nett, or 2 per cent. Pepper in bags, 2 per cent. In Commerce^ Large square bales, 6 per cent. Smaller do., 8 per cent. Round do., 4 per cent. In hhd"., 17 per cent. Tret per hhd., 1 kil. (2-24 lbs.) In cases, Havannah, &c., 14 per cent. Tret per case, 1 kil. (2-24 Ihs.) In bales trom Bourbon, &c., real. Mauritius, Manilla, &c., 8 per cent. Clayed, in hhds. white, 12 per cent. Tret per hhd., 1 kil. Clayed do., brown, 13 per cent. Tret per hhd.. 1 kil. Tare nett, or 12 per cent. lbs.), Do.from GOJ to 75 kil. ( 1.55 to 168 lbs.), Ukil. Do. above 75 kil. (168 lbs.), 2 kil. In bags weighing 60 kil. (134 lbs.), 1 kil. Do. 60^ kil. to 75 kil. (135 to 168 lbs.), li kil. Do. above 75 kil. (168 lbs.), 2 kil. In bags weighing 60 kil. (134 lbs.), 1 kil. Do. from 60.J to 75 kil. (135 to 168 lbs.,) IJ kil. In bales, 130 to 150 kil. (291 to 336 lbs.), 2 kil. In serous, 50 to 60 kil.(112 to 134 lbs.), 2 kil. At Cu-elom house. Indigo, in chests, real AsVies, pot and pearl, 12 per cent. Quercitron bark, real tare. bark, real Cinnamon in chests, 12 per cent. Do. in bales, 2 per cent. Cloves, real tare. Cochineal, real tare. Gum in casks, do. Mace and nutmegs, do. Annotto, none. Sarsaparilla, real tare, or 2 per cent. In Commerce. In che.sts, veal tare. In serons weighing from 45 to 55 kl!. (101 to 123 lbs.), 7 kil. Do. ,Wi to 65 kil. (102 to 146 ll)S.), 8 kil. Do. 65i to 75 kil. (103 to ItiS ll)8.),'J kil. I)o.75i to 95 kil.( 169 to213 ll)s.),10 kii. Do. 954 to 107 kil. (214 to 240 lb».;, 11 kil. I'ot and pearl, 12 per cent. In casks of 200 kil. and above (448 U.S.), 12 per cent. Do. from 1504 to 200 kil. (337 to 448 lbs.), 15 per cent. Do. from 120 to 130 kil. (269 to 33o lbs.), 20 per cent. In chLSts, tare nett. In serons weighing from 45 to 57i HI. (101 to 129 Ibs.j, 8 kil. Do. 60 to 75 kil. (134 to 168 lbs.),10 kil. Ceylon, in serons, or single bales, 3 ki!. Do. m double bales, 6 kil. China, in chests, re^l tare. In casks, real tare. In bales weighing from 30^ to 50 kil. (68 to 112 lbs.), real tare, or 2 kil. In bags, sing e, 1 kil. Real tare. Real tare. Real tare. In casks, 4 per cent, for leaves, and 6 per cent. tare. In bales, 5 kil. ***The instructive details with respect to the trade of Bordeaux given above, so very superior to what are to be found in any other publication, have been principally derived from a communication of Mr. Buciiaiiaii, of the house of James Morrison and Co., who acquired his information on the s])ot ; but some particujaxs have been learned fiom the carefully drawn-up answers made by the Consul to the Circular Qik ries. Operation of the French commercial System on the Trade of Bordeaux, 8^c. — The trade of this great city has suffered severely from the short-sighted, anti-social policy of the French government. This policy was first broadly laid down, and systematically acted upon, by Napoleon ; and we believe it would not be difficult to show that the privations, it entailed on the people of the Continent powerfully contributed to accelerate his downfall. But those by whom he has been succeeded, have not hitherto seen the expe- diency of returning to a sounder system ; on the contrary, they have carried, in some respects at least, the " continental system" to an extent not contemplated by Napoleon. Notwithstanding the vast importance to a country like France, of supplies of iron and hardware at a cheap rate, that which is produced by foreigners is excluded, though it might be obtained for half the price of that which is manufactured at home. A similar line of policy has been followed as to cotton yarn, earthenware, &c. And in order to force the manufacture of sugar from the beet-root, oppressive duties have been laid, not only on foreign sugar, but even on that imported from the French colonies. The oper- ation of this system on the commerce and industry of the country has been most mis- chievous. By forcing France to raise, at home, articles for the production of which she has no natural or acquired capabilities, the exportation, and consequently the growth, of those articles in the production of which she is superior to every other country, has been very greatly narrowed. All commerce being bottomed on a fair principle of reciprocity, a country that refuses to import must cease to export. By excluding foreign produce — by refusing to admit the sugar of Brazil, the cottons and hardware of England, the iron of Sweden, the linens of Germany, and the cattle of Switzerland and Wirtemberg — France has done all that was in her power to drive the merchants of those countries from her markets. They are not less anxious than formerly to obtain Jier wines, brandies, and silks ; inasmuch, however, as commerce is merely an exchange of products, and as France will accept very few of the products belonging to others, they cannot, how anxious soever, maintain that extensive and mutually beneficial intercourse with her they would otherwise carry on : they sell little to her, and their purchases are, of course, proportionally diminished. This, indeed, is in all cases the necessary and inevitable effect of the prohibitive system. It never fails to lessen exportation to the same extent that it lessens importation; so that, when least injurious, it merely substitutes one sort of industry for another — the production of the article that had been obtained from the foreigner, in the place of the production of that which had been sent to him as an equivalent. — (See Commerce.) France is not only extremely well situated for carrying on an extensive intercourse with foreign countries, but she is largely supplied with several productions, which, were she to adopt a liberal commercial system, would meet with a ready and advantageous sale abroad, and enable her to furnish equivalents for the largest amount of imjwrts. The superiority enjoyed by Amboyna in the production of cloves is not more decided than that enjoyed by France in the production of wine. Her claret, burgundy, cham- pagne, and brandy, are unrivalled ; and furnish, of themselves, the materials of a vast commerce. Indeed, the production of wine is, next to the ordinary business of agri- INI 4 168 BORDEAUX. culture, by far the most extensive and valuable branch of industry in France. It is estimated by the landholders and merchants of the department of the Gironde, in the admirable Petition et Memoire d VAppui, presented by them to the Chamber of Deputies in 1828, that the quantity of wine annually produced in France amounts, at an average, to about 40,000,000 hectolitres, or 1,060,000,000 gallons ; that its value is not less than from 800,000,000 to 1,000,000,000 francs, or from 32,000,000^. to 40,000,000Z. sterling; and that upwards of three millions of individuals are employed in its production. In some of the southern departments, it is of paramount importance. The population of the Gironde, exclusive of Bordeaux, amounts to 432,839 individuals, of whom no fewer than 226,000 are supposed to be directly engaged in the cultivation of the vine. Here, then, is a branch of industry in which France has no competitor, which even now affords employment for about a tenth part of her population, and which is suscepti- ble of indefinite extension. The value of the wines, brandies, vinegars, &c. exported from France, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1790, amounted to about 51,000,000 francs, or upwards of two millions sterling. The annual exports of wine from Bordeaux only, exceeded 100,000 tuns; and as the supply of wine might be increased to almost any amount, France has, in this single article, the means of carrying on the most extensive and lucrative commerce. " Le gouvernement Fran9ais/' says M. Chaptal, in his work Sur V Industrie Frangaise, " doit les plus grands encouragements a la culture des vignes, soit qu'il considere ses produits relativement a la consommation interieure, soit qu'il les envisage sous le rapport de notre commerce avec I'etranger, dont il est en effet la base essentielle" But instead of labouring to extend this great branch of industry, government has consented to sacrifice it to the interests of the iron-founders, and the planters of Marti- nique and Guadaloupe ! We do not, indeed, imagine that they were at all aware that such v/ould be the effect of their policy. Theirs is only one instance, among myriads that may be specified, to prove that ignorance in a ministry is quite as pernicious as bad intentions. The consideration, apparently not a very recondite one, that, notwithstand- ing the bounty of nature, wine was not gratuitously produced in France, and could not, therefore, be exported except for an equivalent, would seem never to have occurred to the ministers of Louis and Charles X. But those whose interests were at stake, did not fail to apprise them of the hoUowness of their system of policy. In 1822, when the project for raising the duties on sugar, iron, linens, &c. was under discussion, the mer- chants of Bordeaux, Nantes, Marseilles, and other great commercial cities, and the wine- growers of the Gironde, and some other departments, presented petitions to the Chambers, in which they truly stated, that it was a contradiction and an absurdity to attempt selling to the foreigner, without, at the same time, buying from him ; and expressed their conviction, that the imposition of the duties in question would be fatal to the com- merce of France, and would consequently inflict a very serious injury on the wine- growers and silk manufacturers. These representations did not, however, meet with a very courteous reception. They were stigmatised as the work of ignorant and interested persons. The Chambers approved the policy of ministers ; and in their ardour to extend and perfect it, did not hesitate deeply to injure branches of industry on which several millions of persons are dependent, in order that a few comparatively insignificant businesses, nowise suited to France, and supporting 100,000 persons, might be bolstered up and protected ! The event has shown that tiie anticipations of the merchants were but too well founded. There is a discrepancy in the accounts laid before the late Commission d^Enquete by government, and those given in the above-mentioned Petition et Memoire d VAppui from the Gironde. According to the tables printed by the Commission, the export of wine from France is, at this moment, almost exactly the same as in 1789. It is, however, plain that, had there not been some powerful counteracting cause in operation, the export of wine ought to have been very greatly augmented. The United States, Russia, England, Prussia, and all those countries that have at all times been the great importers of French wines, liave made prodigious advances in wealth and population since 1789; and, had the commerce with them not been subjected to injurious restrictions, there is every reason to think that their imports of French wine would have been much greater now than at any former period. But the truth is, that the accounts laid before the Commission are entitled to ex- tremely little credit. In so far as respects the export of wine from Bordeaux, which has always been the great market for this species of produce, the statements in the Memoire d VAppui are taken from the Custom-house returns. Their accuracy may, therefore, be depended upon, and they show an extraordinary falling off. Previously to the Revolution, the exports amounted to 100,000 tuns a year — (Peuchet, Statistique Elementaire, p. 138.) ; but since 1820, they have only been as follows: — Tuns. T Tun.". | Tuns. I Tuns. 1820, f)l,110. 1822, r)9,[)55. 1824, S9fi'25. 182fi, 48,464. 1S21, (i3,'2n. I 1823, 51,52!). | 1825, 46,514. | 1827 54,492. BORDEAUX. 169 It is also stated (Memoire, p. 33.), that a large proportion of these exports has been made on speculation ; and that the markets of Russia, the Netherlands, Hamburgh, &c. are glutted with French wines, for which there is no demand. " Dans ce moment," (25th April, 1828,) it is said in the Memoire, " il existe en consignation, a Hambourg, 12,000 a 15,000 barriques de vin pour compte des proprietaires du departement de la Gironde, qui seront trop heureux s'ils ne perdent que leur capital." This extraordinary decline in the foreign demand has been accompanied by a corre- sponding glut of the home market, a heavy fall of prices, and the ruin of a great number of merchants and agriculturists. It is estimated, that there were, in April, 1828, no fewer than 600,000 tons of wine in the Gironde, for. which no outlet could be found ; and the glut, in the other departments, is said to have been proportionally great. The fall in the price of wine has reacted on the vineyards, most of which have become quite unsaleable ; and a total stop has been put to every sort of improvement. Nor have matters been in the least amended during the current year : on the contrary, they seem to be gradually getting worse. Such is the poverty of the proprietors, that wine is now frequently seized, and sold by the revenue oflficers in payment of arrears of taxes ; and it appears, from some late statements in the Memorial Bordelais (a newspaper published at Bordeaux), that the wine so sold has not recently fetched more, at an average, than about two thirds of the cost of its production ! The following official account of the exports of wine from the Gironde, during the 3 years ending with 1831, sets the extraordinary decline of this important trade in the most striking point of view : — Year. Litres. Imp. Gal. | Year. Litres. Imp. Gal. 1 Year. Litres. Imp. Gal. 1829 43,832,064 = 9,643,053 | 1830 28,551,863 = 6,281,412 | 1831 24,409,604 = 5,370,110 The exports of brandy have declined in about the same degree ; and the foreign shipping frequenting the port has been diminished nearly a half. Such are the effects that the restrictive system of policy has had on the wine trade of France, — on a branch of industry which, as we have already seen, employs three millions of people. It is satisfactory, however, to observe, that the landowners and merchants are fully aware of the source of the misery in which they have been involved. They know that they are not suffering from hostile or vindictive measures on the part of foreigners, but from the blind and senseless policy of their own government ; that they are victims of an attempt to counteract the most obvious principles — to make France produce articles directly at home, which she might obtain from the foreigner in exchange for wine, brandy, &c. at a third or a fourth part of the expense they now cost. They cannot export, because they are not allowed to import. Hence they do not ask for bounties and prohibitions ; on the contrary, they disclaim all such quack nostrums ; and demand what can alone be useful to them, and beneficial to the country, — a free commercial system. " Consid^r^ en lui-meme," say the landowners and merchants of the Gironde, " le systfeme prohibitif est la plus deplorable des erreurs. La nature, dans sa varitt^ infinie, a d^parti k chaque contr^e ses attributs particuliers.; elle a imprim6 sur chaque sol sa veritable destination, et c'est par la diversite des produits et des besoins, qu'elle a voulu unir les hommes par un lien universel, et op^rer entre eux ces rapprochements, qui ont produit le commerce et la civihsation. " Quelle est la base du systeme prohibitif:-' Une veritable chimere, qui consiste k essayer de vendre k r^tranger sans acheter de lui. " Quelle est done la consequence la plus immediate du systeme prohibitif, ou, en d'autres termes, du TOonopole ? C'est que le pays qui est placid sous son empire ne pent vendre ses produits k I'etranger. Le voilk done refoul^ dans lui-meme ; et k I'impossibilit^ de vendre ce qu'il a de trop, vient se joindre la n^cessitt' de payer plus cher ce qui lai manque. " Notre Industrie ne demandoit, pour fructifier, ni la faveur d"un monopole, ni cette foule d'artifices et des secours dont bien d'autres ont impose le fardeau au pays. Une sage liberie commerciale, une ^conomie politique fondee sur la nature, en rapport avec la civilisation, en harmonic avec tons les interets veri- taUes ; telle ttoit son seiil besoin. Livr^e k son essor naturel, elle se seroit ^tendue d'elle-meme sur la France de 1814, comme sur cellede 1789; elle auroit form^ la plus riche branche de son agriculture ; elle auroit fait circuler, et dans son sol natal, et dans tout le sol du royaume, une seve de vie et de richesse ; elle auroit encore attire sur nos plages le commerce du monde ; et la France, au lieu de s'^riger avec effort en pays manufacturier, auroit reconquis, par la force des choses, une superiority incontestable comme pays agricole. " Le systeme contraire a prevalu. " .^^ ruine d'un des plus importants d^partements de la France ; la dt^tresse des dt'partements circon- voisins ; le d^perissement gen(5ral du Midi ; une immense population attaqu^e dans ses moyens d'exis- tence ; un capital enormecompromis ; la perspective de ne pouvoir prelever I'impot sur notre sol appauvri etdepouill^; un prt^-judice immense pour tons les dth day of November, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and thirty. Witness, 5 G. H. A. B. (l. s.) Llk. BOUNTY, a term used in commerce and the arts, to signify a premium paid by government to the producers, exporters, or importers of certain articles, or to those who employ ships in certain trades. BOX-WOOD. 177 1. Bounties on Production are most commonly given in the view of encouraging the establishment of some new branch of industry ; or tlicy are intended to foster and extend a branch that is believed to be of paramount importance. In neither case, however, is their utility very obvious.' In all old settled and wealthy countries, numbers of indi- viduals are always ready to embark in every new undertaking, if it promise to be really advantageous, without any stimulus from government : and if a branch of industry, already established, be really important and suitable for the country, it will assuredly be prosecuted to the necessary extent, without any encouragement other than the natural demand for its produce. 2. Bounties on Exportation and Importatioru — It is enacted by the 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 52., that a mercliant or exporter claiming a bounty or drawback on goods exported, must make oath that they have been actually exported, and have not been relandcd, and are not intended to be relanded, in any part of the United Kingdom, or in the Isle of Man (unless entered for the Isle of Man), or in the islands of Faro or Ferro : and it is further enacted, that if any goods cleared to be exported for a bounty or drawback, shall not be duly exported to parts beyond the seas, or shall be relanded in any part of the United Kingdom, or in the islands of Faro or Ferro, or shall be carried to the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, Sark, or Alan, (not having been duly entered, cleared, and shipped for exportation to such islands,) such goods shall be forfeited, together with the ship or ships employed in relanding or carrying them ; and any person by whom or by whose orders or means such goods shall have been cleared, relanded, or carried, shall forfeit a sum equal to treble the value of such goods. — \ \ 87—95. 3. Policy of Bounties. — It was formerly customary to grant bounties on the export- ation of various articles ; but the impolicy of such practice is now very generally admitted. It is universally allowed that bounties, if they be given at all, should be given only to the exporters of such commodities as could not be exported without them. But it is plain that, by granting a bounty in such cases, we really tax the public, in order to supply the foreigner with commodities at less than they cost. A. has a parcel of goods which he cannot dispose of abroad for less than llOZ. ; but they will fetch only 100/. in the foreign market; and he claims and gets a bounty of lOZ. to enable him to export them. Such is the mode in which bounties on exportation uniformly operate ; and to suppose that they can be a means of enriching the public, is equivalent to supposing that a shop- keeper may be enriched by selling his goods for less than they cost ! But however injurious to the state, it has been pretty generally supposed that bounties on exportation are advantageous to those who produce and export the articles on which they are paid. But the fact is not so. A trade that cannot be carried on withont the aid of a bounty, must be a naturally disadvantageous one. Hence, by granting it, individuals are tempted to engage or continue in businesses which are necessarily very insecure, and are rarely capable of being rendered lucrative ; at the same time that they are prevented, by trusting to the bounty, from making those exertions they naturally would have made, had they been obliged to depend entirely on superior skill and industry for the sale of their produce. The history of all businesses carried on in this country by the aid of bounties, proves that they are hardly less disadvantageous to those engaged in them than to the public. The truth of these remarks has been acknowledged by government. The bounty on the exportation of corn was repealed in 1815; and the bounties on the exportation of linen and several other articles ceased in 1 830.^ 4. Bounties on Shipping have principally been paid to tlie owners of vessels engaged in the fishery, and their influence will be treated of xmder the articles Herring Fishert and Whale Fishery. For an account of the bounties that still exist, see the article Tariff. BOX-WOOD (Ger. Buchshaum; Du. Palmhout; Fr. Buis; It. Busso, Bosso, Bos- solo), the wood of the box tree (^Buxus sempei'virens), growing wild in several places in Great Britain. This tree was greatly admired by the ancient Romans, and has been much cultivated m modern times, on account of the facility with which it is fashioned into different forms. Box is a very valuable wood. It is of a yellowish colour, close- grained, very hard, and heavy ; it cuts better than any other wood, is susceptible of a very fine polish, and is very durable. In consequence, it is much used by turners, and mathematical and musical instrument makers. It is too heavy for furniture. It is the onli/ wood used by the engravers of wood-cuts for books ; and provided due care be ex- ercised, the number of impressions that may be taken from a box-wood cut is very great. In France, box-wood is extensively used for combs, knife-handles, and button-moulds ; and sometimes, it has been said, as a substitute for hops in the manufacture of beer. The value of the box-wood sent from Spain to Paris is reported to amount to about 10,000 fr. a year. In 1815, the box trees cut down on Box-hill, near Dorking, in Surrey, pro- duced upwards of 10,000/. They are now, however, become very scarce in England. The duty on box-wood is quite oppressive, being 51. a ton if brought from a foreign country, and IZ. a ton if from a British possession. At an average of the 3 years ending with 1831, the entries of box-wood for home consumption amounted to 382 tons a year. In 1832, the duty produced 1,867Z. 17s. 4cZ. Turkey box-wood sells in the London market for from 71. to 14Z. a ton, duty included. N 178 BRAN. — BRANDY. BRAN, the thin skins or husks of corn, particularly wheat, ground, and separated from the corn by a sieve or boulter. BRANDY (Ger. Brantewein; Du. Brandewyn; Fr. Eau de vie, Brandevin; It. Aquarzente ; Sp. Aguardiente; Port. Aguardente; Rus. Wino; Lat. Vinum adusturn), a spirituous and inflammable liquor, obtained by distillation from wine and the husks of grapes. It is prepared in most of the wine countries of Europe ; but the superiority of French brandy is imiversally admitted. The latter is principally distilled at Bordeaux, Rochelle, Cognac, the Isle de Rhe, Orleans, Nantes, and in Poitou, Touraine, and Anjou. That of Cognac is in the highest estimation. Wines of all descriptions, but cliiefly those that are strong and harsh (pousses), are used in the manufacture of brandy. The superior vintages, and those that have most flavour, are said to make the worst brandy. It is naturally clear and colourless. The different shades of colour which it has in commerce, arise partly from the casks in which it is kept, but chiefly from the burnt sugar, saunders wood, and other colouring matter intentionally added to it by the dealers. It is said that the burnt sugar gives mellowness to the flavour of the liquor, and renders it more palatable. The art of distillation is believed to have been first discovered by the Arabians. From a passage in the Testamentum Novissimum of the famous Raymond Lull^, who flourished in the thirteenth century, it would appear that the production of brandy and alcohol from ■wine was familiar to his contemporax-ies. — (p. 2. edit. Argent. 1571.) But the practice does not appear to have been introduced into France till 1313. — (ie Grand d'Aussi Vie prive de Francois, t. ii'i. ^. 64.) When first introduced, brandy or burnt wine (vinum adusturn) appears to have been used principally as an antiseptic and restorative medicine ; and the most extravagant panegyrics were bestowed on its virtues. It was described as a sovereign remedy in almost all the disorders of the human frame ; it was commended for its efficacy in comforting the memory, and strengthening the reasoning powers ; it was extolled, in short, as the elixir of life, and an infallible preservative of youth and beauty !■ — (Henderson's Hist, of Wine, p. 24.) Dr. Henderson says that the experience of later times has shown how little this eulogy was merited ; but in this he is contradicted by Burke, who maintains, with equal eloquence and ingenuity, that " the alembic has been a vast benefit and blessing." — ( Thoughts and Details on Scarcity, p. 41.) Brandy has always formed a very prominent article in the exports of Franco ; few ships sailing from Bordeaux, Rochelle, or Nantes, without taking a certain quantity of it on board. The following is an account of the exportation of brandy from France during the 3 years ending with 1789, and the 14 years ending with 1828. — (Enquete sur les Fers, p. 39.) Years. Hectolitres. 1787 - - - 305,638 1788 - . - 221,499 1789 - - - 234,500 1815 - - - 154,160 1816 - - - 137,398 Years. Hectolitres. 1817 - - 61,697 1818 - - 99,402 1819 - - - 231,652 1820 - - 253,349 1821 - - - 153,408" 1822 - - 230,186' Years. Hectolitres. 1823 - . . 310,059 1824 - ^ - 317,347 1825 - - - 250,937 1826 - ; - 194,110 1827 - - - 273,574 1828 - - - 403,207 Which, as the hectolitre is equal to 26'42 wine gallons, shows that the exportation in 1828 was equiva- lent to 10,252,728 gallons j but it has since declined considerably. Duties on Brandy in Great Britain and Ireland. Quantities consumed. — In nothing, perhaps, has the injurious operation of oppressive duties been so strikingly exemplified as in the case of brandy. At the latter end of the seventeenth century, when the duty on brandy did not exceed 9l. a tun, the imports into England amounted to about 6,000 tuns, or 1,512,000 gallons — (Historical and Political Remarks on the Tariff of the late Treaty, 178G, p. 113.); whereas at present, notwithstanding our vast increase in wealth and population since the period referred to, we do not import more brandy than we did then ! Nor is this extraordinary circumstance to be ascribed to any preference on the part of the public to other beverages, but is wholly owing to the exorbitant duties with which brandy is loaded. The price of brandy in bond varies,, at this moment, accord- ing to quality, from 3s. to 5s. a gallon (Imperial measure), while the duty is no less than 22s. 6d. Had the imposition of such a duty taken away the taste for bi-andy, it would have been comparatively innocuous. But it has done no such thing. Its only effect has been to convert a trade, that might otherwise have been productive of the most ad- vantageous results, into a most prolific source of crime and demoralisation. The tempt- ation to smuggle, occasioned by the exorbitancy of the duty, is too overpowering to be counteracted by the utmost penalties of the law. All along the coasts of Kent and Sussex, and the districts most favourably situated for running spirits, almost the whole of the labouring population are every now and then withdrawn from their ordinary em- ployments, to engage in smuggling adventures. The eflbrts of the revenue officers to seize foreign brandy and geneva have in innumerable instances been repelled by force. Bloody and desperate contests have, in consc(iuence, taken ])lace. Many individuals who, but for this fiscal scourge, would have been industrious and virtuous, have become idle, BRANDY. 179 predatory, and ferocious; they have learned to despise the law, to execute Kummary vengeance on its officers ; and are influenced by a spirit that has been, and may be, turned to the most dangerous purposes. Neither can it be truly said that this miserable system is upheld for the sake of re- venue. On the contrary, it is easy to show that, besides the other mischievous effects it entails on the public, it occasions the loss of at least 1,000,000/. a year. In 1786, Mr. Pitt, by a wise and politic measure, took 50 per cent, from the duty on brandy and geneva ; (the duty on the latter has been for a lengthened period the same as that on brandy ;) and instead of being diminished, the revenue was increased. In 1790, when the duty on brandy and geneva was 5s. the wine gallon, the quantity retained for home consump»- tion was 2,225,590 gallons. During the 3 years ending with 1803, when the duty was 9s. 2d., the quantities of brandy and geneva retained for home consumption amounted, at an average, to about 2,700,000 gallons ; but during the 3 years ending with 1818, when the duty had been increased to 18s. 10c?. the wine gallon, the quantities retained did not exceed 850,000 gallons, while the quantities actually entered for home consumption were considerably less ! Since then the consumption has increased with the increasing wealth of the coimtry ; but, at this moment, the quantity consumed in Great Britain is fully 635,000 gallons less than in 1 790 ! Nothing, therefore, can be more palpably erroneous than to contend that the revenue is improved by the present system. Have we not seen the revenue derived from coffee trebled, by reducing the duty from Is. 7d. to 6d. ? Have we not seen the revenue derived from British spirits greatly increased, by reducing the duty from 5s. 6d. to 2s. the wine gallon ? And where is the ground for supposing that the result would be different, were the duties on brandy equally reduced ? But the experience afforded by Mr. Pitt's measure, in 1786, is decisive as to this point. He quadrupled the consumption and increased the revenue, by taking a half from the duty when it was a good deal less oppressive than now ? Were a similar reduction made at present, does any one doubt that a similar re- sult would follow? Smuggling and adulteration would immediately cease ; our trade with France would be very greatly extended ; and the revenue would gain, not merely by a direct increase of duty, but indirectly by a very great diminution of the expense of collection. But the effect of the increase of the duties on brandy in Ireland has been still more extraordinary. At an average of the 3 years ending with 1802, when the duty was 7«. Sjd. the wine gallon, the average annual consumption of brandy in Ireland amounted to 208,064 gallons, producing a nett revenue of 77,714/. Now, mark the consequence of trebling the duties. The consumption during the last 2 years, notwithstanding the population is more than doubled, only amounted, at an average, to 20,199 gallons, producing about 22,500?. a year revenue ! Dr. Swift has shrewdly remarked, that in the arithmetic of the customs two and two do not always make four, but sometimes only one. But here we have threefold duties, with little more than a fourth part of the revenue, and less than a tenth part of the consumption ! It is surely impossible that such a system — a system evincing in every part a degree of ignorant rapacity, to be paralleled only by that of the savages, who to get at the fruit cut down the tree — should be permitted for a much longer period to disgrace our fiscal code. Those only who are anxious for the continuance of smuggling, with all its con- sequent crime and misery, can be hostile to a reduction of the dvity on brandy. By fixing it at 10s. the gallon, neither the consumption of British spirits nor rum would be sensibly affected. The middle classes would, however, be able to use brandy, on occasions when, perhaps, at present, they use nothing ; its clandestine importation would be pre- vented ; those engaged in smuggling would be obliged to have recourse to industrious pursuits; and the manufacture of the abominable compounds, that are now so frequently substituted in its stead, would be put an end to. It is not easy, indeed, to suggest any measure that would be productive of so much advantage, and be attended with fewer inconveniences. Regulations as to Importation, Sgc. — Brandy, geneva, and other foreign spirits, must be imported, if in casks, in casks containing not less than 40 gallons, under penalty of forfeiture. — (3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 52.) They must also be imported in ships of 70 tons burden or upwards, and are not to be exported from a bonded warehouse except in a vessel of like tonnage, under pain of forfeiture. — {Ibid.) Brandy is not to be imported except in British sliips, or in ships of the country or place of which it is the product, or from which it is imported, on pain of forfeiture thereof, and 100/. by the master of the ship. _ (3 & 4 Witt. 4. 0. 54.) Brandy may be exported to Mexico, Chili, or Peru, in casks containing not less than 15 gallons each. — {Treas. Ord. 17th of December, 18'27.) Brandy and geneva may be bottled in bonded warehouses, for exportation to British possessions in the East Indies, under the same conditions as wine and rum. — (See Spiiuts.) In most of the public .accounts, the imports of brandy and geneva are blended together. It would appear, too, from the note to tlie following account, that there are no means of accurately distinguishing tliem, except since 1814. The reader will find, in the article Spirits, an account of the quantities of brandy and geneva entered for home consumption, and the rates of duty upon them, in each year since 1789. Tlie following account shows the consumption of brandy, and rates of duty on it, since 1814 : — N 2 180 BRASS. — BRAZIL NUTS. An Account of the Number of Gallons (Imperial Measure) of Foreign Brandy entered for Home Con- sumption in Great Britain and Ireland, tlie Rates of Duty affecting the same, and the entire nett Produce of the Duty, each Year since 1814. — (Obtained from the CUstom-house.) Quantities entered for Home Consumption. Ireland. United Kingdom. Nett Produce of Duty (Customs and Excise). Ireland. United Kingdom. Rates of Duty per Imperial Gallon (Customs and Kicise). Imp. gal. 500,592 656,555 657,062 634,017 531,583 787,422 842,864 914,630 1,001,607 1,083,104 1,226,715 1,321,327 1,473,243 1,313,217 1,327,929 1,301,450 (See Note 1,226,280 1,570,075 Imp. gal. 7,169 5,160 5,215 3,875 6,232 7,080 6,025 6,001 7.308 17,118 984 3,550 7,371 7,271 7,556 8,529 below.) 8,821 31,577 Imp. gal. 507,761 661,715 662,337 637,892 537,815 794,502 848,889 920,631 1,008,915 1,100,222 1,227,699 1,324,877 1,480,614 1,320,488 1,335,485 1,309,979 1,285,967 1,235,101 1,601,652 581,056 740,747 742,304 716,734 599,586 890,068 956,275 1,034,327 1,132,416 1,225,481 1,387,204 1,489,768 1,636,499 1,471,501 1,490,793 1,460,764 0 6 0 4 19 8 16 9 17 0 11 4 6 7 12 4 4 2 17 6 1,378,244 0 0 1,765,889 0 0 £ s. d. 6,618 12 4 4,702 6 1 4,124 19 5 3,248 4 4 5,287 10 1 6,090 17 10 5,219 8 6 5,173 19 2 6,414 1 10 14,330 1 8 1,207 9 8 4,177 3 9 8,397 15 3 8,232 5 0 8,629 19 10 9,686 17 8 9,923 0 0 35,511 0 0 587,674 745,449 746,429 719,982 604,873 896,159 961,495 1,039,501 1,138,830 1,239,812 1,388,411 1,493,945 1,464,897 1,479,733 1,499,423 1,470,451 1,443,018 1,388,167 1,801,400 13 5 18 2 7 5 4 10 £ s. d. 1 2 61 1 2 71 1 2 6 d 17 3i 2 8 2 6 17 4 4 0 15 2 5 8 0 0 0 0 Note. — In consequence of the destruction of the official records by fire, no separate account can be rendered of the consumption of brandy and geneva, or the revenue derived therefrom, for the years prior to 1814. The trade accounts of Great Britain and Ireland having been incorporated during 1830, the particulars for that year are stated for the United Kingdom only. BRASS (Ger. Messing; Du. Messing, Missing, Geelkoper ; Fr. Cuivre jaune, Laiton; It. Ottone; Sp. Laton, Azofar; Rus. Selenoi mjed; Lat. Orichaleum, Aurichalcum) is a factitious metal, made of copper and zinc in certain proportions. It is of a beautiful yellow colour, more fusible than copper, and not so apt to tarnish. It is malleable, so ductile that it may be drawn out into wire, and is much tougher than copper. Its density is greater than the mean density of the two metals. By calculation it ought to be 7*63 nearly, whereas it is actually 8 '39; so that its density is increased by about one tenth. The ancients do not seem to have known accurately the difference between cop- per, brass, and bronze. They considered brass as only a more valuable kind of copper, and therefore used the word cbs to denote either. They called copper ces cyprium, after- wards cyprium; and this in process of time was converted into cuprum. Dr. Watson has proved that it was to brass they gave the name of orichaleum. Brass is malleable when cold, unless the proportion of zinc be excessive; but when heated it becomes brittle. It may be readily turned upon the lathe ; and, indeed, works more kindly than any other metal. There is a vast variety in the proportions of the different species of brass used in com- merce ; nor is it easy to determine whether the perfection of this alloy depends on any certain proportions of the two metals. In general, the extremes of the highest and lowest proportions of zinc are from 12 to 25 parts in the 100. In some of the British manufactories, the brass made contains one third its weight of zinc. In Germany and Sweden the proportion of zinc varies from one fifth to one fourth of the copper. The ductility of brass is not injured when the proportion of zinc is highest. This metal is much used in the escapement wheels, and other nicer parts of watch-making : and bars of brass, very carefully made, fetch for this purpose a high price. The use of brass is of very considerable antiquity. Most of the ancient genuine relics are composed of various mixtures of brass with tin and other metals, and are rather to be denominated bronzes. The best proportion for brass guns is said to be 1,000 lbs. of copper, 990 lbs. of tin, and 600 lbs. of brass, in 11 or 12 cwt. of metal. The best brass guns axe made of malleable metal, not of pure copper and zinc alone ; but worse metals are used to make it run closer and sounder, as lead and pot-metal. — ( Thomson's Che- mistry, Encyc. Britannica, §*c.) BRAZILETTO, an inferior species of Brazil wood brought from Jamaica. It is one of the cheapest and least esteemed of the red dye woods. BRAZIL NUTS, or Chesnuts of Brazil, the fruit of the Juvia (Bertholletia excelsa), a majestic tree growing to the height of 100 or 120 feet, abounding on the banks of the Orinoco, and in the northern parts of Brazil. The nuts are triangular, having a cunei- form appearance, with sutures at each of the angles ; the shell is rough and hard, and of a brownish ash colour. The kernel resembles that of an almond, but is larger, and tastes more like a common hazel nut ; it contains a great deal of oil, that may be obtained by BRAZIL WOOD. — BREAD. 181 expression or otherwise. Those nuts do not grow separately, or in clusters, but are contained, to the number of from 15 to 50 or more*, in great ligneous pericarps or outer shells, generally of the size of a child's head. This outer shell is very hard and strong, so that it is rather difficult to get at the nuts, which are closely packed in cells inside. The natives are particularly fond of this fruit, and celebrate the harvest of the juvia with rejoicings ; it is also very much esteemed in Europe. The nuts brought to this country and the Continent are chiefly exported from Para, and form an article of considerable commercial importance. — (Humboldt's Pers. Nar. vol. v. p. 538. Eng. trans.) BRAZIL WOOD (Fr. Bois de Bresil; Ger. Brasilienholz ; Du. Brasilienhout ; It. Legno del Brasile, Verzino; Sp. Madera del Bresil; Port. Pao Brasil). It has been commonly supposed that this wood derived its name from the country in which it is principally produced. But Dr. Bancroft has conclusively shown that woods yielding a red dye were called Brazil woods long previously to the discovery of America ; and that the early voyagers gave the name of Brazil to that part of that continent to which it is still applied, from their having ascertained that it abounded in such woods. — {See the learned and excell,ent work. Philosophy of Colour^, vol. ii. pp. 316 — 321.) It is found in the greatest abundance, and is of the best quality, in the province of Pernambuco, where it is called Pao da rainha, or Queen's wood ; but it is also found in many other parts of the "Western Hemisphere. The tree is large, crooked, and knotty; the leaves are of a beautiful red, and exhale an agreeable odour. Its botanical name is Ccesalpinia Brasiletto; but it is called by the natives ihirijntanga. Notwithstanding its apparent bulk, the bark is so thick, that a tree as large as a man's body with the bark, will not be so thick as the leg when peeled. When cut into chips, it loses the pale colour it before hatl, and becomes red ; and when chewed, has a sweet taste. It is used for various purposes by cabinet-makers, and admits of a beautiful varnish: but its principal use is in dyeing red; and though the colour is liable to decay, yet, by mixing with it alum and tartar, it is easily made permanent; there is also made of it, by means of acids, a sort of liquid lake or carmine, for painting in miniature. Brazil wood has been for many years past a royal monopoly ; its exportation, except on account of government, being prohibited under the severest penalties. Owing to the improvident manner in which it has been cut down by the government agents, it is now rarely found within several leagues of the coast. Indeed, we are assured that many of the planters have privately cut down the trees on their estates, and used the timber as fire-wood, that they might not expose themselves to annoyance from the arbitrary and vexatious proceedings of these functionaries. Thequantity of Brazil wood imported into this country is but inconsiderable. Its price in the London market, exclusive of the duty (2/. per ton), varies from 60/. to 80/. per ton. — (Dr. Bancroft in loc. cit. Encyc. Metrop. Modern Traveller, vol. xxix. p. 87. ; Malte Brun, vol v. p. 525. Eng. ed. ^c). BREAD, the principal article in the food of most civilised nations, consists of a paste or dough formed of the flour or meal of different sorts of grain mixed with water, and baked. When stale dough or yeast is added to the fresh dough, to make it swell, it is said to be leavened; when nothing of this sort is added, it is said to be unleavened. 1. Historical Sketch of Bread. — The President de Goguet has endeavoured, with his usual sagacity and learning, to trace the successive steps by which it is probable men were led to discover the art of making bread — ( Origin of Laws, Sec. vol. i. pp. 95 — 105. Eng. trans. ) ; but nothing positive is known on the subject. It is certain, however, from the statements in the sacred writings, that the use of unleavened bread was common in the days of Abraham — {Gen. xviii. 8.); and that leavened bread was used in the time of Moses, for he prohibits eating the Paschal lamb with such bread. — (Exod. xii. 15.) Tlie Greeks affirmed that Pan had instructed them in the art of making bread ; but they, no doubt, were indebted for this art, as well as for their knowledge of agriculture, to the Egyptians and Phoenicians, who had early settled in their country. The method of grinding corn by hand mills was practised in Egypt and Greece from a very remote epoch ; but for a lengthened period the Romans had no other method of making flour, than by beating roasted corn in mortars. The Macedonian war helped to make the Romans acquainted with the arts and refinements, of Greece; and Pliny men- tions, that public bakers were then, for the first time, established in Rome — (Hist. Nat. lib. xviii. c. 1 1.). The conquests of the Romans diffused, amongst many other useful discoveries, a knowledge of the art of preparing bread, as practised in Rome, through the whole south of Europe. The use of yeast in the raising of bread seems, however, from a passage of Pliny (lib. xviii. c. 7. ), to have been practised by the Germans and Gauls before it was practised by the Romans ; the latter, like the Greeks, having leavened their bread by intermixing the fresh dough with that which had become stale. The Roman practice seems to have superseded that which was previously in use in France and Spain ; for the art of raising bread by an admixture of yeast was not practised in France in modern times, till towards the end of the seventeenth century. It deserves to be mentioned, that though the bread made in this way was decidedly superior to that previously in use, it was declared, by the faculty of medicine in Paris, to be prejudicial to health ; and the use of yeast was pro- hibited under the severest penalties ! Luckily, however, the taste of the public concur- ring with the interest of the bakers, proved too powerful for these absurd regulations, • Humboldt says he had most frequently found from 15 to 22 nuts in each pericarp ; but De Laet, who gave the first and most accurate description of this fruit, says that the pericarp is divided into six com- partments, each of which incloses from 8 to 12 nuts. — (See Humboldt in loc. cit.) N 3 182 BREAD, which fell gradually into disuse ; and yeast has long been, almost every where, used in preference to any thing else in the manufacture of bread, to the wholesomeness and ex- cellence of which it has not a little contributed. The species of bread in common use in a country depends partly on the taste of the inhabitants, but more on the sort of grain suitable for its soil. But the superiority of ■wheat to all other farinaceous plants in the manufacture of bread is so very -great, that wherever it is easily and successfully cultivated, wheaten bread is used, to the nearly total exclusion of most others. Where, however, the soil or climate is less favourable to its growth, rye, oats, &c. are used in its stead. A very great change for the better has, in this respect, taken place in Great Britain within the last century. It is mentioned by Harrison, in his description of England (p. 168.), that in the reign of Henry VIII. the gentry had wheat sufficient for their own tables, but that their household and poor neigh- bours were usually obliged to content themselves with rye, barley, and oats. It appears from the household book of Sir Edward Coke, that, in 1596, rye bread and oatmeal formed a considerable part of the diet of servants, even in great families, in the southern counties. Barley bread is stated in the grant of a monopoly by Charles I., in 1626, to be the usual food of the ordinary sort of people. — {Sir F. M. Eden on the Poor, vol. i. p. 561.) At the Revolution, the wheat produced in England and Wales was estimated by Mr. King and Dr. Davenant to amount to 1,750,000 quarters. — {Davenant's Works, vol. ii. p. 217.) Mr. Charles Smith, the very well informed author of the Tracts on the Corn Trade, originally published in 1758, states, that in his time wheat had become much more generally the food of the common people than it had been in 1689; but he adds (2d ed. p. 182. Lond. 1766.), that notwithstanding this increase, some very intelligent inquirers were of opinion that even then not more than half the people of England fed on wheat. Mr. Smith's own estimate, which is very carefully drawn up, is a little higher; for taking the population of England and Wales, in 1760, at 6,000,000, he supposed that 3,750,000 were consumers of wheat ; 739,000, of barley ; 888,000, of rye ; and 623,000, of oats. Mr. Smith further supposed that they individually con- sumed, the first class, 1 quarter of wheat ; the second, 1 quarter and 3 bushels of barley ; the third, 1 quarter and 1 bushel of rye ; and the fourth, 2 quarters and 7 bushels of oats. About the middle of last century, hardly any wheat was used in the northern counties of England. In Cumberland, the principal families used only a small quantity about Christmas. The crust of the goose pie, with which almost every table in the county is then supplied, was, at the period referred to, almost uniformly made of barley meal. — (^Eden on the Poor, vol. i. p. 564.) Every one knows how inapplicable these statements are to the condition of the people of England at the present time. Wheaten bread is now universally made use of in towns and villages, and almost every where in the country. Barley is no longer used, except in the distilleries and in brewing; oats are employed only in the feeding of horses; and the consumption of rye bread is comparatively inconsiderable. The produce of the wheat crops has been, at the very least, trebled since 1760- And if to this immense increase in the supply of Avheat, we add the still more extraordinary increase in the supply of butchers' meat — (see art. Cattle), the fact of a very signal improvement having taken place in the condition of the population, in respect of food, will be obvious. But great as has been the improvement in the condition of the people of England since 1760, it is but trifling compared to the improvement that has taken place, since the same period, in the condition of the people of Scotland. At the middle of last century, Scotch agriculture was in the most depressed state ; the tenants were destitute alike of capital and skill ; green crops were almost wholly unknown ; and the quantity of wheat that was raised was quite inconsiderable. A field of 8 acres sown with this grain, in the vicinity of Edinburgh, in 1727, was reckoned so great a curiosity that it excited the attention of the whole neighbourhood! — {Pobertson's Rural Recollections, p. 267.) But even so late as the American war, the wheat raised in the Lothians and Benvickshire did not exceed a third part of what is now grown in them ; and taking the whole country at an average, it will be a moderate estimate, to say that the cultivation of wheat has increased in a tenfold proportion since 1780. At that period no wheaten bread was to be met with in the country places and villages of Scotland ; oat cahcs and barley bannocks being imiversally made use of But at present the case is widely different. The upper and also the middle and lower classes in towns and villages use only wheaten bread, and even in farmhouses it is very extensively consumed. There is, at this moment, hardly a village to be met with, however limited its extent, that has not a public baker. In many parts of England it is the custom for private families to bake their own bread. This is particularly the case in Kent, and in some parts of Lancashire. In 1804, there was not a single public baker in Manchester; and their number is still very limited. 2. Regulations as to the Manufacture of Bread. — Owing to the vast importance of BREAD. 18.S bread, its manufacture has been subjected in most countries to various regulations, some of which liave had a beneficial and others an injurious operation. a. Assize of Bread. — From the year 12G6, in the reign of Henry III., down to our own days, it has been customary to regulate the price at which bread should be sold according to the price of wheat or flour at the time. An interference of this sort was supposed to be necessary, to prevent that monopoly on the part of the bakers which it was feared might otherwise take place. But it is needless, perhaps, to say that this appre- hension was of the most futile description. The trade of a baker is one that may be easily learned, and it requires no considerable capital to carry it on ; so that were those engaged in the business in any particular town to attempt to force up prices to an arti- ficial elevation, the combination would be immediately defeated by the competition of others ; and even though this were not the case, the facility with which bread may be baked at home would of itself serve to nullify the efforts of any combination. But the assize regulations were not merely useless ; they were in many respects exceedingly injuri- ous : they rendered the price of flour a matter of comparative indifference to the baker ; and they obliged the baker who used the finest flour, and made the best bread, to sell at the same rate as those who used inferior flour, and whose bread was decidedly of a worse quality. But these considerations, how obvious soever they may now appear, were for a long time entirely overlooked. According, however, as the use of wheaten bread was extended, it was found to be impracticable to set assizes in small towns and villages ; and notwithstanding the fewness of the bakers in such places gave them greater facilities for combining together, the price of bread was almost uniformly lower in them than in places where assizes were set. In consequence, partly of this circumstance, but still more of the increase of intelligence as to such matters, the practice of setting an assize was gradually relinquished in most places; and in 1815 it was expressly abolished, by an act of the legislature (55 Geo. 3. c. 99.), in London and its environs. In other places, though the power to set an assize still subsists, it is seldom acted upon, and has fallen into comparative disuse. 6. Regulatio7is as to the Weight, and Ingredients to he used in making Bread. ■ — Accord- ing to the assize acts, a sack of flour weighing 280 lbs. is supposed capable of being baked into 80 quartern loaves ; one fifth of the loaf being supposed to consist of water and salt, and four fifths of flour. But the number of loaves that may be made from a sack of flour depends entirely on its goodness. Good flour requires more water than bad flour, and old flour than new flour. Sometimes 82, 83, and even 86 loaves have been made from a sack of flour, and sometimes hardly 80. Under the assize acts, bakers are restricted to bake only three kinds of bread, viz. wheaten, standard wheaten, and household ; the first being made of the finest flour, the second of the whole flour mixed, and the third of the coarser flour. The loaves are divided into peck, half-peck, and quartern loaves ; the legal weight of each, when baked, being, the peck loaf 17 lbs. 6oz., the half-jieck bibs. 11 oz., and the quartern 4 lbs. 5| oz. avoirdupois. Now, however, it is enacted, that within the city of London, and in those places in the country where an assize is not set, it shall be lawful for the bakers to make and sell bread made of wheat, barley, rye, oats, buckwheat, Indian corn, peas, beans, rice, or potatoes, or any of them, along with common salt, pure water, eggs, milk, barm, leaven, potato or other yeast, and mixed in such proportions as they shall think J[it. — (3 Geo. 4. c. 106. § 2., and 1 & 2 Geo. 4. c. 50. ^ 2.) It is also enacted, by the same statutes, that bakers in London, and in the country, that is, in all places 10 miles from the Royal Exchange where an assize is not set, may make and sell bread of such weight and size as they think Jit, any law or assize to the contrary notwithstanding. But it is at the same time enacted, that such bread shall always be sold by avoirdupois weight of 16 ounces to the pound, and in no other manner, under a penalty for every ofTence of not more than 40s. ; except, however, French or fancy bread, or rolls, which may be sold without previously weighing the same. Bakers or sellers of bread are bound to have fixed, in some conspicuous part of their shop, a beam and scales, with proper weights for weighing bread ; and a person purchasing bread may require it to be weighed in his presence. Bakers and others sending out bread in carts, are to supply them with beams, scales, &c., and to weigh the bread if required, under a penalty of not more than 51. — (3 Geo. 4. c. 106. ^ 8.) Bakers, either journeymen or masters, using alum or any other unwholesome ingredient, and convicted on their own confession, or on the oath of one or more witnesses, to forfeit not exceeding 20/. and not less than 51. if beyond the environs of London, and not exceeding 10/. nor less than 51. if within London or its environs. Justices are allowed to publish the names of offenders. The adulteration of meal or flour is punishable by a like penalty. Loaves made of any other grain than wheat, without the city and its liberties, or beyond 10 miles of the Royal Exchange, to be marked with a large Roman M. ; and every person exposing such loaves without such mark shall forfeit not more than 40s. nor less than 10s, for every »rv»f so exposed. — (1 & 2 Geo. 4. c. 50. § 6.) Any ingredient or mixture found within the house, mill, stall, shop, &c. of any miller, mealman, or baker, which after due examination shall be adjudged to have been placed there for the purpose of adulteration, shall be forfeited ; and the person within whose premises it is found punished, if within tho city of London and its environs, by a penalty not exceeding 10/. nor less than 40s. for the first offence, 5/. for the second offence, and 10/. for every subsequent offence. — (3 Geo. 4. c. 106. ^ 14.) And if without London and its environs, the party in whose house or premises ingredients for adulteration shall be found, »hall forfeit for every such ofl'ence not less than 51. and not more than 20/. — (1 & 2 Geo. 4. c. 5. § 8.) Bakers in London and its environs are not to sell, or expose to sale, any bread, rolls, or cakes, nor bake or deliver any meat, pudding, pie, tart, or victuals of any sort, on Sundays, except between the hours of nine in the morning and 07ie in the afternoon, under penalty of 10s. for the first offence, 2Cs. for the second ofTence, and 40s. for every subsequent ofl'ence. — (3 Geo. 4. c. 106. § 16.) Bakers in tlie country are prohibited from selling, &c. any bread, &c., or baking or delivering any meat, &c., on Sundays, any time after half past 1 o'clock of the afternoon of that day, or during the time of divine service, under penalty of 5s. for the first offence, 10s. for the second, and 2Us. for the third and every subsequent offence. — (.59 Geo. 3. c. 36. ^ 12.) N 4 184 BREMEN. Thei e are several regulations n the acts now in force with respec^ to the sale, &c. of bread where an assize is set ; but as the practice of setting an assize is nearly relinquished, it seems unnecessary to reca- pitulate'them. The weight of the assize bread has already been mentioned, and the principle on which its price is fixed. Notwithstanding the prohibition against the use of alum, it is believed to be very generally employed, particularly by the bakers of London. — " In the metropolis," says Dr. Thomson {Suppl. to Encyc. Brit., art. Baking), " where the goodness of bread is estimated entirely by its whiteness, it is usual with those bakers who employ flour of an inferior quality, to add as much alum as common salt to the dough ; or, in other words, the quantity of salt added is diminished a half, and the deficiency supplied by an equal weight of alum. This improves the look of the bread, rendering it much whiter and firmer." There are believed to be about 1,700 bakers in London, Westminster, &c. The trade which they carry on is in general but limited, and it is not reckoned a very advantageous line of business, BREMEN, one of the free Hanseatic cities, situated on the river Weser, about 50 miles from its mouth, in lat. 53'^ 4f' N., long 8° 48' E. Population about 46,000. Its situation on the Weser renders Bremen the principal emporium of Hanover, Bruns- wick, Hesse, and other countries traversed by that river. The charges on the buying selling, and shipping of goods, are very moderate. The principal exports are linens, grain, oak bark, glass, smalts, hams, hides, rapeseed, beef and pork, rags, wool and woollen goods, wine, &c. The wheat and barley shipped here are mostly very inferior ; but the oats are useful common feed ; beans are good. The linens are mostly the same as those from Hamburgh. The imports consist of coffee, sugar, and other colonial pro- ducts ; tobacco, whale oil, iron, rice, hides, wines, raw cotton, cotton stuffs and yarn, earthenware, brandy, butter, tar, tea, dyewoods, timber, hemp, &c. Entrance to Bremen. — The entrance to the Weser lies between the Mellum and other sands on the south-western, and the Teglers Plaat, &c. on the north-eastern side. Its course from Bremerlehe to its mouth is nearly S.E. and N W. It is buoyed throughout. The buoys on the right or starboard side when entering being black and marked with letters, while those on the left or larboard are white and numbered. The first or outer black buoy has a gilt key upon it, and is, therefore, called the schlussel or key buoy ; it lies in 10| fathoms, bearing N.E, 5 miles from Wrangeroog light. This is an intermitting light, having replaced, in 1830, the old coal-fire beacon on the island of Wrangeroog, opposite to the northern extremity of East Friesland. It is, according to the most authentic statements, in lat. 53° 47|' N., long. 7° 51' 55'' K ; is elevated 63^ feet above high water mark, being alternately visible and invisible for the space of a minute. A light vessel is moored in the lair. way of the Weser, between the black buoys E and F, and the white buoys 2 and 3. She has two masts : during day, 'a red flag, with a white cross upon it, is kept flying at the main-mast; and at night she exhibits 7 lantern lights, 28 feet above deck. This vessel is on no account to leave her station, unles.s compelled by the ice. Large vessels do not now generally ascend further than Bremerlehe, on the east side of the river, about 38 miles below Bremen, where a new and spacious harbour, called "Bremen Haven," has been constructed. But vessels not drawing more than 7 feet water come up to town ; and those drawing from 13 to 14 feet may come up to Vegesack, about 13 miles from Bremen. — (See the Sailing Directions for the North Sea, published by Mr. Norrie.) A Statement of the Quantities and Value of the principal Articles of Merchandize imported into Bremen, in the year 1835. — {Consular Return). Description, Imports. Quantities. Value. Description. Imports Quantities. Value. Barilla Brandy Butter - Coals Coffee Copper Copperas - Cotton Currants - Earthenware Fustic - Indigo Iron Linseed Hides Logwood - Mahogany Oil, Greenland — , Newfoundland — , Norwegian — , Archangel — , South Sea Pepper Pimento - Pitch cwts. hhds. cwts. lasts - lbs. . cwts. do. - lbs. cwts. cwts. lbs. tons, brls. No. cwts. br'ls. do. do. do. do. lbs. do. brls. 5,277 1,284 10,377 234 10,103,000 1,107 8,268 753,700 3,241 11,607 20,800 2,817 11,300 27,100 12,080 3,400 4,500 5,760 600 22,000 320,900 381,360 501 £ 2,216 6,741 23,003 842 263,138 5,700 2,220 31,404 6,518 6,087 1,980 5,190 47,325 22,878 52,205 3,252 3,705 106,440 5,347 7,150 324 Raisins Rice Resin Rnm - Salt - Saltpetre iSugar, raw, , refined Syrup - Tallow Tar Tea Tinplates - Tobacco, leaf - , roll . , stems egars cwts. - do. - do. casks • lasts cwts. do. - do. . do. - do. brls. . lbs. boxes - lbs. - do. do. . No. 7,990 33,655 3,816 852 684 4,670 108,691 17,931 9,675 1,157 6,449 415,860 1,886 24,170,870 605,634 4,8^^3,447 1,633,000 Miscellaneous Total Further imports by water from the small towns situated between Bre- men and the mouth of the river Weser ... Total imports £ 7,383 33,924 961 1.5,720 2,118 215,571 35,564 8,340 1,944 4,033 46,785 3,394 478,380 27,947 55,051 3,840 271,647 1,802,553 32,553 1,835,106 Exports. —Linens are one of the most important articles of export from Bremen. They are mostly sold by the piece. The dimensions of the pieces, and their prices, are similar to those of Hamburgh, which see. The Westphalia hams are mostly shipped from this port. Duties. — An export duty of i per cent., ad valorem, is charged on all merchandise shipped from Bremen. The import duty is | per cent, ad valorem, on all articles ; having been increased a third per cent, by the ordinance of 18.30. The value of the imports is calculated according to the invoice price, adding thereto the freight and the rate of insurance current in Bremen ; the value of the exports is estimated from the invoice price only. Should there be no invoice of ur,port8, it is the duty of the importer to make a correct estimate of the BRIBE. — BRICKS AND TILES. 185 ▼alue upon his oath as a citizen ; but the Custom House has power to institute a stricter examination, if the estimate appears too low. Emigration. — Bremen has become the most considerable "port on the Continent for the shipment of emigrants to the United States, and other parts in America. In 1832 the number of emigrants amounted to between 9,000 and 10,000; and their conveyance has become an object of much importance, par- ticularly to the American ship-owners. A large |)r()portion of the emigrants are from Hesse. Ship-brokers are licensed officers, and give security, to the amount of 2,000 rix-dollars, for the faithful discharge of their duties. These arc to engage freights, to sell vessels by auction, to enter vessels, and collect freights. They are not permitted to have partners, to transact any commercial business on their own account, to accept commissions or consignments, to sell or purchase bills of exchange, or to engage in any mercantile concerns. None but appointed brokers of this class can undertake any of the duties assigned to them. Any person employing a non-a|)pointcd broker, is deprived of legal redress against the unauthorised agent by whose conduct he may sustain injury. Ship-brokers are obliged to keep a register of all Vessels coming in or going out, of the names of the captains who employed them, to procure manifests of cargoes, and to attend to the payment of duties and other dues chargeable on vessel or cargo. The fees allowed to them are, for cliartering a vessel in bulk, 18 grotes per grain last ; of this the owner pays 12 grotes, and the freighter 6 grotes. For outward-bound vessels, taking merchandise as it maybe ofFered, 2per cent, on the freight. For entering a vessel from sea measuring 50 lasts, 5 rix-dollars j measuring 100 ditto, 7^ rix-doUars ; and if she measure above 100 lasts, 10 rix-dollars. Entry dues are to be paid by the consignees of foreign vessels out of the commission they may charge. For the collection of freight money, the broker is entitled to receive 1 per cent., but the consignee of a foreign vessel is to pay this sum. Regulations of the Harbour of Bremen Haven. — All vessels entering the harbour are subject to the superintendence of the harbour-masters, whose directions are to be obeyed by the captains and crews. No ballast or rubbish is to be thrown overboard, under a penalty of 10 rix-dollars for the first offence, which is increased in case of repetition ; the offender, too, is obliged to remove the articles he may have so cast into the harbour. It is not permitted to keep gunpowder on board, and any which may be in the vessel must be delivered up within two hours after she has reached her berth : non-compliance with this subjects the party toa fine of from 10 to 50 rix-dollars; nor is it permitted to discharge any fire-arms in port. The use of all fire on board, from sunset to sunrise, is prohibited ; the captain, however, may have a light, in a closed lantern, in his cabin. The crews are not allowed to carry on shore any fire-arms, dirks, or other weapons. Vessels passing in and out of the drawbridge, or which may remain in the harbour during two months, are subject to the payment of the following rates, viz. : — Of Below 300 _ 250 .WO lasts and upwards 250 lasU to — to 150 — 150 — to 120 — 120 — to 100 — square-rigged J 20 _ to 100 — Ralliots, &c. 100 — to 80 — square-rigged 100 — to 80 — galliots, &c. - 80 — to 60 — square-rigged 80 _ to 60 — galUots, &c. Rx.D. Gr. 40 0 35 0 30 0 25 0 20 0 17 36 - 15 0 15 0 12 36 12 36 10 0 Below 60 lasts to 40 lasts — 40 — to 30 — Rx.D. Gr. 7 36 5 0 If vessels remain longer than two months, they are to pay for every additional month, calculating the entrance on a new month as a full month. 5 0 4 36 3 36 2 36 1 36 of 300 lasts and upwards Below 300 — to 250 lasts — 250 — to 200 — _ 200 — to 100 — — 100 — to 60 — Arrivals. — During the year 1834, 1,006 ships entered the port of Bremen. Of these, 194 were from Hanover ; 1 11 from Great Britain ; 103 from the United States ; 44 from France ; and the remainder from the Netherlands, Russia, South America, Spain, Sweden, &c. The shipping charges at Bremen are par- ticularly low. Money. — Accounts are kept in thalers, or rix-dollars, of 72 grootes or grotes ; the grote being divided into 5 swares. The Bremen rix-dollar current is worth 3s. Id. sterling; and the par of exchange is 1/. sterling = 6 rix-dollars 22 grotes 4 swares. Weights and Measures. — The commercial pound=2 marks=16 ounces— 32 loths=i 7,690 English grains. Hence, 100 lbs. of Bremen = 109 8 avoirdupois, or 49 825 kilog. A load of pfundschwer = 300 lbs., but carriers reckon it at 308 lbs. A centner 116 lbs. ; a shippound = 2i centners, or 290 lbs. ; a waage of iron = 120 lbs. ; a stone of flax - 20 lbs. ; a stone of wool = 10 lbs. A ton of butter great measure = 300 lbs. ; and a ton of do. small measure =: 220 lbs. The dry measures are, 4 spints = 1 viertel : 4 viertels = I scheffel ; 10 scheffels =1 quart ; 4 quarts = 1 last; the last = 8070 bushels Winchester measure, or 10087 quarters; that is, 10 quarters and 07 bushel A barrel of salt = 3| scheffels. A last of coals = 2 chaldrons Newcastle measure. The liquid measures are, 8-8 quarts = 1 viertel ; 5 viertels = 1 anker ; 4 ankers = 1 tierce ; 1| tierce = oxhoft ; the oxhoft = 58 English wine gallons. Wine is sometimes sold by the ahm of 4 ankers =: 37f Eng. wine gallons. A barrel of whale oil = 6 steckan, or 216 lbs. nett = 31^ Eng. wine gallons. A ship last of herrings, salt, and coals = 12 barrels. The Bremeu foot = 11-38 Eng. inches : hence, 100 JBremen feet = 94-8 Eng. ditto. The Bremen ell is 2 feet ; and 100 ells of Bremen = 63-2 Eng. yards. Tares. —The usual tares are, on sugar in casks and Brazil chests, 17 per cent. ; on Havannah boxes, 70 lbs. ; Maryland tobacco, 90 lbs. per hogshead; ditto Virginia and Kentucky, 110 lbs. per hogshead; cotton, round, bales, 4 per cent. ; square ditto, 6 per cent. ; tea (green), 20 lbs. per quarter chest ; ditto (black), 22 lbs. per quarter chest. Most other articles, such as East India indigo, rice, coffee, spices, &c. real tare. — (Drawn up principally from the communications of Bremen merchants; and from the Digest of Customs' Laws printed by order of the American Congress, vol. i. p. 434. &c.) BRIBE. Any person giving or offering a bribe, recompence, or reward, to any officer of the customs, to induce him to neglect his duty, to forfeit 200Z. — (3 & 4 Will. 4. C.53. §38.) BRICKS AND TILES, well known articles used in the building and covering of houses. They are made of baked clay and sand. Until last year (1833) an excise duty was charged both on bricks and tiles, their manufacture being, in consequence, placed under surveillance. It is ordered by 17 Geo. 3. c. 42. that all bricks made in England for sale shall be 8§ inches long, 2§ inches thick, and 4 wide ; and all pantiles 13§ inches long, 9§ inches wide, and ^ an inch thick ; on pain of forfeiting, for bricks or tiles made of less dimensions when burnt, as follows, viz. 20s. for every 1,000 of bricks, and 10s. for every 1,000 of pantiles, and proportionally for a greater or less number. 186 BRIMSTONE. — BRISTLES. It is also provided, that the size of the sieves or screens for sifting or screening sea-coal ashes to he mixed with brick earth in making bricks, shall not exceed of an inch between the meshes. Makers of bi'icks and tiles must give notice, under a penalty of 100/., to the excise, of their intention to begin the manufacture. Tiles used in draining land were exempted from the duties. But in so far as respects tiles, these regulations are no longer of importance, the duty on them having been abolished in 1 833. The revenue derived from it was but trilling. It was, howevei-, very prejudicial to the manufacture, particularly after the repeal of the duty on slates. It were to be wished that the state of the revenue was such as to admit of the repeal of the duty on bricks. Account of the Rates of Duty on, and Quantities of, the different Species of Bricks produced in England and Wales in 1827, 1828, and 1829. Species. Rates of Duty. Quantity. Quantity. Quantity. Common Large Polished Large polished - 5s. l0d. per 1,000 lOs. per do. UsAOd. per do. 2s. 5d. per 100 Totals 1827. 1,092,447,058 2,683,04S 8,150,750 98,550 1828. 1,068,400,330 2,645,425 7,769,075 122,810 1829. 1,099,744,701 2,540,360 7,295,366 110,275 1,103,379,404 1,078,937,640 1,109,690,702 Account of the Rates of Duty on, and Quantities of, the different Species of Bricks produced in Scotland in 1827, 1828, and 1829. Species. Rates of Duty. Quantity. Quantity. Quantity. Common Large Polished Ss.lOd. per 1,000 10s. per do. 125. lOrf. per do. Totals 1827. 20,071,337 255,850 3,375 1828. 24,281,032 406,439 1,850 1829. 24,741,582 396,187 6,522 20,350,562 | 24,689,321 25,144,291 England Nett Produce of the Duties on Bricks and Tiles in 1829. s. d. £ s. d. f Bricks 319,051 14 5 I Q^^M.n.i C Bricks 6,714 0 0 Tiles 34,830 7 5 »couana - - ^ ^^j^^ 1,922 12 0 Total nett amount of revenue from bricks and tiles in Great Britain, 362,518^. 13s. lOd. There were, in 1830, 5,369 brick and tile manufacturers in England and Wales, and 104 in Scotland.* The entire duties o'n bricks and tiles are drawn back upon exportation. Sufficient security must bg given before their shipment, that they shall be shipped and exported, and not relanded in Great Britain. (24 G(?o. 3. sess. 2. c. 24. §16.) If bricks or tiles shipped for drawback be relanded, the bricks or tiles so relanded shall, over and above the penalty in the bond, be forfeited. — (§ 17.) Return of the Number of Tiles made in the Year 1830, in Great Britain ; stating the Number of each Kind, and the Rate of Duty charged per Thousand on each ; also, the Gross Amount of Duty for the Year, and Amount paid for Drawback on Tiles exported ; distinguishing each Country, and the Num- ber of Tiles exported. England - Scotland - Plain. Rate of Duty. Pan or Ridge. Rate of Duty. Small Paving. Rate of Duty. Large Paving. Rate of Duty. All other. Rate of Duty. Gross Amount of Duly. 41,707,915 3,250 s. d. 5 8 20,603,450 2,638,942 S. d. 12 10 3,972,507 57,330 s. d 2 5 <5f 100 1,036,300 19,370 s. d. 4 10 WlOO ~ 399,675 1,750 40j,425 s. d. 4 10 V^'IOOO £ S. d. 32,438 19 5 1,810 15 0 Gt.Britain 41,711,1651 — 23,242,392 4,029,837 1,055,670 — 34,249 14 5 Number of Tiles exported. England Scotland Pan or Ridge. Small Paving. Large Paving. 17,000 734,742 52,000 126,909 7,900 143,073 750 1,424 £ s. d. 975 9 5 44 14 6 Great Britain 17,000 786,742 134,809 143.8'-'3 1,424 1,020 3 11 Note. — Bricks and tiles made in Ireland are not subject to excise duty. BRIMSTONE. See Sulphur. BRISTLES (Fr. Sotes ; Ger. Borsten ; Du. Borstels ; It. Setolc ; Sp. Cerdas, Setas ; Pol. Szezeciny ; Rus. Schtschetina ; Lat. Setts), the strong glossy hairs growing on the back of the hog and the wild boar. These are very cxteii.sivcly used by brushmaker.s, shoemakers, saddler.s, &c., and form a considerable article of import. Russia is the great mart for bristles ; those of the Ukraine being held in the highest estimation. Of the total quantity imported in 1831, amounting to 2,070,306 lbs., Russia furnished 1,867,096 * (Compiled (Vom the Parliamentary I'.ipcrs, No. 194. Sess. 1830, and No. 354. Ses.s. 1831.) BROCADE. — BROKERS. 187 lbs., and Prussia (Koiiigsbcrg) 136,721 lbs. At an average of the 3 years ending with 1831, the entries for home consumption amounted to 1,789,801 lbs. a year. The duty, which varies from 2^jd. to 3^u. StUckgoed ; It. Bronzo ; Sp. Metal dg Canones ; Lat. Metallum tormentorum), " a mixed metal, consisting chiefly of copper, with a small proportion of tin, and sometimes other metals. It is used for casting statues, cannon, bells, and other articles, in all of which the proportions of the in- gredients vary." — Ure.) BROOMS (Ger. Besen; Fr. Balais ; It. Scope, Granate ; Sp. Escobas ; Rus. Metlii) are principally made of birch or heath. Vast quantities are manufactured in Southwark, for the supply of the London market. BRUSHES (Ger. BUrsten; Fr. Brasses; It. Setole, Spazzole j Sp. Brozas, Cepillos, EscobiUas; Rus. Schtschetki), well-known implements, made of bristles, and manu- factured of various forms. BUBBLES, a familiar name applied generally to fraudulent or unsubstantial com- mercial projects, which hold out hopes of rapid gain, for the purpose of enriching the projectors at the expense of sanguine and ignorant adventurers ; and particularly used to designate those projects, the funds for which are raised by the sale of shares or sub- scription to a transferable stock. In consequence of the mischief produced by the gambling in transferable shares of bubble companies at the time of the South Sea pro- ject, 1719 and 1720, the stat. 6 Geo. 1. c. 18., reciting that several undertakings or projects had been contrived and practised, which " manifestly tended to the common grievance, prejudice, and inconvenience of great numbers of his Majesty's subjects in their trade and commerce," and describing, among other practices of the time, the ordinary mode of raising money by shares and subscriptions to a pretended transferable stock, enacted, that the undertakings and attempts so described, and public subscriptions, assignments, and transfers for furthering them, and particularly the raising or pretend- ing to raise transferable stocks without authority of charter or act of parliament, should be deemed illegal and void, and prohibited them under severe penalties. Some decisions limited the operation of, and finally the stat. 6 Geo. 4. c. 91. altogether repealed, these enactments and prohibitions. The projectors of bubbles, therefore, are now punishable only when they can be deemed guilty of frauds or conspiracies at common law ; and there is no other check on the adventurers than the loss and troublesome liabilities under the law of partnership, in which participation in these projects often involves them. BUCKRAM (Fr. Bougran Ger. Schettre, Steife Leinwand ; It. Tela collata o gommata ; Rus. Kleanka ; Sp. Bucaran), a sort of coarse cloth made of hemp, gummed, calendered, and dyed several colours. BUCKWHEAT (Fr. BU Sarrasin, Ble noir ; Ger. Buchwetzen, Heidekorn ; It. Grano Saraceno, Faggina, Fraina ; Sp. Trigo Saraceno, Trigo negro ; Pol. Tatarca, Gryka, Pohanca ■ Rus. Gretscha • Lat. Fagopyrurri) is principally cultivated, in order that it may be cut when young and green, and employed as fodder for cattle ; when allowed to ripen, the grain is usually employed to feed pigeons and poultry. "When ripe it is of a deep yellow colour, the seeds bearing a great resemblance to beech-mast : it will grow on the poorest soils. Buckwheat has been cultivated in this country from the latter part of the sixteenth century. Its native country is unknown, but supposed to be A«ia. Beckman?! has a very learned dissertation on its introduction and early culture in Europe. — (See Hist, of Invent, vol. i. art. Buckwheat.) The average quantity of buckwheat iinported, is about 10,000 quarters. The duty is the same as on barley. — (See Corn Laws.) BUENOS AYRES, a city of South America, on the south side of the La Plata, about 200 miles from its junction with the sea, in lat. 34° 36^' S., long. 58° 22' W. Population very differently estimated ; but said (^Bulletin des Sciences Geographiques, vol. XX. p. 152.) to amount to 81,000. The La Plata is one of the largest rivers of the world, traversing a vast extent of country, of which it is the great outlet. Un- luckily, however, it is of very difficult navigation, being shallow, infested with rocks and sand-banks, and exposed to sudden and violent gusts of wind. There is no harbour at Buenos Ayres, or none worthy of the name. Ships can only come within 2 or 3 leagues of the town : there they unload their goods into boats ; from which they are received at the landing places into carts that convey them to the town, which is about ^ of a league distant. Ships that want careening repair to the bay of Barragon, a kind of port about 10 leagues to the S. E. of the city ; and there also the outward bound ships wait for their cargoes. All the timber used in the construction of houses, and in the building and repairing of vessels, comes down the river from Paraguay in rafts. The principal articles of export consist of hides and tallow, of which vast quantities are sent to England, the United States, Holland, Germany, &c. ; besides these, there are exported bullion and viccunna wool from Peru, copper from Chili, salt beef, nutria skins, &c. The imports principally consist of cotton and woollen goods from England, hardware and earthenware from ditto, linens from Germany, flour from the United States, spices, wines, salt fish, machinery, furniture, &c. : the finest tobacco, sugars, wax, &c. are brought from the interior ; as is Paraguay tea, an article in considerable 190 BUFF. — BUOYS. demand in South America. The inland trade carried on between Buenos Ayres, and Peru, and Chili, is very considerable ; and its trade by sea with foreign countries is daily becoming of more importance. During the year 1832, there were exported from Buenos Ayres, dry hides, 877,132 ; ditto salted, 48,378 '» horse hides, 40,076 ; jerked beef, 105,780 quintals ; horns, 2,049,017; tips, 101,8.51; wool, 33,052 arrobas ; hair, 31,257 ditto ; nutria skins, 14,562 dozen, &c. The trade from this country to Buenos Ayres is con- founded in our Custom-house accounts with that to Monte Video, under the general name of the States of the Rio de la Plata ; but by far the largest share belongs to Buenos Ayres. In 1831, we imported frora these states, exclusive of bullion, of which no account is kept, 429,966 nutna skins — (,see Jnutrijv), 146,008 cwt. hides, 2,470 cwt. tallow, 12,244 lbs. sheep's wool, &c. The declared value of tlie articles of British produce and manufacture exported to these states during the same year, was 339,870/. ; of which cottons, woollens, hardware, and linens made more than three fourths. In 1828, 64 British ships, of the burden of 12,746 tons, entered the port ; the total number of foreign vessels that annually enter it being from 300 to 400. The commerce of Buenos Ayres will no doubt continue to increase according as the vast countries situated on the La Plata, now in a great degree unoccupied, are settled. Monies, Weights, Measures, S^c. same as those of Spain ; for which, see Cadiz. BUFF (Ger. B'dffel, Biiffelh'dute ; Fr. Buffie, Peau de huffles, et Peaux passees en buffles ; It. Bufalo, Cuojo di hufalo), a sort of leather prepared from the skin of the buffalo, dressed with oil, after the manner of chamois. The skin of elks, oxen, and other like animals, when prepared after the same manner as that of the buffalo, is like- wise called buff. It is vised in making sword-belts and other articles, where great thickness and firmness are required. BUGLES, small glass beads of different colours. They are in considerable demand in Africa, to which they are mostly exported. BULLION, uncoined gold and silver in the mass. See Gold and Silver. BUOYS, pieces of wood, cork, or some light substance, moored and floating on the water. Those of wood are sometimes solid, and sometimes hollow, like a cask, and strongly hooped ; they are made of various shapes and sizes ; and are either private or public. Subjoined is an Account specifying the Buoys and Beacons under the Control of the Trinity House, Deptford Strond, with the Rates of Charge on account of the same on British and Foreign Ships, and the Produce of the Rates in each of the Three Years ending with m22. — {Parl. Paper, No. 315. Sess. 1833.) Rates of Charge. British and Foreign pri- vileged Ves- sels Oversea, pe) Ton. Foreign Ves- sels not pri- vileged Over- sea, per Ton. For the buoys and In the port of London the following beacons in the rates are payable for the inward pas- channels leading- sage only ; viz. — to the river The rates Thames and port vary from -1 of London, includ- penny to 1 far- ing loadsmanage thing per ton, and primage, also according to includingthedues thede.«^ription 1 penny . 2 pence - formerly returned of the vessels' vmder the head of cargoes, and Trinity House du- the placesfrom ties from stran- whence they gers' ships. arrive. These dues are also received at the ports of Gravesend, Sheerness, Rochester, Faversham, Leigh, Maldon, Colchester, Ipswich, Woodbridge, Harwich, and Aldborough, at which they are pay- able for the inward passage only. The rate on fo- reign vessels not privileged, is 2 pence per ton, but in other respeets the rates are determined by the ancient usage of the respective places, and are generally one half tlxe amount of those in the port of London. Buoys off Yarmouth Buoys and beacons in the river Tees Exeter buoys Conway buoys Carmarthen buoys Aberdovey buoys - i farthing per I | farthing | i farthing ton. I I 4 pence per vessel under 40 tons, 6 pence on all others. Stone boats, 5 1 1 penny - 1 2 pence - shillings per annum. I I 3 farthings per ton, each and every time of passing. 3 farth. per ton, each time of passing. 1 halfpenny | 1 penny - I 1 penny - per ton. | | Total Amounts collected. 1830. ,623 7 5 1,806 10 2| 462 7 8 305 14 0 48 18 n 110 12 91 9,313 16 5i 1,835 11 ^ 452 17 2 296 5 10 49 2 lli 105 14 115 31 14 lOi 1832. ?,449 16 9i 1,802 8 U 465 7 6 3:0 19 7 45 8 4| 107 7 3 40 9 2 ^ 11,357 10 3 J 12,085 3 71:11,261 16 Pj, Trinity House, London, 9th of March, 1833. (Errors excepted.) J. Herbert, Secretary. Private Buoys are so called from their belonging to private individuals. They are principally employed to mark the place of the ship's anchor, being fastened to it by a BURDEN. — BUSHIRE. 191 jope or chain, so tliat the men who go in the boat to weigh it may readily find out where it is. By the 1 & 2 Geo. 4. c, 75. § 11. it is enacted, that if any person or persons shall wilfully cut away, cast adrift, remove, alter, deface, sink, or destroy, or in any way injure or conceal, any buoy, buoy-rope, or mark belonging to any ship or vessel, or which may be attached to any anchor or cable belonging to any ship or vessel, whether in distress or otherwise, such person or persons so offending shall upon conviction be adjudged guilty of felony, and shall be liable to be transported for any terra not exceeding 7 years, or to be imprisoned for any number of years, at the discretion of the court. Public Buoys, being intended for the public service, cannot be placed, altered, or removed, except by competent authority. They are generally of a pretty large size ; and are firmly moored by chains or cables to rocks, large stones, anchors, &c. By float- ing on the surface of the water, they serve at once to mark the channels through which it is safe to steer, and to point out dangers to be avoided, such as sunken rocks, shoals, wrecks of vessels, &c. The places in, and the purposes for, which buoys are exhibited, are always specified in good charts : and as the leading buo^s are generally of a peculiar figure or colour, which is also indicated in the chart, the navigator, as soon as he recog- nises them, shapes his course accordingly. Hence the great importance of having buoys properly placed, and of their being carefully marked in charts. The 6 Geo. 4. c. 125. \ 91. enacts, that every person who shall ride by, make fast to, remove, or wil- fully run down or run foul of any vessel placed to exhibit lights, or any buoy or beacon belonging to the corporation of the Trinity House of Deptford Strond, or to any other corporation having authority to place such vessel, buoy, or beacon, shall, besides making good all damage occasioned thereby, forfeit, for every such offence, any sum not exceeding 50/. nor less than 10/. BURDEN of a ship. See Tonnage. BURGUNDY. See Wine. BURGUNDY PITCH, a resin, the produce of the Pinus Abies, or spruce fir. It is obtained by making incisions in the bark down to the wood, whence it flows thickly and languidly, immediately concreting into flakes that adhere firmly to the tree. These being taken oflf are melted in boiling water, and strained through coarse cloths. It is of a close consistence, rather soft, has a reddish brown colour, and a not unpleasant smell ; it is very adhesive. The greatest quantity is collected in the neighbourhood of Neuf- chatel, whence it is brought to us packed in casks. A fictitious sort is made in England, and found in the shops under the title of common Burgundy pitch ; it may be distinguished by its friability, want of viscidity and of the odour which characterises the genuine sort. A species of Burgundy pitch exudes spontaneously from the Norway spruce fir. Tliis, which undergoes no preparation, is the resin or thus of the old London Pharma- copoeias. It is imported in the form of tears or small masses, packed in casks, each con- taining from 1 to 2 cwt. It fetches about half the price of that which is strained. — ( Gray^s Supplement to the Pharmacopoeias, Thomson's Dispensatory. ) BUSHEL, a measure of capacity for dry goods, as grain, fruit, dry pulse, &c., con- taining 4 pecks, or 8 gallons, or i of a quarter. The Winchester bushel contains 2150-42 cubic inches, while the Imperial bushel con- tains 2218*192. Hence, to convert Winchester bushels into Imperial, multiply by the fraction ^I'^^-rI '969447, or approximately deduct ^th, and g^th ; and if great accuracy be required, 2(Hjo' soiJoo iTf^o^e. To convert prices per Winchester bushel into prices per Imperial bushel, multiply by the fraction ^li^.'fa^ oi* 1*0315157. By the 5 Geo. 4. c. 74. § 7. the bushel shall be the standard measure of capacity for coals, culm, lime, fish, potatoes, or fruit, and all other goods and things commonly sold by- heaped measure. The bushel shall contain 80 lbs. avoirdupois of distilled water, being made round, with a plain and even bottom, and being 1 9\ inches from outside to outside. Sections 7. and 8. direct the mode in which the bushel shall be used for heaped meastire. — (See Weights and Measures.) The standard measure of capacity, by this act, as well for liquids as for dry goods not measured by heaped measure, shall be the gallon, containing 10 lbs. avoirdupois weight of distilled water weighed in air at the temperature of 62° of Fahrenheit's ther- mometer, the barometer being at 30 inches; and such measure shall be the Imperial standard gallon (containing 277*274 cubic inches); and all measures shall be taken in parts or multiples, or certain proportions, of the said Imperial standard gallon ; and the quart shall be the fourth part, and the pint shall be an eighth of such standard gallon ; and 2 such gallons shall be a peck, and 8 such gallons shall be a bushel, and 8 such bushels a quarter of corn or other dry goods not measured by heaped measure. BUSHIRE, OR ABUSHIRE, a sea-port town of Persia^ in the province of Pars, on the north-east coast of the Persian Gulf, in lat. 29° N., 1 ^ng. 50° 50' E. Population uncertain, but estimated by Major Wilson at from 15,000 to 20,000. Bushire is situated at the northern extremity of a sandy peninsula, to the north and east of which is the. bay. There is a convenient anchorage for large ships due west from the town, 3 or 4 iniles distant, in from 25 to 28 feet water ; but ships of 300 tons burden or thereby lie in the inner roads, to the north, about 6 miles from shore ; the anchorage is pretty good ; but during violent north-westerly gales, they are sometimes obliged to cut their cables 192 BUSHIRE. and bear up for Karak, a small island about 15 leagues W. N.W. of Bushire. The water immediately to the east of the town is deep, but the passage to it is obstructed by a bar, which cannot be passed by vessels drawing more than 8 or 9 feet water, except at spring tides, when there is a rise of from 8 to 10 feet. The variation in 1811 waf 4° 43' W. — (Chart of the Persian Gulf, by Captain Ritchie, &c.) The climate here, as in aU the other ports of the Persian Gulf, is extremely hot, particularly in June, July, and August. The unhealthy season is in the fall of the year. Trade, 8fc. — Bushire has a good deal of trade, particularly with Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras. Its merchants supply almost all Persia with Indian commodities ; as, also, with a good many of those brought from Europe. Of the imports from India, indigo, sugar, sugar candy, and spices are the most important; the steel of India is preferred in Persia to every other, and is made into excellent sabres : tin is brought from Banca ; and coffee is principally supplied by Mocha and other ports on the Arabian Gulf. English cotton goods, notwithstanding the admitted inferiority of our red dyes, — a colour in great esteem in Persia, — have already gone far to supersede those that were formerly brought from Hindostan ; and the demand for them is rapidly extending, and is susceptible of an almost indefinite increase. Besides those imported at Busliire, a good many are introduced through Bussorah, and some through Turkey and Russia ; the latter by way of the Black Sea, the former of Smyrna and Constantinople. Hi- therto, indeed, a considerable part of the cottons imported through the last mentioned channels have been supplied by Switzerland and Germany, — their fabrics having been, in some respects, better fitted than ours for the Turkish and Persian markets ; but they seem to have lost this advantage, as our exports of cottons to Turkey are now rapidly increasing. Woollen goods, cutlery, watches, &c., sent to India from England, are thence exported to Bushire. Imitation shawls, of the proper size and pattern, are said to meet with a^ fair sale. The exports principally consist of raw silk, Kerman wool, Kerman and Cashmere shawls, carpets, horses, silk goods, dried fruits, wine, grain, copper, turquoises, asafoetida, gall-nuts, pearls, and other articles of minor importance. Turkey annually supplies Persia with a very considerable amount of bullion, most part of which is sent to India. Of the Persian exports, raw silk is the most important. It is produced to some extent in every province ; but Gheelan and Mazunderan are those which are most cele- brated for its growth. In the former, about 900,000 lbs. are annually raised. Russia is a large customer for this article. Dried fruits and dates are sent in considerable quan- tities to India. Horses are largely exported to India both by sea and land ; they serve for mounting our Indian cavalry, and for supplying the large private demand that always obtains in Hindostan for this noble animal. Though neither so swift nor so beautiful as those of Arabia, the Persian horses are large, more powerful, and, all things considered, better for cavalry. They are capable of supporting an extraordinary degree of fatigue. Wine of Shiraz enjoys a degree of celebrity, to which, judging from the few samples we have seen, it seems but ill entitled. Mr. Fraser says that it is made in so careless a manner, that, in choosing it, not more than 1 bottle in 4 or 5 can be made use of. Persian tobacco and yellow dye berries are highly esteemed : the former enters to a con- siderable extent 'into the trade to Turkey as well as to India; the berries bring a very high price in our markets, but the imports hitherto have been inconsiderable. Tur- quoises, asafoetida, and various sorts of drugs, rose water, with other minor articles, form part of the exports. Sheep's and goats' wool is also exported. The best is tliat of Kerman. The down furnished by the goats of this province is almost as fine as that of the Thibet or shawl goats. Cotton is extensively produced in Persia ; the Russians carry away some, but the greater part is used in the country. Grain is sent to Muscat, but not in large quantities. The pearl trade is now principally centered at Muscat. The imports of copper into Calcutta from Bushire, Bussorah, and other ports of the Persian Gulf, during the 7 years ending with 1827-28, were valued at about 30,000/. a year. This copper is principally the produce of the Persian mines, mixed, however, with some Russian copper from Georgia. Of manufactured articles, the principal are carpets of the most beautiful fabric ; shawls, partly native, and partly brought from Cashmere; velvets, silk goods, gold and silver brocades, and a few other articles. The trade between Persia and Russia by the Caspian Sea is very considerable. Most part of the paper used in the former is supplied by the latter. The furs of Russia find a ready market in Persia ; but it is a fact worth mentioning, that Persian merchants have recently been seen at the Leipsic fairs, carrying gold thither for American furs ! — (Urquhart on the Resources of Turkey, p. 155.) The Russian provinces on the Caspian derive their supplies of indigo from Persia by way of Bushire. The official returns show that the total value of the entire trade, imports as well as exports, carried on between British India and the Persian Gulf, at an average of the 7 years ending with 1828, was (taking the rupee at 2s.) 1,337,163Z. a year. Of this amount, Calcutta i>articipatcd to the extent of .'5."'9,684/., Madras of 54,981/., and Bombay of 722,497/. This, liowevcr, includes the trade to Muscat and Qussorali, as well as to Bushire, and we nave no means of discriminating the separate amount of each. BUSS. — BUSSORAH. 193 It appears, inclepd, from an account in tho same paper whence these statements are taken, that of Si ships belonginf; to the I'ersian Gulf that arrived at Jiombay during the 7 years referred to, 2S l)elonged to Muscat, and only 7 to Bushire. lJut it must not be supposed that the trade to these places i» in this proportion, inasmuch as most of the Arabian ships trading to IJussorah belong to Muscat. It may, how. ever, be fairly presumed, that the arrivals of Gulf ships at Calcutta and Madras would be in al)out the same proportion as those at Bombay j but the destination of the British ships trading to the Gulf not being given, and it being customary for most ships to visjt both Bushire and Bussorah, it is impossible to say whether the value of the trade to the former, as compared with that to the latter and Muscat, corresponds with the number of ships they respectively send to India. Water at Bushire is excessively bad and dear ; but excellent water, and in great abundance, may be had at Karak. The anchorage at this island is safe at all times; and ships may lie close to the beach. Sir John Malcolm suggested, that the permanent possession of Karak would be an object of considerable importance ; and we are rather inclined to agree with him. It is of no value to the Persians, and there seems little doubt that they would be glad to cede it for a trifling consideration. Its possession would not only enable us to command tho navigation of the I'ersian Gulf: but it would form a depot where goods destined for Bushire, Bussorah, &c. might be kept in perfect safety, and in a situation the most conve- nient, being readily accessible to all sorts of Arabian vessels. A tasie for British cottons and woollens is now forming in all the vast countries watered by the Euphrates and the Tigris, or which derive their supplies from the emporia erected on their banks: and it is of the greatest consequence that nothing be omitted that may serve to facilitate tne dinusion of this taste, and the means of gratifying it. Money. — Accounts are kept in tomans of 50 abasses, or 100 mamoodis. The toman is a Persian goUl coin, containing, according to the report of the. JJombay mint, from 715 to fiV gr. pure metal, being consequently equal to from Vis. l%d. to lis. \\d. sterling. The toman of Bussorah is worth about 36«. ; and that of Goml)roon about 9.\s. These, with Persian and foreign silver coins of all denomina- tions, are found at Bushire ; but the rates of the foreign coins are perpetually varying, and the weight of the native coins is also subject to frequent changes. Weights and Measures. — Gold and silveif are weighed by the miscal of 2 dwt. 23 7-12 gr., or 3 dwt, very nearly. The commercial weights vary according to the commodities sold, and the places where they are used. The maund tabree weighs 6J lbs. avoirdupois at the Custom-house, but only 65 lbs. at the bazaar. This weight is used by dealers in sugar, coffee, copper, and all sorts of drugs. The maund copra is 7f lbs. at the Custom-house, and from 1\ to lbs. at the bazaar. Dealers in rice and other articles of provision use this weight. The maund shaw is double the maund tabree, or ISg lbs. Pearls are weighed by the abbas = 2 25 gr. Troy. There are various sorts of guz's or cubits. One called the royal guz = 37| Eng. inches ; the common guz is two thirds of the former, or 25 inches. The Persian league or parasang is l-20th of a degree of the equator, and should, therefore, be equal to 3 miles 3 furlongs and 25 poles English. The artaba, or principal corn measure, is equivalent to about 2 Winch, quarters. For further particulars, see Niebiihr, Voyage en Arable, tome ii. p. 75. ; Kinneir's Metnoir of the Persian Empire, p. 70. ; Eraser's Travels on the Shores of the Caspian, Appen. pp. 352 — 384. ; Pari. Paper, No. 735. — II. Sess. 1832. pp. 632— 638. j Kelly's Oriental Metrology; Thornton's East Indian Calculator, S^c. BUSS, a small sea-vessel, used by us and the Dutch in the herring fishery, commonly from 50 to 60 tons burden, and sometimes more. A Imss has two small sheds or cabins ; one at the prow, and the other at the stern ; that at the prow serves for a kitchen. — (See Fishery. ) BUSSORAH, OR BASRAH, a city of Arabia, on the western bank of the Shat-el- Arab (the name given to the river formed by the junction of the Tigris and the Euphrates), above 70 miles from its mouth, lat. 30° 30' N., long. 47° 32' E. Popu- lation about 60,000, consisting of Arabs, Turks, Persians, Armenians, Jews, &c. The houses and streets are mean and filthy. There is a vast area within the walls, occupied principally by gardens and plantations of date trees, and intersected by canals, on which are numerous small craft. The bar at the mouth of the Shat-el-Arab has only about 12 feet water, but the channel within is deep, so that ships of 500 tons burden, provided they cross the bar at the springs, may without difficulty ascend the river as far as the city ; and both its grand branches may be navigated to a great distance by smaller vessels. Bussorah is the principal inlet on the east, through which Indian and other Eastern products find their way into the Turkish empire. Its commerce is, therefore, even at present, pretty considerable ; and were the rich and extensive countries traversed by the Tigris and the Euphrates occupied by a civilised and industrious people, it would be very great. Its imports from India and Europe are similar to those at Bushire (which see) ; from Persia it imports shawls, pearls from Bahrein, &c., and coffee from Mocha. At an average, 6 or 8 British ships arrive in the course of the year from India ; but the prin- cipal part of the trade is carried on in Arabian bottoms, the merchants of Muscat being the owners of some of the finest ships that are to be met with in the Indian seas. Its exports are principally bullion, pearls, dates, copper, raw silk, horses, gall nuts, and drugs. Captain Hamilton mentions, that in the early part of last century, the exports of dates from Bussorah exceeded 10,000 tons a year. — (New Account of the East Indies, vol. i. p. 78.) The commerce with the interior is conducted by means of cara- vans to Aleppo and Bagdad ; but it might be carried on to much more advantage by means of steam-boats. It has been proposed to forward mails from India by steam by the Shat-el-Arab and the Euphrates to Bir, thence by land to Scanderoon, and again by steam to Gibraltar and England. Money. — All sorts of coins circulate here, but their values are constantly fluctuating. Accounts ar© \ie\)\. \n mamoodies o( 10 danims, or lOO floose ; \W mamoodies make a <07«a7?, which may be valued at about 15 sicca rupees, or 36s. sterling. Weights and Measures. — Go\d. and silver are weighed by the chfki of 100 miscals, or 7,200 Eng. grains. o BUTLERAGE. — BUTTER. The commercial weights are the maund atteree, the mound sqfy or sesse, and the oke of Bagdad, 1 vakia — 19 oz. avoirdupois ; 2| vakias := 1 oke of Bagdad ^ 47| oz. avoir. ; 1 maund atteree = 28 Iba, % oz. avoir ; 1 maund sofy = 9U lbs. 4 oz. avoir. ; 1 cutra of indigo = 138 lbs. 15 oz. avoir. Tliese are the weights used by the Europeans settled at Bussorah ; those used by the Arabians differ a little from the above, and frequently also among themselves, — a circumstance to which the merchant must pay particular attention. The long measures are the Alej^o yard for silks and woollens = 2 feet 2 4 inches ; the Hadded do. for cottons and linens — 2 feet 10 2 inches ; the Bagdad do. for all purposes = 2 feet 7'6 inches. For further details as to the commerce of Bussorah, Kinneir's Memoir on the Persian Empire, p. 283. ; the art. Bushire in this Dictionary ; Kelly's Oriental Metrology ; Thornton's East Indian Cal- culator, p. 424. Niebuhr has given a plan of Bussorah, Voyage en Arable, tome ii. p. 170. BUTLERAGE. See Prisage. BUTT, a vessel or measure for \rine, containing 2 hogsheads, or 126 wine gallons. BUTTER (Da. Smor ; Du. Boter ; Fr. Beurre ; Ger. Butter,- It. Burro, Butiro; Lat. Butyrum Pol. Maslo Port. Manteiga ; Rus. Masslo Korowe Sp. Manteca ; Sw. Smor), as every one knows, is a fat, unctuous, and, in temperate climates, a pretty- firm substance, obtained from milk, or rather from cream, by the process of churning. The various circumstances attending the introduction and use of butter in antiquity have been investigated by Beckmann with great learning and industry. The conchision at which he arrives is, " that butter was not used either by the Greeks or Romans in cooking or the preparation of food, nor was it brought upon their tables by way of dessert, as is every where customary at present. We never find it mentioned by Galen and others as a food, though they have spoken of it as applicable to other purposes. No notice is taken of it by Apicius ; nor is there any thing said of it in that respect by the authors who treat of agriculture, though they have given us very particular information witli respect to milk, cheese, and oil. This, as has been remarked by others, may be easily accounted for, by the ancients having accustomed themselves to the use of good oil ; and in the like manner butter is very little employed at present in Italy, Spain, Portugal, and the southern parts of France." — {History of Inventions, vol. ii. p. 413. Eng. ed.) Butter is very extensively used in this and most other northern countries ; that of England and Holland is reckoned the best. In London, the butter of Epping and Cambridge is in the highest repute ; the cows which produce the former, feed during summer in the shrubby pastures of Epping Forest ; and the leaves of the trees, and numei'ous wild plants which there abound, are supposed to improve the flavour of the butter. It is brought to market in rolls from one to two feet long, weighing a pound each. Hie Cambridgeshire butter is produced from cows tliat feed one part of the year on chalky uplands, and the other on rich meadows or fens : it is made up into long rolls like the Epping butter, and generally salted or cured before being brought to market ; the London dealers, having washed it, and wrought the salt out of it, frequently sell it for Epping butter. The butter of Suffolk and Yorkshire is often sold for that of Cambridgeshire, to which it is little inferior. The butter of Somersetshire is thought to equal that of Epping : it is brought to market in dishes containing half a pound each ; out of which it is taken, washed, and put into different forms, by the dealers of Bath and Bristol. The butter of Gloucestershire and Oxfordshire is very good ; it is made up in half- pound packs or prints, packed up in square baskets, and sent to the London market by wagon. The butter of the mountains of Wales and Scotland, and the moors, com- mons, and heaths of England, is of excellent quality when it is properly managed ; and, though not equal in quantity, it often is confessedly superior, to that produced by the richest meadows. — ( Loudon's Ency. of Agriculture. ) Considerable quantities of butter are made in Ireland, and it forms a prominent arti- cle in the exports of that country : generally, it is very inferior to that of Britain ; but this is a consequence rather of the want of cleanliness and attention, than of any infe- riority in the milk. Some of the best Ii-ish butter brought to London, after being washed and repacked, is sold as Dorsetshire and Cambridge butter. The salt butter of Holland is superior to that of every other country ; large quanti- ties of it are annually exported. It forms about three fourths of all the foreign butter we import. The production and consumption of butter in Great Britain is very great. The consumption in the Metropolis may, it is believed, be averaged at about one half pound per week for each individual, being at the rate of 26 lbs. a year ; and supposing the population to amount to 1,450,000, the total annual con- sumption would, on this hypothesis, be 37,700,000 lbs., or 16,830 tons : but to this may be added 4,000 tons, for the butter required for the victuallinf of ships and other purposes; making the total consumption, in round numbers, 21,000 tons, or 47,040,000 lbs., which at lOrf. per lb. would be worth 1,960,000/. The average produce per cow of the butter dairies is estimated by Mr. Marshall at l^S lbs. a year ; so that, supposing we are nearly right in the above estimates, about 280,000 cows will be required to produce an adequate supply of butter for the London market. The consumption of butter in London has sometimes been estimated at 50,000 tons ; which, ac- cording to Mr. Marshall's statement, of the accuracy of which no doubt can be entertained, would require for its supply upwards of 666,000 cows! Further commentary on such a statement would be superfluous. BUTTER. 195 An Account of the Total Quantity (in Hundred Weights) of Butter imported into Great Britain from Foreign Countries and Ireland, in each Year, from .0th of January, 18(H, to 5111 of January, 18.'f2 ; dis- tinguishing tlie Quantity from Ireland, from the Isles of Jersey, (Juerusey, and Man, from Holland and the Netherlands, and from all other Foreign Countries j and stating the Hate and Amount of Duty in each Year paid thereon. 1801 1S02 1803 1801 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 18U 1815 1816 1817 1818 J819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1821 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 SOU Oca .§ Ctots. 186,821 25f,248 246,388 196,037 212,441 261,911 314,386 312,408 317,676 311,551 353,791 311,475 351,832 315,421 320,655 280,586 305,662 352,538 429,614 457,730 413,088 377,651 466,834 431,174 425,670 t- - Quantities of Butter importeil into Great Britain from all Parts (exceirt Ireland). CwU. 339 59 56 143 61 46 36 611 359 27 1,864 944 327 258 1,917 1,256 275 190 291 387 305 394 131 366 493 445 585 622 331 1^ CrvU. 71,206 81,100 53,682 100,685 64,616 66,544 68,315 73,727 44,061 5,956 "22,415 o ocj Cnitt, 43,583 8,819 50,411 25,989 32,169 18,968 18,970 5,816 32,185 26,676 2,451 3,451 11^ Cwtt. 115,130 93,018 104,120 1£6,734 96,813 85,6.57 87,346 79,590 76,283 33,241 2,810 25,894 Amount of Duty received in Oreat Britain on Forei)jn Butter. S. d. 4 7 3 II 960 10 4 10 244 12 2 12 0 0 0 19 the records were destroyed 98,560 106,885 61,753 20,279 66,232 62,498 65,986 99,345 108,.501 101,549 132,093 160,048 136,779 142,658 145,617 116,233 77,025 80,900 92,409 17,373 17,470 2,062 152 15,544 2,295 2,295 16,291 9,627 20,394 28,2.55 118,975 59,288 68,117 55,532 31,485 31,222 42,147 38,460 115,798 125,300 64,113 20,690 83,694 66,050 68,557 115,827 118,420 122,331 160,654 279,418 196,200 211,141 201,673 148,164 108,854 123,670 131,202 196 4 by fire. ,397 13 ,301 10 ,737 11 ,540 10 ,550 10 ,836 16 ,578 15 ,980 12 ,263 13 164 14 854 10 ,S61 19 ,130 8 427 1 ,850 7 ,997 4 ,881 15 ,336 12 ,330 9 HatCB of Duty on Fordgn Butter 2 9 1/^ cwt, and 31. ^ centum"^ ad valorem. 2 9 cwt. and 3/. 12s. <^ cen- turn ad valorem (from 12th of May). 3 6f ^ cwt. (from 5th of July) 5 cwt. (from 1st of June) 4 0-45^cwt.(from5th of April) 4 3 61 'D^'cwt. (from 10th of May) / 4 4 ^ cwt. (from 5th of July) 5 If^f cwt. (from 15th of April) £1 W cwt. (from 5th of April) N. B. — We have omitted g-rs. and /6s. from this account; but they are allowed for in the column of totals. Custom House, London, 5th of October, 1833. The average contract prices of the butter furnished to Greenwich Hospital from 1730 to 1832, have been as follows: — Years. Prices per lb. Years. Prices per lb. Years. Prices per lb. Years. Prices per lb. s. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 1730 0 5 1795 0 8i 0 lU 1813 1 3 1823 0 7i 1740 0 5 1800 1814 1 2 1824 0 8i 1750 0 51 1805 0 llf 0 Hi 1 0| 1815 1 2 1825 0 lOi 1755 0 5| 1806 1816 0 91 1826 0 9i 0 8i 1760 0 5| 1807 1817 0 8| 1827 1765 0 5i 1808 1818 0 11 1828 0 8i 1770 0 6i 0 6f 0 6i 1809 1 2* 1819 0 11 1829 0 8 1775 1810 1820 0 91 0 8f 1830 0 6i 1780 1811 ! 1821 1831 0 9f 1785 0 6i 0 6| 1812 1 Si 1822 0 7i 1832 0 8f 1790 (See art. Prices.) In order to obviate the practice of fraud in the weighing and packing of butter, different statutes have been passed, particularly the 36 Geo. 3. c. 86., and 38 Geo. 3. c. 73., the principal regulations of which are subjoined. It is very doubtful, however, whether they have been productive of any good effect. It might be proper, perhaps, to order the weight of the butter, exclusive of the vessel, and the dairyman's or seller's name, to be branded on the inside and outside of each vessel ; but most of the other regula- ♦ Butter imported in British shipping, or in shipping of states in amity with his Majesty, was admitted free of duty under the authority cf Orders in Council, by virtue of the act 39 Geo. 3. c. 87., from 12th of July, 1799, continued by subsequent acts until 6 months after the ratification of the definitive treaty of peace, and further continued, by Order in Council, until 25th of September, 1814. •f No account can be furnished oi' the quantities of butter imported from Ireland for the years subse- quent to 1825, the records of the trade between Great Britain and Ireland liaving been discontinued, in consequence of the regulations adopted for the purpose of giving effect to the law which placed the intercourse between the two countries on the footing of a coasting traffic. O 2 196 BUTTONS. ^ions, especially those as to the tliickness of the staves, and the weight of the vessels, seem to be at one* vexatious and useless. Every cooper or other person who shall make any vessel for the packing of butter, shall make the same of good well-seasoned timber, tight and not leaky, and shall groove in the heads and bottoms thereof • and every vessel made for the F'acking of butter shall be a tub, firkin, or half-firkin, and no other. Every tub shall weigh of itself, including the top and bottom, not less than 11 lbs. nor more than 15 lbs avoirdupois ; and neither the top nor the bottom of any such tub siiall exceed in any part five eighths of an inch in thickness. Every firkin shall weigh at least 7 lbs. including the top and the bottom, which shall not exceed four eighths of an inch thick in any part. Half firkins to weigh not less than 4 lbs. nor more than 6 lbs. including the top and the bottom, which shall not exceed the thickness of three eighths of an inch in any part ; upon pain that the cooper or every other person making any such vessel, in any respect contrary to the preceding directions, shall forfeit every such vessel and lOi. Every cooper, &c. shall brand every cask or vessel before going out of his possession, on the outside, with his name, in legible and permanent letters, under penalty of 10s , together with the exact v. eight or tare thereof Every dairyman, farmer, or seller of butter, or other person packing the same for sale, shall pack it in vessels made and marked as aforesaid, and in no other, and shall properly soak and season every such vessel; and on the inside, and on the top on the outside, shall brand nis name at length, in permanent and legible letters; and shall also, with an iron, brand on the top on the outside, and on the bouge or body of every such cask, the true weight or tare of every such vessel, when it shall have been soaked and seasoned ; and also shall brand his name at length, on the bouge or body of every such vessel, across two different staves at least, and shall distinctly, and at length, imprint his Christian and surname upon the top of the butter in such vessel when filled, on pain of f orfeiting .6/. for every default thereof. Every tub of butter shall contain, exclusive of the tare, of good and merchantable butter, 8ilbs. ; every firkin 56 lbs; every half-firkin 28 lbs. ; and no old or corrupt butter shall be mixed, or packed in and vessel whatever, with any butter that is new and sound ; nor shall any butter made of whey be packed or mixed with butter made of cream, but the respective sorts shall be packed separately, and the whole vessel shall, throughout, be of one sort and goodness ; and no butter shall be salted with any great salt but all butter shall be salted with small salt ; nor shall more salt be intermixed with the butter than is needful for its preservation, under penalty of 51. for offending against any of these regulations. No change, alteration, fraud, or deceit, shall be practised by any dealers or packers of butter, either with respect to the vessel or the butter so packef!, whether in respect to quantity or otherwise, under a penalty of 30/. to be imposed on every person engaged in the offence. Every cheesemonger, dealer in butter, or other person, who shall sell any tubs, firkins, or half-firkins of butter, shall deliver, in every such cask or vessel respectively, the full quantity appointed by this act, or, in default thereof, shall be liable to make satisfaction to the person who shall buy the same for what^ shall be wanting, according to the price for which it was sold, and shall be liable to an action for recovery of the same, with full costs of suit. No cheesemonger, dealer in butter, &c. shall repack for sale any butter, under penalty of 5/. for every tub, firkin, or half-firkin, so repacked. Nothing in this act shall extend to make any cheesemonger, dealer in butter, or other person, liable to any penalties for using any of the tubs, firkins, or half-firkins, after the British butter used in such vessels shall have been taken thereout, for the repacking for sale of any foreign butter, who shall, before he so repack such foreign buttw, eiitirely cut or efface the several names of the original dairyman, farmer, or seller of butter, from every such vessel, leaving the name and tare of the cooper, and the tare of the original dairyman, farnior, or seller, thereon ; and, after the names are so effaced, shall, with an iron, brand his Christian anii surname, and the words foreign butter, upon the bouge of every such vessel, across two staves at least, to denote that such butter is foreign butter. Persons counterfeiting or forging any such names or marks, shall for every such offence forfeit 40/. Penalties not exceeding 51. to be determined by one justice, upon the evidence of one witness, and the whole shall go to the informer. Penalties above 51. to be recovered by action of debt, or information, in the courts at Westminster, and the whole to the informer. Nothing to extend to the packing of butter in any pot or vessel which shall not be capable of containing more than 14 lbs. . Previously to 1S26, no butter could be sold in any public market in Ireland, or exported from it, with- out being previously examined and branded by a public inspector; but compliance with this regulation is no longer compulsory, but is left to the discretion of the parties. It is enacted by statute 4 Will. 3. c. 7., that every warehouse-keeper, weigher, searcher, or shipper of butter and cheese, shall receive all butter and cheese that shall be brought to him for the I^ondon cheese- mongers, and ship the same without undue preference; and shall have for his pains 2j. 6rf. for every load ; and if he shall make default, he shall, on conviction before one justice, on oath of one witness, or confession, forfeit for every firkin of butter 10s., and for every weigh of cheese 5s., half for the use of the poor, and half to the informer. And every such person shall keep a book of entry of receiving and shipping the goods, on pain of 2s. 6d. for every firkin of butter and weigh of cheese. The master of a ship refusing to take in butter or cheese before he is full laden (except it be a cheese- monster's own ship sent for his own goods) shall forfeit for every firkin of butter refused 5s., and for every weigh of cheese 2s. 6d. This act does not extend to any warehouse in Cheshire or Lancashire. Butter made in hot countries is generally liquid. In India it is denominated ghee, and is mostly prepared from the milk of buffaloes ; it is usually conveyed in duppers, or bottles made of hide, each of which contains from 10 to 40 gallons. Ghee is an article of considerable commercial importance in many parts of India. The Arabs are the greatest consumers of butter in the world. Burckhardt tells us, that it is a common practice among all classes to drink every morning a coffee cup full of melted butter or ghee ! and they use it in an infinite variety of other ways. The taste for it is universal ; and the poorest individuals will expend half their daily income that tliey may have butter for dinner, and butter in the morning. Large quantities are annually shipped from Cosseir, Souakin, and Massouah, on the west coast of the Red fSea, for Djidda and other Arabian ports. — (^Burckhardt's Travels in Nicbia, p. 440. ; Travels in Arabia, vol. i. p. 52. ) BUTTONS (Du. Knoopen ; Fr. Bouton ; Ger. KnUpfe ; It. Bottoni Rus. Pogo- wizii ; Sp. B atones) axe wqW known articles, serving to fasten clothes, &c. They arc manufactured of an endless variety of materials and forms. CABBAGE. — CABLES. 197 It might have been supposed, tliat the manufacture of such an article as this would have been left fo bo carried on according to tlie views and interests of those concerned, individuals being allowed to select any sort of button they pleased. Such, however, has not been the case ; and various statutes have been passed, pointing out the kind of buttons to be worn, and the way in which they are to be made ! Most of these regulations have luckily fallen into disuse, but they still occupy a place in the statute book, and may be enforced. The following are amongst the more prominent of these regulations : — No i)erson shall make, sell, or set upon any clothes, or wearing garments whatsoever, any buttons made of cloth, serge, drugget, frieze, camblet, or any other stuff" of which clothes or wearing garments are made, or any buttons made of wood only, and turned in imitation of other buttons, on pain of forfeiting 40*. per dozen for all such buttons. — (4 Geo. 1. c. 7.) No tailor shall set on any buttons, or button-holes, of serge, drugget, &c., under penalty of 40*. for every dozen of buttons or button-holes so made or set on. No person shall use or wear, on any clothes, garments, or apparel whatsoever, except velvet, any buttons or button-holes made of or bound with cloth, serge, drugget, frieze, camblet, or other stuffs whereof clothes or woollen garments are usually made, on penalty of forfeiting 40s. per dozen, under a similar penalty. — (7 Geo. 1. c. '22.) To prevent tho frauds which it is alleged had taken place in the manufacture of gilt and plated buttons, an act, 36 Geo. 3. c. 6., was passed, which regulates what shall be deemed gilt and what plated buttons; and imposes penalties on those who order as well as on those who make any buttons with the words " gilt " or " plated " marked upon them, except they be gilt and plated as the act directs. Inas- much as this statute goes to obviate a fraud, it is, perhaps, expedient ; but no apology can be made for the regulations previously alluded to, which are at once vexatious arid absurd. The importation of buttons from abroad was prohibited in the reign of Charles II. But the 6 Geo. 4. c. 107. § 52. repealed this prohibition, and they may now be imported, for home consumption, on paying an ad valorem duty. c. CABBAGE, a biennial plant (Brassica Lin.), of which there are many varieties. It is too well known to require any particular description ; it is extensively cultivated in the vicinity of London. Sour crout, or properly sauer kraut, is a very favourite dish in Germany ; it consists of a fermented mass of salted cabbage. CABLES are strong ropes or chains, principally used in the anchoring or mooring of ships. 1. Hope Cables are, in Europe, principally manufactured of hemp; but in the East they are very frequently made of coir, or the fibrous part of the coco nut, and in some places, particularly on the Red Sea, of the coating of the branches of the date-tree. Hemp cables are formed of three principal strands, every strand of three ropes, and every rope ot three twists. The twists have more or fewer threads according to the greater or less thickness of the cable. All vessels have ready for service three cables, which are usually designated the sheet cable, the best bower cable, and the small bower cable ; but besides these, most ships have some spare cables. The ordinary length of a cable i$ from 100 to 120 fathoms. The following are the existing regulations as to the manufacture of hemp cables and cordage : — No person shall make or sell any cordage for shipping in which any hemp is used, called short chucking, half clean, whale line, or other toppings, codilla, or any damaged hemp, on pain of forfeiting the aame, and also treble the value thereof Cables, hawsers, or ropes, made of materials not prohibited by this act, and whose quality shall be inferior to clean Petersburgh hemp, shall be deemed inferior cordage, and the same shall be distinguished by marking on the tally, staple or inferior. Manufacturers making default herein forfeit for every hundred weight of cordage, 10s. Manufacturers are to affix their names and manufactory to new cordage before sold, under the like forfeiture; and putting a false name is a forfeiture of 20/. Persons making cables of old and overworn stuff, containing above 7 inches in compass, shall forfeit four times the value. Vessels belonging to British subjects, having on board foreign-made cordage, are to make entry thereof, on entering into any British port, on penalty of 20s. for every hundred weight. But this is not to extend to cordage brought from the East Indies, nor to materials at present used by any vessels built abroad before this act — C25 Geo. 3. c. 56.) 2. Iron Cables. — The application of strong iron chains or cables to the purposes of navigation is a late and an important discovery, for which we are indebted to Captain Samuel Brown, R.N. It is singular, indeed, that this application should not have been made at a much earlier period. On rocky bottoms, or where coral is abundant, a hempen cable speedily chafes, and is often quite destroyed in a few months, or perhaps days. A striking instance of this occurred in the voyage of discovery under the orders of M. Bougainville, who lost six anchors in the space of nine days, and narrowly escaped shipwreck ; a result, says that able seaman, which would not have happened, " si nous evssions ete munis des quelques chaines de fer. Cest une precaution que Jie doivent jamais oublier tous les navigateurs destines d de pareils voyages." — ( Voyage auioiir du Monde, p. 207. 4toed.) The work from which this extract is taken was published in 1771 ; and yet it was not till nearly forty years after, that any attempt was made practically to profit by so judicious a suggestion. The difficulties in the way of importing hemp from 1808 to 1814, and its consequent high price, gave the first great stimulus to the manu- facture of iron cables. Iron cables are constructed in diflfarent ways — (see Encyc. Metrop.) ; but they are uniformly tried by a machine, which sti.iins them by a force gieater than the absolute O 3 198 CACAO.— CADIZ. strength of the hempen cable they are intended to replace. By this means the risk of accident from defective links is effectually obviated ; and there are exceedingly few instances in which an iron cable has broken at sea. Their great weight also contri- butes to their strength, inasmuch as the impulse of the ship is checked before the cable is brought nearly to a straight line, or that the strain approaches to a maximum. Bolts and shackles are provided at every fathom or two fathoms, by striking out which the ship may, if necessary, be detached from her anchors with less difficulty than a hempen cable can be cut. Even in their most defective form, iron cables are a great deal "stronger than those of hemp ; and as to durability, no sort of comparison can be made. No wonder, therefore, that they should be rapidly superseding the latter ; which are now almost wholly laid aside in the navy, and, to a great extent, also, in the merchant service. CACAO, or, as it is commonly, but incorrectly, written in this country. Cocoa (Fr. and Sp. Cacao ; Ger. Kakao), the seed, or nuts, of the cacao tree ( Theobroma cacao), growing in the West Indies, and in many parts of South America. It is said, by Mr. Bryan Edwards, to bear some resemblance, both in size and shape, to a young hlackheart cherry. The nuts are contained in pods, much like a cucumber, that proceed immediately from all parts of the body and larger branches ; each pod contains from 20 to 30 nuts, of the size of large almonds, very compactly set. The shell of the nut is of a dark brown colour, brittle, and thin ; the kernel is, both internally and externally, brownish, divided into several unequal portions, adhering together, but separating with- out much difficulty ; it has a light agreeable smell, and an unctuous, bitterish, rather rough and peculiar, but not ungrateful taste. The nuts should be chosen full, plump, and shining, without any mustiness, and not worm-eaten. They yield, by expression, a great deal of oil ; but they are cultivated only that they may be employed in the prepar- ation of the excellent beverage cacao, and the manufacture of chocolate, of which they form the principal ingredient. The finest cacao is said to be that of Socomusco. The pi-incipal importations are, however, derived from the Caraccas and Guayaquil, particu- larly the former. The price of the cacao of the Caraccas is, also, at an average, from 30 to 40 per cent, higher than that of Guayaquil. M. Humboldt estimated the consumption of cacao in Europe, in 1806, at 23,000,000 lbs., of which from 6,000,000 to 9,000,000 were supposed to be consumed in Spain. The production of cacao had been languishing in the Caraccas for several years previously to the commencement of the disturbances in South America ; and latterly the cultivation of one or other of the great staples of cotton, sugar, and coffee, seems to have been every where gaining the ascendancy. — (^Humboldt, Pers. Narrative, vol. iv. pp. 236 — 247. Eng. trans.) Duties. Very little cacao is consumed in England ; a result which we are inclined to ascribe to the oppressiveness of the duties with which it has hitherto been loaded, and not to its being unsuitable to the public taste. It is now many years since Mr. Bryan Edwards declared that the ruin of the cacao plant- ations, with which Jamaica once abounded, was the effect of" the heavy hand of rninisterial exaction." —' {Hist, of West Indies, vol. ii. p. 363.) And, unaccountable as it may seem, this pressure was not materially abated till 1832, when the duties on cacao from a British plantation were reduced from 565. to 18*. M. a cwt. Foreign cacao is still subject to the oppressive duty of Sfis. a cwt. The entries of cacao for home consumption, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1831, were 440,578 lbs. a year. In 1832, the entries were 502,817 lbs. ; and there can be little doubt that the reduction in the rate of duty will occasion a con- siderable increase of consumption. Exclusive of the above, 470,000 lbs. of cacao were taken off in 1832 for tlie use of the navy ; this, not being liable to the duty, was entirely foreign. The high discriminating duty on the latter is the greatest defect in the new arrangements. Had the duty on foreign cacao been fixed at 285. per cwt., it is pretty certain that a good deal of it would have been taken for consumption. Even on this footing, there would have been a discriminating duty of no less than 50 per cent, in favour of British cacao ; and, unless our object be to exclude tke foreign article altogether, this is surely an ample preference. The duties on cacao produced, in 1832, 12,224/. 125. British cacao is worth, at present (August, 1833), from 645. to 76s. a cwt. in bond. Cacao nut husks and shells are allowed to be imported under a duty of 95. 'id. a cwt. None of them are imported into Great Britain ; but, in 1832, 336,551 lbs. were imported into Ireland. They are brought not only from the West Indies, but from Gibraltar and other places, being the refuse of the chocolate manufactories carried on in them. Cacao cannot be entered as being the produce of some British possession in America, or of the Mauritius, until the master of the ship by which it is imported delivers to the collector or comptroller a certificate.^ and makes oath that the goods are the produce of such places. — (3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 52. \ 37.) Neither shall they be deemed to be the produce of such places, unless imported direct from thence. — (7 Geo. 4. c. 48.) Permits are no longer rr uired for the removal of cacao. — (9 Geo. 4. c. 44. \ 5.) CADIZ, the principal commercial city and sea-port of Spain. It is situated on its south-western coast, on the rocky and elevated extremity of a narrow, low peninsula, or tongue of land, projecting from the Isla de Leon, N. N. W. about A\ nautical miles. It is surrounded on all sides, except the south, where it joins the land, by the sea, and is very strongly fortified. Pr^ijulation from 60,000 to 70,000. It is well built, and has, at a distance, a very striking appearance. The tower or lighthouse of St. Sebastian stands on the western side of the city, being, according to Tofu'io, in lat. 36° 31' 7" N. long. 6" 18' 52'' W. It is a mo.st cons])icuous object to vessels npproaching from the Atlantic. The light, which is 172 feet high, is of great brilliancy, revolves once a minute, and in fair weather may be seen more than 6 leagues off. i CADIZ. 199 Bay of Cadiz. — The entrance to this noble basin lies between the city and the town and promontory of Rota, bearing N. W. by N., distant about If league. The bay is of very great extent, affording, in most places, good anchorage. The port is on tiie eastern side of the city, where a mole of considerable dimen- sions has been constructed ; but the water is not sufficiently deep to allow large vessels to approach nearer than within about | of a mile, where they anchor in from 5 to 7 fathoms. The rocks called the Cochincs, the Puercas, and the Diamante, lie to the north of the city in the entrance to the bay ; the first two at about 3-5ths of a mile distant, and the Diamante at rather more tlian 1| mile from the city. Vessels may enter between the Puercas and the Diamante; but none, except those not drawing more than ir) feet water, and well acquainted with the channel, ought to attempt entering between the Cochinos and Puercas and the city. The town of St. Mary's, on the opposite side of the bay, is famous for being the depot of the wines of Xeres. The outer bay, or that of Cadiz properly so called, is separated from the inner bay by the promontory having at its extremity the castle of Matagorda, which approaches wiOiin about f of a mile of the Puntales castle on the Isia de Leon. Within the inner bay is the famous arsenal of the Caraccas, the town of San Carlos, the canal of 'I'rocadero, &c. At spring tides the water in the bay rises 10 or 11 feet, but at neajjs the rise does not exceed 6 feet. — (For further particidars see the excellent Chart of the Bay qf Cadix, by Tofiflo ; Malham's I^aval Gazetteer s and I'urdy s Sailing Directions for the Bay of Biscay, 8[c.) History, T'rade, 8fc. — Cadiz is a very ancient city, having been founded by the Phoenicians about 1,200 years before the Christian era. The temple, which they erected in it in honour of Hercules was one of the most celebrated in antiquity — (Sainte Croix, Des Anciennes Colonies, p. 14. ; Pomp. Mela, lib. iii. cap. 6.) Its excellent port, and its situation, favourable alike for commerce and security, have made it, whether possessed by Carthaginians, Romans, Moors, or Christians, and under every vicis- situde, a place of considerable commercial and political importance. It lias long been one of the principal stations of the Spanish naval force. In 1720, the commerce with Spanish America, which had previously been exclusively carried on from Seville, was transferred to Cadiz. It enjoyed this valuable monopoly till 1 76"5, when it was partially relaxed by the trade to Cuba, St. Domingo, Porto Rico, and the other islands being opened to all the greater ports of Spain. The benefits resulting from this relaxation were so very great, that in 1778 the trade to all parts of America was opened to ships from every considerable Spanish port, except those of Biscay, which, not being subjected to the general laws of the kingdom, were not allowed to participate in this privilege. In consequence, however, of her situation, the great capital of her merchants, and their established connections, Cadiz continued, notwithstanding the abolition of the monopoly, to preserve the largest share of the American trade. But since the colonies achieved their independence, her commerce has been contracted within comparatively narrow- limits ; nor is there much prospect of its being materially improved, without a total change of policy on the part of the Spanish government. — ( Robertson's America, b. viii. passim; Townsend's Travels in Spain, vol. ii. pp. 395 — 401. 2d edit.) The white wines of Xeres in its vicinity form by far the principal article of export from Cadiz. The quantity exported may amount to about 20,000 pipes a year. The prices vary from 12Z. to 651. per pipe; but, as the lower qualities predominate, the price may be taken, at a medium, at about 251., making the total value of the exports 500,000/. More than |tlis of the whole comes to England. The other articles of export are brandy, oranges, and other frvtits, olive oil, wool, quicksilver, &c. The imports consist principally of sugar and coffee from the Havannah and Porto Rico, cacao, hemp, flax, linens, dried fish, hides, cotton wool, and cotton manufactures, rice, spices, indigo, &c. In 1826, the Spanish government published what they termed the Balanza Mercantil, or an account of the commodities imported into, and exported from, Spain during that year. It is a very defective docu- ment ; but as it is the best that can he obtained, it is subjoined. The values of the articles only are given. We have converted the sums into English money. Note of the most considerable Articles of Importation into Spain in 1826. From From Spa- From From Spa- Europe, Asia, Africa, nish Ameri- Eurojie, nish Ameri- can Colonies, Asia, Africa, can Colonies, Articles. and United States of America. inclusive of the Philip- pines. Articles. and United States of America. inclusive of the Philip, pines. £ £ £ 4 £ Sugar 7,640 ^131,550 Hides 120,600 4,910 Cocoa 104,400 90,425 69,030 Cotton wool 166,970 7,820 Indigo 4,770 Ditto yarn - 63,660 Spices, Cinnamon jf95,420 Ditto manufactures 430,080 Cloves - 40,100 - 67,500 Woollen ditto 91,030 Pepper 203,020 Hemp and flax Linen manufactures 165,760 222,870 Wood of kinds 167,560 21,440 Ditto thread 12,970 Uice • 102,270 Silk manufactures - 106,170 108,700 Wheat - 8,110 Iron and brass ditto - 110,380 Gold and silver, in coin and Salt fish 200,560 bars 81,880 15,280 Coffee 75,830 Earthenware 19,700 Olive oil " 18,1 so' Copper Tin 12,4CO 2,200 K utter - 57,.'5G0 11,630 Cheese - 17,660 Crystal and glass ware 37,000 75,220 O 4 200 CADIZ. Note of the most considerable Articles of Exportation from Spain in 1826. To Europe, To Spanish To Europe, To Spanislt Asia, Africa, American Asia J Africa, American and United Colonies, in- Articles and United Colonies, in- Articles. States of elusive ot tilt States of clusive Oftili' America* Piiilippines. America* Plulippines* ^Tines - * * 137,550 51,790 Raw silk - - 28,890 Fruits Almonds j£24:,355 Indigo - - - 11,240 Filberts - - 29,165 - 3,030 Silk manufactures 218,930 74,590 Lemons & oranges 36,240 Wool . - - 161,650 Raisins - - 59,905 ^Voollen manufactures - 12,020 34,640 OrapeSj olives, and Cork-wood and corks • figs ' - ' - 2,410 Leeches - 19,080 152,075 2,645 Paper of all kinds 20,220 17,500 Brandy - - - 107,715 13,156 Gut, fishing - j£^18,480 Olive oil - - - 7,170 6,030 for guitars - 2,500 Saffron Lead - - - 14,610 215,360 2,800 20,980 10,285 16,905 Thread lace Ditto ore - 7,765 Cast iron - 16,626 Quicksilver . - - 66,300 79,290 Garbanzos, beans, & wheat 3,980 3,600 Barilla Flour - - - 49,290 Shipping. — In 1831 there arrived at Cadiz from foreign ecu itries 475 ships, of the burden of 38,582 tons ; and from the Spanish colonies, that is, from Cuba, Porto Rico, the Philippine Islands, &c., 103 ships, of the burden of 17,812 tons. The arrivals from England are not siJecified ; but, in 1828, 184 British ships entered Cadiz. The coasting trade is verj' considerable. Monet/. — The monies, weights, and measures, used at Cadiz, are those of Castile. Accounts are kept by the real (of old plate), of which there are 10| in the peso duro, or hard dollar : and as the dollar is. 3f rf. the real = 4|rf. A real is divided into 16 qtuntos^ or 34 niarauedis. The ducado de plaia, or ducat of plate, is worth 11 reals* Weights and Measures. — The ordinary quintal is divided into 4 arrohas, or 100 lbs. of 2 marcs each : 100 lbs. Castile = 101| lbs. avoirdupois. The yard, or vara — -927 English yard, or 100 varas = 92f English yards. The cahix, or measure for corn, is divided into 12 fanegas, or 144 celeminas, or 576 quartillas ; 100 cahiz's = 19 7 Winch, quarters, and 5 fanegas = 1 quarter. The caritaro, or arroba, the measure for liquids, is divided into 8 azumbres, and 32 quartillos. There are two sorts of arrobas, the greater and the lesser : they are to each other as 32 to 25 ; the former being equal to 4; English wine gallons, the latter to 3f do. A Twoyo of wine = 16 arrobas. The io^to = 30 arrobas of wine, or 38| of oil. A p/pe = 27 arrobas of wine, or 34^ of oil. Hence the botta — 127^ English wine gallons, and the pipe 114f do. British Trade with Spain. — Notwithstanding the anti-commercial influence of prohibitions and oppres- sive duties, we carry on a very considerable trade with Spain. In 1831 we imported from her 61,921 cwt. barilla, 78,067 cwt. oak and cork bark, 146,234 quarters wheat — (see Bilbao), 769 cwt. figs, 972 tons lead, about 28,000 packages oranges and lemons, 1,243,686 gallons olive oil, 269,558 lbs. quicksilver, 105,066 cwL raisins, 3,700 cwt. sumach, 14,184 lbs. silk, 69,319 gallons brandy, 3,474,823 lbs. wool, and 2,537,968 gallons wine. No account of the declared or 7-cal value of the imports is kept at the Custom-house ; but the official value of the imports from Spain in 1831, exclusive of those from the Canaries, was above 1,000,000/ sterling. During the same year thereal value of the various articles of British produce and manufacture cleared out from our ports for Spain was 597,848/. Of these articles linen was the principal, its value being estimated at 222,838/. Cottons amounted to above 148,000/* The other articles were hardware, iron and steel, tin, &c. — {Pari. Paper, No. 550* Sess. 1833.) Smuggling, §-c. — In 1829 Cadiz was made a free port, that is, a port whei-e goods may be con.sumed and bonded without paying duty. This boon would have been of comparatively little consequence but for the opportunity of smuggling afforded by the oppressively high duties laid on most foreign articles imported into Spain. These, as such duties wherever imposed never fail to do, have given birth to a very extensive contraband trade; and under the free regime Cadiz became the grand focus of this traffic. The government having seen this efiect of the franchise, it was withdrawn on the 22d of December, 1 832. This, however, is but a very trifling inconvenience to the smuggler. Nothing, fortunately, but the repeal of prohibitions, and the reduction of oppressive duties to a reasonable amount, can ever materially diminish the field of his exel tions. It would appear, however, that the experience of a couple of centuries has been as unable to impress the Spanish government with a conviction of this unquestion- able truth, as it has been to open their eyes to the enormous abuses that infect every part of the public administration. Mr. Townsend, the author of by far the best English work on Spain, which he visited in 1786 and 1787, has the following admirable remarks on this subject, in his chapter on Cadiz : — " The Spanish government has never yet acquired any liberal ideas respecting trade; and even at the present moment, some of their best political writers resemble lag hounds hunting the stale scent, whilst the fleetest are already in possefjsion of the game. Instead of throwing down every obstacle to commerce, they labour to contract its limits, under the vain hope of establishing a monopoly, without considering either their own want of capital, of industry, and of an enterprising spirit, or the utter impossibility of preventing smuggling, whilst other nations, with greater advantages for trade, can undersell them in the market. Until they shall be more enlightened, until they shall have banished their inquisitors, and until the happy period shall arrive when, under the protection of a free government, they shall have restored public credit, and placed it on a firm foundation ; all their prohibitions, all their severities exercised on the property and persons of the illicit traders, all their commercial treaties, and all their commercial wars, into which ambition may betray them, will be frivolous and vain ; because no efforts will ever I)revail against the united interests of their own subjects, and of all surrounding nations. " Even at home, the watchfulness and energy of government have never been able to enforce its pro. hibitions; for, notwithstanding these, when 1 was travelling through S()ain, all the men appeared in Manchester cotton goods, and no woman was seen without her muslin veil. In Spain, as throughout Europe, it is found that when the price of insurance is less than the duties imposed on th,' commodity, 110 laws are sufficient to control the operations of illicit traders." — (Vol* ii. p. 394.) CAGLIARI. 201 But the Spanish government lias been proof against sucli considerations. Instead of diminisliing, they have materially increased, the number of prohibitions and the pressure of the duties ; and the consequence is, that, in many extensive provinces, there is no regular trade, and that every thing is carried on by the agency of the smugglers, partly in defiance, but principally through the connivance, of the revenue officers. Notwith- standing their exclusion, English cotton goods may, at this moment, be bought in Madrid, and generally throughout Spain, at from 20 to 30 per cent, above their price in Gibraltar, where they are about as cheap as in Manchester ! While Cadiz was a free port, about 6,000 persons are said to have been employed in it twisting cigars, which, a« soon as finished, were forthwith smuggled into the interior. Three fourths of the foreign trade of Spain may, in fact, be said to bo carried on in defiance of the law. And where such is the case, need we wonder at the low state of industry, or at the pre- valence of those predatory and ferocious habits that uniformly mark the character of the smuggler? In the valuable work of Mr. Ingliss, entitled " Spain in 1830," we find the following statement under the head Cadiz. Though written more than 40 years after the para- graph previously quoted from Mr. Townsend, it shows that not one of the flagrant abuses denounced by the latter has been eradicated ; but that, on the contrary, they all continue to flourish in still ranker luxuriance. " The whole cotnmercial system of Spain is most erroneously conceived. The prohibitory system is carried to a length absolutely ruinous to the fair trader, and highly injurious to the revenue. The immense duties upon admissible articles, and the total prohibition of others, has occasioned a most extensive contraband trade, both externally with the various ports, along the coast of Spain, and internally, throughout the whole of the kingdom; and by this trade admissible articles are intro- duced into the interior, at from lOG to 300 per cent, below the duties imposed. Government could not fail to be benefited by permitting the importation of articles of general use, upon payment of such a duty as would allow the sale of the article at a lower price than is now paid by the consumer to the smuggler. As one example of the impolicy of the system, I may cite a fact respecting the trade in salted fish, the returns of which I have before me. The import of this article into Cadiz in one year, before that city was made a free port, amounted to 4 vessels, whose cargoes reached 4,092 cwt. j while at the free port of Gibraltar, in the same year, 41 vessels entered with 89,106 cwt., the whole of which was intended for the illicit trade, and passed into Spain through the hands of the smugglers. The duty upon this article is more than 100 per cent. ; the smuggler considers himself remunerated by a gain of 25 per cent. ; so that the article which finds its way into the market through the contraband trade is sold 75 per cent. chea])er than that which is admitted upon payment of the regular duties. " 'I'he duties upon British manufactured goods amount almost to a prohibition ; they often reach 100 per cent, and this trade is therefore also in the hands of the smugglers, who obtain the profit, which, under a more wholesome systern, might go into the treasury of the kingdom. The fraudulent dealer is also greatly assisted by the custom of granting a royal licence to individuals to import a certain limited quantity of prohibited goods ; an expedient resorted to in order to meet the exigencies of the state : and under the licence to enter 100 tons of merchandise, the merchant enters perhaps 1,000 tons ; a deception easily practised in a country where, among the public officers, a scale of bribery is perfectly understood and acted upon." — (Vol. ii. pp. 132 — 13b.) But for the system of misrule to which Spain has been subjected, there can be no reasonable doubt that her commerce would have been about the most extensive of any European state. Her natural advantages, superior to most, and not inferior to those enjoyed by any other kingdom ; her wines, brandies, fruits, &c. ; her wheat, of which she might produce the largest supplies ; her wool ; her iron, which is of the best quality ; Jier lead and quicksilver mines, respectively the most productive in the world; the number and excellence of her harbours ; the enterprising and adventurous character of her inhabitants, and her favourable situation ; would, were she permitted to avail her- elf of them, raise her to a very high rank among commercial nations. Let the govern- ment cease to counteract the intentions of nature ; let moderate duties take the place of prohibitions, and freedom of regulation ; and all sorts of industrious pursuits wiU speedily revive from the deadly lethargy in which they have been so long sunk. CAGLIARI, the capital of Sardinia, situated on the north-east shore of a spacious day on the south coast of the island, lat. 39° 12' 13" N., long. 9° 6' 44" E. Population 26,000. The city stands on a rising ground, and has an imposing effect from the sea. The public buildings and churches are numerous, and some of them splendid ; but the streets are, for the most part, narrow, steep, and filthy. The Gulf of Cagliari extends from Pula on the west to Cape Carbonara on the east, a dtstance of about 24 miles across, and about 12 in depth, with good anchorage every where after getting into soundings. A mole projects from the Pratique office, and ships usually lie about 1 mile S.W. by S. from it, in or 8 fathoms water, on an excellent bottom of mud. There is a very convenient pier harbour at the south angle of the tower wall, capable of containing 14 or 16 vessels of a tolerable size, besides small craft. Altogether, Cagliari is one of the best and safest ports in the Mediterranean. Imports and Exports. — Almost all the trade of Sardinia is carried on by strangers; and even the fish on its coast and in its harbours is caught by Sicilians, Neapolitans, Tuscans, and Genoese. Corn is the principal article of export. In good vears, the exports from the whole island may amount to 400,000 starelli, or about 500,0C0 bushels, of wheat, 200,000 starelli of barley, 6,000 ditto of maize, 100,000 ditto of beans, 200,000 of peas, and 1,000 ditto of lentils. The culture of vines is gradually becoming of more importance ; and about 3,500 Catalan pipes are exported, principally from Alghero and Ogliastra. Cheese is an important object in the rural economy of Sardinia, and considerable quantities are exported. Salt is a royal monopoly, and affords a considerable revenue. Until recently, Sweden drew almost all her supplies of this important necessary from Sardinia, and it continues to be exported in considerable quan- tities. Flax, linseed, hides, oil, saffron, rags, alquifoux, &c. are among the articles of export. The tunny and coral fisheries employ a good many hands ; but, as already observed, they are almost wholly managed by foreigners. 202 CAJEPUT OIL. Almost every article of dress, whether for the gentry or the peasantry, is imported. Soap, stationery, glass, earthenware, and furniture, as well as sugar, coffee, drugs, spices, &c., are also supplied by foreigners ; and notwithstanding the Sards possess many rich mines, several of which were successfully wrought in antiquity, they import all their iron and steel. The only manufactures carried on in the island are those of gunpowder, salt, tobacco, and woollen caps. In 1831, there entered the ports of Sar- dinia 166 foreign vessels, of the burden of 6,925 tons. Of these, the greater number were French ; and next to them were Neapolitans, Austrians, Tuscans, &c. Money, Weights, and Measures. — Accounts are kept in lire, reali, and soldi. 5 soldi = 1 reale = \^d. ; 4 reali = 1 lira = Is. Qd. ; 10 reali = 1 scudo = 2s. 9d. The paper money consists of notes for 5, 10, and 20 scudi. Farm produce and the coarser metals are weighed by the pesi diferro : 12 Sard. oz. = 1 lb. = 14 oz. 5 dr. avoirdupois ; 26 lbs. = 1 rubbo ; 4 rubbi = 1 cantaro = 93 lbs. 0 oz. 8 dr. avoirdupois. The starello, or corn measure, is equivalent to 1 bush. 1^ peck Eng. The palm = 10^ Eng. inches. Causes of the depressed State of Sardinia. — The above statements sufficiently show that the commerce of Sardinia is very far from being what might naturally be expected from its extent, fertility, admirable situation, and the excellence of its many harbours. It contains an area of about 9,500 square miles, being, in^point of size, but little inferior to Sicily ; and in antiquity it was hardly less celebrated for its productiveness : — " Non opimas Sardinia segetes feracis." — Ilor. lib. i. Od, 31. But a long series of wars and revolutions, followed by the establishment of the feudal system in its worst form, and the subjection of the island, first to Spain, and more recently to the house of Savoy, have been attended by the most ruinous consequences. The Romans encouraged the exportation of corn and other produce from the provinces to Rome, where it always met with a ready and advantageous sale. But the modern rulers of Sardinia have followed quite an opposite policy ; they have prevented the occu- piers of the land from carrying their productions abroad ; and as, owing to the want of a commercial and manufacturing population, there was little or no demand for it at home, no surplus was raised ; so that the wish, as well as the means, of emerging from poverty and barbarism has been well-nigh eradicated. It is to this impolitic conduct on the part of government, and to the insecurity arising from the want of police and of occupation under the worst sort of feudal tenures, that we are inclined principally to attribute that habitual idleness, and indifference to the future, that distinguish the modern Sards. We are glad, however, to have to state, that some improvements have been made within these few years. A good road has been formed from Cagliari to Sassari, and cross roads are being carried from it to some of the most considerable places in the island. The population, which, in 1816, amounted to only 352,000, is now estimated at 480,000 or 500,000 * ; and some meliorations have been introduced into various departments of industry. But without the establishment of an effective system for the administration of justice and the prevention and punishment of crime, the introduction of a better system of letting land, and the total abolition of the existing restraints on the exportation of corn and other produce from the island, it will be in vain to expect that its capacities should ever be fully developed. At present, it is usual to hire land, for the purposes of tillage, by the year ; no corn can be exported if its price exceed 30 reals the starello ; and a heavy duty is laid on all that is exported, as a substitute for a general land-tax. Nothing can be more preposterously absurd than such regulations. They have paralysed the exertions of the husbandman to such an extent, that this *' benignant nurse" of ancient Romef is sometimes, notwithstanding its scanty popula- tion, under the necessity of importing a portion of its supplies ! Most other articles of export have been loaded with similar duties ; so that the industry of the island has been, in effect, completely sacrificed to a short-sighted rapacity, of which, fortunately, there are not many examples. Let this disgraceful system, which, if possible, is even more injurious to the government than to the people, be put an end to, — let the freedom of exportation, with reasonable duties on imports, and the security of property, be established, — and we venture to predict that Sardinia will, at no very remote period, recover her ancient prosperity ; that the revenues of the crown will be increased in a tenfold pro- portion ; and that the population will cease to be conspicuous only for ferocity, idleness and contempt of innovation. In compiling this article, we have consulted Captain Smyth's valuable work on Sardinia, particularly pp. 106 — 128. But the most complete work on the island is that of Marmara, already referred to. It, however, touches very gently on the gross and scandalous abuses that infect every part of the adminis- tration. We have horrowed some details from the Annates du CoTnmerce Maritime for 1833, p. 302, &c CAJEPUT OIL, the volatile oil obtained from the leaves of the cajeput tree {Me- Mleuca Leucadendron Lin.). The name is a corruption of the native term cayu-putij that is, white-wood oil ; because the bark of the tree which yields it has a whitish ap- * Sec Marmara, Voyage en Sardaignc, p. 176., and the Foreign Quarterly Revietv, No. 23. p. 256. Captain Smyth reckons the population, at an average of the 10 years ending with 1^25, at about 400," lOa -(p. 128.) f " Siciliam et Sardiniam, beni'gnisst'mas urbis nostras nutrices." — Val. Maximus, lib. vi. c. G. CALABAR SKIN.— CALCUTTA 203 pearance, like our birch. This tree is common in Amboyna and other Eastern islands. The oil is obtained by distillation from the dried leaves of the smaller of two varieties. It is prepared in great quantities in Banda, and sent to Holland in copper flasks. As it comes to us it is of a green colour, very limpid, lighter than water, of a strong smell resembling camphor, and a strong pungent taste. It burns entirely away without leaving any residuum. It is often adulterated with other essential oils, coloured with resin of milfoil. In the genuine oil, the green colour depends on the presence of copper ; for, when rectified, it is colourless. — ( Thomson's Dispensatory.^ Cajeput oil not being used except in the materia medica, only small quantities are imported. In July, 1831, it sold in bond at about 7d. an ounce ; but an idea having tlicn got abroad that it was one of the most efficient remedies in cases of cholera, its price rose in November, 1831 , to no less than lis. an ounce ! But it soon after fell into discredit with the faculty, and additional supplies having been obtained from Holland, its price declined almost as fast as it had risen. It is not at present (September, 1833) worth more, in bond, than from Ad. to Sid. an ounce. CALABAR SKIN (Fr. Fetit-gris; Ger. Grauwerk ; It. Vaor, Vajo ; Rus. Bjelka ; Sp. Gris pequeno), the Siberian squirrel skin, of various colours, used in making muiTs, tippets, and trimmings for clothes. CALABASH, a light kind of vessel formed of the shell of a gourd, emptied and dried. The Indians both of the North and South Sea put the pearls they have fished in cala- bashes, and the natives of Africa do the same by their gold dust. They also are used as a measure in Africa. CALAMANCO (Du. Kallemink, Kalmink ; Fr. Calmande, Calmandre ; It. Durante; Rus. Kolomenka Sp. Calmaco ; Sw. Kalmink'), a sort of woollen stuff, manufactured in England and the Netherlands; it has a fine gloss; and being chequered in the warp, the checks appear only on the right side. CALAMANDER WOOD, a beautiful species of timber brought from Ceylon. It IS so hard that common edge-tools cannot work it, so that it must be rasped and almost ground into shape. It is singularly remarkable for the variety and admixture of colours. The most prevailing is a fine chocolate, now deepening almost into absolute black, now fading into a medium between fawn and cream colours. It arrests the eye from the rich beauty of the intermingled tints, not from any undue showiness. It takes a very high polish ; and is wrought into chairs, and particularly into tables. Sir Robert Brownrigg, late governor of Ceylon, had the doors of the dining-room of his seat in Monmouth- shire made of calamander. It is scarce in Ceylon, and is not regularly imported ; all that is in Great Britain has been imported by private gentlemen, returning from the colony, for their own use. It is by far the most beautiful of all the fancy woods. The nearer it is taken from the root of the tree, the finer it is. — iMilburn's Orient. Com. ; Lib. of Entertaining Knowledge, Vegetable Substances, p. 179.) CALCUTTA, the principal city of the pi"ovinceof Bengal, the capital of the British dominions in India, and, with the exception perhaps of Canton, the greatest emporium to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope. Its citadel is in lat. 22° 33' 54' N., long. 88^* 20' 17" E. It is about 100 miles distant from the sea, being situated on the eastern bank of the western branch of the Ganges, denominated by Europeans the Hooghly River, which is the only arm of the Ganges navigable to any considerable distance by large ships. At high water the river opposite to the town is about a mile in breadth ; but during the ebb the side opposite to Calcutta exposes a long range of dry sand banks. Owing to the length and intricacy of the navigation from the sea, it cannot be undertaken without a pilot ; so that, even if it did not exceed our limits, it would be useless to attempt any description of it in this place. — ( See the reduced Plan of the Months of the Hooghly River, in the Mercator's Chart in this work. ) In 1717, Calcutta was a petty native village of paltry huts, with a few hundred inhabitants. Little more than a century later, or in 1822, the following were the returns of the population ; viz. Christians, 13,138; Mohammedans, 48,162 ; Hindoos, 118,203 ; Chinese, 414 ; making in all, 179,917. A great part, however, of what may be fairly considered the population of Calcutta, consisting of labourers, mechanics, and persons engaged in trade, reside at night in the suburbs, or neighbouring villages ; coming into town early in the morning to their respective emplojinents. These have been estimated by the magistrates, on tolerably good data, at 100,000 ; and allowing for the increase of inhabitants which is admitted to have taken place within the last dozen years, the existing population may be estimated at about 300,000. The town, excluding suburbs, extends to about 4| miles along the bank of the river, with an average breadth inland of about 1^ mile. Fort William, the citadel, lies on the same side of the river, a little lower down. It is a strong regular fortification ; but so extensive that it would require a garrison of 10,000 men for its effectual defence. Calcutta possesses great natural advantages for inland navigation ; all sorts of foreign produce being transported with great facility on the Ganges and its subsidiary streams to the north-western quarters of Hindostan, over a distance of at least 1,000 miles, while the productions of the interior are received by the same easy channels. The principal merchants and traders of Calcutta consist of the following classes ; viz. British and other Europeans, Portuguese born in India, Armenians, Greeks, Jews, Persians from the coast of the Persian Gulf commonly called Parsees, Moguls, Mohammedans of Hindostan, and Hindoos ; the latter usually either of the Brahminical or mercantile castes, and natives of Bengal. In 1813, the total number of adult male British subjects, in the Bengal provinces (the great majority being in Calcutta), engaged in trade or agriculture, was 1,225 ; in 1830, it was 1,707. This is the statement given by the printed register ; but it is probably much underrated, particularly for the last year. The native Portuguese and Armenian mer- chants have of late greatly declined in wealth and importance. On the other hand, the Persian merchants have increased in numbers and wealth, several of them being worth 250,000/. sterling. The large fortunes of the Hindoo merchants have been much broken down of late years by litigation in the courts, and naturally through the law of equal coparcenary among brothers. To counterbalance this, there has been, since the opening of the free trade in 1814, a vast augmentation of the number of inferior merchants, worth from 20,000/. to 50,000/. sterling. There are but few Hindoo merchants at present whose wealth exceeds 200,000/. sterling. The principal foreign business is conducted by the English merchants ; but the other parties also, either in partnership with the English, or on their own account, speculate largely to Europe, America, and 204 CALCUTTA. 2i do. especially to China. The brokers known under the general rates of agency commission are as follow : — 1. On the sale or purchase of ships, vessels, houses and lands - - - 2J per cent. 2. On the sale, purchase, or shipment of bullion - - - - - i do. Do. of jewellery, diamonds, or other pre- cious stones - - - - 2 do. Do. of indipo, lac-dye, country piece goods, silk, opium, cochineal, coral, spices, coffee, copper, tin, and tutenague - 2J do. Do. of all other kinds of goods - - 5 do. 3. On goods or treasure, &c. consigned, and afterwards withdrawn or sent to auction ; and on goods consigned for conditional delivery to others - . . J commission 4. On all advances of money for the purposes of trade, whether the goods are consigned to the agent or not, and where a com- mission of 5 per cent, is not charged - 2i per cent. 5. On ordering goods, or superintending the fulfilment of contracts, where no other commission is derived - - - 2i do. 6. On guaranteeing bills, bonds, or other en- gagements, and on becoming security for administrations of estates, or to govern- ment or individuals for contracts, agree- ments, &c. - - - - - 24 do. 7. On del credere, or guaranteeing the re-T sponsibility of persons to whom goods are > per'm^nsem 8. On acting for the estates of persons de- ceased, as executors or administrators - 5 vet cent. 9. On the management of estates for others, on the amount received - - - 10. On procuring freight, or advertising as the agent of owners or commanders : on the amount of freiirht, whether the same passes through the hands of the agent or not .... 11. On chartering ships for other parties 12. On making insurance, or writing orders for insurance .... 13. On settling insurance losses, total or partial, and on procuring returns of premium . 11. On effecting remittances, by bills of the agent or otherwise, or purchasing, sell ine, or negotiating bills of exchange 15. On debts, when a process at law or arbi tration is necessary ... And if recovered by such means 16. On bills of exchange returned, noted, or protested . . ... 17. On the collecting of house-rent 18. On ships' disbursements - . . 19. On negotiating loans on respondentia • . 20. On letters of credit granted for mercantile purposes - - ... 21. On purchasing or selling government secu- rities, and on each exchange of the same, in the transfer from one loan to another | do. 22. On delivering up government securities, or depositing the same in the treasury . ^ do. 23. On all advances not punctually liquidated, the agent to have the option of charging a second commission, as upon a fresh advance, provided the charge does not occur twice in the same year. 4. At the option of the agent, on the amount debited or credited within the year, in- cluding interest, and excepting only items on which a commission of 5 per cent, has been charged - • - - 1 do. N. B. — This charge not to apply to paying over a balance due on an account made up to a particular period, unless where such balance is ■wit'hdrawn without reasonable notice. Money — Accounts are kept here in imaginary money called rupees, either current or sicca, with their subdivisions, annas and pice : 12 pice make 1 anna ; 16 annas 1 rupee ; and 16 ru- pees 1 gold mohur. To this currency must all the real specie be converted, before any sum can be regularly entered in a merchant's books. The Company keep their accounts in sicca rupees, which bear a batta (premium) of 16 per cent, over the current. The coins current are gold mohurs, with their sub- divisions—halves and quarters; sicca rupees, halves and quarters; annas, pice, and half pice. The two last are of copper. There are two mints under the Bengal presidency : that at Calcutta ; and that of Ferruckabad, in the north-western pro- vinces. The first is probably the most splendid establishment of the kind in the world ; the original cost of the machinery, supplied by Messrs. Bolton and Watt of Birmingham, having exceeded 500,000/. Gold money is coined at Calcutta only ; but silver, which is now, and has always been, the standard of India, equally at both mints. The following statement shows the present weight, fineness, and sterling value of the coins, reckoning the value of gold at 51. 11 3. \0\d. per standard ounce, and silver at bs. 2d. : — - 1 Coins. Grains pure. Grains Alloy. Grains (Jross Weight. Value. (Jold moh'ir Sicca rupee Ferruckabad rupee 187-651 175-92.3 165-215 ill woo 204-710 191-916 180-2.'5'1 L. t. d. 1 13 2i 2-25 0 '2. 0\ 6-25 0 1 8-25 The charge for coining silver at the Calcutta mint Is 2 per cent, if the bullion be the standard fineness ; but where it (lif- ters, a proportional charge of from i to * per cent, is made for refining. name of Sircars a;nd Baboos are all Hindoos. The The course of exchange by winch the customs of Calcutta are at present regulated is as follows : — Great Britain Pound sterling Sic.rup. An.l • 10 0 'ice. 0 Cape of Good 1 Hope S Rix-doUar (2*.) 0 0 Madras 100 rupees 93 1 8 Bombay 100 _ 94 13 0 Ceylon Rix-doUar 0 14 0 China - - 1 tale 3 5 4 Burmah 125 tickals 100 0 0 Manilla Spanish dollar 2 4 0 Portugal 1 ,000 reas 24 francs 2 12 0 France 10 0 0 Holland . 2J florins 2 4 0 Hamburgh and Co- ) penhagen - J 14 marc banco 1 0 0 Leghorn 100 pez'i?as , 202 8 0 Other sorts of rupees are met with in Bengal, differing in fineness and weight, though their denominations be the same, trom this, and from the natives frequently punching holes in the rupees, and filling them up with base metal, and their fraudulently diminishing the weight of the coin after cominir from the mint, the currencies of the different provinces are of different values. This defect has introduced the custom of employmg shiqffi, or money-changers, whose business is to set a value upon the different currencies, according to every cir. cumstance, either in their favour or their prejudice. When a sum ot rupees is brought to one of these shrcifrs, he examines them piece by piece, and arranges them according to their fineness ; then, by their weight ; he then allows for the dif- ferent legal battas upon siccas and sounats ; and this done, he values in gross, by the rupees current, what the whole are worth ; so that the rupee current is the only thing fixed, by which coin is valued. A current rupee is reckoned at 2j., and a sicca rupee of ac count commonly at 2s. 6d. A lac, means 100,000 ; and a crore 100 lacs, or 10,000,000. The following are the monies of accotmt, premising that the lowest denomination is represented by a small smooth shell, a species of cypraea, chiefly imported as an article of trade from the Laccadive and Maldive islands, and current as long as they continue entire ; — 4 Cowries 2,560 do. 20 Gundas 4 Punns, or 12 pice 4 Annas 4 Cahauns 16 Sicca rupees = 1 Gunda. = 1 Current rupee. = 1 Punn. = 1 Anna. = 1 Cahaun. = 1 Sicca rupee. = 1 Gold mohur. Weights. — The great -nreights are maunds, seers, chittacks, and siccas or rupee weights, thus divided : — 5 Siccas 16 Chittacks 40 .Seers = 1 Chittack. = 1 Seer. = 1 Maund. There are two maunds in use, viz. thefactory maund, which IS 74 lbs. 10 oz. 10-666 drs. avoirdupois ; and the bazaar maund, which is 10 per cent, better, viz. 82 lbs. 2 02. 2-133 drs. 80 Sicca weight 60 Ditto 82 Ditto 84 Ditto 96 Ditto A Calcutta factory 2 puns, 10 gundas, 3. 4 Punkhos 4 Dhans 61 Rutties 8 Rutties 10 Massas 100 Rutties 12h Massas 16 Annas 166^ Rutties 13-28 Massas) 17 Annas The lolah is equal ( 5 Sicca weight 4 Chittacks 4 Pouahs 40 Seers 5 Seers 8 Measures 4 Khaonks 4 Raiks 20 Pallies 16 Soallies = a Calcutta bazaar seer. = a Serampore seer. = a Hooghly seer. = a Benares Mirzapore seer. __ran Allahabad and Lucknow 1 seer. seer is equal to 72sicca weight, 11 annas, 63 cowries. Gold and Silver. = 1 Dhan, or grain. = 1 Rutty. = 1 Anna. = 1 Massa. { 1 Sicca weight = 179-7 grs. =< Troy, or 6-5705 drs. avoir* L dupois. = 1 Tolah. = 1 Tolah. = 1 Tolah. = 1 Mohur. = 1 Mohur. = 1 Mohur. to 224-588 grs. Troy. Liquid Measure, = 1 Chittack. = 1 Pouah, or pice. = 1 Seer. = 1 Maund. = 1 Pussaree, or measure. = 1 Bazaar maund. Grain Measure. = 1 Raik. = 1 Pallie = 9-08 lbs. avoird. = 1 Soallic. = 1 Khahoon = 30 bz. mds. liong Measure. Barleycorns, or jowsl_ , (barley) j= ^ Finger. 4 Fingers 3 Hands 2 Spans 4 Cubits 1,000 Fathoms 1 Hand. = 1 Span. = 1 Cubit, or arm — 18 inches. = 1 Fathom. _ f 1 Coss = 1 mile 1 furlong 3 L poles 3J yards. CALCUTTA. 205 Sguare Mrasvre. 5CubiU,orliauls,mlengthl_ fl Chittack, or LI feot (Eng. X 4 In breadth S~ i square). 16 Chittacks = 1 Cottah. ao Cottahs = 1 BigKah = 14,410 sq. ft. 3i Biggalu = 1 English statute acre. Ctulh Weasure. 3.rorbe» = 1 AnguHa. .3 Angullas = 1 (itieriah. 8 (ilierialis = 1 Haut or cubit = 18 Inchei, 2 Hauls = 1 gu/ =. 1 yard. For Goodi reckoned Inj Tale. 5 Particulars = 1 (Jund^. 4 gundas, or 20 particulars = 1 Koorje, or 1 corge. Commercial Weights and Measures of India, with their equivalents i Factory, Madras, and Bombay Weights. English Avoirdupois, Bengal Commercial Measures, &c. Avoirdi . pois. Bengal Factory. Madras. Bombay. lbs. dr. Mds Ch. Mds. Vis Pol. Mds S. Pice. A cheen bahar of 200 catties 423 c, 13 5 26 16 7 19 15 4 27 guncha of 10 nelly 220 0 0 2 37 13-7 S 6 16 7 34 8-6 Anjengo candy of 20 maunds Batavia pecul of 100 catties 560 0 0 7 20 0 22 3 8 20 0 135 10 0 32 10 5 3 16 4 33 22-4 560 0 0 7 20 0 22 3 8 20 0 0 Bengal factory maund 74 10 10-7 1 0 0 2 7 35-7 2 26 20 bazaar maund ... 82 2 2-1 1 4 0 3 22 2 11-3 2 37 10 Bombay candy of 20 maunds - 560 0 0 7 20 0 3 8 20 0 0 Bussorah maund of 76 vakias 90 4 0 8 5-6 3 4 35-2 3 8 27-9 of 24 ditto - 28 8 0 0 4-3 1 4-8 0 21-4 Calicut maund of 100 pools 30 0 0 0 16 1-1 1 1 24 1 2 25-7 China pecul of 100 catties - 133 5 5-3 1 31 6 5 2 26 4 30 14-3 Cochin candy of 20 maunds 543 8 0 7 U 2-6 21 36-8 19 16 12-9 Gombroon bazaar candy ... 7 8 0 0 4 0 0 2 16 0 10 21.4 Goa candy of 20 maunds 495 0 0 6 25 2-9 19 6 16 17 V~ 4-3 Jonkceylon bahar of 8 capius - 485 5 5-3 6 20 0 19 3 12 17 10 Madras candy of 20 maunds 500 0 0 • 6 28 0 20 0 0 17 34 8-6 Malacca bahar of 3 peculs - 405 0 0 5 16 15 16 1 24 14 18 171 Mocha bahar of 15 frazils 450 0 0 6 0 18 0 0 16 2 25-7 Muscat Custom-house maund 8 12 0 0 4 11 0 2 32 0 12 15 Mysore candy of 7 morahs 5C0 0 0 7 20 0 22 3 8 20 17 0 0 Pegu candy of 150 vis - . - 500 0 0 6 28 0 20 0 0 34 8-6 Pen ang pecul of 100 catties . 133 5 5-3 1 31 6 5 2 37-9 4 30 14-3 Sural maund of 40 seers ... 37 5 5-3 0 20 0 1 3 J 13 10 Pucca maund - - 74 10 10.7 1 0 0 2 7 35.7 2 26 20 Tellicherry candy of 20 maunds 600 0 0 8 0 2 24 0 0 21 17 4-3 Banks, Banking. — The paper currency of Calcutta is supplied by the following banks : — Bank of Bengal. — This is the only bank in Calcutta that has a charter. Its capital is 50 lacs, divided into 500 shares of 10,000 sicca rupees each, of which the East India Company hold 100 shares. The shares are now at a premium of 5,000 to 6,000 rupees. It is managed by nine directors ; three appointed by government, and six elected by the proprietors : time of service, for the latter, three years. The secretary to government in the financial department, the accountant-general, and the sub-treasurer, are the ex officio government directors. The bank secretary and treasurer is also a civil servant. This bank possesses peculiar advantages, but has not been so useful to the public as it might have been. Its notes are received at all the public offices, in payment of revenue, by the collectors in all the districts below Benares ; and, consequently, its circulation, averagmg 80 to 100 lacs, extends over a very large and the wealthiest portion of our Indian territory. The government being such considerable shareholders, too, it is generally supposed by the natives that the Bengal Bank is part and parcel thereof ; and it enjoys, therefore, the same credit. But other circumstances have operated against the usefulness which, with the advantages alluded to, it might have been supposed, would have certainly attended it. 1. The government required a deposit in their treasury of 20 lacs of rupees in Company's paper, as security for the notes received at the public offices and the district treasuries. To this extent, therefore, their means applicable to commercial purposes, or rather to the assistance of the commercial community, were crippled. 2. By their charter, they were required to issue their notes in the proportion of one third of specie, to two thirds of paper, — in other words, for every 90 rupees of notes issued, they kept 30 rupees of cash in their strong box. 3. Their rules for granting accommodation on personal credit were so severe, that the public rather avoided ajiplications to them, if they could obtain discounts elsewhere ; and, consequently, the business of the Bengal Bank was almost entirely confined to the granting of loans on the security of the Com- pany's paper. In 1826, 1827, and 1828, when the Burmese war, and the financial arrangements of the government, occasioned a great demand for money, the amount of discounts of mercantile paper in Calcutta did not exceed 10 or 12 lacs of rupees, whilst loans secured by Company's paper rose to 60 and 70 lacs. The inconvenience of this system having been felt, the government of Calcutta has recommended an alteration : and we understand the capital is to be increased to 75 lacs ; the proportion of a third specie to be reduced to a fourth ; the deposit of 20 lacs of Company's paper at the treasury to be done away ; and greater facilities to be afforded to the mercantile community in obtaining accommodation. As soon as this alteration is carried into effect, there will unquestionably be a great improvement in the money market in Calcutta. The Union Bank. — This establishment was founded in 1829. It is the only private bank at present (18.3+) existing in Bengal ; for the Bank of Hindostan, the Commercial Bank, and the Calcutta Bank, noticed in the former edition of this work, have all, though solvent, been discontinued. The capital of the Union Bank is 50 lacs of rupees, consisfing of 1,000 shares of 5,000 each, held by all classes of the com- munity. Its notes circulate only in Calcutta and its immediate neighbourhood ; no private notes being received at the collectors' treasuries in the provinces. The main object of this establishment was to fill up the space in the money market, occasioned by the restrictions imposed on the Bank of Bengal by its charter ; but it has not yet been able to effect its intentions to their full extent, from its notes not being generally circulated; and it is possible that the proposed alterations in the Bengal Bank may, in some measure, limit its operations. There is no doubt, however, but that it will be a favourite establishment; and should it obtain a charter, it will probably get most of the banking business of Calcutta ; its rules being well adapted for facilitating commercial transactions, and sustaining commercial credit and confidence. The rates of discount vary, from time to time, with the state of the money market. The last rates quoted were, at the Union Bank, 6 per cent, per annum on notes at 3 months , 5 ditto, at 2 ditto ; 4 ditto, at 1 ditto : the Bank of Bengal, discount on private bills at 3 months, 6 per cent, per annum ; ditto govern- ment bills*, ditto, 4 ditto; interest on loans, on deposit, ditto, 5 ditto. Indian Funds — The public debt contracted by the Indian government., on the security of the territory, is under the management of the treasury department at Calcutta. This debt is of two descriptions ; that bearitig no interest, and that which bears interest. The last is again divided into three parts ; viz. monies deposited by public bodies for specific purposes ; treasury notes, of the same character as our Exchequer bills ; and the actual funded or registered debt. The latter, on the 30th of April, 1830, was as follows ; for Bengal. • This partiality to the government bills is objected to. The Union Bank makes no distinction. 206 CALCUTTA. statement the Amount standing on the general Registers of the Presidency of Bengal, in the Names of Europeans and Natives. Debt. Europeans. Natives. Total. 6 percent, loan of 1822 - - 5 — — 1823 ... 5 — — 1825-26 ... 5 _ — 1829-30 4 — 1824-25 4 — — 1828-29 Sicca rupees Sicca rupees. 703,43,500 709,87,800 532,74,800 19,51,700 3.13,000 6,63,600 Sicca rupees. 43,68,700 206,39,700 408,79,500 7,01,300 6,86,200 5,84,100 Sicca rupees. 747,12,200 916,27,500 941,54,300 26,53,000 8,99,200 12,47,700 1,975,34,400 677,59,500 2,652,93,900 The 6 per cent, loan of 1822 is irredeemable until the expiration of the Company's present charter, and then 15 months' notice to be given previously to discharge: the interest on this loan is payable either half- yearly in India, or, if the proprietor be resident in Europe, he has the option, as a matter of right, of demanding a bill upon the court of directors for the interest, payable at 12 months' date, at 25. Id. the sicca rupee. The 5 per cent, loan of 1823 was not payable, in any part, until after the 31st of March, 1825, and then only U crore in any one year, after 60 days' notice, the interest is payable upon the same terms as that on the 6 per cent, loan, with this important difterence, that the privilege which the residents in Europe possess of receiving interest in England belongs as of right to the holders of the G per cent, loan, and is only enjoyed by the holders of this loan during the pleasure of the home authorities. Of the 5 per cent, loan of 1825, no part was dischargeable till after the 30th of April, 1832, and then previous notice of 3 months to be given ; the interest upon this loan is payable to all the holders, whether resident in Europe or not, either in cash in India, or by bills upon England, at 2*. the rupee. In this case, also, the option of remittance to England may be withdrawn by the home authorities at pleasure. Of the two 4 per cent, loans, no part of the first was dischargeable till after the .30th of April, 1830, nor of the second till the 30th of April, 1832; and, in both cases, previous notice of 3 months to be given. From the favourable con- ditions of the 6 per cent, loan, it has, of late years, borne a premium of from 30 to 40 per cent. The 5 per cent, loans have generally borne a premium of about 5 per cent. ; and even the 4 per cent, securities have been at little more than a nominal discount. We have been thus particular in describing the nature of the Indian national funds, because, in a country where Europeans have been hitherto precluded from holding property in land beyond the narrow boundaries of the principal cities, and where the principal holders reside in Europe, they have been justly considered as a very desirable security. Pilotage. — The navigation of the river Hooghly from the Sand Heads to Calcutta, a distance of about 130 miles =- from April to October inclusive ; 12 branch pilots, 24 masters, 24 first mates, 24 second mates, and between 7C and 80 volunteers. Each branch pilot has a salary of 70/. a month ; each master 27/. ; first mates 15/. ; and second mates and volunteers 6/. each. The following table exhibits the rates of pilotage : — naturally dangerous arer an- num. Ships proceeding to Calcutta must land their gunpowder at the powder magazine at Movapore ; the charge is at the rate of l.^rf. per ton tor each voyage. The whole pilot establishment and the care of the navigation of the Hooghly is under the ma- nagement of government, and is directed by a marine broad, with a master attendant and harbour master. There are several dry docks at Calcutta, in which vessels of any size may be built or repaired. Ships built at Calcutta are of inferior durability to those constructed at Bombay, in con- sequence of the framework being always of the inferior woods of the country ; and the planks, sheathing, upj>er works, and decks, alone, of teak ; which last is furnished almost entirely from Pegu. In 1824, the number of registered ships belonging to the port of Calcutta was 120, of the burthen of 44,366 tons; being at an average of about 370 tons for each. 1 he largest class of vessels carry nearly 800 tons ; but ships drawing so much water are unfit for the navigation of the Hooghly. Not being able to load at Calcutta, they are obliged to receive part of their cargo at Diamond Harbour, about 34 miles farther down the river. The most convenient-sized ship for trade between Calcutta, and Europe, and America, is from 300 to 400 tons. Duties, <51-c — At Calcutta there are two distinct Custom- houses ; the one for the sea, and the other for the inland duties. Our business is with the first only. The export and import duties and drawbacks are regulated by an ordinance of the year 1825, and are the same for every port under the government of Bengal ; or, as it is technically called, the Pre- sidency of Fort William. The tariff is regulated by three schedules, stating respectively the rates of duty chargeable on goods imported by sea, the drawbacks allowed on re-exports, and the rates of duty chargeable and drawbacks allowed aa CALCUTTA. 207 exported articles being the produce and manufacture of the country. The duty on goods and niirchandise imported by sea is imposed ad vatmretn, or according to their market value at the time of importation, except when otherwise specially provided. The value of all such goods and merchamlise must be stated on the face of the application to clear the same from the Custom-house presented by the importer, consignee, or proprietor of such goods, or his known agent or factor, who must subjoin to such ap])lication a declaration of the truth of the same, according to a prescribed form. The following table contains the import duties on goods produced or manufactured in the United Kingdom, foieign Rates of Duty chargeable on Goods, the Produce or Manufacture of the United Kingdom, Foreign Europe, antl the United States, imported by Sea into Calcutta, or any Port or Place belonging to the Presidency of Fort William. Europe, or the United States No duty U charged on any article the produce or manufaLture of the country, if ex- ported in a British vessel, and very rarely when exported in a foreign vessel. 'I'he inland duties vary from 10 to SJ^ per cent., a drawback of /wo thirds of which is usually allowed when the articles on which they are charged are exported in British ves- sels, and of one third when they are exported in foreign vessels. The drawbacks allowed on re exports of foreign articles im- ported in liritish vessels vary from half to two thirds and three fourths of the import duty ; on re-exports in a foreign vessel, they are commonly from half to two thirds and seven eighths. Imported on a British Bottom. Imported on F'oreignBottou 7.i ditto 15 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 10 ditto 7i ditto 10 ditto 20 ditto. 15 ditto. 20 ditto. 74 ditto - 15 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 7^ ditto 15 ditto. 5 ditto 10 ditto. Free 10 per cent. Free. 20 per cent. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 10 ditto " 10 ditto 20 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 5 ditto 10 ditto. 74 ditto 74 ditto 74 ditto 15 ditto 15 ditto. 15 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. ih ditto - 15 di t 74 dit'to'^^'''- 3 ditto 10 ditto 20 ercent 15 Sitto 10 ditto. 20 ditto. 30 ditto 60 ditto. 10 per cent. 20 per cent. Free Free. 10 per cent. 20 per cent. 74 ditto 15 ditto. Free Free. 10 per cent. 20 per cent. Free 74 per cent. Free. 15 per cent. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 74 ditto 15 tUtto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 74 ditto 74 ditto 10 ditto 74 ditto 15 ditto. 15 ditto. 20 ditto. 15 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 10 ditto 10 ditto 74 ditto 74 ditto 74 ditto 20 ditto. 20 ditto. 15 ditto. 15 ditto. 15 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 10 ditto 10 ditto 20 ditto. 20 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 5 ditto 10 ditto. Enumeration of Goods. Imported on a Imported on a British Bottom. Foreign Bottom Free Free Free Free. Free. 2J per cent. Free 24 ditto. 24 rs. a seer of ) 80 sa. wt. -S 48 rs. a seer ol 80 sa. wt. Free Free. 3 rs. a md. of 7 82 sa. wt.V per scei -J 10 per cent. 4 annas a md.7 of 80 sa.wt. V per seer - J 10 per cent. 6 rs. a maund of 82 sa. wt. per seer. 20 per cent. 8 annas a md. of 80 sa. wt. per seer. 2 per cent. 2 4 ditto. 24 per cent. 5 ditto. of the Vnited 10 per cent. 20 per cent. Free Free 24 rs. a seer"} ofSOsa. wt.J Free. Free. 48 rs. a seer of 80 sa. wt. Free Free. 3 rs. a md. of 7 82 sa. wt.J. per seer S 10 per cent. 4 annas a md. ) of 80sa. wt.V per seer - j 10 per cent. 6 rs. a maund of 82 sa. wt. per seer. 20 per cent. 8 annas a md. of 80 sa. wt. per seer. 20 per cent. 5 ditto 10 ditto. I I St. Goods, the Prmluce or Manvfacture of the Vnited i Kingdom. I 1. Bullion and coin 2. Horses 3. Marine stores 4. Metals, wrought and" un wrought 5. Opiuna 6. Precious stones and' pearls 7. Salt • ^ 8. Spirituous liquors 9. Tobacco • 10. Wines 11. Woollens All articles not in-7 eluded in the above V eleven items - - j "id. Goods, the Produce of Foreign Europe, , States of America. 1. Arrack at a fixed valu-' ation of 30/. per cask of 126 gallons -J 2. Bullion and coin 3. Horses ... 4. Opium - .1 5. Precious stones and' pearls 6. Salt 7. Spirits 8. Tobacco 9. Wines - All articles not in-7 eluded in the above V- nine items - - J 3i. Goods, the Produce or Manufacture qf Places other than the United Kingdom, Foreign Europe, or the United States of America. 1. Allspice 2. Aloe wood 3. Altah 4. Alum ... 5. Ambergris 6. Arrack, BaUvia 7. Arrack, from foreign"! territories in Asia -j 8. Arsenic, white, red, orT yellow - -C 0. Asafoetida 10. Awl root, or morinda - 11. Beads, malas, or ro-T saries - -j 12. Betel nut (customs) Ditto (town duty) 13. Benjamin, or loban - 14. Brandy, from foreign! territories in Asia -J 15. Brass, wrought and! unwrought - -j 16. Brimstone 17 Brocades, and embroi-1 dered goods -J 18 Buhera, or myrobalan 19. Buckum, or sapanl wood . J 20 Bullion and coin 21 Calizeerah, or Nigellah 22. Camphire 23. Canvas, — excepting, canvas mad^ of sunn or hemp, or other material, the growth or manufacture of places subject to the government of the East India Com- pany, which is ex- empted from charge of duty on import- ation by sea 10 per cent. 20 per cent. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 55 sa. rs. perl 110 sa. rs. per leager -J leage* 30 sa. rs. perl 60 sa. 14. per leager -J leeiger. 10 per cent. 20 per cent. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 5 ditto 10 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 30 ditto 60 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 74 ditto « 15 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. Free Free. 74 per ceBt. 15 per cent. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 5 ditto 10 ditto Enumeration of Goods. •m- V Cardamums Carriages and convey- ? ances - - i Cassia - Chanks Cherayta China goods, or goods 1 from China, not f otherwise enumer- f ated in this table - J Cloves Cochineal, or crim-1 danah - - 1 Coffee Coir, the produce places not subject the government the East India Com pany in India Coin and bullion Columbo root Coosoom fool, or saf-l flower - -J Copal, or kahroba Copper, wrought and") unwrought - -J Coral Cordage, — excepting-, cordage made of 1 sunn, hemp, or other material, the pro- duce of places sub- ject to the govern- ment of the East In- dia Company, which shall be exempt from the charge of duty on importation by sea . . - Crimdanah, or cochineal Dhye flower Elephants' teeth Embroidered goods and "J brocades - -J Frankincense, or gun-1 diberoza - -j" Galbanum Galingall Ghee (customs) Ditto (town duty) Gin, from foreign ter-") ritories in Asia . J Goopee muttee, orl yellow ochre -J Goomootoo, sunn, andl hemp - -J Gum Arabic Gundiberoza, or frank-") incense - -J Hemp, sunn, or goo-l mootoo - -J Hurrah, or myroba- lan . - - Horses Hurshinghar flower - Hurtaul, or orpiment,") or yellow arsenic - J Iron, wrought or un-1 wrought - -J Ivory ... Juttamunsee, or spike."} nard . -J KuUiniun Lead, pig, sheet.milled, \ and small shot - J Loadh Loban, or benjamin . Mace Madder, or munjeet - Mahogany, and all ) other sorts of wood V used in cabinet-work j Mastick Minium, or red lead - Morinda, or awl root . Munjeet, or madder - Must Myrobalans, viz. bu-l hera, hurrah, and J. ownia - - ) Myrrh - . - Nutmegs Oils, vegetable or ani-") mal (customs) -/ Ditto, ditto (town duty) 208 CALCUTTA. Rates of Duties — continued. Enumeration of Goods. 78. Oil seeds (customs) Ditto (town duty) 79. Oils, perfumed or es-1 sential, or otter and foolejl teyl 80. Opium, foreign -< Orpiment, or yellow 1 arsenic, or hurtaul -J Otter, or essential oils Ownia, or myrohalan • Pepper.black and white Piece goods, — cotton,! silk, and partly cot- ton and partly silk, | the manufacture ofj- theHonourablcCom- 1 pany's territories in | India - -J Ditto, ditto, ditto.whenT not the manufacture | of the Honourable }• Company's territories in India - -J Pimento, or allspic e - Pipe staves Precious stones and 1 pearls - -J Prussian blue Putcha paut Quicksilver Rattans Red sandal wood Red lead, or minium - Rose-water Rum, from foreign ter- 1 ritories in Asia -J Saffron Safflower, or coosooml fool - • -J I. Sago - Salt, foreign Sandal wood, red,! white, or yellow - J Sapan, or buckumi wood - -i Imported on a Imported on British Bottom. ForeignBottom 7.i ditto 21 rs. per seer . of SO Cal. sa. wt. - ; 10 per cent. 7i ditto 10 ditto 7^ ditto 15 ditto. 10 ditto 7.J ditto 20 ditto. 15 ditto. Free Free. 10 per cent. 7-^ ditto Id ditto 7i ditto 7i ditto 10 ditto 7i ditto 20 per cent. 15 ditto. 20 ditto. 15 ditto. 15 ditto. 20 ditto. 15 ditto. 30 ditto 60 ditto. 10 ditto 20 ditto. 74 ditto 15 ditto. 74 ditto 3 rs. per md. 1 of 82 sa. |> wt- per seer \ 15 ditto. 6 rs. per md. of 82 sa. wt. per seer. 7^ per cent. 15 per cent. 7i ditto 15 ditto. 48 rs. per seer of 80 Cal. sa. wt. 20 per cent. 15 ditto. 20 ditto. 20 ditto. Enumeration of Goods. 104. Senna 105. Soonamookey leaf 106. Spikenard, or jutta-l munsee - -J 107. Spirituous liquors, not 1 otherwise described > in this table - - j 108. Steel, wrought or un-1 wrought - -J 109. Storax 110. Stones (precious) and! pearls - -J 111. Sugar, wet or dry, in-l eluding jaggery and )■ molasses' i,cusiomsj - j Ditto,ditto(town duty ) 112. Sulphur, or brimstone 113. Sunn, hemp, and goo- 1 114. Tape ° - * 3 115. Taizepaut, or mala-1 bathrum leaf -J 116. Tea 117. Teak timber 118. Thread 119. Tin and tin ware 120. Tobacco (customs) --^ Ditto (town duty) 121. Toond flower 122. Tuggerwood 123. Turmeric (customs) - Ditto (town duty) 121. Tutenague 125. Upger, or aloe wood 126. Vermilion 127. Verdigris 128. Wax and wax candles 129. Wines and spirits, not ■> otherwise provided > for - - \ 130. AVood of all sorts used in cabinet-work 131. Yellow ochre, or goo- pee mutee 132. Articles not enumer- ated above Imported on a I Imported an a British Bottom. ForeignBottom. 10 ditto 10 ditto 10 ditto 10 ditto 10 ditto Free 5 per cent. Free. 7^ per cent. 10 ditto 10 ditto Free 7\ per cent. 10 ditto 4 as. per md. ofSOsa.wt. per seer - 10 per cent. 7i per cent. 7S ditto S ditto 5 ditto 10 ditto 7V ditto 10 ditto 10 ditto 10 ditto 10 ditto 7J ditto 10 ditto 5 ditto 20 ditto. 20 ditto. 20 ditt;\ 20 ditt<-. Free. 10 per cent. 10 ditto. 20 ditto. Free. 15 per cent. 20 ditto. 20 ditto. Free. 15 per cent. 20 ditto. 8 as. per md. of80sa. wt. per seei . 20 per cent. 15 per cent. 15 ditto. 10 ditto. 10 ditto. 20 ditto. 15 ditto. 20 ditto. 20 ditto- 20 ditto. 20 ditto. 15 ditto. 20 ditto. 10 ditto. Trade of Calcutta. — Exports. — During the last 20 years tlie trade of Calcutta has experienced some very striking vicissitudes. Previously to the opening of the trade in 1814-15, cotton piece goods formed . the principal article of export from India ; the value of those exported from Calcutta, at an average of the 5 years from 1814-15 to 1818-19, being (at 2s. per sicca rupee) 1,260,736^ a year. The extreme cheap- ness of labour in India, and the excellence to which the natives had long attained in several departments of the manufacture, would, it might have been supposed, have sufficed to place this important department beyond the reach of foreign competition. But the wonderful genius of our mechanists, the admirable skill of our workmen, and our immense capital, have far more than countervailed the apparently insuper- able drawback of high wages, and the expense of bringing the raw material of the manufacture from America, and even India itself; and have enabled our manufacturers to bear down all opposition, and to triumph over the cheaper labour, contiguous material, and traditional art of the Hindoos. The imports of British cottons and twist into India have increased since 1814-15, with a rapidity unexampled in the annals of commerce ; and the native manufacture has sustained a shock from which it is not very likely it will ever recover. — (See post, p. 539.) The influence of these circumstances on the trade in piece goods has been very striking. During the year 1833-34, the value of those exported from Bengal was no more than 77,175^., being only about one sixteenth or one seventeenth part of what it amounted to 16 or 18 years previously ! An extraordinary change has also taken place in the trade in bullion at Calcutta. At no distant period it was one of the principal articles of export from Europe to India; and in 1818-19, there were im- ported into Calcutta from England only 1,216,115/. of gold and silver ! But the current began soon after to change ; and now sets so strongly in the opposite direction, that in 1832-33 the exports of the precious metals from Calcutta for England amounted to 516,419/. The export of bullion from England to India at the former period, though influenced by other causes, was mainly occasioned by the difficulty under which we were then placed, of providing articles of mer- chandise suitable for the Indian markets, sufficient to balance our imports. The astonishing increase of our exports of cotton goods, besides completely obviating this difficulty, has actually, as we have just seen, produced an importation of large quantities of bullion from India. But it should be observed, that India derives most part of the bullion sent to Europe from China and Singapore, in payment of opium and other articles, so that the drain upon her is by no means so heavy as has been represented ; and it may well be doubted, notwithstanding the numerous allegations to the contrary, whether it has had any injurious influence. Undoubtedly, however, it were much to be wished that the returns made by India to Europe in articles of native produce and manufacture, should be materially increased. The taste for British produce is already widely difl'used over most parts of Hindostan ; and it will, no doubt, continue to gain ground according as the natives become better acquainted with our language, arts, and habits. The dif- ficulty of procuring return cargoes is now, in fact, almost the only obstacle to the rapid and indefinite extension of the trade with India. And it may be reasonably presumed, that this difficulty will pro- gressively diminish, by the adoption of a course of policy and of measures calculated to dcvelope the vast resources and dormant energies of the country. The repeal of the injudicious restrictions that formerly hindered Europeans from acquiring land, and from applying their capital and skill to most sorts of industry, carried on in the interior, with the exception of the culture of mdigo, will doubtless be of con- siderable advantage. But the exorbitant amount of the land revenue, and the restrictions and duties imposed on the transit trade and internal commerce of the country, are unquestionably the principal causes of the depressed state of agriculture, as well as of the poverty of the inhabitants, and tlicir inability to furnish equivalents for foreign products. The former should, if possible, be materially reduced ; and it is not easy to see why the latter should not be wholly abolished. The soil and climate of Bengal are both lulmirably suited for the production of grain, indigo, sugar, opium, silk, cotton, saltpetre, and a vast variety of other desirable articles: the inhabitants are not deficient in industry, nor in a desire to improve .4 CALCUTTA. 209 their condition ; and there wants only the adoption of a sound and liberal system, to render the country prosperous and flourishing, and to lay the foundations of an immense commerce. At present the principal articles oi export from Calcutta are, opium, indigo, rice, and other species of grain, silk and silk goods, sugar, saltpetre, cotton and cotton piece goods, lac-dye and shell lac, gunnies and gunny bags, &c. We subjoin a statement of the Quantity and Value (taking the Sicca Rupee at 25.) of the principal Articles of native Produce, exported from Calcutta during the Years 1832-33, and 1833-34. Articles. 1832-33. 1833-34. Quantity. Value. Quantity. Value. Opium - - - chests Indigo - - - - Fy. mds. Rice ... - Bz. mds. Raw silk - - . . _ Silk piece goods ... pieces Sugar - . - - Bz. mds. Saltpetre - - - — Raw cotton . - • — Cotton piece goods ... pieces Lac dye ... . Bz. mds. Shell lac - - . . _ Stick lac - - - — Gunnies and gunny bags - . No. Skins and hides ... — Safflower - - Bz. mds. Ginger - - - - — 131,01(! 1,630,146 12,4404 450,973 229,347 354,853i 126,943 478,189 6,0824 19,063.i 1,272 3,528,628 1,013,348 6,973i 21,488 L. 1,177,559 1,310,160 240,632 343,121 210,061 182,400 190,813 127,038 82,289 10,956 3.^,114 1,249 24,577 57,238 17,339 7,053 12,006 90,2174 2,667,465 13,550i 479,578 290,363^ 490,554 143,555 477,571 9,590 26,056i 104 2,615,975 1,251,577 7,630i L. 1,240,382 902,175 461,463 376,919 247,951 230,822 254,801 143,250 77,174 22,416 60,412 199 19,567 66,004 1 18,763 13,624 It appears from the following table that the total value of the merchandise exported from Calcutta by private traders in 1833-34 was 4,045,720/. and of treasure, 242,573Z. The value of the Company's exports of merchandise during the same year was .552,252/. ; but their exports of treasure have not been stated. In these statements indigo and raw silk are valued at the Custom-house rates, which are considerably below their real value. Alogether, the exports from Calcutta in 1833-34 cannot have been much under 6,500,000/. Destination of Exports. — From 40 to 50 per cent, of the exports from Calcutta are for the United Kingdom, from 20 to 25 for China, 6 or 7 for Singapore and Penang, 7 for France, 4| for North ana South America, the residue being for the coasts of Malabar and Coromandel, Pegu, the Arabian and Persian Gulfs, the Mauritius, &c. We subjoin a Statement exhibiting the "Value of the Merchandise, and the Value of the Treasure, exported from Calcutta on private Account, in 1832-33 and 1833-34, specifying the Shipments for each Country. Countries. 1832-53. 1833-34. Merchandi?. Treasure. Total. Merchandise. Treasure. Total. Sicca Rupees. Sicca Rupees. Sicca Rupees. Sicca Rupees. Sicca Rupees. Sicca Rupees. Great Britain 1,27,15,094 51,64,189 1,78,79,283 1,18,88,475 19,68,257 1,38,56,732 France ... 29,97,422 500 29,97,922 35,54,237 36,54,237 Sweden ... 90,064 90,064 Portugal .... " 1,60,814 "l,60,814 North America 20,16,903 5,500 20,22,403 28,46,361 28,46,361 Coast pf Coromandel - 13,29,198 12,000 13,41,198 28,22,372 200 28,22,572 Ceylon - - - 29,645 29,645 38,588 30,000 68,588 Maldives and Laccadives - 60,610 60,610 53,241 53,241 Coast of Malabar . - . 17,84,330 17,84,330 22,92,998 22,92,998 Arabian and Persian Gulfs 9,77,629 9,77,629 9,68,577 9,68,577 Singapore 24,22,202 33,100 24,55,502 20,99,168 2,025 21,01,193 Penang and Malacca - 5,13,151 6,13,151 2,39,237 3,36,237 China . - . - 97,63,511 32,000 97,95,511 1,09,08,120 37,427 1,09,45,547 New Holland - 10,684 10,684 87,031 6,975 94,306 Sumatra and Java - 29,460 29,460 98,189 98,189 Pegu 8,44,982 8,44.982 9,67,574 4,655 9,72,229 Mauritius ... 7,61,121 6,49,7781 14,00,899? 12,07,598 3,76,188 15,83,786 Bourbon - - 1,13,331 1,13,331 2,17,371 2,17,371 Cape and St. Helena 58,816 58,816 78,003 78,003 Total sicca rupees or at 2*. per sicca rupee L. 3,65,68,903 3,656,890 68,97,0671 589,707 4,24,65,9701 4,246,597 4,04,67,204 4,045,720 24,25,727 242,573 j 4,28,82,931 4,288,293 Sicca Rupees. Total amount, merchandise and treasure, exported in 1833-34 - 4,28,82,931 Total amount, merchandise and treasure, exported in 1832-33 - 4,24,65,970f Difference in favour of 1833-34 ... 4,16,960i The Company's exports, in 1832-53, were, merchandise and treasure together, 1,00,14,430 sicca rupees, or 1,001,443/. Remarks on Exports. — The reader will elsewhere find (see post, p. 239., and the Article Opium) pretty ample information in relation to the trade in Opium. It is suflficient here to state, that it is rapidly growing in magnitude and importance. At an average of the 5 years ending with 1828-29, the exports from Calcutta were 6,369 chests, worth 944,071/. a year; but at an average of the 5 years ending with 1833-34, the exports had increased to 9,0141 chests, worth 1,163,809/. a year, being an annual increase of 2,645| chests, and of 219,738/. of value. China is not the principal merely, but almost the only market for opium ; so that the trade between Calcutta and her, is now second only to that between the former and England. Some opium is shipped for Singapore, but China is its ultimate destination. — {Bell's Review for 1833-34, p. 45.) Previously to the close of the American war, the exports of indigo from Calcutta were comparatively trifling. But about that period Europeans began to engage in the business; and the culture of the plant has since been so much extended, and the preparation of the drug so much improved, that it has now become an article of primary commercial importance — (See Indigo.) Next to Great Britain, France is the principal market for indigo. The crop of indigo in Bengal, which had, at an average of the 4 years ending with 1832-33, amounted to about 126,000 maunds a year, fell off in 1833-34 to 93,802 maunds. This great decline was occasioned partly by the unfavourableness of the season, but more by the diminished cultivation occasioned by the previous low prices, and the failure of some of the principal parties engaged in the trade — (See post.) P 210 CALCUTTA. But notwithstanding this decrease of the crop, and the great reduction in the imports into England in 1834 as compared with previous years, prices have not sustained any very material advance. The con- sumption of indigo in England has fallen off considerably since 1830, the effect, as is supposed, of the aecreasing use of blue cloth. Subjoined is a statement of the Exports of Indigo from Calcutta during the Five Years ending with 1833-34, specifying the Countries for which it has been exported, and the Quantities sent to each. Years. \ Great Britain. France. N. America. Hamburgh, Sweden, and Portugal. Arabian and Persian Gulfs. Other Places. Total. 1829- 30 1830- 51 1831- 32 1832- 33 1833- 34 Total Fac. Mds. 104,724 85,741 85,330.3; 93,929 51,906| Fac. Mds. 16,451 23,151 15,219 26,319 30,212 Fac Mds. 4,737 10,488 6,625| 5,4814 Fac. Mds. ' 244 ' 235 257 Fac. Mds. 6,024 10,939 7,110 2,991 J 12,114 Fac. Mds. 319 583 903| 915J 1,145| Fac. Mdt. 132,235 126,556 119,0514 131,016 90,217 421,63U 111,352 33,23 1^ 736 1 2S,27fti 3,866| 599,0951 Average total annual exports, 1829-30 to 1833-34 Average total annual exports, 1824-25 to 1828-29 Fac. Mds. 119,819 115,846 Of the various articles exported from Bengal, sugar is that of which a large increase may, perhaps, be most reasonably anticipated. The processes followed in its culture and production have hitherto been of the rudest description; but, now that Europeans may engage in the business, it is probable they will be materially improved. The excess of 55. a cwt. of duty laid on East India sugar, imported for home consumption, over that which is laid on West India sugar, ought to be repealed. There neither is nor can be any good reason why similar products, from different dependencies of the empire, should not be allowed to ^ome into our markets on the same footing. Should any considerable decline take place in the production of sugar in our West India colonies, the expediency of equalising the duties on sugars of the East and West Indies, would be as obvious as its justice. Cotton is another article of export which might, it is believed, be very greatly increased in quantity, and, probably also, improved in quality, by giving greater attention to its culture and preparation. Re- cently, however, the trade has been declining. The exports of cotton from Calcutta, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1833-34, did not exceed half the quantity exported during the 3 years ending with 1826 -27. Bombay and Surat are, however, the great shipping ports for Indian cotton. The exports of rice from Bengal fluctuate very greatly. This is not caused so much by variations in the crops of the country, as hy variations in those of other countries; for, when a scarcity occurs in most parts of continental Asia, or in any of its islands, recourse is almost invariably had to Bengal to supply the deficiency ; and the demands thence arising have been sometimes enormous. In 1831-32, for example, the exports of rice from Calcutta to the coast of Coromandel amounted to only 16,545 maunds, whereas in 1833-34, they amounted to 1,252,056 maunds. — (J^f-Z/'s Comparative View o/1832-33, and 1833-34, p.41.) It is worthy of remark, that while Bengal is shipping immense supplies of rice and other grain to distant parts, a large part of her own population is frequently in a state of great want and suffering. Ireland is not, therefore, the only country in which the most abject poverty and wretchedness on the part of the in- habitants, are found combined with great fertility of soil, and a large exportation of food. The exports of saltpetre from Calcutta have increased materially during the last dozen years, and were greater in 1833-34 than they have been for a lengthened period. It is doubtful, however, owing to the competition of nitrate of soda from South America, whether this increase will be maintained. France i8 now principally supplied from America. — (See Saltpetre.) Besides the articles of native Indian produce exported from Calcutta, she re-exports pretty considerable quantities of various articles brought from other parts. The value of the British cotton goods re-exported, amounts to about 90,000/. a year. They are principally bartered with the Burmese for silver. The convey- ance of the latter out of the Burmese dominions is strictly prohibited ; but in Burma, as in England and elsewhere, the ingenuity of the smuggler is too much for the vigilance of the government, and the trade is carried on without much difficulty. Imports. — The great articles of import into Calcutta are, British cotton manufactures and cotton twist ; bullion : copper w'th spelter, tin, lead, iron, and other metals ; woollens ; wines and spirits ; ale and beer ; haberdashery, millhiery, &c. ; coffee ; hardware and cutlery ; pepper ; coral, glass, and bottles ; plate, jewellery, watches, &c. ; books and stationery ; tea, &c. Statement exhibiting the Quantity and Value of the Principal Articles (classed in Alphabetical Order) imported into Calcutta during the Years 1832-33, and 1833-34. Species of Merchandise. Petelnut .... Bottles, empty - • - Books and pamphlets Buffalo horns - - Camphor .... Coffee .... Coals - - - - Coral, real ... Glass - - - - Guns and pistols - - Haberdaslieiy, millinery and apparel - Hardware and cutlery Lametta . . - Wetals : Copper Sjielter in, block Tin plates Lead Lead shot No. Bz. mds. corge Bz. mds. Bz. mds. bags Bz. mds. Steel Quicksilver - - — Brass, ingot - - - — Metal, sheathing - - — ^ Ironmongery, machinery, and anchors Oilman's stores and grocery - Bz. mds. Pepper, black - - - _ Quantity. 990,001 793J 13,530^ 64,642 115,630 84,640* 30,7 lOj 12,545| 890 28,121.J 6,554 150,173 9,049 1,321 419 338 e9,273J Value. L. 5,574 9,454 22,700 6,766 3,085 22,047 2,942 8,197 12,447 6,1.V2 31,569 26,548 13,881 292,907 13,095 21,283 1,355 14,920 1,636 41,965 6,841 11,275 1,075 499 15,893 15,103 56,451 Quantity. 12,602 109,785 1,166,905 1,393| 17,954^ 140,717 288,804 56,976 89,189 24,941 9,476 2,017 12,407 3,296 135,141 12,757* l,234f 1,182 Value. L. 5,504 10,833 16,725 7,090 6,428 26,020 44,100 14.117 13,577 4,318 34,565 16,882 15,356 285,187 9,631 16,973 3,825 5,842 991 43,584 6,987 10,088 2,512 20,215 19,071 28,389 CALCUTTA. statement — continued 211 Species of Merchandise. Quantity. Quantity. Coloured cotton Silk and mixed eoods Plate, jewellery, ajid watches Salt Spices, mace and nutmegs Segars and cheroots • Stationery and cards SpiriU Ale, beer, and porter Twist and yam Tea Vermilion Wines Wood Woollens pieces yards dozens pieces yards dozens hogsheads dozens lbs. 273,235 153,237 36,694 20,800 2,-168 6,813 2,823 12,283 1,036,227 4,630 492 174,320 8 36 26,624 ,3207 .953$ 8,011 J. 2,293 i 2,993,715 42,483 238,781 19,831 4,430 81,805 22.609 80,370 322 ^ 7,193 2,082 3,036,621 1,941 89,150 70,848 12,948 3.659 8,787 5,329 14.626 30,536 26,972 251,649 18,850 16,555 61,391 14,475 115,173 The total amount of all sorts 1,956,627/., exclusive of 586,394/. 90,325/. of merchandise imported into Calcutta by private traders in 1833-34 was of treasure. The Company's imports, during the same year, amounted ta Sources of Imports. — These differ in different years, but, speaking generally, Great Britain furnishes about 60 per cent, of the whole ; France, about 3 per cent. ; North America, 2| ; China, from 12 to 15; Singapore, from 6 to 8 ; coast of Coromandel, from 3 to 4 ; Malabar, from 3 to 4 ; Pegu, from 3 to 4, &c. We subjoin a Statement exhibiting the Value of the Merchandise, and the Value of the Treasure, imported into Calcutta on private Account, in 1832-33 and 1833-34, specifying the Imports from each Country. Merchandise. Great Britain - France Sweden - . . - South America - North America Coast of Coromcindel • Ceylon Maldives and Laccadives Coast of Malabar Arabian and Persian Gulfs Singapore - • Penang and Malacca • China - . I New Holland - Sumatra and JaTa Mauritius • Bourbon Cape and St. Helena Total sicca rupees at 2s. per sicca rupee Sicca Rupees, 1,40,26,707 7,9C,283 20,831 3,69,677 6,58,328 6,975 98,659 7,92,430 3,28,050 5,81,595 2,65,906 9,34,228 5,347 34,441 2,56,471 34,522 73,775 6,974 Sicca Rupee», 1,24,875 2,08,7864 1,88,8621 3,000 16,400 12,65,725i 1,62,175 22,12,431 4,89,444 24,864 Sicca Rupees. 1,40,26,707 7,96,283 1,45,706 5,78,4631 8,47,190| 6,975 98,659 7,95,430 3,44,450 18,47,320i 4,28,081 31,46,659 5,347 31,441 7,45,915 59,386 73,775 6,974 Sicca Rupees. 1,39,91,801 10,04,133 57,625 19,004 3,0.-),807 7,18,013 25,991 91,698 7,23,750 4,39,462 5,59,383 2,28,337 10,18,170 20,892 28,501 2,06,389 30,967 95,100 3,247 Sicca Rupees. Sicca Rupees, 2,900 1,39,94,701 3,825 23,900 9,99,906 1,51,173 37,58,524i 24,215 2,86,2981 90,S70j 10,07,958 57,625 19,004 6,44,231 8,99,9 18i 25,991 91,698 7,23,750 4,63,,-62 15,59,289 3,79,510 47,76,694^ 20,892 52,716 4,92,687.^ 1,21,837 s 95,100' 3,247 58,63,942 2,54,30,212 586,394 I 2,543,021 Total amount, merchandise and treasure, imported in 1833-34 Total amount, merchandise and treasure, imported in 1832-33 Difference in favour of 1833-34 The Company's imports in 1833-34 were Sicca Rupees. 2,54,30,212 2,.S9,87,762A 14,42,4491 8,00,221 Account of the Value (in Sicca Rupees) of the private Trade between Great Britain and Bengal, from the 1st of May 1813 to 30th of April 1834. — {BeWs Comparative View for 1832-33 and 1833-34, p. 53) Imports into Calcutta. Exports from Calcutta. 1813- 14 1814- 15 1815- 16 1816- 17 1817- 18 J818-19 1819-20 1820 -21 1821- 22 1822- 23 1823- 24 1824— 25 1825- 26 1826— 27 1827— 28 1828- 29 1829- 30 1830— 31 1831— 32 1832— 33 '833-34 Merchandise. Sicca Rupees. 53,76,775 40,99,165 57,52,886 80,51,112 1,35,62,962 1,59,44,490 66,80,873 87,19.664 1.25,68,218 1,67,98,082 1,37,67,035 1,61,84,454 1,24,93,958 1,26,26,147 1,86,43,444 2,20,29,791 1,61,25,841 2,00,73.354 1,73,72,762 1,40,26,707 1,39,91,801 Treasure. Sicca Rupees. 32,750 5,25,127 11,42,596 18,59,853 61,57,981 1,21,61,159 63,07,519 14,89,017 1,64.758 1,70.758 5,24,032 13,250 1,26,978 20,180 73,620 1,687 1,000 Total. Merchandise. Sicca Rupees. 54,09,525 46,24,292 68,95,482 9!i,10,965 1,97,20,943 2,81,05,654 1,29,88,392 1,02,08,681 1,42,15,676 1,69,68.840 1,42,91,067 1,61,97,704 1,26,50,936 1,26,46,327 1,87,17,064 2,20.31,478 1,61,25,841 2,00,74,354 1,73,72,762 1,40,26,707 1 ,39,94 ,701 P 2 Sicca Rupees. 1,19.63,405 1,21,42,283 1,64,44,208 1,38,06,966 1,69,12,905 1,38,72,325 1,25,64,391 2,07,98,860 94,10,405 1,27,10,960 1,35,64,851 1,39.30,093 1,71,31,915 99,61,591 1,28,83.130 1.16,40,299 1,08,40,687 1,18,40,971 1,18,10,761 1,27,15,094 1,18,88,475 Sicca Rupees. 4,106 13,500 5,460 2,23,767 2,69,466 48 3,78,032 7,06,979 12,41,443 12,20,257 30,16,384 .37,06,397 51,64,189 19,68,257 Total. Sicca Rupees. I 19,63,405 1,21,42,283 1,64,44,208 1,.38,06,<166 1,69,12,905 1,-38,72,325 1,25,64,.391 2,08,02.966 94,23,905 1,27,16,420 1,.37,S8,618 1,41,99,559 1,71,31,963 1,03,39,623 1,35,90,109 1,28,81,742 1,20,60,944 1,48.57,355 1,55.17,158 1,78.79,283 1,38,56,732 212 CALCUTTA. Account of Ships and Tonnage, arrived at and departed from Calcutta, during the Years 1832-33, and Arrivals. Departures. British ImDort?. 1832-33. 1833-34. British Exports. 1832-33. 1833-34. Sh. Tons. Sh. Tons. Sh. Tons. Sh. Tons. Honourable Company's re-l gular ships - - J Honourable Company's char- ( tered ships - - V Ships from the U. Kingdom from Asiatic ports Dhonies - - - Vessels laden with coast salt Arab and Turkish Burmese ... 7 7 77 137 54 153 4 9 9,383 3,545 33,379 39,264 4,445 15,339 1,389 3,825 8 9 95 158 172 319 11 10 2 10,587 5,106 38,297 46,050 21,042 35,793 3,486 4,445 490 Hon. Company's reg. ships Hon. Company's chart, ships Ships cleared for England,! via Madras, &c. - -J Ships cleared for Africa (Cape) for Asiatic ports Dhonies ... Ships laden with prain Arab and '1 urkish in ballast 7 8 2 111 27 169 8 48 9,391 4,082 29,716 591 33,560 2,805 22,386 3,250 4,569 8 6 87 166 58 357 10 102 1 9,918 3,418 52,096 5,235 46,072 4,444 9,672 400 Total 448 110,571 784 165,299 Total 448 110,550 795 168,523 Foreign Imports. Ships from forei^m Europe - from North America - from Asiatic ports 15 15 8 4,942 4,484 2,894 J 22 9 3 7,708 7,353 3,131 992 Foreign Exports. Ships cleared for foreign Eu-l rope - - -J Ships cleared for NorthAmerica for Asiatic ports - 15 17 12 5,399 5,103 3,905 17 18 16 5,852 5,932 4,983 Total 38 12,321 57 19,185 Total - 44 14,407 16,767 Grand total 486 122,8^ 841 184,485 Grand total - 492 124,957 1846 185,290 Duties — Account of the Gross Amount of Duties collected on Merchandise imported at Calcutta by Sea. 1832-33. 1833-34. • i. L. Under British colours (including town duty) .... 57,150 Foreign colours (ditto) - - 14,786 Duties — Account of the Gross Amount of Duties collected on Merchandise exported from Calcutta by Sea. 1832-33. Total i. 71,936 54,267 13,037 I 67,304 ! Under British colours Foreign colours L. • 3,918 - 1,308 r. 5,226 1833-34. L. ■Number and Tonnage of Vessels cleared out at Calcutta for Great Britain, Foreign Europe, and the Years. Great Britain. ■Foreign Europe. United States. Vessels. Tonnage. yessels. Tonnage. 9,277 Vessels. Tonnage. 3,378 911 1822-23 59 34,832 21 11 1823-24 66 34,122 3 1,165 3 1824-25 49 26,843 10 3,897 10 3,449 1825-26 65 35,446 12 4,296 17 5,021 1826-27 86 41,124 13 4,941 6 1,823 1827-28 72 35,201 18 5,855 13 3,269 1828-29 80 37,802 29 8,906 13 4,297 1829-30 64 32,816 15 5,475 13 4,068 1830-31 79 36,351 17 6,220 15 4,716 1831-32 74 34,931 7 2,648 25 7,414 1832-33 79 35,240 15 5,399 17 5,013 Failures at Calcutta. — Within the 3 years ending with 1833, some of the principal mercantile estab. lishments in this city failed for immense sums. To examine minutely into the origin of these disasters would lead us into inquiries foreign to the object of this work, and with respect to which it is difficult to acquire accurate information. We believe, however, that the main source of the evil was the com- bination, by most of the principal houses, of the business of merchants with that of bankers. Their credit being high, at the end of the war large sums were deposited in their hands, for which they engaged to pay a high rate of interest. But instead of employing these deposits, as bankers in England would have ione, in the discount of bills at short dates, or in the purchase of government securities readily con- vertible into money, they employed them, probably because they could with difficulty dispose of them otherwise, in all manner of mercantile speculations, — advancing very large sums to the indigo planters, exporting goods to Europe, either directly on their own account, or indirectly by lending to those who did, — becoming owners of Indian shipping, &c. Most of those speculations turned out exceedingly ill The production of indigo was so much increased, partly in consequence of the large capitals turned to the business, and partly of the high prices in England, that " fine blue violet," which had brought, in the London market, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1827, from 12s. \Qd. to \Ss. id. per lb., fell, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1832, to from 5s. M. to 6*. id. per lb., and other sorts in pro. portion. At these prices the production would not pay ; and very heavy losses were sustained, and much capital sunk, by the planters and those who had supplied them with funds to extend their undertakings. The investments in Indian shipping turned out even worse than those in the indigo plantations, tlie shipping of England having nearly driven that of India out of the field. The embarrassment occasioned by this locking up of their capital, and by the ruinous nature of the adventures in which they were embarked, began to manifest itself simultaneously with the scarcity of money occasioned by the drains on .iccount of the Burmese war. The greatmcrcantile houses began then to find that they were entangled in difficulties from which they have been wholly unable to extricate themselves. After struggling on, some for a longer and some for a shorter period, most of them have since failed, the greater number for very large sums. But, however distressing in the mean time, the embarrassment and want of confidence arising from the failures alluded to could not be of long continuance. In the end they will, no doubt, be pro- ductive of a better order of things. It is of the utmost consequence that the vicious combination of the business of a merchant with that of a banker should be put an end to. It is singular, indeed, that indi- viduals should be found willing to intrust large sums in the hands of tliose who, they are aware, are employing them in the most hazardous adventures. The higher the interest promised by such persons, the greater ought to be the caution of the public in dealing with them. Some, perhaps most, branches of the import trade of Calcutta seem also to liave been completely over- done. That of cotton twist is an instance. In 1829-30, the imports were 1,(12,0,333 lbs. ; in 1830-31, they were 3,4*9,0+4' lbs. ; and in 1831-32, .'5,433,323 lbs. Such a supply was far beyond the wants of the country ; and the returns were so very inadequate, that the imports were reduced in 1832-33 to 2,993,715 lbs. In 1833-34, tlie imports amounted to 3,036,()21 lbs., and the trade is now comparatively fiteady. The imports of copper were also carried to an excess ; but the greatest excess was in the article spelter, which has for some time past been almost unsaleable at Calcutta. — (Sec Spklteh.) (For farther details as to the jjoints now touched upon, the reader is referred to the clear and able evidence of G. G. de H. Larpent, Esq. before the Committee of the House of Commons on Manufactures, Commerce, &c) CALICO. 213 This article has been compiled from the following authorities: — Milbtirn^s Oriental Commerce; A Reviexu qf the external Commerce of Bengal, by Horace llayman Wilson, Esq. 1830 ; Bell's Comparative View (if the external Commerce qf Bengal, for the years lK.'>2-33, and 18.'53-34; The Bengal Directory ; Thornton's East Indian Calculator ; Parliamentary Papers relating to the Finances of India and the Trade of India and China 1830 — 1833 ; and vrivate communications. CALICO (Ger. Kuttun ; Du. Kutoen ; Dan. Kattun ; Sw. Cattun ; Fr. Coton, Toile de Cotori ; It. Tela Bumhac/inu, Tela dipinta ; Sp. Tela de Algodon ; Port. Pano de Algodao ; Rus. Wiihoika ; Pol. Bawelnika), cloth made of cotton; so called from Calicut, -on the Malabar coast, whence it was first imported. In England, all white or unprinted cotton cloths are denominated calicoes j but in the United States this term is applied to those only that are printed. Historical Notice of the Art of Calico Printing. — This art, though apparently one of the most difficult, has been practised from a very remote era. Herodotus mentions (lib. 1. § 202.), that a nation on the shores of the Caspian were in the habit of painting the figures of animals .on their clothes, with a colour formed from the leaves of trees bruised and soaked in water ; and he adds, that this colour was not eflfaceable, and was as durable as the clothes themselves. It is difficult to imagine that the colours could have been so permanent, had not those using them been acquainted with the use of mordants. There is, however, a passage in Pliny (Hist. Nat. lib. xxxv. § 11.), which, though in some respects obscure, shows that the ancient Egyptians were fully acquainted with the principle of calico printing. " They paint," says he, " the clothes, not with colours, but with drugs (sorbentibus medicamentis) that have no colour. This being done, they immerse them in a vat full of boiling dye, and leave them there for a little : when they take them out, they are painted of various colours. It is extraordinary, seeing that there is only one colour in the vat (unus in cortina color), that a variety of colours should be produced by the operation of the drugs." Pliny further states, that the colours were so adhesive they could not be washed out ; and that clothes were the strc'nger for being dyed. A similar process is known to have been followed in India from the earliest times. The chemical and mechanical inventions of modern ages have been the cause of vast improvements in this ingenious and beautiful art ; but the passage now quoted shows distinctly that we have, in this instance, been only perfecting and improving processes practised in the remotest antiquity. Calico Printing in this Country. Duties on Calicoes. — In Great Britain the print- ing of cottons has formed, for a considerable period, a very important and valuable business. It has been calculated that there are not less than 230,000 individuals em- ployed in, and dependent upon, the print trade for subsistence, receiving the annual sum of 2,400,000/. in wages. This important and valuable business may be truly said to have grown up amongst us in despite of repeated efforts for its suppression. To prevent the use of calicoes from interfering with the demand for linen and woollen stuffs, a statute was passed in 1721, imposing a penalty of 51. upon the weaver, and of 20Z. upon the seller, of a piece of calico ! Fifteen years after, this extraordiiiary statute was so far modified, that calicoes manufactured in Great Britain were allowed to be worn, " provided the warp thereof was entirely of linen yarn." This was the law with respect to calicoes till after the invention of Sir Richard Arkwright introduced a new era into the history of the cotton manufacture, when its impolicy became obvious to every one. In 1774, a statute was passed, allowing printed goods, wholly made of cotton, to be used, after paying a duty of 3d. a yard (raised to 3^d. in 1806); and enacting some regulations as to the marks to be affixed to the ends of the pieces, the stripes, &c. This act continued in force down to 1831 ; but, though an improvement upon the old law, it was much, and justly, complained of. Its injustice and injurious operation were very forcibly pointed out by Mr. Poulett 'J'hompson, in his excellent speech on taxation. " It is a matter of surprise to me," said the Right Kon. gent., " that this most impolitic impost should have been allowed to continue, especially when it was declared by the committee of 1818 to be ' partial and oppressive, and that its repeal was most desirable : ' who, indeed, can examine it, and not feel the truth of this observation ? Is it credible, that in order to raise a nett revenue of 599,669/., a gross tax should be imposed of 2,019,737/. ? and yet this was the return, according to the paper on your table, for 1828. And these figures are still far from showing the real cost of the collection of this tax ; — that must be taken upon the gross produce ; and supposing the rate of the .collection for the excise to be 5 per cent., which is less than it really is, you have a cost of 20 j>er cent, on the nett produce of this tax, for charges. In addition to this, from all the inquiry I have been able to make, the increased cost to the manufacturer is fully 5 per cent, upon the whole quantity made ; so that you have thus two sums, each of 100,000/., levied on the public, for the sake of exacting a duty of 600,000/. But the revenue is again, in this case, far from being the measure of the injury you inflict. The inequality of the tax constitutes its chief objection. The duty is levied upon the square yard, at 3|r/. per yard. Thus, the piece of calico which sells for 6d., duty paid, con- tributes equally with that which is worth 5s. a yard. You levy an onerous and oppressive tax of 100 or 150 per cent, upon the poor, who are the purchasers of inferior cottons ; whilst the rich, who buy only the finest kinds, pay but 10 or 15 per cent." It is due to Mr. Thompson to state, that, not satisfied with giving this forcible exposition of the inequa- lity and injurious operation of the duty on printed goods, one of his first measures, on coming into office, was to propose its repeal. The following tables exhibit the quantity of printed cloths produced in Great Britain, the quantity exported, and the amount of revenue and drawback thereon, during the year ended 5th of January. 1830. P 3 214 C ALOMEL. — CAMEL. I. Return of the Number of Square Yards of Calicoes, Muslins, Linens, and Stuflft. made either of Cotton or Linen, printed, painted, stained, or dyed, in Great Britain (except such as shall have been dyed of one Colour throughout), with the Amount of Excise Duties collected thereon in England and Scotland, in the Year ended 5th of January, 1830 ; distinguishing the Number of Square Yards and Amount of Duty collected thereon. — {Pari. Paper, No. 335. Sess. 1830.) Number of Yards. Foreign Ca- Linens and Calicoes and Amount of Duty. licoes. Stuffs. Muslins. England 22,338 1,704,761 102,234,454 £ s. d. 1,516,431 14 10 Scotland 8,755 26,105,550 380,833 12 3 Year ended 7 5th of January, 18303 22,338 1,713,516 128,340,004 1,897,265 7 1 II. Return of the Total Numoer of Square Yards of printed Calicoes, Muslins, Linens, and Stufft, ex- ported from England and Scotland, in the Year ended 5th of January, 1830 ; the Amount of Drawbacks paid or allowed thereon ; distinguishing the Quantities and Amount of Drawbacks allowed to Foreign Parts from the Quantities and Drawbacks paid or allowed on the like Articles on the Removal coast- wise to Ireland. England - - - . Year ended 5th of Jan. 1830 - Exported to Foreign Countries. Exported to Ireland. Number of Yards. Amount of Drawback. No. of Yards. Amount oS Drawback. Foreign Calicoes. Linens, Stuifs, Calicoes, and Muslins. Linens, Stuffs, Calicoes, and Muslins. 3,672 81,445,424 8,417,009 £ s. d. 1,187,852 17 4 122,748 0 11 5,169,683 869,358 £ s. d. 75,391 4 2 12,678 2 9 3,672 89,862,433 1 1,310,600 18 3 6,039,041 88,069 6 11 By the 34 Geo. 3. c. 23. it is enacted, that the inventor, designer, or printer of any new and original pattern for printing linens, cottons, calicoes, or muslins, shall have the sole right of printing and reprinting the same for 3 months, to commence from the day of first publishing. CALOMEL. Chloride of mercury ; frequently called mild muriate of mercury ; and sometimes, but less properly, submuriate of mercury. CAMBRIC, OR CAMBRICK (Ger. Kammertuch ; Du. Kameryhsdoek ; Fr. Cam- hray Batiste; It. Cambraja j Sp. Cambrai ; Port. Cambraia ; Rus. Kamertug), a species of very fine white linen, first made at Cambray, in French Flanders, whence it derives its appellation. It is now produced, of an equally good quality, in Great Britain. CAMEL (Fr. Chameau ; It. and Sp. Camelo ; Ger. Kameel; Arab. Djimel ; Lat. Camelus ; Greek, KajitTjAos), is indigenous to Arabia, and we only mention it in this place on account of its extreme importance in the commerce of the East. The camel is one of the most useful of the animals over which the inhabitants of Asia and Africa have acquired dominion. These continents are intersected by vast tracts of burning sand, the seats of desolation and drought, so as, apparently, to exclude the possibility of any intercourse taking place between the countries that they separate. " But as the ocean, which appears at first view to be placed as an insuperable barrier between different regions of the earth, has been rendered, by navigation, subser- vient to their mutual intercourse; so, by means of the camel, which the Arabians emphatically call the Ship of the Desert, the most dreary wastes are traversed, and the nations which they disjoin are enabled to trade with one another. Those painful jour- neys, impracticable by any other animal, the camel performs with astonishing despatch. Under heavy burdens of 600, 700, and 800 lbs. weight, they can continue their march during a long period of time, with little food or rest, and sometimes without tasting water for 8 or 9 days. By the wise economy of Providence, the camel seems formed of purpose to be the beast of burden in those regions where he is placed, and where his service is most wanted. In all the districts of Asia and Africa, where deserts are most frequent and extensive, the camel abounds. This is his proper station, and beyond tnis the sphere of his activity does not extend far. He dreads alike the excesses of heat and cold, and does not agree even with the mild climate of our temperate zone." — (Robertsori's Disquisition on Ancient India, Note 53.) The first trade in Indian commodities of which we have any account (Genesis xxxvii. 25. ) was carried on by camels ; and they still continue to be the instruments employed in the conveyance of merchants and merchandise throughout Turkey, Persia, Arabia, Egypt, Barbary, and many contiguous countries. The merchants assemble in consider- able numbers, forming themselves into an association or caravan — (see Caravan), for their mutual protection against the attacks of robbers, and the dangers incident to a journey through such rude and inhospitable countries. These, caravans are often very large and usually consist of more camels than men. The capacity of the camel to endure fatigue, and the small supply of provisions that he requires, is almost incredible. CAMELS' HAIR. — CAMPHOR. ** His ordinary burden," says Volney, " is 750 lbs. ; his food, whatever is given him — straw, thistles, the stones of dates, beans, barley, &c. With a pound of food a day, and as much water, he will travel for weeks. In the journey from Cairo to Suez, which is 40 or 46 hours, they neither eat nor drink ; but these long fasts, if often repeated, wear them out. Their usual rate of travelling is very slow, hardly above 2 miles an hour : it is in vain to push them ; they will not quicken their pace ; but, if allowed some short rest, they will travel 15 or 18 hours a day." — (^Voyage en Syrie, torn. ii. p. 383.) The Arabians regard the camel as a sacred animal, the gift of Heaven, without whose aid they could neither subsist, nor trade, nor travel. Its milk is their ordinary food ; they also eat its flesh, especially that of the young camel, which they reckon excellent; its hair, which is renewed every year, is partly manufactured into stuffs for their clothes and furniture, and partly sent abroad as a valuable article of merchandise ; and even its faeces serve them for fuel. Blest with their camels, the Arabs want nothing, and fear nothing. In a single day they can traverse 40 or 50 miles of the desert, and interpose its trackless sands as an impenetrable rampart between them and their foes. — ( See the admirable description of tiie camel, in BufFon. ) But, however useful to the inhabitants of parched, sandy deserts, it may be worth while, perhaps, to observe, that the camel is of very little service elsewhere. He cannot walk 100 yards on wet or slippery ground without stumbling. He is totally unknown in all hilly or woody countries ; and, with few exceptions, may be said to be as great a stranger in the Eastern Islands, Japan, the southern parts of China, the whole country lying be- tween China and India, and all the southern parts of the latter, including Bengal, as he is in Europe. In all those vast countries the ox is the most useful of the lower animals. It is used for draught (for which the camel is totally unfit,) in the cart and plough, in the carrying of burdens, in treading corn, in the oil press, &c., and finally as food. CAMELS' HAIR (Ger. Kameelhaar ; Fr. Foil de chameau, Laine de chevron; It. Pelo di camello ; Sp. Pelo 6 lana de cdmello). The hair of the camel imported into this country is principally used in the manufacture of fine pencils for drawing and painting. In the East, however, it is an important article of commerce, and is exten- sively used in the arts. It serves for the fabrication of the tents and carpets of the Arabs, and for their wearing apparel. Cloth is also manufactured of it in Persia and other places. The most esteemed hair comes from Persia. It is divided into three qualities ; black, red, and grey. The Mack is the dearest, and the grey is only worth half the red. Considerable quantities of camels' hair are exported from Smyrna, Con- stantinople, and Alexandria. It is used in the manufacture of hats, particularly by the French. — ( Bees' s Cyclopcedia, art. Camelus. ) CAMLET, OR CAMBLET (Ger. and Du. ^amefo^; Fr. Camelot ; It. Ciambellotto ; Sp. Camehte ; Rus. Kamlot), a plain stuff, manufactured on a loom, with two treadles, as linens are. There are camlets of various colours and sorts : some wholly of goats* hair ; others, in which the warp is of hair, and the woof half hair and half silk ; others, again, in which both the warp and the woof are of wool j and, lastly, some, of which the warp is of wool and the woof of thread : some are striped, some watered, and some figured. CAMOMILE (Fr. CamomtUe ; It. Camomilla ; Sp. Manzanilla ; Lat. Chamomilla ; a well known plant, whose flowers are used for medical purposes. Most of what is brought to the London market is grown about Mitcham, in Surrey. CAMPHOR, OR CAMPHIRE (Ger. Kampfer ; Du. Kamfer ; Fr. CampJire ; It. Canfora ; Sp. Alcanfor ; Rus. Kamfora ; Lat. Camphora ; Arab, and Pers. Kafoor Mai. Kaafur). There are two descriptions of this valuable article, which must not be confounded. 1. Camphor of Commerce, or that met with in Europe, is obtained by boiling the timber of a species of laurel (Laurus Camphora), a tree found in the forests of Fokien, in China, near the city of Chinchew, where there is annually produced from 2,500 to 3,000, and sometimes as much as 4,000 piculs. Most of the camphor imported into Europe comes from China ; but a small quantity, considered of superior quality, comes from Japan by way of Batavia. The exports from Canton in 1830 and 1831 were respectively 3,452 and 2,043 piculs, being, at an average, 366,266 lbs. ; if to this we add the exports from Batavia of Japan camphor, amounting to 489 piculs, the total annual produce of China and Japan for exf ortation will be 432,770 lbs. It is brought to this country in chests, drums, and casks; and is in small, granular, friable masses, of a dirty white or greyish colour, very much resembling half-refined sugar. When pure, the camphor of commerce has a strong, peculiar, fragrant, penetrating odour, and a bitter, pungent, aromatic taste. It is in reality a concrete essential oil. Camphor, when refined, is in thin hollow cakes of a beautiful virgin whiteness, and, if exposed to the air, totally evaporates. Great care is therefore requisite in packing camphor, to prevent serious 216 CAMPHOR OIL. — CANALS. 2. Camphor, Malay, commonly called, to ilistinguish it from the last, camphor of Barus, from the port of Sumatra, where it is mostly shipped. It is a product of the Dryohalanops Camphora, a forest tree confined to Sumatra, Borneo, and the Malay peninsula. It is found in concrete masses in the fissures of the wood : there are, however, but very few trees that afford it ; and those that do, only in small quantities. This species of camphor is more fragrant and less biting and pungent than that yielded by the laurel, and is in high repute among the Chinese, by whom it is almost wholly consumed. There is an immense disparity in the prices of the two species in China. In a price current recently published at Canton, the finest Chinese camphor is quoted at 30 dollars per picul, while the Malay camphor is quoted at 30 dollars per catty, making the price of the latter 100 times greater than that of the former ! Malay camphor is wholly unknown in Europe as an article of trade. — {Private information.^ CAMPHOR OIL (Malay, Minyak), a fragrant essential oil, obtained in large quantities by heating the wood of the Dryohalanops Camphora. It is nearly as cheap as spirits of turpentine, but is not held in any esteem by the Chinese. It might, perhaps, be profitably imported into England as a substitute for spirits of turpentine in the arts, and for medicinal purposes. We may add, that the timber of the Dryohalanops Camphora is not inferior to any produced in the countries where it grows, for the purposes of house and ship building. — (^Private information, and Crawfurd^s Indian Archipelago, vol. i. p. 516.) CAMWOOD, a red dye wood, first brought to Europe from Africa by the Portu- guese. It is principally obtained from the vicinity of Sierra Leone. The colouring matter which it affords differs but little from that of ordinary Nicaragua wood, either in quality or quantity; and it may be employed with similar mordants. — {Bancroft on Colours. See also Dampier, vol. ii. part ii. p. 58. ) Camwood is at present worth, in the London market, from 161. to 18Z. a ton, duty (5s. a ton) included. In 1828, 475 tons of camwood were imported; but the imports in 1829 only amounted to 119 tons. — (Pari. Paper, No. 661. Sess. 1830.) CANAL, CANALS. A canal is an artificial channel, filled with water kept at the desired level by means of locks or sluices, forming a communication between two or more places. (1.) Historical Sketch of Canals. Ancient Canals. — The comparative cheapness and facility with which goods may be conveyed by sea, or by means of navigable rivers, seem to have suggested, at a very early period, the formation of canals. The best authenticated accounts of ancient Egypt represent that country as intersected by canals conveying the waters of the Nile to the more distant parts of the country, partly for the purpose of irrigation, and partly for that of internal navigation. The efforts made by the old Egyptian monarchs, and by the Ptolemies, to construct a canal between the Red Sea and the Nile are well known ; and evince the high sense which they enter tained of the importance of this species of communication. — (Ameilhon, Commerce des Egyptiens, p. 76.) Greece was too small a territory, too much intersected by arms of the sea, and sub- divided into too many independent states, to afford much scope for inland navigation. Attempts were, however, made to cut a canal across the Isthmus of Corinth ; but they did not succeed. The Romans did not distinguish themselves in canal navigation. Their aqueducts^ the stupendous ruins of which attest the wealth and power of their founders, were intended to furnish supplies of water to some adjoining city, and not for the conveyance of vessels or produce. (2. ) Chinese Canals. — In China, canals, partly for irrigation, and partly for navigation, have existed from a very early period. The most celebrated amongst them is the Im- perial or Grand Canal, forming a communication between Pekin an Canton, said to be about 1,660 miles long. But there can be no doubt that this is a very great exagger- ation ; and that it includes the various rivers which really form the greater part of the navigation, the excavated portion being of comparatively limited dimensions. The canal is said not to have, at any time, more than from 5 to 6 feet water ; and in dry seasons, its depth is frequently reduced to 3 feet. (De la Lande, Canaux de Navigation, p. 52a The locks are constructed with very little skill ; and as the vessels are generally dragged by men, the navigation is extremely slow. The canals are mostly faced with stone ; and the bridges across them are said to be very ingeniously contrived. (3.) Italian Canals. — The Italians were the first people in modern Europe that at- tempted to plan and execute canals. They were principally, however, undertaken for tlie purpose of irrigation ; and the works of this sort executed in the Milanese and other parts of Lombardy, in the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, are still regarded as models, and excite the warm admiration of every one capable of ajjpreciating them. Jn 1271, the Navilio Grande, or canal leading from Milan to Abbiate Grasso and the Tesino, was rendered navigable. — (Young's Travels in France, §-c. vol. ii. p. 170.^ "I — ^ r CANALS. 217 (4.) Dzctch Canals. — No country in Europe contains, in proportion to its size, so many navigable canals as the kingdom of tlie Netherlands, and particularly the province of Holland. The construction of these canals commenced as early as the twelftli century, when, owing to its central and convenient situation, Flanders began to be the entrepoi of the commerce between the north and south of Europe. Their number has since been astonishingly increased. " Holland," says Mr. Phillips, in his History of Inland Navi- gation, '* is intersected with innumerable canals. They may be compared in number and size to our public roads and highways : and as the latter with us are continually full of coaches, chaises, wagons, carts, and horsemen, going from and to the different cities, towns, and villages; so, on the former, the Hollanders, in their boats and pleasure barges, their treckschuyts and vessels of burden, are continually journeying and convey- ing commodities for consumption or exportation from the interior of the country to the great cities and rivers. An inhabitant of Rotterdam may, by means of these canals, breakfast at Delft or the Hague, dine at Leyden, and sup at Amsterdam, or return home again before night. By them, also, a most prodigious inland trade is carried on between Holland and every part of France, Flanders, and Germany. When the canals are frozen over, they travel on them with skaits, and perform long journeys in a very short time; while heavy burdens are conveyed in carts and sledges, which are then as much used on the canals as on our streets. " The yearly profits produced by these canals are almost beyond belief; but it is cer- tain, and has been proved, that they amount to more than 250,000Z. for about 400 miles of inland navigation, which is 6251. per mile, the square surface of which mile does not exceed two acres of ground ; a profit so amazing, that it is no wonder other nations should imitate what has been found so advantageous. " The canals of Holland are generally 60 feet wide and 6 deep, and are carefully kept clean ; the mud, as manure, is very profitable ; the canals are generally levels ; of course, locks are not wanted. From Rotterdam to Delft, the Hague, and Leyden, the canal is quite level, but is sometimes affected by strong winds. For the most part, the canals are elevated above the fields or the country, to enable them to carry off the water, which in winter inundates the land. To drain the water from Delftland, a province not more than 60 miles long, they employ 200 windmills in spring time to raise it into the canals. All the canals of Holland are bordered with dams or banks of immense thick- ness, and on these depends the security of the country from inundation; of course it .is of great moment to keep them in the best repair ; to effect which there is a kind of militia, and in every village is a magazine of proper stores and men, whose business it is to convey stones and rubbish in carts to any damaged place. When a certain bell rings, or the waters are at a fixed height, every man repairs to his post. To every house or family there is assigned a certain part of the bank, in the repair of which they are to assist. When a breach is apprehended, they cover the banks all over with cloth and stones." (5. ) Canal from Amsterdam to Niewdiep, near the Ilelder. — The object of this canal, which is the greatest work of its kind in Holland, and probably in the world, is to afford a safe and easy passage for large vessels from Amsterdam to the German Ocean. This city has 40 feet of water in the road in front of its port, but the pampus or bar at the junction of the Y with the Zuyder Zee, 7 miles below, has only a depth of 10 feet ; and hence all ships of any considerable burden entering or leaving the port must unload and load part of their cargoes without the bar. As the Zuyder Zee is every where full of shallows, all ordinary means of improving the access to Amsterdam were necessarily in- effectual ; and the resolution was, therefore, at length adopted, of cutting a canal from the city to the Helder, the most northern point of the province of Holland. The distance between these extreme points is 41 English miles, but the length of the canal is about 50^. The breadth at the surface of the water is 124^ English feet (120 Rhinland feet) ; the breadth at bottom 36 ; the depth 20 feet 9 inches. Like the Dutch canals generally, its level is that of the highest tides, and it receives its supply of water from the sea. The only locks it requires are, of course, two tide-locks at the extremities ; but there are, besides, two sluices with floodgates in the intermediate space. It is crossed by about 18 drawbridges. The locks and sluices are double, — that is, there are two in the breadth of the canal ; and their construction and workmanship are said to be ex- cellent. They are built of brick, for economy ; but bands of limestone are interposed at intervals, and these project about an inch beyond the brick, to protect it from abrasion by the sides of vessels. There is a broad towing path on each side, and the canal is wide enough to admit of two fi-igates passing. — (For the expense of towing, see Amsteiu DAM, ) The line which the canal follows may be easily traced on a map of Holland. From the Y at Amsterdam it proceeds north to Purmereud ; thence west to Alkmaar Lake; again north by Alkmaar to a point within 2 miles of the coast, near Petten; whence it runs nearly parallel to the coast till it joins the sea a little to the east of the Helder, at th« 218 CANALS. fine harbour of Niewdiep, formed within the last 30 years. At the latter place there is a powerful steam-engine for supplying the canal with water during neap tides, and other purposes. The time spent in towing vessels from Niewdiep to Amsterdam is 18 hours. The Helder is the only spot on the shores of Holland that has deep water ; and it owes this advantage to its being opposite to the Texel, which, by contracting the commu- nication between the German Ocean and the Zuyder Zee to a breadth of about a mile, produces a current which scours and deepens the channel. Immediately opposite the Helder there are 100 feet water at high tides, and at the shallowest part of the bar to the westward there are 27 feet. In the same way, the artificial mound which runs into the Y opposite Amsterdam, by contracting the water-way to about 1,000 feet, keeps a depth of 40 feet in the port (at high water), while above and below there is only 10 or 12. The canal was begun in 1819, and finished in 1825. The cost was estimated at 10,000,000 or 12,000,000 florins, or about 1,000,000/. sterling. If we compute tlie magnitude of this canal by the cubic contents of its bed, it is the greatest, we believe, in the world, unless some of the Chinese canals be exceptions. The volume of water which it contains, or the prisme de remplissage, is twice as great as that of the New York Canal, or the Canal of Languedoc, and two and a half times as great as that of the artificial part of the Caledonian Canal. In consequence, however, of the facility with which the Dutch canal was dug, and of the evenness of the ground through which it passes, the difficulties with which the engineer had to contend in making it were trifling compared to those which had to be overcome in constructing the canals now mentioned. We have not learned what returns this canal yields ; most probably it is not, at least in a direct point of view, a profitable concern. Even in Holland, notwithstanding the lowness of interest, it would require tolls to the amount of 40,000Z. a year to cover in- terest and expenses ; and so large a sum can hardly, we should think, be raised by the very moderate tolls laid on the ships passing through it. — (See Amsterdam.) This, however, is not the only consideration to be attended to in estimating the value of a work of this sort. Its influence in promoting the trade of Amsterdam, and, indeed, of Holland, may far more than compensate for its cost. It is evident, too, that the im- position of oppressive tolls would have effectually counteracted this advantage ; that is, they would have defeated the very object for which the canal was constructed. — - (We have derived these details, partly from an able article in the Scotsman^ and partly from private information. ) (6.) Danish Canals. — The Holstein Canal, in Denmark, is of very considerable im- portance. It joins the river Eyder with Kiel Bay on the north-east coast of Holstein, forming a navigable communication between the North Sea, a little to the north of Heligoland, and the Baltic ; enabling vessels to pass from the one to the other by a short cut of about 100 miles, instead of the lengthened and difficult voyage round Jutland, and through the Cattegat and the Sound. The Eyder is navigable for vessels not drawing more than 9 feet water, from Tonningen, near its mouth, to Rendsburg, where it is joined by the canal, which communicates with the Baltic at Holtenau, about 3 miles north of Kiel. The canal is about 26 English miles in length, including about 6 miles of what is principally river navigation. The excavated portion is 95 feet wide at top, 51 feet 6 inches at bottom, and 9 feet 6 inches deep (Eng. meas.). Its highest ele- vation above the level of the sea is 24 feet 4 inches ; to which height vessels are raided and let down by 6 locks or sluices. It is navigable by vessels of 120 tons burthen, or more, provided they are constructed in that view. The total cost of the canal was about 500,000/. It was opened in 1785, and has so far realised the views of its projectors, as to enable coasting vessels from the Danish islands in the Baltic and the east coast of Holstein, Jutland, &c., to proceed to Hamburgh, Holland, England, &c. in less time and with much less risk, than, in the ordinary course of navigation, they could have cleared the point of the Skaw ; and conversely with ships from the west. The smaller class of foreign vessels, particularly those under the Dutch and Hanseatic flags, navigating the Baltic and North Seas, have largely availed themselves of the faci- lities afforded by this canal. During the 5 years ending with 1831, no fewer than 2,786 vessels passed each year, at an average, through the canal. This is a sufficient evidence of its utility. It would, however, be much more frequented, were it not for the difficult navigation of the Eyder from the sea to Rendsburg. The dues are moderate. — {Coxes Travels in the North of Europe, 5th ed. vol. v. p. 239., where there is a plan of the canal ; Catteau, Tableau des Etats Danois, tom. ii. pp. 300 — 304. ; and private information. ) (7- ) Swedish Canals. — The formation of an internal navigation connecting the Cattegat and the Baltic has long engaged the attention, and occupied the efforts, of the people and government of Sweden. Various motives conspired to make them embark in tliis arduous undertaking. The Sound and other channels to the Baltic being commanded by the Danes, they were able, when at war with the Swedes, greatly to annoy the latter, by cutting off all communication by sea between the eastern and western provinces of the CANALS. 219 kingdom. And hence, in the view, partly of obviating this annoyance and partly of facilitating the conveyance of iron, timber, and other bulky products, from the interior to the coast, it was determined to attempt forming an internal navigation, by means of the river Gotha, and the lakes Wener, Wetter, &c., from Gottenburgh to Soderka-ping on the Baltic. The first and most difficult part of this enterprise was the perfecting of the communication from Gottenburgh to the lake Wener. The Gotha, which flows from the latter to the former, is navigable, through by far the greater part of its course, for vessels of considerable burden ; but, besides others less difficult to overcome, the navigation at the point called Trollhsetta is interrupted by a series of cataracts about 112 feet in height. Owing to the rapidity of the river, and the stubborn red granite rocks over which it flows, and by perpendicular banks of which it is bounded, the attempt to cut a lateral canal, and still more to render it directly navigable, presented the most formidable obstacles. But, undismayed by these, on which it is, indeed, most probable he had not sufficiently reflected, Polhem, a native engineer, undertook, about the middle of last century, the Herculean task of constructing locks in the channel of the river, and rendering it navigable ! Whether, however, it were owing to the all but insuperable obstacles opposed to such a olan, to the defective execution, or deficient strength of the works, they were wholly swept away, after being considerably advanced, and after vast sums had been expended upon them. From this period, down to 1793, the undertaking was abandoned ; but in that year, the plan was proposed, which should have been adopted at first, of cutting a lateral canal through the solid rock, about 1§ mile from the river. This new enterprise was begun under the auspices of a company incorporated for the purpose in 1794, and was successfully completed in 1800. The canal is about 3 miles in length, and has about 6^ feet water.* It has 8 sluices, and admits vessels of above 100 tons. In one part it is cut through the solid rock to the depth of 72 feet. The expense was a good deal less than might have been expected, being only about 80,000/. The lake Wener, the navigation of which was thus opened with Gottenburgh, is very large, deep, and encircled by some of the richest of the Swedish provinces, which now possess the inestimable advantage of a convenient and ready outlet for their products. As soon as the TroUhsetta canal had been completed, there could be no room for doubt as to the practicability of extending the navigation to Soderkoeping. In fur- therance of this object, the lake Wener has been joined to the lake Wetter by the Gotha Canal, which admits vessels of the same size as that of Trollhaetta; and the .prolongation of the navigation to the Baltic from the Wetter, partly by 2 canals of equal magnitude with the above, and partly by lakes, is now, we believe, about com- pleted. The entire undertaking is called the Gotha Navigation, and deservedly ranks among the very first of the kind in Europe. Besides the above, the canal of Arboga unites the lake Hielmar to the lake Maelar ; and since 1819, a canal has been constructed from the latter to the Baltic at Sbdertelge. The canal of Stroemsholm, so called from its passing near the castle of that name, has effected a navigable communication between the province of Dalecarlia and the lake Maelar, &c. — ( For further details, see, besides the authorities already referred to. Cozens Travels in the North of Europe, 5th ed. vol. iv. pp. 253 — 266., and vol. v. pp. 58 — 66. ; Thomson's Travels in Sweden, p. 35, &c. ) (8.) French Canals. — The first canal executed in France was that of Briare, 34i En- glish miles in length, intended to form a communication between the Seine and Loire. It was commenced in 1605, in the reign of Henry IV., and was completed in 1642, under his successor, Louis XIII. The canal of Orleans, which joins the above, was com- menced in 1675. But the most stupendous undertaking of this sort that has been executed in France, or indeed on the Continent, is the canal of Languedoc. It was projected under Francis I. ; but was begun and completed in the reign of Louis XIV. It reaches from Narbonne to Toulouse ; and was intended to form a safe and speedy means of communication between the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean. It is 64 French leagues long, and 6 feet deep; and has, in all, 114 locks and sluices. In its highest part it is 600 feet above the level of the sea. In some places it is conveyed, by bridges of great length and strength, over large rivers. It cost upwards of 1,300,000/. ; and reflects infinite credit on the engineer, Riquet, by whom it was planned and executed. Besides this great work, France possesses several magnificent canals, such as that of The Centre, connecting the Loire with the Saone ; of St. Quentin, joining the Scheldt and the Somme ; of Besan9on, joining the Saone, and consequently the Rhone, to the Rhine ; of Burgundy, joining the Rhone to the Seine, &c. Some of these are of very considerable magnitude. The canal of the Centre is about 72 English miles in length. * This is the statement of Cattcau, Tableau dela Mer Baltique, tome ii. p. 77. ; Oddv, in his European Commerce, p. 306., and Balbi, Abrege dc la Gtfographte, p. 385., say that the depth of water is 10 feet 220 CANALS. It was completed in 1791, at an expense of about 11,000,000 francs. Its summit level is about 240 feet above the level of the Loire at Digoin ; the breadth at the water's edge is about 48 feet, and at bottom 30 feet ; depth of water 5j feet; number of locks 81. The canal of St. Quentin, 28 English miles in length, was completed in 1810. The canal joining the Rhone to the Rhine is the most extensive of any. It stretches from the Saone, a little above St. Jean de Losne, by Dole, Besan9on, and Mulhouse, to Strasburg, where it joins the Rhine, — a distance of about 200 English miles. From Dole to Vogeaucourt, near Montbeliard, the canal is principally excavated in the bed of the Doubs. It is not quite finished. The canal of Burgundy will, when completed, be about 242 kilom., or 150 English miles, in length ; but at present it is only navigable to the distance of about 95 kilom. In addition to these, a great many other canals have been finished, while several ai-e in progress, and others projected. There is an excellent account of the French canals completed, in progress, and pro- jected, in the work of M. Dutens, entitled Histoire de la Navigation Interieure de la France, 2 vols. 4to, and to it we beg to refer the reader for further details. He will find, at the end of the second volume, a very beautiful map of the rivers and canals of France. It is probable, however, that the railroad projects now set on foot in France may tend, for a while at least, to check the progress of canalisation. We may observe, too, that the state of the law in France is very unfavourable to the undertaking and success of all great public works ; and we are inclined to attribute the comparative fewness of canals in France, and the recent period at which most of them have been constructed, to its influence. In that country, canals, docks, and such like works, are mostly carried on at the expense and for behoof of government, under the control of its agents. No scope has been given to the enterprise of individuals or associations. Before either a road or a canal can be constructed, plans and estimates must be made out and laid before the minister of the interior, by whom they are referred to the prefect of the department, and then to the Bureau des Fonts et des Chausses ; and supposing the project to be approved by these, and the other functionaries consulted with respect to it, the work must after all be carried on under the superintendence of some public officer. In consequence of this preposterous system, very few works of this description have been undertaken as private speculations. And while not a few of those begun by government remain unfinished and comparatively useless, those that are completed have, as was to be expected, rarely proved profitable. There are some good remarks on this subject in the useful work of M. Dupin, on the Forces Commerciales of Great Britain. (9.) Prussian Canals. — The Prussian states are traversed by the great navigable rivers the Elbe, the Oder, and the Vistula ; the first having its embouchure in the North Sea, and the others in the Baltic. The formation of an internal navigation, that should join those great water-ways, excited the attention o*" government at a distant period ; and this object has been successfully accomplished, partly by the aid of the secondary rivers fall- ing into the above, and partly by canals. In 1662, the canal of Muhlrose was undertaken, uniting the Oder and the Spree ; the latter being a navigable river falling into the Havel, also a navigable river joining the Elbe near Havelburg. But the navigation from the Oder to the Elbe by this channel was difficult and liable to frequent interruption ; and to obviate these defects, Frederick the Great constructed, towards the middle of last century, the Finnow Canal, stretching from the Oder at Oderberg, to the Havel, near Liebenwalde ; the communication is thence continued by the latter and a chain of lakes to Plauen ; from which point a canal has been opened, joining the Elbe near Magdeburg. The Elbe being in this way connected with the Oder by a comparatively easy navigation, the latter has been united to the Vistula, partly by the river Netze, and partly by a canal joining that river to the Brahe, which falls into the Vistula neaf Bromberg. A vast inland navigation has thus been completed ; barks passing freely through the whole extent of country from Hamburgh to Dantzic ; aflPording the means of shipping the products of the interior, and of importing those of foreign countries, eitlier by the North Sea or the Baltic, as may be found most advantageous. — ( Catteau, Tableau de la Mer Baltique, tome ii. p. 11 — 18. ) (10.) Russian Canals. — The inland navigation of Russia is of vast extent, and very considerable importance. The reader will find some details with respect to it undei the article Peteksburgh. (11.) Austrian Canals. — The Austrian empire is traversed in its whole extent by the Danube ; but the advantages that might result to the foreign trade of the empire fxo\\\ so great a command of river navigation, have been materially abridged by the jealousy of -tiie Turks, who command the embouchure of the river, and by the diflSculties that are in some places incident to its navigation. Two pretty extensive canals have been con- structed in Hungary. That called the Bega Canal is 73 English miles in length : it fctretches fi-wn Fascct through the Bannat by Temeswar to Bccskcrek, whence vessels pass by the Bega into the Theiss, a little above its junction with the Danube. The CANALS. 221 other Hungarian canal is called after the Emperor Francis. It stretches from tiie Danube by Zambor to the Theiss, which it joins near Ftildvar, being 62 English miles in length : its elevation, where highest, does not exceed 27 feet. Besides the above, the canal of Vienna establishes a communication between that city and Neustadt. It is said to be the intention to continue this canal to Trieste ; but, however desirable, we doubt much whether this be practicable. A railroad is at present being made from Munt- hausen on the Danube to Budweiss on the Moldau, a navigable river that falls into the Elbe. This promises to be a highly useful communication. — {liriyhVs Travels in Hungary, p. 246. ; Balbi, Ahrcge de la Geogruphie, p. 216.) (12.) Spanish Canals. — No where are canals more necessary, both for the purposes of navigation and irrigation, than in Spain ; but the nature of the soil, and the poverty and ignorance of the government as well as of the people, oppose formidable obstacles to their construction. During the reign of Charles II., a company of Dutch contractors offered to render the Man9anares navigable from Madrid to where it falls into the Tagus, and the latter from that point to Lisbon, provided they were allowed to levy a duty for a certain number of years on the goods conveyed by this channel. The Council of Castile took this proposal into their serious consideration, and after maturely weighing it, pronounced the singular decision — " That if it had pleased God that these two rivers should have been navigable, he would not have wanted human assistance to have made them such ; but that, as he has not done it, it is plain he did not think it proper that it should be done. To attempt it, therefore, would be to violate the decrees of his pro- vidence, and to mend the imperfections which he designedly left in his works ! " — ( Clarke's Letters on the Spanish Nation, p. 284. ) But such undertakings are no longer looked upon as sinful ; and many have been projected since the accession of the Bourbon dynasty, though few have been perfected. The canal of the Ebro, begun under the Emperor Charles V., is the most important of the Spanish canals ; but it is only partially completed, and during dry seasons it suffers from want of water. It runs parallel to the right bank of the Ebro, from Tudela in Navarre to below Saragossa ; the intention being to carry it to Sastago, where it is to unite with the Ebro. The canal of Castile is intended to lay open the country between the Douro and Reynosa, and to facilitate the conveyance of grain from the interior to Santander and Bilbao. It passes by Valladolid, Palencia, and Aguilar del Campos ; a small part has been executed, and is now in operation. A company has recently undertaken, what the Dutch contractors formerly offered, to render the Tagus navigable from Aranjuez to Lisbon ; the free navigation of the river having been stipulated at the Congress of Vienna. A project for deepening the Guadalquivir, and some others, are also on foot. — {Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 9. p. 85. ; Balbi, Ahrege de la Geographie, p. 349.) (13.) British Canals. — Owing partly to the late rise of extensive manufactures and commerce in Great Britain, but more, perhaps, to the insular situation of the country, no part of which is very distant from the sea, or from a navigable river, no attempt was made, in England, to construct canals till a comparatively recent period. The efforts of those who first began to improve the means of internal navigation, were limited to attempts to deepen the beds of rivers, and to render them better fitted for the conveyance of vessels. So early as 1635, a Mr. Sandys, of Flatbury, Worcestershire, formed a project for rendering the Avon navigable from the Severn, near Tewkesbury, through the counties of Warwick, Worcester, and Gloucester, " that the towns and country might be better supplied with wood, iron, pit-coal, and other commodities." This scheme was approved by the principal nobility and landowners in the adjoining counties ; but the civil war having broken out soon after, the project was abandoned, and does not seem to have been revived. After the Restoration, and during the earlier part of last century, various acts were at different times obtained for cheapening and improving river navigation. For the most part, however, these attempts were not very successful. The cur»-ent of the rivers gradually changed the form of their channels ; the dykes and other artificial constructions were apt to be destroyed by inundations ; alluvial sand banks were formed below the weirs; in summer, the channels were frequently too dry to admit of being navigated, while at other periods the current was so strong as to render it quite impossible to ascend the river, which at all times, indeed, was a laborious and expensive undertaking. These difficulties in the way of river navigation seem to have suggested the expediency of abandoning the channels of most rivers, and of digging parallel to them artificial channels, in which the water might be kept at the proper level by means of locks. The act passed by the legislature in 1755, for improving the navigation of Sankey Brook on the Mersey, gave rise to a lateral canal of this description, about 11:|- miles in length, which deserves to be mentioned as the earliest effort of the sort in England. But before this canal had been completed, the celebrated Duke of Bridgewater*, and * This truly noble person expended a princely fortune in the prosecution of bis great designs; and, tc increase his resources, is said to have restricted his own personal expenses to 400/. a year! But his pro- 222 CANALS. his equally celebrated engineer, the self-instructed James Brindley, had conceived a plan of canalisation independent altogether of natural channels, and intended to afford the greatest facilities to commerce, by carrying canals across rivers and through mountains, wherever it was practicable to construct them.* The Duke was proprietor of a large estate at Worsley, 7 miles from Manchester, in which were some very rich coal-mines, that had hitherto been in a great measure useless, owing to the cost of carrying coal to market. Being desirous of turning his mines to some account, it occurred to his Grace that his purpose would be best accomplished by cutting a canal from Worsley to Manchester. Mr. Brindley, having been consulted, declared that the scheme was practicable ; and an act having been obtained, the work was immediately commenced. " The principle," says Mr. Phillips, " laid down at the commencement of this business, reflects as much honour on the noble undertaker as it does upon his engineer. It was resolved that the canal should be perfect in its kind ; and that, in order to preserve the level of the water, it should be free from the usual con- struction of locks. But in accomplishing this end many difficulties were deemed insur- mountable. It was necessary that the canal should be carried over rivers, and many large and deep valleys, where it was evident that such stupendous mounds of earth must be raised, as would scarcely, it was thought by numbers, be completed by the labour of ages ; and, above all, it was not known from what source so large a supply of water could be drawn, even on this improved plan, as would supply the navigation. But Mr. Brindley, with a strength of mind peculiar to himself, and being possessed of the confidence of his great patron, contrived such admirable machines, and took such methods to facilitate the progress of the work, that the world soon began to wonder how it could be thought so difficult. " When the canal was completed as far as Barton, where the Irwell is navigable for large vessels, Mr. Brindley proposed to carry it over that river by an aqueduct 39 feet above the surface of the water in the river. This, however, being considered as a wild and extravagant project, he desired, in order to justify his conduct towards his noble em- ployer, that the opinion of another engineer might be taken, believing that he could easily convince an intelligent person of the practicability of the design. A gentleman of eminence was accordingly called, who, being conducted to the place where it was intended that the aqueduct should be made, ridiculed the attempt ; and, when the height and dimensions were communicated to him, he exclaimed — ' I have often heard of castles in the air, but never was shown before where any of them were to be erected.* This un- favourable verdict did not deter the Duke from following the opinion of his own engineer. The aqueduct was immediately begun ; and it was carried on with such rapidity and success as astonished those who, but a little before, thought it impossible." Before the canal from Worsley to Manchester had been completed, it occurred to the Duke and his engineer that it might be practicable to extend it by a branch, which, running through Chester parallel to the river Mersey, should at length terminate in that ri\ver, below the limits of its artificial navigation ; and thus affi)rd a new, safer, and cheaper means of communication between Manchester and its vicinity and Liverpool. The execution of this plan was authorised by an act passed in 1761. This canal, which is above 29 miles in length, was finished in about 5 years. It was constructed in the best manner, and has proved equally advantageous to its noble proprietor and the public. " When the Duke of Bridgewater," says Dr. Aikiu, *' undertook this great design, the price of carriage on the river navigation was 12s. the ton from Manchester to Liver- pool, while that of land carriage was 40i-. the ton. The Duke's charge on his canal was limited, by statute, to six shillings ; and together with this vast superiority in cheapness, it had all the speed and regularity of land carriage. The articles conveyed by it were, likewise, much more numerous than those by the river navigation ; besides manufactured goods and their raw materials, coals from the Duke's own pits were deposited in yards at various parts of the canal, for the supply of Cheshire ; lime, manure, and building materials were carried from place to place ; and the markets of Manchester obtained a supply of provisions from districts too remote for the ordinary land conveyances. A branch of useful and profitable carriage, hitherto scarcely known in England, was also undertaken, which was that of passengers. Boats, on the model of the Dutch treck- schuyts, but more agreeable and capacious, were set up, which, at very reasonable rates, and with great convenience, carried numbers of persons daily to and from Manchester along the line of the canal." — (^Aikiri's Description of the Country round Manchestevy p. 116.) jects were productive of great wealth to himself and his successors; and have promoted, in no ordinary degree, the wealth and prosperity of his country, I^e died in 1823. • Thero ia a good account of Brindley in Aikin's Biographical Biciionary. His intense application, and the anxiety of mind inseparable from the great enterprises in which he was engaged, tcArminatcd his valuable life at the early age of 56. CANALS. 223 The success that attended the Duke of Bridgewater's canals stimulated public-spirited individuals in other districts to undertake similar works. Mr. Brindley had early formed the magnificent scheme of joining the great ports of London, Liverpool, Bristol, and Hull, by a system of internal navigation : and, though he died in 1772, at the early age of 56, he had the satisfaction to see his grand project in a fair way of being realised. The Trent and Mersey, or, as it has been more commonly termed, the Grand Trunk Canal, 96 miles in length, was begun in 1766 and completed in 1777. It stretches from near Runcorn on the Mersey, where it communicates with the Duke of Bridgewaters Canal, to Newcastle-under-Line ; thence southwards to near Titchfield ; and then north- westerly, till it joins the Trent at Wilden Ferry, at the north-western extremity of Leicestershire. A water communication between Hull and Liverpool was thus com- pleted ; and by means of the Staffordshire and Worcestershire Canal, which joins the G rand Trunk near Haywood in the former, and the Severn near Stourport in the latter, the same means of communication was extended to Bristol. During the time that the Grand Trunk Canal was being made, a canal was imdertaken from Liverpool to Leeds, 130 miles in length; another from Birmingham to the Staffordshire and Worcestershire Canal, joining it near Wolverhampton ; and one from Birmingham to Fazeley and thence to Coventry. By canals subsequently undertaken, a communication was formed between the Grand Trunk Canal and Oxford, and consequently with London, completing Brind- ley's magnificent scheme. In 1792, the Grand Junction Canal was begun, which runs in a pretty straight line from Brentford, on the Thames, a little above the metropolis, to Braunston in Northamptonshire, where it unites with the Oxford and other central canals. It is about 90 miles in length. There is a^so a direct water communication, by means of the river Lea navigation, the Cambridge Junction Canal, &c., between London and the Wash. In addition to these, an immense number of other canals, some of them of very great magnitude and importance, have been constructed in different parts of the country ; so that a command of internal navigation has been obtained, unparalleled in any European country, with the exception of Holland. In Scotland, the great canal to join the Forth and Clyde was begun in 1768, but it was suspended in 1777, and was not resumed till after the close of the American war. It was finally completed in 1790. Its total length, including the collateral cuts to Glasgow and the Monkland Canal, is 38| miles. Where highest it is 150 feet above the level of the sea. It is on a larger scale than any of the English canals. Its medium width at the surface is 56, and at the bottom 27 feet. Originally it was about 8 feet 6 inches deep ; but recently its banks have been raised so that the depth of water is now about 10 feet. It has, in all, 39 locks. In completing this canal, many serious difficulties had to be encountered. These, however, were all successfully overcome ; and though improfitable for a while, it has, for many years past, yielded a handsome return to its proprietors. Swift boats, on the plan of those subsequently described, were established on this canal in 1832. — (See Cleland's Statistics of Glasgow, p. 170. &c.) The Union Canal joins the Forth and Clyde Canal near Falkirk, and stretches thence to Edinburgh, being Sl^ miles in length. It is 40 feet wide at the top, 20 at bottom, and 5 deep. It was completed in 1822; but has been, in all respects, a most un- profitable undertaking. Hitherto the proprietors have not received any dividend ; and their prospects, we understand, are little, if ariy thing, improved. A canal intended to form a communication between Glasgow, Paisley, and Ardrossan, was commenced in 1807; but only that portion connecting Glasgow with Paisley and the village of Johnstoun, has hitherto been finished. This part is about 12 miles long; the canal being 30 feet broad at top, 1 8 at bottom, and deep. It was here that the important experiments were originally made on quick travelling by canals, which demon- strated that it was quite practicable to impel a properly constructed boat, carrying passengers and goods, along a canal at the rate of 9 or 10 miles an hour, without injury to the banks ! — ( See post!) The^ Crinan Canal, across the peninsula of Kintyre, is 9 miles long, and 12 feet deep, admitting vessels of 160 tons burden. The Caledonian Canal is the greatest undertaking of the sort attempted in the empire. It stretches S.W. and N.E. across the island from a point near Inverness to another near Fort William. It is chiefly formed by Loch Ness, Loch Oich, and Loch Lochy. The total length of the canal, including the lakes, is 58f miles ; but the excavated part is only 21 1^ miles. At the summit it is 96^ feet above the level of the Western Ocean. It has been constructed upon a very grand scale, being 20 feet deep, 50 feet wide at bot- tom, and 122 at top; the locks are 20 feet deep, 172 long, and 40 broad. Frigates of 32 guns and merchant ships of 1,000 tons burden may pass through it. This canal was opened in 1822. It was executed entirely at the expense of government, from the designs and under the superintendence of Thomas Telford, Esq., on whose skill and talents as an engineer it reflects the highest credit. The entire cost has been 986,924/. tt would, however, appear to have been projected without due consideration, and promises 224. CANALS. to be a very unprofitable speculation. During the year 1829, the total revenue of the canal, arising from tonnage dues and all other sources, amounted to only 2,5151. 6s. 4d.^ while the ordinary expenditure, during the same year, amounted to 4,5731. Os. l^d. ! It is, therefore, very doubtful vi^hether the revenue derived from it will ever be able to defray the expense of keeping it in repair, without allowing any thing for interest of capital. The following is a detailed account of the various items of expenditure on account of thet^laledonian Canal, from 20th of October, 1803, to 1st of May, 1830 : — S s. d. Management and travelling expenses - - - - - 36,691 12 lOf Timber, and carriage thereof - . - . . . 72,317 1 10^ Machinery, cast-iron works, tools, and materials - - - . 128,886 4 7| Quarries and masonry - - - - - . 200,014 4 lOf Shipping ... ..... 11J19 i g Houses and other buildings - - - - - . 5,539 10 6 Labour and workmanship (day-work) . - . 54,209 1 If Labour and workmanship (measure-work) ... . . 418,551 16 8| Purchase of land, and payments on account of damages - - - 47,956 12 9f Purchase and hire of horses and provender - - . . 3,638 12 2| Incidental expenses - - - - . _ 2,820 18 10 Roadmaking - - - - - . 4,579 3 6f Total cost - - £ 986,924 1 6| Some other canals have been projected and completed in different parts of Scotland. Of these the Monkland Canal, for the supply of Glasgow with coal, has been the most successful. The following extract from the share list of Mr. Edmunds, Broker, (9. Change Alley, Cornhill, 12th of October, 1833,) gives an account of the number of shares in the prindpal British canals, the cost or sum actually expended upon each share, the dividend payable upon it, its selling price at the abovementioned date, and the periods when the dividends are payable : — Number of Shares. Names of Canals. Amount of Share. Average Cost per Share. Price per Share. Div. per Annum. Dividend payable. £ s. £ s. d. £ 5. £ s. d. 1 482 AsnDy-ci&'ia"460ucn . . 100 0 113 0 0 74 0 4 0 0 Ap. Oct. 1 766 Ashton and Oldham . - - 113 0 0 136 0 5 0 0 A p. Oct. 720 Barnsley - . . 160 0 217 0 0 290 0 14 0 0 Feb. Aug. 1 260 Basingstoke . . _ 100 0 - 5 5 Ditto bonds ■ • — 100 0 4 000 Birmingham (|th sh.) 17 10 233 10 12 10 "o A p. Oct. 4 000 Sirmiiigh3.ni Sc LivGrpooUunction 100 0 100 0 0 pd. 36 0 477 Bolton and Bury 250- 0 105 0 6 0 0 January. Jan. July. 1,005 Brecknock and Abergavenny 150 0 85 0 4 0 0 600 Bridgewater and Taunton 100 0 100 0 0 pd. 70 0 Calder and Hebble 490 0 1,600 Carlisle - - 50 0 21 10 0 pd. 400 Chelmer and Blackwater 100 0 103 0 5 0 0 January. 1,500 Chesterfield - - - 100 0 176 0 8 0 0 500 Coventry - 100 0 600 0 32 0 0 May, Nov. 1,851 Crinan - - 50 0 2 0 460 Cromford - - - 100 0 300 0 18 0 0 Jan. July. 4,546 Croydon ... 100 0 31 2 10 1 0 11,810/. Ditto bonds 100 0 50 6 5 0 0 600/. Derby - - . 100 0 110 0 0 ' 117 0 6 0 0 Jan. July. 2,060 Dudley - - - 100 0 50 0 2 10 0 Mar. Sept. Edinburgh and Glasgow 100 0 3 15 3,575 EUesmere and Chester 133 0 133 0 0 80 0 0 September 231 Erewash - - - 100 0 750 0 0 705 0 47 0 0 May, Nov. 1,297 Forth and Clyde 100 0 400 10 0 545 0 25 0 0 June, Dec. 600 Glamorganshire 100 0 172 13 4 290 0 13 12 8 (■ Ma. Jun. I Sep. Dec 1,187 Gloucester and Berkeley - . 100 0 13 10 899 Ditto (New) of 10 per cent. 45 0 12 0 11,600 Grand Junction 100 6 224 10 0 " 245 0 0 Jan. July. 1,521 Grand Surrey 100 0 22 0 Apr. Oct 120,000/. Ditto loan - - 80 0 4 0 "o Jan. July. 2,8491 Grand Union 100 0 24 0 1 0 0 1st Oct 3,096 Grand Western 100 0 100 0 0 pd. 21 0 10 0 749 Grantham - - - 150 0 150 0 0 200 0 0 May. Hereford and Gloucester 100 0 1 10 6,238 Huddersfield - 100 0 57 6 6 34 0 0 September 148 Ivel and Ouse Beds ' - 100 0 100 0 0 pd. 115 10 5 0 0 Jan. July. 25,328 Kennet and Avon 100 0 39 18 10 27 0 1 5 0 September. 150 Kensington - 100 0 lOO 0 0 pd. 10 0 11,699J 2,879f 18| Lancaster - 100 0 47 6 8 26 0 1 0 0 April. Leeds and Liverpool 100 0 470 0 20 0 0 May, Nov. May, Nov. Ditto (New) 16 0 0 540 Leicester - - - 140 0 0 ' 175 6 10 0 0 Jan. July. 5 Ditto - 90 0 0 80 0 13 10 0 Jan. July. 1,897 Leicester and Northampton 100 0 83 10 0 80 0 4 0 1^4 0 0 .Ian. July. 70 Loughborough 142 17 0 1,820 0 0 Jan. July. 3,000 Macclesfield 100 6 100 0 0 pd. 50 0 July. 2.50 Melton Mowbray 100 0 190 0 9 0 0 500 Mersey and Irwell Monkland - ► 100 0 750 0 40 0 0 June. 101 100 0 90 0 2,409 Monmouthshire 100 0 100 0 0 ' 198 0 10 0 0 Jan. July. CANALS. 226 Number of Shares. 700 600 247 500 130 52'-i 1,786 2,400 2,520 21,418 5,669 500 500 800 45,000 700 300 3,647 200 533 350 4,805 3,34 i 1,150 1,300 2,600 1,000 1,000| 980 905 20,000 126 6,000 800 Names of Canals. Montgomeryshire North Walsham and Dilham Neath Nottingham Nutbrook Oakham Oxford Peak Forest Portsmouth and Arundel Regent's Rochdale Shrewsbury Shropshire Somerset Coal Ditto Lock Fund Stafford and Worcester Stourbridge Stratford-on- A von Stroudwater Swansea Tavistock Thames and Medway Ditto New Ditto 1st loan Ditto 2d loan Ditto 3d loan Ditto 4th loan Thames and Severn, New Ditto Original Trent and Mersey (i) j Warwick and Birmingham Warwick and Napton Wey and Arun Wilts and Berks Wisbeach Worcester and Birmingham Wyrley and Essington Amount of Averat e Cost Price per IMv. JKT Uivideud hliare. per Share. Share. Annum. payable. £ s. JC S. a. s. a. KjO 85 0 4 0 0 Mar. Aug. 50 Q 50 0 0 |id 10 0 January. 107 10 (J 2'jO 15 0 Q Aug. Feb. 150 0 265 12 0 0 Apr. Oct. 109 0 6 2 0 130 Q 44 0 2 0 0 May. 100 0 595 32 0 0 Mar. Sept. 100 0 48 0 0 77 0 3 10 0 June, Dec. j 50 Q 50 0 0 10 y 100 0 33 16 8 16 15 0 13 6 July. 100 Q 85 0 Q 111 0 4 6 0 May. 125 Q 'J 11 0 0 May, Nov. 125 y lo8 0 7 10 0 June, Doc. 50 Q 170 10 10 0 Jan. July. 12 10 12 10 5 10 p. ct. June.Dec. Q 140 0 Q filO U 0 0 I'eb. Aug. 145 200 0 9 0 0 Jan. July, lu y g 36 I 5 0 August. ISO Q 1 q7i n „ " 23 0 0 May, Nov. loU 0 2z0 0 12 0 0 November. 100 0 2 0 0 100 0 30 4 3 1 0 3 10 2 15 0 p.l. 56 0 0 2 10 0 40 0 Q 2 0 0 5 0 0 * 100 0 Q 5 0 0 June. 33 Q 1 10 0 June, 27 7 1 10 0 June. 50 0 frlQ 0 37 10 0 May, Nov. f 100 I 50 278 0 16 0 0 May, Nov. 100 0 210 0 12 0 0 May, Nov. 110 0 110 0 0 ' 32 0 May. 5 10 0 5 0 June. 105 0 105 0 0 40 0 February, 88 10 4 0 0 Feb. Aug, 125 0 75 0 February, (14.) Irish Canals. — Various canals have been undertaken in Ireland, of which the Grand Canal and the Royal Canal are the principal. The Grand Canal was begun in 1756, by a body of subscribers ; but they could not have completed the work without very lai-ge advances from government. The canal commences at Dublin, and stretches in a westerly direction, inclining a little to the south, to the Shannon, with which it unites near Banagher, a distance of 87 statute miles. But, exclusive of the main trunk, there is a branch to Athy, where it joins the Barrow, a distance of about 26 miles ; and there are branches to Portarlington, Mount Mellick, and some other places. There is also a westerly branch, recently constructed, from the Shannon to Ballinasloe, about 14 miles in length. The total length of the canal, with its various branches, is about 156 Eng. miles. Its summit elevation is 278 feet above the level of the sea at Dublin. It is 40 feet wide at the surface, from 24 to 20 feet at bottom, and has 6 feet water. It cost, in all, above 2,000,000/. In 1829, 191,774 tons of commodities were conveyed along the canal to and from Dublin, and about 67,000 passengers. The tonnage dues on the former amoimted to 31,435/., and the fares of the latter to 10,575/. In 1831, the pro- duce conveyed by the canal had increased to 237,889 tons, and the tonnage dues to 36,736/. We have not learned the number of passengers for this year. Two capital errors seem to have been committed in tlie formation of this canal, — it was framed on too large a scale, and was carried too far north. Had it been 4 or 4§ instead of 6 feet deep, its utility would have been but little impaired, while its expense would have been very materially diminished. But the great error was in its direction. Instead of joining the Shannon about 15 miles above Lough Derg, it should have joined it below Limerick. By this means, barges and other vessels passing from Dublin to Limerick, and conversely, would have avoided the difficult and dangerous navigation of 'the upper Shannon ; the canal would have passed through a comparatively fertile coun- try ; and it would not have been necessary to carry it across the bog of Allen, in which, says Mr. Wakefield, " the company have buried more money than would have cut a spacious canal from Dublin to Limerick." — {Account of Ireland, vol. i. p. 642.) The Royal Canal was undertaken in 1789. It stretches westward from Dublin to the Shannon, which it joins at Tormanbury. Its entire length is about 83 miles ; its highest elevation is 322 feet above the level of the sea. At bottom it is 24 feet wide, having 6 feet depth of water. It has cost, exclusive of interest on stock, loans, &c. advanced by government, 1,421,954/. The tolls produced, in 1831, 12,729/. 6s. \d. — a sum hardly adequate to defray the ordinary wear and tear of the 226 CANALS. canal, and the wages of the persons employed upon it, without leaving any thing for interest of capital ! This canal seems to have been planned in the most injudicious manner. It has the same defect as the Grand Canal, of being extravagantly large ; and throughout its whole course it is nearly parallel to, and not very distant from, the latter. There are consequently two immense canals, where there ought, perhaps, to be none. At all events, it is abun- dantly certain that one canal of comparatively moderate dimensions would have been quite enough for all the business of the district, though it were much greater than it is at this moment, or than it is ever likely to become. Besides the above, there are some other canals, as well as various river excavations, in Ireland ; but hardly one of them yields a reasonable return for the capital expended upon it. They have almost all been liberally assisted by grants of public money ; and their history, and that of the two great canals now adverted to, strikingly corroborates the caustic remark of Arthur Young, that " a history of public works in Ireland would be a history of jobs." — ( Tour in Ireland, part ii. p. 66. 4to ed.) Those who wish to make themselves fully acquainted with the history and state of the canals of Ireland, may consult the valuable Report by Messrs. Henry, Mullins, and M^Mahon, in the Ap- pendix to the Report of the Select Committee of 1830 on the State of Ireland. The pre- vious statements have been derived principally from it, and from the evidence of Nicholas Fleming, Esq. before the same committee. (15.) American Canals. — The United States are pre-eminently distinguished by the spirit with which they have undertaken, and the perseverance they have displayed in exe- cuting the most magnificent plans for improving and extending internal navigation. Besides many others of great, though inferior, magnitude, a canal has been formed connecting the Hudson with Lake Erie. This immense work is 363 miles long, 40 feet wide at the surface, 28 feet wide at the bottom, and 4 feet deep. The locks, 81 in number, exclu- sive of guard locks, are 90 feet long and 14 feet wide, the average lift of each being S\ feet ; they are constructed of stone, and finished, like the rest of the canal, in a substantial and handsome manner. The rise and fall along the entire line is 661 feet. This great work was opened on the 8th of October, 1823, but was not finally completed till 1825. It cost nearly 1,800,000/. sterling, and was executed at the expense of the state of New York. It has completely answered the views of the projectors ; and will remain an example to the other states ; fully justifying the encomiums that have been bestowed upon it. Besides Erie Canal, the state of New York has completed Champlain Canal, stretching from the Hudson, near Albany, to the lake of that name, and two smaller ones. The length, cost, and revenue of these canals are as follow : — Canals. Length. Cost. Tolls, 1829. Tolls, 1830. Tolls, 1831. - Erie Champlain - - - Oswego - - - Cayuga and Seneca Navigable feeders Miles. 363 63 38 20 48i 8 Dollars. 9,027,4.'56-05 1,179,871 -95 525,115-37 214,000-31 Dollars. 707,883-49 87,171-03 9,439-44 8,643-49 Dollars. 954,328-05 78,148-63 12,335-18 11,987-81 Dollars. 1,091,714-26 • 102,896-23 16,271-10 12,920-39 492 10,946,443-68 813,137-45 1,056,799-67 1,222,801-90 I The Chesapeake and Ohio Canal is the largest by far of those now in progress. This truly gigantic work was commenced in 1828. It begins at the tide water of the Po- tomac River above Georgetown, in the district of Columbia, and is to terminate at Pittsburgh, in Pennsylvania, a distance of 341;|- miles. Its dimensions considerably exceed those of the Erie Canal ; its breadth at the surface of the water being from 60 to 80 feet, do. at bottom 50 feet, with a depth of water varying from 6 to 7 feet. The locks are of stone, 100 feet by 15; — amount of lockage required in the whole line, 3,215 feet. At the summit level on the Alleghany mountains, there is a tunnel 4 miles and 80 yards in length. The estimated cost of this vast work was 22,375,000 dollars ; but it is believed that it will be finished for less. — {American Almanack for 1833.) A great number of other canals have been completed in different parts of the Union, and many new ones are now in progress. (16.) Canada Canals. — The British government has expended a very large sum upon the Rideau River and Canal, stretching from Kingston, on I^nke Ontario, to the Ottawa, or Grand River ; but this work was undertaken as much in the view of improving the military defences of Canada, as of promoting its commerce. Tlie expense has been enormous, while the benefits arc contingent and doubtful. (17.) Utility of Canals. — Tiie utility of canals, when judiciously contrivea, and opening an easy communication between ])laces capable of maintaining an extensive intercourse v/ith each other, has never been better set forth than iii a work published in 1765, en- titled " A View of the Advantages of Inland Navigation," &c. But the following ex- CANALS. 227 tract from Macpherson's Annals of Commerce (anno 17G0) contains a brief, and at the same time eloquent, summary of the jjrincijial advantages resulting from their construction. — " They give fresh life to established manufactures, and they encourage the establishment of nevv^ ones, by the ease of transjjorting the materials of manufacture and provisions ; and thence we see new villages start up upon the borders of canals in places formerly condemned to sterility and solitude. They invigorate, and in many places create, internal trade, which, for its extent and value, is an object of still more importance than foreign commerce, and is exempted from the many hardships and dan- gers of a maritime life and changes of climate. And they greatly promote foreign trade ; and consequently enrich the merchants of the ports where they, or the navigable rivers they are connected with, terminate, by facilitating the exportation of produce from, and the introduction of foreign merchandise into, the interior parts of the country, which are thus placed nearly on a level with the maritime parts ; or, in other words, the interior- parts become coasts, and enjoy the accommodations of shipping. The ])rice of provisions is nearly equalised through the whole country ; the blessings of Providence are more uniformly distributed ; and the monopolist is disappointed in his schemes of iniquity and oppression, by the ease wherewith provisions are transported from a con- siderable distance. The advantages to agriculture, which provides a great part of the materials, and almost the whole of the subsistence, required in carrying on manufactures and commerce, are pre-eminently great. Manure, marl, lime, and all other bulky articles, which could not possibly bear the great expense of cartage, and also corn and other produce, can be carried at a very light expense on canals; whereby poor lands are enriched, and barren lands are brought into cultivation, to the great emolument of the farmer and landholder, and the general advantage of the community, in an aug- mented supply of the necessaries of life and materials of manufactures ; coals (the im- portance of which to a manufacturing country, few people, not actually concerned in manufactures, are capable of duly appreciating), stone, lime, iron ore, and minerals in general, as well as many other articles of great bulk in proportion to their value, which had hitherto lain useless to their proprietors by reason of the expense, and, in many cases, impossibility, of carriage, are called into life, and rendered a fund of wealth, by the vicinity of a canal ; which thus gives birth to a trade, whereby, in return, it is maintained. The cheap, certain, and pleasant conveyance of travellers by the treckschuyts in Holland, has been admired by all who have been in that country ; and it must be owing to the universal desire in this country of flying over the ground with the greatest possible rapidity, that a mode of travelling so exceedingly easy to the purse and the person is so little used here. Neither ought we entirely to forget, among the advantages of canals, the pleasure afforded to the eye and the mind by a beautiful moving landscape of boats, men, horses, &c. busied in procuring subsistence to themselves, and in diffusing opu- lence and convenience through the country. And, in a word, we have now the expe- rience of about 40 years to establish as a certain truth, what was long ago said by Dr. Adam Smith, that ' navigable canals are among the greatest of all improvements.' " (18.) Increased Speed of Travelling by Canals. — Great, however, as have been the ad- vantages derived from the formation of canals, it is not improbable that their further progress may be in some degree checked by the formation of Railroads (which see). We believe, however, that the proprietors of most of the existing canals have very little to fear from this cause. The recent improvements in the art of constructing and propel- ling canal vessels promise to be of very great national importance, and will enable the canal owners still better to withstand the competition of the railroad companies. Tlie new system was introduced on the Paisley and Glasgow Canal, by Mr. Houston, in June, 1831. The results are described in the following statements, to which it is unnecessary to call the reader's attention. Mr. Thomas Grahame, civil engineer, in his " Letter to Canal Proprietors and Traders " says, " The experiments of great velocity have been tried and proved on the narrowest, shalloivcst, and most curved canal in Scotland, viz. the Ardrossan or Paisley Canal, connecting the city of Glasgow with the town of Paisley and village of Johnstoun, — a distance of 12 miles." The result has disproved every previous theory as to difficulty and expense of attaining great velocity on canals; and as to the danger or damage to their banks by great velocity in moving vessels along them. " The ordinary speed for the conveyance of passengers on the Ardrossan Canal has, for nearly 2 years, been from nine to ten miles an hour ; and, although there are fourteen journeys alongthe canal per day, at this rapid speed, its banks have sustained no injury. The boats are 70 feet in length, about 5 feet 6 inches broad, and, but for the extreme narrowness of the canal, might be made broader. They carry easily from 70 to 80 passengers ; and when required, can and have carried upwards of 110 passengers. The entire cost of a boat and fittings up is about 1-25/. '1 he hulls are formed of light iron Jilates and ribs, and the covering is of wood and light oiled cloth. They are more airy, light, and com- fortable than any coach. They permit the passengers to move about from the outer to the inner cabin, and the fares per mile are one penny in the first, and three farthings in the second cabiji. The passengers are all carried under cover, having the privilege also of an uncovered space. These boats are drawn by 2 horses (the prices of which may be from 50/. to 60/. per pair), in stages of 4 miles in length, which are done in from 22 to 25 minutes, including stoppages to let out and take in passengers, each set of horses doing 3 or 4 stages alternately each day. In fact, the boats are drawn through this narrow and shallow canal, at a velocity which many celebrated engineers had demonstrated, and u hich the public believed, to be impossible. ** The entire amount of the whole expenses of attendants and horses, and of running one of these bcata Q 2 '22S CANARY SEED. — CANDLE. 4 trips of 12 miles each (the length of the canal), or 48 miles daily, including interest on the capital, and 20 per cent, laid aside annually for replacement of the boats, or loss on the capital therein vested, and a considerable sum laid aside for accidents and replacement of the horses, is 700A some odd shillings ; or, taking the number of working days to be 312 annually, something under 21. 2s. 4rf. per day, or about lid. per mile. The actual cost of carrying from 80 to 100 persons a distance of 30 miles (the length of the Liverpool railway), at a velocity of nearly 10 miles an hour, on the Paisley Canal, one of the most curved, narrow, and shallow in Britain, is therefore just 1/. 7s. 6d. sterling. Such are the facts, and, incredible as they may appear, they are facts which no one who inquires can possibly doubt." The following statement by Mr. Macneill shows the gross expense of running old heavy boats on the Paisley Canal at the rate of 4 miles per hour, and new light boats, on the same canal, at the rate of 10 miles per hour, and the comparative expense per mile ; also the number of passengers carried before and after^the introduction of the new system. 1830.* 1831.t 1832. t Speed, 10 hours - - miles Number of passengers carried Number of miles run each day . - - Gross expense in the year - . - Cost per mile, year taken at 312 days 4 32,831 48 £ s. d. 700 4 7 0 0 11 10 79,455 varying £ s. d. 1,316 17 5 10 148,561 152 £ s. d. 218 5 11 0 0 10| The power of conveyance thus established on the Paisley Canal may be judged of from the fact, that on the 31st of December, 1832, and 31st of January, 1833, there were conveyed in these boats nearly 2,500 passengers. The increase still continues. The number carried in April, 1833, being 20,000, or at the rate of 240,000 a year. — {Macneill on the Resistance of Water, 4'C. p. 5.) (19.) Profits of Canals. — It is a Well-known fact, that canals, at an average, and allow- ing for the length of time that nnust elapse from the first outlay of capital before they yield any return, are not very productive. When, indeed, they connect places that have an extensive intercourse, and when no very extraordinary difficulties have to be surmounted in their construction, they most commonly yield very large profits; but, generally speaking, this does not appear to be the case ; and, on the whole, they seem to have been more heneficial to the public than to their projectors. It is customary to insert clauses in the acts authorising canals to be cut, limiting the charge which the proprietors shall be entitled to impose upon the goods conveyed by them. But we think that the dividend ought also to be limited ; and that it should be stipulated that whatever a moderate toll yielded over and above defraying this dividend, and providing for the repair of the canal, should be accumulated as a fund in order to buy up the stock of the canal, so that the toll may ultimately be reduced to such a sum as may suffice merely to meet the necessary repairs. We are not aware that any good objection could be made to a plan of this sort ; and had it been adopted in this country, there are several instances in which it would have been very advantageous for the public. When the canal of Languedoc was completed, the most likely method, it was found, of keeping it in constant repair, was to make a present of the tolls to Riquet the en- gineer. " These tolls constitute," says Dr. Smith, " a very large estate to the different branches of the family of that gentleman ; who have, therefore, a great interest to keep the work in constant repair. But had these tolls been put under the management of commissioners, who had no such interest, they might, perhaps, have been dissipated in ornamental and unnecessary expenses, while the most essential parts of the work were allowed to go to ruin." Dr. Smith ought, however, to have mentioned that Riquet advanced a fourth part of the entire sum laid out upon the canal (Duteyis, Navigation Interievre de la France, tom. i. p. 119. &c.); an.d that officers were appointed by the crown to see that the tolls were not rendered oppressive, and the canal kept in good order. At the Revolution, most part of the property of the canal was confiscated ; but at the restoration of the Bourbons in 1814, such parts of the confiscated property as had not been sold were restored to the successors of M. Riquet, who have at this mo- ment the principal management of the canal. *^* The accompanying map of the canals, railroads, &c. of Great Britain and Ireland, has been executed with great care and attention ; and will, we hope, be found to be a valuable acquisition. Those who wish to see them laid down on a larger scale, are re- ferred to the magnificent six sheet map, published by J. Walker, Esq. of Wakefield. This rnap, which is equally correct and beautiful, is a truly national work, and well deserves the public patronage. " An Historical Account of the Navigable Rivers and Canals, &c. of Great Britain," in 4to, attached to it by way of Index, is both an accurate and a useful publication. CANARY SEED. See Seed. CANDLE (Ger. Lichter, Kerzen ; Du. Kaarzen ; Fr. Chandelle ; It. Candelle ; Sp. and Port. Velas ; Rus. Swjetschi ; Lat. Candeld), a taper of tallow, wax, or sper- maceti, the wick of which is commonly of several threads of cotton spun and twisted together. * These charges are the bare outlays. + These charges include loss on purchase and sale of additional horses, and 10 per cent, on cost of horses and boats, deposited in a contingent fund. CANDLESTICKS. — CANNON. 229 Dr. Ure gives the following table, as containing tlie result of certain experiments he had made, in order to determine the relative intensity of the light, and the duration of different sorts of tallow candles : — Number in a I'ound. Duration of a Caudle. Weight in Grains. Consumption ])er Hour, in Grains. I'roportion of Light. Economy of lAnht. Candles wjual one Argand. 10 mould. 5 h. i) m. 682 132 68 5-7 10 dipped, 4 36 672 WO 13 5-25 8 mould. 6 31 8.56 132 lOi 6-6 6 do. 7 n 1,160 163 14| 6(i 5 0 4 do. 9 36 1,787 186 2()i 80 3 5 Argand oil flame. .012 69-4 100 " A Scotch mutchkin," says Dr. Ure, " or |^ of a gallon of good seal oil, weighs 6,010 gr., or IS-j'^oz. avoirdupois, and lasts in a bright Argand lamp 11 hours 44 minutes. The weight of oil it consumes per hour is equal to 4 times the weight of tallow in candles 8 to the pound, and 3^^ times the weight of tallow in candles 6 to the pound. But its light being equal to that of 5 of the latter candles, it appears from the above table, that 2 lbs. weight of oil, value 9d., in an Argand, are equivalent in illumin- ating power to 3 lbs. of tallow candles, which cost about 2s. The larger the flame in the above candle.s, the greater the economy of light." Until 1831, when it was repealed, candles were, for a lengthened period, subject to an excise duty ; and their consumption was, in consequence, pretty exactly ascertained. An Account of the Rates of Duty separately charged on Tallow, Wax, and Spermaceti Candles, the Number of Pounds' Weight of each Sort produced, and the Total atinual Nett Revenue derived from Candles, in Great Britain, in each Year since 18'20. — {Pari. Paper, No. 468. Sess. 1830.) Pounds' Weight of Candles. Rate of Duty per lb. Rate of Duty per lb. Spermaceti. Rate of Duty per lb. 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 18i.'8 1829 88,352,461 93,816,346 98,311,801 102,461,879 109,810,900 114,187,.'350 110,102,643 1 14,939,578 117,342,157 115,156,808 692,705 697,196 682,241 694,194 759,751 851,370 705,615 713,655 748,293 746,052 193,463 165,647 179,208 180,401 179,454 208,377 201,790 226,277 270,263 303,683 £ s. 373,455 14 395,911 8 415,609 15 433.537 15 466>12 16 485,014 8 467,069 12 487,318 3 497,770 2 489,059 1 Candle, Sale or Auction hy Inch of, is when a small piece of candle being lighted, the bystanders are allowed to bid for the merchandise that is selling : but the moment the candle is out, the commodity is adjudged to the last bidder. CANDLESTICKS (Ger. Leuchter ; Du. Kandelaars ; Fr. Chandeliers; It. Can- dellieri ; Sp. Candeleros ; Rus. PodsweschnikU) are of silver, brass, iron, bronze, tin japanned, or copper plated, made of different patterns and sorts. The best plated can- dlesticks are manufactured at Sheffield ; the common sort of plated ones, as also brass, japanned, &c. are made at Birmingham. CANELLA ALBA(Fr. Candle hlanche ; Ger. Weisser Zimmet ; It. Canella Uanca Sp. Canella Uanca ; Lat. Canella alba), the inner bark of the Canella alba, a tree growing in the West Indies. It is brought to this country packed in casks and cases, in long pieces, some rolled in quills and others flat ; the quilled sort is considerably thicker than cinnamon, and the flat nearly ^ of an inch in thickness. The quilled pieces are yellow on both sides ; the flat pieces are yellow on the outside and pale brown within. The odour of both kinds, when fresh broken, is aromatic, something like a mixture of cloves and cinnamon ; and the taste slightly bitter, and extremely warm and pungent, CANES. See Bamboo, Rattans. CANNON, CANNONS (Du. Kanonen ; Fr. Canons; Ger. Kanonen ; It. Cannoni ; Pal. Dziala ; For. Canhoes ; Rus. Puschki ; Sp. Canones ; Sv/. Kanon), a kind of long hollow engines for throwing iron, lead, or stone balls by the foice of gunpowder. They are commonly made of iron, but frequently also of a mixture of copper, tin, and brass. They are either cast hollow, or solid and then bored ; those made in the latter way- being very superior. Brass cannons, or cannons made of mixed metal, are said not ta be so well calculated for hard service, or quick and continued firing, as those made of iron. The proportions of the ingredients used in making the former do not diflfer materially in different countries, though they rarely coincide. To 240 lbs. of metal fit for casting, we commonly put 68 lbs. of copper, 52 lbs. of brass, and 12 lbs. of tin. To 4,200 lbs. of metal fit for casting, the Germans put 3,687,^^ lbs. of copper, 204^ lbs. of Q 3 230 CANTHARIDES. — CANTON. brass, and 307f f lbs. of tin. Others, again, use 100 lbs. of copper, 6 lbs. of brass, and 9 lbs. of tin ; and others, 100 lbs. of copper, 10 lbs. of brass, and 15 lbs. of tin. It seems to be the general opinion that cannon were first made use of in 1 336 or 1338; but Don Antonio de Capmany has produced some statements, which render it almost certain that some sort of artillery was used by the Moors in Spain so early as 1312. — ( Questiones Criticas, p. 181. &c.) Cannons were certainly used by the English in 1347 at the siege of Calais, and by the Venetians at Chioggia in 1366, and in their wars with the Genoese in 1379 and 1380. The Turks employed them at the sieges of Constantinople, in 1394 and 1453. When first introduced, they were for the most part very heavy and unwieldy, and threw balls of an enormous size : they were, however, owing to their frequently bursting, about as dangerous to those vising them as to their opponents. There is a valuable article on the construction and history of cannons in Mees's Cyclopcedia ; but it was published previously to the appearance of Capmany's work referred to above. CANTHARIDES, or SPANISH FLY (Fr. Canthandes, Mouches Espagne ; Ger. Spanisclie Fliegen ; It. Cantarelle ; Lat. Cantharis ; Rus. Hischpanskie muchi ; Sp. Cantaridas). This insect is found on a variety of shrubs in Spain, Italy, France, &c. Those used in this country are imported partly from Sicily, but principally from Astracan, packed in casks and small chests. The best are of a lively fresh colour, a small size, and not mouldy. They are frequently adulterated with the Melolontha vitis ; but this is distinguishable by its form, which is squarer than the cantharis, and by its black feet. If they be properly dried and protected from the air, they may be kept for a very long period. — ( Thomson's Dispensatory. ) CANTON, one of the greatest emporiums in the East, ranking, as a' port of trade, either before, or immediately after, Calcutta, situated in the province of Quantong, in China ; being the only place in that empire frequented by European traders : lat. 23° 7' lO" N., Ion. 113° 14' E. Canton stands on the eastern bank of the Pekiang River, which flows from the interior in a navigable stream of 300 miles to this city, where it is rather broader than the Thames at London Bridge ; falling, after an additional course of 80 miles, into the southern sea of China. Near its junction with the sea, it is called by foreigners Bocca Tigris. The town is surrounded by a thick wall, built partly of stone and partly of 'orick, and is divided into 2 parts by another wall running east and west. The northern division is called the Old, and the southern the New City. In the old city is the Mantchou or Tartar general, with a garrison of Mantchou troops under his command. The lieutenant-governor or Fooyuen's office is also in the old city, but the governor and Hoppo (principal customs officer) reside in the new city, not far from the river. All foreign commerce is conducted in the south-west suburb, where the foreign fac- tories are situated ; and which, with the other suburbs, is probably not less populous than the city itself. The residence of Europeans is confined to a very small space, on the banks of the river ; Avhich might, however, be as pleasant as a crowded mercantile place can well be, were it not for the great number of small dwelling boats, which cover the face of the river. The people who occupy the larger portion of these boats are said to have come originally from the south ; and being a foreign and despised race, were not, at first, allowed to dwell on shore ; but most of the distinctions between them and the rest of the people have been abolished. Although Canton is situated nearly in the same parallel of latitude as Calcutta, there is a considerable difference in their temperature ; the former being much the coolest, and requiring fires during the winter months. The streets of Canton are very narrow, paved with little round stones, and flagged close to the sides of the houses. The front of every house is a shop, and those of particular streets are laid out for the supply of strangers ; China-street is appropriated to Europeans ; and here the productions of almost every part of the globe are to be found. One of the shopkeepers is always to be found sitting on the counter, writing with a camel's hair brush, or calculating with his swanpan, on which instrument a Chinese will perform operations in numbers with as much celerity as the most expert European arithmefician. This part of Canton being much frequented by the seamen, every artifice is used by the Chinese retailers to attract their attention ; each of them having an English name for himself painted on the outside of his shop, be- sides a number of advertisements composed for them by the sailors in their own peculiar idiom. The latter, it may be supposed, are often duped by their Chinese friends, who have, in general, picked up a few sea phrases, by which the seamen are induced to enter their shoj)s : but they suit each other extremely well ; as the Chinese dealers possess an imperturbable command of temper, laugh lioartily at their jokes without understanding ihcm, and humour the seamen in all their sallies. Ships only ascend the river as far as Whampoa, about 15 miles below Canton ; load- ing and unloading by means of native boats. The Chinese, considered as traders, are eminently active, persevering, and intelligent. CANTON. 231 They are, in fact, a highly commercial people; and the notion that was onco very gene- rally entertained, of their being peculiarly characterised by a contempt of commerce and of strangers, is as utterly unfounded as any notion can possibly l)e. Business is transacted at Canton with great despatch ; and it is affirmed, by Mr. Milburn, and by most of the witnesses examined before the late parliamentary committees, tliat there is no port in tlie world, where cargoes may be sold and bought, unloaded and loaded, with more business-like speed and activity. The fears, whether real or pretended, of disturbances arising from a want of discipline in the crews of private ships, have been proved to be in a great degree futile ; the Americans and other private traders having rarely experienced the slightest inconvenience from any tumults between their sailors and the natives. Provisions and refreshments of all sorts are abundant at Canton, and, in general, of an excellent quality ; nor is the price exorbitant. Every description of them, dead or alive, is sold by weight. It is a curious fact, that the Chinese make no use of milk, either in its liquid state, or in the shape of curds, butter, or cheese. Among the delicacies of a Chinese market are to be seen horse flesh, dogs, cats, hawks, and owls. The country is well supplied with fish from the numerous canals and rivers by which it is intersected. Foreign Factories, — These extend for a considerable way along the banks of the river, at the distance of about 100 yards. They are named, by the Chinese, hongs, and resemble long courts, or closes, without a thoroughfare, which generally contain 4 or 5 separate houses. They are built on a broad quay, and have a parade in front. This promenade is railed in, and is generally called Respondentia Walk ; and here the European merchants, commanders, and officers of the ships, meet after dinner and enjoy the cool of the evening. The English hong, or factory, far surpasses the others in elegance and extent. This, with the American and Dutch hongs, are the only ones that keep their national flags flying. The neighbourhood of the factories is occupied with warehouses for the reception of European goods, or of Chinese productions, until they are shipped. In 1822, during a dreadful conflagration that took place at Canton, the British factories and above 10,000 other houses were destroyed ; on which occasion the East India Com- pany's loss was estimated at 500,000Z. sterling, three fifths in woollens. For the space of 4 or 5 miles opposite to Canton, the river resembles an extensive floating city, consisting of boats and vessels ranged parallel to each other, leaving a narrow^ passage for others to pass and repass. In these the owners reside with their families ; the latter rarely visiting the shore. All the business at Canton with Europeans is transacted in a jargon of the English language. The sounds of such letters as B, D, R, and X, are utterly unknown in China. Instead of these they substitute some other letter, such as L for R, which occasions a Chinese dealer in rice to offer for sale in English a rather unmarketable commodity. The name mandarin is unknown among the Chinese ; the woi'd used by them to denote a person in authority being quart. Mandarin is a Portuguese word de- rived from the verb mandar, to command. — {Hamilton'' s East India Gazetteer ; Milburn' s Orient. Commerce ; Companion to Anglo- Chinese Calendar, Macao, 1832, §*c.) Conduct of Chinese Government. — The only real difficulty in trading with China originates in the despotism, pride, and jealousy of the government, and in the general corruption of its officers. The former affects to treat all foreigners with contempt, and is always exposing them to insult ; while the latter endeavour to multiply and enforce vexatious regulations and demands, that they may profit by the douceurs given for their evasion. Hitherto we have submitted with exemplary forbearance to every annoyance the Chinese authorities have chosen to inflict ; but it is questioned by some whether this be the most politic course. The imbecility and powerlessness of the government is at least equal to its pride and presumption ; and in the event of its attempting to stop the trade, or to subject those engaged in it to unmerited ill treatment, it is contended that we ought, in the event of redress being refused on the presentation of a remonstrance, to vindicate our rights by force. We are rather disposed to concur in tliis opinion. We believe that little more than a demonstration would be necessary ; and that the appear- ance of a single ship of the line in the Chinese seas would have more influence over the court of Pekin than a dozen ambassadors. But it is essential, before employing this sort of negociators, that we be well assured that we have jvistice on our side, and that our own misconduct has not occasioned the interruptions and annoyances complained of. The superintendents about to be sent to Canton — (see post) — should be vested with full powers to prevent, if possible, and, at all events, suitably to punish, any British subject who may act so as to give just cause of offence to the Chinese. We have a right to claim fair treatjnent from them, as we have a right to claim it from the Americans, or any other people ; but we have no right to expect that our claim should be regarded, imless we respect the prejudices of the people, and the equitable rules and regulations of the government. Trade to the North of China. — At present, all foreign trade with China is confined to Q 4 232 CANTON. the port of Canton ; but this was not the case foi- a long time after China was visited by British ships, and it appears highly probable that it will be again extended towards the north. The interesting details given in the account of the voyage of the ship Amherst along the Chinese coasts show that the people are every whei'e most anxious for an inter- course with foreigners, and that the law is the only obstacle to its being carried on to a very great extent. But, where the people are so well disposed to trade, the officers so corrupt, and the government so imbecile, it may, we think, be fairly anticipated that the unalterable laws of the " Celestial Empire" will not prove a very serious obstacle to such private individuals as may choose to engage in a clandestine trade with the northern provinces. The smuggler is even more omnipotent in China than in Spain. The ex- tent and perfect -regularity with which the trade in opium is carried on, in defiance of all the efforts of government for its suppression, shows how unable it is to contend against the inclinations of its subjects, which, fortunately, are all in favour of a free and liberal intercourse with foreigners. Monies. — Accounts are kept at Canton in taels, mace, candarines, and cash ; the tael being divided into lOinace, 100 candarines, or l,000cash. Tlicre is but one kind of moneymade in China, called cash, which is not coined but cast, and which is only used for small payments : it is"composed of 6 parts of copper and 4 of lead ; it is round, marked on one side, and rather raised at the edges, with a square hole in the middle. These pieces are commonly carried, like beads, on a string of wire. A tael of fine silver sliould be worth 1,000 cash ; but, on account of their convenience for common use, their price is sometimes so much raised that only 750 casli are given for the tael. Foreign coins, however, circulate here, particularly Spanish dollars; and for small change they are cut into very exact proportions, but afterwards weighed ; for which purpose merchants generally carry scales, called dotchin, made somewhat after the plan of the English steelyards. The tael is reckoned at 6s. M. sterling in the books of the East India Company ; but its value varies, and is generally computed according to the price paid per ounce for Spanish dollars in I>ondon. The tables given for this proportional value may be calculated in pence sterling, by the multiplier r208. Thus, if the price of the Spanish dollar be fiOr/. per ounce, the value of the tael will be 60 x 1208 = 72-48d. ; if at 66f/., the value of the tael will be 79-728rf. ; and for any other price in the same proportion. Fineness of Gold and Silver. — The fineness of gold and silver is expressed by dividing the weight into 100 parts, called toques or touch ; similar to the modern practice of France. Thus, if an ingot be 93 touch, it is understood to contain 7 parts of alloy and 93 of pure metal, making in the whole 100. The fineness of the precious metals, expressed in these decimal proportions, may be converted into English proportions by the following analogies : — Suppose gold is 91'66 touch, say, as 100 : 91"66 : : 12 : 11, the standard, and vice versa ; and to convert standard silver into touch, say, as 240 : 222 :: 100 : 92"5, the touch of sterling silver. Pure gold or silver without alloy is called by the Chinese sycee; and sometimes, when of less purity, the metal is accepted as sycee. Silver Ingots are used as money, and weigh from | a tael to 100 taels, their value being determined by their weight. These ingots are of the best sort of silver ; that is, about 94 touch. • Gold Ingots. — Gold is not considered as money, but as merchandise : it is sold in regular ingots of a determined weight, which the English call shoes of gold : the largest of these weigh 10 taels each ; and the gold is reckoned 94 touch, though it may be only 92 or 93. Weights. — Gold and silver are weighed by the catty of 16 taels ; the tael is divided into 10 mace, 100 candarines, or 1,000 cash. 100 taels are reckoned to weigh 120 oz. 16dwts. Troy, which makes the tael equal to 579 8 English grains, or 37 566 grammes. The principal weights for merchandise are the picul, the catty, and the tael j the picul being divided into 100 catties, or 1,600 taels. Lbs. oz. dwts. 1 Tael weighs, avoirdupois - - - 0 1 5 333 = 1^ oz. 16 Taels, or 1 catty . . - 1 5 5-333 = li lb. 100 Catties, or 1 picul - . - 133 5 5-333 = 133.4 lbs. Hence the picul weighs 60 472 kilogrammes, or 162 lbs. Ooz. 8 dwts. 13grs. Troy. The above weights are sometimes otherwise denominated, especially by the natives : thus, the catty is called gin ; the tael, lyang ; the mace, tchen ; the candarine, fivan ; and the cash, lis. There are no commercial measures in China, as all dry goods and liquids are sold by weight. In de- livering a cargo, English weights are used, and afterwards turned into Chinese piculs and catties. I.mg Measure. — That used in China is the covid or cobre ; it is divided into 10 punts, and is equal to 0 3713 metres, or 14 625 English inches. The Chinese have 4 different measures answering to the foot, viz. Metres. Eng. inches. The foot of the mathematical tribunal = 0-333 = 13 125 The builders' foot; called congpu - = 0-3228 = 12-7 The tailors' and tradesmen's foot - =: 0*3383 = 13*33 The foot used by engineers - . = 0-3211 = 12-65 The li contains 180 fathoms, each 10 feet of the last-mentioned length ; therefore the li = 1,897J English feet; and 192^ lis measure a mean degree of the meridian nearly: but European missionaries in China have divided the degree into 200 lis, each li making 1,826 Enghsh feet; which gives the degree 69-166 English miles, or 11 '131 French myriametres. European Trade at Canton. — As soon as a vessel arrives among the islands which front the entrance to the Canton river, she is generally boarded by a pilot, who conducts her into Macao roads. The entrance is, however, so safe, that ships push on without waiting for the pilot, who, if the weather be bad, is .sometimes long in coming on board. The pilots' names are registered at the Keun inin-foo's office, near Macao ; and for a licence to act, the sum of 600 dollars is paid. The person who takes out the licence sometimes knows nothing about ships or the river ; but employs fishermen to do the duty. On the vessel's arrival in Macao roads, the pilot goes on shore, to report her at the office of the keun-min-foo, who, when he has received answers to his inquiries, gives a permit for her to pass through the Bogue, and orders a river pilot on board. This pilot seldom repairs on board the vessel before 24 hours have elai)sed. "When arrived, the vessel ])roceeds through the Rogue, and up the Canton river, to Whampoa. Every ship that enters the port is required to have a hong merchant as security for the duties, and a linguist, and comprador, before slie can commence unloading. 'J'he master is required to give a written declaration, in dui)Ucate, solemnly alRrniing that the ship has brought no opium. The East India Com- pany's ships alone are excused giving this declaration. The hong or security merchants (at present 10 in number) are the only individuals legally permitted to trade with foreigners. To obtain this privilege, they have to pay largely; and when once become merchants, they arc rarely allowed to retire, and are at all times subject to severe exactions from (he local CANTON. 233 govcrnmont. The linguists arc government interpreters, who procure permits for delivering and taking in cargo, transact all the Custom-house business, and keep accounts of the duties. All the minor charges of the government, also, arc paid by them ; in consideration of wliich they receive a fee of about 173 dollars, i)reviously to the vessel's departure. When a vessel wishes to discharge or receive cargo, the linguist is informed, a day or two previously, what kind of goods are to be received or discharged, and in what quantities. He then applies for a permit, which being issued, the lighters or chop-boats proceed to Whampoa, where tl)ey usually arrive on the evening of the second or morning of the third day. For a single boat the linguist receives a fee of 23 dollars ; but if a permit be obtained for from 2 to 6 boats at a time, the fee for each boat is only 11 taeli 2 mace 6 cand., or about dollars. When the goods are ready to be landed from or sent to the ship, the hopp6 (principal Custom-house officer) sends a domestic, a writer, and a police runner; the hong merchant who has secured the ship sends a domestic, called a court going man (one who attends at the public offices, on ordinary occasions, in behalf of his master) ; and the linguist sends an accountant and interpreter, to attend at the cxarnin- atioJi of the goods. The hong merchants are always held responsible by the government for i)aying all duties, whether on imports or exi)orts in foreign vessels ; and, therefore, when goods are purchased, it is customary for the parties, before fixing the price, to arrange between themselves who is actually to pay the duties. The hong merchants are required to consider the duties payable to government as the most important part of their affairs. If a merchant fail to pay at the proper period, his hong, house, and all his property are seized, and sold to pay the amount; and if all that he possesses be inadequate, he is sent into banishment at Ele, in Western Tartary, which the Chinese call the " cold country ; " and the body of hong merchants are commanded to pay in his stead. Of an import cargo, each chop-boat, according to rule, which, however, is not rigidly enforced, should contain, — of woollens, camlets, and long-ells, 140 bales ; tin, 500 bars ; lead, GOO pigs ; Bombay cotton, 5.J bales ; Bengal cotton, 80 bales ; betel nut, pepper, &c., 300 i)iculs. Of export goods, a chop-boat should take, — of tea, 600 chests ; of other sorts of goods, .TOO piculs. If more than this, the hong merchant gives to the chop-boat, for each additional picul, G| tlollars. In calculating the duties on export goods, 90 catties are considered 100. The woollens, long-ells, and camlets, are measured by the chang of 10 covids, without any deduction ; and single articles are numbered. Each ship may export, of silk, 88 piculs ; the duty on each picul is 10| dollars. Those ships that want more, avail themselves of the names of ships which have exported none ; and the Custom-house connives at this, on receiving a fee of 14^ dollars per picul. If, after entering the port, any i)ersons tranship goods, it is considered that the one ship sold them to the other ; and, in that case, the same duty has to be paid as if the goods were brought up to Canton, Provisions are not included in this regulation. Ships' boats are not allowed to carry up or down any thing chargeable with duty. Gold, silver, copper, and iron are prohibited to be exported; a few culinary utensils are the only exception. When it is desired to export treasure, the hong merchant must make an estimate of the value of the import and export cargoes ; and whatever balance there may be in favour of the ship, may then be shipped off as treasure. The whole amount of tutenague that is allowed to be exported by foreign ships, including the Por- tuguese at Macao, is 100,000 catties ; but regulations of this sort may be easily evaded. If more cargo be sent to a ship than she can take on board, and she wishes it to be shipped on board another, it must be done within 3 days after announcing the goods at the Custom-house, and a hong merchant must state it to government ; if granted, a hong merchant and linguist are ordered to go to Whampoa and take an account of such goods ; all which, with the expense of boats, runners, &c. at Whampoa, costs 40 or 50 dollars. — {Companion to Anglo-Chinese Calendar for 1832, pp. 99—101.) Hong, or Security Merchants. — It may be supposed, perhaps, from the previous state- ments, that cUfEculties are occasionally experienced before a hong merchant can be pre- vailed upon to become security for a ship ; but such is not the ^ase. None of them has ever evinced any hesitation in this respect. The Americans, who have had as many as forty ships in one year at Canton, have never met with a refusal. The captain of a mer- chant ship may resort to any hong merchant he pleases, and, by way of making him some return for his becoming security, he generally buys from him 100/. or 200Z. worth of goods. Individuals are, however, at perfect liberty to deal with any hong merchant, whether he has secured their ship or not, or with any outside merchant ; that is, 7oilh any Chinese merchant not belonging to the hong. So that, though there are only 10 hong merchants at Canton, there is, notwithstanding, quite as extensive a choice of merchan*.s with whom to deal in lhat city, as in either Liverpool or New York. Duties. — It is very difficult, or rather, perhaps, impossible, to get any accurate account of the duties on goods exported and imported. They are almost always paid by the Chinese, though they must, of course, frequently be borne by the foreigner. Imported goods are weighed on board, and the duty paid by the purchaser ; the duty on those exported is paid by the seller. The officers are notoriously corrupt ; and it is a common practice to give them a douceur to under-rate the weight of the goods. Foreign Merchants. — These consist of British, American, French, Dutch, Danish, Swedish, Spanish, and Portuguese, with Persee and Indian Mohammedan British subjects, and in 1832 amounted in number to above 110. The principal mercantile firms consisted of 8 British establishments, 7 American establishments, and 1 joint French and Dutch establishment. The Americans, French, and Dutch have each a consular ageiit ; and though these functionaries be not publicly recognised by the Imperial government, all public business is conducted with them by the provincial government, through the agency of the hong merchants. Newspapers and Public Accommodations. — At Canton, there are 2 English newspapers; viz the " Canton Register," once a fortnight, with a Price Current ; and the " Chinese Courier," once a week. There are 3 hotels, a billiard room, and 3 European shops or warehouses upon a large scale, with surgeons, apothecaries, watch-makers, and boat-buildcis. 234 CANTON. General Rates of Agency/ Commission in China, agreed upon the 1st of November, 1831 ; in confirm, ation of those fixed by a meeting of merchants on the 1st of March, 1825. 17. Effecting remittances by bills of the agent or otherwise, on purchasing or negociat- ing bills of exchange - 5 per cent. 3 ditto. 2i ditto. 1 ditto. 1 ditto. ^ commission. 2i per cent. 1. On all sales or pvirchases of goods, except the following 2. On all sales or purchases of opium, cotton cochineal, quicksilver, camphor-barroes, birds' nests, diamonds and other precious stones, or pearls, ships, and houses 3. On returns, if in goods 4. On ditto, if in treasure, bullion, or bills • 5. On sale, purchase, or shipment of bullion 6. On all goods, treasure, &c. consigned, and afterwards withdrawn or sent to auction, and on goods consigned for conditional delivery to others 7. Ordering goods, or superintending the ful- filment of contracts, where no other commLssion is derived 8. On all advances of money for the purposes of trade, whether the goods are con- signed to the agent or not, and where a commission of 6 per cent, is not charged 2 J ditto 9. Del creilere, or guaranteeing sales, when specially required ... 10. Guaranteeing bills, bonds, or other en gagements - ... 1 1 . Procuring freight, or advertising as agent of owners or commanders, on the amount of freight, whether the same passes tlirough the hands of agents or not .... 1 2. Receiving inward freight 13. Ships' disbursements - - - 14. Chartering ships for other parties 1 j. Effecting Insurance or writing orders for insurance ... 16. Settling insurance losses, total or partial, and on procuring return of premium - 2^ ditto. - 2^ ditto. 5 ditto. 1 ditto. ^ ditto. 2j ditto. i. ditto. 1 ditto. 18. Bills' of exchange returned, noted, or pro- ''^"^ cent. ,„ ^tested - - . .1 ditto. 19. Negociatmg loans on respondentia - 2 ditto. 20. Debts, where a process at law or arbitra- tion is necessary, 2^ per cent. ; and if recovered ... .5 ditto. 21. Collecting house-rent . . 2i ditto. 22. Letters of credit granted for mercantile purposes - ... 2J ditto. 23. Acting for the estates of persons deceased, as executors, or administrators - 5 ditto. 24. The management of the estates of others, on the amount received - . 2.J ditto. 25. All cash receipts, not serving for the pur- chase of gocKis, and not otherwise speci- fied above - - -1 ditto. 26. Shroffing - . . . ^ per mil. 27. Transhipping goods . - 1 per cent. 28. Upon all advances not punctually liqui- dated, the agent to have the option of charging a second commission as upon 3 fresh advance, provided the charge do not occur twice in the same year. 29. At the option of the agent, on the amount debited or credited within the year, in- cluding interest, and excepting only items on which a commission of 5 per cent, has been charged - -1 ditto. N. D- — This charge not to apply to paying over a balance due on an account made up to a particular period, unless where such balance is withdrawn without reasonable notice. Port Charges. — All foreign vessels trading to Canton have to pay a measurement charge, varying according to the size of the vessel. For this purpose they are divided into 3 classes ; viz. Taels. 1st. Vessels of 160 covids and upwards, pay - - - 7"874,755 per covid. 2d. — above 120 and under 160 covids - - . 7-221,091 — 3d. — of 120 covids and under . - - - 5-062,341 — The dimensions are taken from the mizen to the foremast for the length, and between the gangways for the breadth ; these two numbers multiplied together, and divided by 10, give the measurement in covids ; and the quotient multiplied by the sum to be paid per covid, according to the vessel's size, gives the whole amount of measurement charge, Of this amount, only 10-1 Iths are, properly speaking, the measurement charge, the other 11th part being a fee of 10 per cent, on the Imperial dues. Once a year the hoppo goes in person to superintend the measurement of vessels, on which occasion he goes on board a Company's ship. At other times an officer is sent to represent him. The item next in importance to the measurement charge, is what is called the cumshaw or present, amounting, according to the reduced rate, to the sum of ],600'683 taels, or 2,233 dollars, except on French, Austrian, and Prussian vessels, which are required to pay 80 taels more. This charge does not vary with the size of the ship ;" but is the same whether she carry 100 or 1,000 tons. The cumshaw is made up of the following sums : viz. Taels. The entrepot fees - - - - 810 691 Port clearance fee - - - - - 480 420 Difference of scales, carriage to Pekin, &c., 675 per cent, on the above - . 87150 Fee to the leang-taou, or superintendent of grain - . . _ 116 424 For difference in the leang.taou's scales, 11 per cent, on the last named fee - - 1-281 For making it into sycee, 7 per cent, on the whole - - - . 104-717 Taels 1.600-683 Vessels loaded with rice are exempted from the entrepot and leang-taou's fees, as also from the measurement charge ; the latter by command of the reigning sovereign, in 1825 ; and the two former by previous orders of the local government. They are likewise exempted from certain small monthly and daily fees, so long as they are engaged in discharging the imported rice ; but these charges commence as soon as the vessel begins to take in an export cargo ; and the port clearance fee, with the double per- centage of 6f and 7 per cent, is levied alike on all vessels. A vessel importing rice, in common with other" vessels, is required either to receive an export cargo, or to pay about 300 dollars in default thereof. Until the measurement charge, present, &c. have all been duly paid, no vessel can obtain her grand cTiop, or port clearance from the hoppo's office. The other fixed charges besides the above are, 120 dollars for pilotage, in and out; fees paid to boats at second bar, and linguist's and comprador's fees. These last are intended to remunerate the expenses incurred on account of various daily and monthly charges, and other petty fees, besides several unau- thorised sums exacted by the inferior local officers. Lists of these charges have been printed ; but they vary so much in particular instances, that it is next to impossible to attain any certainty with respect to them. The following is an example of a vessel of the 1st class subject to the highest rate of measurement charge, from which an idea of the amount of port charges on other vessels may be obtained : — The Glenelg, 867 tons. Length from mizen to foremast, covids - - - - - 83-1 Which multiplied by the breadth, from gangway to gangway - - - 26 0 And divided by 10, gives the dimensions Multiply that sum by - Taels The measurement charge will be 1,701-418 taels, which, at 72 taels per 100 dollars, .Si)anish dollars - Cumshaw, or present, taels 1,600-683, at 72 per 100 = - - Pilotage in and out - - - - JJar boats and other small charges, about - . - - Linguist's fees, about ... Comprador's fees, about , t , . 21606 7-874755 2,363 - 2,223 120 30 173 50 Sjianish dollars - 4,959 CANTON. 235 Vessels of the 2d class arc charged in measurement from 1,200 to 1,600 dollars, and tliosc of the 3d size from 600 to 800 dollars. The covid employed is equal to about 14J inches. The consequence of this mode of imposing the port duties is, that while they are very moderate on ships of 400 or 500 tons burden and upwards, they are very heavy on small shijjs : and hence stnall coimtry ships frequently lie off Linting Flora, or Large Hay, till some of the large European ships come in sight, when they shift their cargoes on board the latter. They are commonly carried up to Canton for 1 per cent., by which means the duties and cumshaw are both saved, Chinese junks are exempted from the port dues. Captain Coffin, the commander of an American ship of about 400 tons register trading to China, informed the late committee of the House of Commons, that the whole charges of every description falling upon his ship, in entering and clearing out from Canton, including measurement duty, cumshaw, pilotage, victualling of the ship, and consul's fee, amounted to between 7,000 and 8,000 dollars. — (Companion to Anglo-Chinese Calendar, pp. 101-103. ; First Eeport, Evidence, p. 124.) ' British Trade to Canton. — The trade between Great Britain and Canton ha.s hitherto been entirely monopolised by the East India Company and its officers. Tea has always been by far the principal article of import ; and it is mainly owing to the diffusion of the taste for this article, and its consumption by all ranks and orders of the community, that the trade has increased, notwithstanding the pernicious influence of the monopoly, to the extent that it has done. Besides tea, the Company formerly imported from China raw silk, silk piece goods, nankeens, mother-of-pearl shells, sandal wood, and a few other articles ; but of late years the value of these articles has been quite inconsiderable. The articles exported in the East India Company's ships from England to China consisted principally of woollens, copper, iron, and lead, glass, earthenware, and jewel- lery. Bullion used, formerly, to be largely exported; but recently the current has begun to set in the opposite direction, and bullion has been imported from China into England. The invoice value of the Company's trade between China and England in the under-mentioned years has been — Years. Imports into China from England. Exports from China to England. Total Imports and Exports. Merchantlise. Treasure. Total. Merchandise. 1814- 15 1815- 16 1830- 31 1831- 32 860,093 926,920 593,755 398,475* £ 127,695 1,127,518 £ 987,788 2,0.54,433 593,755 398,475 £ 1,967,978 2,231,366 1,861,980 1,814,043 £ 2,955,766 4,285,799 2,455,735 2,212,518 * Mem. — There is an apparent reduction in the value of exports of merchandise from England, arising from cargoes to the amount of 192,310A of this season having been despatched after the 1st of May, 1832 : allowing for the consignments so deferred, the imports into China from England would be augmented to 590,785/., and the total of imports and exports to 2,404,828/. East India House, 25th of April, 1833. It appears from this account, that the merchandise exported from England to China during the years 1814-15 and 1815-16 amounted, at an average, to 893,506/. a year, exclusive of above 600,000/. a year in treasure; whereas, the exports of merchandise during the years 1830-31 and 1831-32 only amounted to 592,270/. a year, without any treasure! This extraordinary decline strikingly contrasts with the results of the' free trade between Great Britain and India in the same years. The following is a detailed Account of the Value of the Exports by the East India Company from Great Britain to China during the Five Years ending the 5th of January, 1828. Species of Goods. 1824. 1825. 1826. 1827. 1828. Cotton manufactures Iron in bars (British) Lead and shot - - Skins and furs Woollens - - • All other articles £ 6,092] 13,482 8,793 '674,585* 5,095 £ ' 15,502 22,430 33,516 532,221 8,467 £ 167 17,214 39,221 31,151 652,047 5,058 £ 11,995 36,067 41,918 756,968 5,0S2 £ 20,752 24,350 32,154 413,422 3,137 Total value of exports by the? 1 East India Company to China j 708,047 612,139 744,856 852,030 493,815 Account of the registered Tonnage employed by the East India Company, clearing out annually from the Port of Canton for England, and of the Charges imposed by the Chinese on the Company's Ships in Canton during the undermentioned Years. Years. Cleared out for England. Charges in Taels. Rate per Tael. Amount. 1829 3830 1831 1832 Tonnage, 27,904 29,037 27,431 21,852 91,518 92,967 85,691 95,184 5. d. 6 8 £ 30,506 38,0^^9 28,.6fi4 31,728 236 CANTON. The following is a detailed Account of the Quantities and Prices of the different Sorts of Teas exported from China in 1824-25 and 1828-29 by the East India Company, to Great Britain and British America. Teas. Exported to England. Exported to the North American Colonies. 1824-1825. 1828-1829. 1824-1825. 1828--^1829. Quantity. Prime Sosl per lb. Quantity. Average Prime Cost per lb. Quantity. Average Prime Cost per lb. Quantity. Average Prime Cost per lb. Bohea Congou Campoi - Souchong Pekoe - Twankay Hyson skin - Young hyson Hyson - Gunpowder - Lbs. 3,589,804 18,773,989 214,153 269,456 33,973 3,791,405 178,596 666,562 s. d. 0 9-301 1 3-397 1 6-427 1 10-501 1 11-569 1 4-460 1 5-526 2 7-094 Lbs. 4,198,964 16,951,171 507,881 183,498 5,471,633 154,767 1,149,371 S. d. 0 9-512 1 2-587 1 7-461 1 10-870 l" 3-810 1 4-238 2' 2-263 r 1824-25 Lbs. 87,340 «1,733 51,312 3,539 579,120 163,929 173,347 38,830 S. d. 0 9-301 1 3-600 1 3-067 2 0-594 1 3-831 1 3-309 2 2-038 2 4-730 Tn 1828-29 Lbs. 100,385 914,616 19,768 146,753 10,195 33,284 4,953 /. d. 0 9-404 1 0-349 1 9599 1 6-79;; 1 4-8U0 2 6-037 2 6-511 27,517,938 28,617,280 1,179,150 27,517,938 28,697,088 1,229,954 28,617,280 29,847,234 Whole exports to Britain and America in the yes In 1831-32 the total exports of tea by the East India Company were, to England, 30,203,098 lbs. ; to North American colonies, 1,276,856 lbs. ; being together 31,479,954 lbs. The aggregate prime cost (particulars not stated) was 1,907,648/. — {N. 5. — For full details as to the tea trade, see art. Tea.) The Company's business in China has been carried on by an establishment of public officers, consisting of 12 supercargoes and as many writers, promoted according to seniority ; the former were paid by a com- mission chiefly derived from the monopoly sales of tea in England, and the latter by fixed salaries ; both being supplied with lodging and a public table at the Company's expense. The 3 senior supercargoes, called the select committee, constituted the governing body, and had the whole control, not only of the Company's trade, but politically of all British interests in China. The entire charges of the Company's China establishment in 1828-29 were 138,526/. ; being £ Twelve supercargoes - - . . 53,121 Twelve writers .... 10,226 Persons filling professional and other distinct offices - 8,857 Rents and repairs of private apartments - . 16,782 Rent of factory, port charges, and other expenses - - 49,440 The Company's business was wholly conducted with the hong merchants, to the exclusion of the un- licensed or outside merchants, as they are called. The select committee divided amongst such of the solvent hong merchants as it pleased, the whole amount of the Company's export and import cargoes, and the business was done by a kind of barter; a system long banished among the free traders. The ships employed by the East India Company in the China trade were commonly from 1,000 to between 1,400 and 1,500 tons burden, the greater proportion being from 1,300 to 1,400 tons. Trade hehveen British India and China. — This trade is of decidedly more value and importance than that carried on between Great Britain and China ; a result -which seems mainly ascribable to the circumstance of its being principally in the hands of private in- dividuals. The greatest article of export from India to Canton used to be cotton -wool, principally from Bombay ; but it is now far surpassed by opium, the imports of which into China have sextupled since 1816-17, and are worth, at present, about 13,500,000 dollars ! This increase is the more extraordinary, seeing that opium is contraband in China ; but the edicts of the emperors are as unable to prevent its introduction, as the proclamations of James and Charles were to hinder the use of tobacco in England. It is every where smuggled with ease and safety. The trade was at first principally con- ducted at Whampoa ; but the exactions of the Chinese authorities drove it to Macao, where it increased, but whence it was subsequently driven by the exactions of the Por- tuguese. It is now principally carried on in the Bay of Lintin. Here the opium is kej)t on board receiving ships, of which there are frequently not less than 12 quietly lying at anchor, without danger or molestation of any sort. The exports from China to India consist of sugar for Western India, tea, porcelain, nankeens, cassia, camphor, &c. ; but the amount of these is not very considerable, and the returns are principally made in bills and bullion. The following tables give very full details as to the trade between Great Britain and Canton, and the trade between the latter and British India, carried on under the British flag, during the years ended the 31st of March, 1831 and 1832. Most part of the trade between India and Canton is conducted by the outside merchants. The hong merchants rarely adventure upon transactions in opium, of wiiich this trade principally consists. We have obtained from Canton, the following corrected account of the British trade at that city, m 1831-32. It corresponds prett y closely with the succeeding account, derived from the Pari. Paper, No. '229. Sees. 1833; but it is drawn up in a diflercnt form, and more in detail. Being anxious to afford all the information in our power with respect to this great emporium, we did not think we should be warranted in withholding it. CANTON. 237 Corrected Statement of the British Trade at the Port of Canton for the Year ending the Slst of March, 1832, I iMl illltlllJ§lflpiiWIM IK • ojooooi ai O ^ to *C 00 'O TJ* CD C- - -- C^O l~- ^l-^w 10 CD to *C O § ^15=5 03 2 T)? i-T cToT: « « •> ■ ■■•■•••■all 10 O ^^ n^{0 (O ^ ■O tdJl-Tj* rH^ OC 00 1 11 1 1 iJl I isa| 1 ^■C^tC t-. .ice: 10,00 a.CiffiOt>. d s I 1 p. >s Jig §s I % I I I I I i 1 I 1« 1 ! I I 1 I I 00 01 i-t O O CO to to O'HO 00 .^1"?,'*''^<'^.S,°^ 0 •^■l (C >o to to t-TcN lo" ' c^r^tO lO oJ ICifl 1 silt 21 1 le of tl I officen impanj' 1 .ill Mi w O ISM O 1. - o ■* lO 00 2 ders the ders- the] g.3 . E o O I eofth s can e"oftl ships a ^tp a o. &,1 §. a 1831 Privi c"o 5 = Total Value of Imports. Dollars. 15,877,569 15 408 225 Value of other Articles. Dollars. 640,055 1,04,'5,135 Total Val. of Opium andCotton. m o g in o Sundries. Dollars. 76,688 88,116 Rice. 1 Dolls. 60,805 128,740 "a K 5 ! Ivory, &c. Value. Dolls. 6,020 26,913 Salt- petre. Value. ■a o Diam. Pearls, Corne- Dollars. 30,680 212,475 Cotton Yam. Value. Doll. 43,428 Cotton Goods. Value. Dolls. 89,462 Wool- lens. Value. Dollars, 81,010 138,517 Sandal Wood, &c. Value. Dolls. '53,479 46,530 Drugs. Value Dolls. 10,918 9.962 Sharks' Value. \Dollars. 118,887 136,740 Put- chuck. Value. Dolls. 960 .3,172 Betel Nut. value. Dolls. 17,516 1,224 Rat- tans. Value. Dolls. 10,161 Q M CO Metals. 46.230 31,755 Cotton. Dollars. 5,014,989 3,061,072 . (O M II Opium. 2 0 0 4n ^-o Ton- nage. 29,127 28,485 ° o. 00 O) >o >o 1 00 00 Total Value of Exports. li Bullion. Dollars. 3,997,432 2.006.097 Total Value of Goods. Dollars. 4,651,854 4,117.069 Sundries. Dollars. \ 155,956 164.807 Cottoii V^ue. Dollars. "-3,536" 1 Cotton Goods. Value. S=^"S 1 Copper. SJOoc ^0 a^M Writing! Paper, &c. Value. ^Dollars. 150,620 83.840 China War. Value. . to Ol False Pearls &c. Value. Dolls. 56,643 48,094 ^ii ^ Dolls. 25,466 Tor- toise Shell. Value, Dolls. 9,900 13,250 Silk Piece Goods, Value. lis Drugs. Value. Dollars. 386,989 155,903 \ Dolls. 15,880 m Dollars.] 111,803 1 57,040 i \Pcls. Dollars.] 16,562 150,776| 18,726 212,783 ar and ■ Candy. Sug OUgdl Piculs 143,46 92,90 i M C !5 ill Raw Silk. .00 m 0» .>.- c Tutenague. *7 *? OPTO CANTON. 239 TOTAL BRITISH TRADE WITH CHINA. Trade by the Company and their Officers. Trade by Individuals. Total Value of the Jlrilish Trade with (jhina. Season. Imports. Exports. Total. Imports. Exports. 1 ToUl. 1831-32 Dollars. 6,072,961 6,132,016 Dollars. 11,250,137 11,081,262 Dollars. 17,329,398 16,213,268 Dollars. 15,877,.'i69 15,408,225 Dollars. 1 Dollars. 8,619,286 24,526,8.'),'; 6,123,106 1 21,531,391 Dollars. 41,850,253 37,744,059 East India House, 25th of April, 1833. Opium is sold by the resident European or American agents ; and, on an order from these for its delivery, it is handed over to the smugglers, who come alongside the sliips at night to receive it ; putting the naval force, Custom-house establishment, and police of the empire at defiance. We subjoin an Account of the Imports of the different Sorts of Opium into China from 1816-17 to 1830-31, both inclusive. 1 \ Seasons. i Patna and Benares. Malwa. Total. lurkey. No. of Chests. Aver. Price. Total Value. No. of Chests. Aver. Price. Total Value. Dollars. 525,000 703,800 1,109,250 1,915,250 2,605,800 2,276,350 5,160,000 3,859,100 4,500,000 4,466,450 5,941,520 5,251,760 6,928,880 5,907,580 7,110,227 No. of Chests. Value. No. of Chests. Aver. Price. Dollars. 300 filO 625 975 1,525 1,025 1,270 ccount t of im dur rs. Total Value. 1816- 1817 1817- 1818 1818- 1819 1819- 1820 1820- 1821 1821- 1822 1822- 1823 1823- 182+ 1824- 1825 1825- 1826 1826- 1827 1827- 1828 1828- 1829 1829- 1830 1830- 1831 2,610 2,530 3,050 2,970 3,050 2,910 1,822 2,910 2,655 3,442 3,661 5,114 5,961 7,143 6,660 Dollars. 1,200 1,265 1,000 1,235 1,900 2,075 1,552 1,600 1,175 913 1,002 998 940 858 869 Dollars. 3,132,000 3,200,450 3,050,000 3,667,950 5,795,000 6,038,250 2,828,930 4,656,000 3,119,625 3,141,755 3,668,565 5,105,073 5,604,235 5,149.577 5,789,794 600 1,150 1,530 1,620 1,720 1,718 4,000 4,172 6,000 6,179 6,308 4,361 7,171 6,837 12,100 Dollars. 875 612 725 1,175 1,515 1,325 1,290 925 750 723 942 1,204 966 861 587 3,210 3,680 4,580 4,600 4,770 4,628 5,822 7,082 8,655 9,621 9,9fiP 9,475 13,132 14,000 18,760, Dollars. 3,657,000 3,904,250 4,159,250 5,583,200 8,400,800 8,314,600 7,988,930 8,515,100 7,619,625 7,608,205 9,610,085 10,356,833 12,533,115 12,057,157 12,900,031 750 1,000 700 200 30 500 226 No a , kep 1 ^P' yea J Dollars. 375,000 610,000 437,500 195,000 45,750 512,500 287,080 has been Turkey ing these 1 Total - 56,488 64,997,204 65,496 58,260,977 121,984 123,208,181 3,406 2,462,770 In 1831-32, tjie total import of opium into China was 21,062 chests, of the value of 13,917,426 dollars. The stock on hand, 1st of January, 1833, was 5,110 chests. Nine tenths of the opium trade is in the hands of the British Indians. The following tables exhibit the general results of our trade with China from 1814-15 downwards : — Account of the Annual Value of the Trade between the Subjects of Great Britain and China, from 1814-15 to 1830-31, both inclusive, distinguishing the Trade of the East India Company from that of Individuals. Value of Exports and Im- ports between India and China, 1814- 15 1815- 16 1816- 17 1817- 18 1818- 19 1819- 20 1820- 21 1821- 22 1822- 23 1823- 24 1824- 25 1825- 26 1826- 27 1827- 28 1828- 29 1829- 30 1830- 31 £ 2,573,940 2,379,026 3,034,031 3,327,770 3,516,332 2,190,137 3,328,039 3,011,010 3,047,792 2,734,509 2,832,191 3,943,729 3,764,404 4,951,678 3,795.966 On A ccoimt of the Company. £ 221,589 356,470 230,083 710,100 2m, 334,807 602,994 469,657 189,304 721,425 326,591 291,603 362,405 376,247 433,388 308,767 363,741 £ 2,195,5^9 2,735,496 3,264,114 4,037,870 3,880,875 2,524,944 3,931,033 3,480,667 3,237,096 3,455,934 3,158,782 4,235,332 4,126,809 5,527,925 4,229,354 Value of Im- ports and Ex- ports between England and China on Account of the Company. £ 2,955,776 4,285,799 2,962,062 2,183,022 2,065,389 3,092,456 2,935,904 2,700,425 £,642,845 2,815,048 2,600,060 2,687,013 3,176,901 2,836,397 2,517,726 2,490,947 2,983,487 Total Value of the British Trade with China. £ 5,751,295 7,021,295 6,226,176 6,220,892 5,946,264 5,617,400 6,866,937 6,181,092 5,879,941 6,270,982 5,758,842 6,922,345 7,303,710 8,164,322 6,747,080 Value of Trad< of Individuals with China. £ 2,573,940 2,379,026 3,034,031 3,327,770 3,516,352 2,190,137 3,328,059 3,011,010 3,047,792 2,734,509 2,832,191 3,943,729 3,764,404 4,951,678 3,795,966 The statements from Indi lia for 1829-1830 and 1830-1831 are not y yet received. 240 CANTON. Account of the Quantity of each Article of Chinese Produce imported into the United Kingdom, in each ^ear, from 1793 to 1831, both inclusive. 1793 179+ 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 180i 1805 1806 1807 1803 1809 1810 1811 1812 Lbs. 16,067,331 23,710,774 27,208,003 6,184,628 16,235,125 44,873,112 15,090,080 15,165,368 29,804,739 27,356,502 30,843,134 26,680,784 28,538,825 22,155,557 12,599,236 35,747,224 21,717,310 19,791,356 21,231,849 28,318,153 Lbs. 171,998 99,67 1 158,225 12,968 78,520 136,196 63,604 92,385 131,335 75,588 74,538 90,362 76,359 18,607 55,277 117,855 90,603 54,376 81,397 86,197 Pieces. 77,898 374,398 146,365 48,642 77,338 257,473 184,490 170,917 366,851 274,921 232,894 264,407 252,207 376,234 72,135 484,647 287,720 305,009 316,616 503,276 Miscellaneous Articles of Chinese Produce. Value L. 26,692 19,809 19,186 23,062 23,252 25,054 17,131 25,960 29,293 19,054 23,134 26,184 15,198 10,504 11,474 17,617 14,268 14,890 9,630 12,929 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 18'21 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 Lbs. records 110,550 602,214 234,380 467,073 ,065,728 750,413 .147,994 731,105 362,766 046,885 681,977 .315,699 ,840,401 ,746,147 ,678,546 ,544,582 ,897,546 ,648,922 Miscellaneous Articles of Chinese I'rcduce. Lhs of this vear 150,629 216,129 88,987 103,367 146,878 141,325 271,115 275,110 222,673 392,717 293,014 142,676 405,185 208,287 288,916 606,444 456,991 476,692 PUcei. I Value L. were destroyed by fire. 783,253 896,797 396,453 5&4,226 409,349 523,852 969,746 569,062 287,431 412,076 ,010,494 392,998 431,520 99,698 529,602 919,255 593,339 857,171 Account of the Number of Ships, and of their Tonnage, that entered Inwards in the United Kingdom from China in each Year, from 1793-94 to 1831-32, both inclusive. Years. Ships. Tons. Years. Ships. Tons. Years. Ships. Tons. 1793-4 18 17,436 18U6-7 9 11,083 1819-20 24 28,451 1794-5 21 20,234 1807-8 24 31,797 1S20-21 23 28,692 1795-6 5 4,856 1808-9 15 19,290 1821-22 19 24,975 1796-7 17 14,354 1809-10 13 17,272 1822-23 19 26,013 28,237 1797-8 32 37,682 1810-11 15 18,984 1823-24 21 1798-9 13 12,731 1811..12 19 25,324 1824-25 19 25,970 1799-1800 10 12,840 1812-13 21 27,227 1825-26 23 27,894 1800-1 22 27,407 1813-14 19 24,466 1825-27 29 35,969 18'Jl-2 21 24,531 1814-15 21 24,890 33,075 1827-28 25 29,833 1802-3 24 25,994 1815-16 26 1828-29 20 27,904 1803-4 17 22,279 1816-17 27 28,032 ' 1829-30 23 29,111 1804-5 18 24,191 1817-18 15 20,000 1830-31 21 27,879 1805-6 15 19,100 1818-19 16 21,210 1831-32 22 27,940 New Regulations as to the British Trade with Canton. — Notwithstanding the oppo- sition made by the East India Company, the trade to China has, at length, been thrown open to all classes of his Majesty's subjects; and British merchants may now freely trade to all places, accessible to Europeans, to the east of the Straits of Malacca. We con- gratulate our readers on the opening of this new and almost boundless field for tlie display of commercial enterprise. It is not, indeed, a channel in which it would be prudent for any one not possessed of adequate capital and the necessary skill to embark. But the example of the Americans, and of the free traders from India to China, shows conclusively that there is nothing in the nature of the trade to prevent its being as success- fully prosecuted by individuals as that to any other country. We are satisfied that the intercourse between the Eastern and Western worlds is as yet quite inconsiderable, com- pared with what it is destined to become, now that the incubus of monopoly is removed. The opening of the ports of Hindostan, in 1814, has more than trebled our trade with India ; and a similar result may be fairly anticipated in the case of China. In making these remarks, we are very far from meaning to throw any reflections on the conduct of the East India Company. It is due to its directors to state that they have always evinced the greatest anxiety to extend the trade with India and China, and to carry it on in the most economical manner. But it was not in the nature of things that they could succeed. The affairs of all great associations must necessarily be managed according to a system of routine, by the intervention of salaried officers. And it were an insult to common sense to suppose that such persons should display the same enter- prise, or that they should manage the affairs intrusted to their care with tlie same watchful attention to details, and the same regard to economy, as private individuals trading on their own account, and reaping all the advantage of successful, as they must abide all the loss resulting from unsuccessful, adventures. Speculations may be eminently profitable to the latter, that would have been highly injurious liad they been attempted by the former. It is true that the too great ardour of competitors may occasionally render even the best business unprofitable to those engaged in it ; but if this be an evil, it is one that is inseparable from all commercial imdertakings ; and there is no reason what- ever for supposing that it will he oftener or more severely felt in the trade to Canton, than in that to Potcrsburgh or any other port. CANTON. 24-1 In conducting an intercourse with the Chinese, — a people whose institutions and haliits a'liYcr so very widely from those of Europeans, — it is essential that due circumspection sliould be used, and that nothing should be done by any one to give them reasonable grounds of offence. The experience of the Americans, and of the other foreigners, besides the English, resorting to Canton, shows, we think, pretty clearly, that the amount of danger from the circumstances just adverted to is not very considerable. It is right, however, as already stated, that effectual measures should be taken for prevent- ing any interruption to the trade from the ignorance or misconduct of any individual. To accomplish this object, there are provisions in the act opening the trade, enabling his Majesty to appoint superintendents of the trade to China, who are to be authorised to issue regulations in regard to it, to which all individuals engaged therein are to be obliged to submit. These regulations will, no doubt, be framed so as to prevent any just oflf'ence being given to the natives, without unnecessarily interfering with the free action of the traders. There is one very questionable clause in the act — that which authorises the imposition of a tonnage duty on the shipping employed in the trade, for defraying the cost of the establishments in China. We subjoin a full abstract of this important statute. Act3&4 Will. 4. c. 93. for regulating the Trade to China and India. itepeal of the Act 4Gcourt of justice with criminal and admiraltyjurisdiction for the trial of offences committed by his Majesty's subjects within the said dominions, and the ports and havens thereof, and on the high se-vs within 100 miles of the coast of China ; and to appoint one of the superintendents herein-before men- tioned to be the officer to hold such court, and other officers for executing the process thereof j and to grant such salaries to such officers as may appear reasonable. — ^6. Superintendents, S(C. not to accept Gifts. — No superintendent or commissioner appointed under this act shall accept in regard to the discharge of his duties any gift, gratuity, or reward, other than the salar granted to him as aforesaid, or be engaged in any trade or traffic for his own benefit, or for the benefit of any other person or persons. — ^7. A Tonnage Duty to, be ijnposed, to defray the Expense of Establishments in China. — It shall be lawful for his Majesty in council, by any order or orders to be issued from time to time, to impose, and to empower such persons as his Majesty in council shall think fit to collect and levy from or on account of any ship or vessel belonging to any of the subjects of his Majesty entering any port or place where the said superintendents or any of them shall be stationed, such duty on tonnage and goods as shall from time to time be specified in such order or orders, not exceeding in respect of tonnage the sum of 5s. for every ton, and not exceeding in respect of goods the sum of 10s. for every 100/. of the value of the same, the fund arising from the.-collection of which duties shall be appropriated, in such manner as his Majesty shall direct, towards defraying the expenses of the establishments by this act authorised within the said dominions : provided always, that every order in council issued by authority of this act shall be published in the London Gazette ; and that every such order in council, and the amount of expense incurred, and of duties raised under this art, shall be annually laid before both houses of parliament. — § 8. limitation of Actions. - The next and last clause contains the usual provisions as to the limitation of actions, &c. — ^ 9. t> 242 CANTON< American Trade with China. — The American intercourse with China commenced shortly after the termination of the revolutionary war, and speedily became one of the most valuable branches of the trade of the United States. We have obtained from the United States the subjoined account of the American trade at Canton in 1831-32. This interesting document exhibits in detail the quantity and value of each article imported by the Americans into Canton, and of those exported ; the latter are divided according to their destination. Statement of the American Import and Export Trade at the Port of Canton, during the Season of 1831-32. Imports. Bills of exchange Spanish dollars Dol. 10,295 piculs Quicksilver, at 70 24,892 - Lead • - 4i 4,481 1,949 799 376 4,652 1,400 10,761 402 170 Iron - - 2| Crude ginseng 54 Clarified do. 72j Cochineal - 200 Copper - 20^ Sandal wood - 5 Rice & paddy 2 Opium - 550 Taels. Cotton - Spelter Cotton yam Tobacco Pearl shells Tin - boxes Tin plates 3,418 pieces Broad cloths Camlets 2,510 2,286 601 770 1,072 Dol • 4| - 37 - 10 - & - 16 - 7 - 30 - 23 2,880 56,178 19,802 6,492 10,334 LonR-ells Long cloths Chintz Cambrics Domestics 24,566 dozen Handkerchiefe 1 1,722 Land otter skins 1,591 Sea olter skins 9,369 Fox skins 1,868 Beaver skins 71 Seal skins 80,000 Cigars Wine, value Watches Glass Morocco skins Sundry merchandise 720,650-00 112,014-00 12,332-75 105,246-00 54,302-50 75,200-00 95,366-00 7,000 00 21,342-00 221,100-00 11,922-50 84,582-00 6,01000 3,850-00 17,152-00 6,300-00 102,540-00 18,860-00 23,040-00 238,756-50 79,208-00 12,984-00 31,002-00 36,849-00 76,193-00 66,822-00 11,240-00 12,339 00 142-00 2,16000 2,300-00 10,000-00 2,000-00 500-00 Dollars 2,480,871 00 667,252-00 Exports. To the United States. Chests. Piculs. '. 12,182 Bohea - 7,309-20 i 37,151 Souchong - 24,147-85 3,212 Twankay - 1,991-40 17,671 Hyson skin - 8,835-50 40,065 Young hyson 26,042-25 9,346 Hyson 4,514 Imperial - 4,603 Gunpowder 2,245 Pouchong - 517 Pekoe 200 Congou 4,486-OS 3,15980 3,682-40 1,122-50 258-50 12000 81,155-52 - 24 - 44 - 46 - 54 - 58 - 20 . 50 - 16 "Taels. 80,401 2 0 434,661 5 0 47,794 5 5 212,052 0 0 1,145,859 0 0 206,359 6 8 170,629 2 0 213,579 2 0 22,450 0 0 12,925 0 0 1,920 0 0 2,548,631 1 4 34,822 Embroided crape shawls, 68,063 Damask do. do. 8,507 pieces Crape 23,157 - Handkerchiefs ■ 22,292 - Senshaws 28,986 - Black sarsnets ; ■ 8,459 - White do 7,998 - Levantines 5,645 - Do. satin 6,963 - Satins 276 • Satin damask 3,500 - Camlets 10,677 - White pongees • 33,901 - Sutchnendo. 4,417 - Mixed lutestrings • 11 f 400 370 54,700 pieces Blue Nankeens - 70 67,585 - Company ^Nankeens 50 3,541 piculs Cassia 130 14 30 15 4 38 - Cassia oil 25 - Camphor - 584 . Rhubarb 1,101 - Sweetmeats 2,318 - Sugar -{^'If, 15,915 boxes Crackers - • H 313 - VermiUon • 42 2,844 rolls Matting • 5 65,200 gross Pearl buttons - 17 China ware and grass cloth, in value Sundry merchandise, in value - 5,999,731-97 To Europe. Chests. 300 Bohea 720 Souchong . 1,550 CongDU 413Campoy 125 Twankay 321 Hyson skin 354 Young hyson 216 Hyson 74 Imperial 72 Gunpowder 294 Pekoe - . 4,485 30 piculs Sweetmeats. 150 - Cassia. 5 - Vermilion. The above investments to Europe, per invoices - - - Piculs. 210-00 468-00 1,097-50 268-45 77-50 160-50 170-11 103-68 61-80 67-60 145-00 2,720-13 To South America and the Sandwich Islands. Brig Chilian's cargo, value - - Bogeta's - Diana's Dollars. 121,877-00 119,11000 66,549-00 138,954-00 211,774-00 231,968-00 67,672-00 71,982-00 70,562-00 90,545-00 4,96800 31,500-00 117,447-00 152,554>50 30,919-00 140,00000 40,330-00 38,290-00 33,792-50 57,180-00 4,940-00 600-00 17,520-00 16,515-00 ■ 10,544-00 23,872-50 13,146-00 14,220-00 11,084-00 7,550-00 100,000 00 40,000-00 70,000-00 40,000-00 Disbursements of 22 vessels, at 6,000 fe Rice vessels 1,000 5 Lintin - 400 132,000-00 8,000-00 2,000-00 3,539,765-47 1,708,719-00 329,254-50 150,000-00 5,999,731-9: It results from this statement, that the American trade at Canton, in 1831-32, amounted to about 12,000,000 dollars, being equal to three fourths of that carried on at Canton during the same year on account of the East India Company. It is of importance to observe that the dealings of the Americans are principally carried on with the outside merchants. Captain Collin, and otlier American gentlemen examined by the late commiftee of tlie House of Commons on the China trade, speak in strong terms of tiic facility and cxpcdihion with wh'cli business may be conducted at Canton. CANTON. 213 The following statement shows the amount of the American trade from lR29-r30 to 1831-32, according to the returns furnished to parliament by the East India Company. An Account of the Value of Imports into, and Exports from, the Port of Canton by the Subjects of the United States of America, in tlie Years 1829-30 to 1831-32. Years. Imports into China, ICxports from China. Tout Value Im- Ijorts and ExiKirts. Sale Value Merchandise. Dollars. Total Value. ToUl Value. 1829- 30 1830- 31 1831- 32 Dollars. 2,793,988 2,871,320 2.383,685 DoUurs. 1,123,644 183,655 667,252 Dollars. 3,917,632 3,054,975 3,050,937 Dollars. 4,108,611 4,263,551 5,857,732 Dollars. 8,026,243 7,3*8,526 8,908,669 Bills of exchange negotiated by the Americans in 1829-30, 393,6.50 dollars ; ditto in 1830-31, 1,168,500 dollars ; ditto in 1831-32, 2,480,871 dollars. — (Pari. Paper, No. 229. Sess. 1833, p. 13.) 7>ac!e of Portuguese, Spaniards, S(C. at Canton. — Respecting the extent of the Portuguese, Spanish, French Swedish, Danish, and Dutch trades, we have no data to lay before the reader on which reliance could be placed'; but they are inconsiderable and fluctuating, compared with the branches already described. The Dutch trade is probably the largest ; but even with the assistance of protecting duties in Holland the Dutch are unable to withstand the enterprise and activity of the Americans. The Portu- guese trade, particularly that with the possessions of Portugal on the continent of India, was considerable during the war, but has since greatly declined. A nation of more spirit than the Portuguese would, with the advantage they enjoy in the possession of the convenient station of Macao, be able to carry on the Chinese trade with superior success. There is a considerable intercourse, carried on in Spanish ships, between Canton and Manilla. The Philippine Islands afford many commodities in demand in the Chinese markets ; and the Spaniards are the only European people allowed openly to trade with the busy and commercial port of Amoy, in the province of I'okicn ; unfortunately, however, they are deficient in the skill and enterprise required fully to avail themselves of these advantages. It appears from the official accounts, published by the French government, that in 1831, only 2 ships, of the burden of 585 tons, cleared out from French ports for China. This, we believe, is principally to be ascribed to the trifling extent to which the great article of Chinese produce, tea, is consumed in France. Trade with the Indian Islands, S^c. — In his evidence before the select committee of the House of Commons, Mr. Crawfurd gave the following instructive details with respect to the native foreign trade of China : — Native Foreign Trade of China. — " The principal part of the junk trade is carried on by the four con- tiguous provinces of Canton, Fokien, Chekiang, and Kiannan. "No foreign trade is permitted with the island of Formosa; and I have no means of describing the extent of the traffic which may be conducted between China, Corea, and the Leechevv Islands. The following are the countries with which China carries on a trade in junks : viz. Japan, the Philippines, the Soo-loo Islands, Celebes, the Moluccas, Borneo, Java, Sumatra, Singapore, Rhio, the east coast of the Malayan peninsula, Siam, Cochin China, Cambodia, and Tonquin. The ports of China at which this trade is conducted are Canton, Tchao-tcheou, Nomhong, Hoeitcheon, Suheng, Kongmoon, Chang-lim, and Hainan, in the province of Canton ; Amoy and Chinchew, in the province of Fokien ; Ningpo and Siang-hai, in the province of Chekiang ; and Soutcheon, in the province of Kiannan. The following may be looked upon as an approximation to the number of junks carrying on trade with the different places already enumerated j viz. Japan 10 junks, two voyages - Philippine Islands Soo-loo Islands Borneo 13, Celebes 2 Java Sumatra ... Junks. 20 13 4 15 7 10 Singapore 8, Rhio 1 East coast of Malay peninsula Siam . - - Cochin China Cambodia Tonquin Junks. 9 6 89 20 - 20 — Total 222. " This statement does not include a great number of small junks belonging to the island of Hainan, which carry on trade with Tonquin, Cochin China, Cambodia, Siam, and Singapore. Those for Siam amount yearly to about 50, and for the Cochin Chinese dominions to about 43 ; these alone would bring the total number of vessels carrying on a direct trade between China and foreign countries to 307. The trade with Japan is confined to the port of Ningpo, in Chekiang, and expressly limited to 10 vessels ; but as the distance from Nangasaki is a voyage of no more than 4 days, it is performed twice a year. " With the exception of this branch of trade, the foreign intercourse of the two provinces'Cliekiang and Kiannan, which are famous for the production of raw silk, teas, and nankeens, is confined to the Philip- pine Islands, Tonquin, Cochin China, Cambodia, and Siam ; and none ol this class of vessels, that I am aware of, have ever found their way to the western parts of the Indian Archipelago. The number of these trading with Siam is 24, all of considerable size; those trading with the Cochin Chinese dominions 16, also of considerable size; and those trading with the Philippines 5 ; making in all 45, of which the average burden does not fall short of 17,000 tons. I am the more particular in describing this branch of the Chinese commerce, as we do not ourselves at present partake of it, and as we possess no direct means of obtaining information in regard to it. All the junks carrying on this trade with Siam are owned in the latter country and not in China; and I am not sure how far it may not also be so in the other cases. I do not doubt but that a similar comiTierce will, in the event of a free trade, extend to Singajiore ; and that through this channel may eventually be obtained the green teas of Kiannan, and the raw silks of Chekiang. " Besides the junks now described, there is another numerous class, which may be denominated the colonial shipping of the Chinese. Wherever the Chinese are settled in any numbers, junks of this descrip- tion are to be found ; such as in Java, Sumatra, the Straits of Malacca, &c. ; but the largest commerce ot this description is conducted from the Cochin Chinese dominions, especially from Siam, where the number was estimated to me at 200. Several junks of this description from the latter country come aniuially to Singapore, of which the burden is not less than from 300 to 400 tons " The junks which trade between China and the adjacent countries are some of them owned and built in China; but a considerable number also in the latter countries, particularly in Siam and Cochin China. Of those carrying on the Siamese trade, indeed, no less than 81 out of the 89, of considerable size, were represented to me as being built and owned in Siam. The small junks, however, carrying on the trade of Hainan, are all built and owned in China. " The junks, whether colonial or trading direct with China, vary in burden from 2,000 piculs to 15,000, or carry dead weight from 120 to 900 tons. Of those of the last size I have only seen 3 or 4, and these were at Siam, and the same which were commonly employed in carrying a mission and tribute yearly from Siam R 2 CANTON. to Canton. Of the whole of the large class of junks, I should think the average burden will not be over- rated at 300 tons each, which would make the total tonnage employed in the native foreign trade of China bfitween 60,000 and 70,000 tons, exclusive of the small junks of Hainan, which, estimated at 150 tons each would make in all about 80,000 tons. ' " The junks built in China are usually constructed of fir and other inferior woods. When they arrive in Cambodia, Siam, and the Malayan islands, they commonly furnish themselves with masts, rudders, and wooden anchors, of the superior timber of these countries. The junks built in Siam are a superior class of vessels, the planks and upper works being invariably teak. The cost of ship-building is highest at the port of Amoy in Fokien, and lowest in Siam. At these places, and at Chang-lim in Canton, the cost of a junk of 8,000 piculs, or 476 tons burden, was stated to me, by several commanders of junks, to be as follows : — At Siam ...... 7,400 dollars. Chang-lim ..... 16,000 — Amoy 21,000 — . A junk of the size just named has commonly a crew of 90 hands, consisting of the following officers, besides the crew ; a commander, a pilot, an accountant, a captain of the helm, a captain of the anchor, and a captain of the hold. The commander receives no pay, but has the advantage of the cabin accommodation for passengers, reckoned on the voyage between Canton and Singapore worth 150 Spanish dollars. He is also the agent of the owners, and receives a commission, commonly of 10 per cent, on the profits of such share of the adventure, generally a considerable one, in which they are concerned. The pilot receives for the voyage 200 dollars of wages, and 50 piculs of freight out and home. The helmsman has 15 piculs of freight and no wages. The captains of the anchor and the hold have 9 piculs of freight each ; and the seamen 7 piculs each. None of these have any wages. The officers and seamen of the colonial junks are differently rewarded. In a Siamese junk, for example, trading between the Siamese capital and Singapore, of 6,000 piculs burden, the commander and pilot had each 100 dollars for the voyage, with 12 piculs ol freight apiece. The accountant and helmsman had half of this allowance, and each seaman had 13 dollars, with 5 piculs of freight. " In construction and outfit, Chinese junks are clumsy and awkward in the extreme. The Chinese are quite unacquainted with navigation, saving the knowledge of the compass : notwithstanding this, astheur pilots are expert, their voyages short, and as they hardly ever sail except at the height of the monsoons, when a fair and steady 7 or 8 knots' breeze carries them directly from port to port, the sea risk is very small. During 13 years' acquaintance with this branch of trade, I can recollect hearing of but 4 ship, wrecks ; and in all these instances the crews were saved. " The construction and rigging of a Chinese junk may be looked upon as her proper registry, and they are a very effectual one ; for the least deviation from them would subject her at once to foreign charges and foreign duties, and to all kinds of suspicion. The colonial junks, which are of a more commodious form and outfit, if visiting China, are subjected to the same duties as foreign vessels. Junks built in Siam, or any other adjacent country, if constructed and fitted out after the customary model, are admitted to trade to China upon the same terms as those built and owned in the country. If any part of the crew consist of Siamese, Cochin Chinese, or other foreigners, the latter are admitted only at the port of Canton ; and if found in any other part of China, would b^; seized and taken up by the police exactly in the same manner as if they were Europeans. The native trade of China conducted with foreign countries is not a clandestine commerce, unacknowledged by the Chinese laws, but has in every case at least the express sanction of the viceroy or governor of the province, who, on petition, decides the number of junks that shall be allowed to engage in it ; and even enumerates the articles which it siiall be legal to export and import. At every port, also, where such a foreign trade is sanctioned, there is a hong or body of security merchants as at Canton ; a fact which shows clearly enough that this institution is parcel of the laws or customs of China, and not a peculiar restraint imposed upon the intercourse with Europeans. " The Chinese junks properly constructed pay no measurement duty, and no cumshaw or present ; duties, however, are paid upon goods exported and imported, which seem to differ at the different provinces. They are highest at Amoy, and lowest in the island of Hainan. The Chinese traders of Siam informed me that tliey carried oil the fairest and easiest trade, subject to the fewest restrictions, in the ports of Ningpo and Siang-hai in Chekiang, and Soutcheon in Kiannan. Great dexterity seems every where to be exercised by the Chinese in evading the duties. One practice, which is very often followed, will afford a good example of this. The coasting trade of China is nearly free from all duties and other imposts. The merchant takes advantage of this; and intending in reality to proceed to Siam or Cochin China, for example, clears a junk out for the island of Hainan, and thus avoids the ))ayment of duties. When she returns she will lie 4 or 5 days off the mouth of the port, until a regular bargain be made with the Custom-house officers for the reduction of duties. The threat held out in such cases is to proceed to another port, and thus deprive the public officers of their customary perquisites. I was assured of the frequency of this practice by Chinese merchants of Cochin China, as well as by several commanders of junks at Singapore. From the last-named persons 1 had another fact of some consequence, as connected with the Chinese trade ; viz. that a good many of the junks, carrying on trade with foreign ports to the westward of China, often proceeded on voyages to the northward in the same season. In this manner they stated that about 20 considerable junks, besides a great many small ones, proceeded annually from Canton to Souchong, one of the capitals of Kiannan, and in wealth and commerce the rival ot CantoU; where they sold about 200 chests of opium at an advance of SO per cent, beyond the Canton prices. Another place where the Canton junks, to the number of 5 or 6, repair annually, is Chinchcw, in the province of Canton, within the Gulf of Pecheley, or Yellow Sea, and as far north as the 37th degree oi latitude." — (^Appendix, Report of 1S30, p. 298.) A Chinese ship or junk is seldom the property of one individual. Sometimes 40, 50, or even 100 different merchants purchase a vessel, and divide her into as many different compartments as there are partners ; so that each knows his own particular part in the ship, which he is at liberty to fit up and secure as he pleases. The bulk-heads, by which these divisions are formed, consist of stout planks, so well caulked as to be completely ■water-tight. A ship thus formed may strike on a rock, and yet sustain no serious injury ; a leak springing in one division of the hold will not be attended with any damage to articles placed in another ; and, from her firmness, she is qualified to resist a more than ordinary shock. A considerable loss of rtowage is, of course, sustained ; but the Chinese exports generally contain a considerable value in small bulk. It is only the very largest class of junks that have so many owners; but even in the smallest class the number is very considerable. Population of China. — The most conflicting accounts have been given of the popu- lation of the Chinese empire. According to the statement of the Chinese authorities, it was found, by a census taken in 1813, to amount, for China Proper, to 367,821,000! Vast as this number must certainly a])iiear, it does not, taking the prodigious extent of CANVAS. territory over which it is spread into account, give more tlian 268 individuals to a square mile, — a density inferior to that of several European countries. It is said that the inhabitants arc in the practice of under-rating their numbers in their returns to government. — (Companion to Anglo- Chinese Calendar, \i. 156.) We are, however, wholly without the means of coming to any positive conclusion as to the degree of credit to be attached to this census. Price Current. —A perusal of the subjoined Price Current, published at Canton, the 1st of December, 1832, will give the reader a tolerable notion of the various articles and their prices in the Canton market, at the very height of the shipping season. Canton, 1st of December, 1832. Tin, Banca . Imports. Amber . - • Sp. drs. 8 to 14 per catty. Asafoetida • • - 4^ • per picul. Biche de iner - • - 8 to 15 — very superior - - 30 - 50 — Bees' wax - - - 21 - 5J5 — Hetel nut - - - .3^-4 — Birds' nests . - - 26 - 40 per catty, Camphor, Barus - - - 10 - 30 — Cloves, Molucca - - - 30 - 32 per pica} Mauritius Cochineal, Europe, garbled un;;arbled Copper, South America at Lintin for exportation Japan - - - m - w Coral fragments - - . oO - 60 Cotton, Bombay ... taels 8 - 10 4 Bengal - - - 8-5 to 10-5 Madias (old) 10-3: (new) - 11 Cotton goods, British, v Chintzes 28 yd; 10 30 18 260 - 290 180 . 200 15 - IG 23-50 Sp. drs. 2| to 4^ per piece. I.ongcloths 40 do, Muslins 20 do Cambrics 12 do Monteith's bandannoes, scarlet blue, &c. Cotton yam. No. 16. to 20. No. 20. to ,-0. No. 30. to 40. No. 40. to 70. Cow bezoar ... Cudbear ... Cutch, Pegu ... Ebony, Mauritius Ceylon ... Elephanu' teeth, 1st, 5 to 8 to a picul 2d,,12 to 15 do. 3d, 18 to 25 do. cuttings Fishmaws Flints Gambler Ginseng, crude clarified Iron bar, 1 to 3 inch rod, ^ inch and under scrap Lead, pig Mace ... Myrrh .... Nutmegs - - Olibanum, garbled, 10: ungarbled Opium, Palna (nominal) Benares do. Bombay do. Damaum do. Turkey do. Pepper, Malay ... Putchuck Quicksilver Kattans ... Rice Rose, l\raloes ... Saltpetre at Whampoa Lintin Sandal wood, Indian Sandwich Island . Sapan wooer catty. 72 to 74 per 100. 52 - — 47 to 48 — 38-40 — none. Tsatle Canton, No. 1. No. 2. No. 5. No. 4. No. 5.^ 2 -3 Sugar, raw I'ingfa Sugar candy, Chinchew - Canton, 1st sort 2d do. Tea, Bohea Congou Campoy Souchong Peko Ankoi ! Hyson skin young Gunpowder I'wankay Orange peko Caper Tortoiseshell Turmeric Tutenague Vermilion Whangees - 352 taels 260 to 265 - 250 - 225 to 230 - 140 Sp. drs. 90 . 70 - 63 - taels 5-2 to 5-6 6-2 to 6-4 Sp. drs. U taels 6-6 none. chong - 12 to 15 . ■ 20 - 28 . 28 - 30 - 19 - 35 - 38 . IS - 60 - 20 . 55 - 70 - 26 - 55 . 45 - 50 . 61 - 66 - 30 - 32 . 20 - 21 - 20 - 22 - 20 . 22 Sp. drs. 5 - . 13 54 to 35 per box. 22 . 25 per 1,000. Bullim. Gold . 98 touch - - drs. 23| per tael. Syi ee silver at Lintin, 1 to 2 per cent, premium. Spanish dollars, entire ... none. Republican do. - . . do. Exchanges. Londo , per Sp. dr., 6 months' sight. I 4-5. Bengal Co.'s 207 Sicca rupees, per 100 Sp. drs., 30 days* sight Private bUls 210 do. - do. do. Bombay 218 Bombay rupees do. do. CANVAS (Fr. Toile a voile ; Ger. Segeltuch ; It. Canevazza, Lona ; 'Rns. Parussnoe volotno, Parussina; Sp. Lona), unbleached cloth of hemp or flax, chiefly used for sails for shipping. Masters of ships are required to make entry of all foreign-made sails and cordage, not being standing or running rigging, in use on board their respective ships, under a penalty of 100/. Sails in actual use, and fit and necessary for such ship, are imported free ; but when otherwise disposed of, they are liable to an ad valorem duty of 20 per cent. — (3 & 4 JFill. 4. c. 56.) It had been the practice for a considerable period to grant bounties on the exportation of canvas or sail-cloth ; these, however R 3 24.6 CAOUTCHOUC. — CAPE-TOWN. finally ceased on the 1st of January, 1832. By an act passed in the reign of Geo. 2., new sails were ordered to be stamped with the maker's name and place of abode j but this regulation was repealed by the 10 Geo. 4. c. 43. § 9. CAOUTCHOUC. " This substance, which has been improperly termed elastic gum, and vulgarly, from its common application to rub out pencil marks on paper, India rubber, is obtained from the milky juice of different plants in hot countries. The chief of these are the Jafropha elastica, and Urceola elastica. The juice is applied in succes- sive coatings on a mould of clay, and dried by the fire or in the sun ; and when of a sufficient thickness, the mould is crushed, and the pieces shaken out. Acids separate the caoutchouc from the thinner part, of the juice at once, by coagulating it. The juice of old plants yields nearly two thirds of its weight ; that of younger plants less. Its colour, when fresh, is yellowish white, but it grows darker by exposure to the air. The elasticity of this substance is its most remarkable property ; when warmed, as by im- mersion in hot water, slips of it may be drawn out to 7 or 8 times their original length, and will return to their former dimensions nearly. Cold renders it stiff and rigid, but warmth restores its original elasticity. Exposed to the fire, it softens, swells up, and burns with a bright flame. In Cayenne it is used to give light as a candle." — ( lire's Dictionary.} Caoutchouc promises to become an article of very considerable importance. M. de la Coudamine, who was one of the first to commimicate authentic information with respect to it, mentions, that, owing to its being impervious to water, it was made into boots by the Indians. — ( Voyage de la' Riviere des Amazones, p. 76. ) It is now employed in a similar way here. Means have, within these few years, been discovered of reducing it to a state of solution ; and when thin filaments of it are spread over cloth or any other substance, it is rendered impervious alike to air and water. Air cushions and pillows are manufactured in this way ; as are water-proof cloaks, hats, boots, shoes, &c. It is also extensively used in the manufacture of braces and other articles which it is desirable should possess considerable elasticity ; and there can be little doubt that it will be em- ployed still more extensively, and in a still greater variety of ways. Previously to 18.30, the importations of caoutchouc were comparatively inconsiderable. In that year they amounted to about 52,000 lbs. ; while, during the year ended the 5th of April, 1833, the quantity entered for consumption amounted to 178,676 lbs. Its price varies from 6rf. to 2s. 6d, per lb. The duty has been judiciously reduced from 5d, per lb. to Is. per cwt. CAPERS (Fr. Capres ; Ger. Kappern ; Du. Kappers ; It. Cappart ; Sp. Alca^ parras ; Rus. Kaperszii ; Lat. Capparis), the pickled buds of the Capparis spinosa, a low shrub, generally growing out of the joints of old walls, and the fissures of rocks, in most of the warm parts of Europe. Capers are imported into Great Britain from different parts of the Mediterranean ; the best from Toulon in France. Some small salt caperii come from Majorca, and a few flat ones from about Lyons. The duty of 6d. per lb. on capers produced, in 1832, 1,553Z. 5s. 4d. nett, showing that 62,130 lbs. had been entered for home consumption. CAPE-TOWN, the capital of the British territory in South Africa ; lat. 33° 55' 56" S., long. 18^' 21' E. It lies at the bottom of Table Bay, about 32 miles nortji from the Cape of Good Hope ; and on the western side of the territory to which it gives its name. The town was founded by the Dutch in 1650 ; and remained, with the territory subject to it, in their possession, till it was taken by the Briti.sh in 1795. It was restored to the Dutch by the treaty of Amiens; but being again captured by the British in 1806, it was finally ceded to us in 1815. The .streets are laid out in straight lines, cro.ssing each other at right angles ; many of them being watered by canals, and planted on each side with oaks. The population in 1829-30 amounted, according to the statement in the Cape Almanac, to 13,103 free persons and 5,838 slaves, making together 18,491. The town is defended by a castle of considerable strength. Table Bay is capable of containing any number of ships ; but it is exposed to the westerly winds, which, during the months of June, July, and August, throw in a heavy swell, that has been productive !)f many distressing accidents. This, in fact, is the great drawback upon Cape- Town, ivhich in all other respects is most admirably fitted for a commercial station. At the proper season, however, or during the prevalence of the easterly monsoon. Table Bay is perfectly safe ; while the cheapness and abundance of provisions, the hccilthiness of the climate, and above all its position, render it a peculiarly desirable resting place for ships bound to or from India, China, Australia, &c. Tlie subjoined plan of Table Bay is taken from the survey of the Cape of Good Hope, executed by Lieut. Vidal and others, under the direction of Captain Owen. References to the Plan. — A, light-house, furni.shed with double lights. They may be seen clearly off dock at 16 miles' distance ; but they do not ai)pear double till within 6 or 7 miles to the westward ; from the northward only one light is seen. 15, Lion's Rump. C, Table Mountain. D, Devil's Peak, in lat. 3.3" 57' 2". E, Hobbin Island. F, Salt lliver. The figures denote the soundings in fathoms. Port Imttrnctions. — Art. 1. On the arrival of merchant vessels in Table Bay, a proper berth will be pointed out to the masters thereof by the port captaiTi, when he boards them ; and no master of a merchant vessel shall .shift his berth wit hout permission from the port cajitain, unless in case of extreme emergency, when he must report his having done so as early asnossible at the Port-office. CAPE TOWN. 247 2. Should it be the intention of a master of a vessel to discharge or receive on board any considerable quantity of merchandise, a berth will be pointed out to him as close to the jetty, or other landing place, as the safety of the vessel and other circumstances will admit. And the master will then moor with two bower anchors, with an open hawse to the N.N.E., taking especial care, in so mooring, not to overlay the anchors of any other ship, or in any way to give the vessel near him a foul berth. Ships and vessels touching in Table Bay for water and refreshments alone, may ride at single anchor in the outer anchor, age ; but in this case it is particularly recommended to veer out 80 or 90 fathoms, if they ride by a chain cable, as the liability of starting or fouling the anchor, or breaking the chain, will thereby be greatly lessened ; and if riding by a rope or coir cable, to run out a stream or good kedge, to steady the ship ; and in both cases the other bower anchor should be kept in perfect readiness to let go. When the vessel is properly moored with bower anchors, or well secured with a bower and stream anchor, and with good cables, buoys, and buoy-ropes, the master will then take the exact place of the ship by the bearings of 2 land-marks, and the depth of the water ; and should accident occur, by which the vessel may drift from, this situation, or lose her anchors, a good bearing and depth of water must be taken at the time, and the same must be notified in writing to the port captain. It is particularly recommended that vessels be kept as snug as possible, to counteract the effects of the periodical winds, which at times blow with consider- able violence. R 4 CAPE-TOWN. The district subject to Cape Town is of very great extent, and contains every variety of soil, from the richest level land to the wildest mountain, and tracts destitute of even the appearance of vegetation. The climate fluctuates between the two extremes of rain and drought. On the whole, its advantages and disadvantages seem to be pretty equally balanced ; and the prospects which it holds out to the industrious emigrant, if not very alluring, are certainly not discouraging. Population. — According to the oflicial returns, the population of the Cape Colony, in 1834, consisted of — Whites and Free Coloured. Negro Apprentices, formerly Slaves. Male; Female. Male. Female. 60,440 56,418^ 19,580 16,589 Total 153,027. Produce. — Large quantities of corn of a very good description are produced in the immediate neighbourhood of Cape- Town ; but its free exportation is restrained ; none being allowed to be sent abroad, except a specified quantity decided upon by government after an investigation into the state of the crops ! This restriction, Mr Thompson tells us ( Travels in Southern Africa, p. 395. ), has neither produced regular prices nor averted scarcity. It has, however, been in no common degree injurious to the colony ; and it is really surprising that systems of policy universally condemned in England should be allowed to exert a pernicious influence over any of our colonies. The Mauritius and Rio Janeiro are the principal markets for the corn of the Cape. Large quantities of wine, and of what is called brandy, are produced at the Cape ; but, with the exception of Constantia, they are very inferior. Objections have been made to the duties recently imposed on Cape wines ; but, as it appears to us, without any good foundation. 'The real effect of allowing their importation at a comparatively low duty is not to occasion their direct consumption, but to cause th#m to be employed as a con- venient means of adulterating others; so that, besides being injurious to the revenue, such reduction of duty promotes fraudulent practices, and detracts from the comforts of the public. Considerable quantities of hides, skins, and horns are exported. They are princi- pally brought from Algoa Bay, on the eastern side of the colony ; and the trade has increased very fast during the last 6 or 7 years. Horses, butter, beef, ivory, whale oil, aloes, argol, and various other articles, are among the exports. The imports at the Cape consist of woollens, cottons, hardware, earthenware, ftirnU ture, haberdashery, soap, paper, books, and portions of most articles used in this country. Piece goods and teak timber are imported from India, tea from China, sugar from India and the Mauritius, &c. Revenue, §*c, — The total revenue of the Cape Colony for the year 1832 amounted to 130,808/. 7s. S^d. ; the expenditure for the same year was 126,889/. Os. 9^d. ; leaving a balance of 3,919/. 6s. \0\d. in favour of the former. Trade. — The trade between the colonists and the independent natives is subjected to various restraints, of which it is not always very easy to discover the policy. The sale of gunpowder and fire-arms to the natives has been prohibited ; a regulation which might have been a judicious one, had they not been able to obtain them from any on^ else. But the Americans have begun to trade at Natal, on the eastern coast, and have liberally supplied the natives with these and various other articles ; so that by keeping up the regulation in question, we merely exclude ourselves from participating in what might be an advantageous trade. According to the official accounts, the values of the products imported into, and exported from the Estimated Value of Imports. Estimated Value of Exports. G. Britain. British Colonies. United States. Other Foreign States. Total. G. Britain, BritisJi Colonies. U"itedl Other States, Fg-X Total. Cape-Town, • - Simon's Town - • Port-Eli:cabeth, Total L. 275,049 603 56,8G.S 332,420 L. 27,200 3,33S 3,430 L. 4,349 5,391 L. 86,229 3 2 19 L. 392,827 9,624 6,317 L. 171,313 5,797 61,142 L. 106,830 570 4,156 L. 1 L. 4,603, 14,822 61 4 - . 498 L. 297,574 6,432 65,796 33,968 9,740 86,640 462,768 238,258' 111,556 4,664 15,3241 369,802 During the same year, the ships and tonnage entering inwards from, and clearing outwards to, the undermentioned countries, were : — Siiips Inwards. C. Town S. TOWH P Eliz Ships Outwards. G. Britain. B. Colonies. United States. Other Foreign States. Total. G. Britain. B. Colonies. United SUte."i. Other Foreign States. Tot&l. 1 s ~9S 8 9 i ^140 2,973 2,227 1 Ships Tons Ships Tons Ships Tons 1 Ships! Tons 1 Ships Tons 1 Ships s Ships 1 Tons Ships 1 Tons. 78 25,047 !» 3,141 15 2,771 lo2 a0,959 31 20 2 9,572 5,6.-2 559 82 4 2 18,419 2,003 171 289 28 88,178 13,749 5,728 115 8 12 45,447 3,063 1,937 102 30,900 121 4,606 6] 1,210 25 19 7,670 5,504 41 4 6 12,.'->.37 1,262 1,019 283 43 24 96,554 14,4.35 4,166 115 40,340 _53 15,763 _88 20,593 358 107,655 135 50,447 120 .36,7161 44 13,174 51 14,S1S .^50!TJ5,ld5 CAPE-TOWN. 249 Articles exported from the Cape. — The following account of the exports from the Cape in 1829 is taken from the Cape Almanac for 1831. It is the iriott complete of any that we have seen, and it» accuracy may be depended upon. Articles, the Produce and Manufacture of the Cape Colony, exported during 1829. Amount* je S. d. 2,794 0 0 0 0 5,5-0 16 4,.^53 7 ^ 5!40 0 0 228 0 0 4,1C3 6 0 87 0 0 866 0 0 23,449 0 0 31 10 0 467 12 6 29 0 0 383 0 0 i38 0 0 1,917 0 0 1,589 10 5 4,236 0 0 49 0 0 413 2 0 96 0 0 33,722 18 5i 5,989 6 0 79 0 0 8,753 0 0 3,759 0 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 688 0 0 4,023 6 0 1,782 0 0 63 0 0 169 0 0 138 0 0 Aloes, 375,736 lbs. and 61 casks and cases, estimated value Argol, 22,422 lbs. Butter, 105,519 lbs. and 152 casks and jars Beef, pork, and tonj^ues, salted, 1,780 ca^ks and kCRS Beer, 3,306 ga)lons Biscuits and rusks, 20,000 lbs. Corn, grain, meal, &c., viz. Barley and oats, 13,553 muids Beans and peas, 60 mtiids Bran, 36,332 lbs. Flour, 78,224 lbs. Wheat, 24,236 muids Cheese ... Curiosities ... Confectionery ... Cindles, 11,584 lbs. . .. Carriages - . . Feathers, ostrich, 539 lbs. and 31 boxes Fish Fruits, dried, 133,333 lbs. green ... Garden seeds and bulbs Gum, 16,943 lbs. and 2 cases Hides, horse and ox, 79,035 pieces Horns, 244,610 in number Hay, 29,160 lbs. Horses, 314 in number Ivory, 25,497 lbs. and 227 tusks, bundles and casks ... Lime, 72 half-aams • Leather, 2 cases Mules, 48 head Oil, whale, 34,662 gallons and 90 casks Oxen, cows, and calves, 444 head Polonies - - Potatoes and onions, 367 muids Poultry ... Salt, 288 muids Sheep, 3,282 in number ; pigs, 33 ; goats, 2 Spirits, viz. Brandy, 1 ,408^ gallons Liqueurs, 24 gallons Soap, 1,218 lbs. Saddlery and harness Skins, viz. Goat, 91,781 pieces and 55 bundles Seal, 3,928 pieces Sheep, 77,343 pieces Calt^ 1,414 pieces and 2 bundles Rabbit and mole, 4'JO pieces Karosses, 1 can: Tallow, 13,333 lbs. Vinegar, 428 gallons Wine, ordinary, 1,548,977J gallons Constantia, 2,874 gallons Wool, 33,280 lbs. and 11 bags Wood .... Whalebone, 13,038 lbs. and 229 bundles Wax, bees', 9 10 lbs. Zebras, 4 head ... Ji 8. d. 28 10 0 1,506 10 0 85 0 0 20 0 0 24 0 0 23 0 0 Supplies to his Majesty's Navy. Beef, fresh, 13.7,662 lbs. Biscuit, 259,616 lbs. Bread, soft, 11 8,480 lbs. Flour, 57,422 lbs. Hay, 5,630 lbs. ... Raisins, 10,722 lbs. Sheep, 34 in number, and oxen 23 Vegetables, 30,0 1 3 lbs. Wine, ordinary, 18,091 Imperial quarts Total estimated value of'colonial pro-' duce and manufactures exported during thp year 1829 . - ' 717 0 2,859 0 740 0 632 0 26 0 191 0 83 0 306 0 1,432 0 514 15 0 K.34 0 0 3,795 0 0 169 0 0 14 0 0 7 10 408 0 13 0 146,936 0 2,1.37 0 0 0 0 0 0 1,220 0 0 73 10 0 1,392 0 0 22 0 0 148 0 0 285,247 15 10^ Custom-house Regulations, Fees, &c. On Admission of a Ship to Entry, observe — 1. The ship's register must be lodged in the Custom-house, until the vessel clear again for sea. 2. The manifest of the cargo on board for this place must be deposited there. 3. The cockets of cargoes shipped from any place in Great Britain or Ireland for tliis place must also be deposited there. From the endorsement ot such cockets, an extract is to be made, which will show the contents of the different packages on board, and facilitate the making out of the entries. 4. In making out the declarations, the value by invoice of the different commodities must be given by the importer, in order to enable the Custom-house to estimate the duties pay- able, and to send in to government, annually, the required statement of the total duties received upon tlie several articles imported. In the clearing of a Ship outwards, observe — 1. The master must produce a certificate from the harbour master, that the tonnago duties of the port have been paid. 2. The export manifest must be examined with the permits granted, in order to ascertain whether packages have been shipp! d without a permit. 3. Export declarations must be, sent in by the several shippers, of the quantity and value of goods or produce shipped by them, in order to ascertain the amount of the exports of the colony. 4. When Cape wine is shipped for exportation to England, affidavit of the particular description of such wine must be delivered, and a certificate granted, by the collector or comp- troller of customs, to the master, of his having received such affidavit. 5. Manifests, in triplicate, of such goods as are shipped from the Cape for Great Britain, must be delivered, signed, and sworn to by the master, before the collector or comp- troller. The original of which is to be returned to the master to accompany the cargo. The duplicate to be forwarded, by the first conveyance sail- ing sunsequently to the vessel containing the original, to the commissioners of customs in England or Scotland respectively, as the case may happen. An • . It shall not be lawful for any person to re-export, from any of his Majesty's possessions abroad, to any foreign place, any coals, the produce of the United Kingdom; and no such coals shall be shipped at any of such possessions^ to be exported to any British place, until the exporter or the master of the exporting vessel shall have given bond, with one sufficient surety, in double the value of the coals, , that such coals shall not be landed at any foreign place. — ^85. It shall be lawful for the shipper of any wine, tlie produce of the Cape of Good Hope or of its dependencies, which is to be exported thence, to go before the chief officer of customs, and make and sign an affidavit before him, that such wine was really and bond fide the produce of the Cape of Good Hope or of its de- pendencies ; and such officer is hereby authorised and required to administer such affidavit, and to grant a certificate thereof, setting forth in such certificate the name of the ship in which the wine is to be exported, and the destination of the same, — § 78. Duties. — A duty of per cent, is charged on the importation of all articles of the growth, production, or manufacture of Great Britain, or of the British plantations in the West Indies! A duty of 10 per cent, is charged on the importation (by British vessels) of all articles of the growth, production, or manufacture of foreign Europe, America, or the eastward of the Cape, to be levied accord- ing to the declaration of the value by the importer. No abatement or reduction whatever admitted, ex- cept of the duties and landing charges payable on the importation thereof An additional duty of ]s. &d. per gallon is charged on the importation of arrack, rum, gin, liqueurs, whisky, or other spirituous liquors, brandy excepted. No tea may be landed, unless the permission of the East India Company's agent be first obtained. ' No ammunition may be landed or shipped, unless the permission of government be first obtained. Commission. — The following rates of commission are charged and allowed, namely — Per cent. 1. On the nett amount of all sales of goods by public sale, and on the gross amount of all other sales 5 2. Goods consigned, and afterwards withdrawn - . - - - - - 2| 3. On purchases effected from the proceeds of goods on which a commission has already been charged - - - - - - - -2| 4. On all other purchases, or shipments of goods - . - - • 5 i 5. On the sale or purchases of ships, houses, or lands - . » ■ 2| 6. On ships' disbursements - - - - - . r : 5 7. On procuring freight - - - - 5 8. On collecting freight on ships bound to this place - - - - 2| 9. On guaranteeing bills or bonds by indorsement or otherwise - - - - 2^ 10. On collecting debts without recourse to law - - - - - - 2^ Ditto, where legal proceedings are taken - - - - --.5 11. On effecting remittances by bills of exchange - - - - - - 1 12. On the negotiation of bills - - - - - --1 13. On effecting insurances - - - - - - - G? 14. On the administration of estates - - - - - - 5 15. On cash advances - - - - - ---2| 16. On the debtor and creditor sides of cash accounts, on which no other commission IS charged - 1 Money. — Accounts are either kept in pounds, shillings, pence, and farthings, or m rix-dollars, schil- iings, and stivers. 1 Stiver = f of a Penny. 6 Stivers = 2^ Pence, or 1 schilling. 8 Schillings = 18 Pence, or 1 rix-dollar. The commissariat department grant bills on the Treasury at a premium of 1| per cent. Weights and Measures. — The weights made use of in the Cape are derived from the standard pound of Amsterdam: and those assized are from 50 lbs. down to 1 loot, or the 32d part of a pound, which is re- garded as unity. The muid of wheat weighs, at an average, about 110 lbs. Dutch, being somewhat over 196 lbs. En- glish. Cloth and Long Measures. 12 Rhynland inches — 1 Rhynland foot. 27 ditto = 1 Dutch ell. 144 ditto = 1 Square foot. 144 Square feet = 1 Rood, 600 Roods = 1 Morgen. Liquid Measure. 16 Flasks = 1 Anker. 4 Ankers = 1 Aam. 4 Aams 1 Leaguer. Corn Measure. 4 Schepels ■= 1 Muid. 10 Muids = 1 Load. 107 schepels = 82 Winch, bushels, or 4 schepels = 3 Imp. bush, very nearly. Colonial Weights and Measures compared with those of England. Weights. 100 lbs. Dutch = nearly 109 lbs. English avoirdupois. 100 lbs. English = nearly 92 lbs. Dutch. Wine or Liquid Measure. 1 Flask " 1 Anker 1 Aum 1 Leaguer 1 Pipe Saldanha Bay, in lat. 33° 6' S., long, 17° 58' 15" E., being 16i leagues north of Cape-Town, is one of the best and most commodious harbours in the world. It is perfectly safe at all seasons. Besides the Cape Almanac, one of the best of that class of publications, and the other authorities referred to, we have derived part of the above details from papers laid before the Finance Committee. CAPITAL, in political economy, is that portion of the produce existing in a country, which may be made directly available, either to the support of human existence, or to the facilitating of production. — {Principles of Political EcononiT/, 2d ed. p. 97.) But in commerce, and as applied to individuals, it is understood to mean the sum of money which a merchant, banker, or trader adventures in any under(aking, or which he contributes to = 9h ditto. 7-9 ditto. - 38 ditto. 31 1 ditto. = 152 ditto. 126 6 ditto. - 110 ditto. 91-6 ditto. CAPSICUM. — CARAVAN. 251 the common stock of a partnership. It signifies likewise the fund of a trading company, or corporation ; in which sense the word stock is generally added to it. Thus we say tlie capital stock of the Bank, &c. The profit derived fi-om any undertaking is estimated by the rate wliich it bears to the cajjital that was employed. CAPSICUM. Sec Pepper. CARAVAN, an organised company of merchants, or pilgrims, or both, who associate together in many parts of Asia and Africa, that they may travel with greater security through deserts and other places infested with robbers; or where the road is naturally dangerous. The word is derived from the Persian hcrvan, or cdrvdn, a trader or dealer. — {Shawns Travels in the Levant, p. 9. 'ito cd.) Every caravan is under the command of a chief or aga C caravan-hachi), who has frequently under him such a number of troops or forces as is deemed sufficient for its defence. When it is practicable, they encamp near wells or rivulets ; and observe a regular discipline. Camels arc used as a means of conveyance, almost uniformly, in preference to the horse or any other animal, on account of their wonderful patience of fatigue, eating little, and subsisting three or four days or more without water. There are generally nu)re camels in a caravan than men. — (Sec Camel.) The commercial intercourse of Eastern and African nations has been principally carried on, from the i-emotest period, by means of caravans. During antiquity, the products of India and China were conveyed either from Suez to Ilhinoculura, or from Bussorah, near the head of the Persian Gulf, by the Euphrates, to Babylon, and thence by Palmyra, in the Syrian desert, to the ports of Phoenicia on the Mediterranean, where they were exchanged for the European productions in demand in the East. Sometimes, however, caravans set out directly from China, and, occupying about 250 days in the journey, arrived on the shores of the Levant, after traversing the whole extent of Asia. ( Gibbon, vol. vii. p. 93.) The formation of caravans is, in fact, the only way in which it has ever been possible to carry on any considerable internal commerce in Asia or Africa. The governments that have grown up in those continents have seldom been able, and seldomer indeed have they attempted, to render travelling practicable or safe for indi- viduals. The wandering tribes of Arabs have always infested the immense deserts by which they are intersected ; and those only, who are suflSciently powerful to protect them- selves, or sufficiently rich to purchase an exemption from the predatory attacks of these freebooters, can expect to pass through territories subject to their incursions, without being exposed to the risk of robbery and murder. Since the establishment of the Mohammedan faith, religious motives, conspiring with those of a less exalted character, have tended to augment the intercourse between different parts of the Eastern world, and to increase the number and magnitude of the caravans. Mohammed enjoined all his followers to visit, once in their lifetime, the Caaba, or square building in the teniple of Mecca, the immemorial object of veneration amongst his countrymen ; and in order to preserve continually upon their minds a sense of obligation to perform this duty, he directed that, in all the multiplied acts of devotion which his religion prescribes, true believers should always turn their faces towards that holy place. In obedience to a precept so solemnly enjoined and sedulously inculcated, large caravans of pilgrims used to assemble annually in every country where the Mohammedan faith is established ; and though, owing either to a diminution of religious zeal, or the increasing difficulties to be encountered in the journey, tb^ number of pil- grims has of late years declined greatly, it is still very considerable. Few, however, of the pilgrims are actuated only by devotional feelings. Commercial ideas and obj.ects mingle with those of religion ; and it redounds to the credit of Mohammed, that he grjuited permission to trade during the pilgrimage to Mecca ; providing at the same time far the temporal as well as the lasting interests of his votaries. " It shall be no crime in you, if ye seek an increase from your Lord 6y trading during the pilgrimage." — {Sale's Koran, c. 2. p. 36. ed. 1764.) The numerous camels of each caravan are loaded with those commodities of every country which are of easiest carriage and readiest sale. The holy city is crowded during the month of Dhalhajja, corresponding to the latter part of June and the beginning of July, not only with zealous devotees, but with opulent merchants. A fair or market is held in Mecca and its vicinity, on the twelve days that the pilgrims are allowed to remain in that city, which used to be one of the best frequented in the world, and continues to be well attended. " Few pilgrims," says Burckhardt, " except the mendicants, arrive without bringing some productions of their respective countries for sale : and this remark is applicable as well to the merchants, with whom commercial pui-suits are the main object, as to those who are actuated by religious zeal ; for, to the latter, the profits derived from selling a few articles at Mecca diminish, in some degree, the heavy expenses of the journey. The Moggrebyns (pilgrims from Morocco and the north coast of Africa) bring their red bonnets and woollen cloaks j the European Turk^ shoes and slippers, hardware, era- 252 CARAVAN. broidered stuffs, sweetmeats, amber, trinkets of European manufacture, knit silk purses, &c. ; the Turks of Anatolia bring carpets, silks, and Angora shawls ; the Persians, Cashmere shawls and large silk handkerchiefs ; the Afghans, tooth-brushes, called Mesouak Kattary, made of the spongy boughs of a tree growing in Bokhara, beads of a yellow soapstone, and plain coarse shawls manufactured in their own country ; the Indians, the numerous productions of their rich and extensive region ; the people of Yemen, snakes for the Persian pipes, sandals and various other works in leather ; and the Africans bring various articles adapted to the slave trade. The pilgrims are, how- ever, often disappointed in their expectations of gain ; want of money makes them hastily sell their little adventures at the public auctions, and often obliges them to accept very low prices." — (^Travels in Arabia, vol. ii. p. 21.) The two principal caravans which yearly rendezvous at Mecca are those of Damascus and Cairo. The first is composed of pilgrims from Europe and Western Asia; the second of Mohammedans from all parts of Africa. The Syrian caravan is said by Burckhardt to be very well regulated. It is always accompanied by the pacha of Damascus, or one of his principal officers, who gives the signal for encamping and starting by firing a musket. On the route, a troop of horsemen ride in the front, and another in the rear to bring up the stragglers. The different parties of pilgrims, distinguished by their provinces or towns, keep close together. At night torches are lighted, and the daily distance is usually performed between 3 o'clock in the afternoon and an hour or two after sunrise on the following day. The Bedouins or Arabs, who carry provisions for the troops, travel by day only, and in advance of the caravans ; the encampment of which they pass in the morning, and are overtaken in turn and passed by the caravan on the following night, at their own resting place. The journey with these Bedouins is less fatiguing than with the great body of the caravan, as a regular night's rest is obtained ; but their bad character deters most pilgrims from joining them. At every watering-place on the route is a small castle and a large tank, at which the camels water. The castles are garrisoned by a few persons, who remain the whole year to guard the provisions deposited there. It is at these watering-places, which belong to the Bedouins, that the sheikhs of the tribe meet the caravan, and receive the accustomed tribute for allowing it to pass. Water is plentiful on the route ; the stations are no where more distant than 11 or 1 2 hours' march ; and in winter, pools of rain-water are frequently found. Those pilgrims who can travel with a litter, or on commodious camel-saddles, may sleep at night, and perform the journey with little inconvenience : but of those whom poverty, or the desire of speedily acquiring a large sum of money, induces to follow the caravan on foot, or to hire themselves as servants, many die on the road from fatigue. — ( Travels in Arabia, vol. ii. p. 3 — 9. ) The caravan which sets out from Cairo for Mecca is not generally so large as that of Damascus; and its route along the shores of the Red Sea is more dangerous and fatiguing. But many of the African and Egyptian merchants and pilgrims sail from Suez, Cosseir, and other ports on the western shore of the Red Sea, for Djidda, whence the journey to Mecca is short and easy. The Persian caravan for Mecca sets out from Bagdad ; but many of the Persian pilgrims are now in the habit of embarking at Bussorah, and coming to Djidda by sea. Caravans from Bagdad and Bussorah proceed to Aleppo, Damascus, and Diarbeker, laden with all sorts of Indian, Arabian, and Persian commodities ; and large quantities of European goods, principally of English cottons, imported at Bussorah, are now dis- tributed throughout all the eastern parts of the Turkish empire by the same means. The intercourse carried on in this way is, indeed, every day becoming of more im- portance. The commerce carried on by caravans, in the interior of Africa, is widely extended And of considerable value. Besides the great caravan which proceeds from Nubia to Cairo, and is joined by Mohammedan pilgrims from every part of Africa, there are caravans which have no object but commerce, which set out from Fez, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and other states on the sea-coast, and penetrate far into the interior. Some of them take as many as 50 days to reach the place of their destination ; and as their rate of travelling may be estimated at about 18 miles a day at an average, the extent of their journeys may easily be computed. As both the time of their outset and their route is known, they are met by the people of the countries through which they travel, who trade with them. Indian goods of every kind form a considerable article in this traffic ; in exchange for which, the chief commodity the inhabitants have to give is slaves. Three distinct caravans are employed in bringing slaves and other commodities from Central Africa to Cairo. One of them comes direct from Mourzouk, the capital of Fezzan, across the Libyan desert ; another from Senaar ; and the third frorn Darfur. They do not arrive at stated periods, but after a greatci* or less interval, according to the success they have had in procuring slaves, ivory, gold dust, drugs, and such other articles CARAVANSEllA. — CARBUNCLE. 253 as are fitted for the Ef^yptian markets. The Mourzouk caravan is said to he under tJie best regulations. It is generally ahout 50 days on its passage ; and seldom consists of less than 100, or of more than 300, travellers. The caravans from Senaar and Darfur used formerly to be very irregular, and were sometimes not seen in Egypt for 2 or 3 years together ; but since the occupation of the former by the troops of Mohammed Ali, the intercourse between it and Egypt has become comparatively frequent and regular. The number of slaves imported into Egypt by these caravans is said to amount, at present, to about 10,000 a year. The departure of a caravan from Darfur is looked upon as a most important event ; it engages for a while the attention of the whole country, and even forms a kind of era. — (^Browne's Travels in Africa, 2d ed. p. 278.) A caravan from Darfur is considered large, if it has 2,000 camels and 1,000 slaves. Many of the Moorish pilgrims to Mecca cross the sea from Souakin and Massouah to the opposite coast of Arabia, and then travel by land to Mecca ; and Burckhardt states, that of all the poor pilgrims who arrive in the Hedjaz, none bear a more respectable character for industry than those from Central Africa. Caravans are distinguished into heavy and light. Camels loaded with from 500 to 600 lbs.* form a heavy caravan ; light caravans being the term applied to designate those formed of camels under a moderate load, or perhaps only half loaded. The mean daily rate at which heavy caravans travel is about 18| miles, and that of light caravans 22 miles. The safety of a caravan depends materially on the conduct of the caravan-hachi, or leader. Niebuhr says, that when the latter is intelligent and honest, and the travellei understands the language, and is accustomed to the Oriental method of travelling, an excursion through the desert is rarely either disagreeable or dangerous. But it is not unusual for the Turkish pachas to realise considerable sums by selling the privilege of conducting caravans ; and it is generally believed in the East, that leaders so appointed, in order to indemnify themselves, not unfrequently arrange with the Arabian sheikhs as to the attack of the caravans, and share with them in the booty ! At all events, a leader who has paid a large sum for the situation, even if he should be honest, must im- pose proportionally heavy charges on the association. Hence the best way in travelling with caravans is, to attach oneself to one conducted by an active and experienced mer- • chant, who has a considerable property embarked in the expedition. With ordinary precaution, the danger is then very trifling. It would be easy, indeed, were there any thing like proper arrangements made by government, to render travelling by caravans, at least on all the gi-eat routes, abundantly secure. — (Niebuhr, Voyage en Arabic, tome ii. p. 194. ed. Amst. 1780.) No particular formalities are required in the formation of a caravan. Those that start at fixed periods are mostly under the control of government, by whom the leaders are appointed. But, generally speaking, any dealer is at liberty to form a company and make one. The individual in whose name it is raised is considered as the leader, or caravan-bachi, unless he appoint some one else in his place. When a number of mer- chants associate together in the design, they elect a chief, and appoint officers to decide whatever controversies may arise during the journey. — (For further details with respect to caravans, see the Modern Part of the Universal History, vol. xiv. pp. 214 — 243. ; Robertson's Disquisition on Ancient India, Note 54. ; Rees's Cyclopcudia, art. Caravan^ most of which is copied from Robertson, though without a single word of acknowledg- ment ; BurckhardVs Travels in Arabia, vol. ii. passim ; Urquhart on Turkey and its Resources, -p. 137. 151., §*c.) CARAVANSERA, a large public building or inn appropriated for the reception and lodgment of the caravans. Though serving in lieu of inns, there is this radical difference between them, — that, generally speaking, the traveller finds nothing in a caravansera for the use either of himself or his cattle. He must carry all his provisions and necessaries with him. They are chiefly built in dry, barren, desert places ; and are mostly furnished with water brought from a great distance and at a vast expense. A weli of water is, indeed, indispensable to a caravansera. Caravanseras are also numerous in cities ; where they serve not only as inns, but as shops, warehouses, and even exchanges* CARAWAY-SEED (Fr. Carvi, Cumin des pres ; Ger. Keummel, Brodkmnmel; It. Carvi), a small seed, of an oblong and slender figure, pointed at both ends, and thickest in the middle. It is the produce of a biennial plant ( Carum carui), with a taper root like a parsnep, but much smaller. It should be chosen large, new, of a good colour, not dusty, and of a strong agreeable smell. It is principally used by confectioners ; and is extensively cultivated in several parts of Essex. CARBUNCLE (Ger. Karfunkel ; Fr. EscarbouMe ; It. Carhonchio ; Sp. Carbun- culo ; Lat. Carbuncvlus), a precious stone of the ruby kind, of a very rich glowing blood-red colour, highly esteemed by the ancients. — (See Ruby.) * This is the burden of the small camel only. The large ones usually carry from 750 to 1,000 Ibfc 254? CARD. — CARDS CARD (Fr. Cardes ; Ger. Karddtschen, Karden, WollJtratzen ; It. Cardi ; Ru3. Bardii ; Sp. Cardas), an instrument, or comb, for arranging or sorting the hairs of wool, cotton, &c. Cards are either fastened to a flat piece of wood, and wrought by the hand j, or to a cylinder, and wrought by machinery. CARDAMOMS (Fr. Cardamomes ; Ger. Kardamom ; It. Cardamomi ; Sp. Kar- damomos; Hind. Gujarati elachi), seed capsules produced by a plant, of which there are different species growing in India, Cochin China, Siam, and Ceylon. The capsules are gathered as they ripen ; and when dried in the sun, are fit for sale. The small capsules, or lesser cardamoms, are produced by a particular species of the plant, and are the most valuable. They should be chosen full, plump, and difficult to be broken ; of a bright yellow colour ; a piercing smell ; with an acrid, bitterish, though not very unpleasant taste ; and particular care should be taken that they are properly dried. They are reckoned to keep best in a body, and are therefore packed in large chests, well jointed, pitched at the seams, and otherwise properly secured ; as the least damp greatly reduces their value. The best cardamoms are brought from the Malabar coast. They are pro- duced in the recesses of the mountains, by felling trees, and afterwards burning them ; for wherever the ashes fall in the openings or fissures of the rocks, the cardamom plant naturally springs up. In Soonda Balagat, and other places where cardamoms are planted, the fruit or berry is very inferior to that produced in the way now mentioned. The Malabar cardamom is described as a species of bulbous plant, growing 3 or 4 feet high. The growers are obliged to sell all their produce to the agents of government, at prices fixed by the latter, varying from 550 to 700 rupees the candy of 600 lbs. avoirdupois : and it is stated that the conti-actor often puts an enhanced value on the coins with which he pays the mountaineers ; or makes them take in exchange tobacco, cloths, salt, oil, betel nut, and such necessary articles, at prices which are frequently, no doubt, estimated above their proper level. Such a system ought assuredly to be put an immediate end to. Not more than one hundredth part of the cardamoms raised in Malabar are used in the country. They are sent in large quantities to the ports on the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, to Sind, up the Indus, to Bengal, Bombay, &c. They form a universal ingredient in curries, pillaus, &c. The market price, at the places of exportation on the Malabar coast, varies from 800 to 1,200 rupees the candy. — (Milhurn's Orient. Com- merce, and the valuable evidence of T. H. Baber, Esq., before the Lords' Committee of ^ 1830, p. 216.) Malabar cardamoms are worth at present (September, 1833), from 3s. 8c?. to 3s. 10c?. a pound in the London market, duty (Is.) included. Ceylon cardamoms are worth from Is. 8c?. to 2s. 2d. CARDS, OR PLAYING CARDS (Du. Kaarten, Speelkarden ; Fr. Cartes ajouev; Ger. Karten, Spiel karten ; It. Carte da giuoco ; Rus. Kartii ; Sp. Carras, Naipes ; Sw. Kort). The only thing necessary to be noticed in this place with respect to cards, is the regulations as to their manufacture, sale, and the payment of the duty. It is regulated by the 9 Geo. 4. c. 18., that an annual licence duty of 5s. shall be paid by every maker of playing cards and dice. The duty on every pack of cards is Is. and is to be specified on the ace of spades. Cards are not to be made in any part of Great Britain, except the metropolis ; nor in Ireland, except in Dublin and Cork ; under a penalty of 100/. Cards are to be enclosed in wrappers, with such marks as the commissioners of stamps may appoint. Before licence can be had, bond must be given to the amount of 500/. for the payment of the duties, &c. Selling or exposing to sale any pack of cards not duly stamped, subjects a licensed maker to a penalty of 50/. ; and any one else to a penalty of 10/. Any person having in his possession, or using, or permitting to be used, any pack of cards, not duly.stamped, to forfeit 5/. Second-hand cards may be sold by any person, if sold without the wrapper of a licensed maker ; and in packs containing not more than 52 cards, including an ace of spades duly stamped, and enclosed in a wrapper with the words " Second-hand Cards " printed or written in distinct characters on the outside: penalty for selling second-hand cards in any other manner, 20/. An Account of the Duty received on Playing Cards in Great Britain and Ireland in each Year from 1820, specifying the Rates of Duty charged. — (Par/. Paper, No. 427. Sess. 1832.) Year. Great Britain. Ireland. Rate. Amount of Duty. Rate. Amount of Duty. 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 2*. Qd. per pack Is. per pack from May £ S. d. 21,267 5 0 21, ,347 5 0 21,179 17 6 22,006 12 6 25,874.12 6 22,577 17 6 18,300 15 0 20,864 12 6 17,365 5 6 15,542 14 0 14,509 7 0 14,400 2 0 2s. per pack C2s. per pack to5thof July,'1 < 1.S-. per pack for the re- > C mainder of the year -J Is. per pack £ s. d. 2,019 14 1 1,821 16 8i 1,643 0 11 1,6.57 4 5| 1,598 12 8i 1,559 8 0 1,037 12 6 1,001 12 5 640 19 0 403 11 0 244 12 0 104 18 0 CARMEN. — CARRIERS. 255 • CARMEN, of the City of London, arc constituted a feUowsliip ])y act of common council. The rates which they are allowed to charge, and the regulations hy which they arj to be guided, are settled at the quarter sessions. In other respects they are subjected to the rule of the president and governors of Christ's Hospital, to whom the owner of every cart pays an annual licence duty of 17s. 4d. Carmen are to help to load and unload their carts; and if any carman exacts more than the regular rates, upon due proof, before the Lord Mayor, or any two magistrates, he shall suffer imprisonment for the space of 21 days. • If any person shall refuse to pay any carman his hire, according to the regular rates, upon complain* made, the president of Christ's Hospital, or a justice of the i)eace, may compel payment. Merchants or other persons may choose what cart they please, except such as stand for wharf-work, tackle-work, crane-work, at shops and merchants* houses, which are to be taken in turn ; and every car. man standing with his empty cart next to any goods to be loaded, shall, upon the first demand, load the ame for the accustomed rates ; and if any person shall cause a carman to attend at his house, shop, ware- house, or cellar, with his loaded cart, the carman being willing to help to unload the same, he snail pay the carman after the rate of 12d. for every hour after the first half-hour for his attendance. Every licensed carman is to have a piece of brass fixed upon his cart, upon which is to he engraven a certain number ; which number, together with the carman's name, is registered in a register kept at Christ's Hospital; so that, in case of any misbehaviour, the party offended, by taking notice of the number of the cart, may search for it in the register, and the name will be found. Carmen not conforming to these rules, or working without a numbered piece of brass fixed on the cart, may be suspended from their employment. Carmen riding upon the shaits of their carts, or sitting within them, not having some person on foot CO guide the horses, shall forfeit 10s. CARMINE (^Ger. Karmin ; Tiu. Karmyn ; Fr. Carmine; It. Carminio ; Lat. Car- minium), a powder of a very beautiful red colour, bordering upon purple, and used by painters in miniature. It is a species of lake, and is formed of finely pulverised cochineal. It is very high priced. CARNELIAN. See Agate. CARPET, CARPETS (Ger. Teppiche ; Du. Tapyten, Vloer-tapyten ; Fr. Tapis; It. Tappeti ; Sp. Alfombras, Alcatifas, Tapetes ; Rus. Kowr'd, Kilimi), Pej'sian and Turkish carpets are the most esteemed. In England, carpets are principally manu- factui-ed at Kidderminster, Wilton, Cirencester, Worcester, Axminster, &c. ; and in Scotland, at Kilmarnock. Those made at Axminster are believed to be very little, if any thing, inferior to those of Persia and Turkey. CARRIAGES. See Coaches. CARROT (Daucus carota Lin.), a biennial plant, a native of Britain. Though long known as a garden plant, its introduction into agriculture has been comparatively recent. The uses of the carrot in domestic economy are well known. It is extensively culti- vated in Suffolk, whence large quantities are sent to the London market. Horses arc said to be remarkably fond of carrots. CARRIERS, are persons undertaking for hire to carry goods from one place to another. Proprietors of carts and wagons, masters and owners of ships, hoymen, lightermen, bargemen, ferrymen, &c. are denominated common carriers. The master of a stage coach who only carries passengers for hire, is not liable for goods ; but if he undertake to carry goods and passengers, then he is liable for both as a common carrier. The post-master general is not a carrier in the common acceptation of the term, nor is he subjected to his liabilities. 1. Duties and Liabilities of Carriers. — Carriers are bound to receive and carry the goods of all persons, for a reasonable hire or reward ; to take proper care of them in their passage ; to deliver them safely, and in the same condition as when they were received (excepting only such losses as may arise from the act of God or the hing's enemies') ; or, in default thereof, to make compensation to the owner for whatever loss or damage the goods may have received while in their custody, that might have been prevented. Hence a carrier is liable, though he be robbed of the goods, or they be taken from him by irresistible force ; and though this may seem a hard rule, yet it is the only one that could be safely adopted ; for if a carrier were not liable for losses imless it could be shown that he had conducted himself dishonestly or negligently, a door would be opened for every species of fraud and collusion, inasmuch as it would be impossible, in most cases, to ascertain whether the facts were such as the carrier represented. On the same principle a carrier has been held accountable for goods accidentally consumed by lire while in his warehouse. In delivering the opinion of the Court of King's Bench on a case of this sort. Lord Mansfield said — "A carrier, by the nature of his contract, obliges himself to use all due care and diligence, and is answerable for any neglect. But there is something more imposed upon him by custom, that is, by the common law, A common carrier is in the nature of an insurer. All the cases show him to be so. This makes him liable for every thing except the act of God and the king's enemies ; that is, even for inevitable accidents, with those exceptions. The question then is, What is the act of God ? I consider it to be laid down in opposition to the act of vian ; such 256 CARRIERS. lightning, storms, tempests, and the like, which could not happen by any human inter' vention. To prevent litigation and collusion, the law presumes negligence except in those circumstances. An armed force, though ever so great and irresistible, does not excuse ; the reason is, for fear it may give room for collusion, which can never happen with respect to the act of God. We all, therefore, are of opinion that there should be judgment for the plaintiff."— {Forward v. Pittard, 1 T. R. 27.) A carrier is not obliged to have a new carriage for every journey ; it is sufficient if he provide one that, without any extraordinary accident, may be fairly presumed capable of performing the journey. A carrier may be discharged from his liability by any fraud or concealment on the part of the individual employing him, or of the bailor ; as if the latter represent a parcel as containing things of little or no value, when, in fact, it contains things of great value. But when the carrier has not given a notice limiting his responsibility, and when he puts no questions with respect to the parcel to the bailor, the latter need not say any thing with respect to it ; and though the bailor should represent the thing delivered to the carrier as of no value, yet if the latter know it to he otherwise, he will be responsible in the event of its being lost or damaged. If the bailor deliver goods imperfectly packed, and the carrier does not perceive it, he is not liable in the event of a loss occur- ring; but if the defect in the package were such that the carrier could not but perceive it, he would be liable. On this principle a carrier was made to answer for the loss of a greyhound that had been improperly secured when given. to him. A carrier may refuse to admit goods into his warehouse at an unseasonable time, or before he is ready to take his journey ; but he cannot refuse to do the ordinary duties incumbent on a person in his situation. It is felony, if a carrier open a parcel and take goods out of it with intent to steal them ; and it has been decided, that if goods be delivered to a carrier to be carried to a specified place, and he carry them to a different place, and dispose of them for his own profit, he is guilty of felony : but the embezzlement of goods by a carrier, without a felonious taking, merely exposes to a civil action. No carrier, wagonman, carman, or wainman, with their respective carriages, shall travel on Sundays, under a penalt}'^ of 20s. — (3 Chas. 1. c. 1.) A carrier is always, unless there be an express agreement to the contrary, entitled to a reward for his care and trouble. In some cases his reward is regulated by the legis- lature, and in others by a special stipulation between the parties ; but though there be no legislative provision or express agreement, he cannot claim more than a reasonable compensation. 2. Limitation of Responsibility. — Until the act of 1 830, a carrier might, by express stipulation, giving public notice to that effect, discharge his liability from all losses by robbery, accident, or otherwise, except those which arose from misfeazance and gross negligence {from which no stipulation or notice could exempt him), and provided the notice did not contravene the express conditions of an act of parliament. Notices generally bore, that the carrier would not be responsible for more than a certain sum (usually 5L) on any one parcel, the value of which had not been declared and paid for accordingly ; so that a person aware of this notice, entering a box worth 1,000Z. without declaring its value, or entering it as being worth 200/., would, should it be lost, have got in the first case only 51., and in the latter only 200/., unless he could have shown that the carrier had acted fraudulently or with gross negligence. - But, to avail himself of this defence, the carrier was bound to show that the bailor or his servant was acquainted with the notice at the time of delivering the goods. No particular manner of giving notice was required. It might be done by express communication, by fixing it up in a conspicuous place in the carrier's office, by insertion in the public papers or Gazette, by the circulation of handbills, &c. ; it being in all cases a question for the jury to decide whether the bailor was really acquainted with the notice of the limitation ; since, if he were not, he was entitled to recover, whatever efforts the carrier may have made to publish it. Thus, a notice stuck up in a carrier's warehouse, where goods were delivered, was of no avail against parties who could not read ; neither was it of any avail against those who could read, and who had seen it, unless they had actually read it. On this principle it was held, that a notice in a newspaper is not sufficient, even when it was proved that the bailor read the newspaper, unless it could also be proved that he had read tlio notice itself. These attempts to limit responsibility gave rise to a great deal of litigation and un- certainty ; and to obviate the inconveniences thence arising, the important statute, 1 Will. 4. c. 68., was passed. This act declares, that carriers by land shall not be liable for the loss of certain articles specified in the act, when their value exceeds 10/., unless the nature and value of such articles be stated at the time of their delivery to the carrier, and an increased charge paid or agreed to be paid upon the same. It is further declared, that no publication of any notices by carriers shall have i>owcr to limit their CARRIERS. 237 responsibility at common law for all other articles except those specified in the act ; but as the act is of great importance, we subjoin it. From and after the passing of this act, no mail contractor, stage coach proprietor, or other common carrier land for hire, shall be liable for the loss of or injury to any article or articles or property of the description following, viz. gold or silver coin of this realm or of any foreign state, or any gold or silver in a. manufactured or unmanufactured state, or any pricious stones, jewellery, watches, clocks, or time- pieces of any description, trinkets, bills, notes of the Governor and Company of the Banks of England, Scotland, and Ireland respectively, or of any other bank in Great Kritain or Ireland, orders, notes, or securities for payment of money, English or foreign stamps, maps, writings, title-deeds, paintings, engravings, pictures, gold or silver plate or plated articles, glass, china, silks i-n a manufactured or unmanu- factured state, and whether wrought up or not wrought up with other materials, furs, or lace, or any of them, contained in any parcel or package which shall have been delivered, either to be carried tor hire or to accompany the person of any passenger in any mail or stage coach or other public conveyance, when the value of such article or articles or property aforesaid contained in such parcel or package shall exceed the sum of l6^., unless at the time of the delivery thereof at the office, warehouse, or receiving house of such mail contractor, &c. the value and nature of such article or articles or property shall have been declared by the person or persons sending or delivering the same, and such increased charge as herein- after mentioned, or an engagement to pay the same, be accepted by the person receiving such parcel or package. — § 1. When any parcel or package containing any of the articles above specified shall be so delivered, and its value and contents declared as aforesaid, and such value shall exceed the sum of 10/., it shall be lawful for such mail contractors, stage coach proprietors, and other common carriers, to demand and receive an increased rate of charge, to be notified by some notice, affixed in legible character in some public and conspicuous part of the office, warehouse, or other receiving house, where such parcels or packages are received by them for the purpose of conveyance, stating the increased rates of charge required to be paid over and above the ordinary rate of carriage, as a compensation for the greater risk and care to be taken for the safe conveyance of such valuable articles ; and all persons sending or delivering parcels or packages containing such valuable articles as aforesaid at such office shall be bound by such notice, without further proof of the same having come to their knowledge. — § 2. Provided always, that when the value shall have been so declared, and the increased rate of charge paid, or an engagement to pay the same shall have been accepted as herein-belbre mentioned, the person receiving such increased rate of charge or accepting such agreement shall, if required, sign a receipt for the package or parcel, acknowledging the same to have been insured, which receipt shall not be liable to any stamp duty; and if such receipt shall not be given when required, or such notice as aforesaid shall not have been affixed, the mail contractor, stage coach proprietor, or other common carrier as aforesaid, shall not have or be entitled to any benefit or advantage under this act, but shall be liable and responsible as at the common law, and be liable to refund the increased rate of charge. — § 3. And be it enacted, that from and after the 1st day of September 1850, no public notice or declara- tion heretofore made or hereafter to be made shall be deemed or construed to limit or in any wise affect the liability at common law of any such mail contractors, stage coach proprietors, or other public common carriers as aforesaid, for or in respect of any articles or goods to be carried and conveyed by them ; but that all and every such mail contractors, stage coach proprietors, and other common car- riers as aforesaid shall, from and after the said 1st day ot September, be liable, as at the common law, to answer for the loss of any injury [so in the act\ to any articles and goods in respect whereof they may not be entitled to the benefit of this act, any public notice or declaration by them made and given contrary thereto, or in anywise limiting such liability, notwithstanding. — \ 4. And be it further enacted, that for the purposes of this act every office, warehouse, or receiving house, which shall be used or appointed by any mail contractor, or stage coach proprietor, or other such common carrier, for the receiving of parcels to be conveyed as aforesaid, shall be deemed and taken to be the receiving house, warehouse, or office of such mail contractor, stage coach proprietor, or other common carrier ; and that any one or more of such mail contractors, stage coach proprietors, or common carriers, shall be liable to be sued by his, her, or their name or names only ; and that no action or suit commenced to recover damages for loss or injury to any parcel, package, or person, shall abate for the want of joining any co-proprietor or co-partner in such mail, stage coach, or other public conveyance by land tor hire as aforesaid. — \b. Provided always, and be it further enacted, that nothing in this act contained shall extend or be conJ strued to annul or in anywise affect any special contract between such mail contractor, stage coach pro- prietor, or common carrier, and any other parties, for the conveyance of goods and merchandises. \Q. Provided also, and be it further enacted, that where any parcel or package shall have been delivered at any such office, and the value and contents declared as aforesaid, and the increased rate of charges been paid, and such parcels or packages shall have been lost or damaged, the party entitled to recover damages in respect of such loss or damage shall also be entitled to recover back such increased charges so paid as aforesaid, in addition to the value of such parcel or package. — \ 7. Provided also, and be it further enacted, that nothing in this act shall be deemed to protect any mail contractor, stage coach proprietor, or other common carrier for hire, from liability to answer for loss or injury to any goods or articles whatsoever, arising from the felonious acts of any coachman, guard, book- keeper, porter, or other servant in his or their employ, nor to protect any such coachman, guard, book- keeper, or other servant, from liability for any loss or injury occasioned by his or their own personal neglect w misconduct — § 8. Provided also, and be it further enacted, that such mail contractors, stage coach proprietors, or other common carriers for hire, shall not be concluded as to the value of any such parcel or package by the value so declared as aforesaid, but that he or they shall in all cases be entitled to require, from the party suing in respect of any loss or injury, proof of the actual value of the contents by the ordinary legal evidence ; and that the mail contractors, stage coach proprietors, or other common carriers as aforesaid, shall be liable to such damages only as shall be so proved as aforesaid, not exceeding the declared value* together with the increased charges as before mentioned. — § 9. * And be it further enacted, that in all actions to be brought against any such mail contractors, &c., th* defendant or defendants may pay the money into court. — § 10. It will be observed, that carriers continue, notwithstanding this act, liable, as before, for the felonious acts of their servants, and their own misfeazance or gross negligence. It is not possible, however, to lay down any general rule as to the circumstances which constitute this offence. Differing as they do in almost every case, the question, when raised, must be left to a jury. But it has been decided, that the misdelivery of a parcel, or its nondelivery within a reasonable time, is a misfeazance that can not be defeated by any notice on the part of the carrier limiting his responsibility. In like manner, the sending of a parcel by a different coach from that directed by the bailor, the removing it from one carriage to another, are misfeazances. Where a parcel is directed to a person at a particular place, and the carrier, knowing such person, delivers the parcel to anothpr 258 CARTS. — CASSIA. who represents himself as the consignee, such delivery is gross negligence. Leaving parcels in a coach or cart unprotected in the street is also gross negligence. At common law, there is no distinction between carriage performed by sea or land j but by the 7 Geo. 2. c. 15. and 26 Geo. 3. c. 86., corrected and amended by the 53 Geo. 3. c. 159., it is enacted that ship-owners are not to be liable for any loss or damage happening to goods on board through the fraud or neglect of the master, without their knowledge or privity, further than the value of the vessel and the freight accruing during the voyage. — (See Owners.) 3. Commencement and Termination of Liabiliti/, — A carrier's liability commences from the time the goods are actually delivered to him in the character of carrier. A delivery to a carrier's servant is a delivery to himself, and he will be responsible. The delivery of goods in an inn-yard or warehouse, at which other carriers put up, is not a delivery so as to charge a carrier, unless a special notice be given him of their having been so delivered, or some previous intimation to that effect. A carrier's liability ceases, when he vests the property committed to his charge in the hands of the consignee or his agents, by actual delivery ; or when the property is resumed by the consignor, in pursuance of his right of stopping it in transitu. It is in all cases the duty of the carrier to -deliver the goods. The leaving goods at an inn is not a suffi- cient delivery. The rule in such cases, in deciding upon the carrier's liability, is to consider whether any thing remains to be done by the carrier, as such ; and if nothing remains to be done, his liability ceases, and conversely. A carrier has a lien upon goods for his hire. Even if the goods be stolen, the right- ful owner is not to have them without paying the carriage. For further details as to this subject see Jeremy on the Law of Carriers, passim ; Chitti/s Commercial Law, vol. iii. pp. 369 — 386. ; and Burn's Justice of the Peace, tit. Carriers. There are some excellent observations with respect to it in Sir WiUiam Jones's Essay on the Law of Bailments — ( For an account of the regulations as to the conveyance of pas- sengers in stage coaches, see Coaches, Stage.) CARTS. Every cart, &c. for the carriage of any thing to and from any place, where the streets are paved, within the bills of mortality, shall contain 6 inches in the felly. No person shall drive any cart, waggon, &c. within 5 miles of the General Post Office, unless the name, surname, and place of abode of the owner, be painted in conspicuous letters, at least 1 inch in height, on the right or off side thereof, under a penalty of 51. Any person may seize and detain any cart, waggon, &c. without such mark. — (1 & 2 Will. 4. c. 22.) CASH, in commerce, means the ready money, bills, drafts, bonds, and all immediately negotiable paper in an individual's possession. CASH ACCOUNT, in book-keeping, an account to which nothing but cash is carried on the one hand, and from which all the disbursements of the concern are drawn on the other. The balance is the cash in hand. When the credit side more than balances the debit, or disbursement side, the account is said to be in cash ; when the con- trary, to be out of cash. Cash Account, in banking, is the name given to the account qf the advances made by a banker in Scotland, to an individual who has given security for their repayment (See Banks (Scotch).) CASHEW NUTS ( Ger. AkajunUsse, Westindische Anakarden ; Du. Catsjoenoofen ; Yr. Noix d'acajou ; It. Acaju; St^. Nueces d'acaju ; Port. Nozes d'acaju), the ytroduce of the Anacardium occidentale. They are externally of a greyish or brownish colour, of the shape of a kidney, somewhat convex on the one side, and depressed on the other. The shell is very hard ; and the kernel, which is sweet and of a very fine flavour, is covered witli a thin film. Between this and the shell is lodged a thick, blackish, inflammable oil, of such a caustic nature in the fresh nuts, that if the lips chance to touch it, blisters im- mediately follow. The kernels are used in cooking, and in the preparation of chocolate. CASPIAN SEA. See Taganrog. CASSIA. There are four species of cassia in the market, viz. Cassia Fistula ; Cassia Lignea, or Cassia Bark ; Cassia Buds, and Cassia Senna. 1. Cassia Fistula (Fr. Casse ; Ger. Rhonhasie ; It. Folpa di cassia; Lat. Cassias pulpa ; Arab. Khyar sheher) is a tree which grows in the East and West Indies, and Egypt (Cassia fistula Lin.). The fruit is a woody, dark brown pod, about the thick- ness of the thumb, and nearly 2 feet in length. Those brought to this country come principally from the West Indies, packed in casks and cases ; but a superior kind is brouglit from the East Indies, and is easily distinguished by its smaller smooth pod, and by the greater blackness of the pulp. 2. Cassia Lignea, or Cassia Bark (Fr. Casse; Ger. Cassia,- Port. Cassia' hrhosa; Aral). Selcekeh ; Hind. Tvj ; Malay, Ki yii-legi), the bark of a tree (Laurus Cassia Lin.) growing in Sumatra, Borneo, the Malabar coast, Philippine Islands, &c. ; but chiefly in the provinces of Quantong and Kingsi, in China, which furnish the greatest CASTOR. — CATECHU. 259 part of the cassia met with in the European markets. The tree grows to the height of 50 or 60 feet, with large, spreading, horizontal branches. The hark resembles that of cinnamon in appearance, smell, and taste, and is very often substituted for it : hut it may be readily distinguished ; it is thicker in substance, less quilled, breaks shorter, and is more pungent. It should be chosen in thin pieces ; tlie best being that which approaches nearest to cinnamon in flavour : that which is small and broken should be rejected. A good deal of the cassia in the Indiav. markets is brought from Borneo, Sumatra, and Cey- lon. Malabar cassia is thicker and darker coloured than that of China, and more sub- ject to foul packing : each bundle should be separately inspected. — ( Ainslie's Materia Indica ; Milburn's Orient. Com., Sfc.) The duty on cassia was reduced in 1825 from 2*. 6d. per lb. to Is., and in 1829 to firf. Owing partly to these reductions, and partly to the heavy duty on and high price of cinnamon, the consumption of cassia has more than doubled since 1820. Still, however, it is very inconsiderable when compared with the im- portation. In 1832, the duty of Gi/. per lb. produced 1,807/. 2a-. 10^/., showing that 72,285 lbs. had been cleared for consumption. The imports in ordinary years, vary from about 400,000 lbs. to about 80(),(XJ0 lbs. ; the excess over what is made use of at home being principally sent to Germany, Italy, and Russia. Of 837,.58yibs. imported in 1830, 799,715 lbs. were brought from the East India Company's territories and Ceylon, 25,586 lbs. from the Philippine Islands, 6,290 lbs. from lirazil, and 5,995 lbs. from the Mauritius. Cassia was quoted in the London markets, in August, 1833, at from 865. to 90*. a cwt. in bond. — {Pari. Paper, No. 367. Sess. 1832, &c.) Cassia Buns, the dried fruit or berry of the tree (Laurus cassia) which yields the bark described in the previous article. They bear some resemblance to a clove, but are smaller, and, when fresh, have a rich cinnamon flavour. They should be chosen round, fresh, and free from stalks and dirt. Cassia buds are the produce of China. The ex- ports from Canton in 1831 amounted to 1,334 piculs, or 177,866 lbs. The imports into Great Britain in 1832 were 75,173 lbs., but the entries for home consumption are not specified. They were quoted in the London markets in October, 1 833, at 80s. a cwt. in bond. — (Milburn's Orient. Com.; Anglo- Chinese Kalendar for 1832; and Pari. Paper, No. 425. Sess. 1833.) Cassia Senna. See Senna. CASTOR (Fr. Castoreum ; Ger. Kastoreunt ; It. Castoro ; Sp. Castoreo), the pro- duce of the beaver. In the inguinal region of this animal are found four bags, a large and a small one on each side : in the two large ones there \.:- contained a softish, greyish yellow, or light brown substance, which, on exposure to the air, becomes dry and brittle, and of a brown colour. This is castor. It has a heavy but somewhat aromatic smell, not imlike musk ; and a bitter, nauseous, and subacrid taste. The best comes from Russia ; but of late years it has been very scarce ; and all that is now found in the shops is the produce of Canada. The goodness of castor is determined by its sensible qualities ; that which is black is insipid, inodorous, oily, and unfit for use. Castor is said to be sometimes counterfeited by a mixture of some gummy and resinous substances ; but the fraud is easily detected, by comparing the smell and taste with those of real castor. — ( Thomson's Dispensatory. ) CASTOR OIL (Fr. Huile du Ricin ; Ger. Eizinusohl It. Olio di Ricino ; Sp. Ricinsoel), is obtained from the seeds of the Ricinus communis, or Palma Chrisii, an annual plant, found in most tropical countries, and in Greece, the south of Spain, &c. The oil is separated from the seeds either by boiling them in water, or by subjecting them to the action of the press. It is said, that though the largest quantity of oil may be pro- cured by the first method, it is less sweet, and more apt to become rancid, than that procured by expression, which, in consequence, is the process now most commonly followed. Good expressed castor oil is nearly inodorous and insipid ; but the best leaves a slight sensation of acrimony in the throat after it is swallowed. It is thicker and heavier than the fat oils, being viscid, transpai*ent, and colourless, or of a very pale straw colour. That which is obtained by boiling the seeds has a brownish hue ; and both kinds, when they become rancid, thicken, deepen in colour to a reddish brown, and acquire a hot, nauseous taste. It is very extensively employed in the materia medica as a cathartic. — ( Thomson's Dispensatory. ) The quantity cleared for home consumption in 1831 amounted to 327,040 lbs., being about double the quantity cleared for consumption in 1820; an increase principally ascribable to the reduction of the duty from Is. 3d. to 3d. Of the total quantity imported in 1830, amounting to 490,5.58 lbs. , no fewer than 441,267 lbs. were from the East Indies, 39,408 lbs. from British North America, 5,159 lbs. from the United States, and 4,718 lbs from the British West Indies. Castor oil from foreign countries, being loaded with a duty of Is., is almost wholly re-exported. The price of East India castor oil in bond varies from lOd. to Is. Id. per lb. ; that of the West Indies is much higher. — {Accounts published by the Board oj Trade, p. 118. ; Pari. Paper, No. 367. Sess. 1832, &c.) CATECHU (Fr. Cachou ; Ger. Kaschu ; Hind. Cut; Mai. Gambir), a brown astringent substance, formerly known by the name of Terra Japonica, because supposed to be a kind of earth. It is, however, a vegetable substance obtained from two plants ; viz. the Mimosa, or more correctly the Acacia catechu, and the Uncaria gambir. The first of these is a tree from 20 to 30 feet high, found in abundance in many of the ^ forests of India, from 16° of lat. up to 30°. The places most remai kable for its produc- tion are, the Burmese territories ; a large province on the Malabar coast, called the Con- ^260 CAT'S EYE. — CATTLE. can ; and the forests skirting the northern part of Bengal, under the hills which divide it from Nepaul. The catechu is obtained from this tree by the simple process of boiling the heart of the wood for a few hours, when it assumes the look and consistency of tar The substance hardens by cooling ; is formed into small balls or squares ; and being dried in the sun, is fit for the market. The price to the first purchaser in the Concan is about 15s. a cwt. According to Dr. Davy, who analysed it, the specific gravity of Concan catechu is 1 '39 ; and that of Pegu, 1 •28. The taste of this substance is astrin- gent, leaving behind a sensation of sweetness : it is almost wholly soluble in water. Of all the astringent substances we know, catechu appears to contain the largest portion of tannin. According to Mr, Purkis, 1 lb. is equivalent to 7 or 8 lbs. of oak bark for tanning leather. From 200 grs. of Concan catechu. Dr. Davy procured 109 of tannin, 68 of extractive matter, 13 of mucilage, and 10 of earths and other impurities : the same quantity of Pegu catechu aflforded 97 grs. of tannin, 73 of extract, 16 of mucilage, and 14 of impurities. The uncaria gambir is a scand-ent shrub, extensively cultivated in all the countries lying on both sides of the Straits of Malacca ; but chiefly in the small islands at their eastern extremity. The catechu is in this case obtained by boiling the leaves, and inspissating the juice ; a small quantity of crude sago being added, to give the mass consistency : it is then dried in the sun, and being cut like the Concan catechu into small squares, is ready for use. There is a great consumption of this article through- out all parts of India as a masticatory ; it forms an ingredient in the compound of betel pepper, areca nut, and lime, which is in almost universal use. Catechu may be pur- chased at the Dutch settlement of Rhio, or at Malacca, in the Straits of Singapore, at the rate of about 10s. a cwt. The quantity of it, under the corrupted name of cutch, imported yearly into Calcutta from Pegu, at an average of the 5 years ending with 1828-29, was about 300 tons, at a cost not exceeding 9s. per cwt. From Bombay a considerable quantity is annually imported into China. The quantity of catechu, under the name of gambir, produced in Rhio by the Chinese settlers, is equal to about 4,600 tons a year, about 2,000 of which are exported for the consumption of Java ; the rest being sent to China, Cochin China, and other neighbouring countries. Catechu, particularly from Singapore, has lately been imported in considerable quan- tities for trial in our tanneries; but with a duty of ll. per cwt., equal to twice the prime cost, we fear the speculation is not likely to succeed. — ( See AinsUe's Materia Indica ; Lire's Dictionary; Singapore Chronicle; Buchanan's Journey through Mysore Canara, and Malabar ; Bell's Review of the external Commerce of Bengal. ) CAT'S EYE, a mineral of a beautiful appearance, brought from Ceylon. Its colours are grey, green, brown, red, of various shades. Its internal lustre is shining, its fracture imperfectly conchoidal, and it is translucent. From a peculiar play of light, arising from white fibres interspersed, it has derived its name. The French call the appearance chatoyant. It scratches quartz, is easily broken, and resists the blowpipe. It is set by the jewellers as a precious stone. CAT SKINS. The skin or fur of the cat, is used for a variety of purposes, hut is prin- cipally dyed and sold as false sable. It appears from evidence taken before a late Com- mittee of the House of Commons, that it is a common practice in London to decoy the anunal and kill it for the sake of its skin. The fur of the wild cat is, however, far more valuable than that of the domestic cat. The wild cat skins imported into this country are brought almost wholly from the tei ritories of the Pludson's Bay Company. The animal from which they are taken is a good deal larger than the English wild cat, and is some- times called the loup cervier, or Canadian lynx. It is very courageous. At an average of the 3 years ending vvitli iSSl, the number of cat skins imported amounted to 40,006 a year, of which about 24,000 a year were retained for home consumption. CATTLE, a collective term applied to designate all those quadrupeds that are used either as food for man, or in tilling the ground. By neat cnc horned cattle is meant the two species included under the names of the ox (Bos) and the buffalo (Bubulus) ; but as the latter is hardly known in this country, it is the former only that we have here in view. The raising and feeding of cattle, and the preparation of the various products which they yield, have formed, in all countries emerged from the savage state, an important branch of industry. It would be quite inconsistent with the objects and limits of this work, to enter into any details with respect to the different breeds of cattle raised in this or other countries. They are exceedingly various. In Great Britain they have been vastly improved, both in the weight of carcase, the quality of the beef, and the abundance of the milk, by the extraordinary attention that lias been given to the selection and crossing of the best l)reeds, according to the objects in view. This sort of improvement began about the middle of last century, or ratlier later, and was excited and very miich forwarded by the skill and enterprise of two individuals — Mr. Bakewcll of Dishley, and Mr. Culley of Northumberland. The success by which their efforts were attended roused a spirit of CATTLE. emulation in others; and the rapid growth of commerce and manufactures since 1760 having occasioned a corresponding increase in the demand for butcher's meat, improved systems of breeding, and improved breeds, have been very generally introduced. But the improvement in the size and condition ' of cattle has not been alone owing to the circumstances now mentioned. Much of it is certainly to be ascribed to the great improvement that has been made in their feeding. The introduction and universal extension of the turnip and clover cultivation has had, in this respect, a most astonishing influence, and has wonderfully increased tlie food of cattle, and consequently the supply of butcher's meat. It was stated in the First Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons on Waste Lands (printed in 1795), that cattle and sheep had, at an average, increased in size and weight about a fourth since 1732 ; but there are strong grounds for supposing that the increase had been much more considerable than is represented by the committee. According to an estimate of Dr. Davenant in 1710, the average weight of the ne.tt carcase of black cattle was only 370 lbs., of calves 50 lbs., and of sheep only 28 lbs. ; but according to Sir F. M. Eden {Hist, of the Poor, vol. iii. Appen. p. 88.) and Mr. Mid- dleton (Affric. of Middlesex, 2d ed. p. 541.), the weight of the carcase of bullocks killed in London is now, at an average, 800 lbs., calves 140 lbs., sheep 80 lbs., and lambs 50 lbs., including olFal ; and deducting the latter, the nett weight of the carcases is nearer a half than a fourth greater than the weight assigned by Davenant. Consumption of Butcher's Meat in London. — The number of head of cattle, sheep and lambs, sold in Smithfield market, each year since 1 732, has been as follows : — Years. Cattle. Sheep. Years. Cattle. Sheep. Years. Cattle. Sheep Years. Cattle. | Sheep. 1732 1733 1734 1735 1736 1737 1738 1739 1740 1741 1742 1743 1744 1745 1746 1747 1748 1/49 1750 1751 1752 1753 1754 1755 1756 1757 76,210 80,169 78,810 83,894 87,606 89,862 87,010 86,787 84,810 77,714 79,fi01 76,475 76,648 74, J 88 71,582 71,1.'")0 67,681 72,706 70,765 69,589 73,708 75,252 70,437 74,290 77,257 82,612 514,700 555,050 566,910 590,970 587,420 607,330 589,470 568,9h'0 501,020 536,180 503,260 468,120 490,620 563,990 620,790 621,780 610,060 624,220 656,340 631,890 ■642,100 '648,440 631,350 647,100 624,710 574,960 1758 1759 1760 1761 1762 1763 1764 1765 1766 1767 1768 1769 1770 1771 1772 1773 1774 1775 1776 1777 1778 1779 1780 1781 1782 84,252 86,439 88,594 82,514 102,831 80,851 75,168 81,6-30 75,534 77,324 79,660 82,131 86,890 93,573 89,503 90,133 90,419 93,581 98,372 93,714 97,360 97,352 102,383 102,543 101,176 550,930 582,260 622,210 666,010 772,160 653,110 556,560 537,000 574,790 574,050 626,170 642,910 649,090 631,860 609,540 609,740 585,290 623,M0 671,700 714,870 658,540 676,540 706,850 743,330 728,970 1783 1784 1785 1786 1787 1788 1789 1790 1791 1792 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 101,840 98,143 99,047 92,m 94,946 92,829 93,269 103,708 101,164 107,348 116,848 109,448 131,092 117,152 108,377 107,470 122,986 125,073 134,546 126,389 117,551 113,019 125,0^3 120,250 134,326 701,610 616,110 641,470 665,910 668,570 679,100 693,700 749,660 740,360 760,859 728,480 719,420 745,640 758,840 693,510 753,010 834,400 842,210 760,560 743,470 787,430 903,940 912,410 858,570 924,030 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 181-5 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 18i'2 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 144,042 137,600 , 132,155 125,012 I 13-1,854 I 137,770 j 135,071 124,948 ! 120,439 I 129,888 138,047 135,226 132,933 I 129,125 I 142,043 I 149,552 i 163,615 I 156,985 143,460 I 138,363 j 147,698 I 158,313 159,907 148,168 166,224 1,015,280 y8!t,250 962,750 966,400 953,630 891,240 870,880 962,840 968,560 1,044,710 963,250 949,900 947,990 1,107,230 1,340,160 1,264,920 1,239,720 1,130,310 1,270,530 1,335,100 1,288,460 1,240,300 1,287,070 1,189,010 1,364,160 Down to 1820, this table is extracted from papers laid before parliament ; since 1820, it is made up from returns procured, for this work, from the Chamberlain's office. The number of fatted calves, exclusive of sucklers, of which no account is taken, sold annually in Smithfield from 1821 inclusive, has been as follows : — 1821 - 21,768 1827 - 20,72i^ 1822 - 24,255 1828 . 20,832 1823 - 22,739 1829 - 20,879 1824 - 21,949 1830 - 20,300 1825 - 20,958 1831 1826 . 22,118 1832 I 19^2 \Obtained from the clerk of the market, 5th of Nov. 1833.) The contract prices of butcher's meat per cwt. at Greenwich Hospital, since 1730, have been a> below d. I' ? H We suspect, from what we have heard from practical men of great experience, that the weight assigned by Sir F. M. Eden and Mr. Middleton to the cattle sold in Smith- field is a little beyond the average. It must also be observed, as already stated, that it is the gross weight of the carcase, or the weight of the animal under deduction of blou^ S 3 £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. 1730 . - 1 5 8 1785 - 1 17 6| 1823 - - 2 2 173.5 . • 0 16 11 1790 - - 1 16 10 1824 - - 2 2 1740 - .18 0 1795 - - 2 2 10 1825 - - 2 19 1745 - .12 2 1800 - - 3 4 4 18-26 - . 2 17 1750 - - 1 6 6 1805 . - 3 0 4 1827 - . 2 15 1755 - - 1 7 91 1810 . - 3 12 0 1828 . - 2 10 1760 - - 1 11 6 1815 - .380 1829 - - 2 6 1765 . .17 3 1820 - . 3 10 4| 1830 - - 2 3 1770 - - 1 8 6 1821 - . 2 18 10 1831 - . 2 4 1775 - - 1 13 5 1822 - . 1 i« 5i 183i: - -26 1780 - - 1 12 6 262 CATTLE. and refuse ; and therefore to get tlie nett weight, we have further to deduct the offal, or the hide, tallow, entrails, feet, &c. We have been informed that the following quantities may be deducted from the carcase weights, in order to obtain the nett weights of the different animals ; viz. from neat cattle, 250 lbs. each ; calves, 35 lbs. ; sheep, 24 lbs. ; lambs, 1 2 lbs. If these estimates be nearly right, we should be able, provided we knew the respective numbers of sheep and lambs, to estimate the total quantity of butcher's meat furnished for London by Smithfield market, exclusive of hogs and pigs. Sheep and lambs are not, however, distinguished in the returns ; but it is known that the former are to the latter nearly as .3 to 1 ; so that we may estimate the average gross weight of the sheep and lambs at about 70 lbs., and their average nett weight at about 50 lbs. The account for 1830 will then stand as under : — Number and Species of Animals. Gross Weip;ht. Offal. Nett Weight. Butcher's Meat. 159,907 Cattle 1,287,070 Sheep and lambs 20,300 Calves Lbs. 800 70 140 Lbs. 250 20 35 Lbs. 550 50 105 Lbs. 87,948,850 64,353,500 2,131,500 ■ Total 154,434,850 This quantity, estimated at the average price of 6d., would cost 3,860,871/. ; at 8c?., it would cost 5,147,828Z. A part of the cattle sold at Smithfield go to supply the towns in the vicinity ; but, on the other hand, many cattle are sold in the adjoining towns, and slaughtered for the use of London, of which no account is taken. We have reason to think that the latter quantity rather exceeds the former ; but, supposing that they mutually balance each other, the above quantity of 154,434,850 lbs. may be regarded as forming the annual supply of butcher's meat at present required for London ; exclusive, however, of hogs, pigs, suckling calves, &c., and exclusive also of bacon, hams, and salted provisions brought from a distance. The quantities thus omitted from the account are very con- siderable ; nor can there, we apprehend, be any doubt that, with the addition of such parts of the ofFal as are used for food, they may be considered as more than balancing the butcher's meat required for the victualling of ships. On this hypothesis, therefore, it will follow, assuming the population of the metropolis to amount to 1,450,000, that the annual consumption of butcher's meat by each individual, young and old, belonging to it, is, at an average, very near 107 lbs. This, though not nearly so great as has been sometimes represented *, is, we believe, a larger consumption of animal food than takes place any where else by the same number of individuals. According to M. Chabrol, the consumption of butcher's meat in Paris amounts to between 85 lbs. and 86 lbs. for each individual. At Brussels the consump- tion is a little greater, being supposed to average 89 lbs. each individual; being rather more than 3 lbs. above the mean of Paris, and 18 lbs. under the mean of London. According to the reports of the inspectors of hides and skins, the following are the numbers of cattle, calves, and sheep, slaughtered in Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds, and Sheffield, from 1815 to 1820 in- clusive : — Liverpool - Manchester Leeds - - - - Sheffield Totals Cattle. Calves. Sheep. 74,671 95,054 22,976 30,097 100,329 96,574 34,598 28,455 457,268 489,557 317,642 184,859 222,798 259,956 1 1,443,326 {Appen. to Agric. Report 0/1821, p. 267.) In estimating the weights of the animals killed at these towns, a lower standard must be adopted than that which we have taken for London ; first, because the largest and finest cattle are brought to the metropolis ; and secondly, because a very large proportion of the calves are sucklers, which are excluded from the London accounts. These con- siderations have not been sufficiently attended to by the framers of the estimate in the report now quoted. Sheep, in the above table, means, no doubt, sheep and lambs. We extract from Dr. Cleland's valuable work on the statistics of Glasgow the sub- joined account of the number, weight, &c. of the animals slaughtered and sold in tliat city during the year 1822. * Mr. Midcileton (Agriculture of Middlesex, p. G^IS.) estimates the consumption of animal food in London, exclusive of fish and poultry, at i.'34 lbs. a year for every individual ! And he further estimates the total average annual expense incurred by eacli inhabitant of the metropolis, for all sorts of animal food, at 8/. 8a-. ! To make any comments on sucli conclusions would be worse than useless; but the fact of their beinn met with in a work, otherwi.se of considerable merit, is one of the many proofs, every where to be met with, of the low state of statistical knowledge in tliis country. CATTLE. Butcher's Meat sold in the Glasgow Market in 1822. 263 Royalty. Suburbs. Total. 13,009 7,«)27 48,896 59,424 5,899 1,557 630 8,624 9,213 m) 14,566 8,557 57,520 68,637 6,539 135,155 20,664 155,819 average 28 stone, 407,848, at 7*. — — 3ti«. 6s. 20x. Bullocks Hides Heads and offals Calf skins Sheep tallow Heads and offals Sheep skins Heads and offals I>ainb skins Heads and offals Tallow, 8fc. belonging to tfiese Carcasses. - 14,566, averaging 3i stone, 50,981, at 7s. - - 14,566, — ~ 28s 14,566, — — 8s. 8,557, — 2s. 57,520, averaging 3i lbs,, 1D1,320, - 5d. 8,557, — — Is. 6d. 57,520, — — Is. 6d. 57,520, — — 7d. 68,337, — — Is. 3d 68,637, - — 4rf. Total value of Carcasses, Tallow, Hides, &c. s. d. 142,746 16 0 15,4(/2 12 0 ' 57,520 0 0 20,.''j91 2 0 6,539 0 0 1242,799 10 0 17,843 20,392 5,826 855 4,194 3 641 15 4,314 0 1,677 13 4,289 16 3 1,143 19 0 14 0 4 6 0 4 61,179 4 5 303,1)78 14 5 X. B. — The weight is estimated in this statement by the stone of 16 lbs., each of 22| oz. The office of hide-inspector having been abolished, there are no means of continuing this table to a later period; but the returns ot the cattle sold in the market at Glasgow since ]822, show that the increase in the supply of animal food has at least kept pace with the increase of population. The population of Glasgow, when this account was taken, amounted to 147,043, which shows that the consumption of butcher's moat in that city, is, as compared with its po- pulation, but little inferior to that of London. This statement, taken in connection with the fact that, so late as 1760, the slaughter of bullocks for the supply of the public market was unknown in Glasgow, sets the wonderful improvement that has since taken place in the food of the Scotch people in the most striking point of view. Previously to 1780 it was customary in Glasgow, Edinburgh, and the principal Scotch towns, for fa- milies to purchase in November what would now be reckoned a small half-fed cow or ox, the salted carcase of which was the only butcher's meat they tasted throughout the year. In the smaller towns and country districts this practice prevailed till the present century ; but it is now everywhere abandoned. We believe, indeed, that there has never been in any country a more rapid increase in the quantity, or a greater iSnprovement in the quality of the food brought to market, than has taken place in Scotland since 1770. In so far as respects butcher's meat, this has been occasioned partly by the growing numbers and opu- lence of all classes, and partly by the vast increase in the food of cattle consequent to the introduction of green crops, and of an improved system of cultivation. — (See Bread.) The introduction of steam navigation, and the improved means of communication by rail-roads and otherwise, has already had, and will, no doubt, continue to have, a ma- terial influence over the supply of butcher's meat. Owing to the difficulty and expense of their conveyance, cattle could not formerly be conveniently fattened at any very con- siderable distance from the great markets ; but steam navigation has gone far to remove this difficulty. Instead of selling their cattle, lean or half-fed, to the Norfolk graziers, by whom they were fattened for the London market, the producers, in various districts of Scotland, are now beginning to fatten them at home, either sending the live animals or the carcasses by steam to London, Liverpool, &c. This practice is indirectly as well as directly advantageous to the farmer, inasmuch as it enables him to turn his green crops to" better account, and to raise larger supplies of manure. The same practice is also extending in Ireland ; and will, no doubt, spread itself over every part of the country where feeding can be carried on, that has the required facility of transport. Exclusive of the cattle raised in Great Britain, we import considerable supplies of beef and of live cattle from Ireland. Account of the number of Cows and Oxen, and of the quantities of Beef, imported into Great Britain from Ireland, from ISOl : — Year*. Cows and Oxen. Beef. Years. Cows and Oxen. Beef. Years. Cows and Oxen. Beef. No. BtrreU. No. Barrels. No. Barrels. 1801 31,543 58,911 1810 44,553 71,605 1818 58,165 80,587 1802 42,501 28,016 59,448 62,226 1811 67,680 108,282 1819 .'32,176 7(>,"04 1803 1812 79,122 114,504 1820 39,014 52,591 1K04 15,646 59,342 1813 48,973 104,516 1S21 26,725 65,905 1805 21,862 88,519 1814 16,435 83,162 18-2 34,659 43,139 1806 27,704 91,261 1815 53,809 60,307 1823 46,351 69,079 1807 26,252 85,255 1816 31.752 59,495 1824 62,314 54,810 1808 13,958 88,366 1817 45.301 105,555 1S25 63,519 63,557 1809 17,917 89,771 In 1825 the trade between Great Britain and Ireland was placed on the footing of a coasting trade, so that there are no means of continuing this account to a later date ; but for some further i)artu ulars, the reader is referred to Liverpool, art Docks; for an account of the sales of cattle at the great fair ot Ballirasloe, see Fairs and Markets. S 4 264? CAVIAR. -CEDAR. Number of Head of Cattle in Great Britain. — It would, on many accounts, be very desirable to be able to form an accurate estimate of the number and value of the stock of cattle in Great Britain, and of the proportion annually killed and made use of ; but owing to the little attention that has been paid to such subjects in this country, where every sort of statistical knowledge is at the very lowest ebb, there are no means of ar- riving at any conclusions that can be depended upon. The following details may not, however, be unacceptable. Arthur Young has given, both in his Eastern and Northern Tours, estimates of the number and vahie of the different descriptions of stock in England. The greatest dis- crepancy, unaccompanied by a single explanatory sentence, exists between them ; but there can be no doubt that the following estimate (Eastern Tour, vol. iv. p. 456.), though, perhaps, rather under the mark, is infinitely nearer the truth than the other, which is about twice as great : — Number of Draught cattle - - - - - 684,491 Cows .... . 741,532 Fatting cattle - - - - - 513,369 Young cattle - - - - - 912,656 Total - - 2,852,048 Now, taking this number at the round sum of 3,000,000, and adding a third to it for the increase since 1770, and 1,100,000 for the number of cattle in Scotland (General Report of Scotland, iii. Addenda, p. 6.), we shall have 5,100,000 as the total head of cattle of all sorts in Great Britain. The common estimate is, that about a fourth part of the entire stock is annually slaughtered; which, adopting the foregoing statement, gives 1,275,000 head for the supply of the kingdom; a result which all that we have heard inclines us to think is very near the mark. Dr. Colquhoun estimated the total head of cattle in England and Wales only, in 1812, at 5,500,000; but he assigns no data for his estimate, which is entitled to very little attention. Cattle of the Continent. — Baron Malchus has given, in his work on European Statistics, published at Stuttgard in 1826, an account of the number of horned cattle, sheep, swine, &c., in most European countries. In so far as respects the British empire, the statements are mostly copied from Colquhoun and are ludicrously inexact. Perhaps, however, they may, in so far as regards the Continental states, be better entitled to credit. The following are some of the items in his Table : — Countries. Cattle. Countries. Cattle. 1 Sweden and Norway 2,647,000 Baden - - . - 421,900 ! Russia ... 19,000,000 Bavaria ... 1,895,700 Denmark 1,607,000 Austria . - - - 9,912,500 1 Netherlands - 2,500,000 France . - 6,681,900 : Prussia - - 4,275,700 Spain . . . . 2,500,000 1 Saxony - . - 345,000 Portugal 650,000 1 Hanover ... 794,000 Switzerland - 800,000 Wirtemberg 713,000 Italy 3,500,000 On the whole the Baron estimates the neat or horned cattle of Europe, including the British isles, but excluding Turkey, at 70,270,974. At best, however, this estimate can only be considered as a very rough approximation. Laws as to Cattle. — No salesman, broker, or factor, employed in buying cattle for others, shall buy for himself in London, or within the bills of mortality, on penalty of double the value of the cattle bought and sold. — (31 Geo. 2. c. 40.) Cattle not to be driven on Sunday, on penalty of 20s. — (3 Cha. 1. c. 1.) Any person unlawfully and maliciously killing, wounding, or maiming any cattle, shall be guilty of felony, and, upon conviction, may be transported, at the discretion of the court, beyond seas for life, or for any term not less than 7 years, or be imprisoned for any term not exceeding 4 years, and kept to hard labour ; and, if a male, may be once, twice, or thrice publicly or privately whipped, if the court shall think fit so to order. — (7 & 8 Geo. 4. c. 30.) Persons wantonly and cruelly abusing, beating, or iH-treating cattle, may, upont)eing convicted before a justice of such ofFence, be fined in any sum not exceeding 51. and not below 10s. ; and upon nonpayment of fine, may be committed to the house of correction for any time not exceeding 3 months. Complaint must be made within 10 days after the offence. Justices are instructed to order compensation to be made, not exceeding 20s., to persons vexatiously complained against. — (3 Geo. 4. c. 71.) CAVIAR (Fr. Caviar, Cavial ; Ger. Kaviar ; It. Caviario, Caviale ; Sp. Caviario ; Rus. Ikra ; Lat. Caviariwn), a substance prepared in Russia, consisting of the salted roes of large fish. The Uralian Cossacks are celebrated for making excellent caviar. The best is made of the roe of the sturgeon, appears to consist entirely of the eggs, and does not easily become fetid. This is packed in small casks or kegs ; tJie inferior sort being in the form of dry cakes. Caviar is highly esteemed in Russia, and considerable quantities are exported to Italy. It is principally made of the sturgeon caught in the Wolga, in the iieighl)ourliood of Astrachan. — (See Tooke's Russia, 2d ed. vol. iii. p. 345.) CAYENNE PEPPER, on GUINEA PEPPER. See Chillies. CEDAR (Ger. Zeder ; Dii. Cedcr ; Fr. Cedre ; It. and Sp. Cedro ; Rus. Kedr ; I.,at. Cedrus). The cedar of I^ebanon, or great cedar (Finns cedrus), is famous in tscripti rj : it is a tall, majestic-looking tree. " Behold," says the inspired writer, " the ^ssyiian was a cedar in Lebanon with fair branches, and with a shadowing shroud, and CERTIFICATE. — CHALDRON. of an high stature; and his top was among the thick boughs. His height was exalted above all the trees of the field, and his boughs were multiplied, and his branches became long. The fir trees were not like his boughs, and the chestnut trees were not like his branches; nor any tree in the garden of God was like unto him in beauty." — (Ezekiel, xxxi. 3. 5. 8.) The cedar grows to a very great size. The timber is resinous, has a peculiar and powerful odour, a slightly bitter taste, a rich yellowish brown colour, and is not subject to the worm. Its durability is very great ; and it was on this account (propter caternitatem, "Vitruvius, lib. ii. § 9.) employed in the construction of temples, and other public buildings, in the formation of the statues of the gods, and as tablets for writing upon. In the time of Vitruvius, cedars were principally produced in Crete, Africa, and some parts of Syria. — (Xoc. cit.) Very few are now found on Lebanon ; but some of those that still remain are of immense bulk, and in the highest preservation. Cedar exceeds the oak in toughness, but is very inferior to it in strength and stiffness. Some very fine cedars have been produced in England. There are several other kinds of timber that are usually called cedar ; thus, a species of cypress is called white cedar in America ; and the cedar used by the Japanese foi' building bridges, ships, houses, &c., is a kind of cypress, which Thunberg describes as a beautiful wood, that lasts long without decay. The Juniperus oxycedrus is a native of Spain, the south of France, and the Levant ; it is usually called the brown berried cedar. The Bermudian cedar (Juniperus Bermudiana), a native of the Bermuda and Bahama islands, is another species that produces valuable timber for many purposes ; such as internal joiners' work, furniture, and the like. The red cedar, so well known from its being used in making black-lead pencils, is produced by the Virginian cedar (^Juniperus Virginiana), a native of North America, the West India islands, and Japan. The tree seldom exceeds 45 feet in height. The wood is very durable, and, like the cedar of Lebanon, is not attacked by worms. It is employed in various ways, but principally in the manufacture of drawers, wardrobes, &c., and as a cover to pencils. The internal wood is of a dark red colour, and has a very strong odour. It is of a nearly uniform texture, brittle, and light. — (See Tredgold's Principles of Carpentry; Lib. of Entertaining Knowledge, Veget. Substances ; Bees' s Cyclop., 8j-c.) The duty on cedar {21. 10s. a ton from a foreign country, and 10*. from a British possession) produced 2,549/. 195. lid. in 1832. Its price in bond varies from 6d. to 9d. a foot. CERTIFICATES, in the customs. No goods can be exported by certificate, ex- cept foreign goods formerly imported, on which the whole or a part of the customs paid on importation is to be drawn back. The manner of proceeding is regulated by the 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 52. § 68, &c. The person intending to enter outwards such goods, is to deliver to the collector or comptroller of the port where the goods were imported or warehoused, two or more bills, specifying the particulars of the importation of such goods, and of the entry ojitwards intended to be made ; and the oflficers, if they find such bills to agree with the entry inwards, are to issue a certificate of such entry, with the particulars necessary for the computation of the drawback upon the goods, the names of the person and ship by whom and in which the goods are to be exported, &c. The merchant then enters the goods outwards, as in the common way of exportation. The cocket granted upon this occasion is called a certificate cocket, and differs a little in form from common over-sea cockets. Notice of the time of shipping is to be given to the searcher. Some time after the departure of the vessel, the exporter may apply for the drawback. The collector and comptroller then make out on a proper stamp a de- benture, containing a distinct narration of the transaction, with the exporter's or mer- chant's oath that the goods are really and truly exported beyond seas, and not relanded, nor intended to be relanded ; and also with the searcher's certificate of the quantity and quality of the goods at the time of shipping. The debenture being thus duly made out and sworn to, the duties to be repaid are indorsed, the merchant's receipt taken below, and the money paid. Certificates of origin, subscribed by the proper officers of the places where the goods were shipped, are reqiiired, to entitle the importers of sugar, coffee, cocoa, and spirits, from any British plantation, to get them entered as such. A similar certificate is required in the case of blubber — (see Blubber); and in the case of wine from the Cape of Good Hope ; and sugar from the limits of the East India Company's charter, &c. — (See Importation and Exportation.) CHAIN, in surveying, a measure of length, composed of a certain number of links made of iron wire, serving to take the distance between two or more places. Gunter's chain contains 100 such links, each measuring inches, consequently equal to 66 feet, or 4 poles. CHALDRON, a dry English measure. 36 coal bushels make a chaldron, and 21 chaldrons a score. The coal bushel is 19 j inches wide from the outside, and 8 inches deep. It contains 2,21 7 "6 cubic inches; but when heaped, 2,815*5, making the chaldron 58*65 cubic feet. There are 12 sacks of coal in a chaldron; and if 266 CHAMBER OF COMMERCE. — CHARLESTON. 5 chaldrons be purchased at the same time, the seller must deliver 63 sacks : the 3 sacks additional are called the ingrain. But coals are now sold in London, and almost every where else, by the ton of 20 cwt. avoirdupois. The Newcastle chaldron of coals is 53 cwt., and is just double the London chaldron. — (See Coal.) • CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, is an assembly of merchants and traders, where affairs relating to trade are treated of. There are several establishments of this sort in most of the chief cities of France ; and in this country, chambers of this kind have been erected for various purposes. Chamber of Assurance, in France, denotes a society of merchants and others for carrying on the business of insurance ; but in Holland it signifies a court of justice, where causes relating to insurances are tri.^d. CHAMPAGNE, one of the most esteemed and celebrated of the French wines. See Wine. CHANKS, OR CHANK SHELLS, common conch shells, are fished up by divers in the Gulf of Manar, on the coast opposite JafFnapatam, in Ceylon, in about 2 fathoms water ; and at Travancore, Tuticoreen, and other places. Large fossil beds of chanks have also been found. They are of a spiral form, and form a considerable article of trade in India, where they are in extensive demand all over the country. They are sawn into narrow rings or bracelets, and are worn as ornaments for the anns, legs, fingers, &c. by the Hindoo women ; many of them are also buried with the bodies of opulent and distinguished persons. Those which, from being taken with the fish, are called green chanks, are most in demand. The white chank, which is the shell thrown upon the beacl^ by strong tides, having lost its gloss and consistency, is not worth the freight up to Calcutta. The value of the green chank depends upon its size. A chank opening to the right, called in Calcutta the right-handed chank, is so highly prized, as sometimes to sell for 400, or 500, or even 1,000 rupees. — (BeWs Commerce of Bengal, and private communications.') The fishery of chanks is monopolised by government, who most commonly let the banks for about 4,O00Z. a year. Sometimes, however, they are fished by the servants of government on its account. But as the fishermen of the coast, and those belonging to the little islands where they are found, cannot be prevented from taking chanks, the better plan, as it appears to us, would be to give every one leave to fish them ; but to lay a somewhat heavier duty on their exportation. We have been assured by those well acquainted with the circumstances, that this would be advantageous to all parties, but especially to government. We have heard that an arrangement of this sort has recently been made, but we have not learned anything positive respecting it. CHARCOAL (Fr. Charhon de hois; Ger. Reine Kohle ; It. Carhone di legna ; Sp. Carbon de lena ; Lat. Carho ligni), a sort of artificial coal, consisting of wood burned with as little exposure to the action of the air as possible. " It was customary among the ancients to char the outside of those stakes which were to be driven into the ground, or placed in water, in order to preserve the wood from spoiling. New-made charcoal, by being rolled up in clothes which have contracted a disagreeable odour, effectually destroys it. When boiled with meat beginning to putrefy, it takes away the bad taint : it is, perhaps, the best tooth-powder known. When putrid water at sea is mixed with about i of its weight of charcoal powder, it is rendered quite fresli ; and a much smaller quantity of charcoal will serve, if the precaution be taken to add a little sulphuric acid previously to the water. If the water casks be charred before they are filled with water, the liquid remains good in them for years : this precaution ought always to be taken for long sea voyages. The same precaution, when attended to for wine casks, will be found very much to improve the quality of the wine." — ( Thom- son's Chemistry.) CHARLESTON, a city and sea-port of the United States, in South Carolina, in lat. 32° 47' N., long. 79° 48' W. Population in 1830, including the suburbs, 40,300. The situation of Charleston has a good deal of resemblance to that of New York, being built on a point of land between the Ashley and Cooper rivers, at their point of con- fluence. The exports principally consist of cotton and rice (particularly the former), which are the staple products of the state. There are a few other articles exported, such as naval stores, hams, bacon, &c., but their value is quite inconsiderable. All the cotton sent from South Carolina to foreign countries is shipped at Charleston. In 1831-32, the exports are said to have amounted to 182,628 bales, of which 138,683 were for Great Britain.* The value of the cotton exported in 1831 amounted, according to the customhouse valuation, to 4,885,431 dollars, and that of the rice to 1,218,859 do. But exclusive of the exports to foreign countries. South Carolina sends a great deal of cotton and rice to other ports of the Union. The shipments of cotton coastwise in * This statement is taken from an American paper, and is believed to be nearly accurate, but it is naXf official. CHART. 267 1831-32 were estimated at about -13,000 bales. The imports from foreif^ countries principally consist of cottons, woollens and linens, hardware, iron and steel, coffee, sugar, tea, wine, spices, &c. The greater part of the imports do not, however, come from abroad, but from the northern and middle states. Tiie former supply her with fish, shoes, and all sorts of coarse manufactured goods for the use of tiie slave population ; while the latter supply her with wheat, flour, &c. Most part of the imports of foreign produce are also brought at second-hand from New York, which occupies the same rank, in the Union that Liverpool and London do in Great Britain, There were, in 1830, 5 banks in this city, including the branch of the United States Bank, with an ag- gregate capital of 4,975,000 dollars : the total dividends for the same year amounted to 317,000 dollars ; being at the rate of 6*371 per cent. There were also 2 marine in- surance companies, having a capital of 750,000 dollars. — ( Statement hy J. H. Goddardy Esq., New York Daily Advertiser, 29th of January, 1831.) The registered, enrolled, and licensed tonnage belonging to Charleston, in 1831, amounted to 13,008 tons, of which 7,147 tons were employed in the coasting trade. The total value of the articles imported into South Carolina, in the year ending 30th of September, 1832, was 1,213,725 dollars; the total value of the exports during the same year being 7,752,781 dollars. — (Papers laid before Congress, 15th of February, 1833.) In South Carolina, the dollar is worth 4s. 8d. currency; so that IZ. sterling = IZ. Os. 8^c/. currency. Weights and Measures same as in England. — (For further details, see New York.) Po7-t. — Charleston harbour is spacious and convenient ; but the entrance to it is incommoded by a range of sand-banks, stretching from Sullivan's Island on the north to Folly Island on the south, about 2^ leagues. There are several channels through these banks, but only three, the middle or direct channel, the ship channel, and Lawford channel, between the latter and the mainland, that ought to be atteinj)ted by ships of considerable burden. The entrance to the sliip channel is in lat. 32° 'tO'. The depth of water on the shallowest part of the bar at ebb tide is 12 feet, and at flood from 17 to 18 feet ; whilst the depth iu the middle chaimel at low water does not exceed 9 feet, and in Lawford channel it docs not exceed 10 or 11 feet. A lighthouse has been erected on the south point of Lighthouse Island, bearing from the middle of the bar of the ship channel W. N. W. g N. It is 80 feet high, having a revolving light, alternately brilliant and obscure, the period of obscuration being double that of brilliancy ; but on approaching the light, the latter gains upon the former, and within I5 league it is never wholly dark. The light may be seen in line weather at from 3 to 4 leagues off. After getting into the channel, wlTich is marked by the breakers and buoys on each side, the proper course for a ship to-steer is to bring the lighthouse to bear N.W. by W., and stand direct for it till you get within the banks, when the course is N. by W. But it is unnecessary to enter into further details on these points, as all ships entering Charleston harbour are bound, provided they are hailed by a licensed pilot off the bar, to pay him full pilotage fees whether they accept his services or not. In point of fact, however, they are always accepted ; for the shifting of the sands, the influence of the' tides, &c. render the entrance so difficult to those not perfectly familiar with it, that even the packet ships that sail regularly to and from New York uniformly heave-to without the bar for a pilot. — (See Plan of Charleston Harbour, reduced from the original survey of Major H. Bache.) Ships usually moor alongside quays or wharfs, where they are in perfect safety. Shipping Charges. — The charges of a public natiire paid by ships entering this port differ but little in amount on a native and a foreign ship. On a vessel supposed to be of 300 tons burden, entering, unloading, taking on board a mixed cargo, and clearing out, they would be as under ; — Dollars. Cents. L. s. d. Fee on entry at the customhouse - 2 CO or 0 11 Surveyor's fee, on a foreign ship • 5 00 . 1 1 44 , t)itto, on a native ship - 00 - 0 12 »| Harbour-master's fee - . 2 00 - 0 8 6A Port warden's survey, when required . 10 00 • 2 2 Sj Fees on clearance at the customhouse, T er. Oil 11' of a native ship - . Ditto, of a foreign ship - - 2 70 - 0116^ Pilotage inwards and outwards, sup- 1 en nn in li; fii posing the ship to draw 14 ft. water j ^0 0° " 1" 6^ M'harfage, per diem - - - 1 00 - 0 4 The difference in the fees on the clearance at the Custom- house of a native and a foreign ship, is owing to the former being obliged to give certain bonds which are not required of the latter. The greater or smaller tonnage of the ship makes no dif- ference on-any of the above charges, except that of pilotage, which is in proportion to her draft of water, and is the same whether for a foreign or a native ship. Departures from Charleston. — The following is An Account of the Number of Ships, with a Specification of their Tonnage, and the Countries to which they belonged, that cleared from Charleston for Foreign Ports during each of the Three Years ending with 1831 : — 1829. 1830. 1831. Nation. Vsls. Tons. Vsls. Tons. Vsls. Tons. British 55 19,052 51 16,250 91 26,631 United States 258 61,783 269 64,742 186 43,369 French 22 5,481 11 2,777 6 1,848 Spanish 5 420 12 1,106 27 2,671 Bremen 3 811 5 872 3 371 Dutch 193 Danish 45 125 1 125 Total 345 87,785 549 85,872 "3U~ 75,015 Rates of Commission. — The rates of commission or factorage usually charged and allowed at Charleston on transacting dif- ferent sorts of business, are as follows, viz — For selling domestic produce, 2i per cent. For selling foreign merchandize, 5 per cent. For guaranteeing either of these sales, 2^ percent, additional is commonly allowed. For purchasing with funds in hand, or drawing domestic billj for reimbursement, 2.2 per cent. For purchasing goods and drawing foreign bills for reimburse- ment, 5 per cent, is charged. For the sale of real or personal estate, the regular charge is 5 per cent. ; but where the property to be sold is of any con- siderable value, the parties in general enter into an agree- ment beforehand, and a much lower rate of commission is allowed. Charges on Rice and Cotton shipped at Charleston. Cents. Dravage, wharfage, &c. - - 12i per barrel. Cooperage - ... isj ditto. Total 31 cents per barrej On cotton the charges are — On square bales, Drayage, wharfage, &c. Labour, mending bagging, &c. Cents. • 10 per bale. - 10 ditto. Total 20 cents per bale. Cents. - 10 per bale. - 15 ditto. Total 25 cents per bale. For commission, see above. These particulars have been principally derived from the answers made by the Consul at Charleston, to the circular queries ; answers'which do great credit to his intelligence ami industry. On round bales or bags, Drayage, wharfage, &c. Labour, mending bagging, &c. CHART (Ger. Seekarten; Du. Zeekarten; Fr. Cartes marines; It. Carte marine; Sp. and Port. Cartas de marear) is properly applied to a projection of some part of the sea, as the term Map is to a portion of the land ; wherefore charts are sometimes de- nominated " Hydrographical Maps." They are distinguished into several kinds, as plain, globular, and TNIercator charts. 268 CHARTERPARTY. CHARTERPARTY, the name given to a contract in writing, between the owner or master of a ship and the freighter, by which the former hires or lets the ship, or a part of the ship, under certain specified conditions, for the conveyance of the goods of the freighter to some particular place or places. Generally, however, a charterparty is a contract for the use of the whole ship : it is in commercial law, what an indenture is at common law. No precise form of words, or set of stipulations, is requisite in a charterparty. The forms subjoined to this article are those most commonly in use ; but these may, and, indeed, in many cases must, be varied, to suit the views and intentions of the parties. A charterparty is generally under seal : but sometimes a printed or written instru- ment is signed by the parties, called a memorandum of a charterparty; and this, if a formal charterparty be not afterwards executed, is binding. The stamp in either case is the same. Charterparties, when ships are let or hired at the place of the owners' residence, are generally executed by them, or some of them ; but when the ship is in a foreign port, it must necessarily be executed by the master, and the merchant or his agent, unless the owners have an agent in such port, having proper authority to act for them in such matters. A charterparty made by the master in his name, when he is in a foreign port in the usual course of the ship's employment, and, therefore, under circumstances which do not afford evidence of fraud ; or when it is made by him at home, under circumstances which afford evidence of the expressed or implied assent of the owners; is binding upon the latter. But, according to the law of England, no di7-ect action can be maintained upon the instrument itself against the owners, unless it be signed and sealed by them, or unless they authorise the master (or agent, as the case may be) to enter into the contract, and unless it be distinctly expressed in the charterparty that he acts only as agent. When a ship is chartered by several owners to several persons, the charterparty should be executed by each, or they will not be liable to an action for nonperformance. But if the charterparty be not expressed to be made between the parties, but runs thus — " This charterparty indented witnesseth, that C, master of the ship W., with consent of A. and B., the owners thereof, lets the ship to freight to E. and F.," and the instrument contains covenants by E. and F. to and with A. and B. ; in this case A. and B. may bring an action upon the covenants expressed to be made with them ; but unless they seal the deed, they cannot be sued upon it. This, therefore, is a very proper form. The general rule of law adopted in the construction of this, as of other mercantile in- struments, is, that the interpretation should be liberal, agreeable to the real intention of the parties, and conformable to the usage of trade in general, and of the particular trade to which the contract relates. The charterparty usually expresses the burden of the ship ; and by the famous French Ordinance of 1681, it is required to do so. According to Molloy (book ii. c. 4. § 8.), if a ship be freighted by the ton, and found of less burden than expressed, the payment shall be only for the real burden ; and if a ship be freighted for 200 tons, or thereabouts, the addition of thereabouts (says the same author) is commonly reduced to Jive tons more or less; but it is now usual to say so many tons " register measurement." The usual covenant, that the ship shall be seaworthy, and in a condition to carry the goods, binds the owners to prepare and complete every thing to commence and fulfil the voyage. But though the charterparty contained no such covenant, the owner of the vessel would be, at common law, bound, as a carrier, to take care that the ship should be fit to perform the voyage ; and even though he should give notice, limiting his responsi- bility from losses occasioned to any cargo put on board his vessel, unless such loss should arise from want of ordinary care, &c., he would be liable if his ship were not seaworthy. — (See Seaworthy.) In all maritime transactions, expedition is of the utmost consequence ; for even by a short delay, the object or season of a voyage may be lost ; and therefore, if either party be not ready by the time appointed for the loading of the ship, the other may seek another ship or cargo, and bring an action to recover the damages he has sustained. The manner in which the owner is to lade the cargo is, for the most part, regulated by the custom and usage of the place where he is to lade it, unless there be any express stipulation in the charterparty with respect to it. Generally, however, the owner is bound to arrange the different articles of the cargo in the most proper manner, and to take the greatest care of them. If a cask be accidentally staved, in letting it down into the hold of the ship, the master must answer for the loss. If the owner covenants to load a full and complete cargo, the master must take as much on board as he can do with safety, and without injury to the vessel. The master must not take on board any contraband goods, whereby the ship or cargo may be lial)lc to forfeiture and detention ; nor must he take on board any false or coloiu- ablc papers ; but he must take and keep on board all the papers and documents required CHARTERPARTY. 269 for the protection and manifeslation of the ship and cargo by the law of the countries from and to which the ship is bound, by the law of nations in general, or by any treaties between particular states. If the master receive goods at the quay or beach, or send his boat for them, his re- sponsibility commences with the receipt in the port of London. With respect to goods intended to be sent coastwise, it has been held, that the responsibility of the wharfinger ceases by the delivery of them to the mate of the vessel upon the wharf. As soon as he receives the goods, the master must provide adequate means for their protection and security ; for even if the crew be overpowered by a superior force, and the goods taken while the ship is in a port or river within the country, the master and owners are liable for the loss, though they may have committed neither fraud nor fault. This may seem a harsh rule ; but it is necessary, to put down attempts at collusive or fraudulent conw binations. The master must, according to the terms of the charterparty, commence the voyage without delay, as soon as the weather is favourable, but not otherwise. Sometimes it is covenanted and agreed upon between the parties, that a specified number of days shall be allowed for loading and unloading, and that it shall be lawful for the freighter to detain the vessel a further specified time, on payment of a daily sum as demurrage. — (See Demurrage.) If the vessel be detained beyond both periods, the freighter is liable to an action on the contract. The rate of demurrage mentioned in the charterparty will, in general, be the measure of the damages to be paid ; but it is not the absolute or necessary measure ; more or less may be payable, as justice may require, regard being had to the expense and loss incurred by the owner. When the time is thus expressly ascertained and limited by the terms of the contract, the freighter is liable to an action for damages if the thing be not done within the time, although this may not he attributable to any fault or omission on his part ; for he has engaged that it shall be done. — (^Abbott on the Law of Shipping, part iii. c. 1.) If there has been any undertaking or warranty to sail with convoy, the vessel must repair to the place of rendezvous for that purpose ; and if the master neglect to proceed with convoy, he will be answerable for all losses that may arise from the want of it. The owners or master should sail with the ship for the place of her destination with all due diligence, and by the usual or shortest course, unless in cases of convoy, which the master must follow as far as possible. Sometimes the course is pointed out in the charterparty. A deviation from the usual course may be justified for the purpose of re- pairs, or for avoiding an enemy or the perils of the seas, as well as by the sickness of the master or mariners, and the mutiny of the crew. By an exception in the charterparty, not to be liable for injuries arising from the act of God and the king's enemies, the owner or master is not responsible for any injury arising from the sea or the winds, unless it was in his power to prevent it, or it was occa- sioned by his imprudence or gross neglect. " The question," said Lord Mansfield, in an action brought by the East India Company, " is, whether the owners are to pay for the damage occasioned by the storm, the act of God ; and this must be determined by the intention of the parties, and the nature of the contract. It is a charter of freight. The owners let their ships to hire, and there never was an idea that they insure the cargo against the perils of the sea. What are the obligations of the owners which arise out of the fair construction of the charterparty ? Why, that they shall be liable for damages incurred by their own fault, or that of their servants, as from defects in the ship, or im- proper stowage, &c. If they were liable for damages occasioned by storms, they would become insurers," The House of Lords confirmed this doctrine by deciding (20th of May, 1788) that the owner is not liable to make satisfaction for damage done to goods by storm. The charterer of a ship may lade it either with his own goods, or, if he have not suffi- cient, may take in the goods of other persons, or (if not prevented by a clause to that effect in the charterparty) he may wholly underlet the ship to another. — (For further details, see Abbott on the Law of Shipping, part iii. c. 1. ; Chittx/s Commercial Law, vol. iii. c. 9, &c. ; and the articles Bill of Lading, Freight, Master, &c. in this Dictionary. ) Forms of Charterparties. The following is one of the most usual forms of a charterparty : — This charterparty, indented, made, &c., between A. B., &c., mariner, master, and owner, of the good ship or vessel, called, &c., now riding at anchor, &c., of the burthen of 200 tons, or thereabouts, of the one part, and C. D. of, &c., merchant, of the other part, witnesseth, that the said A. B., for the coiisiileration hereinafter mentioned, hath granted, and to freight letten, and by these presents doth grant, and to freight let, unto the said C. D , his executors, administrators, and assigns, the whole tonnage of the hold, stern-sheets, and half-deck of the said ship or vessel, called, &o., from the port of London, to, &c.,in a voyage to be made by the said A. B. with the said ship, in manner hereinafter mentioned, (that is say,) to sail with the first fair wind and weather that shall happen after, &c. next, from the port of London, with the goods and merchandise of the said C. D., his factors or assigns, on board, to, &c. aforesaid, (the act of God, the king's enemies, fire, and all and every other dangers and accidents of the seas, rivers, and navi- 270 CHARTERPARTY. gation, of whatever nature and kind, in so far as ships are liable thereto, during the said voyage always excepted,) and there unlade and make discharge of the said goods and merchandises ; and also shall thera take into and on board the said ship again, the goods and merchandises of the said C. D., his factors or assigns, and shall then return to the port of London with the said goods, in the space of, .Vc. limited for the end of the said voyage. In consideration whereof, the said C. D., for himself, his executors, and administrators, doth covenant, promise, and grant, to and with the said A. B., his executors, adminis- trators, or assigns, by these presents, that the said C. D., his executors, administrators, factors, or assigns, shall and will well and truly pay, or cause to be paid, unto the said A. B., his executors, administrators, or assigns, for the freight of the said ship and goods, the sum of, &c. (or so much per ton,) within twenty- one days after the said ship arrived, and goods returned, and discharged at the port of London aforesaid, for the end of the said voyage ; and also shall and will pay for demurrage, (if any shall be by default of him, the said C. D., his factors or assigns,) the sum of, &c. per day, daily, and every day, as the same shall grow due. And the said A. B., for himself, his executors, and administrators, doth covenant, promise, and grant, to and with the said C. D., his executors, administrators, and assigns, by these presents, that the said ship or vessel shall be ready at the port of London to tike in goods by the said C. D., on or before, &c. next coming. And the said C. D., for himself, his, &c., doth covenant and promise, within ten days after the said ship or vessel shall be thus ready, to have his goods on board the said ship, to proceed on in the said voyage ; and also, on arrival of the said ship at, &c., within, &c. days to have his goods ready to put on board the said ship, to return on the said voyage. And the said A. B., for himself, his executors, and administrators, doth further covenant and grant, to and with the said C. D., his executors, adminis- trators, and assigns, that the said ship or vessel now is, and at all times during the voyage shall be, to the best endeavours of him, the said A. B., his executors and administrators, and at his and their own proper costs and charges, in all things made and kept stiff, staunch, strong, well-apparelled, furnished, and provided, as well with men and mariners sufficient and able to sail, guide, and govern the said ship, as with all manner of rigging, boats, tackle, and apparel, furniture, provision, and appurtenances, fitting and necessary for the said men and mariners, and for the said ship during the voyage aforesaid. In witness, &c. The great variety of circumstances under which diiFerent voyages are made produce a corresponding diversity in charterparties. The charterparty of which the following is a copy affords a good example of the more complex species of these instruments. It is this day mutually agreed between Mr. T. B. Rann, owner of the good ship or vessel called the Mermaid, William Henniker, master, of the measurement of 472 tons, or thereabouts, now in the river Thames, and Mr. David Thomson, of the firm of Messrs. Thomson, Passmore, and Thomson, of Mauritius merchants, that the said ship, being tight, staunch, and strong, and every way fitted for the voyage, shall with all convenient speed, sail and proceed to Calcutta, with leave to take convicts out to New South Wales, and from thence troops, merchandise, or passengers, to the aforementioned port of Calcutta, with leave to touch at Madras on her way thither, if required on owner's account, or so near thereunto as she may safely get, and there load, from the factors of the said merchants at Calcutta, a full and complete cargo of rice, or any other lawful goods which the charterer engages to ship, and proceed with the same to Port Louis, in the Isle of France, and deliver the same free of freight; afterwards load there a full and complete cargo of sugar in bags, or other lawful merchandise of as favourable tonnage, which the charterer engages to ship, not exceeding what she can reasonably stow and carry over and above her tackle, apparel, provisions, and furniture ; and, being so loaded, shall therewith proceed to London, or so near thereunto as she may safely get, and deliver the same on being paid freight, viz. for such quantity of sugar equal to the actual quantity of rice, or other goods, that may be shipped at Calcutta, at the rate of 51. I2s. 6d. per ton of 20 cwt. nett, shipped there; and should the vessel dehver more nett sugar in the port of London than the quantity of rice, or other goods, actually shipped in Calcutta, the owners to be paid on the excess at the regular current rate of freight for sugar which other vessels, loading at the same time at Fort Louis, receive ; the tonnage of the rice, wheat, or grain, to be reckoned at 20 cwt, nett per ton ; that of other goods at the usual measurement (.the act of God, the king's enemies, fire, and all and every other dangers and accidents of the seas, rivers, and navigation, of whatever nature and kind soever, during the said voyage, always excepted). I'he freight to be paid on unloading and right dehvery of the cargo, as is customary in the port of London. Ninety running days are to be allowed the said merchant (if the ship is not sooner despatched) for loading the ship at Calcutta, discharging the cargo at Port Louis, and loading the cargo there; the said laydays to commence on the vessel being ready to receive cargo, the master giving notice in writing of the same at Calcutta, and to continue during the loading there ; and from the time of her arrival at Port Louis, and being ready to discharge, till tlie final loading at that port, and to be discharged in the port of London with all possible despatch ; and 20 days on demurrage over and above the said laying days, at 12/. per day. Penalty for non-performance of this agreement, 4,000/. The cargo to be brought to and taken from alongside at the expense and risk of the merchants. The necessary cash for the disbursements of the vessel at Calcutta, not exceeding 550/., to be advanced by the charterer's agents ; they taking the master's drafts on the owner for the same, at the regular current i-ate of exchange, and at three months' siglit ; and if the said bills be not regularly accepted and paid when due, the same to be deducted from the freight payable by this charterparty. I'ho . vessel to be disbursed at Port Louis by the chartering agents ; sum not to exceed 300/., free of comrnission ; and the amount to be deducted from the freight at the final settlement at the port of London. Caj)tain not to ship goods without consent. In the event of the ship being prevented, by damage or any other cause, reaching the Mauritius on or before the 1st day of January, 1831, the charterer or his agents shall be at liberty to employ the vessel for one or two voyages to Calcutta, at the rate of 21. per ton of rice, or other goods, delivered at Mauritius. Fifty running days,- to load and discharge, to be allowed on each voyage; it being understood that the charterer or his agents shall load the ship, as before agreed, either at the end of the first or second voyage, as the case may be. The freight on the intermediate voyages (if any) to be paid on delivery of the cargo, in casli, or by bills on London at usance, at the option of the master. The vessel to be addressed, both at Calcutta and Isle of France, to the agents of the charterer. In witness whereof, the said parties have hereunto set their hands and seals, at London, the 2d day of December, 18i.'9. Signed, scaled, and delivered, > (Signed) THOS. B. RANN, (L.S.) in the presence of 3 D. THOMSON, (L.S.) (Signed) E. FORSYTH, Stamp Duty on Charterparties. — The statute 55 Geo. 3. c. 184. enacts, that any charter- party, or any agreement or contract for the charter of any ship or vessel, or any memorandum, letter, or other writing, between the captain, master, or owner of any ship or vessel, and any other person, for or relating to the freight or conveyance of any money, goods, or effects, on board of such ship or vessel, shall be charged with a duty of 1/. 15s. And when the same, together with any schedule, receipt, or other matter, put or in- dorsed thereon, or annexed thereto, sliall contain 2,160 words or upward.s, then for every CHAY ROOT. — CHEESE. 271 entire quantity of 1,080 words contained therein over and above the first 1,080 words, there shall be charged a further progressive duty of .5s. CHAY OR CHOY ROOT, the roots of a small biennial, rarely triennial, plant, growing spontaneously in light, dry, sandy ground near the sea ; and extensively culti- vated, especially on the coast of Coroniandel. The cultivated roots are very slender, and from ] to 2 feet in length, with a few lateral fibres ; but the wild are shorter, and supposed to yield one fourth part more of colouring matter, and of a better quality. The roots are employed to dye the durable reds for which the Indian cotton yarn and chintzes have been long famous, and which can only be equalled by the Turkey red. Chay root forms a considerable article of export from Ceylon. Only a particular set of people are allowed to dig it. It is all bought up by government, who pay the diggers a fixed price of 75 or 80 rix-dollars a candy, and sell it for exportation at about 175 rix- dollars. — (^Bertolacci's Ceylon, p. 270.) This root has been imported into Europe, but with no success. Dr. Bancroft sus- pects it may be injured by the long voyage ; but he adds, that it can produce no effect which may not be more cheaply produced from madder. It is a very bulky article, and is consequently burdened with a very heavy freight. — {Permanent Colours, vol. ii. pp. 282 — 303.) . CHECKS, CHEQUES, or DRAFTS, are orders addressed to some person, generally a banker, directing him to pay the sum specified in the check to the person named in it, or bearer, on demand. The following is the usual form : — J^^QQ London, 30th October, 1833. Pay Mr. A. B. or hearer. One Hundred Pounds, on account of Messrs. Jones, Loyd, and Co. ^' In point of form, checks nearly resemble bills of exchange, except that they are uniformly payable to bearer, and should be drawn upon a regular banker, though this latter point is not essential. They are assignable by delivery only ; and are payable instantly on presentment, without any days of grace being allowed. But by the custom of London, a banker has until 5 of the afternoon of the day on which a check is pre- sented for payment, to return it; so that where a check was returned before 5, with a memorandum of " cancelled by mistake" written under it, it was held a refusal to pay. If a check upon a banker be lodged with another banker, a presentment by the latter at the clearing-house is sufficient. Checks are usually taken conditionally as cash ; for unless an express stipulation be made to the contrary, if they be presented in due time and not paid, they are not a payment. It is difficult to define what is the due or reason- able time within which checks, notes, or bills, should be presented. A man, as Lord EUenborough has observed, is not obliged to neglect all other business that he may im- mediately present them : nevertheless it is the safest plan to present them without any avoidable delay ; and if received in the place where payable, they had bettti be presented that day, or next at furthest. If a check be not presented within a reasonable time, the party on whom it is drawn will be justified in refusing to pay it ; and the holder will lose his recourse upon the. drawer. Checks drawn on bankers residing 10 miles or more from the place where they are drawn, must be on a stamp of the same value as a bill of exchange of an equal amount ; but checks drawn on a banker, acting as such within 10 miles of the place where they are issued, may be on plain paper. — (Chitt^/ on Commercial Law, vol. iii. p. 591. ; Woolrych on Commercial Law, c. 3. § 2., §'c.) CHEESE (Ger. K'dse ; Du. Kaas ; Fr. Fromage ; It. Formaggio, Cacio ; Sp. Queto ; Rus. Sur ; Lat. Caseus), the curd of the milk separated from the whey, and pressed or hardened. It has been used as an article of food from the earliest ages : vast quantities of it are consumed in Great Britain, and iia most countries of Europe. There is an immense variety of cheeses, the qualities of which depend principally on the richness and flavour of the milk of which they are made, and partly on the way in which they are prepared. England is particularly celebrated for the abundance and excellence of its cheese. Cheshire and Gloucestershire are, in this respect, tw o of its most famous counties; the cheese produced in the former has been estimated at 11,500 tons a year. There are two kinds of Gloucester cheese, double and single ; the first is made of the milk and cream, the latter of the milk deprived of about half the cream. They are of various sizes, from 20 to 70 and even 80 lbs. ; but they generally run from 50 to 60 lbs. ' A great deal of cheese is also made in that part of Shropshire which borders upon Cheshire, and in North Wiltshire. Tlie former goes under the name of Cheshire cheese : the latter was, till lately, called Gloucestershire cheese ; now it receives its appellation from the county where it is made. A strong cheese, somewhat resem- bling Parmesan, is made at Chedder in Somersetshire. The celebrated rich cheese^ 272 CHERRIES. called Stilton, is made in Leicestershire, principally in the villages round Melton Mow- bray. It is not reckoned sufficiently mellow for cutting unless it be two years old ; and is not saleable unless it be decayed, blue, and moist. A rich cheese is also made at Leigh, in Lancashire. The other cheeses made in England, which have acquired a pe- culiar name, either from the quantity made, or from the quality, are the Derbyshire, Cottenham, and Southam cheeses. The two last are new milk cheeses, of a peculiarly tine flavour : the places where they are made are in Cambridgeshire. Bath and York are remarkable for their cream cheeses. The county of Warwick, and Banbury in Oxford- shire, are also remarkable for cheeses ; the former for the quantity made in it, about 20,000 tons being annually sent to London, besides a very large supply to Birmingham. Banbury cheese is distinguished for its richness. Scotland is not celebrated for its cheese : the best is called Dunlop cheese, from a parish in Ayrshire, where it was originally manufactiu-ed. Dunlop cheeses generally weigh from 20 to 60 lbs. each ; and are, in all respects, similar to those of Derbyshire, except that the latter are smaller. Turmeric, marigolds, hawthorn buds, &c. were formerly used to heighten and im- prove the colour of cheese ; but annotto (which see) is decidedly the best ingredient that can be employed for that purpose, and is at present used in Cheshire and Glouces- tershire to the exclusion of every thing else. An ounce of genuine annotto will colour a hundred weight of cheese. Large quantities of very good cheese are produced in Holland. In the manufacture of Gouda cheese, which is reckoned the best made in Holland, muriatic acid is used in curdling the milk instead of rennet. This renders it pungent, and preserves it from mites. Parmesan cheese, so called from Parma in Italy, where it is manufactured, is merely a skim-milk cheese, which owes its rich flavour to the fine herbage of the meadows along the Po, where the cows feed. The best Parmesan cheese is kept for 3 or 4 years, and none is ever carried to market till it be at least 6 months old. Swiss cheese, particularly that denominated Gruyere, from the bailiwick of that name in the canton of Fribourg, is very celebrated. Gruyere cheeses are made of skimmed or partially skimmed milk, and are flavoured with herbs. They generally weigh from 40 to 60 lbs. each, and are packed for exportation in casks containing 10 cheeses each. According to Mr. Marshall, the average yearly produce of cheese from the milk of a cow, in England, is from 3 to 4 cwt., or more than double the weight of the butter. For further details, see Loudon's Ency. of Agriculture ; art. Dairy in Supp. to Ency. Brit. ; Stevensoti's art. on England, in the Edinburgh Ency., ^c. The imports of cheese, in 1831, amounted to 134,459 cwt., almost the whole of which came from the Netherlands. The quantity re-exported was but inconsiderable. The duty of 10s. 6d. a cwt. on imported cheese produced, in 1823, 69,049/. 2s. 8d. ; showing that the quantity entei-ed for home consumption amounted to about 1 32,000 cwt. The contract price of the cheese furnished to Greenwich Hospital, in the undermen- tioned years, has been as follows : — Years. Prices per lb. Years. Prices per lb. Years. Prices per lb. Years. Prices per lb. . d. d. d. d. 1730 1800 n 1814 8f 1824 Ik 1740 3i 1805 1815 8 1825 ii 1750 31 3J 1806 1816 6| 1826 1760 1807 1817 1827 1770 3f 1808 71 1818 1828 9 1775 1809 8 1819 8 1829 1780 1 1810 1820 7 1830 4 1785 1811 1821 6 1831 1790 4 1812 n 1822 5 1832 t 1795 5? 1813 8i 1823 4 See art. Prices. It is not possible to form any estimate of the value of the cheese annually consumed in Great Britain. Dr. Colquhoun states that the butter and cheese consumed in the United Kingdom must be worth at least 5,000,000/. a year, exclusive of the milk of which they are made ; but he assigns no grounds for this statement ; which we are inclined to think is very greatly exaggerated. — (See Butter.) CHERRIES, the fruit of a tree (Prunus Cerasus Lin.) too well known to require any description. They derive their name from Cerasus, a city of Pontus, whence the tree was Ijrought by LucuUus, about half a century before the Christian era. It soon after spread into most parts of Europe, and is supposed to have been carried to Britain about a century after it came to Rome. The principal supplies of cherries for the London market are brought from the cherry orchards in Kent and Herts. The wood of the cherry is close, takes a fine polish, and is not liable to split. — (TZees's Cyclopaedia; Loudon's Ency. of Agric, §-c.) CIIESNUT. — CHOCOLATE. 27J CHESNU r, a forest tree {Fagus castanea) growing abundantly in most parts of tlic southern countries of Europe. It was at one time very common in Kngland ; and is still frequently met with. It is long lived ; grows to an immense size ; and is very ornamental. The wood is hard and compact ; when young, it is tough and flexible ; but when old, it is brittle, and often shaky. The chesnut contains only a very small i)ro- portion of sap-wood ; and hence the wood of young trees is found to lie superior to even the oak in durability. It is doubtful whether the roof of Westminster Hall be of oak or chesnut ; the two woods being, when old, very like each other, and having Ijccn formerly used almost indifferently in the construction of buildings. A good deal of chesnut has been planted within the last thirty years. — ( T'redgold's Frhicij)les of Carpentry. ) CHESNUTS (Fr. Chutaignes ; Ger. Kastanien ; It. Castugne ; Sp. Castanas), the fruit of the chesnut tree. Chesnuts grow in this country, but are very inferior both in size and perfection to those imported from the south of Europe. In some parts of the Continent they are frequently used as a substitute for bread, and form a large proportion of the food of the inhabitants. This is particularly the case in the Limousin, in Corsica, and in several districts of Spain and Italy. The inhabitants of the Limousin are said to prepare them in a peculiar manner, which deprives them of their astringent and bitter properties. Chesnuts imported from Spain and Italy are frequently kiln-dried, to pre- vent their germination on the passage. In this country they are principally served up roasted at desserts. During the 3 years ending with ]831, the entries of foreign chesnuts for home consumption averaged 20,948 bushels a year. The duty of 2$. a bushel produced, in 1832, 2,321/. 12s. lOd. nett, showing that the consumption must have amounted to 23,216 bushels. CHETWERT, a measure of corn in Russia, equal to Winchester bushels, so that 100 cbetwerts = 74^ Winchester quarters. CHILLIES (Hind. Gas Murridge ; Javan. Lomhok ; Malay, Chabai), the pods or fruit of the Capsicum annuum, or Guinea pepper. This is one of the hardiest and most productive plants found in tropical climates ; growing luxuriantly in almost all dry soils, however indifferent. In the wild state, the pods are small, and so pungent and acrid as to blister the tongue ; but when raised on rich soils, they are large, and compara- tively mild. The plant is said to be a native of both Indies. It is very extensively cultivated ; and, with the exception of salt, is far more extensively used than any other condiment. In tropical countries, the pods are frequently made use of when unripe and green: when ripe, they become of a deep red colour; and in this state they are ex- ported dry and entire, or reduced to powder — that is, to Cayenne pepper ; which, when genuine, consists wholly of the ground pods of the capsicum. • — (See Pepper.) CHINA ROOT (Ger. Chinawurzel ; Du. Chinawortel ; Fr. Squine, Esquine ; Sp. Raiz China, Cocolmeca ; Arab. Rhuhsinie), the root of a species of climber (Smilax China Lin.). It comes from the West Indies as well as from China ; but that from the latter is best. It is oblong and thick-jointed, full of irregular knobs, of a reddish brown colour on the outside, and a pale red within ; while new, it will snap short, and look glittering within ; if old, the dust flies from it when broken, and it is liglit and kecky. It should be chosen large, sound, heavy, and of a pale red colour internally. It is of no value if the worm be in it. — {Milhurn's Orient. Commerce.) CHINA WARE. See Porcelain. CHINTS OR CHINTZ (Fr. Indiennes j Ger. Zitze ; It. Indians; Rus. Siz ; Sp. Chites, Zaraza), fine printed calico, first manufactured in the East Indies, but now largely manufactured in Europe, particularly in Great Britain. (See Calico.) CHIP HATS. See Hats. CHOCOLATE (Du. Chocolade ; Fr. Chocolat ; Ger. Schoholate ; It. Cioccolafa ; Por. Chocolate; Rus. Schoholad ; Sp. Chocolate), a kind of cake or confection, prepared principally from the cacao nut. The nuts are first roasted like coflfee ; and being next reduced to powder and mixed with water, the pasi« is put into tin moulds of the desired shape, in which it speedily hardens, being, when takeii out and wrapped in paper, fit for the market. Besides cacao nut, the Spaniards use vanilla, sugar, maize, &c. in the preparation of chocolate. This article, which is celebrated fov its nutritious qualities, is but little used in Great Britain ; a circumstance that seems to hp principallv owing to the very heavy duties with which it has been loaded. The importation of chocolate used formerly to be prohibited ; and though this prohibition no longer exists, yet, as the duties on it are proportionally nuich heavier than upon cacao, we manufacture at home almost all that is required for our consumption. British chocolate is said to be very largely adulterated with flour and Castile soap. — (See Edward's West Indies, vol. ii. p. 364. ed. 1819. ; and the art. Cacao.) The quantity of chocolate brought from abroad, entered for home consumption in the United Kingdom, in 1830, only amounted to 1,324^ lbs., jjroducing 160Z. of revenue. " Alike easy to convey and employ as an aliment, it contains a large quantity of nutri- T CHRISTIANIA. tive and stimulating particles in a small compass. It has been said with truth, that in Afiica, rice, gum, and shea butter, assist man in crossing the deserts. In the New World, chocolate and the flour of maize have rendered accessible to him the table lands of the Andes, and vast uninhabited forests." — (^Humboldt's Pers. Nar. vol. iv. p. 234. Eng. trans.) CHRISTIANIA, the capital of Norway, situated at the bottom of a fiord or gulf, in the province of Aggerhuus ; in lat. 59° 55^ N., Ion. 10^ 48j E. Population, according to the Weimar Almanack for 1832, about 20,000. Christiania is about 60 miles from the open sea : the gulf is in some places very narrow, and its navigation somewhat difficult ; but it is sufficiently deep for the largest vessels, having 6 or 7 fathoms water close to the quay. It is compulsory on all ships to take a pilot on board at the mouth of the bay. The trade of the town is considerable. The principal exports are timber and deals ; glass, particularly bottles ; linseed and oil-cake, iron and nails, smalts, bones, oak bark, &c. Salted and pickled fish, one of the staple products of Norway, is principally exported from Bergen. The deals of Christiania have always been in the highest estimation ; a consequence of the excellence of the timber, and of the care with which the sap-wood and other defective parts is cut away ; and not, as Mr. Coxe seems to have supposed, of the skilful sawing of the plank. The saw mills were formerly licensed to cut a certain quantity only, and the proprietors were bound to make oath that it was not exceeded. — ( Coxe's Travels in the North of Europe, 5th edit, vol. iv. p. 28.) This absurd regulation no longer exists. There are far fewer restric- tions on industry and commerce in Norway than in Sweden. In the former, British manufactured goods are admitted on moderate duties, and are very generally made use of. The principal articles of import are corn, colonial produce ; woollen, linen, and cotton goods; butter, wine, brandy, &c. Trade of Norway. — The following tables give a comprehensive view of the foreign trade of Norway. Imports. An Account of the Quantities of the principal Articles imported into Norway, during each of the Three Years ending with 1831. Cotton goods - French brandy Coffee - Vinegar Hemp - Hops Flax - Grain, wheat Rye - Barley Oats - Malt - Wheaten flour Rye flour Barley flour - Peas Oil - Cheese - Rice Raisins Ruin Salt Sail cloth Silks Syrup Grindstones Butter - Coals Sugar Soap, green Soap, white Tea Tobacco Woollens - - Wine - I/incn cloth - 1829. Norwegian Weight and Measure. 132,629 lbs. 551,397 pot. 1,547,575 lbs. 104.,430 pot. 2,209,653 lbs. 96,984 763,973 13,766 tond. 232,602 300,614 15,179 42,530 573,087 lbs. 27,395 146,815 11,-202 tond. 203,423 lbs. 238,438 273,093 102,271 12,142 pot. 284,375 tond, 3,580 pieces 4,270 lbs. 720,738 f 133 chald. 7 I &5,587 pes. i 417,824 lbs. 39,506 tond. 2,195,752 Ib^. 126,21P 1(X),*''>6 41,435 1,405,952 180,926 474,218 pot. English Weight and Measure. 6,499 tons 140,589 gals. 758'31 tons 26,626 gals. 1,08273 tons 47-52 374-35 6,700 qrs. 113,219 146,338 7,384 20,701 SJ80-81 tons 13-42 71-94 5,452 qrs. 99-68 tons 116-83 133-81 5011 3,095 gals. 138,419 qrs. 2*09 tons 353-16 W4-73 tons ^,807-48 chald. 1,075-91 tons 61-85 49-22 20-30 688-91 88 ■(i5 120,911 gallons Norwegian Weight and Measure. 180,563 lbs. 809,630 pot. 1,576,130 lbs. 119,826 pot. 1,369,549 lbs. 75,164 651,802 15,675 tond. 252,405 304,019 10,330 56,240 682,071 lbs. 90,525 165,616 8,264 tond. 223,144 lbs. 222.363 34i;il0 103,836 • 17,386 pot. 283,600 tond. ("2,013 foes. 7 I &4.9,4001bs, j 4,883 lbs. 807,635 (■22 chald. &> 1 1,337 pees. 3 365,808 lbs. 27,001 tond. 2,342,225 H.'->,774 123,023 45,560 2,209,469 18(i,().58 638,794 pot English Weigtit and Measure. 88-47 tons !06,431 gals. 772 30 tons 20,552 gals. 671-08 tons 36-83 319-38 7,625 qrs. 122,858 147,981 5,028 27,374 334-21 tons 44-35 76-25 4,022 qrs. 109-34 tons 108-96 167-14 50-88 4,432 gals. 24-02 tons 2-39 39574 179-24 tons 3,28575chal. 1,147-69 tons 71-43 60-28 22-32 l,0S2-(i3 91-17 162,873 gals. Norwegian Weight and Measure, 174,385 lbs. 314.184 pot. 1,814,185 lbs. 73,956 pot. 1,416,248 lbs. 66,807 462,552 11,962 tond. 305,306 330,730 32,045 36,277 688,640 lbs. 146,464 65,696 9,330 tond. 254,623 lbs. 215,885 255,917 117,955 13,815 pot. 294,799 tond. (" 235 pees. & 7 I 160,316 lbs. j 4,902 lbs. 719,631 „ No return. 351,818 lbs. 21,233 tond. 2,421,816 lbs. 137,708 132,959 44,247 1,083,193 193,900 189,001 pot 1827. 159,226 lbs. 78-02 tons English Weight and Measure. 85-45 tons 80,107 gals. 888-95 tons 18,856 gals. 693-96 tons 3273 22665 tons 5,822 qrs. 148,607 160,982 15,597 17,657 337-43 tons 71-76 32-18 tons I 4,541-36 qrs. I 12476 tons 10578 125-40 57-80 3,522 gals, 78-55 tons ' 2-40 352-62 191 -99 tons 2,583 •83chal. 1,186-69 tons 67-48 21-68 530-76 95-01 48,313 gals. 263,325 lbs. 129 02 tons CHRlSTfANIA. 275 Exports, An Account of the Quantities of the principal Articles exported from Norway during each of the Three Years ending with 18,il. Anchovies(uic- / klcd sprats) - j Oak bark Bones Bottles Smalts Chromate of lead Lobsters - Dried fish Salted fish Horns Iron Rags Copper Caraway seed - Fish roes - Buck and goat > I skins - -3 Rock moss Tar Train oil Wood, timber 7 and deals .J Zaffre 1829. Norwegian English VVeiglit and ! Weight and Measurt". Measure. 7,390 kegs 820,9!f) lbs. Ki 1,520 hot. 208,418 lbs. 578,658 1,034,905 lobs. 44,417,712 lbs. 397,84(itond. 26, 198 lbs. 6,458,192 6,686 610,225 1,605 17,029 topd. 84,101 lbs. 357,515 1,237 tond. 21,806 183,802 woodljEster 33,860 lbs. 102-12 2S3-53 21,764-67 38,039 bar. 12-83 tons 3,16451 3-27 299 ()-78615 16,282 bar. 41-20 tons 175-17 1,201 bar. 20,849 360,251-92 tons 16-59 tons 1830. Norwegian English Wciglu and Weight and Measure. JVleusure. 6,172 kegs 6,876 sk.lbs. 1,097,755 144,028 hot. 2.57,340 lbs. 538,(>(i8 1,196,904 lob. 43,447,887 lbs 13,993 tnd. 52,391 lbs 6,123,(W7 14,238 751,825 1,518 22,677 tnd. 113,817 lbs. 109,803 1,017 tnd. 20,476 19^,615 woodlffister no return 1,078-15 tons 537-89 126-09 2G3 91 21,289-46 " 300,218 bar. 25 67 tons 3,000-28 6-97 368-39 0-74382 21.682 bar. 1831. Norwegian Weiglit and Measure. .9,413 kegs 12,320 sk.lbs, 955,742 344,987 hot 183,700 lbs. 594,.506 872,941 lob. 25,448,895 lb. 469,659 tnd. 39,858 lbs. 5,135,677 8,640 524,S94 l,5a5 17,011 tnd. 55-78 tons 114,951 lbs. 53-80 tons 972 bar. 19,577 -81,415-4 tns. 91,812 6(;4 tnd 18,708 172,979 wootilsB.ster 610 lbs. English Weiglit and Measure. 1,93177 tons 468-31 90-01 291-30 12,469-95 449,051-15 bar. 19-41 tons 2,516-48 4-23 257-20 0-7.5215 16,264 bar. 56-32 ton.s 44-98 577-50 bar.! 17,887 I 339,038-84 tons] 0-29,890 Trade with England. — According to the official accounts rendered by the British Custom-house, there were imported from Norway, in 1831, 48,151 cwt. oak bark, 377 tons iron, 18,219 goat skins, 206,840 ibs. smalts, 118 cwt. tallow, 8,439 great hundreds battens and batten ends, 10,457 great do. deal and deal ends, 4,826 masts, &c. under 12 inches diameter, and 23,527 loads of timber, exclusive of about ],000,(;00 lobsters, of which no account is kept. During the same year we exported to Norway 535,491 lbs. cotiec, 7,765 lbs. indigo, 8,189 lbs. pepper, 4,981 lbs. pimento, 4,585 gallons rum, 3,169 cwt. muscovado sugar, 366,024 lbs. tobacco, 83,566 lbs. cotton wool, 3,774 tons coal, 434,744 yards cotton cloth, earthenware of the value of 3,402/., cutlery of the value of 2,648/., 92,150 bushels of salt, soap and candles of the value of 2,938/., woollen manufactures of the value of about 13,000/., and some minor articles. — {Par/. Paper, No. 550. Sess. 1833.) Nothing would do so much to extend our frade with Norway, and not with it only, but with the wJiole north of Europe, as the repeal of the discriminating duty on Norwegian and Baltic timber. And, as this measure would be, in other respects, highly advantageous, it is to be hoped that its adoption may not be long deferred. Customs Duties As previously remarked, these, when compared with the Swedish duties — (see GoTTENBUKGH), are moderate. They amounted, in 1831, inwards, to 161,840/. 5s. 3d. ; outwards, to 47,381/. 8s. 3d ; making together, 209,221/. I3s,6d. To these have to be added 27,456/. 19s. 5d. received on account of tonnage duties, lights, &c. . 1. Tranaii Oplag.— VnAer this system, goods from abroad Customs Regulaiiona. — Within 24 hours after a vessel has got to her moorings, the master should deliver to the collector his general report as to ship and cargo, or present the requi- site documents for having such report made out with the assistance of a ship broker, whose services masters of foreign vessels cannot entirely dispense with. On making this general re()ort, the measuring bill is to be exhibited, and payment of the tonnage and other dues inward is to be made. If the ship nave not been previously measured in Norway, and is, con- sequently, not provided with a Norwegian measuring bill, she is to be measured, to ascertain her burden in Norwcfiian com- mercial lasts, for the calculation of the tonnage duty. The general report having been made, the Custom-house officers in charge of the vessel are furnished with the books for delivery, and the discharge of the cargo commences under tlieir inspection ; and the consignees may make their special reports under their responsibility and signature. If they are without precise information as to the contents of any or all of the packages or bales to their address, these bales or packages may, at their request, be opened in the presence of the officers before report is made. If a consignee omits availing himself of this permission, his pretending thereafter that more or other goods than he had ordered, or been advised of, have been sent to his address, will not be attended to. In the reporu or en- tries is to be stated, whether it is intended to pay the amies forthwith, whether the goods are intended for exportation, ox whether they are to be landed. Prior to commencing loading outwards, the master is to eive verbal notice of his intention at the Custom-house. If he nave no Norwegian measuring bill, the vessel is to be measured. This being done, the shipper or shippers of the outward bound cargo are each of them to make their special entries as to the quality, weight, and measure of the goods they mean to load. A copy of such entries is to be deposited at the Custom-house, and the losuting commences under the control of the officers. This applies to all mixed cargoes ; but if the outward bound cargo consist exclusively of wood, the shipper or shippers are only to notify that they" intend loading wood, without specify- ing quantity, measure, &c., as the export duty on wood is charged according to the burden of the ve-iisel. M'hen the master clears outwards, he produces the proper documents for showing the burden of his vessel, and to what port she belongs, and he is then, on proper application being made, provided with a pilot, who takes his vessel to sea. Warehousing. — In Norway, goods brought from abroad may be bonded or warehoused, with a view to their being again exported at some future period. Goods entered for home consumption may also be bondetl for a certain period, in order to facilitate the payment of the duties. The former is called " transit w;)/afr," that is, depositing or warehousing goods for exportation, subject to transit duties only. The latter is called " cmlit oji'aji," that is, warehousing or bonding on credit. on exportation a transit duty, which, in most cases, is l-lOlh of what they would pay if entered for home consumption. If the goods are deposited in the Custom-house warehouses, they lie free of rent or dues during 14 days, and if in pi-ivate ware- houses, under the key and sea! of the customs, during 6 months. If they remain long, viz. beyond 14 days in the one, and beyond 6 months m the other case, they pay rent or dues equal to l-8th of the transit duty per month ; which, after the lapse of 3 months, as regards goods if the Custom-house warehouses., is increased to l-4th of the transit duty per month. 2. Credit Oplag This system allows most goods imported from abroad to'be placed "in the owner's or importer's own warehouses, under his own lo< k, free of duty , for a given time, on his reporting to the customs, every 3 months, how much he has sold, otherwise consumed, or exported, and then paying the duty on such amount; the Custom-house officers, who hre bound quarterly to examine the goods, convincing themselves, by ocular demonstration, that no more is missing than the quantity reported to have been taken away. 'I'his credit on the duties in no ci.se to exceed 2 years from the time the goods were impcrttd. Bv way of security for payment of the duties on which the credit is granted, government reserve to themselves — 1. Priority of mortgage on all the goods in question. 2. Priority, or first right, in the property, goods, and effects or every description belonging to the trader availing himself of tills credit, in as far as such property is not previously legally niovtgaged. 3. Liberty for the Custom-house officers, when and as often as they shall deom it expedient, between the stated quarterly inspection, to look over the stock on hand, with a view of ascer- taining w'nether there remains sufficient value for the duties ; and if they see reason to doubt this, full right, in default of other satisf'actory security beUig offered, to seize the stock, and to sell the whole, or as much as s-hall cover the duties. 4. In case of death or failure of ihe party, an equal rig,ht to sell forthwith the whole of his stock at public auction, and to retain as much of the proceeds as shall cover the duties ; and in case of deficiency, an established claim for the remainder on the estate of the"deceastd or bankrupt, as the case may be. In charging the duties, no allowance is made for waste or damage in the w arehouses. The warehouse rent charged on goods bonded under tlia transit system, in the Custom-house warehouses, is as follows • J. rf. On a quarter of wheat, for the first 3") q q.^^, moMh. months - - - -J Afterwards - - - 0 1-1076 On a ton of raw sugar, for the first 5\ ^y n-53fii per month. months . - . . ( After 2 27(5 CHRISTIANIA. Money, Weights, and Measures. — In Norway there are no gold coins. The principal silver coin, called a species dollar, is divided into 120 skillings. There are, also, half species, or 60 skilling pieces ; l-iih species, or 24 sk.Ming pieces ; l-15th species, or 8 skilling pieces ; and what is denominated skillemynt, or small change — that is, 4 and 2 skilling pieces. The species dollar contains 390-58 Eng. grs. pure silver, and is, consequently, worth 45. 6|rf. sterling, the par of exchange being 4 species dollars 42 6-17 skill. — \l. All Norway coins, except the small change, are alloyed with l-7th copper, so that the species dollar weighs 448 38 Eng. grs., and its divisions in proportion. Small change coins are alloyed with three times their weight of copper. There are 1 and 2 skilling pieces of copper.j Weights and Measures, same as at Copenhagen ; which see. Table showing the Number of Ships, their Destination, and Tonnage in Norwegian Lasts and English Tons, that cleared out from Christiania; and also the Number of Ships, their Destination, and Tonnage, that cleared out from Norwegian Ports generally, Christiania included; during each of the Three Years ending with 1831. Destination. Sailed from Christiania. Sailed from Norway. Year. Ships. Lasts. Tons. Ships. Lasts. Tons. r 18z9 15 _ o7o 940 568 13,172 32,930 Sweden " * " ""s 1830 10 542 423 10,323 25,807 1831 11 755 546 13,226 33,065 1829 117 l,o99 4,747 2,062 24,442 61,105 1830 126 2,216 5,540 1,968 24,396 60,990 1831 155 2,678 6,695 2,096 26,817 67,042 r 1829 1830 * " 117 4,537 11,342 1831 I 17 42 133 6,638 16,595 Other li^ltic ports - 1829 2 44 110 354 11,827 29,567 1830 2 60 150 222 6 092 15 230 1831 8 302 755 240 7^210 18'025 r 1829 6 207 517 89 2,067 5,167 Hamburgh, Altona,and Bremen < 1830 7 239 597 97 2,268 5,670 1831 9 326 815 114 2,865 7,162 1829 96 8,14^4 20,360 228 44,027 110,067 Great Britain and Ireland 1830 86 7,189 17,972 840 44,819 112,047 1831 122 9,981 24,952 970 53,735 134,337 Holland, Hanover, and Olden- \ burg - - - 1829 1830 1 5 60 381 150 952 982 1,030 43,595 50,170 108,977 125,425 1831 5 349 872 823 33,024 82,560 1829 127 8,825 22,062 579 35,706 89,265 France - - 1830 145 9,683 24,207 569 35,120 87,800 1831 101 6,685 16,712 423 25,855 64,637 1829 86 3,674 9,185 Portugal and Spain - 1830 81 3,189 7,972 1831 1 91 227 63 3,015 7,537 1829 65 4,307 10,767 Other Mediterranean ports 1830 90 6,357 15,892 1831 67 5.004 12,510 1829 2 71 177 Ports beyond Europe - 1830 1831 Shipping Charges — The various charges of a public nature payable by a ship of about 300 tons burden, entering the port of Christiania with a mixed cargo on board, unloading there, taking on board another cargo, and clearing out, are as fol- low : — L. s. d. 1. Charges Inwards. — Pilotage from Farder, at the mouth of Christiania Bay, where all ships must take a pilot on board - - - 2 2 2 Bill of health, assuming that the crew, including the master, consists of 14 persons • • 0 17 9 Tonnage dues and light money - - 9 1 6 9 Brokers' fees - - • - 1 5 4 L. 14 2 0 2. Charges Ouirvards. — Pilotage Castle dues ... Muster roll of crew Pale or stake money Measuring bill Charity chest ... Tonnage dues ard light money Higholm light Pilotage to Farder Brokers' fees - 0 3 2 .245 -017 - 10 11 1 - 0 0 9 - 1 16 8 . 1 16 11 N. B. —There is no difflren<;e between the charges on native ships in Norwegian ports, and privileeflJ foreign ships, that is, the ships of countries having recipi^oc'ty treaties with Nor- ■way J nor in the duties on goods Imported by native ships and such privileged foreign ships. Great Britain is a privUeged country. The shipping of Norway has declined considerably of late years ; a proof, if any such were wanting, of the groundless- ness of the clamours kept up in this country as to the supposed pernicious influence of reciprocity treaties on !our ship|)ing. Banking. — There are no |)rivate banking establishments in Norway ; hut there is a public bank, having its principal office at Drontheim,with branches at Christiania, Bergen, and Chris- tiansaiid. It was established by a compulsory assessment in IHlCi. Its capital consists. of 2,000,000 species dollars, in transferable shares, divided amongst those who were forced to contribute to its formation. These shares are now at a pre- mium of .50 per cent. Its managers are appointed by, and arc accountable to, thf Storthing or Norwegian uarlianicnt. It Issues notes tior 100, 60, 10, and so low as 1 species dollar* These notes should be payable in specie on demand; but they are at a discount of 35 per cent., and are paid by the bank at that rate. It discounts bills at 2 and 3 months date at 6 per cent, ner annum ; advances money on mortgage at 4 per cent. ; and transacts the ordinary banking business of indivi. duals. It does not allow interest on deposits. The dividend is, at present, from 6 2-3ds to 7 per cent. Credit — Goods are sold partly for ready money, and partly on credit, hut principally the former. Commission, iSj-c The number of brokers in Christiania is limited to 4. Commission on the sale of goods, 2 per cent., or, del credere included, 3 per cent. Prokerage is fixed by law at 5-6ths per cent., which, in practice, is paid by the sellers. Insurance.— All houses situated in Norwegian market towns must be insured in the General Insurance Company at Chris- tiania, which is guaranteed by the state. The premium is moderate, being, on Ijuildings situated in towns, l-4th, and on those situated in the country, l-8th per cent. Sometimes, however, when very destructive fires occur, it is raised. Proinsiom, S;c — Christiania is not a favourable place for careenir>A and repairing ships; but supplies of beet, bread, water, and other sea stores, may be had as cheap or cheapi r than in any other port of Norway ; but its distance from the sea is too great to allow of its h-ing visited by ships desirous merely of victualling — (We h:.ve derived these details from various sources, but principally from the able Answers of the Consul at Christiania to the Circular Queries.) Timber — A standard Christiania deal is 1 1 feet long, 1^ inch thick, and 9 inches broad ; and 51'2 such deals make a load. Freight of deals from Norway to England is calculated at the rate of single deals, the standard measure of which f€>r Christiania and all the southern ports of Norway, except Dram (a small town on the Krammcn, about 20 miles S.W. of Christiania), is 11 feet long, and 1^ inch in thickness. A single deal from Dram is reckoned 10 feet long and 1^ inch thick. Battens. — Three battens make 2 deals, retaining their own length and thickness. Half deals are only counted as deal ends, if they run under 6 feet ; but if they run 6 or 7 feet long, then 2 half deals are counted a deal, retaining their own thickness. Emls of Deals Four ends of deals, although 5 feet long, make but a deal 11 feet long, retaining their thickness, which the owners and captains of ships think unreasonable; but as the freighters of snips seldom wish to have this assortment, which commonly run from 3 to 5 feet, and are taken on boaril as stowage, conscxpientlv for the advantage of the ship and not the freighter, the ship ought to bear the burden. Ends of Battens, called Larwick I'nlings. — No less than 6 ought to be counted a single deal, 11 feet long ami IJ lucli thick. CHUN AM. — CINNAMON. 277 Vale-hoard* , wheii they have thr;ir proper length, are 7 feet loniu ; 3 pale-boards are counted a single deal. Mavea for hogsheads take up much room ; in consetiuence of which more than 10 cannot be computed a single deal. The width of deal is never noticed in the calculation of freight : a good deal ought to run 9 inches within the sap, which not a twentieth part of a cargo does at present ; l.ut, though some may be above 9 inches wide, many are only 8, therefore one mast make up for the otlier. Timber, or Hervn Goods, cannot be exactly comjiuted accord, ing to the contents in deals, because it cannot be stowed in a ship in the same manner as deals ; the freight is, therefore, agreed for by the lump, or according to the number of deals which the vessel may have taken on board on a former their contents: when, therefore, the deal* are mention«l as usual 9'and 10 feet, and 11 and 12 feet, he cannot insist on more freight than half of the length, according to its de> scription. One thousand Norway standard deals are reckoned equal to a keel of coals, which is V!l tons. llowtprita pay duty as masts; capravens are alKjve Vi and under 18 inches in circnmference at the middle, and without bark. Clapboard is exjjorted in whole pieces and unquartered. Deals from (iermany pass as Norway deals ; spruce deal* are upwards of 20 feet in length ; deals from Norway, altove 7 feet long, are counted as whole deals ; above 6 feet, and not above 7 feet in length, are accounted as half deals, and two of them pass as one whole deal. The difference between the Christiania and Dram standard One hundred deals = 120. being nearly 1-1 1th part, the freights to Uram ought to be A ton == 40 solid feet of timber, cut to a square. varied proportiorially. It has sometimes hajipened that ships One load of l>alk, or timber, = 50 solid feel. both for Christiania and Dram have been in company, and Two loads of timber are reckoned for 160 deals. those for Christiania have got up loaded, and sailed, l>eforc th« The several bills of lading contain together an exact account others for Dram have got over Dramstroom, which runs very of the cargo which the captain has received on l)oard strong down in the spring of the year. — (llordaniz,' Huroiiean liis ship, consequently binding him to deliver according to Commerce.) CHUNAM, the name given in India to lime. The best, obtained by the calcination of shells, is employed in the composition of Betel — (which see), to prevent, it is said, its injuring the stomach. CIDER, OR CYDER (Fr. Cidrc ; Ger. Zider, Apfdwein ; It. Cidro ; Rus. Sidor ; Sp. Sidra), the juice of apples expressed and fermented. The produce of the duty on cider and perry (the expressed and fermented juice of pears) amounted, in 1828, to 37,220/. ; which, as the duty was 10s. a barrel, shows that the quantity produced must have amounted to 74,440 barrels, exclusive of what might be clandestinely manufactured. The perry is supposed to have amounted to about a fourth part of this quantity. The duty was repealed in 1830. — (See Apples.) CIGARS. See Tobacco. CINNABAR (Ger. Zinnoher s Du. Cinaher, Vermilioen ; Fr. Cinnahre ; It. Cinabro ; Sp. Cinahrio ; Rus. Kinowar ; Lat. Cinnabrium). 1 . Native Cinnabar — a mineral substance, red, heavy, and brilliant. It is found in various places, chiefly in quicksilver mines, being one of the ores of that metal. The cin- nabar of the Philippine Islands is said to be of the highest colour ; but that of Almaden, in Spain, is the richest. The best native cinnabar is of a high colour, brilliant, and free from earthy or stony matter. 2. Artificial Cinnabar " When two parts of mercury and one of sulphur are triturated together in a mortar, the mercury gradually disappears, and the whole assumes the form of a black powder, formerly called Ethiops mineral. When this mineral is heated red hot, it sublimes ; and if a proper vessel be placed to receive it, a cake is obtained of a fine red colour. This cake was formerly called cinnabar ; and, when reduced to a fine powder, is well known in commerce under the name of vermilion." — ( Thomson's Chemistry. ) CINNAMON (Du. Kaneel ; Fr. Cannelle ; Ger. Zimmet, Kanehl ; It. Canella; Lat. Cinnamomum, Canella ; Poi*. Canella ; Sp. Canela Pers. and Hind. Darchinie ; Arab. Darsini ; Malay, Kaimanis ; Greek, Kivaixov), the bark of the cinnamon tree (iawTOy cinnamomum), a native of Ceylon, where it grows in great abundance ; it is also found in Cochin China, but no where else. The cinnamon said to be found in China, Borneo, &c. is merely Cassia lignea. It is brought home in bags or bales weighing 92^ lbs. each ; and, in stowing it, black pepper is mixed with the bales to preserve the cinnamon. The best cinnamon is tliin and rather pliable : it ought to be about the substance of royal paper, or somewhat thicker ; is of a light yellow colour, approaching nearly to that of Venetian gold ; it is smooth and shining ; fractures splintery ; has an agreeable, warm, aromatic flavour, and a mild sweetish taste ; when chewed, the pieces become soft, and seem to melt in the mouth ; it is not so pungent but that it may be borne on the tongue without pain, and is not succeeded by any after taste. Whatever is hard, thick as a half-crown piece, dark-coloured or brown, or so hot that it cannot be borne, should be rejected. Particular care should be taken that it be not false packed, or mixed with cinnamon of an inferior sort. — {Milburn's Orient. Comm.; MarshaWs Essay, quoted below.) The cinnamon of Cochin China grows in the dry sandy districts lying N. W. of the town of Faifoe, between 15° and 16° N. lat. It is preferred in China to the cinna- mon of Ceylon : the annual imports into Canton and other ports vary from 250,000 to 300,000 lbs. There are no fewer than 10 varieties of this species in the market. It is not cured, like that of Ceylon, by freeing it from the epidermis. — ( Crawfurd's Embassy to Siam, 8fc. p. 475.) Cinnamon Monopoly. — Down to the present year, the cultivation of cinnamon in Ceylon was restricted to a few gardens in the neighbourhood of Colombo ; the pro- duction and sale of the article being wholly monopolised by government. Upon the transference of the island from the East India Company to the king's government, the former agreed to pay 60,000/. a year for 400,000 lbs. or 4,342|^ bales of cinnamon ; it being stipulated, that if the quantity collected exceeded this amount, the surplus was to be T 3 278 CINNAMON. Inirned ! * But this agreement was afterwards broken off ; and, for these some years jjast, the cinnamon has been sent to England by government, and sold on its account at «juarterly sales. The revenue derived by the Ceylon treasury from the cinnamon monopoly, in 1831, is said to have amounted to 106,434Z. lis. 11c?. ; but it is not said whether this is the nett or gross revenue, that is, whether it be exclusive or inclusive of the expenses attending its management. — ( Ceylon Almanac for 1833, p. 82.) As the monopoly could not be enforced, except by confining the culture of cinnamon to certain districts, it necessarily led to the most oppressive interferences with the rights of individuals, to the creation of numberless imaginary offences, and the multiplication of punishments, form- ing a heavy drawback upon the prosperity of the island. We are, therefore, glad to have to state that it has been at length abandoned ; and that we are no longer liable to the charge of upholding, without improving, the worst part of the Dutch policy ; but have restored to the natives their right to cultivate cinnamon any where and in any way they think fit. We subjoin a copy of the advertisement issued by the Ceylon government in reference to this important subject. Notice is hereby given, that in direct pursuance of instructions received from the secretary of state, from and after the 10th of July next, the general export of cinnamon from the ports of Colombo and Point de Galle exclusively, in the island of Ceylon, will be allowed, on payment of an export duty of Qs. per pound, without distinction of quality. From the same period, all restrictions and prohibitions against the cultivation, possession, or sale of cinnamon by private individuals will cease; and such quantities of cinnamon as government now has in its possession, or may hereafter be obliged to receive in payment of rent, or from the government plant- ations (until they can otherwise be disposed of), will be sold at periodical sales, subject always to the payment of the said export duty, and under conditions as to the completion of the purchase, and the actual payment of the purchase money in cash or government bills, on delivery of the cinnamon, similar to those heretofore stipulated at the sales held in London, and which will be fully notified and explained hereafter. No collections will, for the future, be made in the forests on account of government. The first sale will be held on the 10th day of July next, at the office of the commissioner of revenue; when 1,000 bales of cinnamon will be put up to sale in lots at the undermentioned prices, and will be sold to the highest bidder above the reserved price. 5. d. 1st sort, per lb. - - - - - 3 6 2d — - - - - -.20 Sd — - . - . .09 The proportion of each sort to be put up will be notified hereafter. The stock of cinnamon in the hands of the agent in London, in September, 1832, and which was to be sold at the 4 usual quarterly sales, in October, 1832, and January, April, and July, 1833, amounted to 4,688 bales; two consignments, amounting to 826 bales, have since been sent to England, viz. 500 bales in July, 1832; 326 bales in October, 1832; since which no shipments have been made, and none will be made hereafter. The sales for the 2 years ending with that of July, 1832, somewhat exceeded 5,500 bales per annum. Chief Secretary's office, Colombo, March 9. 1833. Duties on Cinnamon. — Nothing can be more satisfactory than this document, in so far as the free culture of cinnamon is concerned ; but it is deeply to be regretted, that the abolition of the old monopoly system should be accompanied by the imposition of the exorbitant duty of 3s. per lb. on all cinnamon exported, without distinction of qua- lity. Its natural cost does not, we believe, exceed 6d. or 8c?. per lb. ; but taking it at Is., the duty is no less than 300 per cent. ! So enormous a tax, by confining, the export of cinnamon within the narrowest limits, will go far to deprive the island of the advantages it would otherwise derive from the repeal of the monopoly, and will be, in all respects, most injurious. We have heard, that it is contended, in vindication of this oppressive tax, that Ceylon having a natural monopoly of cinnamon, it is sound policy to burden it with the highest duty it will bear ; as the largest revenue is thus obtained at the least expense to the island. But in addition to the cinnamon produced in Cochin China, and which it is more than probable will speedily find its way to the European markets, the extent to which cassia lignea is substituted for cinnamon, shows that the monopoly possessed by Ceylon is of very trifling importance. But though it were otherwise, though cassia lignea did not exist, and cinnamon were to be found no Avhere but in Ceylon, we should not the less object to so exorbitant an export duty. So long as it is maintained, it will confine within the narrowest limits, what might other- Avise become a most important branch of industry, and a copious source of wealth to the island. According to the crown commissioners, the average quantity and value of the different sorts of cinnamon annually sold of late years has been, — Sorts of Cinnamon. Quantity. Rate. Amount. First sort • . Second sort ... Third sort - . - All sorts - - - Ll,.i. 90,000 2.j(),()00 180,000 s. d. 7 2J 5 lOi 4 Si £ s. 32.842 If) 67,502 10 38,437 10 500,000 - 138,343 15 • See an article by H. Marshall, Esq., staflT surgeon to the forces in Ceylon, in Thomsoii's Annais qf I'hilosophy, vol x. p. 356. CINQUE PORTS. 279 It is not at all probable that the exports cvill materially increase under the newr system ; but had the duty varied from about 6d. per lb. on the best, to 3d. or 4d. on the inferior sorts, we have little doubt, now that the culture is free, that the exports would, at no very distant period, have amounted to .some millions of pounds. It is the high price of cinnamon, — a price not caused by its scarcity or the difficulty of its production, but by the oppressive monopolies and duties to which it has been sul)jected, — that has made it be regarded as a luxury attainable only by the rich. There is no other .spice tliat is so universally acceptable ; and there is none, were it charged with a reasonable duty, that would be so sure to command an immense sale. We know, quite as well as the writer of an article on tliis subject in the Colombo Journal, that " tlie cook who employs 1 ounce of cinnamon to improve the flavour of his dishes, will not employ 4 ounces when the spice is a fourth of the price ;" but we further know, what the jour- nalist would seem to be ignorant of, that were its price reduced, as it might be, to a third of what it has hitherto cost, it would be used by ten or a dozen cooks, for every one who employs it at present. In fact, the entire consumption of cinnamon in Great Britain is under 20,000 lbs. a year ! Should the exports of cinnamon from Ceylon under the new plan amount to 500,000 lbs. a year, government will receive from it an annual revenue of 75,000/. ; and supposing them to amount to 600,000 lbs., the revenue will be 90,000/. And to se- cure the immediate payment of this trifling sum, every ulterior consideration of profit and advantage has been sacrificed. It is, however, pretty clear, that this short-siglited rapacity will be, in the end, no less injurious to the revenue, than to the industry and trade of the island. Were cinnamon allowed to be exported for a few years under a low duty, or till such time as the taste for it was fully diffused throughout this and other countries, it would then be easy, by gradually raising the duty, to obtain from it, without materially checking the consumption, a very large revenue ; at least 5 or 6 times more than it will ever produce under the present plan. Suppose that we had had the power effectually to monopolise the inventions by which Sir Richard Arkwright and others have so prodigiously facilitated the spinning of cotton ; what would have been thought of the policy of those who should have proposed laying a duty on exported cottons equivalent to the peculiar advantages we enjoyed in their production ? Had this been done, we should have got a monopoly value for our exports of cotton; but instead of amounting, as at present, to 17,000,000/. a year, they would not, under such apian, Ijave amounted, to 170,000/. ; and instead of affording sub- sistence for some 1,300,000 or 1,400,000 individuals, the cotton manufacture would not have supported 50,000 ! And yet this is the mischievous nostrum, — for it would be an abuse of terms to call it a principle, — on which we have proceeded to regulate the export of the staple product of Ceylon. The following table shows the quantities of cinnamon retained for home consumption, the rates of duty, and the nett amount of the duties in each year, since 1810. Years. Quantities retained for Home Con- sumption in the United Kingdom- Nett Amount of Duty received thereon. Rates of Duty charged thereon. Years. Quantities retained for Home Con- sumption in the Llnited Kingdom. Nett Amount of Duty received thereon. Rates of Duty charged thereon. 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1815 18!« 1817 1818 1819 Lbs. 12,793 8,748 13,416 Records ' 9,565 9,355 9,8fi3 10,689 11,381 13,077i £ $. d. 5,609 7 3 5,715 16 7 4,081 10 1 destroyed - 8,977 3 11 1,175 17 7 1,235 14 1 1,324 0 9 1,424 18 11 1,637 1 1 Of the East Indies. C2s. per lb. and ^2/. 135. 4(f. per (.cent, ad valorem. do. do. r(From April 1.5.) )25. 4|rf. per lb. 1 and ol. 2s. 4d. per (.cent, ad valorem, f (From April 10.) I 2s. 6d. per lb. do. do. do. do. f (From April 10.) I 2j. 6d. per lb. 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 Llis. 10,61Si 12,002 14,f)07^ 14,225 13,7 66f 14,0P8| 14,155i 14,451i 15,696i 29,720 Nil.* 23,172 15,271 £ s. d. 1,331 3 6 1,503 18 2 1,816 19 0 1,767 8 7 1,723 16 4 1,766 0 2 1,782 14 9 1,807 19 7 1,773 16 9 1,343 8 4 709 5 0 583 17 6 435 0 10 Of the East Indies. 2s. 6d. per lb. do. do. do. • do. do. do. do. do. ("(From June 21.) )6d. per lb. from 1 British posses- (.sions. do. do. do. In the London market, cinnamon is divided into 3 sorts. The first is worth, at present (Sept 1S33), duty included, from 8s. 6d. to 10s. per lb. ; the second, 6s. to 7s. 6d. ; and the third from 5s. to 6s. CINQUE PORTS. These are ancient trading towns, lying on the coast of Kent and Sussex, which were selected from their proximity to France, and early superiority in navigation, to assist in protecting the realm against invasion, and vested with certain privileges by royal charter. " The ports so privileged, as we at present account them, are Dover, Sandwich, Romney, Hastings, Hythe, and the two ancient towns of Winchelsca and Rye ; although * The export having exceeded the quantity charged with duty within the year. 280 CITRON.— CLOCK. the two latter places appear to have been originally only members. The services which they were appointed to perform were either honorary, viz. assisting at the coronation and sending members to parliament ; or auxiliary to the defence of the realm, as fur- nishing a certain supply of vessels and seamen, on being summoned to that service by the king's writ. " In process of time the Cinque Ports grew so powerful, and, by the possession of a warlike fleet, so audacious, that they made piratical excursions in defiance of all public faith ; on some occasions they made war, and formed confederacies as separate inde- pendent states. It seems, however, that these irregularities were soon suppressed, when the government was strong, and sufficiently confident to exert its powers. So long as the mode of raising a navy by contributions from diflPerent towns continued, the Cinque Ports aflTorded an ample supply ; but since that time their privileges have been preserved, but their separate or peculiar services dispensed with. Their charters are traced to the time of Edward the Confessor ; they were confirmed by the Conqueror, and by subse- quent raonarchs. William the Conqueror, considering Dover Castle the key of England, gave the charge of the adjacent coast, with the shipping belonging to it, to the constable of Dover Castle, with the title of Warden of the Cinque Ports ; an office resembling that of the Count of the Saxon coast ( Comes littoris Saxonici) on the decline of the Roman power in this island. The lord,warden has the authority of admiral in the Cinque Ports and its dependencies, with power to hold a court of admiralty ; he has authority to hold courts both of law and equity ; is the general returning officer of all the ports, — par- liamentary writs being directed to him, on which he issues his precepts ; and, in many respects, he was vested with powers similar to those possessed by the heads of counties palatine. At present the efficient authority, charge, or patronage, of the lord warden is not very great ; the situation is, however, considered very honourable, and the salary is 3,000/. He has under him a lieutenant and some subordinate officers ; and there are captains at Deal, Walmer, and Sandgate Castles, Archcliff Fort, and Moats Bulwark. " There is an exclusive jurisdiction in the Cinque Ports (before the mayor and jurats of the ports), into which exclusive jurisdiction the king's ordinary writ does not run ; that is, the court cannot direct their process immediately to the sheriff, as in other cases. In the Cinque Ports, the process is directed to the constable of Dover Castle, his deputy, or lieutenant. A writ of error lies from the mayor and jurats of each port to the lord warden of the Cinque Ports, in his court of Shepway, and from the court of Shepway to the King's Bench ; a memorial of superiority reserved to the crown at the original creation of the franchise ; and prerogative writs, as those of habeas corpus, prohibition, certiorari, and mandamus, may issue, for the same reason, to all these exempt jurisdictions, because tne privilege that the king's writ runs not must be intended between party and party, and there can be no such privilege against the king." — (^Chitti/'s Commercial Laic, vol. ii. p. 12.) CITRON (Ger. Succade ; Da. Sukkat ; It. Confetti di cedro ; Sp. Acitron verde ; Fr. Citronat verd), an agreeable fruit, resembling a lemon in colour, smell, and taste. The principal diffi2rence lies in the juice of the citron being somewhat less acid, and the yellow rind being somewhat hotter, and accompanied with a considerable bitterness. — (Lewis's Mat. Med.) It is imported, preserved and candied, from Madeira, of the finest quality. CIVET (Ger. Ziheth ; Du. Civet; Fr. Civette ; It. Zibetlo ; Sp. ^Z^rctZia), a perfume taken from the civet cat. It is brought from the Brazils, Guinea, and the interior of Africa. When genuine, it is worth .SOs. or 40s. an ounce. CLARET, one of the best French wines. See the articles Bordeaux and Wine. CLEARING, " among London Bankers, is a method adopted by them for exchanging the drafts on each other's houses, and settling the differences. Thus, at half-past 3 o'clock, a clerk from each banker attends at the clearing-house, where he brings all the drafts on the other bankers, which have been paid into his house that day, and deposits them in their proper drawers (a drawer being allotted to each banker) ; he then credits their accounts separately with the articles which they have against him, as found in the drawer. Balances are then struck from all the accounts, and the claims transferred from one to another, until they are so wound up and cancelled, that each clerk has only to settle with two or three others, and their balances are immediately paid. " Such drafts as are paid into a banker's too late for clearing, are sent to the houses on wliich they are drawn, to be marked, which is understood as an engagement that they will be paid the next day." — (Kelb/s Cambist.) — (For an account of the saving of money effected by this device, see ante, p. 65. The technical operations carried on at the clear- ing-house have been described by Mr. Gilbart, in his Practical IVeaiisc on Dankingy pj). Ifi — 20.) CLEARING-HOUSE, the place where the operation termed clearing is carried on. CLOCK, CLOCKS (Ger. Uhrcn, Crosse IJhrvn, Wianduhren ; Du. Uuren, Uur- werkcn, lloroloffien ; Fr. Ilorloges ; It. Orologyi, Oriuoli j Sp. liclojcs ; Rus. Tsc/uisU), CLOTH. — CLOVES. 281 a kind of machine, put in motion by a gravitating body, and so constructed as to divide, measure, and indicate the successive portions of time with very great accuracy. Most clocks mark the hour by striking or chiming. It is a highly useful instrument, and is extensively employed for domestic and philosophical ])urposes. Clocks are made of an endless variety of materials and models, so as to suit the different uses to which they are to be applied, and the different tastes of their purchasers. Their price consequently varies from a few shillings to more than lOOZ. The Germans and Dutch are particularly celebrated for their skill in the manufacture of wooden clocks ; while the English, French, and Genevese, especially the former, have carried the art of making metallic clocks, so as to keep time with the greatest precision, to a high degree of perfection. The history of the invention, introduction, and successive improvements in the manu- facture of clocks, has been carefully investigated by some very learned and industrious antiquaries — (^scc Bec/tmann's Hist, of Inventions, vol. i. pp.419 — 462. Eng. ed. ; and liees's Cr/dopcudia) ; but, notwithstanding these researches, the subject is still involved in considerable obscurity. It seems, however, that the middle of the fourteenth century may be regarded as tlie epoch when clocks, having weights suspended as a moving power, and a regulator, began to be introduced. The period when, and the individual by whom, the pendulum was first applied to clockwork, have been subjects of much contention. Galileo and Huygens have disputed the honour of the discovery. *' But whoever may have been the inventor, it is certain that the invention never flourished till it came into the hands of Huygens, who insists, that if ever Galileo thought of such a thing, he never brought it to any degree of perfection. The first pendulum clock made in England was in the year 1662, by one Fromantel, a Dutchman." — (^Ilutton's Math. Dictionary. ) The clock manufacture is of considerable importance and value. It is carried on to a great extent in Londoh. The ad valorem duty of 25 per cent, on foreign clocks produced, in 1832, 6,023Z. 8s. nett. It is principally derived from the wooden clocks brought from Holland and Germany. Under the article Watches, the reader will find some statements as to the importation and exportation of clocks, as well as watches. Clockmakers are obliged to engrave upon the dial-plate of all clocks made by them their name, and the place of their residence. No outward or inward box, case, or dial-plate of any clock or v/atch, with the maker's name engraved thereon, shall be exported without the movement or machinery being in or with such box or case, under forfeiture of double its value. — (3 & 4 tVill. i. cap. 52. ^ 104,) It is illegal to import, or to enter to be warehoused, any clock or watch impressed with any mark purporting to repre- sent any legal British mark, or not having the name of some foreign maker visible on the frame, and also on the face, or hot being in a complete state. — 57.) It is said, however, not to be an uncommon practice among the less reputable portion of the trade, to engrave their names and " London" on foreign clocks and watches, and to sell them to the public as English work. The fraud may be detected by referring to any respectable watchmaker. By a Treasury order of the 4lh of September, 1828, clocks and watches for private use, though not marked in the manner now specified, may be admitted on payment of the duty, on the parties making affidavit of their entire ignorance of the law in question. Persons hired by, or in the emj)loyment of, clock and watch makers, who shall fraudulently embezzle, secrete, sell, &c. any metal, material, or precious stone, with which he may happen to be intrusted, shall, upon trial and conviction before a justice of the peace, forfeit 20/. for the first ottience ; and for the second, and every subsequent offence, he shall forfeit 40/. ; and, in default of payment, is to be committed to the house of correction. — (27 Geo. 2. c. 7. ^ 1.) — (See Watch.) CLOTH. See Wool, Linen, &c. CLOVER (Ger. Klee; Du. Klaver; Fr. Trejle, Luzerne ; It. Trifoglio ; Sp. Trebol ; Rus. Trilistnik ; Lat. Trifoliuni), a very important species of grass. Some of the species in cultivation are annual; others biennial or triennial; and others perennial. The seed used formerly to be principally imported from Holland ; but that which is raised in this coimtry is now said to be of a superior quality. — {^Loudon's Encyclopccdia of Agriculture.) Cidture for seed is, however, very precarious, and of uncertain profit. The entries of foreign clover seed for home consumption, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1831, were 99,04G cwt. a year. But for the high duty of 20a-. a cwt., there can be little doubt that the importation would be much more considerable. The price of foreign clover seed in the London market, at present (September, 1833), varies, duty included, from 50s. to 66*. a cwt. CLOVES (Ger. N'dglein, Gewiirznelken ; Du. Kruidnagelen ; Fr. Clous de girofe, Girofies ; It. Chiovi di garofano, Garofani, Garoffoli; Sp. Clavos de especia, Clavillos ; Rus. Gioosdika ; Arab. Kereyifid ; Malay, Chankee), the fruit, or rather cups of the imopened flowers, of the clove tree, or Caryophylhis aromaticus. The clove tree is a native of the Moluccas, where it was originally found; but plants have since been carried to Cayenne and other places, where they succeed tolerably well. Cloves are shaped like a nail ; whence the name, from the French clou, nail. They are imported from the Dutch settlements ; the best in chests, and an inferior kind in bags. The best variety of the Amboyna cloves is smaller and blacker than the other varieties, very scarce, and, as a mark of pre-eminence, is tenned the Royal clove. Good cloves have a strong, fragrant, aromatic odour ; and a hot, acrid, aromatic taste, which is very pennanent. 282 CLOVES. They should be chosen large sized, perfect in all parts ; the colour should be a dark brown, almost approaching to black ; and, when handled, should leave an oily moisture upon the fingers. Good cloves are sometimes adulterated by mixing them with those from which oil has been drawn; but these are weaker than the rest, and of a paler, colour ; and whenever they look shrivelled, having lost the knob at the top, and are light and broken, with but little smell or taste, they should be rejected. As cloves readily absorb moisture, it is not uncommon, when a quantity is ordered, to keep them beside a vessel of water, by which means a considerable addition is made to their weight. — ( Thomson's Dispensatory ; Milium' s Oriental Commerce. ) Policy of the Dutch as to the Trade in Cloves. — From the expulsion of the English from Amboyna, in 1623, the Dutch have, a few short intervals only excepted, enjoyed the exclusive possession of the Moluccas, or Clove Islands. In their conduct as to tlie clove trade, they have exhibited a degree of short-sighted rapacity, which has been, we believe, seldom equalled even in the annals of monopoly. Their object has not been to encourage the growth and trade of cloves, but to confine both within the narrowest limits. They have preferred deriving a large profit from a stunted and petty trade, to a moderate profit from a trade that might have afforded employment for a very large amount of capital ; and to prevent their narrow and selfish projects fi'om being counteracted by the operations of the natives, they have subjected them to the most revolting tyranny. " That they might," says Mr. Crawfurd, " regulate and control production and price just as they thought proper, the clove trees were extirpated every where but in Amboyna, the seat of their power ; and the surrounding princes were bribed, by annual {.stipends, to league with them for the destruction of their subjects' property and birthright. This plan was begun about the year 1551. The contracts are still in force, and an annual fleet visits the surrounding islands to suppress the growth of cloves, which, in their native country, spring up with a luxuriance which these measures of Satanic rigour, and of sacrilege towards bountiful nature, can scarce repress. By the plan on which the clove trade is now conducted, — a plan carried into effect through so much iniquity and bloodshed, — the country of spices is rendered a petty farm, of which the natural owners are reduced to the worst condition of predial slavery ; and the great monopoliser and oppressor is that government, whose duty it should have been to insure freedom and afford protection. Human ingenuity could hardly devise a plan more destructive of industry, more hostile to the growth of public wealth, or injurious to morals, than this system framed in a barbarous age ; and it reflects disgrace upon the character of a civil- ised people to persevere in it. " It is curious to remark how the monopolisers, in carrying the details of this system into effect, at once impose upon the natives and deceive themselves. The nominal price paid to the natives is actually above the natural price of the commodity, but they are cheated in the details. The cultivator brings his produce to the public stores, where it is subjected at once to a deduction of one fifth for payment of the salaries of the civil and military officers. The price of the remainder is fixed at the rate of 9*6 Spanish dollars the picul : but before payment is made, another deduction of one fifth is made ; one half of which is for the chiefs or rajas, and the other for the native elders, who are over- seers of the forced culture. The real price, therefore, paid to the grower is 8 Spanish dollars per picul, or 3| . ad valorem. J do. do. From 15th of April ) 6|rf. per lb. and f 3s. 4rf. per cent. T ad valorem. j From 10th of April > 1 5s. l^d. per lb. J do. do. do. do. From 5th()f J uly 2s.lJ''lb, do. do. do. do. do. do. Of the Rtilish I'o»- Of the Fori i(;n Possensions Ainciica. in America. 2s. per lb. do. do. 2s. 4|cZ. per lb. do. do. - do. - do. - do. 2s. per lb. do. - do. do. do. do. do. 4s. 8rf. per lb. do. do. 5j. 6^f/. per lb. do. f 3U. 13s. 4rf. percent. < ad valorem, equal to C. about Is. 6d. per lb. do. do. do. Ss. i)er lb. do. do. do. do. do. do. Of British Possessions. 2s. per lb. do. do. do. do. do. do. Of KoreiRn 1 3s. per lb. do. do. do. do. do. do. The price of cloves, exclusive of the duty, in the London market, is, at present (October, 1833), as follows : — Amboyna, Bencoolen, &c. - Is. 2d. to Is. M. per lb. | Bourbon, Cayenne, &c. - Is. 2c?. to Is. od. per lb. Cr-ovES, Oil of, is procured from cloves by distillation. When new, it is of a pale reddish brown coloui-, which becomes darker by age. It is extremely hot and fiery, and sinks in water. The kind generally imported from India contains nearly half its weight of an insipid expressed oil, which is discovered by dropping a little into spirits of wine ; and on shaking it, the genuine oil mixes with the spirit, and the insipid separating, the fraud is discovered. — ( Milhurn. ) COACHES, vehicles for commodious travelling. They have sometimes two, and sometimes four wheels. The body of the coach is generally suspended, by means of spring.s, upon the framework to which the wheels are attached. They are usually drawn by horses, but recently have been impelled by steam. The forms and varieties of coaches are almost innumerable. 1. Historical Notice. — Beckmann has investigated the early history of coaches with his usual care and learning. It is certain that a species of coaches were used at Rome ; but whether they were hung on springs, like those now made use of, is not certain. After the subversion of the Roman power, horseback was almost the only mode of travelling. About the end of the fifteenth century, however, covered carriages began to be employed by persons of distinction on great occasions. In 1550, there were at Paris only three coaches : one of which belonged to the queen ; another to the celebrated Diana of Poitiers ; and the third to a corpulent, unwieldy nobleman, Rene de Laval, lord of Bois Dauphin. Coaches were seen, for the first time, in Spain, in 1546. They began to be used in England about 1580 ; and were in common use among the nobility in the begin- ning of the seventeenth century. — ( Hist, of Invent, vol. i. pp. Ill . 1 27. Eng. trans. ) 2. Manufacture of Carriages. — This is a department of considerable value and im- portance. The best built and handsomest carriages are made in London, where only the trade of a coach currier is carried on ; bvit the carriages made at Edinburgh, and some other places, are also very superior. Down to 1825, a duty was laid on all car- riages made for sale; and it appears from the following account, that, in 1812, 1,531 four-wheeled carriages, 1,700 two- wheeled ditto, and 105 taxed carts (smail carriages without springs), were made for sale. 3. Duties on Carriages. — These duties have been long imposed, and have fluctuated considerably at different periods. The following table shows the number of four- wheeled and other carriages (exclusive of hackney coaches) charged with duties in the 284 COACHES. years 1812, 1825, and 1830, the rates of duty on each species of carriage, and the pro» duce of the duties. — (Compiled from Pari. Papery No. 686. Sess. 1830. and Papers published by the Board of Trade.) O OOOCOOO lO ^ O OOOJ>00 TH T CO g^tX-t to o' d d d d o* d d o oootoo < lo . w CN 5, ■ • ^ o o« .5^ o oootcoooco ^ o ooor-TfiocOfi to tOL^t>t^00 00 00O> .^j o 0000000 • ^ O OOOO'J'OO^ CO 00 O "fl Lf5 CI ' o 00000000 O OOOICOOOOJCO 000 O^O 10 000 rf<0 O 2 TP CO 3^ 13 CO 00 o o coo U5 in CO CO 10 U5 00 o o 000 o o iff 00 o o coo o o I o o S 31 >0 ifl I Tf< O) 10 1 CM CX CO 00 00 1 Tfl rl C 00 100 00 ir; O CO 00 00 1^ O) •O G-) Ol CO CO CM o 0000 O lOOOifJ -=5 .-H S So ' CO" 5 a a> . .2 ^ g 2 £ & "gco q'C S 3 » « "g J3 < J= >.T3 S XI If i« ? CO Repealed in 1825. 34 13 0 11,008 8 0 31,759 15 0 42,768 3 0 1 1,913 15 0 1,063 2 6 61 1 0 1 131 5 0 115 0 0 6 18 0 3 3 0 1 9 0 2 15 0 f otoo 0 coo lOOICO 10 o^co t-<00 rH 00 11 7,592 11,549 19,141 1 1,531 1,701 407 105 184 46 ft .0 O 5) e £ K ft |l 1 I I I I I I I I U o ^1 S « „ S », 8 s g 13 (_ each carriage. J do. do. do. do. £ s. d. 29,392 12 6 30,606 12 6 31,333 7 6 32,176 17 6 32,908 18 6 5. Hackney Coach Regulations, Fares, SjC — The laws as to hackney coaches in the city of London were consolidated by the act 1 &2 Will. 4. c. 22., which placed the collection of the duties, &c. in the hands of the commissioners of stamps. We notice a few of the more important clauses. Definition. — A hackney coach is any carriage with 2 or more wheels, standing or plying for hire in any public street or road. — ^ 4. Licensing, Plates, Sgc. — A licence to keep a hackney coach costs 5T., and a weekly sum of 105. has to be paid per advance on every licence. A plate specifying the number of the licence is to be placed inside the coach; and 2 other plates, on which are painted the names of the proprietor, or of one of the proprietors of the coach, are to be placed externally one on each side. Penalty on proprietor for letting or employing a hackney coach without having properly numbered plates properly fixed upon such coach, 10/. : ditto on driver, if proprietor, 10/. ; if not, 5/. — § § 22, 23. Obligation to ply Carriages standing on the streets with plates, to be deemed hackney coaches ; and, unless actually hired, shall be compellable, under a penalty of 40s., to go with any person oflering to hire the same. — \ 35. Distance. — Drivers of hackney coaches compellable, under a penalty of 40s., to go any di.stance not exceeding 5 miles from the General Post Otfice, or from the place where they shall have been hired. — % 34. Number of Passengers. — To prevent disputes, the number of persons to be carried by hackney coaches is to be painted in some conspicuous place outside ; and they are compellable, under a penalty of 40s., to carry this number if required. — § 46. f Rates and Fares — These may be charged, at the option of the proprietor or driver, either by time or distance ; that is, by the hour or mile, but not by the day. The terms are, when charged by distance. For every hackney coach Tdrawn by 2 horses, for any distance within and not exceeding 1 mile, 1*. ; and for every distance exceeding 1 mile after the rate of Gd. for every mile, and for any fractional part of ^ a mile over and above any number of i miles completed. Fares when taken by time are — For anv time within and not exceeding 30 miiiutes, Is. ; above 30 minutes and not ex- ceeding45 do., 1*. 6rent coal-beds, and the extent to which they may be wrought, arc too vague and unsatisfactory to afford grounds for forming any tiling like a tolerably near approximation to a solution of this question. But such as they are, they are sufKcient to show that many centuries must elapse before posterity can feel any serious difficulties from a diminished supply of coal. According to Mr. Taylor, whose estimate of the consumption of coal is given above, the coal-fields of Durham and Northumberland are adequate to furnish the present annual supply for more than 1,700 years. We subjoin Mr. Taylor's estimate. COAL. 291 Estimate op the Extent and rRODucE op tiik Durham and NonTHUMBERLAND Coal-fiklds. Durham. ^.^^^ " From South Shields soutli ward to Castle Edcti, 21 miles ; thence westward to "West Auckland, 3'2 miles; north-east from West Auckland to Eltriugham, 'Si miles; and then to Sliields, 22 miles ; being an extent or area of 'Northumberland. " From Shields northward, 27 miles, by an average breadth of 9 miles Porlion excavated. " In Durham, on Tync, say - — on Wear - . . - " In Northumberland, say 13 miles by 2 • '732 " Estimating the workable coal strata at an average thickness of 12 feet, the contents of 1 square mile will be 12,390,000 tons, and of 732 square miles - - - 9,069,480,000 Deduct one third part for loss by small coal, interceptions by dikes, and other inter- ruptions - 3.023, lfiO,(K)0 Remainder - 6,046,320,000 - 591 - 243 837 - 39 . 40 79 - 26 — 105 " This remainder is adequate to supply the present vend from Newcastle, Sunderland, Hartley, Blyth, and Stockton, of 3,500,000 tons, for a period of 1,727 years. " It will be understood that this estimate of the quantity of coal in Durham and Northumberland can only be an approximation, especially as the south-eastern coal district of Durham is yet ahnost whollv unexplored ; but the attempt is made, in the hope of satisfying your Lordships that no apprehension need be entertained of tliis valuable mineral being exhausted for many future generations. " There is also a considerable extent of coal-field in the northern and south-western districts of Northumberland ; but the foregoing comprises that which is continuous, and most suitable and available for exportation." — {Lords' lleport, 1829, p. 124.) Dr. Buckland, the celebrated geologist, considers this estimate as very greatly exag- gerated ; but in his examination before the committee of the House of Commons, he quotes and approves a passage of Bakevs^ell's Geology, in %vhich it is stated that the coal-beds in South Wales are alone sufficient to supply the whole present demand of England for coal for 2,000 years. The passage is as follows : — " Fortunately we have in South Wales, adjoining the Bristol Channel, an almost exhaustless supply of coal and ironstone, which are yet nearly unwrought. It has been stated, that tliis coal-field extends over about 1,200 square miles ; and that there are 23 beds of workable coal, the total average thickness of which is 95 feet ; and the quantity contained in each acre is 100,000 tons, or 65,000,000 tons per square mile. If from this we deduct one half for waste, and for the minor extent of the upper beds, we shall have a clear supply of coal equal to 32,000,000 tons per square mile. Now, if we admit that 5,000,000 tons from the Northumberland and Durham mines is equal to nearly one third of the total consumption of coal in England, each square mile of the Welsh coal- field would yield coal for 100 years' consumption ; and as there are from 1,000 to 1,200 square miles in this coal-field, it would supply England with fuel for 2,000 years, after all our English coal mines are worked out ! " It is, therefore, quite idle either to prohibit, or impose heavy duties on, the export- ation of coal, on the ground of its accelerating the exhaustion of the mines. The abolition of the expensive and destructive process of screening — (see post^ — will more than balance any export that is ever likely to take place to foreign countries. Profits of Coal Mining. Coal Owners' Monopoly, Sfc. — Instead of the business of coal mining being, generally speaking, an advantageous one, it is distinctly the reverse. Sometimes, no doubt, large fortunes have been liiade by individuals and associations engaged in this business ; but these are rare instances. The opening of a mine is a very expensive and hazardous operation, and of very uncertain result. Collieries are expftsed to an infinite number of accidents, against which no caution can guard. The chances of explosion have, it is true, been a good deal lessened by the introduction of Sir Humphry Davy's lamp ; and some mines are now wrought, that but for tlie invention of this ad- mirable instrument, must have been entirely abandoned. But besides explosions, which are still every now and then occurring, from the carelessness of the workmen, and other contingencies, mines are very liable to be destroyed by creeps, or by the sinking of the roof, and by drowning, or the irruption of water from old workings, through fissures which cannot be seen, and consequently cannot be guarded against. So great, indeed, is the hazard attending tliis sort of property, that it has never been possible to effect an insurance on a coal-work, against fire, water, or any other accident. Mr. Buddie, who is intimately acquainted with the state of the coal trade, informed the committee of the House of Lords, that " Although many collieries, in the hands of fortunate individuals and companies, have been, perhaps, making more than might be deemed a reasonable and fair pi ofit, according to their risk, like a prize in a lottery ; yet. U 2 292 COAL. as a trade, taking the whole capital employed on both rivers, he should say that certainly it has not been so." — (First Report, p. 56.) Again, being asked, " What have the coal owners on the Tyne and Wear, in your opinion, generally made on their capital employed?" he replied, " According to the best of my knowledge, I should think that bi/ no means ten per cent, has been made at simple interest, without allowing any extra in- terest for the redemption of capital." — (p. 57.) In addition to the vast expense attending the sinking of shafts, the erection of steam engines, &c., and the risk of accidents, the coal, after being brought to the surface, has frequently to be conveyed 7 or 8 miles to the place of shipping ; and those whose collieries are in that situation, have to pay way-leave rents, amounting, in some cases, to 5001. a year, for liberty to open a communication, or a railroad, through the properties lying between them and the shore. Much has frequently been said of the monopoly of the coal owners on the Tyne and the Wear ; but we are satisfied, after a pretty careful investigation of the circumstances, that no such monopoly has ever existed ; and that the high price of coal in the metro- polis is to be ascribed wholly to the various duties and charges that have been laid upon it, from the time that it has passed from the hands of the owner, to the time that it is lodged in the cellar of the consumer. What means have the coal owners of obtaining a monopoly price for their coal ? They enjoy no exclusive privileges of any sort ; they are a numerous body ; and the trade is as open as any other to all capitalists to engage in. The number of places on the east and west coasts, both of England and Scotland, and the southern parts of Wales, from which coals are exported, render it quite visionary to suppose that any general agreement to keep up prices can take place amongst the various coal proprietors. And though such an agreement were entered into, it is impossible it could be maintained. The power of producing coal greatly exceeds the present demand ; many new mines have been recently opened, and many others would be brought into activity were the price artificially enhanced. It is true that the coal owners referred to, having experienced the ruinous effects of throwing a superabundant quantity of coal upon restricted and already glutted markets, have occasionally met together ; and each having named the price he thinks his coal will command, and at which he intends to sell it, they have proceeded jointly to regulate, according to the probable demand, the quan- tity that each shall raise during any particular period. By means of this arrangement, the supply and price of coal have been kept, during the time it has existed, comparatively steady. Common prudence prompts and justifies such an arrangement; but it also suggests the necessity of reducing the price of coal to the lowest level that will afford the customary rate of profit. For were the price demanded by the northern coal owners raised above this level, new mines would be opened in Durham and Northumberland ; the imports from the Tees, whence a large supply of excellent coal is at present brought to the London market, would be augmented ; and fresh competitors, from Swansea and other places, would come into the field and undersell them. Government should en- courage and promote this fair competition ; but it ought, at the same time, to do equal justice by all the competitors. It is not to lend assistance to, or remove burdens from, one set of adventurers, which it does not lend to or remove from others. It is no part of its duty to say how coals, or any species of produce, shall be carried to market. It is bound to give every reasonable facility for the opening of new channels or modes of con- veyance between all parts of the country ; but it would be glaringly unjust to lay a tax on the coals conveyed by a particular channel, from which those conveyed by other channels were exempted. Mr. Buddie thinks that the aggregate capital employed by the coal owners on the Tyne amounts to about 1,500,000Z. exclusive of the craft in the river: and supposing this estimate to be nearly correct, it will follow, allowing for the value of the ships, that the total capital employed in the coal trade may be moderately estimated at from eiyht to fen millions ; an immense sum to be almost wholly at the risk of the owners, without any insurance upon it. Progressive Consumption of Coal. Duties and Regulatio^is affecting it, particidarly in the Port of London. — There ai-e no mines of coal in either Greece or Italy; and no evidence has been produced to show that the ancients had learned to avail tliemselves of this most useful mineral. Even in England, it does not seem to have been used pre- viously to tlie beginning of the thirteenth century ; for the first mention of it occurs in a charter of Henry III., granting licence to the burgesses of Newcastle to dig for coal. In 1281, Newcastle is said to have had a considerable trade in this article. About the end of tills century, or the beginning of the fourteenth, coals began to be imported into London, being at first used only by smiths, brewers, dyers, soap-boilers, ^c. This innovation was, however, loudly complained of A notion got abroad, that the smoke was higlily injurious to tlie public health ; and, in 131G, ])arliament petitioned the king, Edward I., to prohibit the burning of coal, on tlie ground of its being an intolerable nuisance. His Majesty issued a proclamation conformably to the prayer of the petition ; COAL. but it being ])ut little attended to, recourse was had to more vigorous fneasures ; a corn, mission of oyer and terminer being issued out, with instructions to inquire as to all who burned sea-coal within the city, or parts adjoining, to punisfi them for the first offence, by " pecuniary mulcts;" and ui>on a second offence, to demolish their furnaces; and to provide for the strict observance of the proclamation in all time to come. But notwithstanding the efforts that were thus made to prohibit the use of coal, and the prejudice that was long entertained against it ; it continued progressively to gain ground. This was partly, no doubt, owing to experience having shown that coal smoke had not the noxious influence ascribed to it, but far more to the superior excellence of coal as an article of fuel, and the growing scarcity and consequent high price of timber. In the reign of Charles I. the use of coal became universal in London, where it has ever since been used to the exclusion of all other articles of fuel. At the Restoration, the quantity imported was supposed to amount to about 200,000 chaldrons. In 1670, the imports had increased to 270,000 chaldrons. At the Revolution, they'amounted to about 300,000 chaldrons, and have since gone on increasing with the growing magnitude and population of the city ; being, in 1750, about 500,000 chaldrons ; in 1800, about 900,000 chaldrons; and at present about 1,700,000 chaldrons. — (CampheU's Fulilical Survey of Great Britain, vol. ii. p. 30. ; Ediiigton on the Coal Trade, p. 41. &c. ) It might have been supposed, considering that coal is, in this country, a prime necessary of life, and by far the most important of all the instruments of manufacturing industry, that it would have been exempted from every species of tax ; and that every possible facility would have been given for its conveyance from the mines to the districts in the south of England, and other places in want of it. But such, we regret to say, has not been the case. The coal trade of (;reat Britain has been for more than a century and a half subjected to the most oppressive regulations. From a very early period, the corporation had undertaken the task of weighing and measuring the coal brought to London; and had been accustomed to charge Sd. a ton for their trouble. In 1613, the power to make this charge was confirmed to the city by royal charter, it being at the same time ordered that no coal should be unladen from any vessel till the Lord IVIayor had given leave. The right to charge this sum according to the chaldron of coal, has since been confirmed to the city by act of parliament ; and as the labouring meters, not- withstanding they have been very well paid, have received only 5d. out of the 8cZ., the balance of Sd. per chaldron, producing at present about 20,000Z. a year, goes to the city treasury. But besidips the above, duties for civic purposes have been laid on the coal imported into London from the reign of Charles II. downwards. They were originally imposed in 1667, after the great fire, in order to assist in the rebuilding of churches and other public edifices ; and have ever since been continued, to enable the corporation to execute improvements in the city ; though it is probable most of our readers will be inclined to think that few improvements could be so great, as a reduction in the price of so very important an article as coal. At present, a duty of \0d, per chaldron, denominated the orphans' duty, is appropriated, until 1858, to defray the expense of the approaches to London Bridge. Exclusive of the corporation duties, a duty payable to government was laid on all sea-borne coal in the reign of William III., which was only repealed in 1830. This duty was at once glaringly unjust and oppressive : unjust, inasmuch as it fell only on those parts of the empire to which coals had to be carried by sea ; and oppressive, inas- much as it amounted to full fifty per cent, upon the price paid to the coal owner for the coal. It is not very easy to calculate the mischief that this tax has done to the southern counties. We, however, are satisfied that the depressed condition of the peasantry of the south, as compared with those of the north, is, in no inconsiderable degree, to be ascribed to the operation of the coal tax. This tax, after being long stationary at 5s. a chaldron, was raised to 9*. ^d. during the late war; but was reduced to 6s. in 1824. But the inequality of the tax was not confined to its affecting those parts onlv of the empire to which coal had to be carried by sea. Even there its pressure was not equal : for, while it amounted to 6s. a chaldron, or 4s. a ton, in the metropolis and all the south of England, it only amounted to Is. l^d. a ton on coal carried by sea to Ireland, and to Is. 8cZ. on that carried to W^ales ; while Scotland was for many years entirely ex- empted from the duty. iSesides this striking partiality and injustice, various troublesome Custom-house regulations were required, in consequence of distinctions being made between the duties on large and small coal, between those on coal and culm (a species of coal), and coal and cinders, and of coal being allowed to be imported duty free into Cornwall, Devon, &c. for the use of the mines. These distinctions are now, however, wholly abolished ; and no duties exist on coal except those collected in London and a few othjr ports, and appropriated to local purposes. A small supply of coal was of late years brought to London from Staffordshire, bv U 3 ' 291 COAL. canal navigation. This coal was charged with a duty of 1 5. a chaldron ; but this is now also repealed. The regulations to which the sale and delivery of coals have been subjected in the city of London, have been, if possible, still more objectionable than the duties imposed on them. Instead of being sold by weight, all coals imported into the Thames have been sold by measure. It is curious to observe the sort of abuses to which this pi-actice has given rise. It is stated by the celebrated mathematician. Dr. Hutton, who, being a native of Newcastle, was well acquainted with the coal trade, that, " If one coal, measur- ing exactly a cubic yard (nearly equal to 5 bolls), be broken into pieces of a moderate size, it will measure 7^ bolls ; if broken very small, it will measure 9 bolls ; which shows that the proportion of the weight to the measure depends upon the size of the coals; therefore, accounting by weight is the most rational method." The shippers were well aware of this, and insisted upon the coal owners supplying them with largo coal only ; and to such an extent was this principle carried, that all coal for the Lon- don market was screened, as it is technically termed, or passed over gratings, to sepa- rate the smaller pieces. Inasmuch, however, as coals were sold in all their subsequent stages by measure, no sooner had they been delivered by the owner, than it was for the interest of every one else into whose hands they came before reaching the consumer, to break them into smaller portions. In fact, the profit of many of the retailers in London has arisen chiefly from the increase of measure by the breakage of coal. And Mr. Brandling, a very intelligent and extensive coal owner, stated to the Commons' com- mittee, that, in consequence of the breakage, coals are reduced in London to a size inferior to what they would be, were they put on board unscreened, and subjected to no additional breakage. The statements now made sufficiently evince the nullity of all the regulations en- forcing the sale of coal by correct measures : for even though these regulations had been enforced, instead of being, as they usually were, wholly neglected, they would have been of almost no use ; inasmuch as any dishonest dealer was as able to cheat, by breaking his coals a little smaller than usual, as if he had sold them in deficient measures. The loss occasioned by the useless process of screening has been very great. The quantity of coal separated by it has amounted in some cases to from 20 to 25 per cent, of the whole ; and the greater part of this residue, containing a portion of the very best coal, is burned on the spot. " I have known," says Mr. Buddie, " at one colliery, as many as from 90 to 100 chaldrons a day destroyed. If they were not consumed, they would cover the whole svirface, and in the burnings of them they ar^ extremely destructive ; they destroy the crops a great way round, and we pay large sums for injury done to the crops, and for damage to the ground." — (^First Lords' Rep. p. 72.) The waste of coal has been in this way enormous ; and the coal owner has been obliged to charge a higher price upon the coal sold, in order to indemnify himself for the loss of so great a quantity, and for the mischief he does to others in burning. The fact, that so monstrous a system should have been persevered in for more than a century, sets the power of habit in reconciling us to the most pernicious absurdities in a very striking point of view. Happily, however, the nuisance has been at last abated ; the sale of coal by weight taking away both the temptation to break coal, and the neces- sity of screening. But the abuses that have infected the coal trade were not confined to those that grew out of the duties, and the sale by measure. They have insinuated themselves into most departments of the business ; and to such an extent have they been carried, that it takes, at this moment, a larger sum to convey a chaldron of coal from the pool, a little below London Bridge, to the consumers in the city, than is sufficient to defray the entire cost of the coal in the north, including the expense of digging them from the mine, their con- veyance to the shore, landlord's rent, &c. ! The following statement shows the various items that made up the price of coal to the London consumer, in October, 1830, distri- buted under their proper heads. They have been carefully abstracted from the evidence before the parliamentary committees. Charges up to the Time of Arrival in the Port ok London. £ s. d. £ s. d. Coal Owner. raid coal owner for coals ------ Deduct river duty paid by him for improvement of Sunderland harbour 0 14 0 0 0 3 0 13 9 Coal Fitter. Keel dues, and fittage (including seven miles' water-carriage) 0 2 3 Sliip Owner. I'or freight, including insurance of sliip and cargo, pilotage, seamen's wages, wear and tear of the ship and material.-, discharging ballast, ike. 0 8 Carried over 0 10 0 JJ 9 COAL. Mujiicipnl Dues. Kivcr duty, as above I'ier duty, lights, &c. paid by ship Brought forward £ s. d. 0 0 3 0 0 5k Charges in the Port of London. Government Tax - . . _ Municipal Dues. 'J'riiiity and Nore lights, tonnage duty, Trinity House for ballast, &c. Entries, &c. - - - - - - Corporation of London metage ... Ditto orphans' dues . . - - - Ditto meter's pay and allowance - . . . Ditto market dues - - - - - Ditto Lord Mayor's groundage, &c. . - - - - Ditto land metage - Ditto undertaker - - - - - Coal-whippcrs - Coal Factor. Factorage and del credere commission - - . Coal Merchant. buyer s commission _ . - - . Lighterage - Cartage Credit Shootage Add for even money - - (See Com. Rep. p. 8.) Add for discount, scorage, and ingrain* (sec same Rep. p. 'J.) Making the price paid by the consumer - - - Which is thus ajiportioned : — Coal owner for coal - - » - . Ship owner, &c. for voyage to London - - . Government duty, corporation charges, and London coal merchant 0 0 5 0 0 Hi 0 0 4 0 0 10 0 0 4 0 0 1 0 0 0| 0 0 6 0 0 1 0 1 7 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 6 0 0 2 0 0 1 3 0 0 3 0 12 6 0 2 £ 8. d. 0 10 yi 0 0 ^ 0 G 0 0 4 4| 0 0 4| 0 14 £ s. d. 0 13 G 0 11 L-l 1 5 51 2 10 7i Of these charges but little reduction need be looked for in those incurred in the rivers Tyiie and Wear, and in the rate of freight : and as the government duty of 6s. per chaldron has been abolished, the charges that admit of further reduction are the municipal dues, and those attending the delivery of coal to the consumers ; and in these, certainly, there is ample room for retrenchment. Of the items which make up the sum of '4s. 4|f/. of charges in the port of London, a sum of Is. 29 467,716 40,702 Account of the various Local or Municipal Duties charged on Coals imported into the Port of London since 1825; specifying such Duties in detail, the Rate of each, and the Amount of Duty annually pro- duced by each. — (7^«?7. Paper, No. 296. Sess. 1833.) 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1 1831 1832 Description of Duties. Duty on coals delivered in the year ending 5th of January, 1827, pursuant to the act of the 5th & 6th of Will. & Mary, c. 10., for the relief of tlie orphans and other creditors of the city of Lon- don, and continued by various acts of parliament for effecting public works - _ . _ Additional metage duty, pursuant to the said act of 5 & 6 W. & M. and applicable to the purposes of the said orphans' fund Ditto - - .... Ditto - - Ditto - . . ... Ditto - . . Ditto - - - Commutation pursuant to the act of 1 & 2 Will. 4. c. 76. for the said duties of 6c/. and 4rf. per chaldron, continued by the act of 10 Geo. 4. c. 136. for making the approaches to London Bridge Duty charged by 43 Geo. 3. c. 134. for establishing a market in the city of London for the sale of coals _ _ . Ditto ...... Ditto . - - . ... Ditto ...... Ditto - - . - ... Ditto, including 267Z. 8*. G^d. for duty on coals imported in 1831, but delivered in 1832 Continued by the act of the 1 & 2 Will. 4. c. 76. for the support ofl the said market, and for paying the compensations of the land coal-meters of London, Westminster, and Middlesex, for the abolition of their offices - - . _ . Duty payable to the corporation of the city of London, for metage Ditto . - - - . . Ditto - . . Ditto .... . Ditto - . - . , Ditto ... . . _ Commutation for the said duty of 4(f. per chaldron, water-bailliage and groundage of coals, and fees to Lord Mayor on permit, &c. pursuant to the act of the 1 & 2 Will. 4. c. 76., chargeable with the compensations to the clerks, officers, and deputy sea-coa! meters, for the abolition of their places by the said act . . Duty of water-bailliage on coals and groundage of colliers, pay.lj able to the corporation of London by non-freemen only - Ditto ...... Ditto . . . . Ditto Ditto . . . ... Ditto - . - _• . Commuted by said act l&2Will. 4. c. 76., as before stated Fees payable to tlie Lord Mayor of London for permit and regis- tering certificates of the quantity and quality of coals, pursuant! to the act 9 Anne, c. 28. - . - - Ditto - - - - - . Ditto - - - . . J Ditto - - - - . J Ditto - - ... .1 Ditto - - .j Commuted under the said act 1 & 2 Will. 4. c. 76., as before men-: tioned. i 6d. per chald. M. per chald. - ditto - ditto - ditto ditto - ditto 8d. per ten - Id. per chald. - ditto ditto - ditto ditto - ditto If?, per ton - id. per chald. - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto id. per ton fjd. per New-") ] castle, ordou- I ble chald. and }► j 6d. per ship I Lgroundage -J - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto \s. 6d. per ship - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto 65,548 3 5 59,292 9 9 63,211 14 6 65,029 14 10 66,689 10 11 65,364 15 6 6,619 8 6,091 18 6,472 15 6,639 18 6,785 9 8,877 10 8 26,624 1 4 24,367 12 11 25,893 13 11 26,559 13 10 27,141 19 5 26,390 14 0 35.510 2 903 11 942 11 990 2 1,010 6 991 15 Nil. Sll 11 467 16 495 19 515 13 524 19 481 14 Nil. Note. — The act of the 47 Geo. 3. . ,j „ , , . . , (repealed by the act 1 & 2 Will. 4. c. 76.) imposed a dutv of 6d per chaldron on all coals sold by wharf measure, and Is. per 5 chaldrons, sold by pool mea<=ure • but the corporation of London have no means of ascertaining the amount of those duties paid in the districts of Westminster, Middlesex, and Surrey. _ Guildhall, 15th of May, 1833. uii^iric.b or It appears from this account, that the various local and municipal duties charged on coal in the port of ^^"'^".U'lJ^?^' '''"^OMJJted to 115,407/. 18*. Sd., being at the rate of about U. 4Jrf. per chaldron cn the coal imported that year. Were these duties wholly abolished, or commuted for some other tax. and all re^-u- lations as to the unloaduig of ships in the river, with the exception of those ncccssarv to preserve order swept oH, we have no doubt that the price of coal would be materiallv reduced. 298 COAL. Ut p3JB»S S9UJ -unog uSiaAoj o « |»5 Hi -sis UI pajBls 'saiu -ojoo iisniig: o? pajaodxa irj r-. Tji CO to to LI O 05 I lOt-l^OtriiOl— c^^to■-lloa3^o■-lC^>coto CO cx i-^ 00 o o o of oto'sT to oo'io oTi-Ti-T CM CM <— ((> o* '■^„°'^ to' irT T-^ o" ltT CO co" ^r^r— lr-lr-ltOr-*I — 0*0 CO 00 --i ifl t— to Cf< '^"i, ora3d'i::rco'"of o" oTco o siiox UI pajBjs 'puBjaji o) pajaodxa ?.3 III •mSia^V suox UI pajEjs 'osiAv XjIJUEUO IE}0X I 00 '-0^1-^ oTto'-^'^Co''-^'^"'^ Ci o tCO^OlCTlOlOJI^LQ;* COtotOtOtOtOtCI>tOt> COtCr-(tOLOc»t003Tj<0 tO-^-^OS— <£hc0 03r-iO ■— C3 CO O to ri CTlCOOCOCOLOlOOlOlO C0-*O-*C0r-iT-HTf.00ir5 •cj^ r-^ tO^ £3]^ CO OD 00^ (» i-O Tji"ororto'co'r-^otri^tc'~trr irj ai ir; 1— 1— CO tc to O CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO ! CO iq^ 03 Oj^ cm^ 00 i-o^ -e^ co__ CO 03^ tsTr^^r^toof 00-* c*c in Tf< CO i-i o oc CO * o Trf- 03_l— OCJ^CO CO CO l-;^Tf< UO -ro>i^r-r I- O O) 00 03 CM CN CO G^t 0» lOOOCO't^" on- o t— CO O to O rf< I O — ' ro to <0 00 '0 O) I— to I- tM_^I-;I- <» -^^OO -^i, I'Tco'to'"— "c>ri--rco''oo orto" o-rcTo< (?f oroTtj^cN of t>r OOa>00003l-COCN-f< ' ■<+< I - 03 1-10 10 01 O -H 01 CO •+< 10 to I- 00 .— ot 01 o» r>» (N 01 c-t 01 c< 00COt»CO0Cu0 00 0C0000 Nett Produce of the Duties on Coals, Cin- ders, and Culm in the United Kingdom. 6i-*t-^tot-toT}ir-03Tji 03l0CNC^t-'-HOC0O00 to 03 00 to to 03 CO 00 'O oo ;g OCi^CT^O 0C3_l— CN^tX O CO O to irj^o'i— I— oo"t-^r-^co to" 00 ri 10 CO to to rH 00 00 CO 01 ri 0 0 r-<_ai 03 D3 00 03 Total Gross Revenue. ~S 03*0*23*0 oTScTl— uo'crrto »jt-Ticotctocotot--i-~r- 0 t-~ t— 03 0» 03 CO 00 to to I— t— 1— CO c-0 03 — c ^ r-;^<33^r^oj_to^tc CO_CO r~;_r-. ^ to o^oTofr^co'co I— 'ocot— 1000033'notc Or-Hoono)a)o03a3 Gross Revenue. On Coals, Cinders, and Culm exported to Foreign Parts. ^"03 rt'tc'to'o'o 00 CO ^. CO CO Tf< to to n 03 to ria3nr-lOnnC0(»C0 COto— .1— CMCMO* 03O.--0^C0'fi0t0t— 00; OOQOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOj i Total Quantity shipped to all Parts, stated in Tons Weight. 4,365,040 4.803,427 4,638,059 4,788,839 5,319,627 5,279,192 5,391,763 5,856,547 5,458,377 5,603,807 Culm. Chaldrons Imperial Measure- 86,335 117,111 1'07,9.52 99,439 98,939 132,443 136,456 163,247 146,518 142,419 Chaldrons Newcastle Measure. a30300tOtOlOlflOt30tO tOrHr-iCNniOI-~l--0< n CM 0» t-O i£0 I— 0< Small Coals. | Chaldrons Imperial Measure. 1,372 1,855 2,121 19,146 3,622 4,523 32,426 81,673 106,240 78,041 ChaUlrons Newcastle Measure. O) 03 o> Ol 03 ^ '0 r- to n000303-fas not had any material in- fluence on its price; and it would appear, from the long continuance of low prices, .vithout any diminution of imports, that they are still sufficient to remunerate the growers of the article. — ( Toohe on High and Low Prices ; Cook's Conwierce of Great Britain for 1830; Pari Papers, S^c.) COCOA. See Cacao. COCO, COKER, OK, more properly, COCOA NUTS (Ger. Kokosniisse Du. Ko- hnsnooten ; Fr. and Sp. Cocos ; It. Cocchi ; Rus. Kohos j Sans. A^crriVc^Za), the fruit of a species of palm tree ( Cocos nucifera Lin. ). This tree is common almost every whore within the tropics, and is one of the most valuable in the world. It grows to the height of from 50 to 90 feet; it has no branches, but the leaves are from 12 to 14 feet in length, with a very strong middle rib. The fruit is nearly as large as a man's head ; the 302 COD. external rind is thin, tough, and of a brownish red colour ; beneath this there is a quan- tity of very tough fibrous matter, which is used in many countries in the manufacture of cordage, and coarse sail-cloth — (see Coir) ; within this fibrous coating is the shell of the nut, which is nearly globular, very hard, susceptible of a high polish, and used for many domestic purposes ; the kernel is white, in taste and firmness resembling that of a hazel nut ; it is hollow in the interior, the liollow being filled with a milky fluid. While the nut is green, the whole hollow of the shell is filled with fluid, which is refreshing, agree- able, and pleasant to the taste. The solid part of the ripe kernel is extremely nutritious, but rather indigestible. The kernels yield by expression a great deal of oil, which, when recent, is equal to that of sweet almonds ; but it soon becomes rancid, and is then employed by painters. A tree generally yields about 100 nuts, in clusters near the top of about a dozen each. The wood of the tree is made into boats, rafters, the frames of houses, and gutters to convey water. The leaves are used for thatching buildings ; and are wrought into mats, baskets, and many other things, for which osiers ai"e employed in Europe ; so that every part of it is applied to some useful purpose. If the body of the tree be bored, there exudes from the wound a white liquor, called palm wine or toddy. It is very sweet when fresh ; kept a few hours, it becomes more poignant and agreeable ; but next day it begins to grow sour, and in the space of 24 hours is changed into vinegar. When distilled, it produces the best species of Indian arrack ; it also yields a great deal of sugar. Toddy is obtained from several species of palms, but that of the Cocos nucifera is the best. — •( See Ainslie's Materia Indica ; Rees's Ci/dopeedia, Sfc.) An improvement has recently been effected in the preparation of cocoa oil, which promises to be of much importance in the arts, by making it available in the manu- facture of candles and soap, and for various purposes to which it was not previously applicable. The palm oil met with in the market is not obtained from the Cocos nucifera, but from another species of palm. It is chiefly imported from the coast of Guinea. — (See Palm Oil.) Cocoa nuts are produced in immense quantities in Ceylon, forming, with their pro- ducts, — oil, arrack, and coir, — the principal articles of export from that island. They are also very abundant in the Maldive Islands, Siam, and on several places of the coast of Brazil. Cocoa oil is in very extensive use all over India, and large quantities are manufactured in the lower provinces of Bengal. This latter is said to be superior to that imported from Ceylon. The duty on cocoa nuts, which is imposed by tale, was judiciously reduced in 1833. from 5s. per 120 on those from a British possession to Is. per 1,200; those from a foreign country pay 20 per cent, ad valorem. COD (Ger. Kabljau, Bakalau ; Du. Kaheljaauw, Bauhaelja ; Da. Kabliau, Skrd- torsk, Bakelau ; Sw. Kaheljo, Bakelau ; Fr. Morue, Cahillaud ; It. Baccala, Baccalarc , Sp. Bacalao ; Port. Bacalhao ; Lat. Gadus), a species of fish, too well known to require any description. " It is amazingly prolific. Leewenhoek counted 9,384,000 eggs in a cod- fish of a middling size ; a number that will baflSe all the efforts of man to exterminate. In our seas they begin to spawn in January, and deposit their eggs in rough ground, among rocks. Some continue in roe till the beginning of April. " The cod is only found in the northern parts of the world ; it is an ocean fish, and never met with in the Mediterranean. The great rendezvous of the cod-fish is on the banks of Newfoundland, and the other sand banks that lie off the coasts of Cape Breton, Nova Scotia, and New England. They prefer those situations, by reason of the quan- tity of worms produced in these sandy bottoms, which tempt them to resort there for food. But another cause of the particular attachment the fish have to these spots is their vicinity to the polar seas, where they return to spawn : there they deposit their roes in full security ; but want of food forces them, as soon as the more southern seas are open, to repair thither for subsistence. Few are taken to the north of Iceland, but they abound on its south and west coasts. They are also found to swarm on the coasts of Norway, in the Baltic, and off the Orkney and Western Isles ; after which their num- bers decrease in proportion as they advance towards the south, when they seem quite to cease before they reach the mouth of the Straits of Gibraltai-. " Before the discovery of Newfoundland, the greater fisheries of cod were on the seas of Iceland, and off our Western Isles, which were the grand resort of ships from all the commercial nations ; but it seems that the greatest plenty was met with near Iceland. The English resorted thither before the year 1415 ; for we find that Henry V. was dis- posed to give satisfaction to the King of Denmark, for certain irregularities committed by his subjects on tliose seas. In the reign of Edward IV. tlie English were excluded from the fishery, by treaty. In later limes, we find Queen Elizabeth condescending to ask permission to fish in those seas, from Cln-istian IV. of Denmark. In the reign of her COD. 803 successor, however, no fewer than 150 English ships were employed in the Iceland fishery ; which indulgence might arise from the marriage of James with a princess ot JJeiunark." — (^Pennant's British Zoology.) Cod is prepared in two different ways ; that is, it is either gutted, salted, and then barrelled — in which state it is denominated green or pickled cod, — or it is dried and cured — in which state it is called dried cod. Ready access to the shore is indispensable to the prosecution of the latter species of fishery. Cod Fishery, British. — Newfoundland was discovered by John or Sebastian Cabot, in 1497; and the extraordinary abundance of cod-fish on its banks was speedily ascer- tained. The French, Portuguese, and Spaniards engaged in the fishery soon after this discovery. The English were later in coming into tiie field. In 1578, France had on the banks of Newfoundland 150 vessels, Spain 120 or 130, Portugal 50, and England from 30 to 50. During the first half of last century, the fishery was principally carried on by the English, including the Anglo-Americans, and the French; but the capture of Cape Breton, and of their other possessions in America, gave a severe blow to the fishery of the latter. The American war divided the British fishery ; that portion of it which had previously been carried on from New England, being thereafter merged in that of the United States. Still, however, we contrived to preserve the largest share. At an average of the 3 years ending with 1789, we are said to have had 402 ships, 1,9 11 boats, and 16,856 men, engaged in the American fisheries. During last war, the French being excluded from the fisheries, those of England attained to an extraordinary degree of prosperity; the total value of the produce of the Newfoundland fishery in 1814 having exceeded 2,800,000Z. But since the peace, the British fishery on the Newfoundland banks has rapidly declined; and can hardly, indeed, be said, at this moment, to exist. It is now carried on almost entirely by the French and the Americans ; the facilities enjoyed by the latter for its prosecution being greater than those of any other people, and the former being tempted to engage in it by the extraordinary encouragements afforded by government. At present, the British fishery carried on by the inhabitants of Newfoundland is confined entirely to the shore or boat fishery. But this, though pro- bably not so good a nursery of sailors as the bank fishery, is admitted to be " the most productive of merchantable fish and oil." — (M^ Gregorys British America, 2d ed. vol. i. p. 206.) The average annual produce of the fisheries of all sorts, including seal, salmon, &c., exported from Newfoundland, during the 3 years ended with 1832, is stated by Mr. M'Gregor at 516,417/. — (vol. i. p. 161.). A considerable fishery is also carried on from the ports and harbours of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton, New Bruns- wick, &c. But next to that of Newfoundland, the principal British fishery is carried on along the coast of Labrador. We borrow from the valuable work now referred to, the following recent and authentic statements with respect to it : — " During the fisliing season, from 280 to 300 schooners proceed from Newfoundland to the different fishing stations on the coast of Labrador, where about 20,000 British subjects are employed for the season. About one third of the schooners make two voyages, loaded with dry f^^h, back to Newfoundland during the summer; and several merchant vessels proceed from Labrador with their cargoes direct to Europe, leaving, generally, full cargoes for the fishing vessels to carry to Newfoundland. A considerable part of the fish of the second voyage is in a green or pickled state, and dried afterwards at Newfoundland. Eight or 9 schooners from Quebec frequent the coast, having on board about 80 seamen and 100 fishermen. Some of the fish caught by them is sent to Europe, and the rest to Quebec ; besides which, they carry- annually about 6,000/. worth of furs, oil, and salmon, to Canada. " From Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, but chiefly from the former, 100 to 120 vessels resort to La- brador : the burden of these vessels may amount to 6,0CO or 7,000 tons, carrying about 1,200 seamen and fishermen. They generally carry the principal part of their cargoes home in a green state. " One third of the resident inhabitants aie English, Irish, or Jersey servants, left in charge "^f the pro- perty in the fishing rooms, and who also employ themselves, in the spring and fall, catching seals in nets. The other two thirds live constantly at Labrador, as furriers and seal-catchers on their own account, but chiefly in the former capacity, during winter ; and all are engaged in the fisheries during summer. Half of these people are Jcr.-eymen and Canadians, most of v;hom have families. " Erom 16,(;00 to 18,000 seals are taken at Labrador in the beginning of winter and in spring. They are very large ; and the Canadians, and other winter residents, are said to feast and fatten on their flesh. About 4,( 00 of these seals are killed by the Esquimaux, The whole number caught produce about 550 tuns of oil, value about 8,000/. " There are 6 or 7 English houses, and 4 or 5 Jersey houses, established at Labrador, unconnected with Newfoundland, who export their fish and oil direct to Europe. The quantity exportetl last year (1832) to the Mediterranean was about 54,000 quintals cod-fish, at 10s. - - - 27,000 1,050 tierces salmon, at 60s. - - - 3,150 To England, about 200 tuns cod oil . . ' . - . 5,200 220 do. seal do. . - . _ . 4,880 Furs _ . . . . . 3,150 .^f 43,380 By Newfoundland houses, 27,500 quintals cod-fish, at 10s. ... 13,750 280 tierces salmon, at 10s. - - - 840 Total direct export from Labrador - ^'57,970 304. COD. Brought forward £S7,ffiO Produce sent direct to Newfoundland from Labrador : — 32,120 quintals cod-fish, at 10s, best quality . 16,060 312,000 quintals cod-fish, at 8s. - - - 12+,800 1,800 tuns cod oil, at 20/. - - . . 36,000 Salmon, &c. - - . 3,220 Fish, Sic. sent to Canada, about . - . 12,000 Do. carried to Nova Scotia and New Brunswick,"? should be in value at least - - - 3 Estimated value of the produce of Labrador, exclusive of what the Mo- 52,000 ravians send to London . j 302,050 " Tlie Labrador fishery has, since 1814, increased more than sixfold, principally in consequence of our fishermen being driven from the grounds (on the Newfoundland coast) now occupied by the French. In 1829, the Americans had about 500 vessels and 15,000 men employed on the coast ; and three " catch" amounted to 1,100,000 quintals fish, and about 3,000 tuns oil ; value together aboat 610,0001."— {Bridsh Jtnerica, vol. i. pp. 185 — 187.) The total produce of the British fisheries in the various seas and rivers of America, including seal oil and skins, is estimated by Mr. M'Gregor, at an average of the 5 years ending with 1832, at 857,210/. a year. — (Vol. ii. p. 59G.; see, also, for further particulars, the useful pamphlet of Mr. Bliss on the Statistics, Trade, 8(0. of British America.) About eight tenths of the dried fish exported from Newfoundland by British subjects, are sent to Spain, Portugal, Italy, and other Continental nations ; the rest goes to the West Indies and to Great Britain. By the act 26 Geo. 3. c. 26. bounties were given, under certain conditions specified in the act, to a certain number of vessels employed in the fishery on the coasts and banks of Newfoundland ; but these bounties have entirely ceased several years since. A bounty was, however, paid, down to the 5th of April, 1830, to all persons residing in Great Britain and Ireland, curing, drying, or pickling cod-fish, ling, or hake ; the bounty being 4s. a cwt. on the dried cod, &c., and 2s. 6d. a barrel on that which was pickled. A tonnage bounty was at the same time paid on vessels fitted out for the cod, ling, and hake fishery on the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland ; but this has also ceased. The act 5 Geo 4. c. 51. contains several regulations with respect to the Newfoundland fisheries. Aliens are prohibited from fishing on the coasts, or in the bays or rivers of Newfoundland; excepting, however, the rights and privileges granted by treaty to foreign states at amity with his Majesty. All British subjects may take, cure, and dry fish, occupy vacant places, cut down trees for building, and do other things useful for the trade. — § 3. Certificates shall be granted to vessels clearing out for the fishery; and on arrival at Newfoundland a report shall be made of such certificate, and registered; and on leaving the fishery the usual clearance shall be obtained. Vessels having on board any goods other than fish, &c. to forfeit the fishing certificate. — Persons throwing out ballast, &c. to the prejudice of the harbours in Newfoundland, shall be subject to a penalty. — \ 5. A contract in writing, specifying wages, and how to be paid, must be entered into with seamen and fishermen. — § 7. A fisherman is prohibited receiving more than three fourths of his wages during service ; but the balance due to him is to be paid immediately upon the expiration of the covenanted time of service. No fisherman to be turned off, except for wilful neglect of duty, or other sufficient cause, under a penalty, for each ofFence, of not less than 51. nor more than 50/. In order to fulfil the conditions in any treaty with a foreign state, his Majesty may empower the governor of Newfoundland to remove any works erected by British subjects for the purpose of carrying on the fishery between Cape St. John and Cape Ray, and to compel them to depart to another place. — \ 12, Every person so refusing to depart shall forfeit 50/. — § 13. The governor is empowered to sell or lease places within the island called Ship-rooms ^ 14, There are no means whatever by which to form any estimate of the number of ships and boats employed, either regularly or occasionally, in the cod fishery on the coasts of Great Britain, and on those of Norway, the Orkney and Shetland Islands, the Well- bank, the Dogger-bank, the Broad-fourteens, &c. or of the quantity and value of the fish annually caught. They must, however, be very considerable. See Fish. For the regulations, &c. as to the importation of fish into Great Britain, see Fish. It is doubtful whether the distant cod fishery may not have passed its zenith. Spain, Italy, and other Catholic countries, have always been the great markets for dried fish : but the observance of Lent is every day becoming less strict; and the demand for dried fish will, it is most likely, sustain a corresponding decline. The relaxed observance of Lent in the Netherlands and elsewhere has done more than any thing else to injure the herring fishery of Holland. Cod Fishery, American. — The Americans have at all times prosecuted the cod fishery with great vigour and success. Their fishermen are remarkable for their activity and enterprise, sobriety and frugality ; and their proximity to the fi.shing grounds, and the other facilities they po.ssess for carrying on the fishery, give them advantages with which it is very difficult to contend. In 1795, the Americans employed in the cod fishery about 31,000 tons of shipping; in 1807, they are said to have employed 70,306 tons: but it subsequently declined for several years, and was almost entirely suspended during the late war. According to the ofiicial returns, the Americans had 85,687 tons of shipping engaged in the cod fishery in 1828 ; but owing to the slovenly and inaccurate way in whicli the navigation accounts laid before Congress have been prepared, — (for proofs of tills, see Nicw Yoiiic,) — this statement is entitled to no credit. The corrected accounts for 1831 (laid before Congress the 15th of I'Vbruary, 1833) represent the COFFEE. 305 shipping engaged that year in the cod fishery as amounting to 60,977 t£>ns. During tlie year ended the 30th of September, 1832, the Americans exported 250,514 quintals of dried, and 102,770 barrels of pickled cod; their aggregate value being about 1,050,000 dollars. " The Americans follow two or more modes of fitting out for the fisheries. The first is accomplished by 6 or 7 farmers, or their sons, building a schooner during winter, which they man themselves (as all the Americans on the sea coast are more or less seamen as we ll as farmers) ; and alter fitting the vessel with necessary stores, they proceed to the bank.*. Gulf of St. Lawrence, or Labrador; and, loading their vessel with fish, make a voyage between spring and harvest. The proceeds they divide, after paying any balancethey may owe for outfit. They remain at home to assist in gathering? their crop.s, and proceed again for another cargo, which is salted down, and not afterwards dried : this is termed mud.fish, and kept for home consumption. The other plan is, when a merchant, or any other, owning a vessel, lets her to 10 or 15 men on shares. He finds the vessel and nets. The men pay for all the provisions, hooks, and lines, and for the salt necessary to cure their proportion of the fish. One of the number is acknow- ledged master ; but he has to catch fish as well as the others, and receives only about 20s-. per month for navigating the vessel : the crew have five eighths of the fish caught, and the owners three eighths of the whole. " The first spring voyage is made to the banks ; the second either to the banks. Gulf of St. Lawrence, or the coast of Labrador ; the third, or fall voyage, is again to the banks ; and a fourth, or second fall voyage, is also made, sometimes, to the banks." — {M'(Ji-egor, vol. i. p. 220.) It is stipulated in the first article of a convention between Great Britain and the United States, signed at London, 20th of October, 1818, that the subjects of the United States shall have liberty to take all sorts of fish " on that part of the coast of Newfoundland from Cape Ray to the Ramcau Islands, on the western and northern coasts of Newfoundland from Cape Ray to the Quirpon Islands, on the Magdalen Islands, and also on the coasts, bays, harbours, and creeks, from Mount Joly, on the southern coast of Labrador, to and through the Straits of Belleisle, and thence northwardly indefinitely along the coast, without pre- judice, however, to any of the exclusive rights of the Hudson's Bay Company; and that the American fishermen shall also have liberty, for ever, to dry and cure fish in any of the unsettled bays, harbours, and creeks, of the southern part of the coast of Newfoundland here above described, and of the coast of Labrador; but so soon as the same, or any portion thereof, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said fishermen to dry or cure fish without previous agreement for such purpose with the inhabitants, pro- prietors, or possessors of the ground. And the United States hereby renounce for ever any liberty heretofore, enjoyed or claimed by the inhabitants thereof, to take, dry, or cure fish on or within 3 marine miles of any of the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbours of his Britannic Majesty's dominions in America not included within the above mentioned limits." The American fishermen are, however, admitted into all bays, &c. for the purpose of shelter, of repairing damages, of purchasing wood, and of obtaining water, and for no other purpose whatever ; and when there, they are to be placed under such restrictions as may be necessary to prevent their abusing the privileges hereby reserved to them. Cod Fishery, French. — France has always enjoyed a considerable share of the cod fishery. The following Table shows the extent to which she has carried it since the peace : — Account of the Number of Ships, with their Tonnage, Crews, and Cargoes, that have entered the different Ports of France from the Cod Fishery during the Nine Years ending with 1831. — (From ' the Tableau General du Commerce de la France for 1831, p. 346.) Years. Ships. Tonnage. Crew. Cod, gr^en. Cod, dry. Oil. 1823 1824 ■ 182.5 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 184 348 336 341 387 381 414 377 302 16,958 36,999 35,172 38,938 44,868 45,094 50,574 45,036 35,180 3,655 6,672 6,311 7,088 8,238 7,957 9,428 8,174 6,243 Kilog. 4,407,730 7,677,824 7,288,949 8,627,341 9,046,145 12,838,291 10,548,878 10,410,302 9,922,680 Kilog. 4,423,739 14,891,189 15,823,731 15,591,664 15,970,250 17,256,155 30,377,594 13,645,790 12,817,943 Kilog. 415,210 1,353,898 1,294,336 1,063,670 1,201,623 1,395,897 1,909,147 1,150,059 1 1,163,229 1 The quantities of oil are exclusive of draches (huiles non epures) ; there are also sounds, &c. Mar- seilles, Granville, Dunkirk, Bordeaux, La Rochelle, and Nantes, are the principal ports whence ships are fitted out for the fishery. But notwithstanding the apparent prosperity of this branch of industry, it may be doubted whether it be really so beneficial to France as would at first sight appear. It depends more upon artificial regulations than upon any thing else. Foreign cod is ex- cluded from the French markets by the oppressive duty with which it is loaded ; and the comparatively great demand for dried fish in Catholic countries renders this a very great boon to the French fishermen. But it is admitted, that this would not be enough to sustain the fishery; and bounties amounting to about 1,500,000 fr., or 60,000/. a year, are paid to those engaged in it. These, however, have been recently reduced. St. Pierre and Miquelon, small islands on the coast of Newfoundland, belong to the French. Their right of fishing upon the shores of that island, and upon the great bank, was replaced, in 1814, upon the footing on which it stood in 1792. This concession has been much objected to by Mr. M'Gregor and others ; we believe, however, that they have materially over-rated its influence. COFFEE (Ger. Koffe, Koffehohnen ; Du. Koffy, Koffihoonen; Da. Kafe, Kaffthoyiner ; Sw. Koffe; Fr. It. and Port. Caffe ; Sp. Cafe; Bus. Kofe; Pol. Kawa ; Lat. Coffea, Caffea; Arab. Bun; Malay, Kdica ; Pers. Tochem, Keweh ; Turk. Chaube), the berries of the coffee plant ( Coffea Arahica Lin. ). They are generally of an oval form, smaller than a horse-bean, and of a tough, close, and hard texture ; they are prominent on the one side and flattened on the other, having a deeply marked furrow running length- X 306 COFFEE. wise along the flattened side ; they are moderately heavy, of a greenish colour, and a somewhat bitterish taste. Historical Notice of Coffee. — The coffee plant is a native of that part of Arabia called Yemen ; but it is now very extensively cultivated in the southern extremity of India, in Java, the West Indies, Brazil, &c. We are ignorant of the precise period when it began to be roasted, and the decoction used as a drink, though the discovery is not supposed to date further back than the early part of the fifteenth century. No mention of it is made by any ancient writer ; nor by any of the moderns previously to the sixteenth century. Leonhart Rauwolf, a German physician, is believed to be the first European who has taken any notice of coffee. His work was published in 1573, and his account is, in some respects, inaccurate. Coffee was, however, very accurately de- scribed by Prosper Albinus, who had been in Egypt as physician to the Venetian consul, in his works de Plantis Egypti, and de Medicina Egyptiorum, published in 1591 and 1592. A public coffee-house was opened for the first time, in London, in 1652. A Turkey merchant, of the name of Edwards, having brought along with him from the Levant some bags of coffee, and a Greek servant accustomed to make it, his house was thronged with visiters to see and taste this new sort of liquor. And being desirous to gratify his friends without putting himself to inconvenience, he allowed his servant to make and sell coffee publicly. In consequence of this permission, the latter opened a coffee-house in St. Michael's Alley, Cornhill, on the spot where the Virginia Coffee-house now stands. Garra way's was the first coffee-house opened after the great fire in 1666. — (^Moseley on Coffee, 5th ed. p. 15.)* M. de la Roque mentions that the use of coffee was first introduced into France in the period between 1640 and 1660; and he further states, that the first coffee-house for the sale of coffee in France was opened at Marseilles, in 1671 ; and that one was opened at Paris in the following year. — ( Voyage de la Syrie, torn. ii. pp. 310 — 319.) Some time between 1680 and 1690, the Dutch planted coffee beans they had procured from Mocha, in the vicinity of Batavia. In 1690, they sent a plant to Europe ; and it was from berries obtained from this plant that the first coffee plantations in the West Indies and Surinam were derived. Progressive Consumption of Coffee in Great Britain. Influence of the Duties. — In 1660, a duty of 4er cwt. 1815 61 no 72 80 1827 30 — 80 37 — 39 1816 68 — 102 74— 75 1828 28— 80 36— 38 1817 86 — 105 93— 98 1829 30— 75 32— 34 1818 134 — 155 144 — 148 1830 32— 78 34— 35 1819 U7 _ 165 128 — 134 1831 50— 86 45—46 1820 112 — 135 118 — 120 1832 60— 90 55— r,7 1821 85 — 125 98 — 102 1833 77 — 110 65— 66 1822 85 — 135 95 — 100 1834 68 — 124 48 — 52 1823 79 — 117 75— 79 1835 80 — 113 51- 53 1824 50—102 58— 61 1st. Nov. 1825 48 — 100 55— 56 1836 71 — 120 51— 54 The following extract from Prince's Price Current shows the prices of the different sorts of coflee in Ix)ndon on the 4th of November, 1836. Jamaica Coffbe, per cwt. in bond, f fine mid. and fine middling low do. fine ord. good ord. ord. and triage , good mid. to fine Berbice / ^"^ ueroite ^ ordinary Dominical mid. and fine and •! good and fine ord. St. Lucia (.triage and ord. d. 110 0 to 119 d. Duty. 94 90 • 85 ■ 75 66 107 93 77 70 92 80 70 0 — lOG 0 0 — 93 0 0 — 89 0 0 — 80 0 0 — 72 0 0 — 118 0 0 — 106 0 0 — 91 0 0 — 76 0 0-116 0 0 _ 91 0 0 — 76 0 Ind. Brit. PI. & W. I. B. P. 6d. F. E. I. 9d. F. l4. 3ndon," from Rio Janeiro, on Account of C. D. and Co. By E. F. for 100 bags. Prompt 1 month. Cwt. in which it can be perpetrated, inasmuch as it saves all the trouble and expense of a'recoinage. But as it renders the fraud obvious and glaring, it has rarely been resorted to ; and most reductions have been effected either by diminishing the weight of the coins, or by increasing the proportion of alloy in the metal of which they are made, or both. Originally the coins of all countries seem to have had the same denomination as the weights commonly used in tliem ; and contained the exact quantity of the precious metals indicated by their name. Thus, the talent was a weight used in the earliest period by the Greeks, the as or pnndo by the Romans, the livre by the Frencli, and the pound by the English and Scotch ; and the coins originally in use in Greece, Italy, COINS. 315 France, and England, bore the same names, and weighed precisely a talent, a pondo, a livre, and a pound. The standard has not, however, been preserved inviolate, either in modern or .incient times. It has been less degraded in England than any where else ; but even here the quantity of silver in a poimd sterling is less than the third part of a pound weight, — the quantity it contained in 1300. In France, the livre current in 1789 contained less than one sixty-sixth part of the silver implied in its name, and which it had actually contained previously to 1103. In Spain, and some other countries, the degradation has been carried still further.* From 1296 to 1355, the coins of England and Scotland were of the same weight and purity ; but at the last mentioned epoch the standard of Scotch money was, for the first time, sunk below that of England ; and by successive degradations, the value of Scotch money, at the union of the crowns in 1600, was only a twelfth part of the value of the English money of the same denomination. It remained at this point till the union of the kingdoms cancelled the separate coinage of Scotland. The gold and silver coins of Ireland have been for a considerable period the same as those of Great Britain ; but, until 1825, they were nominally rated 85 per cent, higher. This difference of valuation, which was attended with considerable inconveniences, was put an end to by the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 79., which assimilated the currency throughout the empire. The Tables annexed to this article contain all the information that can be desired by mercantile men with respect to the weight, fineness, &c. of English and Scotch gold and silver coins, from the earliest periods to the present moment. 5. Mint, or Government Valuation of Gold and Silver Coins. — If both gold and silver coins be made legal tenders, it is obviously indispensable that their value with respect to each other should be fixed by authority ; or that it should be declared, that individuals shall be entitled to discharge the claims upon them by payments, either of gold or silver coins, according to some regulated proportion. The practice of making both metals legal tenders was long adopted in England. From 1 257 till 1 664, the value of gold coins was regulated by proclamation ; or, which is the same thing, it was ordered that the gold coins, then current, should be taken as equivalent to certain specified sums of silver. — (^Liverpool on Coins, p. 128.) From 1664, down to 1717, the relation of gold to silver was not fixed by authority ; and silver being then the only legal tender, the value of gold coins fluctuated, according to the fluctuations in the relative worth of the metals in the market. But, in 1717, the ancient practice was again reverted to ; and it was fixed that the guinea should be taken as the equivalent of 21 shillings, and conversely. But the value of each of the precious metals is liable to perpetual changes. And hence, how accurately soever their proportional value, as fixed by the mint regulations, may correspond with the proportion which they actually bear to each other in the market when the regulation is made, the chances are 10 to 1 that it will speedily cease to ex- press their relation to each other. But the moment that such a change takes place, it becomes the obvious interest of every one who has a payment to make, to make it in the overvalued metal ; which, consequently, becomes the sole, or nearly the sole, currency of the country. Hence the reason why the coins of some countries are almost wholly of silver, and others almost wholly of gold. It is estimated, for example, that when it was fixed, in 1717, that the guinea should exchange for 21 shillings, gold was over- valued as compared with silver to the extent of lg| per cent. — (^Liverpool on Coins, p. 85. ) ; and as the real value of silver with respect to gold continued to increase during the greater part of last century, the advantage of paying in gold in preference to silver became more decided, and ultimately led to the universal use of gold in all large pay- ments, and to the fusion or exportation, of all silver coins of full weight. — (^Liverpool, loco cit.) In France, a different valuation of the metals has had a different effect. Previously to the recoinage in 1785, the Louis d'or was rated in the mint proportion at only 24 livres, when it was really worth 25 livres 10 sols. Those, therefore, who should have discharged the obligations they had contracted by payments of gold coin instead of silver, would plainly have lost 1 livre 10 sols on every sum of 24 livres. In consequence, very few such payments were made ; gold was almost entirely banished from circulation, and silver became almost Ihe onlv snecies of metallic money used in France. — ( Traite d'Economie Politique, torn. i. p. 393.) In 1816, however, a new system was adopted in this country ; it being then enacted (56 Geo. 3. c. 68.), that gold coins onli/ should he legal tender in all payments of more than 40 shillings. The pound of silver bullion, that had previously been coined into 62 shillings, Avas then also coined into 66 shillings, the additional four shillings being ♦ For an account of the degradation of the coins of the ancient and modern Continental nations, see the article Money, in the Supplement to the old, or in the new edition of the Enci/clopiedia Britannica. 816 COINS. letained by government as a seignorage or duty (amounting to 6g| per cent.) upon the coinage. To prevent the silver coins from becoming redundant, government has retained the power to issue them in its own hands. Under these regulations, silver has ceased to be a standard of value, and forms merely a subordinate or subsidiary species of currency, or change, occupying the same place in relation to gold that copper occupies in relation to itself. This system has been found to answer exceedingly well. A good deal of difference of opinion has existed as to whether gold or silver coins are best fitted for being made a legal tender. It does not seem that the one possesses any very striking advantage over the other ; none, certainly, that would justify a change, after a selection has been made, and acted upon for any considerable period. Down to 1626, a seignorage or duty upon the coinage was usually charged upon the gold and silver coins issued by the mint ; and it may be easily shown that the imposition of such a duty, when it is not carried to an undue height, is advantageous. A coin is more useful than a piece of uncoined bullion of the same weight and purity ; the coinage fitting it for being used as money, while it does not unfit it for being used for any other purpose. When, therefore, a duty or seignorage is laid upon coin equal to the expense of coinage, it circulates at its real value ; but when this charge is defrayed by the public, it circulates at less than its real value, and is consequently either melted down or ex- ported whenever there is any demand for bullion in the arts, or any fall in the exchange. It is, indeed, true, that were a seignorage to be laid on gold coins, it would be necessary, to prevent an enhancement of the value of the currency, that their weight should be proportionally reduced ; and it is on this account better, perhaps, to let them remain on the present footing. But when a seignorage was laid on the silver coins, in 1816, it was not necessary to take the circumstance now alluded to into consideration ; for as they were made subordinate to gold, and were intended to serve as change merely, its imposition had no tendency to raise the value of the currency, at the same time that it was calculated effectually to prevent the fusion of the coins, and to yield a small revenue to government. 6. Coinage since 1790. Amount of Coin in Circulation. — No. V. of the subjoined Tables shows the amount of the gold and silver coinage at the British mint, each year, from 1790 downwards. It will be seen from this account, that gold coin to the amount of about 47,000,000/. has been coined at the mint between 1817 and 1831, both inclusive. It is not easy to form any very precise estimate of the portion of this immense sum now in circu- lation. In consequence of the exemption of our gold coin from any seignorage, large quantities of the coins carried abroad during an unfavourable exchange find their way to the foreign mints, where they are melted and recoined. We are not, however, wholly destitute of the means of approximating to the quantity of coin in circulation. The mint works wholly, or almost wholly, for the Bank of England, so that, by com- paring the issues of coin by the Bank with the coin paid to her, and allowing for the export, we are able to get at a tolerably accurate result. We are indebted to Mr. Horsley Palmer for the following estimate, made up on this principle, of the gold coin in circulation in February, 1833. It may not be quite accurate, but we are sure that it is as accurate as it is possible to make any estimate of the sort. — ( See opposite page.) 7. The Exportation and Importation of Gold and Silver Coins was formerly pro- hibited ; but in 1819 it was enacted (59 Geo. 3. c. 49.), that they might be freely exported and imported, without being liable to any charge or duty wliatever ; and they may be imported without being either reported or entered at the Custom-house. This regulation has rendered it next to impossible to ascertain the value of the bullion imported. 8. Forgery of Coin. Issue of forged or spurious Coins. — The forgery of coin is an offence that is practised more or less at all periods. The most effectual means of pre- venting it is to improve the fabric of the genuine coins, to cut the dies with great deli- cacy, and occasionally to vary the form of the coins. During the lengthened period from 1770 down to 1816, the genuine silver coins in circulation were so much worn and defaced, that it was very difficult to distinguish between them and counterfeits, which, in despite of the severest penalties, were thrown into circulation in immense quantities. But since the issue of the new coins, in 1816, forgery has been comparatively rare. There has, however, been a considerable increase of forgery during the last 7 years, as compared with the previous 7. Sufficient titne has not yet been afforded for determin- ing the influence of the law exempting the ofTence of counterfeiting from the punish- ment of death. COINS. Estimate of Gold Coin in Circulation in February, 1833. 317 Issued by the Bank. From January, 1821," to July, 1824, inclu- sive From August, 1824, to DccembQr, 1825, inclusive - ?1 From January, 1826, to April, 1828. elusive From May, 1828, 15th of February, '■1 Deduct for export. 1824-25 j£^6,()00,000- 1828-29 5()(),()()0 ] 1830-32 2,000,000 J From 15th of Febru- ary, 1832, to 15th February, 1833 Deduct the stock at"l the branch banks, | which has been I taken as part of the ( issue from the Bank I in London - -J Leaving in circulation ~\ in the hands of the f public on the 15th C of February, 1833 -3 17,370,000 8,()60,000 2,370,000 9,600,000 38,000,000 8.500,000 29,500,000 1,800,000 31,300,000 1,300,000 30,000,000 OI)servations. CThe exchanges during this period were in favour of the I country, and gold was imported. The exchanges during the major part of this period wore against the country, and gold was exported. Of the total issue of 8,660,000/., about 2,.''j00,000A were issuetl from Oc tober to the end of December, 1825, to supply the i)lace of the country notes then discredited, leaving (i,0OO,OO were also against the country, during which period the issue was 4,000,000/. : 1,000,000/. of this sum was issued in November, 1831, upon the rejection of the Reform Bill, and 1,000,000/. more may fairly be estimated as the further amount applied within the whole period, from August, 1830, in the withdrawal of the country small notes; leaving 2,000,000/. as the estimated amount of coin exported from 1830 to 1832. rThis sum was taken out during the political discredit of May, l 1832, and has not yet rett«rned to the Bank. 9. Law as to the counterfeiting, S(c. of Coin. — The acts as to this were consolidated and amended by the 2 & 3 Will. 4. c. 34., of which the following is a brief abstract : — Counterfeiting the gold or silver coin of the realm, transportation for life, or for not less than 7 years, or imprisonment for not exceeding 4 years ; and every such offence shall be deemed to be complete, although the counterfeiting be not finished. — ^3. Colouring counterfeit coin, or any pieces of metal, with intent to make them pass for gold or silver coin ; colouring or altering genuine coin, with intent to make it pass for higher coin ; transportation for life, or for any term not less than 7 years, or imprisonment for any term nQt exceeding 4 years. — ^4. Impairing the gold or silver coin, with intent to make the coin so impaired pass for gold or silver coin of full weight, transportation for not exceeding 14, nor less than 7 years, or imprisonment for not exceed- ing 3 years. — § 5. Buying or selling, &c. counterfeit gold or silver coin for lower value than its denomination, importing counterfeit coin from beyond seas, transportation for life, or for not less than 7 years, or imprisonment for not exceeding 4 years. — § 6. Uttering counterfeit gold or silver coin, imprisonment for not exceeding 1 year ; and uttering, accom- panied by possession of other counterfeit coin, or followed by a second uttering within 10 days, im- prisonment for not exceeding 2 years ; every second offence of uttering after a previous conviction, shall be felony, transportation for life, or for not less than 7 years, or imprisonment for not exceeding 4 years. leaving 3 or more pieces of counterfeit gold or silver coin in possession, with intent to utter the same, imprisonment for not exceeding 3 years ; second offence, transportation for life, or for not less than 7 years, or imprisonment for not exceeding 4 years. — § 8. Making, mending, having possession of, or selling any mould, &c., or coining tools, or any press or engine, conveying tools or monies out of the mint without authority, felony ; transportation for life, or for not less than 7 years, or imprisonment for not exceeding 4 years. — 10, 11. Counterfeiting any current copper coin, or making, mending, or having in his possession any coining tool, or buying, selling, &c. any counterfeit copper coin for lower value than its denomination, trans- portation for not exceeding 7 years, or imprisonment for not exceeding 2 years ; and uttering any coun- terfeit copper coin, or having in his possession 3 or more pieces of counterfeit copper coin, imprisonment for not exceeding 1 year. — \ 12. Gold or silver coin tendered to any person suspecting any piece to be counterfeit, may be broken by such person ; and if it shall appear to be counterfeit, the person tendering shall bear the loss ; but if it shall be of due weight, and appear to be of lawful coin, the person breaking it is to receive it at the rate it was coined for, and any dispute shall be finally determined by any justice ; and the tellers of the Ex- chequer and the receivers-general of the revenue are to break or deface every piece of counterfeit coin tendered lor payment — § 13. Any person discovering any counterfeit coin, gold, silver, or copper, or any coining tool, is to carry the same forthwith before some justice, and on reasonable cause to suspect any person of counterfeiting, or having such coin, or any tool, &c., such justice may cause any place under the control of such sus- pected person to be searched, either in the day or night, and if any such coin or tool shall be found, to cause the same to be seized forthwith, and carried before a justice, who is to secure the same for the purpose of being produced in evidence, and afterwards of being delivered up to the mint. — ^ 14. 318 COINS. The necessity of the evidence of any officer of the mint to prove counterfeit coin dispensed with. — § 17. The court may order hard labour or solitary confinement. — § 19. The words " king's coin " include all coin lawfully current in the United Kingdom ; and wilfully having, in any dwelling-house or other building, lodging, apartment, field, or other place, open or inclosed, whether belonging to or occupied by himself or not, and whether for his own use or benefit, or for that of another, shall be deemed having in his possession within this act ^ 21. Persons acting in the execution of this act, protected in the usual manner, by requiring notice oi action, &c., and allowing tender of amends, &c. — ^ 22. 10. Convictions for Coining and Uttering. — In the 7 years ending with 1818, 63 persons were convicted in England and Wales of the offence of counterfeiting the coin of the realm, of whom 1 was executed. In the next 7 years the convictions for coining were reduced to 14, but of these 5 were executed. In the last septennial period, ending with 1832, the convictions were 3+, and the executions 7. The convictions for issuing forged coins in the first of the above periods were 21, in the second 9, and in the third, 32. Tables relative to the Coins of Great Britain and other Countrie.s. No. I. English Coins. — Account of the English Silver and Gold Coins; showing their Value, the Seignorage or Profit upon the Coinage, and the Price of the Pound Troy of Standard Gold and Silver, from the Conquest to the present Time.— (This and the next Table, No. II., are taken from Part II. of Essays on Money, Exchanges, and Political Economy, by Henry James.) 1066 1280 1300 1344 1349 1356 1394 1401 1421 1425 1464 1465 1470 1482 1483 1485 1509 *1527 1543 1545 1546 1547 1549 1551 1552 1553 1560 1600 1604 1717 1816 Anno Regni. Conquest 8 Edward I. . 28 . 18 Edward III. 23 30 18 Richard II. 3 Henry IV. 9 Henry V. . 4 Henry VI. 4 Edward IV. 5- 49 Henry VI. - 22 Edward IV. 1 Richard III. 1 Henry VII. 1 Henry VIII. 18 34 36 37 1 Edward VI. 3 5 1 Mary - 2 Elizabeth 43 2 James I. 2 Charles I. 18 Charles II. 3 George I. 56 George III. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. Fineness of the Sil- ver in the Pound Weight of such Sil- ver coined into Profit or Seignor- age on the Coinage. Equal to the Mint Price for Standard Silver of lloz. 2dwts. fine Troy vpeight. Fineness of the Gold in Pound Weight of such Gold Profit or Seignorage on the Mint Price for Standard Gold of 22 Coins. the Coins. coined into Coinage. Carats fine Xroy weight. Oz dts £ s. d. JC s d. J? X s. d. Crls. gm. A s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. 11 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 3 0 1 1 0 3 0 1 f 1 0 ? 23 3| 13 3 4 0 8 4 12 10 8 1 2 6 0 1 3 1 2 14 0 0 0 11 8 13 3 9 1 5 0 0 0 10 1 5 15 0 0 0 6 8 14 8 4 1 5 0 0 0 10 1 5 — — 15 0 0 0 5 0 14 9 11 1 5 0 0 0 10 5 9i 15 0 0 0 5 0 14 9 11 1 10 0 0 1 0 1 10 lu 10 Hi 16 13 4 0 5 0 16 2 9 1 10 0 0 1 0 1 16 13 4 0 5 10 16 1 11 1 17 6 0 4 6 1 15 2i 20 16 8 2 10 0 18 0 5 1 17 6 0 4 6 1 15 2i 17 lOi 22 10 0 1 0 10 21 1 10 1 17 6 0 2 0 1 22 10 0 0 13 0 21 9 7 1 17 6 0 1 6 1 18 4f 22 10 0 0 7 6 21 15 0 1 17 6 0 1 6 1 18 41 22 10 0 0 7 6 21 15 0 1 17 6 0 1 6 1 18 41 22 10 0 0 7 6 21 15 0 1 17 6 0 1 0 1 18 Hi 22 10 0 0 2 6 22 0 0 2 0 0 0 1 1 18 24 0 0 0 2 8 22 0 0 2 5 0 0 1 §• 2 4 22 0 { 27 0 25 2 0 6 0 2 0 3 9 0 24 19 6 10 6 0 2 8 0 0 8 0 2 4 42 23 0 28 16 0 1 4 0 26 8 0 0 2 8 0 2 0 0 2 11 f 22 0 30 0 0 2 10 0 27 10 0 4 0 2 8 0 4 4 0 2 15 20 0 30 0 0 5 0 0 27 10 0 4 0 2 8 0 4 4 0 2 15 6 20 0 30 0 0 1 10 0 31 7 0 6 0 3 12 0 4 0 0 2 19 2| 22 0 34 0 0 1 0 0 33 0 0 3 0 3 12 0 11 0 3 0 0 23 3if 36 0 0 22 0 I 33 0 0 11 1 3 0 0 0 1 0 2 19 3i 23 3if 36 0 0 0 2 9 22 0 i 33 0 0 0 3 0 32 17 8 11 0 3 0 0 0 1 0 2 19 23 3i 36 0 0 0 3 0 33 0 8 11 2 3 0 0 0 1 6 2 18 6 23 3|C 36 0 0 0 5 0 22 0 I 33 0 0 0 4 0 32 16 0 3 2 0 0 2 0 3 0 o" 23 3|C 36 10 0 0 10 0 22 0 i 33 10 0 0 10 0 33 0 0 3 2 0 0 2 6 2 19 6 22 0 37 4 0 1 10 0 35 14 0 3 2 0 0 2 0 3 0 0 41 0 0 1 1 5 39 18 7 3 2 0 0 0 0 3 2 0 44 10 0 44 10 0 3 2 0 0 0 0 3 2 0 46 14 6 46 14 6 3 6 0 0 4 0 46 14 6 46 14 6 • 1527 — Henry VIII ] The Saxon or Tower pound was used at the mint up to this time, when the Dound Troy was substituted in its stead. The Tower pound was but 11 oz. 5 dwts. Troy ; so that, from the Conquest to the 28th of Edward I., 20 shillings in tale were exactly a pound in weight. + 1666—18 Charles II.] The seignorage on the coinage was at this time given up, and the gold bullion brought to the mint has ever since been: coined free of expense. A seignorage of 6U per cent was imposed on the coinage of silver by 56 Geo. 3. COINS. 319 No. II. English Coins. — Account of the Quantity of Fme Silver coined into 20*. or the Pound Sterling: the Quantity of Standard Silver, of 11 oz. 2 dwts. Fine and 18 dwts. Alloy, contained in 20«. or the Pound Sterling, in the different lleigiis, from the Time of lidward I. to the Keign of William IV. — A similar Account with respect to Gold. — And an Account of the proportiorjal Value of Pine Gold to Pine Silver, according to the Number of Grains contained in the Coins. — Calculated in Grains and 1000/A Parts Troy Weight. Silver. Gold. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Number of Grains of Fine Silver in 20 Sliillings, or the Pound Ster* Ling, as coined by the Mint Inden- Number of Grains of St4 4 Edward IV. 2,664 000 2,880-000 257-850 281-291 1 — 10-331 1465 _ 2,664-000 2,880-000 238-750 260-454 1 — 11-158 1470 49 Henry VI. - 2,664-000 2,664-000 2,880-000 238750 260-454 1 — 11-158 1482 22 Edward IV. 2,880-000 238750 ■ 260-454 1 — 11-158 1509 1 Henry VIII. > 2,664-000 2,880-000 238750 260-454 1 — 11-158 1527 18 *jO0o uuu 1 — 11-268 1543 34 . - 2,000-000 2,162-162 191-666 209090 1 — 10-434 1545 1546 1,200-000 800-000 1,297-297 864-864 176-000 160-000 192-000 174-545 1 — 6818 1 — 5-000 1547 ^1 Edward VI. 800000 864-864 160-000 174-545 1— 5 000 1549 3 800 000 864-864 155-294 169-412 1— 5151 *1551 5 400-000 1,760 000 1,902-702 160-000 174-545 1 — 11000 1552 6 1,768 000 1,911-351 160-000 174-545 1 — 11-050 1553 1 Mary 1,760-000 1,902-702 159-166 173-636 1 — 11057 1560 2 Elizabeth 1,776000 1,920-000 160-000 174-545 1 — 11-100 1600 43 . 1,718-709 1,858-064 1,858-064 157-612 171-940 1 — 10-904 1604 2 James I. > 1,718-709 141-935 154-838 1 — 12-109 1626 2 Charles I. 1,718-709 1,718-709 1,858-064 128780 140-487 1 — 13-346 1666 18 Charles II. 1,858-064 118-651 129-438 1 — 14-485 1717 3 George I. 1,718-709 1,858-064 113-001 123-274 1 — 15-209 tl816 56 George HI, 1,614.545 1,745 454 112-001 123-274 1 — 14-287 No. III. Scotch Coins. — Account of the Number of Pounds, Shillings, and Pennies Scotch, which have been coined out of One Pound Weight of Silver, at different Times ; with the Degree of Purity of such Silver, or its Fineness, from the Year 1107 to the Year 1601. — (From CardonneVs Numis7nata Scotia; p. 24.) Purity. Alloy. Value of th< Money coin ed out of a Lb. Weight of Silver. Anno Regni. Purity. Alloy. From 1107 From 1306 to 1329 1366 1367 From 1371 to 1390 1393 1424 Alexander I. David I. William Alexander II. Alexander III. John Baliol I Robert I. David II. Robert II. Robert II L .Tames L Oz. prv. 11 2 11 2 11 2 11 2 11 2 11 2 11 2 Or. prv. 0 18 0 18 0 18 0 18 0 18 0 18 £ s. d. 1 0 0 1 5 0 1 9 4 1 12 0 1 17 6 1451 1456 1475 1484 1488 1489 1529 1544 1556 1565 1567 1571 1576 1579 1581 1597 1601 James II. I James IV. James V. Mary James VI. 15 20 16 24 16 3 14 23 1 5 10 13 15 31 35 Oz. prv, 11 2 Oz. prv. 0 18 0 18 0 18 0 18 0 18 11 0 11 0 11 0 11 0 U 0 9 0 8 0 11 0 11 0 11 0 11 0 1 0 1 0 3 0 * 1551 — 5 Edward VI.] The coinage of debased silver money in the 5th year of Edward VI. of 3 oz. fine, ought more properly to be considered as Tokens. The sum of 120,000/. only was so coined, — (See James's Essai/s, chap, iv.) f 1816 — 56 George III.] The government having taken the coinage of silver into its own hands, there is at present no fixed price paid to the public, by the mint, for standard silver. And supposing the government to continue the present mint regulations, and to keep gold at 775. 10|rf. an ounce, as the price of silver varies, the relative value of gold to saver will vary in like proportion. 820 COINS. No. IV. Scotch Coins. — Account of the Number of Pounds, Shillings, and Pennies Scotch, which have been coined out of One Pound Weight of Gold j with the Degree of their Purity, and the Proportion that the Gold bore to the Silver. — {Cardonnel, p. 25.) A. D. Anno Regni. Fineness. Alloy. Value of the Coin coined out of One Pound of Gold. Pound of Pure Gold ■weighed of Pure Silver. 02 Oz £ d. Lbs. oz. pw. gr. 1371, &c. Robert II. . 11 18 18 0* 1 ' 6 17 12 0 11 1 17 22 1390, &C. Robert II. 11 18 18 0 1 6 19 4 0 11 17 22 1424 James I. 19 11 18 18 0 1 6 22 10 0 11 1 17 22 1451 James II. 15 11 18 18 0 1 6 33 6 0 9 8 4 14 20 11 18 18 0 1 6 50 0 0 9 8 4 14 1475 James III. 16 11 18 18 0 1 6 78 15 0 10 2 0 20 1484 1488 24 11 18 18 0 1 6 78 15 0 10 5 7 9 James IV. 1 11 18 18 0 1 6 78 15 0 10 5 7 9 1529 James V. 16 11 18 18 0 1 6 108 0 0 10 5 7 9 1556 Mary 14 11 0 0 1 0 0 144 0 0 10 5 8 6 1567 James VI. 10 11 0 0 1 0 0 240 0 0 10 5 8 6 1579 13 10 10 0 1 10 0 240 0 0 11 5 2 20 1597 31 11 0 0 1 0 0 360 0 0 12 0 0 0 1601 35 ■ 11 0 0 1 0 0 432 0 0 12 0 0 0 1633 Charles I. 9 11 0 0 1 0 0 492 0 0 13 2 7 11 No V — Account of the Value of the Gold and Silver Coins, specifying each, coined at the Mint, each - ' Year since 1790. — {Pari. Paper, No. 138. Sess. 1833 ; and papers published by the Board of Trade.) Years. Gold coined. Silver coined. Years. Gold coined. Silver coined. £ s. d. £ s. d. & d. £ s. d. 1790 2,660,521 10 0 Nil. 1812 Nil. 52 14 0 1791 2,456,566 17 6 Nil. 1813 519,722 3 6 89 18 0 • 1792 1,171,863 0 0 251 17 6 1814 Nil. 161 4 0 1793 2,747,430 0 0 Nil. 1815 Nil. Nil. 1794 2,558,894 12 6 Nil. 1816 Nil. 1,805,251 16 2,436,297 12 0 1795 493,416 0 0 293 11 11 1817 4,275,337 10 0 0 1796 464,680 2,000,297 2 6 Nil. 1818 2,862,373 10 0 576,279 0 0 1797 5 0 Nil. 1819 3,574 10 8 1,267,272 12 0 1798 2,967,504 15 0 Nil. 1820 949,516 9,520,758 0 10 847,717 4 0 1799 449,961 15 0 Nil. 1821 13 10 433,686 0 0 1800 189,937 2 6 Nil. 1822 5,356,787 12 6 31,430 7 285,271 16 1 1801 450,242 2 0 53 7 1 1823 759,748 10 0 0 1802 1803 437,018 18 6 62 0 0 1824 4,065,075 0 0 282,070 16 0 596,444 12 6 72 6 8 1825 4,580,919 0 0 417,535 16 0 1804 718,396 17 6 77 10 0 1826 5,896,461 7 6 608.605 16 33,019 16 0 1805 54,668 0 182 18 0 1827 2,512,636 17 6 0 1806 405,105 15 0 Nil. 1828 1,008,559 2,446,754 2 6 16,288 3 108,259 16 0 1807 1808 Nil. 108 10 0 1829 12 6 0 371,744 2 0 Nil. 1830 2,387,881 2 6 151 16 0 1809 298,946 11 0 114 14 0 1831 587,949 14 5 33,696 5 8 1810 316,935 13 6 120 18 0 1811 312,263 3 6 Nil. Total ^£•69,856,894 8 9 9,183,259 5 9 No. VI. Gold Coins of different Countries. — A Table containing the Assays, Weights, and Values of the principal Gold Coins of all Countries, computed according to the Mint Price of Gold in England, and from Assays made both at London and Paris, which have been found to verify each other. * *^* The publishers of this work have purchased the right to publish this Table from Dr. Kelly, in the second edition of whose Cambist it originally appeared. COINS. Assay. M'eight. Standard Weight. Contents in pure Gold. Value in Sterling. Car. Dwt. gr. Dnrt.gr. mi. Grains. 1. d. Austrian } Souverain - - - W. 0 3 14 3 13 15 78-6 13 10-92 Dominions \ Double ducat ... B. 1 1 4 12 4 20 5 106-4 18 9-97 Ducat Kremnitz, or Hungarian B. 1 2 5f 2 10 3 53-3 9 5-91 Bavaria Carolin - W. 3 2 6 5i 5 5 10 115- 20 4-23 Max d'or, or Maximilian W. 3 2i 4 4 3 14 0 77- 13 7-44 Ducat B. 1 2 5f 2 19 11 52-8 9 412 Bern - Ducat (double, &c. in proportion) - B. 1 1 23 2 2 1 459 8 1-48 Pistole - . - _ W. 0 1} 4 21 4 19 0 105-5 18 7-86 Brunswick - Pistole (double in proportion) W. 0 4 2H 4 19 5 105-7 18 8-48 Ducat - . . - B. 1 li 2 2 5f 2 8 9 51-8 9 2- Cologne Ducat - . - B. 1 2 5f 2 9 8 52-6 9 3-70 Denmark - Ducat current - - - W. 0 3f 2 0 1 21 19 42-2 7 5-62 Ducat specie - - - B. 1 2 2 5| 2 9 8 52-6 9 3-70 Christian d'or ... W. 0 1 4 7 4 5 16 93-3 16 614 • The London assays in this Table were made by Robert Binglcy, Esq, F.R.S. the King's Assay Master of the Mint, and those at Paris by Pierre Fr^d^ric Bonneville, Essayeur du Commerce, as published in his elaborate work on the coins of all nations. Specimens of all the foreign coins brought to London for commercial purposes have been supplied for this Table from the Bullion-office, Bank of England, by order of the Bank Directors, and have been selected by John Humble, Esq., the chief clerk of that office, who also examined the Tables in their progress. It may likewise he added, that the Mint Reports of these commercial coins are chiefly from average assays; and that all the computations have been carefully verified by different calculators.— tNotc by Dr. Kelly, to second edition of the Cambist, published in 1821.) COINS. 321 England - Guinea . - . Half-guinea - - - Seven shilling piece- Sovereign - - - FuANCE - Double Louis (coined before 1786) - Louis - Double Louis (coined since 1786) - Louis • - Double Napoleon, or piece of 40 francs - - - Napoleon, or piece of 20 francs New Louis (double, &c.) the same as the Napoleon. Franckfort on the Maine Ducat Geneva - Pistole, old _ . . Pistole, new Genoa - - Sequin .... Hamburgh - Ducat (double in proportion) Hanover - George d'or Ducat - Gold florin (double in proportion) - Holland - Double ryder - - - Ryder - _ - - Ducat - . - Malta - Double Louis - - Louis - - - Demi Louis - Milan - Sequin - - Doppia or pistole 40 Lire piece of 1808 Naples - - Six ducat piece of 1783 Two ducat piece, or sequin, of 1762 Three ducat piece, or oncetta, of 1818 Netherlands Gold lion, or 14 florin piece Ten florin piece (1820) Parma- - Quadruple pistole (double in propor. tion) - Pistole or doppia of 1787 Ditto of 1796 Maria Theresa (1818) Piedmont - Pistole coined since 1785 (|, &c. in proportion) - - Sequin (^ in proportion) Carlino, coined since 1785 (1, &c. in proportion) - - Piece of 20 francs, called Marengo - Poland - - Ducat - - - Portugal - Dobraon of 24,000 rees Dobra of 12,800 rees MoidoreorLisbonnine (|,&c. in prop.) Piece of 16 testoons, or 1,600 rees - Old crusado of 400 rees New crusado of 480 rees Milree (coined for the African colo- nies 1755) - Prussia - - Ducat of 1748 - - . Ducat of 1787 Frederick (double) of 1769 Frederick (single) of 1778 Frederick (double) of 1800 Frederick (single) of 1800 Sequin (coined since 1760) Scudo of the Republic Ducat of 1796 - - Ducat of 1763 Gold ruble of 1756 Ditto of 1799 - - - Gold poltin of 1777 Imperial of 1801 Half Imperial of 1801 Ditto of 1818 - Carlino (| in proportion) Ducat of 1784 Ducat of 1797 Augustus of 1754 - Augustus of 1784 Ounce of 1751 - - - Double ounce of 1758 Spain - Doubloon of 1772 (double and single in proportion) Quadruple pistole of 1801 Pistole of 1801 Coronilla, gold dollar, or vintem of 1801 - Sweden - Ducat - - Rome ■ Russia Sardinia Saxony Sicily * Assay. Stand. Stand, Stand. Stand. w. 0 2 vv. 0 2 w. 0 li w. 0 H w. 0 w. 0 ll B. 1 2i W. 0 2 W. 0 Oi W. 0 li B. 1 Si W. 3 OA Stand. Stand. B. 1 2i W. 1 Si W. 1 3 w. 1 ^ B. 1 3 W. 0 1 W. 0 If W. 0 2i W. 1 2f B. 1 Si Stand. W. 0 If W. 1 0 W. 0 3 W. 1 Oi VV. 0 If W. 0 U B. 1 ^ W. 0 lA W. 2 0 B. 1 21 Stand. Stand. Stand. W. 0 Of W. 0 Oi W. 0 Of Stand. B. 1 21 B. 1 2 W. 0 If w. 0 n W. 0 2 W. 0 2 B. 1 31 W. 0 If B. 1 2i B. 1 2 Stand. W. 0 Oi Stand. B. 1 2i B. 1 2i B. 0 Oi W. 0 2t B. 1 2 B. 1 2| W. 0 2| W. 0 If W. 1 2i W. 1 2 W. 0 2i W. 1 1 W. 1 1 W. 1 2| B. 1 2 Dwt. t^r. 5 9i 2 16f 1 19 5 Si 10 11 5 5i 9 20 4 22 8 7 4 Si 2 5f 4 7i 3 15f 2 2 12 21 6 9 2 5f 10 16 5 8 2 16 2 5f 4 H 8 8 5 16 1 20i 2 lOi 5 7f 4 7f 18 9 4 14 4 14 4 3| 5 20 2 5f 29 6 4 3i 2 5f 34 12 18 6 6 22 2 6 0 15 0 16i 0 19f 2 5f 2 5f 8 14 4 7 8 14 4 7 2 4A 17 Of 2 6 2 5f 1 0| 0 18f 0 9 7 17i 3 20i 4 Si 10 Ih 2 5; 4 4 6> 2 2o; 5 17 17 8J Standard Contents in I'ure Value in Weight. Gold. Drvt. f;r. mt. — — ; «. d. 5 9 10 llo7 21 0" 2 16 15 59-3 10 6- 1 19 0 39-G 7 0- 5 3 5 113'1 20 ()- 10 5 6 224-9 39 9-64 5 2 12 1 12'4 10 10-71 9 15 19 212;6 37 7-53 4 19 19 106 '3 18 y-75 o «j n o 3 0 1/9" 31 8 36 4 1 10 Oj I 15 10*5 2 9 14 52 '9 9 4-34 3 15 ^4 9iii'5 16 4-45 80' 14 1-9 2 10 6 9 5-41 2 9 14 ro n 9 4'35 4 5 3 c'i ^ 16 4 66 2 10 3 oo'6 9 5] 9 1 18 6 39" 6 1083 12 21 0 283 "2 50 1 40 6 9 0 140 '2 24 975 2 9 12 52 '8 9 4'13 9 18 18 ?nc ^ 38 1-25 4 21 16 JOo' 19 1-37 2 113 9 7-75 2 10 0 53 '2 9 4-96 4 0 8 88-4 15 7-74 8 4 0 179-7 31 9-64 5 12 18 121*9 21 689 1 16 6 37-4 6 7-42 58'1 10 340 5 7 16 117-1 20 8-69 4 5 15 93-2 16 5-93 17 12 18 386- 68 3-78 4 10 4 97-4 17 2-85 4 8 14 yo y 16 11-67 4 1 10 89-7 15 10-5 22 2'/5 2 9 12 52-9 9 4-34 CIO on r\ Zo -0 0 oi)*-'* llii 3-3 3 18 4 82 '7 14 7-63 2 9 12 529 9 4-34 34 12 0 759- 134 3-96 401 '5 71 070 0 22 0 152-2 26 11 24 2 5 14 49 '3 8 8-70 0 14 18 13-6 2 4'88 0 16 2 2 7 '43 U 19 15 10 3 2-44 o n 9 404 is 9 fa _ „~ " 9 3-71 8 9 18 loa- 0 bO 4 5 4 92 '8 16 508 ^ ? 1" 184 '5 32 7-84 4 4 I'o 16 3-42 52 '2 9 2-86 6i 11'43 o in n z 10 0 DO Z 9 4 '98 2 9 8 52-6 9 3-71 1 0 10 1^ ^ 3 11'78 0 18 14 IT'I 3 0-31 0 9 0 8-2 1 5 41 8 6 8 I8I-9 52 2-31 4 3 4 90'9 16 105 4 3 12 91-3 16 198 9 23 16 219-8 30 8-10 2 9 8 52-6 9 3 71 2 9 14 52'9 9 4-34 4 3 8 91'2 16 1 -69 4 4 12 92-2 16 3-81 2 15 8 58-2 10 3-60 5 7 14 117' 20 8-48 61 21 16 372- 65 10-05 16 9 6 360-5 63 9 62 4 2 6 901 15 11 -35 1 0 18 22-8 4 0-42 j 2 8 12 51-9 9 2-22 * Much variation is found in the fineness of the Sicilian gold coins. Y COINS. COINS. Assay. Weight. Standard Weight. Contents in pure Gold. Value in Sterling. Switzerland Pistole of the Helvetic Republic of 1800 TuEVES - - Ducat - - Turkey - Sequin fond,ucli of Constantinople of 1773 Sequin fonducli of 1789 Half missier (1818) Sequin fonducli Yermeebeshlek Tuscany - Zecchino or sequin Ruspone of the kingdom of Etruria United States * Eagle and ^ in proportion) Venice - Zecchino or sequin (| and ^ in pro- portion) - - Wirtemberg Carolin _ - - Ducat . _ . Ducat (double and | ducat in pro- portion) ... EAST INDIES. Mohur of 1770 - - Mohur, Half (1787), i in proportion Mohur Sicca of Bengal Mohur of the Dutch East India? Company (1783) - -j Mohur, Half Ditto (1801) Rupee, Bombay (1818) Rupee of Madras (1818) Pagoda, star - - Cor. gr. W. 0 1| B. 1 2 W. 2 2i W. 2 3i W. 5 3| W. 2 3 B. 0 Si B. 1 3i B. 1 3| W. 0 Oi B. 1 3i W. 3 2 B. 1 2, B. 1 2 B. 1 2i B. 1 2i B. 1 3| W, 3 3i W. 3 li B. 0 Oi Stand. W. 3 0 Drvt. gr. 4 2Ii 2 Sf 2 5f 2 52 0 18i 2 5 2 If 3 5f 6 17i 11 6 2 6 6 31 2 5 2 5f 7 22i 3 23i 7 23 10 2 5 31 7 11 7 12 2 4f Dwt. gr. mi. 1 19 9 2 9 8 1 23 6 1 22 16 0 13 5 1 22 7 3 4 13 2 10 14 7 7 13 11 4 8 2 10 10 5 4 0 2 8 12 2 9 '8 8 11 15 4 16 10 8 15 0 8 8 0 4 18 18 7 11 13 7 12 0 1 21 11 Grain: 105-9 52- 6 43-3 42-9 12-16 42-5 70-3 53- 6 161- 246-1 53-6 113-7 51- 9 52- 6 186-8 94- 189-8 183-4 96-2 164-7 165- 41-8 «. d. 18 8-91 9 3-71 7 7-94 7 7-11 2 1-82 7 6-26 12 5-30 9 5-83 28 5-93 43 6-66 9 5-83 20 1-47 9 2-22 9 3-71 33 0-72 16 7-64 30 1-.04 32 5-50 17 0-30 2& 1-78 29 2-42 7 477 No. VII. Silver Coins of different Countries, — A Table containing the Assays, Weights, and Values of the principal Silver Coins of all Countries, computed at the rate of 5s. 2d. per Ounce Standard, from Assays made both at the London and Paris Mints. COINS. Assay. • Weight. Standard Weight. Contents 'siWerf Value in Sterling. 02. dwt. Dnit. gr. Dwt. gr, mi. Grains. J. d. Austria Rixdollar of Francis II., 1800 W. 1 5 18 1 16 0 4 355-5 4 1-64 Rixdollarof thekingdom of Hungary W. 1 2 18 1 16 6 1 360-9 4 2-39 Half rixdollar, or florin. Convention W. 1 3 9 0| 8 2 1 179-6 2 1-07 Copftsuck, or 20 creutzer piece W. 4 3 4 6A 2 16 3 59-4 0 8-29 17 Creutzer piece W. 4 8 4 0 2 9 18 53-5 0 7-47 Halbe copf, or 10 creutzer piece W. 5 5 2 11 1 7 1 28-8 0 401 Baden - Rixdollar - - - W. 1 4 18 2 16 3 1 358-1 4 2- Bavaria Rixdollar of 1800 (f in proportion) - W. 1 4| 17 12 15 13 13 345 6 4 0-25 Copftsuck - W. 4 3 4 6| 2 16 3 59-4 0 8-29 Bern - Patagon or cro-wn (1 in proportion) W. 0 7 18 22 18 7 14 406-7 4 879 Piece of 10 batzen W. 1 2 5 3 4 14 17 102-5 1 2-31 Bremen Piece of 48 grotes W. 2 2 11 0 8 22 1 198- 2 3-64 Brunswick - Rixdollar, Convention W. 1 3 18 1 16 4 4 359-2 4 2-15 Half rixdollar W. 1 3 9 Oi 8 10| 8 2 2 179-6 2 1-07 Gulden, or piece of |, fine, of 1764 - Gulden, common, of 1764 B. 0 16 9 1 1 200-8 2 403 W. 1 2 9 0 8 2 10 180- 2 1-13 Gulden, ditto, of 1795 W. 2 2 11 n 8 23 7 199-1 2 3-80 Half gulden, or piece of §, of 1764 - W. 1 2 4 12 4 1 5 90- 1 0 56 Denmark - Ryksdaler, specie, of 1798 W. 0 13 18 14 17 11 17 388-4 4 S-23 New piece of 4 marks W. 0 12 12 9 11 16 14 259 8 3 0-27 Half ryksdaler - - W. 0 13 9 7 8 17 8 194-2 2 3-11 Mark, specie, or J ryksdaler W. 3 1 4 0 2 21 12 64-4 0 7-59 Rixdollar, specie, of Sleswig and Holstein (pieces of § and § in prop.) W. 0 12 18 13 17 12 6 389-4 4 6-37 Piece of 24 skillings W. 4 7 5 2| 3 2 10 68^9 0 England Crown (old) - Stand. 19 81 19 8 10 4297 5 0- i Half-crown - Stand. 9 16A 9 16 5 214-8 2 6- 1 Shilling Stand. 3 21 3 21 0 85-9 1 0- 1 Sixpence - - Stand. 1 22i 18 4J 1 22 10 42-9 0 6- 1 Crown (new) Stand. 18 4 7 403-6 4 8-36 j Half-crown - Stand. 9 2 9 2 4 201-8 2 4-18 Shilling - Stand. 3 15A 3 15 6 807 0 11-27 1 Sixpence - - - Stand. 1 19f 1 19 14 40-3 0 5-63 France Ecu of 6 livres . . - W. 0 7 18 18 18 7 16 4031 4 8-28 1 Demi ecu - W. 0 7 9 9 9 1 18 201-5 2 4-13 i Piece of 24 sous (divisions in rcrip.) W. 0 7 3 20 3 16 19 83-4 0 11-64 Piece of 30 sous (J in proportion) - W. 3 8 6 12 4 12 4 100-2 1 199 Piece of 5 francs of the Convention W. 0 lOi 16 0 15 5 14 338-3 3 11-24 Piece of 5 francs (Napoleon) of 1808 W. 0 7 16 1 15 12 4 344-9 4 0-16 Piece of 2 francs of 1808 W. 0 7 6 11 6 6 2 138-8 1 7-38 Franc of 1809 W. 0 7 3 5| 3 3 1 69-4 0 9-69 Demi franc - - W. 0 8i 1 15 4 13 6 347 0 4-84 Franc (Louis) of 1818, same as franc ot 1809. Geneva Patagon - - W. 1 0 17 9 15 19 8 351- 4 1-03 Piece of 15 sous of 1794 W. 2 6 2 H 1 15 1 36-1 0 5-04 ♦ This vBlne of the American eagle is taken fVom average assays of the coins of twelve years. 4 COINS. Weigh;. Standard Contents in I'ure Silver. Vajue in COINS. Assay. Weight. Sltrling. 0-4. Ju l. Urvl.gr. Dwt. gi: mi. Orairu. * Genoa - Scudo, of 8 lire, of 1796 (J, i, &c. in proportion) . . - W. 0 8 21 9 20 14 10 457-4 5 3 87 Scudo of the Ligurian Republic W. 0 9i 21 9 20 11 2 454-3 5 3-43 Hambl/rgh - Ilixdollar, specie . - . W. 0 10 v. 18 17 21 12 397-5 4 7-49 Double mark, or 32 schilling piece (single in proportion) W. 2 3 11 18 9 11 8 210-3 2 5 DC, Piece of 8 schillings W. 3 12 3 8^ 2 6 4 50-1 0 6 99 Piece of 4 schillings W. 4 6 2 2 1 6 12 28 -3 0 3 95 Hanover Rixdoliar, Constitution W. 0 9 18 19 18 0 14 40()-3 7 8!) Florin, or piece of §, tine B. 0 16 8 10 9 0 10 200-3 2 3 -96 Half florin, or piece of ^, ditto B. 0 16 4 4 4 11 4 99-2 1 185 Quarter, or piece of 6 good gro- schen, ditto - - - B. 0 16 2 1 2 4 10 48-6 0 6-78 Florin, or piece of §, base W. 2 1 11 Of 8 23 15 199 6 2 3-87 Hesse Cassel Kixdollar, Convention W. 1 6 18 1 15 22 6 353- 4 1-39 Florin, or piece of § in proportion) Thaler of 1789 W. 1 6 9 0| 7 23 3 1768 'i 0-(i8 W. 0 lOi 12 7^ 11 17 5 2597 3 0-26 Ecu, Convention (1815) W. 1 6 17 23^ 15 21 2 349-3 4 0 77 Bon gros - - - W. 6 14 1 4 0 115 10-3 0 1'43 Holland Ducatoon - - B. 0 3 20 22 21 4 15 471-6 5 5 85 Piece of 3 florins W. 0 2 20 7 20 2 12 446 4 5 2-33 Rixdoliar (the assay varies) W. 0 16 18 6 16 20 8 375-9 4 4-99 Half rixdoliar . - - W. 0 16 9 0 8 8 8 185-4 2 188 Florin or guilder (| in proportion) - W. 0 4§ 6 18 6 14 14 146 8 8-i9 12 Stiver piece - - W. 0 16i 4 12 4 3 18 92-4 1 0 90 Florin of Batavia W. 0 5| 6 13 6 9 2 141 6 1 7/7 Rixdoliar, or 50 stiver piece, of the 16 13 18 kingdom of Holland W. 0 *5i 17 0 367-9 4 3-37 LUBEC - Rixdoliar, specie W. 0 13 18 8 17 15 12 39 19 4 6 72 Double mark - W. 2 3 11 18 9 11 8 2103 2 5-36 Mark - _ - W. 2 3 5 21 4 17 14 105 1 1 2-67 Lucca - Scudo . - - W. 0 3 17 0 16 18 10 372 3 4 3 98 Barbone - - W. 3 3 1 20i 1 7 14 29 3 0 4 09 Malta - Ounce of 30 tari of Emmanuel Pinto W. 2 5 19 li 15 4 14 537 4 11-11 2 Tari piece . - _ W. 2 19 1 2 0 19 2 17 7 0 2-41 Milan - Scudo of 6 lire (| in proportioni W. 0 7 14 20| 14 9 10 319-6 3 8-62 Lira, new W. 4 10 4 0 2 9 0 52-8 0 7-37 Lira, old - - - - W. 0 2 10 2 9 4 52 9 0 7-38 Scudo of the Cisalpine Republic W. 0 7 14 21| 14 10 4 320-2 3 871 Pieceof 30 soldi of ditto W. 2 18 4 17 3 11 8 77-2 0 10-78 Modena Scudo of 15 lire, 1739 (Rouble, &c. in proportion) . _ . W. 0 14 18 12^ 17 8 9 385-2 4 5-78 Scudo of 5 lire, of 1782 W. 0 3 5 19 5 17 2 126-8 1 5-70 Scudo of 1796 W. 3 3 18 If 12 22 12 287-4 4 13 Naples Ducat, new (| in proportion) W. 1 0 14 15 13 7 8 295 4 3 5-24 Piece of 12 Carlini of 1791 W. 1 0 17 15 16 0 18 356- 4 1-71 Ditto of 1796 ... W. 1 2 17 16f 15 22 12 353-9 4 1-41 Ditto of 1805 (1 in proportion) W. 1 2 17 18i 15 23 18 355-2 4 1-60 Ditto of 10 Carlini (1818) W. 1 2 14 18 13 7 0 295-1 3 5-i^O Netherlands Ducatoon, old - . B. 0 4 21 0 21 9 0 474-6 5 6-C7 Ducatoon of Maria Theresa W. 0 14 21 10 20 1 12 445-5 5 2 20 Crown (1, &c. in proportion) W. 0 14 19 0 17 19 4 395-2 4 7-18 5 Stiver piece - - . W. 6 3 3 4 1 9 18 31-3 0 4-37 Florin of 1790 ... W. 0 14 5 £3i 6 22 5 14 9 124-3 1 5-35 Florin of 18 16 W. 0 7i 6 16 6 148 -4 1 8-72 Half florin (with divisions in prop.) W. 4 5^ 5 11 3 9 2 15' 0 10-46 Parma - - Ducat of 1784 - - - W. 0 9 16 11 15 18 18 350 6 4 0-95 Ducat of 1796 (| in proportion) W. 0 5i 16 12f 16 2 18 357 '9 4 1-97 Piece of 3 lire - - - W. 1 4 4 14 4 2 2 90-7 1 0-66 Piedmont - Scudo, 1755 (I, &c. in proportion) - W. 0 5| 22 U 22 0 10 488-9 5 8-26 Scudo, 1770 (I and i in proportion) Piece of 2 lire (1714) W. 0 5 22 14 22 1 16 490- 5 8-42 W. 0 f 7 20^ 7 16 13 170-8 1 11-85 5 Franc piece (1801) W. 0 16 li 15 11 12 S43-7 3 11-99 Poland Rixdoliar, old - _ - Rixdoliar, new (1794) W. 1 2 18 1 16 6 0 360 8 4 2 38 W. 2 17 15 10| 11 11 6 254-3 2 11 51 Florin, or gulden W. 4 2 6 0 3 18 16 84 0 J 1-72 Portugal - New crusado (1690) W. 0 4 11 0 10 19 0 239-2 2 9 40 Ditto (1718) - - W. 0 61 9 8 9 10 2 3-95 Ditto (1795) W. 0 7 9 9 9 1 18 201-6 2 4-15 Doze vintems, or piece of 240 rees (1799) W. G 7 4 16 4 12 10 100-4 1 2 01 Testoon (1799) W. 0 7 2 Ok 1 22 18 43-4 0 6 06 New crusaKo (1809) W. 0 4 9 3 8 23 0 198-2 2 4-67 Seis vintems, or piece of 120 rees (1802) W. 0 9 2 4| 2 2 8 46-6 0 6-50 Testoon (1802) ... W. 0 9 2 0 ] 22 0 42-5 0 5-93 Tres vintems, or piece of 60 rees (1802) W. 0 9 1 2i 114 23-3 0 3-25 Half testoon (1802) - _ . W. 0 9 0 23 0 22 0 20-4 0 2-84 Portuguese ] Piece of 8 macutes, of Portuguese Colonies j Africa . - . \V. 0 9 7 12 7 4 14 159-8 I 10-31 Ditto of 6 ditto ... W. 0 9 5 13 5 7 12 118- 0 4-47 Dittoof 4 ditto . - . W. 0 9 3 16 3 12 8 78-1 1 10-90 Prussl\ *Rixdollar, Prussian currencj', (| in proportion) - - . W. 2 5 14 61 11 9 0 252-6 2 11-27 Rixdoliar, Convention W. 1 3 18 1 16 4 2 359- 4 2-13 Florin, or piece of § - - - \V. 2 11 2 8 22 S 198-4 2 3-70 • The Prussian coins, having been debased at different Y 2 periods, vary in their reports. 32^ COINS. COINS. Assay. Weight. Standard Weight. Contents in Pure Silver. Value in Sterling. Oz. d7vt. Drvt. gr. gr. mi. G rains. 3 d. Florin of Silesia - _ _ "W 2 9 11 7 16 0 170"3 1 11*78 Drittcl) or piece of 8 good groschen W^. 3 5 8f 3 20 4 85 3 0 11*91 Piece of 6 grosclien • _ W 2 g 3 14 2 19 6 62^'3 0 8 '69 xtOME - • Scudo, or crown (coined since 1753) W 0 4 17 1 16 17 13 371*5 4 3*87 Mezzo scudo or half-crown Testone (1785) - . - ^V. 0 4 8 12| 8 8 16 1857 2 1 yo W 0 5 5 2 4 23 4 110"3 3*40 Paolo (1785) . W 0 4 1 17 1 16 4 37 '2 0 5*19 Grosso, or half Paolo (1785) W. 0 0 20| 0 20 0 18 5 0 2*58 Scudo of the Roman Republic (1799) W. 0 g 17 1 16 13 18 368'1 4, 3 '40 Russia Ruble of Peter the Great W. 2 18 1 14 1 8 312'1 3 7*58 Ditto of Catherine I. (1725) W. 2 17 11 13 23 0 309 "9 3 7 -97 Ditto of Peter II. (1727) w! 2 12 18 5f 13 23 4 310" 3 7*28 Ditto of Anne (1734) w! 1 11 16 141 14 6 16 317 '2 3 8*29 Ditto of Elizabeth (1750) W. 1 16 12 14 11 16 321 "8 3 8*93 Ditto of Peter III. (1762) w! 2 2 15 10 12 12 0 271 '5 3 2*75 Ditto of Catherine II. (1780) W* 2 4 15 12 12 10 6 275 '9 3 2*52 Dittoof Paul (1799) w! 0 14 13 12 12 15 10 280 "8 3 3 21 Ditto of Alexander (1802) W. 0 13 13 11 17 7 2 273" 3 2*12 Ditto of ditto (1805) w! 0 16 13 12 12 12 12 2781 3 2*83 20 Copeck piece (1767) w! 2 2 3 10| 2 19 0 62 "6 8*74 Ditto (1784) - - W. 2 2 3 3 2 12 18 56 '2 0 7*84 15 Copeck piece (1778) w! 2 2 2 6 1 19 18 40 5 0 5 "65 10 Copeck piece ■ • - w! 2 5 2 1 1 14 16 35 "9 Q 5*11 Ditto (1798) - _ w! 0 1 9 1 6 16 28'5 3*97 Ditto (1802) ... w! 0 13 1 8| 1 6 11 28 "3 0 3*95 5 Copeck piece (1801) w! 0 13-1 0 16| 0 15 10 15 '3 0 2*13 Sardinia — Scudo, or crown (^ and s.in prop.) - Rix-dollar, Conventton (| and ^ in proportion) _ w! 0 15 2i 14 15 0 3247 3 9*34 W. 1 3 18 0 16 3 4 ooo'2 ^ 2*01 Piece of 16 groschen of Leipsic w! 2 2 9 9| 7 14 16 169*1 11*61 Rixdollar current of Saxe Gotha W. 4 4-i 18 1 114 2 248*1 2 10*64 J Thaler of 1804 - - W. 4 11 3 11 2 0 19 45*3 0 6*32 Ditto of 1808 - - w! 4 3 5^ 1 21 8 42*1 0 5*87 Ditto of Jerome Bonaparte of 1809 W. 5 4 3 17 1 23 6 43*7 0 610 Scudo (^ in proportion) * » w! 1 4 17 14 15 16 6 348'2 4 0*62 Piece of 40 grains w! 1 2 5 21 5 7 2 117*5 1 4*40 Spain - ^Dollar, of late coinage - « W. 0 8 17 8 16 17 0 370*9 4 3*79 Half dollar ditto ... Mexican peceta (1774) w! 0 8 8 16 8 8 10 185*4 2 1*88 W. 0 g 4 7J 4 3 16 92*3 0'88 Real of Mexican plate (1775) W. 0 8 2 3| 2 1 20 46*1 0 6*43 Peceta provincial of 2 reals of new plate ( 1775) _ . . W. 1 91 3 18 3 6 0 72*2 0 10*08 Real of new plate (1795) W. 1 1 21 1 15 0 36*1 0 5 04 c Rixdollar (1762) - - - W. 0 12 18 20 17 19 10 395*5 4 7*22 Rixdollar of late coinage -■ - W.' 0 18 17 17 12 0 388*5 4 6*28 Switzerland EcUy or rixdollar of Lucerne, ^, &c, in proportion (1715) - " W. 0 14i 17 8i 8 14^ 16 5 8 360*1 4 2*28 Old gulden^or florin of Lucerne (1714) w! 1 19 7 2 8 157*5 9*99 Ecu of 40 batzen of Lucerne (1796) w! 0 5 19 0 18 13 14 4 J 2*3 4 9*57 Half ditto . w! 1 2 9 20 8 20 12 196*7 2 3 "46 Florin, or piece of 40 schillings of 1"51 Lucerne (1793) - W. 1 5 4 22 4 8 14 96*8 1 Ecu of 40 batzen of the Helvetic W. 0 6 . _ 409*5 9*18 Republic, 1798 (§ in proportion) - 18 23 10 in lo 10 14 4 Ecu of 4 franken (1801) W. 0 7 . 18 23 18 8 12 407*6 4 9*18 A URK.EY ~ Piastre of Selim of 1801 w! 5 6 8 6 4 7 8 95 7 1 1*36 Piastre of Crim Tartary (1778) w! 6 13 10 5 4 2 4 90*9 0*69 Piastre of Tunis (1787) W. 6 10 0 4 8 6 96*5 1 1*47 Piastre (1818) - - - W. 5 14 6 6J 3 14 67*7 0 9*45 1 USCANY - Piece of 10 Paoli of the Kingdom of Etruria (1801) - _ - W. 0 4 17 loi 17 5 18 382*9 4 5*46 Scudo Pisa of ditto (1803) W, 0 2 17 12 17 8 4 385*0 4 5 "76 Piece of 10 lire ditto (1803) B. 0 7 25 6 26 1 12 578*7 6 8 "80 Lira (1803) - - B. 0 7 2 8 2 9 16 53*4 0 7*45 United States f Dollar, 1795 (|, &c. in proportion) W. 0 6i 7 17 8 16 19 16 373*5 4 415 Dollar (1798) W. 0 17 10| 16 21 6 374 9 4 4 "35 Dollar (1802) w! 0 IDA 17 10 16 14 0 368*3 4 3 "42 Dollar, an average of 8 years W 0 Oa 17 8 16 16 0 370 1 4 3 "68 Dime, or one-tenth dollar (1796) - w] 0 4 1 191 5 19i 1 18 14 39*5 Q 5"71 Half dime (1796) W. 0 7 •0 21 0 19*5 Q 2"72 Venice Piece of 2 lire, or 24 creutzers (1800) W. 8 41 1 12 2 33*4 Q 4 "66 Ditto of 2 lire, called moneta pro- vinciale (1808) W. 8 3 5 lof 1 11 8 32*8 0 4*58 Ditto of 2 lire, 1802 (| and \ in prop.) W. 8 4 5 65 1 8 19 30 5 0 4 25 WlBTEMBERQ Rixdollar, specie - - - Copftsuck - W. 1 3 18 1 16 14 2 359*1 4 214 W. 4 2 4 16| 2 16 12 59 '8 0 8"35 EAST INDIES. Rui>ee Sicca, coined by the East India Company at Calcutta B. 0 13 7 11| 7 22 0 175*8 2 0*54 Calcutta (1818) stand. 8 0 8 0 0 17,) 9 2 0*56 Bombay, new, or Surat (1818) W. 0 Oi 7 11 7 10 4 1647 1 11*01 Fanam, Cananore - - - W. 0 1 llf 1 11 10 3'2*9 0 4*5 Bombay, old Pontlicherry - - . B. 0 13 1 llf 1 13 16 35* 0 4*88 B. 0 1 Oi 1 1 2 22-8 0 3-18 Ditto, double W. 0 ? 1 182 1 18 2 39* 0 5*44 Gulden of the Dutch E. I. Co. (1820) W. 0 7^ 6 22 6 16 6 148-4 872 * This is the coin which is universally circulated under the name of the Spanish dollar. + The American dollars, and inferior silver pieces of late coinage, vary in fineness from W. 4 dwts. to W. Oj dwts. COINS. 325 The sterling value of the foreign coins, in the foregoing tables, has been computed from the assays as follows : — Let it be required to assign the value in sterling, of a French double Louis d'or coined since 1786, the assay master's report being as follows: — " Weight, 9dwts. HOgrs. ; assay W. IJ grs.," that is, 0 car. 1| grs. worse than the English standard. We proceed as under : — From 22 car. 0 gr. the fineness of English standard gold. Take 0 1 J gr. Remains 21 2i Then, as 22 car. : 21 car. 2^ grs. : : 9dwts. 20 grs. : 9dwts. 16 grs., the standard gold contained in the Louis d'or ; and hence, as 1 oz. : 31. lis. lOfrf. : : 9 dwts. 16 grs. : 1/. 175. 7^rf., the value of the Louis in sterling money, and so (or any of the other coins. Ancient Coins. — We subjoin, for the convenience of such of our readers as may at anytime have occasion to consult works in which reference is made to ancient coins, the following tables of those that were principally current among tlie Jews, Greeks, and Romans. They were calculated by Dr. Arbiithnot {Tables of Ancient Coins, Weights, &c. 4to ed. Lond. 1754.), and do not differ materially trom trie laoies of Paucton, whose Metrologie (4to. Paris, 1780.) is the most complete and elaborate work that has ever been published with resi)ect to ancient monies, weights, and measures. At the same time we confess we should not be disposed to place much reliance on these tables, and we have elsewhere stated our reasons for holding this opinion. — (Art. Money, Supp. to Encyc. Britannica.) Names and Proportions. Gerah Jewish Coins, •V alue in SterlinR. £ s. d. „ 0 0 ligu 10 Bekah 0 1 20~ Shekel 0 2 Si 1,200 120 50 Man eh 7 Mina Hebraica $ 5 14 Of 60,000 6,000 3,000 60 [ Talent 342 3 9 Solidus aureus, or sextula, worth Siclus aureus, worth A talent of gold, worth Lepton 0 12 01 1 16 6 5,475 0 0 Grecian Coins. d. grs. 0 0^ Chalcus 0 0 14 2 Dichalcus 0 0 28 4 2 Hemiobolum 0 0 56 8 4 2 Obolus 0 1 Is 112 16 8 4 2 Die )bolum 0 2 224 32 16 8 4 2 Tetrobolum 0 5 o| 336 48 24 li" 6 3 H Drachma 0 7 3 662 96 48 24 li" ~~6 3 2 Die rachma 1 3 2 1,324 112 So 48 24 12 6 4 2 Tetradrachma - 2 7 0 1,660 384 120 60 30 15 7i 5 21 li 1 Pentadrachma 3 2 3 Of these, the drachma and didrachma were of silver ; the rest, for the most part, of brass. The drachma is here, with the generality of authors, supposed equal to the denarius : though there is reason to believe that the drachma was somewhat the weightier. Value in Sterliiuj. .£ s. d. 16 If The Grecian gold coin was the stater aureus, weighing 2 Attic drachms, or half of the \ ^ stater argenteus ; and exchanging usually for 23 Attic drachmas of silver - -3 But according to our proportion of gold to silver it was worth - - -10 9 There were likewise the stater Cyzicenus, exchanging for 28 Attic drachmas, or - 0 18 1 The stater Philippicus, and stater Alexandrinus, were of the same value. Stater Daricus, according to Josephus, worth 50 Attic drachmas, or - • 1 12 3| Stater Croesius, of the same value. Value and Proportion of the Roman Coins. Teruncius Sembella 20 1 40 Libella As Sestertius Quinarius Victoriatus Denarius Sterling. s. d. grs. 0 TUS 0 0 s-nj 0 0 3 3| 0 7 S y 3 S26 COIR.— COLONIES. £ s. d. The Roman gold coin, or aureus weighed generally double the denarius; its value, 7 , . „, according to the proportion of gold to silver, mentioned by Pliny, was - . 3 ^ * According to the proportion that now obtains amongst us - - - 1 0 9 According to the decuple proportion mentioned by Livy and Julius Pollux - - 0 12 11 According to the proportion mentioned by Tacitus, by which the aureus exchanged for 7 ^ ^, 25 denarii, its value - - - - • . j " -lo COIR, a species of yarn manufactured out of the husk of cocoa nuts. The husks being steeped in water, the dry dusty substance mixed with the fibres is separated. These are afterwards spun into yarn, and manufactured into cordage, that is deemed by some superior to that made of hemp. The goodness of coir depends on the fineness of the filaments, and on their being of a bright yellow colour. About 3,000,000 lbs. weight are annually exported from Ceylon, principally to Calcutta, and other ports in the East Indies. It is also prepared in the Maldive Islands, and many other places ; and is very extensively used throughout the East. — {BertolaccVs Ceylon 1 Bell's Commerce of Bengal, 8^c.) COLOCYNTHIS, COLOQUINTIDA, or BITTER CUCUMBER (Ger. Koloquinten ; Du. Bitter-appelen ; Fr. Coloquintes j It. Coloquijitida ; Sp. Coloquintidas; Arab, and Pers. Hunzil), the produce of an annual plant {Cucumis colocynthis Lin.) growing in Turkey, Nubia, India, and other places, much resembling the cucumber in herbage. When ripe, the fruit is peeled and dried in a stove ; and in this state is brought to England. It is inodorous, but has an extremely bitter, nauseous taste. It is an exceedingly powerful drastic cathartic. When it is larger than a St. Michael's orange, and has black acute pointed ends, it is not good. — (Ainslie's Materia Indica.) COLONIES. — COLONY TRADE. — Colonies are establishments founded in foreign countries by individuals who either voluntarily emigrate from, or are forcibly sent abroad by, their mother country. The colony trade is the trade carried on between colonies and their parent states. I. Establishment of Colonies. II. Influence of the Monopoly of the Colony Trade. — Slavery. III. Magnitude, Population, Trade, &c. of British Colonies. IV. Regulations under which Colony Trade is conducted. — Disposal op Land in the Colonies, &c. V. Foreign Colonies. I. Establishment of Colonies. (1.) Greek Colonies. — Various motives have, in different countries and ages, led to the formation of colonies. * The Greek colonies of antiquity seem to have been chiefly founded by citizens whom the violence and fury of contending factions forced to leave their native land ; but they were sometimes formed for the purpose of relieving the mother country of a redundant population, and sometimes also for the purpose of extending the sphere of commercial transactions, or of providing for their security. The relations between the mother country and the colony depended, in a great measure, on the motives which led to the establishment of the latter. When a colony was founded by fugitives, forcibly expelled from their ancient homes ; or when it was founded, as was frequently the case, by bodies of voluntary emigrants, who received no assistance from, and were in no respect controlled by, the parent state, it was from the first independent : and even in those rarer cases in which the emigration was conducted under the superintendence of the parent city, and when the colony was protected by her power and influence, the dependence was, mostly, far from being absolute and complete. The great bulk of the Greek colonies were really independent states ; and though they commonly regarded the land of their forefathers with filial respect, though they yielded to its citizens the place of distinction at public games and religious solemnities, and were expected to assist them in time of war, they did so as allies only, on fair and equal terms, and never as subjects. Owing to the freedom of their institutions, and their superiority in the arts of civilised life to the native inhabitants of the countries among whom they were generally placed, these colonies rose, in a comparatively short period, to a high pitch of opulence and refinement ; and many among them, as Miletus and Ephesus in Asia Minor, Syracuse and Agrigentum in Sicily, and Tarentum and Locri in Italy, not only equalled, but greatly surpassed, their mother cities in wealth and power. • Seneca has given, in a few words, a very clear and accurate statement of the different motives that induced the ancients to found colonies. — *' Nec omnibus eadem causa relinquendi qucerendique patriam Juit. Alios excidia urbium suarum, hostilibus armis elapsos, in aliena, spo/iatos stiis, e.rpulerunt : Alios domcstica seditio submovit : Alios nimia superflucntis populi frcquentia, ad exonerandas vires, emisit : Alms pestilentia, aut frequcns tcrrarum hiatus, aut aliqua intoleranda infelicis soli cjecerunt : Quosdam Jf'-rfilis ores, et in majus laudatce, fama corrupit : Alios alia causa excivlt domilms suis." — (Consol. ad Helviam, c. 6.) COLONIES. (2.) Roman Colonies. — The Roman colonics were, for the most part, founded by and ander the authority of government ; being intended to serve both as outlets for poor and discontented citizens, and as military stations, or garrisons, to secure the subjection of the conquered provinces over which they were scattered. The most intimate political union was always maintained between them and the mother city. I'heir internal govern- ment was modelled on that of Rome; and, while their superior officers were mostly sent from the capital, they were made to contribute their full quota of troops and taxes, to assist in carrying on the contests in which the Republic was almost constantly engaged. (3.) Spanish Colonies. — The early colonies of most modern nations were founded by private adventurers, influenced either by the hope of gain, or by a desire to escajje from religious persecution, without any wish to relieve the mother country of a surplus population, or to bridle subjugated provinces. On their first institution, therefore, the modern colonies approached, though with some essential variations, more nearly to the Grecian than the Roman model — but the period of their freedom was of very limited duration. They were very soon subjected to laws and regulations framed in the metropolis, and calculated, as was to be supposed, rather to promote its interests than those of the colony. At a somewhat later period the foundation of colonial establish- ments was eagerly patronised by most European governments, in the view of extending commerce, and of enriching the mother country, by securing to her the exclusive pos- session of the market of distant countries ; and where, from the thinness of the abo- riginal population, or their inferiority in the arts of civilised life, the colonists were enabled to amass fortunes with compai-ative rapidity. The Spaniards who first resorted to America after its discovery, had no intention of settling in the country, or of colonising it. The idea that gold and silver alone con- stituted wealth was then universally prevalent ; and the bold and enterprising companions and followers of Columbus, instead of engaging in industrious undertakings, which they neither understood nor relished, sought only to enrich themselves by phmdering the feeble and defenceless natives of the gold and silver in their possession, and of the abund- ance of which the most exaggerated accounts were immediately spread throughout Europe. When new adventurers arrived on an unknown coast, their single inquiry was, whether it abounded in gold. If it did, they remained, for some time at least, in the covmtry ; if not, they immediately set sail for some other quarter. Auri rahida sitis a cultura Hispanos divertit, is the expressive statement of a contemporary writer ( Petrus Martyrus, in the Novus Orbis of Grynaeus, p. 511.). The slow progress of the Spanish colonies, after their first discovery, must principally be ascribed to this cause. The gold and silver accumulated by the natives were very soon exhausted ; and the skill and energy of the successive swarms of adventurers, who continued to pour into the country, were principally directed to the unproductive and generally ruinous trade of mining. The few large fortunes that were made in this way, like the large prizes in a lottery, inflamed the cupidity of the multitude, and gave an appearance of credibility to the fabulous accounts of the excessive productiveness of the mines. After the gambling spirit which had exclusively actuated the early adventurers had begun to subside, the colonists gra- dually betook themselves to agricultural and commercial pursuits : and the vast variety of valuable productions with which Mexico and the other Spanish colonies abound, the extreme richness of their soil, and their advantageous situation, would, had they been only tolerably well governed, have occasioned their rapid increase in wealth and civilis- ation. But a blind and intolerant despotism paralysed their energies, and fettered and retarded their progress. All the abuses and defects of the government of Old Spain were transferred to, and multiplied in, the colonies. The whole property of those vast regions was considered as vested in the crown of Spain ; and every law or regulation, whether of a local or general nature, aflfecting their government, emanated from the council of the Indies, in which it was supposed the king was always present. We cannot stop to describe the sort of regulations to which the colonists were subjected with any degree of minuteness ; but we may notice a few of them, to furnish the means of judging of their general spirit and probable effect. It was, for example, made a capital offence to carry on any intercourse with foreigners; and the inhabitants of the different colonies were even forbidden any intercourse with each other, unless under the strictest and most vexatious regulations. There were several articles, such as flax, hemp, and wine, which they were not permitted to cultivate ; at the same time that the crown re- served to itself the monopoly of salt, tobacco, gunpowder, and some other less important articles. The alcavala, and other oppressive imposts, which had proved destructive of industry in Old Spain, were rigorously levied as well on the exports as on the imports of the colonies. No situation of power or emolument could be filled except by a native of Old Spain. The Catholic religion was established, to the exclusion of every other ; and bishops, tithes, and the inquisition, followed in its train : while, in order still better to consolidate and strengthen the foundations of this monstrous despotism, the government 328 COLONIES AND endeavoured to make the colonists insensible of their degradation, by proscribing every species of instruction, and watchfully opposing the introduction and progress of all useful knowledge ! Under such circumstances, we cannot be surprised that the Continental colonists, among whom the monopoly system was maintained in its greatest purity, should have languished for above two centuries in a state of sluggish inactivity. Though surrounded by all the means of producing wealth, they were not generally wealthy. Oppression rendered them indolent ; and went far to deprive them not only of the power, but also of the wish, to emerge from poverty. The progress of the colonists who occupied the West India islands was not quite so slow. It is certain, however, that down to the middle of last century, Spain reaped no greater advantage from the possession of Cuba, Hispaniola, and Forto Rico, than England or France from the smallest of its dependencies. In proof of this we may mention, that the noble island of Cuba, which could without difficulty supply all Europe with sugar, did not, in 1750, produce a sufficient quantity even for the con- sumption of Old Spain. But the combined influence of an arbitrary and intolerant government, and of a degrading superstition, could not balance the means of improve- ment, which the fertility of the soil, and the command thence arising over most of the necessaries and many of the conveniences of life, gave to the colonists. Owing also to the total incapacity of Old Spain to furnish her transatlantic provinces with a sufficient supply of the articles she had forced them to import from Europe, and the consequent extension of the contraband trade carried on with them by the other European nations, she had been compelled gradually to relax the severity of her commercial monopoly. A new impulse was thus given to the spirit of industry. The colonists began to be more sensible of the natural advantages of their situation, and less inclined to submit to the blind and bigoted policy of the Spanish court. In 1781, a rebellion broke out in Peru, in consequence of an attempt made by the government to establish a new monopoly in that province, which threatened to end in the total dissolution of the connection between Spain and South America, and was not quelled without great difficulty and much blood- shed. But the spirit of liberty, when once excited, could not be suppressed. It con- tinued to gain ground progressively, until the commencement of the late contest between France and Spain interrupted the communication with the mother country, and gave the colonists an opportunity of proclaiming that independence which, after a lengthened and bloody struggle, they happily succeeded in achieving. (4.) British Colonies. — The English, who, like all the other nations of Europe, naa been impressed with mingled feelings of admiration and envy by the extent and im- portance of the acquisitions made by the Spaniards in the New World, speedily entered with enthusiasm and ardour into the career of discovery. Owing, however, to the bull which Ferdinand and Isabella had obtained from the Pope, conveying to them the ample donation of all the countries inhabited by infidels that the Spaniards had discovered, or might discover, the English, to avoid encroaching on the dominions of their rivals, directed their effi3rts further to the north. Several attempts to found colonies on the coast of America were made in the reign of Elizabeth by Sir Hum- phrey Gilbert, Sir Richard Grenville, Sir Walter Raleigh, and others. But in conse- quence of their ignorance of the country, the deficiency of their supplies of provisions, the loss of time in fruitless searches after gold, and the various difficulties incident to the first settlement of a colony, none of these attempts proved successful : and it was not until 1607, that a small body of adventurers founded the first permanent establish- ment of the English in America, at James Town in Virginia. Letters patent were granted in 1609, by King James, to the principal persons resident in London, by whom the expense attending the formation of the colony was to be defrayed, incorporating them into a company, and establishing a council in England for the direction of their proceedings, the members of which were to be chosen by, and removeable at the pleasure of, the majority of th6 partners of the company ; permitting whatever was necessary for the support and sustenance of the colony for the first 7 years to be exported free of duty ; declaring that the colonists and their descendants were to be secured in all the rights and privileges of Englishmen, the same as if they had remained at home, or been born in England ; and reserving only, as the stipulated price of these concessions, and in imitation of the policy of the Spaniards, one fifth part of the gold and silver ore to be found in the colonies, which was to be paid to his Majesty and his successors in all time to come. In virtue of these powers, the company issued, in 1621, a charter or ordinance, which gave a legal and permanent form to the constitution of the colony. By this charter the supreme legislative authority was lodged, partly in the governor, who held the place of the sovereign, partly in a council of state named by tlie com- pany, and partly in a general council, or assembly composed of the representatives of the people, in which were vested powers and privileges similar to those of the House of Commons. It was not long, however, before the king and the company quarrelled. The latter were in consequence divested of all their rights, partly by open violence, and COLONY TRADE. partly under colour of law, without compensation, after having expended upwards of 150,000/. in founding the colony ; and a governor and council of state appointed by the king succeeded to the powers of those appointed by the committee. — (^liobertsori's His- tory of America, book ix. passim; Jefferson's Notes on Viryinia, p. 179.) The founders of the colony in Virginia had been actuated solely by the hopes of gain : but the colonies that were soon after established in New England, were chiefly planted by men wlio fled from religious and political persecution. The form of govern- ment in the New England colonies, though at first modified a good deal by the peculiar religious opinions entertained by the colonists, was in its leading principles essentially free. For a considerable period, the colonists elected their own governors, coined money, and exercised most of the riglits of sovereignty ; while the English, wholly engrossed with the contest between freedom and prerogative at home, had no leisure to attend to their proceedings. Subsequently to the Restoration, however, the govern- ments of most of the New England states were established nearly on the same footing as that of Virginia ; which, indeed, became the favourite model, not only for the consti- tution of the colonies established on the Continent, with the exception of the proprietary governments of Pennsylvania and Maryland, but also for those that were established in the West India islands. But under every vicissitude of government and fortune, the New England colonists were distinguished by the same ardent and enthusiastic love of liberty that had first induced them to quit their native land. Every thing relating to the internal regulation and administration of the different colonies was determined, in the colonial assemblies, by representatives freely chosen by the settlers. The personal liberty of the citizens was well secured and vigilantly protected. And if we except the restraints on their commerce, the monopoly of which was jealously guarded by the mother country, the inhabitants of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New England, enjoyed nearly the same degree of freedom, when colonists of England, that they now enjoy as citizens of the powerful republic of North America. Their progress in wealth and population was in consequence ^juite unprecedented in the history of the world. The white population of the colonies had increased in 1776, at the commencement of the revolutionary war, to above 2,000,000, and the value of the exports from Great Britain to them amounted to about 1,300,000Z. a year ! It is not difficult to discover the causes of the unexampled prosperity and rapid growth of our North American colonies, and generally of all colonies placed under similar circumstances. The North American colonists carried with them a knowledge of the arts and sciences practised by a civilised and polished people. They had been trained from their infancy to habits of industry and subordination. They were practi- cally acquainted with the best and wisest form of civil polity that had been established in Europe ; and they were placed in a situation that enabled them, without difficulty, to remedy its defects, and to try every institution by the test of utility. But the thin- ness of the aboriginal population, and the consequent facility of obtaining inexhaustible supplies of fertile and unoccupied land, must certainly be placed at the liead of all the causes which have promoted the rapid increase of wealth and population in the United States, and in all the other colonies both of North and South America. On the first foundation of a colony, and for long after, each colonist gets an ample supply of land of the best quality ; and having no rent, and scarcely any taxes, to pay, his industry neces- sarily becomes exceedingly productive, and he has every means, and every motive, to amass capital. In consequence, he is eager to collect laboiirers from all quarters, and is both willing and able to reward them with high wages. But these high wages afford the means of accumulation, and, joined to the plenty and cheapness of the land, speedily change the more industrious labourers into proprietors, and enable them, in their turn, to become the employers of fresh labourers ; so that every class participates in the gene- ral improvement, and capital and population advance with a rapidity hardly conceivable in old settled and fully peopled countries. It has been frequently said, that the establishment of our American and West India colonies was a device of the supporters of the exclusive or mercantile system — that they founded them in the view of raising up a vast agricultural population, whose commerce should be confined entirely to an exchange of their raw products for our manufactured goods. There is, however, no truth in these assertions. On the contrary, the charters granted to the founders of the settlement in Virginia distinctly empower the colonists ti carry on a- direct iyitercourse with foreign states. Nor were they slow to avail themselves of this permission ; for they had, so early as 1620, established tobacco warehouses in Middleburgh and Flushing — (Robertsoii's America, book ix. p. 104.); and the subse- quent proceedings of the British government, depriving them of this freedom of com- merce, were the chief cause of those disputes, which broke out, in 1676, in an open rebellion of ominous and threatening import. — (Bobertson's America, p. 147.) It was not until the colonists had surnwunted the difficulties and hardships incident to their first establishment, and had begun Xo increase rapidly in wealth, that their commerce 330 COLONIES AND became an object of importance, and that regulations were framed in the view of restrict- ing its freedom, and of rendering it peculiarly advantageous to the mother country. The act of 1650, passed by the republican parliament, laid the first foundations of the monopoly system, by confining the import and export trade of the colonies exclusively to British or colony built ships. But the famous Navigation Act of 1660(12 Charles 2. c. 18.) went much further. It enacted, that certain specified articles, the produce of the colonies, and since well known in commerce by the name of enumerated articles, should not be exported directly from the colonies to any foreign country ; but that they should first be sent to Britain, and there unladen (the words of the act are, laid upon the shore), before they could be forwarded to their final destination. Sugar, molasses, ginger, fustic, tobacco, cotton, and indigo, were originally enumerated ; and the list was subse- quently enlarged by the addition of coffee, hides and skins, iron, corn, lumber, &c. In 1739, the monopoly system was so far relaxed, that sugars were permitted to be carried directly from the British plantations to any port or place southward of Cape Finisterre ; but the conditions under which this indulgence was granted, continued so strict and numerous down to 1 803, when they ^ere a good deal simplified, as to render it in a great degree nugatory — (^Edwards's West Indies, vol. ii. p. 452. ed. 1819.) ; and with this exception, the oppressive and vexatious restrictions on their direct exportation to foreign countries were maintained on most of the other enumerated commodities of any importance, down to the recent alterations. But besides compelling the colonists to sell their produce exclusively in the English markets, it was next thought advisable to oblige them to buy such foreign articles as they might stand in need of entirely from the merchants and manufacturers of England. For this purpose it was enacted, in 1663, that " no commodity of the growth, production, or manufacture of Europe, shall be imported into the British plantations, but such as are laden and put on board in England, Wales, or Berwick-upon-Tweed, and in English built shipping, whereof the master and three fourths of the crew are English." The preamble to this statute, which effectually excluded the colonists from every market for European produce, except that of England, assigns the motive for this restriction to be, *' the maintaining a greater correspondence and kindness between the subjects at home and those in the plantations ; keeping the colonies in a firmer dependence on the mother country ; making them yet more beneficial to it, in the further employment and increase of English shipping, and the vent of English manufactures and commodities ; rendering the navigation to and from them more safe and cheap ; and making this kingdom a staple, not only of the commodities of the plantations, but also of the commodities of other countries and places for their supply ; it being the usage of other nations to keep their plantation trade exclusively to themselves." It was also a leading principle in the system of colonial policy, adopted as well by England as by the other European nations, to discoui-age all attempts to manufacture such articles in the colonies as could be provided for them by the mother country. The history of our colonial system is full of efforts of this sort ; and so essential was this prin- ciple deemed to the idea of a colony, that Lord Chatham did not hesitate to declare, in his place in parliament, that " the British colonists of North America had no right to manufacture even a nail for a horseshoe!'''' — (^Edwards's West Indies, vol. ii. p. 566.) And when such were the enactments made by the legislature, and such the avowed sentiments of a great parliamentary leader and a friend to the colonies, we need not be surprised at a declaration of the late Lord SheflReld, who did no more, indeed, than express the opinion of almost all the merchants and politicians of his time, when he affirmed that " THE ONLY use of American colonies or West India islands is the monopoly of their con- sumption, and the carriage of their produce!" , ir. Influence of the Monopoly of the Colony Trade. — Slavery. It is not necessary to enter into any lengthened disquisitions with respect to this part of our subject. The rules by which we are to form our judgment upon it, are unfolded in the article Commerce. Here it is sufficient to observe, in the first place, that, though it could be shown that restrictions on the colony trade were really advantageous to the mother country, that is not enough to prove that they should be adopted. In dealing with a colony, we are not dealing with a foreign country, but with an integral part of our own empire. And hence, in order to show that restrictions on the colony trade are ad- vantageous, it must not merely be shown that they are beneficial to the mother coimtry, but it must further be shown that they are beneficial, or, at all events, not injurious, to the colony. The advantage of one part of the empire is not to be purchased by the de- pression of some other part. The duty of government is to promote the prosperity, and to maintain the equal rights and privileges of all ; not to enrich one class, or one province, at the expense of others. This principle is decisive of the wliole question. Owing to the identity of language, manners, and reliirion, the merchants of the mother country must always liave very great COLONY TRADE. 331 advantages in the colony markets ; and if the commodities which they have to sell be about as suitable for tliem, and as low priced, as those of others, none else will be im- ported into them ; but if they be not, it would plainly be to the injury of the colony to compel her to buy from the mother coimtry what she might procure cheaper from others. It will immediately be seen that such forced sale could be of no real advantage to the mother country ; but whether that were so or not, its mischievous influence upon the colony is manifest. Were Jamaica, for example, obliged-to import any article from England which cost her 100,000/. a year more than she could procure a similar article for elsewhere, she would manifestly lose this amount ; and though it were true that every shilling of this sum found its way as extra profit into the pockets of the merchants or manufacturers of England, that would be no sufficient justification of the policy of such a system. The protection due by a government to its subjects does not depend on the varying degrees of latitude and longitude under which they happen to live. It would not be more glaringly unjust to lay peculiar burdens on the Lothians for the sake of Middlesex, than it is to lay them on Jamaica for the sake of England. In point of fact, however, the monopoly of the colony trade is of no real use, but the reverse, to the mother country. If, as has been ali-eady observed, she can supply her colonists with goods as cheaply as they can be supplied by others, she will have no competitors in their markets ; and if she cannot do this, the monopoly is really hostile to her interests. Each country has some natural or acquired capabilities that enable her to carry on certain branches of industry more advantageously than any one else. But the fact of a country being liable to be undersold in the markets of her colonies, shows conclusively, that instead, of having any superiority, she labours under a disadvantage, as compared with others, in the production of the peculiar articles in demand in them. And hence, in providing a forced market in the colonies for articles that we should not other- wise be able to dispose of, we really engage a portion of the capital and labour of the country in a less advantageous channel than that into which it would naturally have flowed. We impress upon it an artificial direction ; and withdraw it from those secure and really beneficial businesses in which it would have been employed, to engage it in businesses the existence of which depends only on the continuance of oppressive regu- lations, and in which we are surpassed by foreigners. Even were it conceded that the possession of an outlet in the colonies for goods that could not otherwise be disposed of, was an advantage, it is one that can exist in theory only. Practically it can never be realised. The interests of the colonists, and the dexterity and devices of the smuggler, are too much for Custom-house regulations. Cheap goods never fail of making their way through every obstacle. All the tyrannical laws and guarda castas of Old Spain did not hinder her colonies from being glutted with prohibited commodities. And we may be assured that the moment a competitor appears in the field capable of supplying the Canadians and people of Jamaica with cottons, woollens, hardware, &c. cheaper than we can supply them, that moment will they cease to be our customers. All the revenue officers, and all tlie ships of England, supposing them to be employed for that purpose, would be unable to avert this result. The consequences of the American war ought to have led to sounder opinions than those that are still current as to the value of the monopoly of the colony trade. Has the independence of the United States been in any respect .injurious to us? So far from this, it is certain that it has redounded materially to our advantage. We have been re- lieved from the expense and trouble of governing extensive countries at a great distance from our shores, at the same time that we have continued to reap all the advantage that we previously reaped from our intercourse with them. It is visionary to imagine that we could have succeeded either in preventing them from establishing manufactories at home, or from importing products from abroad, had any one been able to undersell us. Our command of the American market depends, at this moment, on the very same principle — the comparative cheapness of our goods — on which it depended when we had a governor in every state. So long as we preserve this advantage, we preserve the only means by which the monopoly of any distant market can be maintained, and the only means by which such monopoly is rendered of the least advantage. But it is not to be supposed that, because restrictions on the trade of colonies can be of no real advantage to their mother countries, they are not often very injurious to them and to the colonies. We could not, however anxious, exclude manufactured articles, and such foreign goods as are valuable without being very bulky, from our West India islands, provided they were off'ercd cheaper by others. But such is not the case with lumber, provisions, &c. They are too bulky to be easily smuggled ; and may be, and indeed are, very much raised in price by restrictions on their importation. For many years past, all direct intercourse between our West India colonies and the United States was inter- dicted ; and, in consequence, the planters were compelled either to supply themselves with lumber, staves, &c. by a distant voyage from Canada, or, which was by far the most common practice, from the United States, through the circuitous and expensive channel 332 COLONIES AND of St. Thomas and other neutral islands ! In papers laid by the West India merchants and planters before the House of Commons (No. 120. Session 1831), they estimate the increased expense they thus incurred on lumber, staves, flour, shingles, fish, &c. at 15 per rent, of the entire value of these articles, or at 187,576/. a year. And it will be observed, lhat no part of this sum went into the pockets of any British merchant. It went wholly to indemnify the Americans and others for being obliged to bring their products round about by St. Thomas, instead of direct from the States. This system grew out of the American war ; but it is due to Mr. Pitt to state that it received no countenance from him. On the contrary, he introduced a bill, in 1785, for reviving the beneficial intercourse that existed previously to the war, between the United States and the West India islands. But being opposed by a powerful party in parliament, and by the ship owners and Canada merchants, he was obliged reluctantly to withdraw the bill. The following remarks of Mr. Bryan Edwards on this subject are as applicable at this moment, as they were at the period (1794) when they were written. " This," says he, " is not a business of selfishness or faction ; nor (like many of those questions which are daily moved in parliament merely to agitate and perplex government) can it be dismissed by a vote. It will come forward again and again, and haunt admi- nistration in a thousand hideous shapes, until a more liberal policy shall take place ; for no folly can possibly exceed the notion that any measures pm-sued by Great Biitain will prevent the American states from having, some time or other, a commercial intercourse with our West Indian territories on their own terms. With a chain of coast of 20° of latitude, possessing the finest harbours for the purpose in the world, all lying so near the sugar colonies and the track to Europe, with a country abounding in every thing the islands have occasion for, and which they can obtain no where else ; all these circum- stances necessarily and naturally lead to a commercial intercourse between our islands and the United States. It is true we may ruin our sugar colonies, and ourselves also, in the attempt to prevent it ; but it is an experiment which God and nature have marked out as impossible to succeed. The present restraining system is forbidding men to help each other ; men who, by their necessities, their climate, and their productions, are standing in perpetual need of mutual assistance, and able to supply it." — (^Hist. West Indies, Preface to 2d ed. ) We have also thought fit to interdict the West Indians from the refining, or, as it is technically termed, the claying of sugars. This is one of the few manufactures that might be advantageously set up in the islands. The process adds considerably to the value of sugar ; and it might be carried on in the buildings, and by the hands, that are required to boil the cane, or to prepare the raw or muscovado sugar. Instead, however, of being allowed to refine their sugars on the spot, and where it might be done for a third of the expense that is required in England, the planters have been prohibited from engaging in this branch of industry ; and have been obliged to export all their sugars, either raw or crushed, to England. Nothing can exceed the oppressiveness of such a regulation ; and what is most singular, it has not been enforced, like most regulations of the sort, in order to bolster up any of the leading interests of the country, but merely to give a factitious employment to a very small class, — that of the sugar refiners, whose natural residence is in the West Indies. The planters and merchants estimate the loss caused by this preposterous regulation at 75,5501. a year. The distillation of spirits from sugar has only been occasionally allowed ; but pro- vided the duties were so adjusted as to give no advantage to the planters over the growers of barley, or to the latter over the former, we think the distillers should be, at all times, allowed to distil indiscriminately from sugar, molasses, or grain. It is the duty of government to take care that the duties be so arranged as to give no unfair advantage to any party over another ; but, having done this, it should do nothing more. To prohibit distillation from sugar, that a forced market may be opened for grain ; or distillation from grain, that a forced market may be opened for sugar ; are interferences with the freedom of industry, for which no good reason has been, nor we believe can be, assigned. The interests of the planters have been sacrificed in many other ways besides those now pointed out, in the view of securing some illusory advantage to our merchants and ship-owners. Perseverance in this line of policy is the less excusable, as it is in direct opposition to the principle of the measures introduced by Mr. Robinson (ni>w Lord Goderich) in 1822, and Mr. Huskisson in 1825; and sanctioned by the legislature. The avowed object of these measures was the subversion of the old colonial system, and the repeal of the vexatious restrictions laid on the trade of the colonies. " If we look," said Mr. Robinson, " to the dominions of England in the Eastern hemisphere, we sliall find the restrictive system has been entirely and systematically abandoned. The wliole of the East India Company's territories have never been shackled with the peculiar restrictions of the navigation laws ; and who will say that the interests of commerce and COLONY TRADE. 333 Other wood and lumber, the 1,000 feet of 1 inch thick - - - - J 8 0 Fish, beef, poric, prohibited. The revenue derived from these and the other duties imposed by the act of 1825, amounted lo about 75,000/. a year, and the charges of collection to about 68,000/. ! The effect of these duties in adding to the prices of the food and lumber imported by the planters, is exhibited in the fol- lowing statement of the y)rices of some of the principal of these articles in the United States and the Continent, and in Canada and the United Kingdom; — L. s. d. Herrings (Danish) at the Island of St. Thomas, the barrel - - - - - 1 0 0 Ditto (British) in the colonies, the barrel - 1 11 0 Mess beef, in Hamburgh, the barrel - - 3 0 0 Ditto, in the United Kingdom, ditto - - 4 0 0 Pork, in Hamburgh, the barrel - - 2 6 0 Ditto, in the United Kingdom, ditto - - 3 5 0 Red oak staves, in the United States, per 1,000 - 4 0 0 Ditto, at Quebec, per ditto - - - 7 8 4 White oak staves, in the United States, per ditto - 6 10 2 Ditto, at puebec, per ditto - - - 10 6 2 Flour, in the United States, the barrel - - 1 1 0 Ditto, at Quebec, ditto - - - - 1 5 5 Shuigles, in the United States, per 1,000 - - 0 14 0 Ditto, in Canada, per ditto - - -0180 navigation have suffered ? or rather, who will deny that they have been materialhj henefUe.d by the freedom they have enjojjed?" — " I pro])Osc," .said Mr. Iluskisson, in 182.'>, " to admit a free intercourse between all our colonies and other countries, either in British ships, or in the ships of those countries, allowing the latter to import all articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the country to which the ship belongs ; and to export from such colonies all articles whatever of their growth, produce, or manufacture, either to the country from which such ship came, or to any other part of the world ; the United Kingdom and all its dependencies only excepted." Unluckily, however, the conditions and regulations introduced into the bills were, for the most part, in direct contradiction to the principle laid down in the speeches now quoted; nor is it easy, indeed, to conceive for what purpose the latter were made, unless it were to exhibit the impolicy of the former. Among others which will subsequently be specified, the act of 1825 imposed the following duties for the express purpose of securing to Canada and to British ships the supply of the West India islands with food and lumber. Table of Duties imposed by 6 Geo. 4. c. 114. on certain Ar- ticles of Provision, and of Wood and Lumber, not being the Growth, Production, or Manufacture of the United King- dom, nor of any British Possession, imported or brought into the British Possessions on the Continent of South America, or in the West Indies, the Bahama and Bermuda Islands included. Provisions, viz. • L. s. d. Wheat, the bushel - - - - 0 1 0 Wheat flour, the barrel - - - - 0 5 0 Bread or biscuit, the cwt. - - -016 Flour or meal, not of wheat, the barrel - - 0 2 6 Peas, beans, rye, calavances, oats, barley, In- dian com, the bushel - - - 0 0 7 Rice, the 1,000 lbs. nett weight - - 0 2 6 Live stock, 10 per cent. Lumber, viz. Shingles, not being more than 12 inches in length, the 1,000 - - - 0 7 0 Shingles, being more than 12 inches in length, the 1,000 - - - - 0 14 0 Staves and headings, viz. Red oak, the 1,000 - - - - 0 15 O White oak, the 1,000 - - - 0 12 6 Wood hoops, the 1,000 - - - - 0 5 3 White, yellow, and pitch pine lumber, the 1,000 feet of 1 inch thick - - - 1 1 0 The United States, who felt themselves aggrieved by the imposition of such oppressive duties on flour, wheat, and lumber, refused to accede to those conditions of reciprocity under which the colonial ports were to be opened to their ships ; and, owing to this cir- cumstance, it was not till the end of 1830, when fresh negotiations were entered into with the United States, and it was agreed to modify some of the duties, that the West India colonies derived any sensible advantage from the changes, such as they were, that were made in 1825. But, notwithstanding the modifications introduced by the act 1 Will. 4. c. 24., and now embodied in the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 59. — (see post), — the regulations under which the colony trade is at present conducted, are in the highest degree objectionable. There is, for example, a duty of 5s. a barrel on all flour brought from a foreign country into our pos- sessions in the West Indies and South America, and also into Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island. At first sight there seems nothing to object to in this regulation, except the imposition of the duty ; in point of fact, however, this is its least objectionable feature, and is used merely as a pretext to conceal its real object. The necessity of raising a revenue might, in some degree, excuse even the imposition of a duty on the food of the colonists ; but there cannot be so much as the shadow of an apology for taxing it for the benefit of another class. Such, however, is the sole end and purpose of this ingeniously contrived regulation. It will be observed, that though no wheat flour can be carried duty free direct from a foreign counti-y to our possessions in the West Indies, or to our possessions to the north of the United States on the Atlantic, it may be imported duty free into Canada, where it is not needed ! The con- sequence is, that a large proportion of the United States' flour intended for the West Indies, instead of being shipped direct from New York, Philadelphia, &c. for the islands, is carried, in the first instance, to Montreal and Quebec, and is thence conveyed in British ships to its final destination. The duty is imposed to force this trade ; that is, to make the food of the colonists be carried to them by a roundabout course of more than 2,000 miles, in order that a few hundred pounds may be forced into the pockets of the ship-owners, at an expense of many thousand pounds to the colonists. Such, indeed, is the influence of the system, that there have been instances of wheat having been carried from Archangel to Quebec, landed there, and again shipped for Jamaica ! Shingles, lumber, &c. are subjected to the same regulations, with this difference merely, that they may be imported duty free into Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, &c., being thence carried to the West Indies ; whereas, by confining the importation of duty free flour to Canada, it must pass, before it can reach the consumers, through the lengthened, difficult, and dangerous navigation of the St. Lawrence. 334. COLONIES AND It is unnecessary to make any commentary on such regulations. None more ob- jectionable in principle, or mischievous in practice, are to be met with in the worst parts of the old Spanish colonial regime. All duties on and regulations with respect to the importation of articles of provision, lumber, &c. into the colonies, ought to be wholly abolished. Jamaica, and our other West India colonies, -may be viewed as immense sugar, rum, and coffee manufactories, which, though situated at a distance from England, belong to English men, and are carried on by English capital. But to promote the prosperity of any manu- facture without injuring that of others, there are no means at once so obvious and effectual, as to give those engaged in it every facility for supplying themselves with the materials necessary to carry it on at the lowest price, and to keep the duties on its produce as low as possible. This is the sound and obvious principle that ought to have been kept steadily in view in legislating for the colonies ; though, as already seen, it has been totally lost sight of. That the system of forcing importation from Canada may be advantageous to that province, we do not presume to deny ; but we are not to impoverish one part of our dominions that we may enrich another, more especially when it is certain, as in the present case, that the advantage conferred is trifling indeed compared with the injury inflicted. In other respects, the operation of the present system is most pernicious. Sugar is an important necessary of life, and enters largel^y into the consumption of every individual in Great Britain. Surely, then, it is highly important that every means should be resorted to for reducing its cost ; and as we have excluded foreign sugars from our markets, the only way in which any such reduction can be effected is by abolishing the existing restrictions, and allowing the planters to furnish themselves with the materials necessary for their manufacture at the lowest rate, and to dispose of their produce in the state and at the places they prefer. The vexatious regulations now alluded to, have been, for the most part, imposed to benefit the mother country at the expense of the colonies. There has, however, been, in this respect, a reciprocity of injuries. Being obliged to buy whatever they wanted in the markets of the mother country, the colonists early succeeded in obtain- ing, what, indeed, could not, under the circumstances of the case, be denied to them, the monopoly of these markets for the sale of their peculiar productions. And hence the high discriminating duties on foreign sugars, coffee, timber, &c. Owing to the very great fertility of the colonies of Demerara, Berbice, &c., acquired during the late war, the exclusion of foreign sugar has not latterly been so great a burden as it used to be, though it still occasions an enhancement of its price. But there are no palliating circumstances about the discriminating duty on foreign timber. Not satisfied with giving the Canadians an unfair advantage in the markets of the West Indies, we give them a still more unjustifiable advantage in those of England. It was proved in evidence taken before a committee of the House of Lords, that timber from Canada is not half so durable as that from the Baltic, and is, besides, peculiarly liable to dry rot. It is not allowed to be used in the building of ships for the navy, and is rejected by all the more respectable house-builders: and yet, under the miserable pretext of giving employment to saw mills in Canada, and to a few thousand tons of additional shipping, we actually force the use of this worthless article, by imposing a discriminating duty of no less than 45s. a load on all timber from the north of Europe. It has been shown, by papers laid before parliament, that were the same duty laid on timber from Canada that is laid on timber from the Baltic, the revenue would gain 1,500,000/. a year, while the durability of our ships and houses would be doubled. — ( For a further discussion of this subject, see Timber.) These restrictions tend to render the colony trade a source of loss, and of irritation and disgust to all parties. In other respects, too, their influence is most pernicious. So long as the colonists are prevented from purchasing lumber, provisions, &c. in the cheapest markets, and as their trade continues subjected to regulations injurious to their interests, they are justified in resisting all efforts to make them contribute any thing considerable to the expenses of the armaments required for their protection. *' At- tempts," said Lord Palmerston, " have been made in all the West India islands to induce them to contribute to the expenses of the establishments ; and they have always repre- sented that their means of doing so were crippled hy the commercial arrangements- of the mother country : they have said, ' If you will let us trade as we like, and collect our oion custom duties, and so on, we will do it.*" And no proposal could be fairer. — (^Finance Committee, Evidence, p. 146.) Tlie expense of the colonies is a very heavy item in the national expenditure — far more so than is generally supposed. Not only are we subjected, as in the case of timber, to oppressive discriminating duties on foreign articles, that similar afticles from the co- lonies may enjoy the monopoly of our markets, but we have to defray a very large sum on account of their military and naval expenditure. There are no means by which to estimate the precise amount of this expense; but it is, notwithstanding, abundantly COLONY TRADE. 335 certain, tliat Canada and the islands in the West Indies cost us annually, in military and naval outlays, upwards of a million and a half in time of peace, exclusive of the revenue collected in them. And if to this heavy expense were added the vast additional sums their defence costs during war, the debtor side of a fairly drawn up colonial budget would attain to a very formidable magnitude j and one which we apprehend could not possibly be balanced. In entertaining this opinion we are not singular. " If," said Lord Sheffield, " we have not purchased our experience sufficiently dear, let us derive a lesson of wisdom from the misfortunes of other nations, who, like us, pursued the phantom of foreign conquest and distant colonisation ; and who, in the end, found themselves less populous, opulent, and powerful. By the war of 1739, which may be truly called an Ame- rican contest, we incurred a debt of upwards of 31,000,000/. ; by the war of 1755 we incurred a further debt of 71,500,000/. ; and by the war of the revolt we have added to both these debts nearly 100,000,000/. more ! And thus we have expended a far larger sum in defending and retaining our colonies, than the value of all the merchandise we have ever sent them. So egregious has our impolicy been, in rearing colonists for the sake of their custom ! " — ( On the Commerce of the American Slates, p. 240. ) But our object is not to excite unavailing regrets for bygone follies, but to induce the return to a better system. The repeal of the restrictions on the colony trade seems in- dispensable, as a preliminary to other reforms. We have already seen that the legislature has recognised the principle of this repeal ; and until it has taken place, or the existing restrictions been materially modified, we shall neither be able to rid ourselves of the dis- criminating duties in favour of colonial products, nor to make the colonies defray any considerable part of the expenditure incurred on their account. If there be no room for surprise at the complaints so constantly put forth by the West Indians, there is very great room for surprise that so few attempts should have been made to redress the grievances of which they complain. Met in every quarter by the keen and active competition of the Brazilians and Cubans, who have been emancipated from the trammels of monopoly, and permitted freely to resort, whether as buyers or sellers, to every market, the planters in the British colonies could not be otherwise than depressed. They have been made the victims of an erroneous system of policy ; for there is nothing in the circumstances under which they are naturally placed, to lead to a belief that their distresses are incurable. Were they permitted freely to supply them- selves with such articles as they, require, to refine their sugar in the islands, and were the exorbitant duties that are now laid on some of their staple products adequately reduced, can any one doubt that their condition would be materially improved ? or that these measures would not equally redound to the general advantage of the public ? The colonies being integral parts of the empire, the trade with them should, as far as circumstances will permit, be conducted on the footing of a coasting trade. The state of the revenue requires that moderate duties should be laid on sugar, coffee, and rum, when imported into Great Britain or Ireland ; but the duties on cotton, cacao, and most other colonial products, might be repealed without injury to the revenue, and with ad- vantage to all parties. The system we have hitherto pursued has been a radically different one, and in most respects the reverse of what it ought to have been. By excluding the colonists from the cheapest markets for their food and lumber, we have artificially raised the cost of their produce ; and then, to protect them from the conse- quences of such short-sighted policy, we give them a monopoly of the British market ! It is thus that one unjust and vicious regulation is sure to give birth to others ; and that those who depart from sound principle have nothing left but to endeavour to bolster up one absurdity by another. It is time, surely, that an end were put to so ruinous a system. It is as much for the interest as it is the duty of England, to remove all restrictions from the colonists, not essential for the sake of revenue ; for this is the only means by which she can provide for their real prosperity, and rid herself of those monopolies that form the heaviest clog upon her industry. We hope it will not be supposed, from any thing, now stated, that we consider the foundation of colonial establishments as, generally speaking, inexpedient. We entertain no such opinion. It is not to the establishment of colonies, provided they be placed in advantageous situations, but to the trammels that have been laid on their industry, and the interference exercised by the mother countries in tlieir domestic concerns, that we object. Every individual ought to have full liberty to leave his native country ; and occasions very frequently occur, when governments may advantageously interfere to settle emigrants in foreign countries, and when the soundest policy dictates the propriety of their supporting and protecting them until they are in a situation to support and pro- tect themselves. There can be no question whatever that Europe has been prodigiously benefited by the colonisation of America. The colonists carried the arts, the sciences, the language, and the religion of the most civilised communities of the Old World to 336 COLONIES AND regions of vast extent and great natural fertility, occupied only by a few miserable savages. The empire of civilisation has in consequence been immeasurably extended : and while the experience afforded by the rise and progress of communities placed under such novel circumstances, has served to elucidate and establish many most important and fundamental principles in government and legislation, Europe has been enriched by the vast variety of new products America has afforded to stimulate the inventive powers of genius, and to reward the patient hand of industry. But whatever may have been the advantages hitherto derived from the colonisation of America, they are trifling compared to what they would have been, had the European powers left the colonists at liberty to avail themselves of all the advantages of their situation, and avoided encumbering themselves with the government of extensive terri- tories 3,000 miles distant. Fortunately, however, a new era is, at length, begun — Novus scBclorum nascitur ordo ! The monopoly of the trade of America is destroyed, and her independence achieved. From Canada to Cape Horn, every port is ready to receive adventurers from Europe ; and a boundless field has, in consequence, been opened for the reception of our surplus population, and for the advantageous employment of European arts, capital, and skill. The few remains of the old colonial system which still exist, and which are principally to be found in the mercantile policy of this country and France, cannot be of long duration. Their mischievous operation is no longer doubtful ; and they will disappear according as the knowledge of sound commercial principles is more generally diffused. Slavery. — Since the publication of the former edition of this work, a law has. been made which will effect a radical change in the condition of society in the British West Indies. The abolition of the slave trade has been c6nsummated by the act for the free- dom of the unhappy persons now in a state of bondage. The statute 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 73. enacts, that on the 1st of August, 1834, slavery is to cease throughout the British do- minions, and that the then existing slaves are to become apprenticed labourers ; the term of their apprenticeship partly ceasing on the 1st of August, 1838, and partly on the 1st of August, 1 840 ; when the black and coloured population will become altogether free. A sum of 20,000,000?. is to be distributed in certain proportions, and according to certain conditions, to the planters, as a compensation for the loss of their slaves. — (See article Slaves and Slave Trade.) Such are the prominent features of this famous statute, by which the British parlia- ment has endeavoured at once to once to meet and satisfy the claims of humanity ana justice. The payment of 20,000,000Z. to the colonists, though not more than they were fairly entitled to, is, perhaps, the most striking instance to be met with in history, of a resolution to vindicate and maintain the right of property ; and reflects as much credit on the wisdom as on the liberality of the British nation. Nothing but vague conjectures can, of course, be indulged in as to the future working of this measure in the colonies. We believe, however, that those who have contended that it will not be productive of any falling oflF in the industry of the blacks will be found to have taken a very erroneous view of the matter. Field labour in the West Indies has hitherto been always associated with slavery and degradation, and been enforced by the lash. The fair inference, consequently, is, that when the fetters are struck off the slave, and he is left to follow his own inclinations, he will be desirous of escaping from what he cannot fail to consider an ignominious occupation. Necessity, no doubt, will prevent him from becoming altogether indolent ; but the effect will in this, as in other instances, be proportioned to its cause : and necessity in the West Indies is very differen from necessity in Europe. Most articles that are here deemed indispensable, would ther be positive incumbrances ; and those essential to subsistence may be procured with less certainly than half the labour hitherto exacted from the slaves. At some future period, perhaps, when the recollection of their degradation has begun to fade, and a taste fol conveniences and gratifications has been introduced amongst them, they may become mor4 industrious ; but this is a distant and a very uncertain prospect. We, therefore, look, at first, for a very considerable decline in the industry of the slaves, and a proportional falling off in the exports from the islandsr It will give us pleasure should our anticipations be disappointed ; and assuredly we do not state them by way of objection to, or deduction from, the great measure of emancipation. It would be monstrous to suppose that we might retain above 750,000 of our fellow-creatures in a state of bondage, for no better reason than that sugar might be sent to England from Jamaica or Barbadoes, rather than from India, Java, or Cuba. For further information on this subject, we beg to refer our readers to an article on Colonial Policy, in No. 84. of the Edinburgh Review, to the chapter on Colonies, in Sir Henry Parnell's invaluable work on " Financial Reform," and to the Parliamentary Paper No. 120. Sess. 1831. This paper, being prepared by a committee of West India merchants and planters, occasionally, probably, exaggerates the injury they sustain from the existing regidations ; it is, however, a very instructive and valuable document. Some I I 1 COLONY TRADE. 337 of the previous statements are taken from the article in the Edinhuryh Review ; hut we are not, on that account, liable to the charge of appropriating the labours of others. III. Magnitude, Population, Trade, etc. of the British Colonies. Notwithstanding the loss of the United States, the colonies of Great Britain, ex- clusive of India, exceed in number, extent, and value, those of every other country. Previously, indeed, to the breaking out of the late contests, the colonial dominions of Spain far exceeded in extent and importance those of any other power. But Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippine Islands, are now all that remain to lier. These, indeed, are very valuable possessions, though inferior to those of England. (1.) North American Colonies. — In North America we possess the provinces of Lower and Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, with their dependencies. The situation and boundaries of these provinces will be more easily learned from the inspec- tion of the accompanying map, than they could be from any description. The shores of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are washed by the Atlantic Ocean ; and the noble river St. Lawrence, by its communication with the great American lakes, gives to Canada all the benefits of a most extensive inland navigation, and forms a natural outlet for her surplus produce, as well as for the surplus produce of that part of the United States which is washed by the lakes. There is every variety in the soil and climate of these regions. In Lower Canada, the winter is very severe. The surface of the country is covered with snow for nearly half the year. From the beginning of December to the middle of April, the St. Lawrence is frozen over, and affords a smooth and convenient passage for the sledges by which it is then covered. But though severe, the climate is far from being unhealthy or disagreeable. The weather is generally clear and bracing ; and the labour of artisans, at their out-door employments, is rarely sus- pended for many days in succession. On the breaking up of the ice in the latter end of April, or the beginning of May, the powers of vegetation almost immediately re- sume their activity, and bring on the fine season with a rapidity that is astonishing to a stranger. The highest temperature in Lower Canada varies from 96° to 102° of Fah- renheit ; but the purity of the atmosphere abates the oppressive heat that is felt in most countries where the mercury ranges so high ; and the weather is, on the whole, decidedly pleasant. In 1814, it was ascertained that the province of Lower Canada contained about 335,000 inhabitants ; at present the number may amount to about 580,000. The population is chiefly confined to the banks of the St. Lawrence. That part of the province of Upper Canada, which stretches from Lake Simcoe and the rivers Trent and Severn, westward to Lake LIuron and the St. Clair River, and southward to Lake Erie, and part of Lake Ontario, has a soil of extraordinary fertility, capable of producing the most luxuriant crops of wheat, and every sort of grain. " The climate," says Mr. Bouchette, surveyor-general of Lower Canada, " is so par- ticularly salubrious, that epidemic diseases, either among men or cattle, are almost entirely unknown. Its influence on the fertility of the soil is more generally perceptible than it is in Lower Canada, and is supposed to be congenial to vegetation in a much superior degree. The winters are shorter, and not always mai-ked with such rigour as in the latter. The duration of frost is always accompanied with a fine clear sky and a dry atmosphere. The spring opens, and the resumption of agricultural labours taket place, from 6 weeks to 2 months earlier than in the neighbourhood of Quebec. The summer heats rarely prevail to excess, and the autumns are usually very friendly to the harvests, and favourable for securing all the late crops." — ( Bouchette's Topographical Description of Canada, p. 595.) The ground on the shores of Lake Ontario and Lake Erie, as far west as the junction of the Thames with the St. Clair Lake, is laid out in townships, and partly settled. But the population is so very thin as not, on an average, to amount to more than twenty persons to a square mile, in settled townships ; while the fertility of the soil is such, that 120 persons to a square mile woidd not be a dense population. To the north of the River Thames, along the banks of the St. Clair, and the shores of Lake Huron, round to the River Severn, and thence to the river that joins Lake Nippissing and Lake Huron, is a boundless extent of country that is almost entirely unoccupied. The interior of this space has hitherto been but imperfectly explored ; but the banks of the St. Clair and the shores of Lake Huron afford the finest situations for settlements. The soil is in many places of the greatest fertility, the river and lake teem with fish, and every variety of the best timber is foimd in the greatest profusion. In 1783, the settlers in Upper Canada were estimated at only 10,000; in 1825 they amounted to upwards of 157,000; and now amount, according to IMr. INI'Gregor, to above 300,000 : a miserably small population for a country that could easily support many millions of inhabitants in a state of the gre?.test comfort. The winters in the provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are more severe than in Upper Canada, and they are a good deal infested with fogs and mists. But Z 338 COLONIES AND their proximity to England, and their favourable situation for the fishing business, give them considerable advantages. In addition to the above, we possess the Hudson's Bay territory, — a tract of vast extent, but situated in an inhospitable climate, and vi'orth very little except as hunting grounds. We also possess the large islands of Newfoundland ana Cape Breton ; but the soil is barren, and the climate severe and foggy ; so that they are valuable prmcipally as fishing stations. "We extract from the valuable work of Mr. M'Gregor on British North America (2d ed. vol. ii. p. 589-), the following statistical Table, representing the population, stock of cattle, cultivated land, &c. in the different provinces in 1832 : — Upper Canada . . - Canada - » - - New Brunswick . . . Nova Scotia - Prince Edward Island Newfoui\dland and Labrador Total Inhabitants, Horses. Homed Cattle. Hogs. Sheep. Acres culti- vated. 310,000 580,000 110,000 196,000 35,000 76,000 34,380 126.000 12,000 19,000 4,500 600 214,692 440,000 87,000 144,796 32,000 8 000 '^20,000 350,000 65,000 98,'214 30,000 16,000 240,000 610,000 105,000 234,6.58 ^ 8,000 10,000 1,HOO,UOO 2,125,000 365,000 398,964 180,000 45,000 1,307,000 196,480 926,488 1 779,214 1,247,658 4,913,16 1 Number of Emigrants. 1825 Individuals. 8,741 12,818 1827 12,648 There emigrated to the British colonies in North America in 1831 1829 1830 Individuals. 12,084 13,307 30,574 Individuals. 58,067 1832 60,339 {Pari. Paper, No. 696. Sess. 1833.) Of these, the great majority have been destined for Upper Canada. — (For the total emigration from the United Kingdom, see Passengeiis.) Information for Emigrants to British North America. — In the latter part of 1831, a set of commissioners were appointed by government for the purpose of digesting plans of emigration, procuring information useful for emigrants, &c. On the 9th of February, 1832, they issued the following paper, the statements in which may be, consequently, regarded as quite authentic. Colonial Office, 9th of February, 1832. The object of the present notice is to afford such information as is likely to be useful to persons who desire either to emigrate, or to assist others to emigrate, to the British possessions in Nortli America. In the first place, it seems desirable to define the nature of the assistance to be expected from govern, nient by persons proceeding to these colonies. No pecuniary aid will be allowed by government to emi- grants to the North American colonies ; nor after their arrival will they receive grants of land, or gifts of tools, or a supply of provisions. Hopes of all these things have been sometimes held out to emigrants by speculators in this country, desirous of making a profit by their conveyance to North America, and willing for that purpose to delude them with unfounded expectations, regardless of their subsequent disappoint- ment. But the wish of government is to furnish those who emigrate with a real knowledge of the cir- cumstances they will find in the countries to which they are going. No assistance of the extraordinary extent above described is allowed, because, in colonies, where those Avho desire to work cannot fail to do well for themselves, none such is needed. Land, indeed, used for- merly to be granted gratuitously ; but when it was taken by poor ^-eople, they found that they had not the means of living during the interval necessary to raise their crops ; and further, that they knew not enough of the manner of farming in the colonies, to make any progress. After all, therefore, they were obliged to work for wages, until they could make a few savings, and could learn a little of the way of farming in Canada. But now, land is not disposed of except by sale. The produce of sales, although the price is very moderate, is likely to become a considerable fund, which can be turned to the benefit of the colonies, and therefore of the emigrants ; while yet no hardship is inflicted on the poor emigrant, who will work for wages just as he did before, and may after a while acquire land, if land be his object, by the savings which the high wages in these colonies enable him speedily to make. These are the reasons why government does not think it necessary to give away land in a country, where, by the lowness of its price, the plentifulness of work, and the high rate of wages, an industrious man can earn enough in a few seasons to become a freeholder by means of his own acquisitions. The land which is for sale will bo open to public competition, and of course, therefore, its price must depend upon the offers that may be made ; but it will generally not be sold for less than from 4*. to 5s. per acre; and in situations where roads have been made, or the ground has been partially cleared, the com- mon prices lately have been 7.9. 6d., lOs., and 15^. Further particulars will be best learned upon the spot, where every endeavour will be made to meet the different circumstances and views of different purchasers. Although government will not make any gifts at the public expense to emigrants to North America, agents will be maintained at the principal colonial ports, whose duty it will be, without fee or reward from private individuals, to protect emigrants against imposition upon their first landing, to acquaint them with the demand for labour in different districts, to point out the most advantageous routes, and to furnish them generally with all useful advice upon the objects which they have had in view in emigrating : and when a private engagement cannot be immediately obtained, employment will be afforded on some of the public works in progress in the colonies. Persons newly arrived should not omit to consult the government agent for emigrants, and as much as possible should avoid detention in the ports, where they are exposed to all kinds of impositions, and of pretexts for keeping them at taverns till any money they may possess has been expended. — For the same purpose of guarding against the frauds practised on new comers, and of preventing an improvident expenditure at the first moment of arrival, it seems very desir- able that individuals who may wish to furnish emigrants with money for their use in the colony should have the means of making the money payable there, instead of giving it into the hands of the emigrants in this country. The commissioners for emigration are engaged in cHecting general arrangements lor this purpose, and due notice will bo given to the jmblic when they shall be completed. Agents for emigration have been apjjointed at St. John's, St Andrew's, and Miramichi in New Brunswick, and at Quebec and York in Canada. On the whole subject of the manner of proceeding upon landing, it may bo observed, in conclusion, that no effort will be spared to exempt emigrants from any necessity for delay at the place of disembarkation, and from uncertainty as to the opportunities of at once turning their labour to account. COLONY TRADE. 339 After this explanation of the extent of the aid to be expected from government, the following utate. ments are subjoined of the ordinary charges for passage to the North American colonics, as well as of the usual rates of wages and usual prices in them, in order that every individual may have the means of judging for himself of the inducements to emigrate to these parts of the British dominions. Passage. — Passages to Quebec or New Brunswick may either be engaged inclusive of provisions, or exclusive of provisions, in which case the ship owner finds nothing but water, fuel, and bed places, without bedding. Children under 14 years of age are charged one half, and under 7 years of age one third, of the full price ; and for children under 12»months of age no charge is made. Upon these conditions the price of passage from London, or from places on the east coast of Great Britain, has generally been 6/. with pro- visions, or 3f. without. From Liverpool, Greenock, and the principal ports of Ireland, as the chances of delay are fewer, the charge is somewhat' lower ; this year it will probably be from 21. to 2/. lO*. without provisions, or from 4/. to 51. including provisions. It is possible that in March and April passages maybe obtained from Dublin for S5s. or even 30j. ; but the prices always grow higher as the season advances. In ships sailing from Scotland or Ireland, it has mostly been the custom for passengers to find tiieir own pro- visions : but this practice has not been so general in London; and some shipowners, sensible of the dangerous mistakes which may be made in this matter through ignorance, are very averse to receive pas- sengers who will not agree to be victualled by the ship. Those who do resolve to su})ply their own pro- visions, should at least be careful not to lay in an insufficient stock ; 50 days is the shortest period lor which it is safe to provide ; and from London the passage is sometimes prolonged to 75 days. The best months for leaving England are certainly March and April ; the later emigrants do not find employment so abundant, and have less time in the colony before the commencement of winter. Various frauds are attempted upon emigrants, which can only be effectually defeated by the good sense of the parties against whom they are contrived. Sometimes agents take payment from the emigrant for his passage, and then recommend him to some tavern, where he is detained from day to day under false pretences for delay, until, before the departure of the ship, the whole of his money is extracted from him. This of course cannot happen with agents connected with respectable houses ; but the best security is to name in the bargain for passage a particular day, after which, whether or not the ship sails, the passenger is to be received on board and victualled by the owners. In this manner the emigrant cannot be inten- tionally brought to the place of embarkation too soon, and be compelled to spend his money at public houses, by false accounts of the time of sailing ; for from the very day of his arrival at the port, being the day previously agreed upon, the ship becomes his home. The conveyance of passengers to the British possessions in North America is regulated by an act of parliament (9 Geo. 4. c. 21.), of which the following are the principal provisions: — Ships are not allowed to carry passengers to these colonies unless they be of the height of 5J feet between decks ; and they mutt not carry more than 3 passengers for every 4 tons of the registered burden ; there must be on board at least 50 gallons of pure water, and 50 lbs. of bread, biscuit, oatmeal, or bread stuff", for each passenger. When the ship carries the full number of passengers allowed by law, no part of the cargo, and no stores or provisions, may be carried between decks ; but if there be less than the complete number of passengers, goods may bestowed between decks in a proportion not exceeding 3 cubical feet for each passenger want- ing of the highest number. Masters of vessels who land passengers, unless with their own consent, at a place different from that originally agreed upon, are subject to a penalty of 20/., recoverable by summary process before 2 justices of the peace in any of the North American colonies. The enforcement of this law rests chiefly with the officers of his Majesty's customs ; and persons having complaints to make of its infraction, should address themselves to the nearest Custom-house. Besides the sea voyage from England, persons proceeding to Canada should be provided with the means of paying for the journey which they may have to make after their arrival at Quebec. The cost of this journey must, of course, depend upon the situation of the place where the individual may find employ- ment, or where he may have previously formed a wish to settle ; but to all it will probably be uselul to possess the following report of the prices of conveyance, during the last season, on the route from Quebec to York, the capital of Upper Canada. From Quebec to Montreal (180 miles), by stearit.boat, the charge for an adult was dd. ; trom Montreal to Prescolt (120 miles), by boats or barges, 7*. ; from Prescott to York (2.50 miles), by steam-boat, 7*. The journey, performed in this manner, usually occupies 10 or 12 days : adding, therefore, lis. for provisions, the total cost from Quebec to York (a distance of 5F>0 miles) may be stated, according to the charges of last year, at \l. lis. 6d. Persons who are possessed of sufficient means prefer to travel by land that part of the route where the River St. Lawrence is not navigable by steam-boats, and the journey is then usually performed in 6 days, at a cost of 61. It must be observed, that the prices of conveyance are necessarily fluctuating, and that the foregoing account is only presented as sufficiently accurate for purposes of information in this country, leaving it to the government agent at Quebec to supply emigrants with more exact particulars, according to the circumstances of the time at which they may arrive. Rates of Wages and Market Prices. — The colonics in North America, to which emigrants can with advantage proceed, are Lower Canada, Upper Canada, and New Brunswick. From the reports received from the other British colonies in North America, namely. Prince Edward's Island, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and Cape Breton, it appears that they do not contain the means either of affording employment at wages to a considerable number of emigrants, or of settling them upon land. Lower Canada. — From Lower Canada the commissioners for emigration have not received the official reports which were required f rom the North American colonies, for the purpose of compiling the present statement. They believe, however, that the following account of the prices of grain and of wages may be relied upon for its general correctness : — s. d. Wheat - . per bushel . _ - 4 6 Rye - - _ . -.30 Maize - - — . . -2t> Oats - . _ . . .13 Wages of labourers - per day . - - 2 6 Ship-builders, carpenters, joiners, coopers, masons, and tailors - -50 Upper Canada. — From a comparison of all the documents before the commissioners for emigration, it appears that the yearly wages of labourers in Upper Canada, hired by the year, are from 27/. to 30/. ; that their monthly wages, in different situations and at different seasons, range from 1/. 10s. to 3/. ids. per month ; and that daily wages range from 2s. to Ss. 9d. In all these rates of wages, board and lodging are found by the employer. Without board, daily wages vary from 3s. Gd. out of harvest to 5s. during harvest ; 6s. 3rf., besides provisions, is sometimes given to harvest men. The wages of mechanics may be stated universally at from 5s. to 7s. &d. per day. The following Table exhibits the lowest and the highest price which the sever.il articles therein named bore, during the year 1831, in each of the principal districts of Upper Canada ; — 340 COLONIES AND Eastern District. Johnstown di tto. Bathurst ditto. iNewcastle ditto. PHc^n 1831. Highest Ditto. Low St Highest Lowest Highest 'Lowest i Highest L. s. il. L. s. d. L. a. d d. L. 1. d L. s. d. L. t. d. L. s. d. vvheatjperbu. 0 5 0 0 5 6 0 5 3 n" fi n % 9 0 5 0 0 5 o' 0 3 6 0 6 3 Maixe — 0 2 6 0 3 0 0 1 9 3 0 2 6 0 3 0 0 2 0 0 3 0 Oats — 0 13 0 18 0 13 0 1 6 0 1 6 0 2 0 0 13 0 2 0 Bailey — 0 2 6 0 2 6 0 19 0 4 0,0 3 0 0 3 6 0 2 6 0 3 1 10 13 0 1 67 rotatoeSy cwt bushel. \ 0 13 0 1 \ 0 1 3 0 19 0 2 0 0 3 0 Uutter (ir.) Id. 0 0 7a' 0 0 9 0 0 6 0 0 9 0 0 6 0 0 8 0 0 7i 0 0 9 Ditto (salt) — 0 0 75 0 0 7i 0 0 7A n n 10 0 0 7^ 0 0 7A 0 0 7A 0 0 9 Cheese — 0 0 6 0 0 6 0 0 4 0 0 6 0 0 6 0 0 6 0 0 5 0 0 7A Eg^, per doz. 0 0 5 0 0 9 0 0 6 0 0 10 0 0 4 0 0 8 0 0 6 0 0 7| Ducksjper pair 0 18 0 18 0 1 6 0 2 0 0 2 6 0 3 0 0 2 0 0 2 6 Fowls — 0 14 0 16 0 10 0 1 ."018 0 2 3 0 13 0 13 — 0 4 0 0 5 0 0 2 4 0 2 6 0 4 0 O 4 0 0 2 6 0 3 9 X urkeys — 0 5 0 0 6 0 0 3 6 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 2 3 0 3 9 Hay, per ton 1 15 0 2 5 0 1 10 0 2 10 0 2 0 0 2 10 0 1 10 0 3 10 0 t5traw,perIoad 0 16 8 0 16 8 0 5 0 0 10 00 7 6 0 7 6 0 5 0 0 5 0 Bread, 4 lb. If. 0 0 9 0 0 10 0 0 6 0 0 8 0 0 10 0 0 10 0 0 7.i 0 0 7J Meat, per lb. Beef - - 0 0 2i 0 0 3J 0 0 2A 0 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 2A 0 0 3 Alutton Pork . - 0 0 3 0 0 4 0 0 2J 0 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 2J 0 0 3 0 0 4 0 0 5 0 0 4 0 0 6 0 0 3 0 0 3 0 0 3 0 0 4 Veal - - 0 0 3 0 0 3 0 0 2^ 0 0 3i0 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 3 0 0 3i Flour 100 lbs. Fine - - 0 15 0 0 17 6 0 15 0 0 17 6 0 12 6 0 16 0 0 12 6 0 17 6 Seconds 0 12 6 0 12 6 0 12 6 0 1.5 0 0 10 6 0 12 6 0 10 0 0 15 0 .L. s. d b 3 9 0 2 0 0 O 10 0 2 3 [0 010 0 7i 0 9 0 6 0 7i 1 3 1 3 Niagai Highest Lowest ,Atn^ iLondon ditto t. d. L. s. d 3 0 3 9 0 2 9 0 2 6 0 1 10.^ 0 1 3 0 3 9 |0 2 6 0 2 C 0 1 3 10 0 0 0 10 0 0 0 6 0 0 1 lO.i 0 0 1 lOj 0 1 1 6 0 1 5 0 jo 3 0 0 jO 5 0 0 1 15 5 0 0 5 0 7 0 0 0 0 5 0 0 2 0 0 7J 0 0 2 0 6 iO 0 3* 0 5 0 15 0 iO 12 6 0 12 6 0 12 6 iO 0 3^ 0 0 2i Highest X. s. d. 0 5 0 0 2 6 0 1 6 0 2 6 0 2 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 3 0 3 0 7 2 10 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Low. High. 3 9 3 H 0 3J 0 51 0 7A 0 4i 15 0 i. d. 5 0 5 9 3 1* 3 9 2 6 1 0 1 0 0 V,' 0 rji 2 0 1 3 2 6 2 6 0 31 New Brunswick. — The following is a list of prices compiled from documents sent in from various parts of New Brunswick : — Wheat Maize Oats Barley Potatoes Butter (fresh) Ditto (salt) Cheese Eggs Ducfcs Fowls Geese Turkeys Hay Straw per bushel per dozen per pair L. *. rf. L. s. d. 0 5 0 to 0 10 0 Bread 0 4 6 0 5 0 Beef 0 1 6 0 2 6 Mutton 0 4 0 0 5 0 Pork 0 1 3 0 3 6 Veal 0 0 9 0 1 0 Flour 0 0 8 0 0 10 Salt pork 0 0 4 0 0 7 Ditto beef 0 0 0 10 Malt 0 2 ^0^ 0 3 6 Rye flour 0 1 6 0 2 6 Indian ditto 0 3 0 0 5 0 Oatmeal 0 7 6 0 10 0 Salt cod 1 10 0 2 10 0 Ditto mackarel 1 0 0 1 5 0 Ditto alewives L. ». d. per 4 lb. loaf 0 0 10 to per stone 0 3 3 — _ 0 2 4 - — 0 2 Oi — — 0 2 4 — per 100 lbs. 0 16 0 _ per barrel 4 15 0 — _ 3 0 0 — per bushel 0 6 2 — per barrel 12 6 — 12 6 per cwt. 0 16 0 — per 112 lbs. 0 10 0 _ per barrel 0 17 0 — _ 0 10 0 — L. s. d 0 10 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 4 0 0 4 8 0 17 6 5 5 0 3 10 0 0 6 4 0 12 0 Coals are sold at 30i. per chaldron. House rent is from 51. to 6/. per annum for families occupying one room ; and for families occupying two rooms, from 6/. to 10/. Common labourers receive from 3>s. to 4*. a day, finding their own subsistence ; but when employed at the ports in loading vessels, their subsistence is found for them. Mechanics receive from 5s. to 7s. 6d. per day, and superior workmen from 7s. 6d. to 10s. Upon the foregoing statements, it must be observed that emigrants, especially such of them as are agricultural labourers, should not expect the highest wages named until they have become accustomed to the work of the colony. The mechanics most in demand are those connected with the business of housebuilding. Shoemakers and tailors, and ship-builders, also find abundant employment. Mr. Buchanan, his Majesty's chief agent for the superintendence of emigrants in Upper and Lower Canada has issued the following information, dated Quebec, 16th of July, 1833. There is nothing of more importance to emigrants on arrival at Quebec, than correct information on the leading points connected with their future pursuits. Many have suffered much by a want of caution, and by listening to the opinions of interested designing characters, wlio frequently offer their advice unsolicited, and who are met generally about wharfs and landing places frequented by strangers. To guard emigrants from falling into such errors, they should, immediately on arrival at Quebec, proceed to the office of the chief agent for emigrants in Sault-au-Matelot Street, Lower Town, where every inform, ation requisite for their future guidance, in either getting settlement on lands, or obtaining employment in Upper or Lower Canada, will be obtained gratis. On your route from Quebec to your destination you will find many plans and schemes offered to your consideration, but turn away from them unle.^s you are well satisfied of the purity of the statements. On all occasions when you stand in need of advice, apply to the government agents. Emigrants are informed that they may remain on board ship 48 hours after arrival ; nor can they be deprived of any of their usual accommodations for cooking or berthing during that period ; and the mastej of the ship is bound to land the emigrants and their baggage, free of expense, at the usual landing places, and at seasonable hours. , ^ , Should you require to change your EngHsh money, go to some respectable merchant or to the banks The currency in the Canadas is at the rate of 5s. the dollar, and is called Halifax currency; at preseit ; the gold sovereign is worth 24s. currency in Montreal; in New York, 8s. is calculated for the doll.ir ; hence many are deceived when hearing of "the rates of labour, &c. : 5s. in Canada is equal to 8s. New York ; thus, 8s. New York currency is equivalent to 5s. Halifax currency. Emigrants who wish to settle in Lower Canada, or to obtain employment, are informed that many desirable situations are to be met with. "Wild lands of superior quality may be obtained by purchase on very easy terms from the commissioners of Crown lands in various townships in the province, and good farm labourers and mechanics are much in request, particularly in the eastern townships, where al.so many excellent situations and improved farms mj.y be purchased from private proprietors. At the Chambly Canal many labourers will find immediate employment. In every part of Upper Canada the demand for labourers and mechanics is also very great. All labouring emigrants who reach York, and who maybe in want of immediate employment, will be provided with it by the government. The princii^al situations in Upper Canada where arrangements are made for locating emigrants are in the Bathurst, Midland, Newcastle, Home, London, .md Western districts. Settlers with means will have opportuiiitieti of purchasing Crown lands in several parts of the province at the monthly sales, information of which may be obtained on application at the Crown Land Ollice, York, or to A. IJ. Hawke, Esq. the governuK iit agent for emigrants there, to whom they will apply, on arrival, for such further advice as they may requiic. Emigrants proceeding to Upper Canada, above Kingston, either by the Ottawa or St. Lawrence route, are advised to supply themselves with provisions at Montreal, such as bread, tea, sugar, and butter, which COLONY TRADE. 341 they will purchase cheaper and of better quality than along the rontc. Tliry arc also particularly cautioned against the use of ardent spirits, or drinking cold river water, or lying on the bankiof the river exposed to the night dews; they should proceed at once from the steain-hoat at Montreal for Lachine, 8 miles above, from whence the Durham and steam-boats start for Prescott and IJytown daily. Emigrants will obtain from Mr. John Hays, the government agent at Lachine, such advice and assist- ance as they may require ; and they will find there a convenient barrack log house, where those wishing may remain for the night, and avoid exposure and expense of lodgings, Mr. John Patton, the govern- ment agent at Prescott, will render every advice and assistance to emigrants. Labourers or mechanics dependent on immediate employment are requested to proceed immediately on arrival into the country, 'liie chief agent will consider such persons as may loiter about the ports oi landing beyond one week after arrival to have no further claims on the nrotcction of his Majesty's agents for assistance or employment, unless they have been detained by sickness or some other satisfactory cause. Tlie following information with respect to Upper Canada has been circulated by the Canada Company : — " Persons desirous of obtaining employment, and having the means of emigrating to Upper Canada, may get work at high prices compared with what they have been accustomed to receive in this country a^ agricultural labourers. The wages given in Upper Canada are from i'Z. to 3/. per month, with board and lodging. At these wages there is a constant demand for labour in all parts of Upper Canada ; and there is no doubt that a very great number, beyond those now there, would find employment. "Working artisans, particularly blacksmiths, carj)enters, bricklayers, masons, coopers, millwrights, wheelwrights, shoemakers, and tailors, get high wages, and are much wanted. Industrious men may look forward with confidence to an improvement in their situation, as they may save enough out of one season's work to buy land themselves in settled townships. " Freehold land of excellent quality is to be sold at 8s. 9d to 20s. currency per acre, payable as follows : — One fifth of the purchase money to be paid down at the time of making choice of the land in Canada, and the remainder in 5 annual payments with interest, which an industrious settler would be able to pay out of the crops. " Upper Canada is a British province, within a few weeks' sail of this country. The climate is good ; all the fruits and vegetables common to the English kitchen garden thrive well ; sugar, for domestic purposes, is made from the maple tree, on the land. The soil and country possess every requisite for farming purposes and comfortable settlement, which is proved by the experience of the numerous industrious emigrants now settled there. The samples of Upper Canada wheat have not been exceeded in quality by any in the British market during the past year. The population of the province, which is rapidly increasing, consists almost exclusively of persons from Great Britain and Ireland, who have gone there to settle. The taxes are very trifling, and there are no tithes. The expense of clearing the land ready for seed is about il. per acre if paid for in money ; but if done by the purchasers themselves, they must employ part of their time at wages, or possess some means of their own. " The expense of removing from this country to Quebec or Montreal, including provisions for the voyage, is, for grown persons, men or women, from 61. to 71., and half price for children under 14 years of age : if the parties find their own provisions, the passage money is 31. or 31. 10s. for an adult, and in pro- portion for children. From Ireland and Scotland the expense is considerably less. The expense of the transport of an adult emigrant from Quebec to York and the head of Lake Ontario will not exceed from 1/. to II. 2.V. 6rf. currency, or l8s. or 19a-. sterling, exclusive of provisions. " The Canada Company, to encourage settlement in the Huron tract, have determined for this year (1833) to allow all families, settlers in that district, purchasing 160 acres or more, of the Company, the expenses of conveyance, at a stipulated rate, from Quebec or Montreal to the head of Lake Ontario, allowing each family to consist of 2 adults and 3 children, by deducting those expenses from the second instalment of the purchase money of their farm. The present prices of land in the Huron tract, which is of the finest quality in America,, are from 8*. 9d. to 10s. provincial currency, that is, from If to 2 dollars per acre. " The Canada Company, to facilitate the transmission of money to the Upper and Lower Provinces, will receive from int«fcding emigrants any deposits in London, for which they will issue letters of credit on their agents, allowing the parties the full benefit of the rate of exchange, which usually ranges from 8 to 10 per cent. Persons resident in this country, desirous of making remittances to their friends in the Canadas, are aflforded the same facilities and advantages. " Further information, and the papers distributed by the Canada Company, may be obtained on appli- cation to the secretary, John Perry, Esq. " London, October, 1833." The following extract from the MontrealDatly Advertiser of the 4th of September, 1833, gives the prices of the principal articles of Canadian produce as under : — £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. Ashes, pot, 1st sort, per cwt 1 3 6 to 1 pearl . .15 0—156 Flour and meal — Superfine,per 1961bs. (Canada) 1 10 9—111 3 Fine ditto ditto 1 9 6 — 1 10 0 Middling ditto ditto 1 7 6—1 8 0 Pollards ditto ditto 12 0—1 2 6 Indian meal, per 168 lbs. - 1 2 6 Oatmeal per cwt. . 0 13 6— 0 14 0 Grain and seed — Wheat, W. Canada, per 60 lbs. 0 6 3— 0 6 6 mixed -060—062 red . 0 5 10 — 0 6 0 Barley, per bushel - ,034—036 Indian c6rn . - 0 4 0— 0 4 6 Oats - - 0 1 6 — 0 1 8 Peas (boiling) - -049—05 0 Flax seed, per bushel -050—053 (2. ) West India Colonies. — In the "West Indies we possess Jamaica, Barbadoes, St. Lucia, Antigua, Grenada, Trinidad, and some other islands, exclusive of Demerara and Berbice in South America. Jamaica, by far the largest and most valuable of our insular possessions, is about 120 miles in length and 40 in mean breadth, containing about 2,800,000 acres, of which from 1,100,000 to 1,200,000 are supposed to be in cultivation. Being situated within the tropic of Cancer, the heat in the West Indies is intense, but is moderated by the sea breeze which blows regularly during the greater part of the day. The rains make the only distinction of seasons. They sometimes fall with prodigious impetuosity, giving birth to innumerable torrents, and laying all the low country under water : the trees are green the whole year round : they have no snow, no frost, and but rarely some hail. The climate is very humid ; iron rusts and corrodes in a very short time ; and it is this, perhaps, that renders the West Indies so unfriendly to European constitutions, and produces those malignant fevers that are so very fatal. The vegetable productions are numerous and valuable ; but the sugar cane and the coflTc* Z 3 342 COLONIES AND plant are incomparably more important than the others, and constitute the natural riches of the islands. The West Indies are occasionally assailed by the most dreadful hurricanes, which destroy in a moment the hopes and labours of the planters, and devastate entire islands. "Whole fields of sugar canes are sometimes torn up by the roots, houses are either thrown down or unroofed, and even the heavy copper boilers and stills in the works have, in .numerous instances, been wrenched from the ground and battered to pieces. The rain pours down in torrents, sweeping before it every thing that comes in its way. The destruction caused by such dreadful scourges seldom fails to produce a very great scarcity, and not unfrequently famine ; and we are ashamed to have to add, that the severity of the distress has on several occasions been materially aggravated by a refusal on the part of the authorities to allow importation direct from the United States ! * This was the case at Dominica so late as 1817. Jamaica was discovered by Columbus in 1494, and continued in possession of the Spaniards till 1655, when it was wrested from them by the English. Although it had thus been for more than a century and a half under the power of Spain, such was the deadening influence of her colonial system, that it did not, when we conquered it, con- tain 1,500 white inhabitants, and these were immersed in sloth and poverty. Of the many valuable articles which Jamaica soon after produced in such profusion, many were then altogether unknown ; and of those that were known, such a supply only was cul- tivated as was required for the consumption of the inhabitants. " The Spanish settlers," it is said by Mr. Bryan Edwards, " possessed none of the elegancies of life; nor were they acquainted even with many of those gratifications which, in civilised states, are considered necessary to its comfort and convenience. They were neither polished by social intercourse, nor improved by education ; but passed their days in gloomy languor, enfeebled by sloth, and depressed by poverty. They had been for many years in a state of progressive degeneracy, and would probably in a short time have expiated the guilt of their ancestors, by falling victims themselves to the vengeance of their slaves." — (Hist. West Indies, vol. i. p. 297. 8vo ed.) For a considerable number of years after we obtained possession of Jamaica, the chief exports were cacao, hides, and indigo. Even so late as 1772, the exports of sugar amounted to only 11,000 hogsheads. In 1774, they had increased to 78,000 hogs- heads of sugar, 26,000 puncheons of rum, and 6,547 bags of coffee. The American war was very injurious to the West India settlements ; and they may, indeed, be said to be still suffering from its effects, as the independence of America led to the enactment of . those restrictions on the importation of food, lumber, &c. that have been so very hurtful to the planters. In 1780, Jamaica was visited by a most destructive hurricane, the devastation occasioned by which produced a dreadful famine ; and other hurricanes followed in the immediately succeeding years. But in 1787, a new era of improvement began. The devastation of St. Domingo by the negro insurrection, which broke out in 1792, first diminished, and in a few years almost entirely annihilated, the annual supply of 1 1 5,000 hogsheads of sugar, which France and the Continent had previously been accustomed to receive from that island. This diminution of supply, by causing a greatly increased demand for, and a consequent rise in the price of, the sugar raised in the other islands, occasioned an extraordinary extension of cultivation. So powerful in this respect was its influence, that Jamaica, which, at an average of the 6 years preceding 1799, had produced only 83,000 hogsheads, exported, in 1801 and 1802, upwards of 286,000 hogsheads, or 143,000 a year ! The same rise of price, which had operated so powerfully in Jamaica, occasioned a similar though less rapid extension of cultivation in our other islands, and in Cuba, Porto Rico, and the foreign colonies generally. The vacuum caused by the cessation of the supplies from St. Domingo being thus more than filled up, a reaction commenced. The price of sugar rapidly declined ; and notwithstanding a forced market was for a while opened to it, by substituting it for malt in the distillery, prices did not attain to their former elevation. On the opening of the Continental ports, in 1813 and 1814, they, indeed, rose, for a short time, to an extravagant height ; but they very soon fell again, involving in ruin many of the speculators upon an advance. And notwithstand- ing a recent rally, ^ey are, and have been for the last 10 years, comparatively low. The fall seems to be entirely owing to the vast extension of the sugar cultivation in Cuba, Brazil, Java, Louisiana, &c., and in Demerara, Berbice, and the Mauritius. From the facility, too, with which sugar may be raised in most of these countries, and their vast extent, there seems little prospect of prices ever again attaining to their * It is stated in a report by a committee of the Assembly of Jamaica, that 15,000 negroes perished between the latter end of 1780 and the beginning of 1787, through famine occasioned by hurricanes and the prohibition of importation from the United States I — {Edwards's West Indies, vol. ii. p. 515.) Those who are so very fond of vituperating " hard-hearted economists," as they are pleased to term those who advocate the repeal of oppressive restrictions, must, we presume, look upon occurrences of this sort aa merciful dispensations. COLONY TRADE. 343 t)ld level. It is to no purpose, tlicrcfore, to attempt to relieve the distresses of the planters of Jamaica and our other islands by temporary expedients. The present low prices have not been brought about by accidental or contingent circumstances. And to enable the planters to contend successfully with the active competitors that surround them on all sides, we must place them, at least in so far as we have the means, in a similar situation, by allowing them to resort for supplies to the cheapest markets, and to send their produce into Europe in such a shape as they may think best. The devastation of St. Domingo gave the same powerful stimulus to the growth of coffee in the other West Indian colonies, that it did to the growth of sugar ; and owing to the extraorainary mcrease m the demand for coffee in this and other European coun- tries during the last 10 years, the impulse has been, in a great measure, kept up. — (See Coffee.) In 1752, the export of coffee from Jamaica amounted to only G0,000 lbs. ; in 1775, it amounted to 440,000 lbs. ; in 1797, it had increased to 7,931,621 lbs. ; in 1832, the exports to England amounted to 1 g,'',! 1,000 lbs. ; and they have been stationary at about this quantity for some time. We have already seen, that when Jamaica was taken from the Spaniards, it only con- tained 1,500 white inhabitants. In 1673, the population amounted to 7,768 whites and 9,504 slaves. It would have been well for the island had the races continued to pre- serve this relation to each other ; but, unfortunately, the black population has increased more than f ve times as rapidly as the white ; the latter having increased only from 7,768 to about 30,000, while the former has increased from 9,504 to 322,421, exclusive of persons of colour. The immense preponderance of the slave population has rendered the question of emancipation so very difficult. The correspondence of the slaves in Jamaica with their emancipated brethren in Hayti or St. Domingo has been prohibited by a provision in the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 59. § 55. — (see post\ The real value of the exports to Jamaica amounts to about 1 ,600,000/. a year, being more than half the amount of the exports to the West Indian colonies. It should, however, be observed, that a considerable portion of the articles sent to Jamaica, and some of the other colonies, are only sent there as to an entrepot, being subsequently exported to the Spanish main. During the ascendancy of the Spanish dominion in Mexico and South America, this trade, which was then contraband, was carried on to a very great extent. It is now much fallen off ; but the central situation of Jamaica will always secure to her a considerable share of this sort of transit trade. Barbadoes was the earliest- of our possessions in the West Indies. It is the most easterly of the Caribbee islands ; Bridge Town, the capital, being in Ion. 59° 41' W. Barbadoes is by far the best cultivated of all the West India islands. It contains about 105,000 acres, having a population of about 16,000 whites, 2,700 free people of colour, and 68,000 slaves. It exports about 21,000 hogsheads of sugar, of 16cwt. each. Bar- badoes had attained the acme of its prosperity in the latter part of the seventeenth century, when the white population is said to have amounted to about 50,000, though this is probably an exaggeration. But it is only as compared with itself that it can be con- sidered as having fallen off ; for, compared with the other West India islands, its superiority is manifest. It raises nearly as much food as is adequate for its supply. The islands next in importance are St. Vincent, Grenada, Trinidad, Antigua, &c. It is unnecessary to enter into any special details with respect to them ; their population and trade being exhibited in the Tables annexed to this section. During the late war, we took from the Dutch the settlements of Demerar'a, Berbice, and Essequibo, in Guiana, which were definitively ceded to us in 1814. The soil of these settlements is naturally very rich ; and they have, in this respect, a decided advantage over most of the West India islands. Their advance, since they came into our possession, was for a while very great ; but recently their progress seems to have been checked, and their exports, particularly those of rum and coffee, have declined considerably. The imports of sugar from them amount to about a third of the imports from Jamaica. The rum of Demerara enjoys a high reputation ; and of the total quantity imported from the British colonies and plantations in 1832, amounting to 4,741,649 gallons, Demerara and Berbice furnished 1,415,449, gallons. The best samples of Berbice coffee are of very superior quality ; but the planters finding the cultivation of sugar more profitable, the imports have materially declined of late years. In 1832, they amounted, from both colonies, to 3,449,400 lbs. Considerable quantities of cotton were formerly exported from Guiana; but the Americans having superior facilities for its production, the planters have in a great measure ceased to cultivate it. Cacao, annotto, &c. are produced, but not abundantly. These statements are sufficient to show the importance of Demerara and Berbice. Considering, indeed, theii- great natural fertility, and the indefinite extent to which every sort of tropical culture may be carried in them, they certainly rank among the most raluable of the colonial possessions we have acquired for many years. Z 4 COLONIES AND Exclusive of the above, we possess the settlement of Balize on the Bay of Honduras. This is of importance, as affording a means of obtaining abundant supplies of mahogany ; but it is of more importance as an entrepot for the supply of Guatemala with English manufactured goods. — (For accounts of the colonies in Australasia, &c, see Columbo, Cape of Good Hope, Port Louis, Sydney, &c.) Account of the Quantities of Sugar, Rum, Molasses, and Coffee, imported into the United Kingdom from the West Indies and the Mauritius, and of the Portions of those Quantities entered for Re-exportation in 1834 and 1835. — {Pari. Paper, No. 298., Sess. 1836.) Colonies whence imported. gjlgar (unrefined). Rum. Molasses. Coffee. 1834. 1835. 1834. 1835. 1834. 1835. 1834. 1835. West Indies. Cwt3. Cwis. Gallons. Oallont. Cmti. Cwtt. IJ>t. Lbs. 580 AntiRua - ... 257,177 174,818 71,445 67.051 87,882 75,985 224 Barbadoes ... 394,527 344,689 2,170 1,798 55,553 58,125 77,868 57,825 Dominica ... 54,87e 25,014 27,764 7,308 2,550 2,700 893,492 112,557 Grenada ... 194,542 170,280 217,049 248,524 23,219 8,747 10„332 8,236 Jamaica ... 1,256,253 1,148,760 2,924,067 2,450,272 2,809 982 18,268,883 11,154,307 Montserrat ... 26,631 16,261 20,480 26,492 4,779 1,848 Nevis - ... 59,748 39,637 23,286 39,.366 6,466 161 St. Kitt's 105,355 87,614 79,0S0 107,101 17,397 7,526 185 40 St. Lucia ... 63,306 54,744 4,707 10,972 2,811 6,057 96,004 53,582 St. Vincent 213,017 195,057 93,397 189,154 33,094 26,455 197 118 Tobago - ... 79,018 77,260 272,787 . 299,705 11,646 5,986 Toitola .... 21,926 1.3,821 .3,478 5,220 1,408 28 Trinidad 339,615 289,393 7,714 9,586 ' 99,494 84,640 160,915 33,060 Bahamas ... 4 59 45,579 280,156 2 35 Demerara ... 687,282 760,376 1,273,693 1,875,245 282,967 221,782 1,481,980 1,159,054 Berbice - ... 90,699 126,483 61,277 115,411 20,699 5,225 1,045,668 2,027,037 4 18 163 MAURITIUS - - 553,890 558,712 1 201 206 701 243,296 Total Importations - 4,397,866 4,082,921 5,112,401 5,453,518 650,572 507,627 22,082,191 15,109,876 Proportion re- fW. I. exported (unref. ) 1 M . 12,313 4,850 11,4.55") 1,750/ 1 1,613,163 1,668,205 2,078 4,753 768,819 613,053 The duties on West India produce entered for home consumption during the year 1835, yielded about 6,700,OOOZ. nett. The exports from this country to our West India colonies consist of coarse cottons, linens, checks, hats, and other articles of negro clothing ; hardware and earthenware ; staves, hoops, coal, lime, paint, lead; Irish provisions, herrings and other salt fish ; along with furniture, wine, beer, medicines, and, indeed, almost ev«ry article which a great manufacturing country can supply to one, situated in a tropical climate, which has very few mechanics, and hardly any manufactures. Since the depression of West Indian pro- perty, and the opening of the ports on the Spanish main to ships from England, the exports to the West Indies have decreased both in quantity and value. Their declared or real value amounted, as appears from the following account, in 1834, to 2,680,022Z. Statement of the Total Amount of Trade between the United Kingdom and the Briti^ West India Cdlonies, in each Year, from 1814 to 18G4, both inclusive. Official Value. declared Value Years. Exports to the British West Indies. of British and Irish Imports from the British West Indies. British and Irish Produce and Manufactures. Foreign and Colonial Merchandise. Total of Exporti. Products exported to the British West Indies. 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 J819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 183() 1831 1832 1833 1H34 £ 9,022,309 9,903,260 7,847,895 8,326,926 8,608,790 8,188,539 8,353,706 8,367,477 8,019,765 8,425,276 9,065.546 7,982,829' 8,420,454 8,880,833 9,496,950 9,087,923 8,-599,100 8,448,839 8,138,668 8,008,248 5,410,113 £ 6,282,226 6,742,451 4,584,509 6,632,708 5,717,216 4,395,215 4,246,783 4,940,609 4,127,052 4,621,589 4,843,556 4,702,249 8,792,4.53 4,685,789 4,134,744 5,162,197 8,749,799 3,7i'f>,522 3,813,821 4,4()1,''90 4,494,6.59 £ 339,912 453,630 268,719 882,883 272,491 297.199 814;567 370,738 243,126 285,247 824,375 295,021 £55,241 331,586 S'26,298 359,059 290,878 258,764 286,605 302,189 323,986 £ 6,222.138 7,196;081 4,853,228 7,015,591 5,989,707 4,692,414 4,561,3.50 5,311,847 4,370,178 5,906,836 5,167,931 4,997,270 4,047,694 5,017,375 4,461,042 5,521.256 4,040,677 3,988,286 4,100,426 4,704,180 4.818,646 £ 7,019,938 7,218,057 4,537,056 5.890,199 6,021,627 4,841,253 4,197,761 4,320,581 3,439 818 8,676,780 3,827,489 8,866,834 3,199,265 8,683,222 8,289,704 8,612,085 2,888,448 2,.581,949 2,439.807 2,597,591 2,680,022 The following are the quantities of some of the principal articles exported to the West Indian colonics in 1831 : — Cottons, 21,975,4.59 yards; linens, ll,(t29,191 yards; woollens, 149,952 yards; hats, 26,694 l3 lO »on-to >>Ot» to o oc c ItOOlTfO ^^ ^ ^ ^ S t^to tCiooo t^xi-^co' ■■ • Ttuoi^oiiototo- «OM ■>!■ to -OCT) O OOl >o to» C O^ltO Z C S CN -S ^tO C to CO tiS-dS aSas g.-gssa asa g- 3 3 lis 31.8 COLONIES AND any of the British possessions abroad, from the countries to which they belong, goods the produce of those countries, and to export goods from such possessions to be carried to any foreign country whatever ; be it therefore enacted, that the privileges thereby granted to foreign ships shall he limited to the ships of those countries which, having colonial possessions, shall grant the like privileges of trading with those possessions to British ships, or which, net having colonial possessions, shall place the commerce and navigation of this country, and of its possessions abroad, upon the footing of the most favoured nation, unless his Majesty by order in council shall in any case deem it expedient to grant the whole or any of such privileges to the ships of any foreign country, although these conditions be not in all respects fulfilled by such foreign country : provided, that no foreign country shall be deemed to have fulfilled the before-mentioned con.litions, or to be entitled to these privileges, unless his Majesty shall, by his order or orders, have declared that such foreign country hath so fulfilled the said conditions, and is entitled to the said privileges : provided also, that every order in council in force at the time of the commencement of this act, whereby declaration is made of the countries entitled in whole or in part to the privileges of the law of navigation, shall continue in force as effectually as if the same had been made under the authority of this act. — § 5. This Act not to affect certain Acts. — Nothing contained in this act, or any other act passed in the pre- sent session of parliament, shall extend to repeal or in any way alter or affect an act (4 Geo. 4. c. 77.), intituled *' An Act to authorize his Majesty, under certain Circumstances, to regulate the Duties and Drawbacks on Goods imported or exported in foreign Vessels, and to exempt certain foreign Vessels from Pilotage," nor to repeal or in any way alter or affect an act (5 Geo 4. c. 50.) to amend the last-mentioned act ; and that all trade and intercourse between the British possessions and all foreign countries shall be subject to the powers granted to his Majesty by those acts. — § 6. Goods prohibited or restricted to be imported into Colonies. — The several sorts of goods enumerated or described in the table following, denominated " A Table of Prohibitions and Restrictions," are hereby prohibited to be imported or brought, either by sea or by inland carriage or navigation, into the British possessions in America, or shall be so imported or brought only under the restrictions mentioned in such table, according as the several sorts of such goods are set forth therein ; (that is to say,) A Table of Prohibitions and Restrictions. Coffee, sugar, melasses, and rum, being of foreign ifroduction, or the production of any place within the limits of the East India Company's charter, prohibited to be imported into any of the British possessions on the continent of South America or in the West Indies (the Bahama and Bermuda islands not included), except to be warehoused for export- ation only ; and may also be prohibited to be imjiorted into the Bahama or the Bermuda islands by his Majesty's order in council. Base or counterfeit coin, and books, such as are prohibited to be imported into the United Kingdom, prohibited to be im« ported. Gunpowder, arms, ammunitions or utensils of war, prohibited to be imported, except from the United Kingdom, or from some other British possession. Tea, prohibited to be imported, except from the United King- dom, or from some other British possession in America, un- less by the East India Company, or with their licence during the continuance of their exclusive right of trade. Fish, dried or salted, oil, blubber, fins, or skins, the produce "of creatures livins in the sea, prohibited to be imported, except from the United Kingdom, or from some other Bri- tish possession, or unless taken by British ships fitted out from the United Kingdom or from some British possession, and brought in from i\e fishery, and except herrings from the Isle of Man, taken and cured by the inhabitants thereof. And if any goods shall be imported or brought into any of the British possessions in America con- trary to any of the prohibitions or restrictions mentioned in such table in respect of such goods, the same shall be forfeited; and if the ship or vessel in which such goods shall be imported be of less burden than 70 tons, such ship or vessel shall also be forfeited. — \ 7. Coffee, ^c, though British, deemed Foreign in certain Cases. — All coffee, sugar, melasses, and rum (although the same may be of the British plantations), exported from any of the British possessions in America, into which the like goods of foreign production can be legally imported, shall, upon subsequent importation from thence into any of the British possessions in America, into which such goods, being of foreign production, cannot be legally imported, or into the United Kingdom, be deemed to be of foreign production, and shall be liable, on such importation respectively, to the same duties or the same forfeitures as articles of the like description, being of foreign production, would be liable to, unless the same shall have been warehoused under the provisions of this act, and exported from the warehouse direct to such other British possession, or to the United Kingdom, as the case may be. ^8. Duties qf Importation in America. — There shall be raised, levied, collected, and paid unto his Majesty the several duties of customs, as the same are respectively set forth in figures in the table of duties herein-after contained, upon goods, wares, and merchandise imported or brought into any of his Majesty's po.ssessions in America} (that is to say,) Table of Duties. Dnties payable upon spirits, being of the growth, production, or manufacture of the United Kingdom, or of^ any of the British possessions in America or the West Indies, imported into Newfoundland or Canada. Spirits imported into Newfoundland ; viz. L. t. d. the produce of any of the British possessions in South America or the West Indies j viz. imported from any British America, or fr dom, the gallon America, or from the United King- - 0 0 6 Imported from any other place, to be deemed foreign, and to be charged with duty as such, the produce of any British possession in North America, or of the United Kingdom, and imported from the United Kingdom, or firom any British possession in America, the gallon . - - - -016 Imported from any other place, to be deemed foreign, and to be charged with duty as such. Spirits imported into Canada ; viz. the produce of any British possession in South America or the West Indies, and imported from any British possession in America, or from the United Kingdom, the gallon - 0 0 6 Imported from an other place, to be deemed foreign, and to be charged with duty as such. Note — When imported from the United Klngilom, this duty is not to be abated upon the ground of any duty under any colonial law. Duties i)ayable upon goods, wares, and merchandise, not being of the growth, production, or manufacture of the United Kingdom, or o any of Uie British possessions in America, imported or brought into any of tlie British possessions in America, by sea or by Inland carriage or navigation. Imported into the British possessions in the West Indies or on (ho continent of South A men Jnto the Hnhaiiin or Bermuda islands: viz. Wheat flour, the barrel imported from any British possession in North America, or from the warehouse in the United Kingdom ... Shingles, not more than 12 inches in length, the 1,000 - - . ^ '. more than 12 inches in length, the 1,000 imported from any British possession in North America, or from the warehouse in the United Kingdom Red oak staves and headings ; viz. until the 1st of January, 1834, the 1,000 on and from the 1st of January, 1854, until the 1st of January, 18.'56, the 1,000 on and from the 1st of January, 1836, the 1,000 . - . . ' . imported from any British possession in North America, or from the warehouse in the United Kingdom ... White oak staves and headings ; viz. until the 1st of January, 1834, the 1,000 on and from the 1st of January, \fiM, until the 1st of January, 1836, the 1,000 on and from the 1st of January, 1856, the 1,000 - . " . . imported from any British possession in North America, or from the warehouse in the United Kingdom - - . Pitch pine lumber, 1 inch thick, the 1,000 imported from any British possession in North America, or from the warehouse in the United Kingdom . . . White and yellow pine lumber, 1 inch thick, the 1,000 feet; viz. until the 1st of January, 1R51 on and from the 1st of January, 1854, until the 1st of .Tanuary, 18.36 on and from the 1st of January, 1836 imported from any British possession in North America, or from the warehouse In the Unit;'d Kingdom L. t. d. 0 5 0 0 7 0 0 14 0 Free. 1 6 3 1 2 3 0 15 0 Free. 13 9 0 19 9 0 12 6 Free. 110 COLONY TRADE. S4?9 Dye wood and cabinet-makers' wood Other kinds of wood and lumber, 1 inch thick, the 1,000 feet .... Wood hoops, the 1,000 imported from any British possession in North America, or from the warehouse in the United Kinndom . . . Beef and pork, salted, of all sorts, the cwt. imported from any British possession in North America . . . Wheat flour, the barrel ... Beef and pork, salted, of all sorts, the cwt. fresh, brought by land or inland navigation Imported into any of the British possessions in America ; viz. Spirits; viz. Brandy, geneva, or cordials, and other spirits, except rum, the gallon and further, the amount of any duty payable for the time heing on spirits the manufacture of the United liingdom. Ruir;, the gallon .... and further, the amount of'any duty payable for the time being on rum of the British possessions in South America or the West Indies. JV.B. — Kum, although British, if im. ported from any British possession in which foreign rum is not prohibited, is treated as foreign, unless it had been warehoused, and exported from the ware- house. Wine in bottles, the tun ... and further, for every 100/. of the value and on the bottles, the dozen bottled in and imported from the United Kingdom, for every 100/. of the value . the bottles Wine not in bottles, for every 100/. of the value imported into the British possessions in North America from Gibraltar or Malta, subject to no higher duty than if imported from the United Kingdom; viz. 1-lOth of the duty remitted. Coffee, the cwt. - ... Cocoa, the cwt. - Sugar, the cwt. - ... Mela^ses, the cwt. - . and further, the amount of any duty pay. able for the time being on coffee, cocoa, sugar, and melasses respectively, being the produce of the British possessions in South America or the West Indies. Clocks and watches, leather manufactures, linen, musical instruments, wires of all sorts, books and papers, silk manufactures, for every 100/. of the value Glass manufactures, soap, refined sugar, sugar candy, tobacco manufactured, cotton manufac- tures, for every 100/. of the value L. t. d. Free. 0 5 0 0 12 0 Tree. 7 7 0 7 10 0 0 1 0 7 10 0 Free. 7 10 0 0 .5 0 0 3 0 0 5 0 0 3 0 30 0 0 20 0 0 Alabaster, anchovies, argol, aniseed, ambar, al- monds, brimstone, botargo, box wood, currants, capers, l ascacoo, cummin litcd, coral, cork, cin- nabar, dates ; essence of bergamot, of lemon, of roses, of citron, of oranges, of lavender, of rose- mary ; emery stone ; fruit, preserved in sugar or brandy; figs; honey; iron in bars, unwrought, and pig iron ; juniper berries, incense of frankin- cense, lava and Malta stone for building, lentils; marble, rou^fh and worked; mosaic work, me- dals, musk, maccaroni, nuts of all kinds; oil of olives, oil of almonds ; orris root, ostrich feathers, ochres, orange buds and peel, olives, pitch, pickles in jars and bottles, paintin^^s, pozzolana, pumice stone, punk, Parmesan cheese, pickles, prints, pearls, ^irecious stones (except diamonds), quicksilver, raisins, sausages, sponges, tar, tur- pentine, vermilion, vermicelli, whetstones ; for every 100/. of the value - - - • Goods, wares, and merchandise, not otherwise charged with duty, and not herein declared to be free of duty, for every 100/. of the value • 1 Coin, bullion, and diamonds ; horses, mules, asse=, neat cattle, and all other live stock ; tallow and raw hides; rice; corn and grain, unground ; biscuit or bread; meal or flour (except wheat flour) ; fresh meat, fresh fish, carriages of tra- vellers ..... Wheat flour, beet and pork, hams and bacon, wood and lumber, imported into Canada ; wood and lumber, imported into New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, or Prince Edward's Island ; hay and straw, fruit and vegetables, fresh ; salt, cotton wool ; goods, the produce of places within the limits of the Fast India Company's charter, im- ported from those places, or from the United Kingdom, or from some place in the British do- minions ; herrings taken and cured by the inha bitants of the Isle of Man, and imported from thence; lumber, the produce of and imported from any British possession on the west coast of Africa ; any sort of craft ; food and victuals, ex- cept spirits; and any sort of clothing, and imple- ments and materials, fit and necessary for the British fisheries in America, imported into the place at or from whence such fishery is carritd on ; drugs, gums or resins, dye wood and hard wood, cabinet-makers' wood, tortoiseshell, hemp, flax, and tow ... Seeds, wheat flour, fruits, pickles, woods of all sorts, oakum, pitch, tar, turpentine, ochres, brimstone, sulphur, vege'.able oils, burr stones, dog stones, hops, cork, sago, tapioca, sponge, sausages, cheese, cider, wax, spices, tallow, im. imrted direct from the warehouse in the United Cingdom - - - - All goods imported from the United Kingdom, after having there paid the duties of consump- tion, and being exported from thence without drawback • - ... And if any of the goods herein-before mentioned shall be imported through the United Kingdom (having been warehoused therein, and exported from the warehouse, or the duties thereon, if there paid, having been drawn back), one tenth part of the duties herein imposed shall be remitted in respect of such goods. — §9. Acts not repealed. — Nothing in this act or in any other passed in thepresent session of parliament shall extend to repeal or abrogate, or in any way to alter or affect an act (18 Geo. 3. c. 12.), intituled "An Act for removing all Doubts and Apprehensions concerning Taxation by the Parliament of Great Britain in any of the Colonies, Provinces, and Plantations of North America and the West Indies, and for repealing so much of an Act made in IheTthYear of the Reign of his present Majesty as imposes a Duty on Tea imported from Great Britain into any Colony or Plantation in America, as relates thereto ;" nor to repeal or in anyway alter or affect any act now in force which was passed prior to the last-mentioned act, and by which any duties in any of t!ie British possessions in America were granted and still continue payable to the Crown ; nor to repeal or in any way alter or affect an act (31 Geo. 3. c. 31.) intituled " An Act to repeal certain Parts of an Act passed in the 14th Year of his Majesty's Reign, intituled * An Act (or making more effectual Provisions for the Government of the Province of Quebec in North America, and to make lurther Provisions for the Government of the said Province.' " — ^ 10. Duties imposed by prior Acts to be applied to Purposes of those Acts. — The duties imposed by any of the acts herein-before mentioned or referred to, passed prior to the said act (18 Geo. 3. c. 12.) shall be received, accounted for, and applied for the purposes of those acts : provided always, that no greater proportion of the duties imposed by this act, except as herein-before excepted, shall be charged upon any article which is subject also to duty under any of the said acts, or subject also to duty under any colonial law, than the amount, if any, by which the duty charged by this act shall exceed such other duty or duties : provided, that the full amount of the duties mentioned in this act, whether on account of such former acts, or on account of such colonial law, or on account of this act, shall be levied and received under the regulations and powers of this act. — § 11. Currency, Weights, and Measures. — All sums of money granted or imposed by this act, either as duties, penalties, or forfeitures, in the British possessions in America, are hereby declared to be sterling money of Great Britain, and shall be collected, and paid to the amount of the value which such nominal sums bear in Great Britain ; and that such monies may be received and taken at the rate of 5s. 6d. the ounce in silver; and all duties shall be paid and received in every part of the British possessions in .America according to British weights and measures in use on the 6th day of July, 1825; and in all cases wiiere such duties are imposed according to any specific quantity or any specific value, the same shall be deemed to apply in the same proportion to any greater or less quantity or value; and all such duties shall be under the inanagement of the commissioners of the customs. — § 12. Dutiespaid by Collector to Treasurer of Colo7iy in which /tt'i^rf. — The produce of the duties so received under this act, except such duties as are payable under any act passed prior to the 18 Geo. 3. as aforesaid, shall be paid by the collector of the customs into the hands of the treasurer or receiver-gene- ral of the colony, or other proper officer authorised to receive the same, to be applied to such uses as shall be directed by the local legislatures of such colonies ; and that the produce of such duties so received ir» colonies which have no local legislature may be applied in such manner as shall be directed by the com- inissionera of his Majesty's treasury. — \ 13. 350 COLONIES AND All British Vessels shall be subject to equal Duties, except coasting Vessels. — Whereas in some of his Majesty's possessions abroad, certain duties of tonnage are, by acts of the local legislatures of such pos- sessions, levied upon Britisli vessels, to which duties the like vessels built within such possessions, or owned by persons resident there, are not subject ; be it further enacted, that there shall be levied and paid at the several British possessions abroad, upon all vessels built in any such possessions, or owned by any person or persons there resident, other than coasting or drogueing vessels employed in coasting or drogueing, all such and the like duties of tonnage and shipping dues as are or shall be payable in any such possessions upon the like British vessels built in other parts of his Majesty's dominions, or owned by per. sons not resident in such possessions. — § 14. Drawback on Rum, Sfc. — There shall be allowed upon the exportation from Newfoundland to Canada of rum or other spirits, the produce of the British possessions in South America or the West Indies, a drawback of the full duties of customs paid upon the importation thereof from any of the said places into Newfoundland, provided proof on oath be made to the satisfaction of the collector and comptroller of the customs at the port whence such rum or other spirits is exported, that the full duties on the importation of such rum or other spirits at the said port had been paid, and that a certificate be pro. duced under the hands and seals of the collector and comptroller of the customs at Quebec, that such rum or other spirits had been duly landed in Canada : provided that no drawback shall be allowed upon any such rum or other spirits unless the same shall be shipped within 1 year from the day of the importation of the same, nor unless such drawback shall be duly claimed within 1 year from the day of such shipment. — \ 15. Ship and Cargo to be reported on. Arrival. — The master of every ship arriving in any of the British possessions in America, or the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, or Sark, whether laden or in ballast, shall come directly, and before bulk be broken, to the Custom-house for the port or district where he arrives, and there make a report in writing to the collector or comptroller, or other pro|)er officer, of the arrival and voyage of such ship, stating her name, country, and tonnage, and if British the port of registry, the name and country of the master, the country of the owners, the number of the crew, and how many are of the country of such ship, and whether she be laden or in ballast, and if laden the marks, numbers, and contents of every package and parcel of goods on board, and where the same was laden, and where and to whom consigned, and where any and what goods, if any, had been unladen during the voyage, as far as any of such particulars can be known to him ; and the master shall further answer all such questions concerning the ship, and the cargo, and the crew, and the voyage, as shall be demanded ot him by such officer; and if any goods be unladen from any ship before such report be made, or if the master fail to make such report, or make an untrue report, or do not truly answer the questions de- manded of him, he shall forfeit the sum of 100/. ; and if any goods be not reported, they shall be forfeited. Entry outwards of Ship for Cargo. — The master of every ship bound from any British possession in America, or the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, or Sark, shall, before any goods be laden therein, deliver to the collector or comptroller, or other proi)er officer, an entry outwards under his hand of the destination of such ship, stating her name, country, and tonnage, and if British the port of registry, the name and country of the master, the country of the owners, the number of the crew, and how many are of the country of such ship ; and if any goods be laden on board any ship before such entry be made, the master of such ship shall forfeit the sum of 50/. ; and before such ship depart the master shall bring and deliver to the collector or comptroller, or other officer, a content in writing under his hand of the goods yaden, and the names of the respective shippers and consignees of the goods, with the marks and numbers of the packages or parcels of the same, and shall make and subscribe a declaration to the truth of such content as far as any of such particulars can be known to him ; and the master of every ship bound from any British possession in America, or from the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, or Sark, whether in ballast or laden, shall before departure come before the collector or comptroller, or other proper officer, and answer upon oath all such questions concerning the ship, and the cargo, if any, and the crew and the voyage, as shall be demanded of him by such officer ; and thereupon the collector and comptroller, or other proper officer, if such ship be laden, shall make out and give to the master a certificate of the clearance of such ship for her intended voyage, containing an account of the total quantities of the several sorts of goods laden therein, or a certificate of her clearance in ballast, as the case may be ; and if the ship depart without such clearance, or if the master deliver a false content, or shall not truly answer the questions demanded of him, he shall forfeit the sum of 100/. —\ 17. Goods not stated in Certificate to be Produce of British Possessions to be deemed of Foreign Production. — No goods shall be stated in such certificate of clearance to be the produce of British possessions in America, unless such goods have been expressly stated so to be in the entry outwards of the same ; and all goods not expressly stated in such certificate of clearance to be the produce of the British possessions in America shall, at the place of importation in any other such possessions, or in the United Kingdom, be deemed to be of foreign production.—^ 18. Neufoundland Fishing Certificates in lieic of Clearance. — Whenever any ship shall be cleared out from Newfoundland, or any other part of his Majesty's dominions, for the fisheries on the banks or coasts of Newfoundland or Labrador, or their dependencies, without having on board any article of traffic, (ex- cept only the provisions, nets, tackle, and other things usually employed in and about the said fishery,) the master of such ship shall be entitled to demand from the collector or other principal officer of the customs at such port a certificate under his hand that such ship hath been specially cleared out for the Newfound- land fishery ; and such certificate shall be in force for the fishing season for the year in which the same may be granted, and no longer ; and upon the first arrival in any port in Newfoundland, &c. of any ship having on board such certificate, a report thereof shall be made by the master of such ship to the princi- pal officer of the customs ; and all ships having such certificate so reported, and being actually engaged in the said fishery, or in carrying coastwise to be landed or put on board any other ships engaged in the said fishery any fish, oil, salt, provisions, or other necessaries for the use and purposes thereof, shall be exempt from all obligation to make an entry at or obtain any clearance from any Custom-house at New- foundland upon arrival at or departure from any of the ports or harbours of the snid colony, &c. during the fishing season for which such certificate may be granted ; and previously to obtaining a clearance at the end of such seasoa 'or any other voyage at any of such ports, the master of such ship shall deliver up the before-mentioned certificate to the officer of the customs : provided always, that in case any such ship shall have on board, during the time the same may be engaged in the said fishery, any goods or merchan- dises whatsoever other than fish, seals, oil made of fish or seals, salt, provisions, and other things, being the produce of or usually employed in the said fishery, such ship shall forfeit the said fishing ceriiticate, and shall thenceforth be subject and liable to the same rules, regulations, &c. as ships in general are sub- ject or liable to. — ^ 19. Entry of Goods to be laden or unladen. — No goods shall be laden, or water-borne to be laden, on board any ship, or unladen from any ship, in any of the British possessions in America, or the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, or Sark, until due entry be made of such goods, and warrant granted for the lading or unlading of the same; and no goods shall be so laden or water-borne, or so unladen, ex- cept at some place at which an officer of the customs is appointed to attend the lading and unlading of goods, or at some place for which a sufferance shall bo granted by the collector and comptroller; and no goods shall be so laden or unladen except in the presence or with the permission in writing of the proper ofti(;er : provided always, that it shall be lawful for the commissioners of customs to make and appoint such other regulations for the carrying coastwise, or for the removing of any goods for shipment, as (ihall appear expedient; and that all goods laden, water-borne, or unladen contrary to the regulations of this act, or contrary to auv regulations so made, be forfeited. — \ 20. 16. COLONY TRADE. 351 Particulars of Entry of Goods inwards and outwards. — The person entering any «uch goods shall deliver to the collector or comptroller, or other proper officer, a bill of the entry thereof, fairly written in words at length, containing the name of the exporter or importer, and of the ship, and of the master, and of the place to or fVdm which bound, and of the place within the port where the goods are to be laden or unladen, and the particulars of the quality and quantity of the gootis, and the packages containing the same, and the marks and numbers on the packages, and setting forth whether such goods be the produce of the British possessions in America or not ; and such person shall at the same time pay down all duties due upon thegoods ; and the collector and comptroller, or other proper ollicer, shall thereupon grant their warrant for the lading or unlading of such goods. — \ 21. Entry inwards by Bill of Sight. — If the imi)Orter of any goods make and subscribe a declaration before the Collector or comptroller, or other proper otticer, that he cannot, for want of full information, make per- fect entry thereof, it shall be lawful for the collector and comptroller to receive an entry by till of sight for the packages or parcels of such goods by the bc.^t description which can be given, and to grant a warrant thereupon", in order that the same may be landed and secured to the satisfaction of the oHicer of the cus- toms, and at the expense of the imimrter, and may be seen and examined by such importer in the presence of the proper officers ; and within 3 days after the goods shall have been so landed, the im|)0. icr shall make a perfect entry thereof, and pay down all duties due thereon ; and in default of such entry such goods shall he taken to the King's warehouse, and if the importer shall not, within 1 month after such landing, make perfect entry of such goods and pay the duties due thereon, together with charges of removal and warehouse rent, such goods shall be sold for the payment thereof, and the overplus, if any, shall be paid to the proprietor of the goods. — % 22. Goods subject to ad Valorem Duty. — \n all cases where the duties imposed by this act upon the importation of articles into his Majesty's possessions in America are charged, not. according to the weight, tale, gauge, or measure, but according to the value thereof, such value shall be ascertained by the declar- ation of the importer of such articles, or his known agent, in manner and form following ; (that is to say,) * \ A. B. do hereby declare, that the articles mentioned in the entry, and contained in the packages • \here specifying t/ie several packages, and describing the several marks and numbers, as the case may ' oe,] are of the value of . Witness my hand the day of . A. B. * The above declaration, signed the day of in the presence of C. D. collector [or ' other principal officer'].' Which declaration shall be written on the bill of entry of such articles, and shall be subscribed by the im- porter thereof, or his known agent, in the presence of the collector or other principal officer of the customs at the port of importation : provided, that if upon view and examination of such articles by the proper officer of the customs it shall appear to him that the said articles are not valued according to the true price or value thereof, and according to the true intent and meaning of this act, in such case the im- porter or his known agent shall be required to declare on oath before the collector or comptroller what is the invoice price of such articles, and that he verily believes such invoice j)rice is the current value of the articles at the place from whence the said articles were imported ; and such invoice price, with the addition of 10/. per centum thereon, shall be deemed to be the value of the articles in lieu of the value so declared by the importer or his known agent, and upon v/hich the duties imposed by this act shall be charged and paid : provided also, that if it shall appear to the collector and comptroller, or other proper officer, that such articles have been invoiced below the real and true value thereof, at the place from whence the same were imported, or if the invoice price is not known, the articles shall in such case be examined by two competent persons, to be nominated and appointed by the governor or commander-in- chief of the' colony, plantation, or island into which the said articles are imported, and such persons shall declare on oath before the collector or comptroller, or other proper officer, what is the true and real value of such articles in such colony, plantation, or island ; and the value so declared on the oaths ot such persons shall be deemed to be the true and real value of such articles, and upon which the duties imposed by this act shall be charged and paid. — § 23. Jf Importer refuse to pay such Duty, the Goods may be sold. — If the importer of such articles shall refuse to pay the duties hereby imposed thereon, it shall be lawful for the collector or other chief officer of the customs where such articles shall be imported, to take and secure the same, with the casks or other package thereof, and to cause the same to be publicly sold within the space of 20 days at the most aftec such refusal made, and at such time and place as such officer shall, by 4 or more days' public notice, appoint for that purpose; which articles shall be sold to the best bidder; and the money arising from the sale thereof shall be applied in the first place in payment of the said duties, together with the charges that shall have been occasioned by the said sale, and the overplus, if any, shall be paid to such importer or proprietor, or any other person authorised to receive the same. — ^ 24. Jf Goods be not etdered in 20 Bays, the Officer may land and secure them. — Every importer of any goods shall, within 20 days after the arrival of the importing ship, make due entry inwards of such goods, and land the same; and in default of such entry and landing it shall be lawful for the officers of the customs to convey such goods to the king's warehouse ; and if the duties due upon such goods be not paid within 3 months after such 20 days shall have expired, together with all charges of removal and warehouse rent, the same shall be sold, and the produce thereof applied first to the payment of freight and charges, next of duties, and the overplus, if any, shall be paid to the proprietor of the goods. — ^ 25. Goods imported from United Kingdom or British Possessions must appear in Cocket, Sfc. — No goods shall be imported into any British possession as being imported from the United Kingdom, or from any other British possession (if any advantage attach to such distinction), unless such goods appear upon the cockets or other proper documents for the same to have been duly cleared outwards at the port of export- ation in the United Kingdom, or in such other British possession, nor unless the ground upon which such advantage be claimed be stated in such cocket or document. — § 26. Goods imported from, to be deemed of the Growth of. United Kingdom. — No goods shall, upon import- ation into any of the British possessions in America, be deemed to be of the growth, production, or manufacture of the United Kingdom, or of any British possession in America, unless imported from the United Kingdom, or from some British possession in America. — \ 27. Entry not to be valid, if Goods be not properly described in it. — No entrv, nor any warrant for the landing of any goods, or for the taking of any goods out of any warehouse, shall be deemed valid, unless the particulars of the goods and packages in such entry correspond with the particulars of the gocds and packages in the report of the ship, or in the certificate or other document, where any is required, bv which the importation or entry of such goods is authorised, nor unless the goods shall have been properly described in such entry by the denominations and with the characters and circumstances according to which such goods are charged with duty or may be imported ; and any goods taken or delivered out of any ship or out of any warehouse by virtue of any entry or warrant not corresponding or agreeing in all such respects, or not properly describing the same, shall be deemed to be goods landed or taken without due entry thereof, and shall be forfeited. — § 28. Certificate of Production for Sugar, Cqffee, Cocoa, cm* Spirits. — Before any sugar, cofTee, cocoa, or spirits shall be shipped for exportation in any British possession in America or in the island of Mauritius, as being the produce of such possession or of such island, the i)roprietor of the estate on which such goods were produced, or his known agent, shall make and sign an affidavit in writing before the collector or comptroller at the port of exportation, or before a justice of the peace, or other officer duly authoriied 352 COLONIES AND to administer such oath, declaring that such goods are the produce of such estate; and such affidavit shall set forth the name of the estate, and the description and quantity of the goods, and the packaees containing the same, with the marks and numbers thereon, and the name of the person to whose charge at the place of shipment they are to be sent; and if any justice or other officer sliall subscribe his name to any writing purporting to be such affidavit, unless the person making it shall actually appear before him and be sworn to the truth of the same, such justice of the peace or officer shall forfeit and pav for any such offence the sum of 50/. ; and the person entering and shipping such goods shall deliver such affidavit to the collector or comptroller, or other proper officer, and shall make and subscribe a declar- ation before him that the goods which are to be shipped by virtue of such entry are those mentioned in such affidavit ; and the master of the ship in which such goods shall be laden shall, before clearance make and subscribe a declaration before the collector or comptroller that the goods shipped by virtue of such entry are the same as are mentioned and intended in such affidavit, to the best of his knowledge and belief ; and thereupon the collector and comptroller, or other proper officer, shall sign and give to the master a certificate of production, stating that proof has been made, in manner required by law that suclt goods (describing the same) are the producCof such British possession or of such island, and setting forth in such certificate the name of the exporter and of the exporting ship, and of the master thereof and the destination of the goods ; and if any sugar, coffije, cocoa, or spirits be imported into any British pos- session in America, as being the produce of some other such possession or of such island, without such certificate of production, the same shall be forfeited. — ^ 29. Certificate of Production on Re-exportation from another Colony. — Before any sugar, coffee cocoa or spirits shall be shipped for exportation in any British possession in America, as being the produce of some other such possession, the person exix)rting the same shall in the entry outwards state the place of the production, and refer to the entry inwards and landing of such goods, and shall make and subscribe a declaration before the collector or comptroller to the identity of the same; and thereupon, if such goods shall have been duly imported with a certificate of production within 12 months prior to the shipping for exportation, the collector and comptroller shall sign and give to the master a certificate of production referring to the certificate of production under which such goods had been so imported, and containing the like i)articulars, with the date of such importation. — ^30. Goods brought over Land, or by Inland Navigation. — It shall be lawful to bring or import by land or by inland navigation into any of the British possessions in America from any adjoining foreign country any goods which might be lawfully imported by sea into such possession from such country, and so to bring or import such goods in the vessels, boats, or carriages of such country, as well as in British vessel^ boats, or carriages. — § 31. ' What Vessels shall be deemed British on the Lakes in America. — No vessel or boat shall be admitted to be a British vessel or boat on any of the inland waters or lakes in America, except such as have been built within the British dominions, and shall be wholly owned by British subjects, and shall not have been repaired at any foreign place to a greater extent than in the proportion of 10s. for every ton of such vessel or boat at any one time : provided always, that nothing herein-before contained shall extend to prevent the employment of any vessel or boat as a British vessel or boat on such inland waters or lakes, which shall have wholly belonged to British subjects before the .5th day of July, 1825, and which shall not have been since that day repaired as aforesaid in any foreign place. — § 32. Goods must be brought to a Place where there is a Custotn-house. — It shall not be lawful so to bring or import any goods except into some port or place of entry at which a Custom-house now is or hereafter may be lawfully established : provided also, that it shall be lawful for the governor, heutenant-governor, or person administering the government of any of the said possessions respectively, by and with the advice of the executive council thereof, from time to time to diminish or increase, by proclamation, the number of ports or places of entry. — § 33. Duties to be collected in same Manner as on Goods imported by Sea. — The duties imposed by this act shall be ascertained, levied, and recovered upon all goods so brought or imported jn the same manner, and by the same ineans, rules, regulations, penalties, &c. as the duties on the like goods imported by sea ; and if any goods shall be brought or imported contrary hereto, or if any goods so brought or imported shall be removed from the station or place appointed for the examination of such goods before all duties payable thereon shall have been paid or satisfied, such goods shall be forfeited, together with the vessel, boat, or carriage, and the horses or other cattle, in or by which such goods shall have been so importeci or brought, or so removed. — § 34. Duties in Canada on American Boats, as in America on British Boats. — The same tonnage duties shall be paid upon all vessels or boats of the United States of America importing any goods into Canada as are or may be payable in the United States of America on British vessels or boats entering the harbouri whence such goods have been imported. — \ 35. Conditions with respect to Warehousing in the Colonies. Ports herein mentioned to be free warehousing Ports. — The several ports herein-after mentioned, (that is to say,) Bridgetown in Barbadoes, Quebec in Canada, Sydney in Cape Breton, Roseau in Dominica, St. George in Grenada, Kingston and Montego Bay in Jamaica, Charlestown in Nevis, Saint John's and Saint Andrew's in New Brunswick, Saint John's in Newfoundland, Nassau in New Providence, Halifax and Pictou in Nova Scotia, Basseterre in Saint Kitt's, Kingston in Saint Vincent, Road Harbour in Tor. tola, San Joseph in Trinidad, shall be free tvarehousing ports for all the purposes of this act ; and Kingston and Montreal in the Canadas, and Liverpool and Yarmouth in Nova Scotia, shall be warehousing ports for the warehousing of goods brought by land or by inland navigation, or imported in British ships.; and it shall be lawful for the several collectors and comptrollers of the said ports respectively, by notice in writing under their hands, to appoint from time to time such warehouses at such ports as shall be approved of by them for the free warehousing and securing of goods, and also ui such notice todeclare what sorts of goods may be so warehoused, and also by like notice to revoke or alter any such appointment or declaration : provided always, that every such notice shall be transmitted to the governor of the place, and shall be published in such manner as he shall direct. — § 36. Goods may be warehoused without Payment of Duty. — It shall be lawful for the importer of any such goods into the said ports to warehouse them in the warehouses so appointed, without payment of any duty on the first entry thereof, subject nevertheless to the rules, regulations, &c, herein-after contained. — \ 37. Regulation as to warehousing of Goods on Arrival in Canada. — Upon the arrival of any goods at any frontier port in the Canadas, such goods may be entered with the proper officer of the customs at such port, to be warehoused at some warehousing port in the Canadas, and may be delivered by. such officer to be passed on to such warehousing port, under bond, to the satisfaction of such officer, for the due arrival and warehousing of such goods at such port. — k, 38. Stowage of Goods in Warehouse. — All goods so warehoused shall bo stowed in such parts or divisions of the warehouse and in such manner as tlie collector and comptroller shall direct; and the warehouse shall be locked and secured in such manner, and shall be opened and visited only at such times, and in the presence of such officers, and under such rules and regulations, as the collector and comptroller shall direct ; and all such goods shall, after being landed upon importation, be carried to the warehouse, or shall, after being taken out of the warehouse for exportation, be carried to be shipped, under such rules and regulations as the collector and comiitroUer shall direct. — ^39. Bond upon Entry of Goods to he warehoused. — Upon the entry of any goods to be warehoused, the im- porter of such goods, instead of paying down the duties due thereon, shall give bond with two sufficient COLONY TRADE. 353 Buretios, to he approved of by the collector or comptroller, in treble the duties payable on «uch good%, with condition for the safe depositing of such goods in the warehouse mentioned in such entry, and for the payment of all duties due ui)on such goods, or for the exportation thereof, according to the first account taken of such goods upon the landing of the same; and with further condition, that no part thereof shall be taken out of such warehouse until cleared from thence upon due entry and payment of duty, or upon due entry for exportation ; and with further condition, that the whole of such goods shall be so cleared from such warehouse, and the dutios, upon any deficiency of the quantity according to such first account, shall be paid, within 2 years from the date of the first entry thereof; and if after such bond shall have been given, the goods or any part thereof shall be sold or disposed of, so that the original bonder shall lie no longer interested in or have any control over the same, it shall be lawful for the collector and comp- troller to admit fresh security to be given by the bond of the new proprietor or other person having control over such goods, with his sufficient sureties, and to cancel the bond given by the original bonder of such goods, or to exonerate him to the extent of the fresh security so given. — ^ 40. Goods not duly warehoused, Sfc. to be forfeited. — 1 f any goods which have been entered to be warehoused shall not be duly carried and deposited in the warehouse, or shall afterwards be taken out of it without due entry and clearance, or having been entered and cleared for exportation shall not be duly carried and shipped, or shall afterwards be relanded except with permission of the customs, such goods shall be for- feited.— \ 41. Account of Goods to be taken on landing. — Upon the entry and landing of any goods to be warehoused, the proper officer shall take a particular account of the same, and shall mark the contents on each pack- age, and shall enter the same in a book to be kept for that purpose; and no goods which have been so warehoused shall be taken or delivered from the warehouse except upon due entry, and under care of the proper officers for exportation, or upon due entry and payment of duty for home use; and whenever the whole of the goods warehoused under any entry shall be cleared from the warehouse, or whenever further time shall be granted for any such goods to remain warehoused, an account shall be made out of the quantity upon which the duties have been paid, and of the quantity exported, and of the quantity (to be then ascertained) of the goods still remaining in the warehouse, as the case may be, deducting from the whole the quantity contained in any whole packages (if any) which may have been abandoned for the duties ; and if upon such account there shall in either case appear to be any deficiency of the original quantity, the duty payable upon the amount of such deficiency shall then be paid. — § 42. Samples may be taken. — It shall be lawful for the collector and comptroller, under such regulations as they shall see fit, to permit moderate samples to be taken of any goods so warehoused, without entry, and without payment of duty, except as the same shall eventually become payable, as on a deficiency of the original quantity. — § 43. Goods may be sorted and repacked. — It shall be lawful for the collector and comptroller, under such regulations as they shall see fit, to permit the proprietor or other person having control over any ware- housed goods to sort, separate, and pack and repack any such goods, and to make such lawful alterations therein, or arrangements and assortments thereof, as may be necessary for the preservation of such goods, or in order to the sale, shipment, or legal disposal of the same ; and also to permit any parts of such goods so separated to be destroyed, but without prejudice to the claim for duty upon the whole original quantity of such goods : provided always, that it shall be lawful for any person to abandon any whole packages to the officers of the customs for the duties, without being liable to any duty upon the same. — \ 44. Goods warehoused may be delivered for Removal without Payment of Duty. — Goods warehoused at any warehousing port in any of the British possessions in America, being first duly entered, may be delivered, under the authority of the proper officer of the castoms, without payment of duty, except for any de. ficiency thereof, for the purpose of removal to another warehousing port in the same possession, under bond, to the satisfaction of such officer, for the due arrival and rewarehousing of such goods at such other port. — ^ 45. All Goods to be cleared within 2 Years, or sold. — All goods which have been so warehoused or re- warehoused shall be duly cleared, either for exportation or for home consumption, within 2 years from the day of first entry for warehousing; and if any such goods be not so cleared, it shall be lawful for the collector and comptroller to cause the same to be sold, and the produce shall be applied, first to the pay- ment of the duties, next of warehouse rent and other charges, and the overplus (if any) shall be paid to the proprietor : provided always, that it shall be lawful for the collector and comptroller to grant further time for any such goods to remain warehoused, if they shall see fit. — § 46. Bond on Entry for Exportation. — Upon the entry outwards of any goods to be exported from the ware- house, the person entering the same shall give security by bond in treble the duties of importation on such goods, with two sufficient sureties, to be approved by the collector or comptroller, that the same shall be landed at the place for which they be entered outwards, or be otherwise accounted for. — \ 47. Power to appoint other Ports. — It shall be lawful for his Majesty, by order in council, from time to time to appoint any port in his Majesty's possessions in America to be a free warehousing port for all or any of the purposes of this act ; and every such port so appointed by his Majesty shall be, for all the pur- poses expressed in such order, a free warehousing port under this act, as if appointed by the same. — ^48. Goods from Mauritius liable to sa?ne Duties and Regulations as West India Goods. — § 49. — (See Port Louis.) Cape of Hope within Limits of the Company's Charter. — In all trade with the British possessions in America, the Cape of Good Hope, and the territories and dependencies thereof, shall be deemed to be within the limits of the East India Company's charter. — \ 50. Dutch Proprietors, &c. Dutch Proprietors in Demerara, Esseqnibo, and Berbice, may supply their Estates from Holland. — It shall be lawful for any of the subjects of the King of the Netherlands, being Dutch proprietors in the colonies of Demerara, Essequibo, and Berbice, to import in Dutch ships from the Netherlands into the said colonies all the usual articles of supply for their estates therein, atod also wine imported for the pur- poses of medicine only, and which shall be liable to a duty of 10s. per ton, and no more ; and in case seizure be made of any articles so imported, upon the ground that they are not such supplies, or are fot the purpose of trade, the proof to the contrary shall lie on the Dutch proprietor importing the same, and not on the seizing officer : provided always, that if suflScient security by bond be given in court to abide the decision of the commissioners of customs upon such seizure, the goods so seized shall be admitted to entry and released. — § 51. Dutch Proprietors may not export to United Kingdom. — It shall not be lawf'il for such Dutch pro- prietors to export the produce of their estates to the United Kingdom, or to any of his Majesty's sugar colonies in America, except under the conditions herein-after provided. — ^ 52. What Persotis shall be deemed Dutch Proprietors. — All subjects of his Majesty the King of the Nether- lands resident in his said Majesty's European dominions, who were at the date of the convention between his Majesty George III. and the King of the Netherlands, dated the I2th day of August, 1815, proprietors of estates in the said colonies, and all subjects of his said Majesty who may hereafter become possessed of estates then belonging to Dutch proprietors therein, and all such proprietors as being then resident in the said colonies, and being natives of his said Majesty's dominions in the Netherlands, may have declared, within 3 months after the publication of the aforesaid convention in the said colonies, that they wish to continue to be considered as such, and all subjects of his said Majesty the King of the Netherlands who may be the holders of mortgages of estates in the said colonies made prior to the date of the convention, and who may under their mortgage deeds have the right of exporting from the said coloniea to the COLONIES AND Netherlands the produce of such estates, shall be deemed Dutch proprietors under the provisions of thij act : provided, that where both Dutch and British subjects have mortgages upon the same property in the said colonies, the produce to be consigned to the different mortgagees shall be in proportion to the debts respectively due to them. — § 53. Persons not wishing to be considered Dutch Proprietors to sign a Declaration to that Effect. — Whereas it is expedient to permit any of such persons, at their option, to relinquish such character of Dutch pro- prietor ; be it therefore enacted, that if any such person sliall make and sign a declaration in writing, attested by two credible witnesses, setting forth that lie is desirous and has elected not to be deemed to be a Dutch proprietor within the meaning of the said act in respect of any such estate or mortgage to be mentioned and named in such declaration, and shall cause such declaration to be delivered to the com- missioners of his Majesty's customs, such person shall thenceforth be no longer deemed a Dutch pro- prietor within the meaning of the said act in respect of the estate or mortgage so mentioned in such declaration as aforesaid, and such delaration shall have effect in respect of any goods the produce of any such estate of which such person so far as relates to those goods was a Dutch proprietor, although such goods may have been exported from the colony before the delivering of such declaration as aforesaid. — ^ 54. No Ship to sail from Jamaica to St. Domingo, or from St. Domingo to Jamaica. — No British merchant ship or vessel shall sail from Jamaica to^t. Domingo, nor from St. Domingo to Jamaica, under the penalty of forfeiture of such ship or vessel, together with her cargo ; and no foreign ship or vessel which shall have come from, or shall in the course of her voyage have touched at St. Domingo, shall come into any port or harbour in the island of Jamaica; and if any such ship or vessel, having come into any such port or harbour, shall continue there for 48 hours after notice shall have been given by the officer of the customs to depart, such ship or vessel shall be forfeited ; and if any person shall be landed in Jamaica from any ship or vessel which shall have come from or touched at St. Domingo, except in case of urgent necessity, or unless licence shall have been given by the governor of Jamaica to land such person, such ship shall be forfeited, together with her cargo. — \ .W. Colonial Laws repugnant to any Act of Parliament to be null and void. — All laws, by-laws, usages, or customs at this time or which hereafter shall be in practice, or pretended to be in practice, in any of the British possessions in America, in anywise repugnant to this act, or to any other act of parliament, so far as such act relates to the said possessions, shall be null and void to all intents and purposes. — § 56. Exemption from Duties to extend only to Duties by Act of Parliaynent. — Provided always, that no exemption from duty in any of the British possessions abroad, contained in any act of parliament, extends to any duty not imposed by act of parliament, unless and so far only as any duty not so imposed is expressly mentioned in such exemption. — \ 57. Officers may board Ships hovering on the Coasts. — It shall be lawful for the officers of customs to go on board any ship in any British possession in America, and to rummage and search all parts of such ship for prohibited and uncustomed goods, and also to go on board any ship hovering within 1 league of the coasts thereof, and in either case freely to stay on board such ship so long as she shall remain in such port or within such distance; and if any such ship be bound elsewhere, and shall continue so hovering for the space of 24 hours after the master shall have been required to depart, it shall be lawful for the officer of the customs to bring such ship into port, and to examine her cargo, and to examine the master upon oath touching the cargo and voyage ; and if there be any goods on board prohibited to be imported, such ship and cargo shall be forfeited ; and if the master shall not truly answer the questions demanded of him, he shall forfeit 100/. — ^ 58. Forfeiture of Vessels, Carriages, %c. removing Goods liable to Forfeiture. — All vessels, boats, carriages, and cattle made use of in the removal of any goods liable to forfeiture under this act shall be forfeited, and every person who shall assist or be otherwise concerned in the unshipping, landing, or removal, har- bouring, &c. of such goods, or into whose possession the same shall knowingly come, shall forfeit the treble value thereof, or the penalty of 100/., at the election of the officers of the customs. — \ 59. Goods, Vessels, ^c. liable to Forfeiture may be seized by Officers. — All goods, ships, vessels, boats, car- riages, and cattle, liable to forfeiture under this act, may be seized and secured by any officer of the customs or navy, or by any person employed for that purpose with the concurrence of the commissioners of his Majesty's customs ; and every person who shall in any way hinder or obstruct such officers or per- sons employed as aforesaid, or any person aiding him, shall for every such offence forfeit the sum of 200/. — § 60. Writ of Assistance to search for and seize Goods liable to Forfeiture. — Under authority of a writ of assistance granted by the supreme court of justice or court of vice admiralty having jurisdiction in the place, it shall be lawful for any officer of the customs, taking with him a peace officer, to enter any build- ing or other place in the daytime, and to search for, seize, and secure any goods liable to forfeiture under this act, and, in case of necessity, to break open any doors and any chests or other packages for that pur- pose; and such writ of assistance, when issued, shall be deemed to be in force during the whole of the reign in which the same shall have been granted, and for 12 months from the conclusion of such reign. Obsti-uction of Officers by Force. — If any person shall by force or violence assault, molest, hinder, or obstruct any officer of the customs or navy, or other person employed as aforesaid, or any person acting in his aid, such person upon conviction shall be adjudged a felon, and punished at the discretion of the court. — ^ 62. Goods seized to be secured at the next Custom-house, and sold by Auction. — All things seized as liable to forfeiture under this act, or under any act made for the prevention of smuggling, or relating to the customs, or to trade or navigation, shall be delivered to the collector and comptroller of the customs next to the place where the same were seized ; and after condemnation they shall cause the same to be sold by public auction to the best bidder : provided always, that it shall be lawful for the commissioners of the customs to direct in what manner the produce of such sale shall be applied, or, in lieu of such sale, to direct what things shall be destroyed, or be reserved for the public service. — § 63. The next 17 clauses relate to the mode of proceeding in actions as to seizures before the courts, the application and recovery of penalties, &c. It seems unnecessary to insert these in this place. The King may regulate the. Trade of certain Colonies. — It shall be lawful for his Majesty, by any order or orders in council to be issued from time to time, to give such directions and make such regulations touching the trade and commerce to and from any British possessions on or near the continent of Europe, or within the Mediterranean Sea, or in Africa, or within the limits of the East India Company's charter (excepting the possessions of the said Company), as to his Majesty in council shall appear expedient ; and if any goods shall be imported or exported in any manner contrary to any such order, the same shall be forfeited, together with the ship importing or exporting the same. — § 81. East India Company may carry Goods from India to Colonies. — It shall be lawful for the East India Company, during the continuance of their exclusive privileges of trade, to export from any place within the limits of their charter any goods for the purpose of being carried to some of his Majesty's possessions in America, and so to carry and to import the same into any of such possessions, and al.so to carry return cargoes from such po.ssessions to any place within the limits of their charter, or to the United Kingdom; and it shall be lawful for any of his Majesty's subjects, with the licence or under the authority of the said Coin] any, to lade in and export from anyjof the dominions of tiie Emjieror of China any goods, and to lade in and export from any place within the limits of the said Company's charter any tea, for the purpose of being carried to some of his Majesty's possessions in America, and also so to carry and to import the same into any of such possessions. — \ 82. fil. COLONY TRADE. 355 Certificate of Production of Fast India Sugar. — It shall bo lawful for any shipper of sugar the produce of some British possession within the limits of the Kast Irulia Company's charter, to be exported from such possession, to ko before tiie collector, comptroller, &c. of the customs at such place, or, if there be none such, to go before the principal officer of such place, or the judge or commercial resident, and make an alfidavit that such sugar was really and bond fide the produce of such IJritish jjossession, to the best of his knowledge and belief; and such officer, &c. is to grant a certificate thereof, setting forth the name of the ship in whicii the sugar is to be exi)orteil, and her destination. — § 83. Ships built prior to tin: \st of January, 181G, deemed British Ships witiiin certain IJmits. — All ships built within tlie limits of the Kast lnd"ia Company's charter prior to the 1st day of January, 181G, and which were then, and have continued sin(;e, to be solely tlio property of his Majesty's subjects, shall be deemed to be British ships for all the purposes of trade within the said limits, including the Cape of Good Hope. — \ 84. Certificate of Production of Cape Wine. — It shall be lawful for the shipper of wine the produce of the Cape of Good Hope, or of its dependencies, which is to be exported from thence, to go before the chief officer of the customs, and make an affidavit that such wine was really and bona fide the [iroducc of the Cape or its dependencies; and such oHicer is required to administer such affidavit, and to grant a certiti- cate thereof, stating the name of the ship in which the wine is exported, and her destination. — \ 85. Certificate of Production of Goods in Guernsey, 8fC. — It shall be lawful for any per.-^on who is about to export from Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, or Sark, to the United Kingdom, or any British possession in America, any goods the growth or produce of any of those islands, or any goods manufactured from materials the growth or produce thereof, or of the United Kingdom, to go before a magistrate of the island from which the goods are to be exported, and sign a declaration that such goods are of such growth, produce, or manufacture, and such magistrate shall administer and sign sucli declaration ; and thereupon the governor, lieutenant-governor, &c. of the island shall, upon the delivery to him of such declaration, grant a certificate under his hand of the proof contained in such declaration, stating the ship by, and the port in the United Kingdom, or in such possession, to, which the goods are to be exported; and such certificate shall be produced at such ports, in proof that the goods mentioni.i therein are of the growth, produce, &c. of such islands. — ^ 86. The next section relates to the importation of tea into Guernsey, &c. during the exclusive trading pri- vileges enjoyed by the East India Company. Guernsey, SfC. Tonnage of S/i/ps and Size of Packages for Spirits. — No brandy, geneva, or other spirits (except rum of the British plantations), shall be imported into, or exported from, the islands of Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, or Sark, or removed from any one to any other of the said islands, or coastwise from any one part to any other part of either of the said islands, or be shipped to be so removed or carried, or be waterborne for the purpose of being so shipped in any ship, vessel, or boat of less burden than 100 tons (except when imported from the United Kingdom in ships of the burden of 70 tons at least), nor in any cask or package of less size or content than 40 gallons, (except when in bottles, and carried in a square-rigged ship,) nor any tobacco or snuff in any ship, vessel, or boat of less burden than 100 tons (except wlien imported from the United Kingdom in ships of the burden of 70 tons at least), nor in any cask or package containing less than 450 lbs. weight, (save and except any such spirits or loose tobacco as shall be for the use of the seamen belonging to and on board any such ship, vessel, or boat, not ex- ceeding 2 gallons of the former, and 5 lbs. weight of the latter, for each seaman, and also except such manufactured tobacco or snuff' as shall have been duly exported as merchandise from Great Britain or Ireland,) on pain of forfeiture of all such foreign brandy, geneva, or other spirits, tobacco or snufF respect- ively, together with the casks or packages containing the same, and also of every such ship, vessel, or boat, together with all her guns, furniture, &c. — § 88. Not to extend to Vessels of 10 Tons supplying Island of Sark, having Licence so to do. — Nothing herein contained shall extend, or be construed to extend, to any boat not exceeding the burden of 10 tons, for having on board at any one time any foreign spirits of the quantity of 10 gallons or under, in casks or packages of less size or content than 40 gallons, or any tobacco, snuff, or tea, not exceeding 50 lbs. weight of each, for the supply of the said island of Sark, such boat having a licence from the officer of customs at either of the islands of Guernsey or Jersey, for the purpose of being employed in carrying commodities for the supply of the said island of Sark : provided that every such boat having on board at any one time any greater quantity of spirits than 10 gallons, or any greater quantity of tobacco or snuff' than 50 lbs. weight of each of the said articles, unless such greater quantity of spirits, tobacco, or snuff shall be in casks or packages of the size, content, or weight herein-before required, or having on board at any one time any greater quantity of tea than 50 lbs. weight, shall be forfeited. — § 89. Penalty on Persons found on board Vessels liable to Forfeiture within 1 League of Guernsey, ^-c— Ever> j)erson found or discovered to have been on board any vessel or boat liable to forfeiture, for being found within 1 league of the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, or Sark, having on board or in any manner attached or affixed thereto, or conveying or having conveyed, in any manner, such goods or other things as subject such vessel or boat to forfeiture, or who shall be found or discovered to have been on board any vessel or boat from which anv part of the cargo shall have been thrown overboard during chace, or staved or destroyed, shall forfeit the sum of 100/. — \ 90. British Coals not to be re-exported from British Possessions without Duty. — It shall not be lawful to re-export from any of his Majesty's possessions abroad to any foreign place any coals the produce of the United Kingdom, except upon payment of the duty to which such coals would be liable upon exportation from the United Kingdom to siich foreign place ; and no such coals shall be shipped at any of such possessions, to be exported to any British place, until the exporter or the master of the exporting vessel shall have given bond, with one sufficient surety, in double the value of the coals, that such coals shall not be landed at any foreign place. — ^ 91. Penalty for using Documents counterfeited or falsified. — If any person shall, in any of his Majesty's possessions abroad, counterfeit or falsify, or wilfully use when counterfeited or falsified, any entry, warrant, cocket, &c. for the unlading, lading, entering, reporting, or clearing any ship or vessel, or for the landing, shipping, or removing of any goods, stores, baggage, or article whatever, or shall by any false statement procure any writing or document to be made for any such purposes, or shall falsely make any oath or affirmation required by any act for regulating the trade of the British possessions abroad, or shall forge or counterfeit a certificate of the said oath or affirmation, or shall knowingly publish such certificate, he shall for every such offence forfeit the sum of 200/. — § 92. The American govefiiment having declined complying with those conditions of reci- procity under which the trade between the United States and the British colonies was to be opened by the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 114., it was directed by an order in council, dated the 27th of July, 1826, that a duty of 4s. 2d. per ton should be charged upon all American vessels entering his Majesty's possessions in the West Indies, as well as an addition of 10 per cent, upon the duties imposed by the above-mentioned act on all and each of tlie articles named in it, when imported into the West Indies in American ships. In the course of 1830, however, the negotiations that had been entered into with the United States relative to this subject were happily terminated by the Americans agree- ing to the conditions of reciprocity above mentioned j so that the discriminating duties 2A 2 356 COLONIES AND imposed upon the ships and goods under authority of the above-mentioned order in council are wholly repealed. Subjoined is the circular letter of the American government, and an extract from the British order in council, dated the 5th of November, 1830, relative to this new arrange- ment. Circular to the Collectors of Customs. Treasury Department, Oct. 6. 1830. Sir, — You will perceive by the proclamation of the president herewith transmitted, that from and after the date thereof, the act entituled " An Act concerning Navigation," passed on the 13th of April, 1818; an act supplementary therein, passed the 15th of May, 1820 ; and an act entituled " An Act to regulate the commercial Intercourse between the United States and certain British Ports," passed on the 1st of March, 1823, are absolutely repealed ; and the ports of the United States are open to British vessels and their cargoes, coming from the British colonial possessions in the West Indies , on the continent of South America, the Bahama Islands, the Caicos, and the Bermuda or Somer Islands j also from the islands, pro^ vinces, or colonies of Great Britain on or near the North American continent, and north or east of the United States. By virtue of the authority of this proclamation, and in conformity with the arrangement made between the United States and Great Britain, and under the sanction of the president, you are in- structed to admit to entry such vessels being laden with the productions of Great Britain or her said colo- nies, subject to the same duties of tonnage and impost, and other charges, as are levied on the vessels of the United States, or their cargoes arriving from the said British colonies : you will also grant clearances to British vessels for the several ports of the aforesaid colonial possessions of Great Britain, such vessels being laden with such articles as may be exported from the United States in vessels of the United States ; and British vessels coming from the said colonial possessions may also be cleared for foreign ports and places othei than those in the said British colonial possessions, being laden with such articles as may be exported from the United States in vessels of the United States. I am, &c. (Signed) S. D. INGHAM, Secretary to the Treasury. Extract from the British Order in Council, dated the 5th of November, 1830, relative to the Trade between the United States and the British West Indies. " Whereas it hath been made to appear to his Majesty in council, that the restrictions heretofore im- posed by the laws of the United States upon British vessels navigated between the said States and his Majesty's possessions in the West Indies and America, have been repealed ; and that the discriminating duties of tonnage and of customs heretofore imposed by the laws of the said United States upon British vessels and their cargoes entering the ports of the said States from his Majesty's said possessions, have also been repealed, and that the ports of the United States are now open to British vessels and their cargoes coming from his Majesty's possessions aforesaid. His Majesty doth, therefore, with the advice of his privy council, and in pursuance and exercise of the powers so vested in him by the act passed in the sixth year of the reign of his said late Majesty, or by any other act or acts of parliament, declare that the said recited orders in council of the 2lst of July, 1823, and of the 27th of July, 1826, and the said order An council of the 16th of July, 1827 (so far as such last-mentioned order relates to the said United States), shall be, and the same are hereby respectively revoked. " And his Majesty doth further, by the advice aforesaid, and in pursuance of the powers aforesaid, declare that the ships of and belonging to the said United States of America may import from the United States aforesaid into the British possessions abroad, goods the produce of those States, and may export goods from the British possessions abroad, to be carried to any country whatever." Connection of the Planter and Home Merchant. Mode of transacting Business in England. — The mode of transacting West India business is as follows : — A sugar planter forms a connection with a mercantile house in London, Bristol, Liverpool, or Glasgow ; stipulates for an advance of money on their part ; grants them a mortgage on his estate ; and binds himself to send them annually his crop, allowing them the full rate of mercantile commissions. These commissions are 2^ per cent, on the amount of sugar sold, and of plantation stores sent out ; along with ^ per cent, on all insurances effected. During the war, when prices were high, the amount of those commissions was large ; but, like other high charges, the result has, in nine cases in ten, been to the injury of those who received them : they led the merchants to undertake too much, and to make too large advances to the planters, for the sake of obtaining their business. At that time it was usual to allow a permanent loan at the rate of 3,000/. for the assured consignment of 100 hogsheads of sugar ; but that ratio was very often exceeded by the planter, the 3,000?. becoming 4,000/., 5,000/., 6,000/., and, in very many cases, still more, in consequence of unforeseen wants and too sanguine calculations on his part. Persons resident in the West Indies are almost always bare of capital, and for ob- vious reasons. A climate of such extreme heat, and a state of society possessing sa few attractions to persons of education, offer no inducements to men of substance in Europe to go thither. Those who do go, must trust to their personal exertion and the support of others ; and when, after a continued residence in the West Indies, they have made some progress in acquiring a competency, and have become accustomed to the climate, they hardly ever consider themselves as settled there for life; their wish and hope is to carry their acquisitions so far as to be enabled to pass the remainder o^ their days comfortably at home. The readiest means, in the view of the planter, of ac- complishing this, is the extension of his undertakings; which he can do only by borrowing money. Hence a continued demand on his mercantile correspondents at home for fresh advances : the consuming effect of heavy commissions, and of the interest on borrowed money, is, or rather was, overlooked in his ardent speculations. But when prices unfortimately fall, he finds himself 10,000/. or 20,000/. in debt, with a reduced in- come. The merchants at home become equally embarrassed, because the case of one is the case of three fourths of their correspondents ; and the capital of the merchants, large as it may be, is absorbed and placed beyond tlieir control. The mortgages they hold COLONY TRADE. 357 are of value only in an ultimate sense: to foreclose them, and to take possession of tlie estates, is, in general, a very hazardous cour.'ie. Such has been for a number of years tlie state of our West India trade. Perhaps it is impossible to point out any meansof effectual relief: ourplantcrs must not build expectations on such doubti'ul, or rather improbable, events as the stojjpage of distillation from malt, or an insurrection of the negroes in rival countries, such as Cuba or i^razil. Of a bounty on exportation it is idle to speak : so that their only rational and substantial ground of hope seems to be in a further reduction of the duties on sugar, coffee, and rum ; and an abolition of the duties on imports, and of the restrictions laid on their trade with America and other countries. The sale of West India articles takes place through the medium of produce brokers, who in London reside chiefly in Mincing Lane and Tower Street. Samples of sugar and rum are on show in their respective sale rooms during four days of the week, viz. Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday, from 11 to 1 o'clock ; during which time the sugar refiners, wholesale grocers, and other dealers in produce, call in, observe the state of the market, and buy what they require. Tlie terra of credit is short ; only 1 month for coffee and rum, and 2 months for sugar. Coffee is generally sold by public auction, sugar and rum by private contract. The broker's commission is usually ^ per cent, on the amount ; but in the case of coffee, as they guarantee the buyer?, their charge amounts to 1 per cent. The brokers have no correspondence or connection with the planters ; they are employed by the merchants ; and their sales, though for large amounts, being very simple, a brokerage house of consequence generally does the busi- ness of a number of merchants. Neither merchant nor broker see, or are in the least under the necessity of seeing, the bulky packages containing the different articles of produce of which they effect the sales : all is done by sample ; the packages remaining in the bonded warehouse from the time of landing till they are sold ; after which they pass to the premises of the refiner, wholesale grocer, or whoever may be the pur- chaser. The allowances made to the buyer in respect of weight, consist, first of the tare, vrhich is the exact weight of the cask ; and, in the second place, of a fixed allowance of 5 lbs. per cask in the case of coffee, called trett, and of 2 lbs. per cask on sugar, under the name of draft. — (See Account Sales of both, in pp. 150, 151.) The shipping of stores from England to the plantations is also a very simple trans- action. West India merchants in London, Liverpool, or Bristol, receive from the planters, in the autumn of each year, a list of the articles required for the respective estates : these lists they divide, arrange, and distribute among different wholesale dealers in the course of September and October, with instructions to get them ready to ship in a few weeks. November and December are the chief months for the despatch of outward-bound West Indiamen, as the plantation stores ought, by rights, to arrive about the end of December, or in the course of January. That is a season of activity, and generally of health, in the West Indies ; the comparatively cool months of November and December having cleared the air, and the produce of the fields having become ripe and ready to carry. Crop time lasts from January to the end of July, after which the heavy rains put a stop to field work in the islands. Demerara, being so near the line, experiences less difference in the seasons, and it is customary there to continue making sugar all the year round. The arrivals of West Indiamen in England with homeward cargoes begin in April and continue till October ; after which, with the exception of occasional vessels from Demerara and Berbice, they cease till the succeeding April. This corresponds with the time of carrying and loading the crops : for it would be quite unadvisable, on the score of health, as well as of the interruptions to work from the heavy rains, to attempt loading vessels in the sugar islands during the autumnal months. The unloading of West Indiamen in London usually takes place at the West India docks; and did so unif^Jrmly from the autumn of 1802, when the docks were first opened, till August, 1823, when the dock monopoly expired. The delays in discharging, occasionally complained of during the war, arose from two causes; from the vessels arriving in fleets (in consequence of sailing with convoy), and from the imperfections nseparable from a new establishment. The latter have been long remedied ; and as to the former, though at particular seasons, and after a change of wind, the vessels still come close on each other, the crowding in the docks is by no means to be compared to that arising from the arrival of a convoy. Cargoes are discharged very speedily, the time seldom exceeding 3 days. The dock dues have also been materially reduced since the peace : and the whole exhibits a striking example of the advantage attendant on transacting a mass of business on one spot ; an advantage which can be enjoyed only in great sea-ports, such as London, Liverpool, or Amsterdam. — (See Docks.) The rates of freight during the war were, on sugar from 7s. to 8s. per cwt., and on coffee from 10s. to lis. ; whereas they now amount, the former to 4s. and 4s. 6d., and 2 A 3 S58 COLONIES AND the latter to 6s. The ship owners complain that these freights leave them very little profit ; but in consequence of the speed with which vessels may now be unloaded and cleared at London, it is probable that the practice of making two voyages in the season will become general. Disposal of Land in the Colonies. — The chief cause of the rapid advancement of all colonies placed in rude and thinly peopled countries, has been the facility with which they have obtained supplies of fertile and unoccupied land. Were the inhabitants of a colony so situated, that instead of resorting to new land to obtain increased supplies of food, they were obliged to improve tlie land already in cultivation, their progress would be comparatively slow, and they would approach to the condition of an old country ; and the greater the concentration of the inhabitants, the nearer, of course, would be their approach to that state. On the other hand, several inconveniences result from allowing the colonists to spread themselves at pleasure over unoccupied districts. The inhabitants become too much dispersed to be able to lend efficient assistance to each other ; a large extent of roads is necessary, and their construction is a task too great for so thin a popu- lation. But the greatest injury that can be done to a colony is the making of gratuitous grants of large tracts of land to corporations or individuals, without laying upon them any obligation as to their occupation, or obliging them to contribute their share of the expenses necessary on account of public improvements. Wherever such an unwise policy has been pursued, as in Lower Canada for example, the consequences have been most injurious. The occurrence of the unoccupied districts obliges the settlers to esta- blish themselves at inconvenient distances from each other; it prevents, by the want of roads, their easy communication ; and retards, in a degree not easy to be imagined, the advancement of the district. The inconveniences resulting from these grants are, indeed, obvious. They have been loudly complained of by the colonists,^ and are now almost universally admitted. It is not difficult to discover the principle of the measures that ought to be adopted with respect to the disposal of unoccupied colonial land. They should be so contrived as to prevent too great a diffusion of the colonists, without, however, occasioning their too great concentration. And it is plain, that these advantages may be realised by selling all lands at a moderate price, or by imposing upon them a moderate quit-rent. If the price or quit-rent were very high, it would, of course, occasion too great a con- centration, and be an insuperable obstacle to the rapid pi'ogress of the colony ; while, if it were too low, it would not obviate the inconvenience of too great dispersion. The fixing of the price at which land should be sold is, therefore, the only really difficult point to be decided upon. The Americans sell their public lands at 2 dollars an acre ; and this is, perhaps, all things considered, as proper a sum as could be selected. Until very recently we did not follow any fixed plan in the disposal of colonial lands, which have in many instances been bestowed in the most improvident manner. But a different system has been adopted, and lands in the colonies are no longer obtain- able except by purchase. We, however, are not without apprehensions that considerable inconvenience will result from the proposed plan of selling land by auction. It is easy, no doubt, to fix a minimum upset price ; but the market price must entirely depend on the quantity put up for sale, compared with the number and means of the buyers. And, as the regulation of this quantity must necessarily be left to the local authorities, they will, in fact, have the power of fixing the price. A system of this sort can hardly fail of leading to very great abuses ; and will give rise to per- petual complaints, even when they are not deserved, of partiality and preference. The oest way, as it appears to us, would be to order competent persons to fix certain prices upon all the lands to be located, according to the various circumstances for and against them ; and to grant specified portions of such land* to all who claimed them, according to the amount of capital they proposed to employ in their cultivation. We do not, how- ever, think that the maximum price ought in any case to exceed 12s. or 15s. an acre : a price of this magnitude would secure a sufficient degree of concentration, without carrying the principle so far as to make it injurious.* Disposal of Land in Canada. — The following advertisement, dated at the office of the Commissioner of Crown Lands, York, Upper Canada, 27th of May, 1833, explains the terms on which lands are in future to be granted in that province : — In conformity to instructions recently received from his Majesty's secretary of state for the colonies, the following arrangements for disposing of the waste lands of the crown in Upper Canada, are made known lor the information of emigrants and others. Except in the ca*;e of U. E. Loyalists, and other persons entitled by the existing regulations of the government to free grants, no person can obtain any of the waste lands of the crown otherwise than by purchasing at the public sales, made from time to time under the direction of the commissioner of crown lands. • The injurious consequences resulting fVom the late system of granting lands in the colonies have been very forcibly ])ointcd out by Mr. Gouger, Mr. Tennant, and others; but the degree of concentration they recommend would be ten times more injurious. COLONY TRADE. 359 These sales will bo made on the 1st and 3d Tuesday of each month, and will cither be continued through the following day, or not, as circumstances may appear to the agent to require. liesiries these general periodical sales, there may Ije occasional sales by auction in other districts, of such town lots, or other lots of land, as may remain to be disposed of; and of these sales ample notice will be given. The conditions of every sale by public auction will be as follows : — One fourth of the purchase money to be paid down ; and the remainder in 3 equal annual instalments, with interest at (j per cent on eacil instalment, payable with the instalment. The lands will be put up at an upset price, of which notice will be given at the time of sale, and in tho previous advertisements which will be published of the lands intended to be put up at each sale : and ii% <:ase no otter shall be made at the upset price, the land will be reserved for future sale, in a similar manner^ by auction. A patent for the lands will be issued free of charge, upon the payment in full of the purchase money and interest. 'l"he commissioner for crown lands, acting also as agent for the sale of clergy reserves, requests it to be noticed, that such clergy reserves as have not been hitherto occupied by authority, or leased Ijy the government, will be disposed of, by public auction only, either at the periodical sales of crown lands, or at occasional sales, to be duly advertised, and that the terms of payment lor clergy reserves will continue, to be as follows : — 10 per cent, to be paid at the time of sale, and the remainder in 9 annual instalments of 10 per cent, each, with interest on each ihstalment, to be paid with the instalment. Such clergy reserves as have been leased, or occupied by the authority of the government, must be ap- plied for by letter to the commissioner of crown lands, and when disposed of, will be sold by private sale on the same terms of payment as those disposed of by public auction. Terms upon which the Crown Lands will be disposed of in New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land. It has been determined by his Majesty's government that no land shall, in future, be disposed of in New South Wales or Van Diemen's Land otherwise than by public sale, and it has therefore been deemed e.xpecKent to prepare for the information of settlers the following summary of the rules which it has been thought lit to lay down for regulating the sales of land in those colonies: — 1. A division of the whole territory into counties, hundreds, and parishes, is in progress. When that division shall be completed, each parish will comprise an area of about ^5 square miles. 2. All the lands in the colony, not hitherto granted, and not appropriated for public purposes, will bo put up to sale. The price will of course depend upon the quality of the land, and its local situation ; but no land will be sold below the rate of 5s. per acre, 3. All persons proposing to purchase lands not advertised for sale, must transmit a written application to the governor, in a certain prescribed form, which will be delivered at the Surveyor General's Office to all persons applying, on payment of the requisite fee of 2s. 6d. 4. Those persons who are desirous of purchasing, will be allowed to select, within certain defined limits, such portions of land as they may wish to acquire in that manner. These portions of land will be adver- tised for sale for 3 calendar months, and will then be sold to the highest bidder, provided that such bidding shall at least amount to the price fixed by Article 2. 5. A deposit of 10 per cent, upon the whole value of the purchase must be paid down at the time of sale, and the remainder must be paid within 1 calendar month from the day of sale, previous to which the purchaser will not be put in possession of the land : and in case of payment not being made within the prescribed period, the sale will be considered void, and the deposit forfeited. 6. On payment of the money, a grant will be made in fee-simple to the purchaser at the nominal quit- rent of a pepper-corn. Previous to the delivery of such grant, a fee of 40s. will be payable to the colonial secretary, for preparing the grant, and another fee of 5s. to the registrar of the Supreme Court, for en- rolling it. 7. The land will generally be put up to sale in lots of 1 square mile, or 640 acres ; but smaller lots than 640 acres may, under particular circumstances, be purchased, on making application to the governor in writing, with full explanations of the reasons for which the parties wish to purchase a smaller quantity. 8. The crown reserves to itself the right of making and constructing such roads and bridges as may be necessary for pubbc purposes in all land purchased as above ; and also to such indigenous timber, stone, and other materials, the produce of the land, as may be required for making and keeping the said roads and bridges in repair, and for any other public works. The crown further reserves to itself all mines of precious metals. Colonial Office, 20th of January, 1831. Selection of Sites for Colonial Establishments. — Nothing can be more unwise than the plan, if so we may call it, hitherto followed in the selection of places at which to found colonies. The captain of a ship, without any knowledge whatever of the nature of soils, or the capacities of a country in an agricultural point of view, falls in after a long cruise with a river or bay, abounding with fish and fresh water, and surrounded with land that looks fertile, and is covered with herbage. He forthwith reports all these circumstances, duly embellished, to the Admiralty, strongly recommending the situation as an admirable one at which to found a colony ; and in nine cases out of ten this is all the information that is required in taking a step of such infinite importance ! No wonder, therefore, that many fine schemes of colonisation should have ended only in loss and disappoint- ment ; and that situations which the colonists were taught to look upon as a species of paradise, have proved to be any thing but what they were represented. Botany Bay, though described by Captain Cook as one of the finest places in the world, had to be abandoned by the colonists that were sent out to it ; as the country round it, instead of being favourable for cultivation, is a mere sandy swamp. Is it possible to suppose, had the proper inquiries been entered into, that any attempt would have been made to establish a colony in so pestilential a climate as that of Sierra Leone ? The colony in the district of Albany, in the Cape of Good Hope, was founded upon the representations of an individual, who, whatever might be his information in other respects, had not the slightest knowledge of agriculture ; and the distresses the settlers have had to encounter, were the natural consequences of their relying on such authority. The late establishment at Swan River may be adduced as another instance of misplaced or premature confidence in the reports of those who were really without the means of forming a correct estimate of the -various circumstances necessary to be attended to in forming a colonv. 9, A 4 ■' ' o60 COLONIES AND COLONY TRADE. We do, therefore, hope that an end will be put to this system, — a system which is in no common degree injurious to the public interests, and is highly criminal towards those who embark as colonists. The founding of a colony ought to be looked upon in its true point of view — as a great national enterprise. It is not an adventure to be intrusted to presumptuous ignorance ; but should be maturely weighed, and every circumstance connected with it carefully investigated. Above all, the situation in which it is proposes to found the colony should be minutely surveyed : and its climate, soil, and capacities oi production, deliberately inquired into by competent persons employed for the purpose. Were this done, government and the public would have the best attainable grounds upon which to proceed ; and neither party would have much reason to fear those disappoint- ments, which have hitherto so often followed the exaggerated representations of those to whom the important and difficult task of selecting situations for colonies has been delegated. V. Foreign Colonies. 1. Spanish Colonies. — Spain, whose colonial possessions extended a few years ago from the frontiers of the United States to the Straits of Magellan, is not, at present, possessed of a foot of ground in the whole American continent. Still, however, her colonial possessions are of great value and importance. In the West Indies, she is mis- tress of Cuba and Porto Rico ; — the former by far the largest and finest of the West India islands ; and the latter also a very valuable possession. In the East, Spain is mistress of the Philippine Islands, which, were they in the hands of an enterprising people, would speedily become of very great commercial importance. — ( See the articles Havannah, Manilla, Porto Rico.) 2. Dutch Colonies. — Java forms the most important and valuable of the Dutch colonial possessions. — (See Batavia.) In the East they also possess the Moluccas, Bencoolen on the coast of Sumatra, Macassar, and the eastern coast of Celebes, Banda, &c. They have several forts on the Gold Coast in Africa ; and in the West Indies, they possess the islands of Cura9oa and St. Eustatius, Saba, and part of St. Martin ; and on the continent of South America, they are masters of Dutch Surinam. Cura9oa and St. Eustatius are naturally barren, but they have been both highly improved. From its being very conveniently situated for maintaining a contraband traffic with the Caraccas and other districts in South America, Cura9oa was formerly a place of great trade, particularly during war. But since the independence of South America, Cura9oa has ceased in a great measure to be an entrepot ; the goods destined for the Continent being now, for the most part, forwarded direct to the places of their destination. That district of Surinam ceded to the British in 1814, comprising the settlements of Demerara, Berbice, and Essequibo (see ante, p. 343. ), formed the most valuable portion of Surinam, or Dutch Guiana. The district which still belongs to the Dutch lies to the south of Berbice. It contains about 25,000 square miles, and a population of about 60,000. It is daily becoming of more value and importance. 3. French Colonies. — Previously to the negro insurrection that broke out in 1792, St. Domingo was by far the most valuable colony in the West Indies. But this dis- astrous event, having first devastated the island, terminated in the establishment of the independent black republic of Hay ti. — ( See Port au Prince. ) Having also sold Louisiana to the Americans, and ceded the Mauritius to the English, without making any new acquisitions, the colonial dominions of France are, at this moment, of very limited extent. They consist of Guadeloupe and Martinique, and the small islands of Marie- Galante and Deseada, in the West Indies; Cayenne, in South America; Senegal and Goree, in Africa ; the Isle de Bourbon, in the Eastern Ocean ; St. Marie, in Ma- dagascar ; and Pondicherry and Chandernagor, with a very small surrounding territory, in the East Indies. The tabular statements in the opposite page show the population, trade, &c. of the French colonies. 4. Danish Colonies. — In the West Indies, these consist of the islands of St. Croix, St. Thomas, and St. John: of these, St. Croi'x only is valuable. It is about 81 square miles in extent, and contains abotit 37,000 inhabitants, of whom 3,000 are whites, 1,200 free blacks and mulattOes, and the remainder slaves. The soil is fertile, and it is well cultivated. The principal productions are sugar, rum, aiid coffee. In India, the Danes possess Tranquebar, near Madras ; and Serampoor, near Calcutta. The former contained, in 1809, about 19,000 inhabitants ; but it has greatly improved since the peace, both in commerce and population. Serampoor is a neat but not very considerable place. It serves as an asylum for the debtors of Calcutta, and is the capital station of the mis- sionaries. The Danes have a few forts on the coast of Guinea. 5. Swedish Colonies. — The Swedes only possess one colony — the small island of St. Bartholomew, in the West Indies. It is only about 25 square miles in extent, but is very fertile. It has no springs, nor fresh water of any sort, except such as is supplied by the rain. Population between 8,000 and 9,000. COLUMBO. 361 Tible of the Population of the French Colonics, and of their Commerce with France. — (,MonivJran, Essai de Statistique sur Ics Colonies, Pieces Justijicalives, No. 5.) 1 1 Population In If 29 or according Commerce with France. Navigation. Cod of the French Fiiiheries. Colonics. to the la&t Census. Real Value, 1831. Entered. Cleared out. Whites. People of Colour. Total. Imports F Exports from Ships. Ton- Ships. Ton- Import eass out and in to the southward of the bar, close to the breakers on the rocky point of the Custom-house ; but as the passage Is narrow, it should not be attempted by strangers : when the sea breaks on the bar, it is better to proceed round to thenorthward of the bar, which may be easily distinguished by the breakers. What is strictly understood by a gale of wind, is a rare oc- currence at Columbo : this may be owing to the vicinity of the equator. The strong gales which blow on the Malabar coast are felt in small squalls, and a high sea, but there is scarcely wind to endanger vessels properly found in ground tackling ; it is true, ships have sometimes required the aid of a second anchor, but in most cases the cause has been attributable to some defect in the first anchor or cable, a light anchor, an anchor breaking, a short chain, or the chain coming unshackled : an instance occurred in Columbo road, of two ships receiving cargo during the S.W. monsoon, whose chain cables came unshacklecl twice ; twice did it occur to each ship. On the 2d of June, 1831, the Ht^clor drove in a squall; having about SO fathoms of chain ahead, they let go the second anchor ; but finding the ship did not immediately bring up, they made sail and shipped their cables : this ship stood out of the roads under double-reefed fore and mizen ton-sails, and from its size, a single-reefed main top-sail, foresail, fore and main trysails and driver, and returned to anchorage on the 4th. Instances of ships putting to sea are rare, and when it is considered that although tlie soa is high, the wind is not violent; and as at these times the rain having fallen jn the interior, strong fi-eshes escape to the S.W., from the Kalany Ganga ; it is by no means surprising that Columbo road proves a safe anchorage. COLUMBO. 363 T7'ade and Navigation qf Ceylon. — The quantity and estimated value of the principal articles exported from Ceylon in 183(),bcginningwith cinnamon, themostiinportantof all, wereaslbllow: viz.Cinnamon.'j80,(XX) lbs., value 142,500/. ; arrack 73!',472 gallons, value 24,G0(V. ; coir, and coir roi)es and cables, 1,499,453 lbs., value 5,433/. ; cocoa nuts 2,842,495, value 2,528/. ; cocoa nut oil 118,511 gallon.s, value 8,992/. ; chanks and chank rings ^2,833 pieces, value 3,089/. ; plumbago .00,629 lbs., value 180/. ; jaggery 292,283 lbs., value.3,6(J0/. ; coffee 1,609,490 lbs., value 12,232/. ; areca nuts 3,348,972 lbs., value ]2,0fi4/. ; tobacco and sherroots 1,095,673 lbs., value 4;896/. The destination and total value of the exports from Ceylon in 18.30, were, to Great Britain, 168,576/.; to British colonies, including India, 80,07.0/. : to foreign states, 1,536/. ; being, in all, 250,787/. : hut to this has to be added, for the value of the pearl fishery in 1830, 24,023/. ; making an aggregate sum of 274,810/. Of the imports, the principal are rice and other grain, the e.stimated value of the quantity imported in 1830 being 141,761/. ; the next article of importance is cotton cloth, mostly brought Irom India, estimated at 123,759/. The imports from Great Britain are very trifling ; their entire value in 1830 being only esti- mated at 40,777/. The total imports during that year amounted to 349,581/. ; of which 274,576/. were from British colonies, including India and China.* Tlie number and tonnage of the ships entering Ceylon inwards in 1830 were as follow : — From Great Britain. From British Colonies and India. From Foreign States. Total. Ships. .11 Tnnt. 3,911 Shivf. 878 Tom. 60,157 Shipi. 169 Tont. 12,962 Shijis. 1,058 Tom. 77,030t Extent, Population, Revenue, §*c. of Ceylon. — The area of Ceylon has been computed at 24,664 square miles. Its population has been much exaggerated ; having frequently been estimated as high as 2,000,000, and even Mr. Bertolacci reckoned it at 1,500,000. — ( View of Ceylon, p. 65.) But it was found hy an actual enumeration taken in 1831, that the total population did not exceed 950,000, of vt^hich about 6,600 vi^here Avhites. It appears from the official accounts Jaid before the Finance Committee in 1825, that during the 14 years ending with 1824, the excess of expenditure over revenue in the Island amounted to 1,365,452^., at the same time th'at various heavy items of expense are not included in this account. But according to a statement in the Ceylon Almanac for 1833, which seems to proceed from authority, there was, during the 3 years ending with 1831, an aggregate surplus of revenue over expenditure of 174,828Z. We may, however, observe that the accounts laid before the Finance Committee differ very widely, for the period to which they apply, from those in the Ceylon Almanac j so much so, that while, according to the former, there was, in 1822, an excess of expenditure over revenue of 55,896/., there was, according to the latter, an excess of revenue over ex- penditure of 15,323?. ! Of course, we do not presume to say which of these accounts is most to be relied upon. Probably our readers will be inclined to think that neither is entitled to implicit credit. A part, at least, of the former excess of expenditure may fairly be ascribed to the nature of the establishment kept up in the island ; which, in point of magnitude and expensive- ness, seems to have been a good deal beyond what was really required. We are, how- ever, disposed to believe that the greater part of the excess is to be ascribed to the poverty and backward state of the colony, arising from the perpetual interference of government ■with every branch of industry. All the restrictive regulations enacted by the Dutch more than a century ago were kept up till 1832. The cultivation of cinnamon, the fishery of pearls and chanks, the digging for chaya root, the felling of timber, &c. — (see these articles) — have been all monopolised by government, and were carried on exclusively either by its servants or by those whom it had licensed. A country where most of the principal branches of industry were subjected to .such restrictions, could not be other- wise than languishing. We believe, too, that most of these monopolies have not been worth the expense attending them. In fact, the whole revenue of the island, including land rent, customs, cinnamon monopoly, &c., very seldom exceeds 360,000/. a year ; but looking at its extent, its fertility, its favourable situation for commerce, and the advantage it enjoys in the possession of cinnamon, can any one doubt that, were it rightly governed, its trade and revenue would be far greater than they are ? Nothing is Avanted but the adoption of measures calculated to give fi-eedom and security to industry, and the imposition of moderate duties on imports and exports, to increase them both in a very high degree. We are glad to have to state that government seems, in part at least, to have at length come round to this way of thinking ; and that, under the auspices of the present governor (Sir R. W. Horton), the system of compulsory labour has been relinquished, and most monopolies, including that of cinnamon, been thrown up. This wise and liberal conduct will, no doubt, be productive of the most beneficial effects. These, how- ever, will be materially lessened by the exorbitant duty of 3*. per lb. laid on the ex- portation of cinnamon ! It is difficult, indeed, to imagine for what other purpose so oppressive a duty could be imposed, except it were to countervail the advantages that * Dr. Colquhoun (2d ed. p. 412.) estimated the exports of Ceylon at 1,500,0007. a year, and the imports at 1,000,000/. ! Perhaps a third of the Doctor's estimates are about equally near the mark. t No accurate returns of the trade of Ceylon for 1831 have as yet (10th of October, 1833) been received In England. Those given in the papers printed by the Board of Trade for 1831, are really for 1830. 364^ COLUMBO ROOT. — COMMERCE. would otherwise have resulted from the abolition of the monopoly. It is not, however, possible that so mischievous an impost should be maintained. — (See Cinnamon.) Among other improvements recently introduced into the island, may be mentioned the establishment of a mail coach from Columbo to Candy. COLUMBO ROOT (Du. Columbo wortel ; Yr. Racine de Colombo} Ger. ColumhO' wurzel ; It. Radice di Columbo ; Port. Raiz de Columba ; Sp. Raiz de Columbo ; Mo- samb. Kalumb), the root of the plant of that name. It is a staple export of the Portuguese from Mosambique. It is not cultivated, but grows naturally in great abundance. It is imported in circular pieces, from § an inch to 3 inches in diameter, generally from ^ to f of an inch thick ; the bark is wrinkled and thick, of a brownish colour without, and a brightish yellow within ; the pith is spongy, yellowish, and slightly striped : when fresh, its smell is rather aromatic ; it is disagreeably bitter, and slightly pungent to the taste, somewhat resembling mustard that has been too long kept. Choose the largest pieces, fresh, and of a good colour, as free from worms as possible, rejecting that which is small and broken. The freight is calculated^at 16 cwt. to a ton. — {Milburri's Orient. Com.) COMBS (Ger. Kamme ; Du. Kammen ; Fr. Peignes ; It. Peltini ; Sp. Peines ; Rus. Grebnii ; Lat. Pectines), instruments for combing the hair, sometimes made of horns of bullocks, or of elephants' and sea-horses' teeth ; sometimes also of tortoiseshell, and sometimes of box or holly wood. COMMERCE, from commutatio mercium, is simply, as its name imports, the exchange of commodities for commodities. I. Origin of Commerce. — Mercantile Classes. II. Home Trade. III. Foreign Trade. IV. Restrictions on Commerce. I. Origin of Commerce. • — Mercantile Classes. (1.) The Origin of Commerce is coeval with the first dawn of civilisation. The mo- ment that individuals ceased to supply themselves directly with the various articles and accommodations they made use of, that moment must a commercial intercourse have begun to grow up amongst them. For it is only by exchanging that portion of the produce raised by ourselves that exceeds our own consumption, for portions of the sur- plus produce raised by others, that the division of employments can be introduced, or that different individuals can apply themselves in preference to different pursuits. Not only, however, does commerce enable the inhabitants of the same village or parish to combine their separate efforts to accomplish some common object, but it also enables those of different provinces and kingdoms to apply themselves in an especial manner to those callings, for the successful prosecution of which the district or country which they occupy gives them some peculiar advantage. This territorial division of labour has contributed more, perhaps, than any thing else to increase the wealth and acce- lerate the civilisation of mankind. Were it not for it, we should be destitute of a vast number of the necessaries, comforts, and enjoyments, which we now possess ; while the price of the few that would remain would, in most instances, be very greatly in- creased. But whatever advantages may be derived, — and it is hardly possible to exaggerate either their magnitude or importance, from availing ourselves of the pecu- liar capacities of production enjoyed by others, are wholly to be ascribed to commerce as their real source and origin. We do not mean to say any thing in this article with respect to the practical details connected with the different departments of commerce. These will be found under the various titles to which they refer. Our object, at present, is merely to show the nature and influence of commerce in general, and of the restrictions that have sometimes been imposed upon it. We shall begin by endeavouring, first of all, to give some account of the nature of the services performed by those individuals by whom commercial under- takings are usually carried on. In the second place, we shall consider the influence of the home trade, or of the intercourse subsisting amongst individuals of the same country. In the third place, we shall consider the influence of foreign trade, or of that intercourse which subsists amongst individuals belonging to different countries. After these topics have been discussed, we shall offer a few remarks on what has been termed the restric- tive system ; or on the principles involved in the regulations enacted at different times, in this and other countries, for the government and direction of commerce. (2.) Mercantile Classes. — While the exchange of different products is carried on by the producers themselves, they must unavoidably lose a great deal of time, and expe- rience many inconveniences. Were there no merchants, a farmer wishing to sell hi.> crop would be obliged, in the first place, to seek for customers, and to disposG of his COMMERCE. 365 corn as nearly as possible in such quantities as miglit suit the demands of the various individuals inclined to buy it ; and after getting its price, he would next be obliged to send to 10 or 20 different and, perhaps, remote places, for the commodities he wanted to get in its stead. So that besides being exposed to a world of trouble and inconvenience^ his attention would be continually diverted from the labours of his farm. Under such a state of things, the work of production, in every different employment, would be meet- ing with perpetual interruptions, and many branches of industry that are successfully carried on in a commercial country would not be undertaken. The establishment of a distinct mercantile class effectually obviates these inconve- niences. When a set of dealers erect warehouses and shops for the purchase and sale of all descriptions of commodities, every producer, relieved from the necessity of seeking customers, and knowing beforehand where he may at all times be supplied with such products as he requires, devotes his whole time and energies to his proper business. The intervention of merchants gives a continuous and uninterrupted motion to the plough and the loom. Were the class of traders annihilated, all the springs of industry would be paralysed. The numberless difficulties that would then occur in effecting ex- changes would lead each particular family to endeavour to produce all the articles they had occasion for ; society would thus be thrown back into primEeval barbarism and ignorance ; the divisions of labour would be relinquished ; and the desire to rise in the world and improve our condition would decline, according as it became more diffi- cult to gratify it. What sort of agricultural management could be expected from farmers who had to manufacture their own wool, and make their own shoes ? And what sort of manufacturers would those be, who were every now and then obliged to leave the shuttle for the plough, or the needle for the anvil ? A society, without that distinction of employments and professions resulting from the division of labour, that is, without commerce, would be totally destitute of arts or sciences of any sort. It is by the assist- ance each individual renders to and receives from his neighbours, by every one applying himself in preference to some peculiar task, and combining, though probably without intending it, his efforts with those of others, that civilised man becomes equal to the most gigantic efforts, and appears endowed with almost omnipotent power. The mercantile class has generally been divided into two subordinate classes — the wholesale dealers, and the retail dealers. The former purchase the various products of art and industry in the places where they are produced, or are least valuable, and carry them to those where they are more valuable, or where they are more in demand ; and the latter, having purchased the commodities of the wholesale dealers, or the producers, collect them in shops, and sell them in such quantities and at such times as may best suit the public demand. These classes of dealers are alike useful ; and the separation that has been effected between their employments is one of the most advantageous divi- sions of labour. The operations of the wholesale merchant are analogous to those of the miner. Neither the one nor the other makes any change on the bodies which he carries from place to place. All the difference between them consists in this, — that the miner carries them from below ground to the surface of the earth, while the merchant carries them from one point to another on its surface. Hence it follows that the value given to commodities by the operations of the wholesale merchant may frequently ex- ceed that given to them by the producers. The labour or expense required to dig a quantity of coal from the mine, does not exceed what is required for its conveyance from Newcastle to London ; and it is a far more difficult and costly affair to fetch a piece of timber from Canada to England, than to cut down the tree. In this respect there is no difference between commerce and agriculture and manufactures. The latter give utility to mattei*, by bestowing on it such a shape as may best fit it for ministering to our wants and comforts ; and the former gives additional utility to the products of the agriculturist and manufacturer, by bringing them from where they are of comparatively little use, or are in excess, to where they are of comparatively great use, or are deficient. If the wholesale merchant were himself to retail the goods he has brought from different places, he would require a proportional increase of capital ; and it would be impossible for him to give that exclusive attention to any department of his business, which is indispensable to its being carried on in the best manner. It is for the interest of each dealer, as of each workman, to confine himself to some one business. By this means each trade is better understood, better cultivated, and carried on in the cheapest possible manner. But whether carried on by a separate class of individuals or not, it is obvious that the retailing of commodities is indispensable. It is not enough that a cargo of tea should be imported from China, or a cargo of sugar from Jamaica. Most indi- viduals have some demand for these articles ; but there is not, perhaps, a single private person, even in London, requiring so large a supply of them for his own consumption It is clear, therefore, that they must be retailed; that is, they must be sold in such quarv» titles and at such times as may be most suitable for all classes of consumers. And since S66 COMMERCE. it is admitted on all hands, that this necessary business will be best conducted by a class of traders distinct from the wholesale dealers, it is impossible to doubt that their em- ployment is equally conducive as that of the others to the public interest, or that it tends equally to augment national wealth and comfort. II. Home Trade. The observations already made serve to show the influence of the home trade in allowing individuals to confine their attention to some one employment, and to prosecute it without interruption. But it is not in this respect only that the establishment of the home trade is advantageous. It is so in a still greater degree, by its allowing the inha- bitants of the different districts of the empire to turn their labour into those channels in which it will be most productive. The different soils, different minerals, and different climates of different districts, fit them for being appropriated, in preference, to certain species of industry. A district, like Lancashire, where coal is abundant, which has an easy access to the ocean, and a considerable command of internal navigation, is the na- tural seat of manufactures. Wheat and other species of grain are the natural products of rich arable soils ; and cattle, after being reared in mountainous districts, are most advantageously fattened in meadows and low grounds. Hence it follows, that the inha- bitants of different districts, by confining themselves to those branches of industry for the successful prosecution of which they have some peculiar capability, and exchanging their surplus produce for that of others, will obtain an incomparably larger supply of all sorts of useful and desirable products, than they could do, were they to apply themselves indiscriminately to every different business. The territorial division of labour is, if pos- sible, even more advantageous than its division among individuals. A person may be what is commonly termed Jack of all trades ; and though it is next to certain that he will not be well acquainted with any one of them, he may nevertheless make some sort of rude efforts in them all. . But it is not possible to apply the same soil or the same minerals to every different purpose. Hence it is, that the inhabitants of the richest and most extensive country, provided it were divided into small districts without any inter- course with each other, or with foreigners, could not, how well soever labour might be divided among themselves, be otherwise than poor and miserable. Some of them might have a superabundance of corn, at the same time that they were wholly destitute of wine, coal, and iron ; while others might have the largest supplies of the latter articles, with but very little grain. But in commercial covmtries no such anomalies can exist. Opulence and comfort are there universally diffused. The labours of the mercantile classes enable the inhabitants of each district to apply themselves principally to those employments that are naturally best suited to them. This superadding of the division of labour among different provinces to its division among different individuals, renders the productive powers of industry immeasurably greater ; and augments the mass of necessaries, conveniences, and enjoyments, in a degree that could not previously have been conceived possible, and which cannot be exceeded except by the introduction of foreign commerce. " With the benefit of commerce," says an eloquent and philosophical writer, « or a ready exchange of commodities, every individual is enabled to avail himself, to the utmost, of the peculiar advantage of his place ; to work on the peculiar materials with which nature has furnished him ; to humour his genius or disposition, and betake him- self to the task in which he is peculiarly qualified to succeed. The inhabitant of the mountain may betake himself to the culture of his woods and the manufacture of his timber ; the owner of pasture lands may betake himself to the care of his herds ; the owner of the clay-pit to the manufacture of his pottery ; and the husbandman to the culture of his fields, or the rearing of his cattle. And any one commodity, however it may form but a small part in the accommodations of human life, may, under the facility of commerce, find a market in which it may be exchanged for what will procure any other part, or the whole : so that the owner of the clay-pit, or the industrious potter, without producing any one article immediately fit to supply his own necessities, may obtain possession of all that he wants. And commerce, in which it appears that com- modities are merely exchanged, and nothing produced, is, nevertheless, in its effects, very productive, because it ministers a facility and an encouragement to every artist in multiplying the productions of his own art; thus adding greatly to the mass of wealth in the world, in being the occasion that much is produced." — {Ferguson's Principles Oj Moral Science, vol. ii. p. 424.) The roads and canals that intersect a country, and open an easy communication be- tween its remotest extremities, render the greatest service to internal commerce, and also to agriculture and manufactures. A diminution of the expense of carriage has, in fact, the same effect as a diminution of the direct cost of production. If the coals brought into a city sell at 20.s. a ton, of which the carriage amounts to a half, or 10.s., it is plain that in the event of an improved communication, such as a more level or direct road, a COMMERCE. 367 ■railway, or a canal, being opened for the conveyance of the ooals, and that they can, by its means, be imported for half the previous expense, their price will immediately fall to 15s. a ton; just as it would have done, had the expense of extracting them from the mine been reduced a half. Every one acquainted with the merest elements of political science is aware that em- ployments are more and more subdivided, that more powerful machinery is introduced, and the productive powers of labour increased, accordinj^ as larger masses of the popu- lation congregate together. In a great town like I^ondon, Glasgow, or Manchester, the same number of hands will perform much more work than in a small village, where each individual has to perform several operations, and where the scale of employment is not sufficiently large to admit of the introduction of extensive and complicated machinery. But the great towns with which England is studded, could not exist without our im- proved means of communication. 'I'hese, however, enable their inhabitants to supply themselves with the bulky products of the soil and of the mines almost as cheap as if they lived in country villages ; securing to them all the advantages of concentration, with but few of its inconveniences. Roads and canals are thus productive of a double benefit ; for while, by affording comparatively cheap raw materials to the manufacturers, they give them the means of perfecting the divisions of labour, and of supplying propor- tionally cheap manufactured goods ; the latter are conveyed by their means, and at an extremely small expense, to the remotest parts of the country. The direct advantages which they confer on agriculture are not less important. Without them it woidd not be possible to carry to a distance sufficient supplies of lime, marl, shells, and other bulky and heavy articles necessary to give luxuriance to the crops of rich soils, and to render those that are poor productive. Good roads and canals, therefore, by furnishing the agriculturists with cheap and abundant supplies of manure, reduce, at one and the same time, the cost of producing the necessaries of life, and the cost of bringing them to market. In other respects, the advantages resulting from improved communications are probably even more striking. They give the same common interest to every different part of the most widely extended empire ; and put down, or rather prevent, any attempt at monopoly on the part of the dealers of particular districts, by bringing them into competition with those of all the others. Nothing in a state enjoying gi-eat facilities of communication is separate and unconnected. All is mutual, reciprocal, and dependent. Every man naturally gets into the precise situation that he is best fitted to fill ; and each, co-oper- ating with, every one else, contributes to the utmost of his power to extend the limits of production and civilisation. — (See Roads.) Such being the nature and vast extent of the advantages derived from the home trade, it is obviously the duty of the legislature to give it every proper encouragement and protection. It will be found however, on a little consideration, that this duty is rather negative than positive — that it consists less in the framing of regulations, than in the removal of obstacles. The error of governments in matters of trade has not been that they have done too little, but that they have attempted too much. It will be afterwards shown that the encouragement which has been afforded to the producers of certain species of articles in preference to others, has uniformly been productive of disadvantage. In the mean time it is sufficient to observe that the encouragement which a prudent and enlightened government bestows on industry, will equally extend to all its branches ; and will be especially directed to the removal of every thing that may in any respect fetter the freedom of commerce, and the power of individuals to engage in different employments. All regulations, whatever be their object, that operate either to prevent the circulation of commodities from one part of the empire to another, or the free circu- lation of labour, necessarily tend to check the division of employments and the spirit of competition and emulation, and must, in consequence, lessen the amount of produce. The same principle that prompts to open roads, to construct bridges and canals, ought to lead every people to erase from the statute book every regulation which either prevents or fetters the operations of the merchant, and the free disposal of capital and labour. Whether the freedom of internal commerce and industry be interrupted by impassable mountains and swamps, or by oppressive tolls or restrictive regulations, the effect is equally pernicious. The common law and the ancient statute law of England are decidedly hostile to monopolies, or to the granting of powers to any particular class of individuals to furnish the market with commodities. Lord Coke distinctly states, " that all monopolies con- cerning trade and traffic are against the liberty and freedom granted by the great charter, and divers other acts of parliament which are good commentaries upon that charter." — (2 Inst. 63.) And he affirms, in another place, that " Commerciton jure gentium commune esse debet, et non in monopoUum et privatum paululorum questum conver- tendum. Iniquum est aliis pcrmittere, aliis inhibere mcrcaturam." But, notwithstanding this concurrence of the common and statute law of the country 368 CO?vIMERCE. in favour of the freedom of industry, during the arbitrary reigns of the princes of the? house of Tudor, the notion that the crown was by its prerogative entitled to dispense with any law to the contrary, and to establish monopolies, became fashionable among the court lawyers, and was acted upon to a very great extent. Few things, indeed, occasioned so much dissatisfaction in the reign of Elizabeth as the multiplication of monopolies ; and notwithstanding the opposition made by the crown, and the court party in parlia- ment, the grievance became at length so intolerable as to give rise to the famous statute of 16^4 (21 James 1. c. 3.), by which all monopolies, grants, letters patent, and licences, for the sole buying, selling, and making of goods and manufactures, not given by an act of the legislature, are declared to be " altogether contrary to the laws of this realm, void, and of none effect." This statute has been productive of the greatest advantage ; and has, perhaps, contributed more than any other to the development of industry, and the accumulation of wealth. With the exception of the monopoly of printing Bibles, and the restraints imposed by the charters of bodies legally incorporated, the freedom of internal industry has ever since been vigilantly protected ; full scope has been given to the principle of competition ; the whole kingdom has been subjected to the same equal law ; no obstacles have been thrown in the way of the freest transfer of commodities from one county or place to another ; the home trade has been perfectly unfettered ; and though the public have not been supplied with commodities at so low a price as they might have obtained them for, had there been no restrictions on foreign commerce, they have obtained them at the lowest price that would suffice to pay the home producers the cost of producing and bringing them to market. It is to this freedom that the com- paratively flourishing state of industry in Great Britain is mainly to be ascribed. III. Foreign Trade. What the home trade is to the different provinces of the same country, foreign trade is to all the countries of the world. Particular countries produce only particular com- modities, and, were it not for foreign commerce, would be entirely destitute of all but such as are indigenous to their own soil. It is difficult for those who have not reflected or the subject, to imagine what a vast deduction would be made, not only from the comforts, but even from the necessaries, of every commercial people, were its intercourse with strangers put an end to. It is not, perhaps, too much to say that in Great Britaic we owe to our intercourse with others a full half or more of all that we enjoy. We am not only indebted to it for the cotton and silk manufactures, and for supplies of wine, tea, coffee, sugar, the precious metals, &c. ; but we are also indebted to it for most of the fruits and vegetables that we now cultivate. At the same time, too, that foreign commerce supplies us with an immense variety of most important articles, of which we must otherwise have been wholly ignorant, it enables us to employ our industry in the mode in which it is sure to be most productive, and reduces the price of almost every article. We do not misemploy our labour in raising sugar from the beet-root, in culti- vating tobacco, or in forcing vines ; but we employ ourselves in those departments of manu- facturing industry in which our command of coal, of capital, and of improved machinery, give us an advantage ; and obtain the articles produced more cheaply by foreigners, in exchange for the surplus produce of those branches in which we have a superiority over them. A commercial nation like England avails herself of all the peculiar facilities of production given by Providence to different countries. To produce claret here is perhaps impossible ; and at all events it could not be accomplished, unless at more than 100 times the expense required for its production in France. We do not, however, deny ourselves the gratification derivable from its use ; and to obtain it, we have only to send to France, or to some country indebted to France, some article in the production of which we have an advantage, and we get claret in exchange at the price which it takes to raise it under the most favourable circumstances. One country has peculiar capacities for raising corn, but is at the same time destitute of wine, silk, and tea ; another, again, has peculiar facilities for raising the latter, but is destitute of the former ; and it is impossible to point out a single country which is abundantly supplied with any considerable variety of commodities of domestic growth. Non omnis fert omnia tellus. Providence, by giving to each particular nation something which the others want, has evidently intended that they should be mutually dependent upon one another. And it is not difficult to see that, ccateris paribus, those must be the richest and most abundantly supplied with every sort of useful and desirable accommodation, who cultivate the arts of peace with the greatest success, and deal with all the world on fair and liberal principles. " The commerce of one country with another is, in fact," to use the words of an able and profound writer, « merely an extension of that division of labour by which so many benefits are conferred upon the human race. As the same country is rendered the richer by the trade of one province with another ; as its labour becomes thus infinitely more divided and more productive than it could otherwise have been ; and as the mutual COMMERCE. supply to each other of all the accommodations which one province has, and another wants, multiplies the accommodations of the whole, and the country hecomes thus in a wonderful degree more opulent and happy ; the same beautiful train of consequences is observable in the world at large, — that great empire of which the different kingdoms and tribes of men may be regarded as the provinces. In this magnificent empire, too, one province is favourable to the production of one species of accommodation, and another province to another : by their mutual intercourse they are enabled to sort and distribute their labour as most peculiarly suits the genius of each particular spot. The labour of the human race thus becomes much more productive, and every species of accommodation is afforded in much greater abundance. The same number of labourers, whose eflbrts might have been expended in producing a very insignificant quantity of home-made luxuries, may thus, in Great Britain, produce a quantity of articles for exportation, accommodated to the wants of other places, and peculiarly suited to the genius of Britain to furnish, which will purchase for her an accumulation of the luxuries of every quarter of the globe. There is not a greater proportion of her population employed in administering to her luxuries, in consequence of her commerce ; there is probably a good deal less ; but their labour is infinitely more productive : the portion of commodities: which the people of Great Biitain acquire by means of the same labour, is vastly greater." — (MilVs Commerce defended, p. 38.) What has been already stated is sufficient to expose the utter fallacy of the opinion that has sometimes been maintained, that whatever one nation may gain by her foreign commerce, must be lost by some one else. It is singular, indeed, how such a notion should ever have originated. Commerce is not directly productive, nor is the good de- rived from it to be estimated by its immediate effects. What commercial nations give is uniformly the fair equivalent of what they get. In their dealings they 3o not prey upon each other, but are benefited alike. The advantage of commerce consists in its enabling labour to be divided, and giving each people the power of supplying themselves vrith the various articles for which they have a demand, at the lowest price required for their production in those countries and places where they are raised with the greatest facility. We import wine from Portugal, and cotton from America, sending in exchange cloth and other species of manufactured goods. By this means we obtain two very im- portant articles, which it would be all but impossible to produce at home, and which we could not, certainly, produce, except at an infinitely greater cost. But our gain is no loss to the foreigners. They derive precisely the same sort of advantage from the transaction that we do. We have very superior facilities for manufacturing, and they get from us cloth, hardware, and other important articles, at the price at which they can be produced in this country, and consequently for far less than their direct production would have cost them. The benefits resulting from an intercourse of this sort are plainly mutual and reciprocal. Commerce gives no advantage to any one people over any other people ; but it increases the wealth and enjoyments of all in a degree that could not previously have been conceived possible. But the influence of foreign commerce in multiplying and cheapening conveniences and enjoyments, vast as it most certainly is, is perhajDS inferior to its indirect influence — that is, to its influence on industry, by adding immeasurably to the mass of desirable articles, by inspiring new tastes, and stimulating enterprise and invention by bringing each people into coinpetition with foreigners, and making them acquainted with their arts and institutions. Tlie apathy and languor that exist in a rude state of society have been universally remarked. I5ut these uniformly give place to activity and enterprise, according as man is rendered familiar with new objects, and is inspired with a desire to obtain them. An individual might, with comparatively little exertion, furnish himself with an abundant supply of the commodities essential to his subsistence ; and if he had no desire to obtain others, or if that desire, however strong, could not be gratified, it would be folly to sup- pose that he should be laborious, inventive, or enterprising. But, when once excited, the wants and desires of man become altogether illimitable ; and to excite them, no more is necessary than to bring new products and new modes of enjoyment within his reach. Now, the sure way to do this is to give every facility to the most extensive intercourse with foreigners. The markets of a commercial nation being filled with the various commodities of every country and every climate, the motives and gratifications which , stimulate and reward the efforts of the industrious are proportionally augmented. The husbandman and manufacturer exert themselves to increase their supplies of raw and manufactured produce, that they may exchange the surplus for the products imported from abroad. And the merchant, finding a ready demand for such products, is prompted to import a greater variety, to find out cheaper markets, and thus constantly to alfbrd new incentives to the vanity and ambition, and consequently to the enterprise and industry, of his customers. The whole powers of the mind and the body are thus called into action ; and the passion for foreign commodities — a passion which has some- 2 B 370 COMMERCE. times been ignorantly censured — becomes one of the most efficient causes of wealth and civilisation. Not only, however, does foreign coirimerce excite industry, distribute the gifts of nature, and enable them to be turned to the best account, but it also distributes the gifts cf science and of art, and gives to each particular country the means of profiting by the inventions and discoveries of others as much as by those of her own citizens. The ingenious machine invented by Mr. Whitney, of the United States, for separating cotton wool from the pod, by reducing the cost of the raw material of one of our principal manufactures, has been quite as advantageous to us as to his own countrymen. And the discoveries and inventions of Watt, Arkwright, and Wedgwood, by reducing the cost of the articles we send abroad, have been as advantageous to our foreign customers as to ourselves. Commerce has caused the blessings of civilisation to be universally diffused, and the treasures of knowledge and science to be conveyed to the remotest corners. Its humanising influence is, in this respect, most important ; while, by making each country depend for the means of supplying a considerable portion of its wants on the assistance of others, it has done more than any thing else to remove a host of the most baleful prejudices, and to make mankind regard each other as friends and brothers, and not as enemies. The dread, once so prevalent, of the progress of other nations in .vealth and civilisation, is now universally admitted to be as absurd as it is illiberal. While every people ought always to be prepared to resist and avenge any attack upon their independence or their honour, it is not to be doubted that their real prosperity will be best secured by their endeavouring to live at peace. *' A commercial war, whether crowned with victory or branded with defeat, can never prevent another nation from becoming more industrious than you are ; and if they are more industrious they will sell cheaper ; and consequently your customers will forsake your shop and go to theirs. This will happen, though you covered the ocean with fleets, and the land with armies. The soldier may lay waste ; the privateer, whether successful or unsuccessful, will make p,oor; but it is the eternal law of Providence that * the hand of the diligent can alone make rich.^ " — ( Tucker's Four Tracts, p. 41. 3d ed.) Mr. Hume has beautifully illustrated the powerful and salutary influence of that spirit of industry and enterprise resulting from the eager prosecution of commerce and the arts. " Men," says he, " are then kept in perpetual occupation, and enjoy, as their reward, the occupation itself, as well as those pleasures which are the fruits of their labour. The mind acquires new vigour ; enlarges its powers and faculties ; and, by an assiduity in honest industry, both satisfies its natural appetites, and prevents the growth of unnatural ones, which commonly spring up when nourished with ease and idleness. Banish those arts from society, you deprive men both of action and of pleasure ; and, leaving nothing but indolence in their place, you even destroy the relish of indolence, which never is agreeable but when it succeeds to labour, and recruits the spirits, exhausted by too much application and fatigue. " Another advantage of industry and of refinements in the ntiechanical arts is, that they commonly produce some refinements in the liberal ; nor can the one be carried to perfection, without being accompanied in some degree with the other. The same age which produces great philosophers and politicians, renowned generals and poets, usually abounds with skilful weavers and ship-carpenters. We cannot reasonably expect that a piece of woollen cloth will be wrought to perfection in a nation which is ignorant of astronomy, or where ethics are neglected. The spirit of the age affects all the arts ; and the minds of men, being once roused from their lethargy, and put into a ferment- ation, turn themselves on all sides, and carry improvements into every art and science. Profound ignorance is totally banished ; and men enjoy the privilege of rational crea- tures, to think as well as to act, to cultivate the pleasures of the mind as well as those of the body. " The more these refined arts advance, the more sociable do men become ; nor is it possible that, when enriched with science, and possessed of a fund of conversation, they should be contented to remain in solitude, or live with their fellow citizens in that distant manner which is peculiar to ignorant and barbarous nations. They flock into cities ; love to receive and communicate knowledge ; to show their wit or their breeding ; their taste in conversation or living, in clothes or furniture. Curiosity allures the wise, vanity the foolish, and pleasure both. Particular clubs and societies are every where formed ; both sexes meet in an easy and sociable manner ; and the tempers of men, as well as their behaviour, refine apace. So that beside the improvements they receive from know- ledge and the liberal arts, it is impossible but they must feel an increase of humanity from the very habit of conversing together, and contributing to each other's pleasure and entertainment. Thus industrij, knowledge, and humanity are linked together by an indis- soluble chain ; and are found, from experience as well as reason, to be peculiar to the more polished, and, what are commonly denominated, the more luxurious ages."— • ( Essay of Refinement in the Arts. ) COMMERCE. 371 Most commercial treatises, and most books on political economy, contain lengtliened statements as to the comparative advantages derived from the home and foreign trade. But these statements are almost always bottomed on the most erroneous principles. The quantity and value of the commodities which the inhabitants of an extensive country exchange with each other, is far greater than the quantity and value of those they ex- change with foreigners : but this is not, as is commonly supposed, enough to show that the home trade is proportionally more advantageous. Commerce, it must be borne in mind, is not a direct but an indirect source of wealth. The mere exchange of commo- dities adds nothing to the riches of society. The influence of commerce on wealth con- sists in its allowing employments to be separated and prosecuted without interruption. It gives the means of pushing the divisions of labour to the furthest extent ; and supplies mankind with an infinitely greater quantity of necessaries and accommodations of all sorts, than could have been produced, had individuals and nations been forced to depena upon their own comparatively feeble efforts for the supply of their wants. And hence, in estimating the comparative advantageousness of the home and foreign trades, the real questions to be decided are, which of them contributes most to the division of labour ? and which of them gives the greatest stimulus to invention and industry ? These ques- tions do not, perhaps, admit of any very satisfactory answer. The truth is, that both home trade and foreign trade are most prolific sources of wealth. Without the former, no division of labour could be established, and man would for ever remain in a barbarous state. Hence, perhaps, we may say that it is the most indispensable ; but the length to which it could carry any particular country in the career of civilisation, would be limited indeed. Had Great Britain been cut off from all intercourse with strangers, there is no reason for thinking that we should have been at this day advanced beyond the point to which our ancestors had attained during the Heptarchy ! It is to the products and the arts derived from others, and to the emulation inspired by their competition and example, that we are mainly indebted for the extraordinary progress we have already made, as well as for that we are yet destined to make. Dr. Smith, though he has satisfactorily demonstrated the impolicy of all restrictions on the freedom of commerce, has, notwithstanding, endeavoured to show that it is more for the public advantage that capital should be employed in the home trade than in foreign trade, on the ground that the capitals employ in the former are more frequently re- turned, and that they set a greater quantity of lab i r in motion than those employed in the latter. But we have elsewhere endeavoured to show that ihe rate of profit which different businesses yield is the only test of their respective advantageousness. — (Prin- ciples of Political Economy, 2d ed. pp. 160 — 180.) Now, it is quite evident that capital will not be employed in foreign trade, unless it yield as much profit as could be made by employing it at home. No merchant sends a ship to China, if it be in his power to realise a larger profit by sending her to Dublin or Newcastle ; nor would any one build a ship, unless he expected that the capital so laid out would be as productive as if it were employed in agriculture or manufactures. The more or less rapid return of capital is a matter of very little importance. If the average rate of profit be 10 per cent., an individual who turns over his capital 10 times a year, will make one per cent, of profit each time ; whereas if he turns it only once a year, he will get the whole 10 per cent, at once. Competition reduces the rate of nett profit to about the same level in all businesses ; and we may be quite certain that those who employ themselves in the depart- ments in which capital is most rapidly returned, do not, at an average, gain more than those who employ themselves in the departments in which the returns are most distant. No one is a foreign merchant because he would rather deal with foreigners than with his own countrymen, but because he believes lie will be able to employ his capital more advantageously in foreign trade than in any other business : and while he does this, he is following that employment which is most beneficial for the public as well as for himself. IV. Restrictions on Commerce. The statements already made, by explaimng the nature and principles of commercial transactions, are suflficient to evince the inexpediency of subjecting them to any species of restraint. It is obvious, indeed, that restrictions are founded on false principles. When individuals are left to pursue their own interest in their own way, they naturally resort to those branches of industry which they reckon most advantageous for themselves; and, as we have just seen, these are the very branches in which it is most for the public interest that they should be employed. Unless, therefore, it could be shown that a government can judge better as to what sort of transactions are profitable or otherwise than private individuals, its regulations cannot be of the smallest use, and may be ex- ceedingly injurious. But any such pretension on the part of government would be universally scouted. It is undeniably certain that a regard to our ov/n interest is, if not an unerring guide to direct us in such matters, at least incomparably better than any 372 COMMERCE. other. If the trade with a particular country or in a particular commodity be a losing one, or merely a less profitable one than others, it is quite as unnecessary to pass an act to prevent it from being carried on, as it would be to interfere to prevent individuals from selling their labour or their commodities below the market price. It appears, there- fore, that all regulations affecting the freedom of commerce, or of any branch £>f industry, are either useless or pernicious. They are useless, when they are intended to protect the interest of individuals by preventing them from engaging in disadvantageous businesses ; and pernicious, when they prevent them from engaging in those that are advantageous. The self interest of the parties concerned is the only safe principle to go by in such matters. When the acts of the legislature are in unison with it, there is nothing to object to in them, save only that they might as well not exist ; but whenever they are inconsistent with it — that is, whenever they tend to divert capital and industry into channels, into which individuals, if left to their own discretion, would not have carried them — they are decidedly injurious. No one denies that it is possible to confer, by means of a restrictive regulation, an advantage on a greater or less number of individuals. This, however, is no proof that it is advantageous in a public point of view ; and it is by its influence in this respect that we are to decide concerning it. If the exclusion of an article imported from abroad, in order to encourage its manufacture at home, raise its price in the home market, that cir- cumstance will, for a while at least, be advantageous to those engaged in its production. But is it not clear that all that is thus gained by them, is lost by those who purchase the article ? To suppose, indeed, that the exclusion of commodities that are compara- tively cheap, to make room for those that are comparatively dear, can be a means of enriching a country, is equivalent to supposing that a people's wealth might be increased by destroying their most powerful machines, and throwing their best soils out of cul- tivation. But it is contended, that though this might be the case in the instance of commodities produced at home, it is materially different when the commodity excluded came to us from abroad. It is said, that in this case the exclusion of foreign produce increases the demand for that produced at home, and consequently contributes to increase the demand for labour ; so that the rise of price it occasions is, in this way, more than balanced by the other advantages which it brings along with it. But the fact is, that though the demand for one species of produce may be increased by a prohibition of importation, the demand for some other species is sure to be at the same time equally diminished. There is no jugglery in commerce. Whether it be carried on between individuals of the same country, or of different countries, it is in all cases bottomed on a fair principle of reci- procity. Those who will not buy need not expect to sell, and conversely. It is impos- sible to export without making a corresponding importation. We get nothing from the foreigner gratuitously : and hence, when we prevent the importation of produce from abroad, we prevent, by the very same act, the exportation of an equal amount of British produce. All that the exclusion of foreign commodities ever effects, is the substitution of one sort of demand for another. It has been said, that " when we drink beer and porter we consume the produce of English industry, whereas when we drink port or claret we consume the produce of the industry of the Portuguese and French, to the obvious advantage of the latter, and the prejudice of our countrymen ! " But, how paradoxical soever the assertion may at first sight appear, there is not at bottom any real distinction between the two cases. What is it that induces foreigners to supply us with port and claret ? The answer is obvious : — We either send directly to Portugal and France an equivalent in British produce, or we send such equivalent, in the first place to South America for bullion, and then send that bullion to the Continent to pay for the wine. And hence it is as clear as the sun at noon- day, that the Englishman who drinks only French wine, who eats only bread made of Polish wheat, and who wears only Saxon cloth, gives, by occasioning the exportation of a corresponding amount of British cotton, hardware, leather, or other produce, the same encouragement to the industry of his countrymen, that he would give were he to consume nothing not immediately produced at home. A quantity of port wine and a quantity of Birmingham goods are respectively of the same value ; so that whether we directly consume the hardware, or, having ex- changed it for the wine, consume the latter, must plainly, in so far as the employment of British labour is concerned, be altogether indifferent. It is absolutely nugatory, therefore, to attempt to encourage industry at home by restraining importation from abroad. We might as well try to promote it by inter- dicting the exchange of shoes for hats. We only resort to foreign markets, that we may supply ourselves with articles that cannot be produced at home, or that require more labour to produce them here, than is required to produce the equivalent exported to pay for them. It is, if any thing can be, an obvious contradiction and absurdity to attempt to promote wealth or industry by prohibiting an intercourse of this sort. Such pro- hibition, even when least injurious, is sure to force capital and labour into less pro- COMMERCE. 37:^ tiuctive channels ; and cannot fail to diminish tlie foreign demand for one species of produce, quite as much as it extends the home demand for another. It is but seldom, however, that a restriction on importation from abroad does more than substitute one sort of employment for another. Its usual effect is both to alter the distribution of capital, and to increase tlie price of commodities. A country rarely imports any commodity from abroad tliat may be as cheajjly produced at home. In the vast majority of instances, the articles bought of the foreigner could not l)e directly produced at home, without a much greater outlay of capital. Suppose that we import 1.000,000/. worth of any commodity, that its importation is prohibited, and that the same quantity of produce cannot be raised in this country for less than 1,200,000/. or 1,500,000/.: in a case of this sort, — and this is actually the case in 99 out of every 100 instances in which prohibitions are enacted, — the prohibition has the same effect on the consumers of the commodity, as if, supposing it not to have existed, they had been burdened with a peculiar tax of 200,000/. or 500,000/. a year. But, had such been the case, what the consumers lost would have gone into tlie coffers of the treasury, and would have afforded the means of repealing an equal amount of other taxes ; whereas, under the prohibitory system, the high price, being occasioned by an increased difficulty of production, is of no advantage to any one. So that, instead of gaining any thing by such a measure, the public incurs a dead loss of 200,000/. or 500,000/. a year. We have said that a prohibition of importation may be productive of immediate ad- vantage to the home producers of the prohibited article. It is essential, however, to remark that this advantage cannot continue for any considerable time, and that it must be followed by a period of distress. Were the importation of foreign silks put an end to, that circumstance, by narrowing the supply of silk goods, and raising their prices, would, no doubt, be, in the first instance, advantageous to the manufacturers, by ele- vating their profits above the common level. But the consequence would be, that those already engaged in the trade would immediately set about extending their concerns ; at the same time that not a few of those engaged in other employments would enter a business which presented such a favourable prospect: nor would this transference of capital to the silk manufacture be stopped, till such an increased supply of silks had been brought to market as to occasion a glut. This reasoning is not founded upon hypothesis, but upon the widest experience. When a business is carried on under the protection of a restriction on importation, it is limited by the extent of the home market, and is incapable of further extension. It is, in consequence, particularly subject to that fluc- tuation which is the bane of industry. If, owing to a change of fashion, or any other cause, the demand be increased, then, as no supplies can be brought from abroad, prices suddenly rise, and the manufacture is rapidly extended, until a reaction takes place, and prices sink below their usual level : and if the demand decline, then, as there is no outlet abroad for the superfluous goods, their price is ruinously depressed, and the pro- ducers are involved in inextricable difficulties. The businesses deepest entrenched behind ramparts of prohibitions and restrictions, such as the silk trade previously to 1825, the West India trade, and agriculture since 1815, have undergone the most extraordinary vicissitudes ; and have been at once more hazardous and less profitable tlian the businesses carried on under a system of fair and free competition. A prohibition against buying in the cheapest markets is really, also, a prohibition against selling in the dearest markets. There is no test of high or low price, except the quantity of other produce for which an article exchanges. Suppose that, by sending a certain quantity of cottons or hardware to Brazil, we might get in exchange 150 hhds. of sugar, and that the same quantity, if sent to Jamaica, would only fetch 100 hhds. ; is it not obvious, that by preventing the importation of the former, we force our goods to be sold for fwo thirds of the price they would otherwise have brought ? To suppose that a system productive of such results can be a means of increasing wealth, is to suppose what is evidently absurd. It is certainly true that a restrictive regulation, which has been long acted upon, and under which a considerable quantity of capital is employed, ought not to be rashly or capriciously repealed. Every change in the public economy of a great nation ought to be gone about cautiously and gradually. Adequate time should be s^iven to those who carry on businesses that have been protected, either to withdraw from them altogether, or to prepare to withstand the fair competition of foreigners. But this is all that such persons can justly claim. To persevere in an erroneous and oppressive system, merely because its abandonment might be productive of inconvenience to individuals, would be a proceeding inconsistent with every object for which society is formed, and subversive of all improvement. It may, perhaps, be supposed that in the event of commodities being imported from abroad, after the abolition of a protecting regulation^ that were previously produced at home, the workmen and those engaged in their production would be thrown upon the parish. Such, however, is not the case. We mav, by giving freedom to commerce* i2 B 3 374? COMMERCE. change the species of labour in demand, but it is not possible that we should thereby change its quantity. If, in consequence of tlie abolition of restrictions, our imports ivere increased to the amount of 4,000,000Z. or 5,000,000?., our exports, it is certain, must be augmented to the same extent : so that whatever diminution of tlie demand for labour might be experienced in certain departments would be balanced by a corresponding mcrease in others. The pressure of taxation has often been alleged as an excuse for restrictions on com- merce, but it is not more valid than the rest. Taxation may be heavy, and even op- pressive ; but so long as it is impartially and fairly assessed, it equally affects all branches of industry carried on at home, and consequently affords no ground whatever for the enactment of i-egulations intended to protect any particular business. And to propose to protect all branches of industry from foreign competition, is, in effect, to propose to put a total stop to commerce ; for if nothing is to be imported, nothing can be exported. The imposition of moderate duties on foreign commodities, for the sake of revenue, is quite another thing. Many of these form among the very best subjects of taxation ; and when the duties on them are confined within proper bounds, — that is, when they are not so high as to exert any injurious influence upon trade, or to occasion smuggling and fraud, — they cannot fairly be objected to. It is sometimes contended, by those who assert, on general grounds, that restrictions are inexpedient, that it would be unwise, on the part of any country, to abolish them until she had obtained a security that those imposed by her neighbours would also be abolished. But the reasons that have been alleged in favour of this statement are not entitled to the least weight. It is our business to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest markets, without being, in any degree, influenced by the conduct of others. If they consent to repeal the restrictions they have laid on commerce, so much the better. But whatever others may do, the line of policy we ought to follow is clear and well defined. To refuse, for example, to buy claret, brandy, &c. from the French, because they lay absurd restrictions on the importation of British hardware, cottons, &c., would not be to retaliate upon them, but upon ourselves. The fact that we do import French wine and brandy shows that we do export to France, or to some other country to which France is indebted, an equivalent, in some sort, of British produce. The fear of being glutted with foreign products, unless we secure beforehand a certain outlet for our own, is the most unfounded that can be imagined. The foreigner who will take nothing of ours, can send us nothing of his. Though our ports were open to the merchants of all the countries of the world, the exports of British produce must always be equal to the imports of foreign produce ; and none but those who receive our commodities, either at first or second hand, could continue to send any thing to us. *' Les etrangers ne peuvent demander ni desirer rien mieux, que la liberie de vous acheter et de vous vendre chez vous ct dans vos colonies. II faut la leur accorder, non par foiblesse et par impuissance, mais parcequ'elle est juste en elle-meme, et qu'elle vous est utile. lis ont tort sans doute de la refuser chez eux : mais cette faute d'ignorance dont, sans le savoir, ils sont pun is les premiers, n'est pas un raison qui doive vous porter a vous nuire a vous-meme en suivant cet exemple, et a vous exposer aux suites et aux depenses d'une guerre pour avoir la vaine satisfaction d'user des represailles, dont I'effet ne pent manquer de retomber survous, etde rendre votre commerce plus desavantageux." — {Le Trosne de V Ordre Social, p. 416.) There are some, however, who contend, that though restrictions on importation from abroad be unfavourable to opulence, and the advancement of individuals and nations in arts and civilisation, they may, notwithstanding, be vindicated on other grounds, as con- tributing essentially to independence and security. The short and decisive answer to this is to be found in the reciprocity of commerce. It does not enrich one individual or nation at the expense of others, but confers its favours equally on all. We are under no obligations to the Portuguese, the Russians, or any other people with whom we carry on trade. It is not our advantage, but their own, that they have in view in dealing with us. We give them the full value of all that we import; and they would suffer quite as much inconvenience as we should do were this intercovirse put an end to. The independence at which those aspire who would promote it by laying restrictions on commerce, is the independence of the solitary and unsocial savage ; it is not an independence productive of strength, but of weakness. " The most flourishing states, at the moment of their highest elevation, when they were closely connected with every part of the civilised world by the golden chains of successful commercial enterprise, were, according to this doctrine, in the most perfect state of absolute dependence. It was not till all these connections were dissolved, and they had sunk in the scale of nations, that their true independence commenced ! Such statements carry with them their own refutation. There is a natural dependence of nations upon each other, as there is a natural dependence of individuals upon each other. Heaven has so ordered it. Some soils, some climates, some situations, are productive exclusively of some peculiar fruits, which cannot else- COMMERCE. 37-5 where be profitably procured. Let nations follow this as their guide. In a rich and rising community, the opulent capitalists may be as dependent upon the poor labourers, as the poor labourers upon the opulent capitalists. So it is witli nations. The mutual dependence of individuals upon each other knits and binds society together, and leads to the most rapid advancement in wealth, in intelligence, and in every kind of improve- ment. It is the same, but on a far larger scale, with tlie mutual dependence of nations. To this alone do we owe all the mighty efforts of commerce ; and what lights, what generous feelings, and multiplied means of human happiness, has it not every where spread!" — (North American Review, No. 57.) The principles of commercial freedom, and the injurious influence of restrictive regu- lations, were set in a very striking point of view by Dr. Smith, in his great work ; and they have been since repeatedly explained and elucidated. Perhaps, however, the true doctrines upon this subject have no where been better stated than in the petition pre- sented by the merchants of London to the House of Commons on the 8th of May, 1820. This document is one of the most gratifying proofs of the progress of liberal and enlarged views. It was subscribed by all the principal merchants of the metropolis, who have not scrupled to express their conviction, that the repeal of every protective regulation would be for the public advantage. Such an address, confirming, as it did, the conclusions of science, by the approval of the best informed and most extensive merchants of the world, had a powerful influence on the legislature. During the last 10 years several most important reforms have been made in our commercial system ; so that, besides being the first to promulgate the true theory of commerce, we are now entitled to the praise of being the first to carry it into effect. No doubt our trade is still fettered by many vexatious restraints ; but these will gradually disappear, according as experience serves to disclose the benefits resulting from the changes already made, and the pernicious opera- tion of the restrictions that are still allowed to continue. The petition now referred to, is too important to be onoitted in a work of this sort. It is as follows : — " To the Honourable the Commons, &c., the Petition of the Merchants of the City of London. - " Sheweth, *' That foreign commerce is eminently conducive to the wealth and prosperity of a country, by enabling it to import the commodities for the production of which the soil, climate, capital, and industry of other countries are best calculated, and to export, in payment, those articles for which its own situation is better adapted. " That freedom from restraint is calculated to give the utmost extension to foreign trade, and the best direction to the capital and industry of the country. " That the maxim of buying in the cheapest market, and selling in the dearest, which regulates every merchant in his individual dealings, is strictly applicable, as the best rule for the trade of the whole nation. " That a policy founded on these principles would render the commerce of the world an interchange of mutual advantages, and diffuse an increase of wealth and enjoyments among the inhabitants of each state. " That, unfortunately, a policy the very reverse of this has been and is more or less adopted and acted upon by the government of this and every other country; each trying to exclude the productions of other countries, with the specious and well-meant design of encouraging its own productions : thus inflicting on the bulk of its subjects, who are consumers, the necessity of submitting to privations in the quantity or quality of commodities ; and thus rendering what ought to be the source of mutual benefit and of harmony among states, a constantly recurring occasion of jealousy and hostility. " That the prevailing prejudices in favour of the protective or restrictive system may be traced to the erroneous supposition that every importation of foreign commodities occasions a diminution or dis- couragement of our own productions to the same extent : whereas it may be clearly shown, that although the particular description of production which could not stand against unrestrained foreign competition would be discouraged, yet, as no importation could be continued for any length of time without a corre- siwnding exportation, direct or indirect, there would bean encouragenieiit, for the purpose of that export, ation, of some other production to which our situation might be better suited ; thus affording at least an equal, and probably a greater, and certainly a more beneficial, employment to our own capital and labour. " That of the numerous protective and prohibitory duties of our commercial code, it may be proved that, while all operate as a very heavy tax on the community at large, very few are of any ultimate benefit to the classes in whose favour they were originally instituted, and none to the extent of the loss occasioned by them to other classes. " That among the other evils of the restrictive or protective system, not the least is, that the artificial protection of one branch of industry or source of production against foreign competition, is set up as a ground of claim by other branches for similar protection ; so that if the reasoning upon which these restrictive or prohibitory regulations are founded were followed out consistently, it would not stop short of excluding us from all foreign commerce whatsoever. And the same train of argument, which, with corresponding prohibitions and protective duties, should exclude us from foreign trade, might be brought forward to justify the re-enactment of restrictions upon the interchange of productions i,unconnected with public revenue^ among the kingdoms composing the union, or among the counties of tlie same kingdom. " That an investigation of the effects of the restrictive system at this time is peculiarly called for, as it may, in the opinion of your petitioners, lead to a strong presumption, that the distress, which now so generally prevails, is considerably aggravated by that system; and that some relief may be obtained by the earliest practicable removal of such of the restraints as may be shown to be most injurious to the capital and industry of the community, and to be attended with no compensating benefit to the public revenue. "That a declaration against the anti-commercial principles of our restrictive system is of the more importance at the present juncture ; inasmuch as, in several instances of recent occurrence, the merchants and manufacturers of foreign countries have assailed their respective governments with applications for further protective or prohibitory duties and regulations, urging the example and authority of this country, against which they are almost exclusively directed, as a sanction for the policy of such measures. And certainly, if the reasoning upon which our restrictions have been defended is worth any thing, it will 2 B 4 376 COxMPANIES. apply in behalf of the regulations of foreign states against us. They insist upon our superiority in capita', and machinery, as we do upon their comparative exemption from taxation, and with equal foundation. " That nothing would tend more to counteract the commercial hostility of foreign states, than the adoption of a more enlightened and more conciliatory policy on the part of this country. "That although, as a matter of mere diplomacy, it may sometimes answer to hold the removal of particular prohibitions, or high duties, as depending upon corresponding concessions by other states in Dur favour, it does not follow that we should maintain our restrictions in cases where the desired con- ^ssions on their part cannot be obtained. Our restrictions would not be the less prejudicial to our own capital and industry, because other governments persisted in preserving impolitic regulations. " That, upon the whole, the most liberal would prove to be the most politic course on such occasions. * " That independent of the direct benefit to be derived by this country, on every occasion of such con- cession or relaxation, a great incidental object would be gained, by the recognition of a sound principle or standard, to which all subsequent arrangements might be referred ; and by the salutary influence which a promulgation of such just views, by the legislature and by the nation at large, could not fail to have on the policy of other states. " That in thus declaring, as your petitioners do, their conviction of the impolicy and injmtke of the restrictive system, and in desiring every practicable relaxation of it, they have in view only such parts of it as are not connected, or are only subordinately so, with the public revenue. As long as the necessity for the present amount of revenue subsists, your petitioners cannot expect so important a branch of it as the customs to be given up, nor to be materially diminished, unless some substitute less objectionable be sug- gested. But it is against every restrictive regulation of trade, not essential to the revenue, against all duties merely jn-otectivc from foreign competition, and against the excess of such duties as are partly for the purpose of revenue, and partly for that of protection, that the prayer of the present petition is respect- fully submitted to the wisdom of parliament « May it therefore," &c. For examples of the practical working and injurious operation of restrictions, see the articles Bordeaux, Cadiz, Cagliaui, Colony Trade, Corn Laws and Corn Trade, Naples, Timber, &c., in this Dictionary ; the articles on the American Tariff and the French Commercial System in Nos. 96. and 99. of the Edinburgh Review; the Report of the Committee of Commerce and Navigation to the House of Representatives of the United States, 8th of February, 1830; and the Petition and Memoire a VAppui, addressed, in 1828, by the landowners and merchants of the Gironde to the Chamber of Deputies. For an account of the doctrines with respect to the balance of trade, and the import- ation and exportation of the precious metals, see the articles Balance of Trade, and Exchange. For an account of the articles exported from and imported into Great Britain, see Imports and Exports. COMPANIES. In commerce or the arts, a company is a number of persons associated together for the purpose of carrying on some commercial or industrious under- taking. When there are only a few individuals associated, it is most commonly called a copartnery ; the term company being usually applied to large associations, like the East India Company, the Bank of England, &c., who conduct their operations by means of agents acting under the orders of a Board of directors. Companies have generally been divided into two great classes — exclusive or joint stock companies, and open or regulated companies. 1 . Exclusive or Joint Stock Companies. — By an institution of this sort is meant a company having a certain amount of capital, divided into a greater or smaller number of transferable shares, managed for the common advantage of the shareholders by a body of directors chosen by and responsible to them. After the stock of a company of this sort has been subscribed, no one can enter it without previously purcliasing one or more shares belonging to some of the existing members. The partners do nothing individually ; all their resolutions are taken in common, and are carried into effect by the directors and those whom they employ. According to the common law of England, all the partners in a joint stock company are jointly and individually liable, to the whole extent of their fortunes, for the debts of the company. They may make arrangements amongst themselves, limiting their obligations with respect to each other ; but unless established by an authority competent to set aside the general rule, they are all indefinitely responsible to the public. Parliament some- times limits the responsibility of the shareholders in joint stock companies established by statute, to the amount of the shares they respectively hold. Charters of incorporation granted by the Crown were also, until lately, supposed necessarily to have this cflfect ; but by the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 96. the Crown is empowered to grant charters of incorporation by which the members of corporate bodies may be made individualli/ liable, to such extent, and subject to such regulations and restrictions, as may be deemed expedient. Hence charters are now frequently granted for the purpose merely of enabling companies to sim and be sued in courts of law, under the names of some of their oflfice-bcarcrs, without in any respect limiting the responsibility of the shareholders to the jniblic. This limitation cannot be implied in a charter any more than in an act of parliament, and will be held not to exist unless it be distinctly set forth. " In a private copartnery, no partner, without the consent of the company, can transfer, liis share to another person, or introduce a new member into the company. Each member, however, may, upon proper warning, withdraw from the copartneiy, and demand p.iymcnt from them of his share of the common stock. In a joint stock com- COiMPANIES. 377 pany, on the contrary, no member can demand payment of liis share from the company ; but each member may, without their consent, transfer liis sliare to another person, and thereby introduce a new member. The value of u share in a joint stock is always the price which it will bring in the market; and this may be eitlier greater or less, in any proportion, than'the sum which its owner stands credited for in the stock of the company." — ( ireahh of Nations, vol. iii. p. 238.) 2. Utility of Joint Stock Companies. — Whenever the capital required to carry on any undertaking exceeds what may be furnished by an individual, it is indispensable,'in order to the prosecution of the undertaking, that an association should be formed. In all those cases, too, in which the chances of success are doubtful, or where a lengthened period must necessarily elapse before an undertaking can be completed, an individual, though ready enough to contribute a small sum in connection with others, would, generally speaking, be very little inclined, even if he had the means, to encounter the whole responsibility of such enterprises. Hence the necessity and advantage of companies or associations. It is to them that we are indebted for those canals by which every part of the country is intersected, for the formation of so many noble docks and warehouses, for the institution of our principal banks and insurance offices, and for many other establish- ments of great public utility carried on by the combined capital and energies of large bodies of individuals. 3. Branches of Industry, for the Prosecution of which Joint Stock Companies may he advantageously established. — In order to ensure a rational prospect of success to a com- pany, the undertaking should admit of being carried on according to a regular systematic plan. The reason of this is sufficiently obvious. The business of a great association must be conducted by factors or agents ; and unless it be of such a nature as to admit of their duties being clearly pointed out and defined, the association would cease to have any effectual control over them, and would be, in a great measure, at their mercy. An individual who manages his own affairs reaps all the advantage derivable from superior skill, industry, and economy ; but the agents, and even directors, of joint stock companies labour, in most cases, entirely or principally for the advantage of others; and cannot therefore, however conscientious, have the same powerful motives to act with energy, prudence, and economy. " Like," says Dr. Smith, " the stewards of a rich man, they are apt to consider attention to small matters as not for their master's honour, and very easily give themselves a dispensation from having it. Negligence and profusion, there- fore, must always prevail more or less in the management of the affairs of such a company." It also not unfrequently happens that they suffer from the bad faith, as well as the carelessness and extravagance of their servants ; the latter having, in many instances, endeavoured to advance their own interests at the expense of their employers. Hence the different success of companies whose business may be conducted according to a nearly uniform system, — such as dock, canal, and insurance companies, rail-road companies, &c. — and those whose business does not admit of being reduced to any regular plan, and \vhere much must always be left to the sagacity and enterprise of those employed. All purely commercial companies, trading vipon a joint stock, belong to the latter class. Not one of them has ever been able to withstand the competition of private adventurers ; they cannot subject the agents they employ to buy and sell commodities in distant countries to any effectual responsibility ; and from this circumstance, and the abuses that usually insinuate themselves into every department of their management, no such com- pany has ever succeeded, unless when it has obtained some exclusive privilege, or been protected from competition. The circumstances now mentioned would seem to oppose the most formidable obstacles to the success of the companies established in this country for the prosecution of mining in America. This business does not admit of being reduced to a regular routine system. Much must always depend on the skill and probity of the agents employed at the mines ; and it must plainly be very difficult, if not quite impossible, for directors resident in London to exercise any effectual surveillance over the proceedings of those Avho are at so great a distance. Hence it is not at all likely that these establishments will ever be so productive to the undertakers, as if they had been managed by the parties themselves. The Abbe Morellet has given, in a tract published in 1769 {Exameii de la Reponse de M. N., pp. 35 — 38.), a list of 55 joint stock companies, for the prosecution of various branches of foreign trade, established in different parts of Europe since 1600, every one of which had failed, though most of them had exclusive privileges. Most of those that have been established since the publication of the Abbe Morellet's tract have had a similar fate. But notwithstanding both principle and experience concur in showing how very iU fitted a large association is for the purpose of prosecuting commercial undertakings, there are cases in which they cannot be prosecuted except by associations of this sort, and when it may be expedient to grant them certain peculiar privileges. "When, owing either to the disinclination or inability of government to afford protection to those engaged in anv 378 COMPANIES. particular department of trade, they are obliged to provide for their own defence and security, it is obviously necessary that they should have the power to exclude such indi- viduals as may refuse to submit to the measures, or to bear their due share of the expense, required for the common protection of all. The Russian Company, the East India Com- pany, the Levant or Turkey Company, and most of the other great trading companies ■which have existed in this country, seem principally to have grown out of a real or sup- posed necessity of this sort. It was not believed that any safe or advantageous intercourse could be carried on with barbarous countries without the aid of ships of war, factories, interpreters, &c. And as government was not always able or willing to afford this assistance, the traders were formed into companies or associations, and vested with such peculiar privileges as appeared to be necessary for enabling them to prosecute the trade without any extrinsic support. " When," says Dr. Smith, " a company of merchants undertake, at their own risk and expense, to establish a new trade with some remote and barbarous nation, it may not be unreasonable to incorporate them into a joint stock com- pany, and to grant them, in case of success, a monopoly of the trade for a certain number of years. It is the easiest and most natural way in which the state can recompense them for hazarding a dangerous and expensive experiment, of which the public is afterwards to reap the benefit. A temporary monopoly of this kind may be vindicated upon the same principles upon which a like monopoly of a new machine is granted to its inventor, and that of a new book to its author. But upon the expiration of the term, the monopoly ought certainly to determine ; the forts and garrisons, if it was found necessary to establish any, to be taken into the hands of government, their value to be paid to the company, and the trade to be laid open to all the subjects of the state." — ( Wealth of Nations, vol. iii. p. 258.) It may be doubted, however, whether it be really necessary, even in such a case as that now mentioned, to establish a joint stock company with peculiar privileges, and whether the same thing might not be more advantageously effected by the establishment of an open or regulated company. 4. Open or Regulated Companies. — The affairs of such companies or associations are managed by directors appointed by the members. They do not, however, possess a com- mon or joint stock. Each individual pays a fine upon entering into the company, and most commonly an annual contribution : a duty applicable to the business of the company is also sometimes charged upon the goods imported and exported from and to the countries with which they trade. The sums so collected are applied by the directors to fit out ambassadors, consuls, and such public functionaries as may be required to facilitate com- mercial dealings, or to build factoi-ies, maintain cruisers, &c. The members of such companies trade upon their own stock, and at their own risk. So that when the fine, or the sum payable on admission into a regulated company, is moderate, it is impossible for its members to form any combination that would have the effect of raising their profits above the common level ; and there is the same keen and close competition amongst them that there is amongst other classes of traders. A regulated company is, in fact, a device for making those engaged in a particular branch of trade bear the public or political expenses incident to it, at the same time that it leaves them to conduct their own business with their own capital, and in their own way. Should, therefore, government at any time refuse, or be unable to afford, that protec- tion to those engaged in any branch of trade which is necessary to enable them to carry it on, their formation into a regulated company would seem to be the most judicious measure that could be adopted ; inasmuch as it would obtain for them that protection which is indispensable, without encroaching on the freedom of individual enterprise. The African, the Levant, and some other branches of trade, were for a long time con- ducted by open or regulated companies. These, however, have been recently abolished : the African Company, by the act 1 & 2 Geo. 4. c. 28. ; and the Levant Company, by the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 83. The Russia Company still exists (See Russia Company.) In so far as relates to protection, it may perhaps be thought, for the reasons given by Dr. Smith, that a joint stock company is better calculated to afford it than a regulated company. The directors of the latter having, Dr. Smith alleges, no particular interest in the prosperity of the general trade of the company, for behoof of which, ships of war, factories, or forts, have to be maintained, are apt to neglect them, and to apply their whole energies to the care of their own private concerns. But the interest of the directors of a joint stock company are, he contends, in a great measure identified with those of the association. They have no private capital employed in the trade ; their profits must depend upon the prudent and profitable management of the common stock ; and it may, * therefore, it is argued, be fairly presumed that they will be more disposed to attend care- fully to all the means by which the prosperity of the association may be best secured. On the other hand, hoAvever, it is seldom tliat the directors of joint stock companies stop at the proper point ; having almost invariably attempted to extend their commercial dealings by force, and to become not only merchants but sovereigns. Nor is this any thing bui COMPANIES. 379 what might have been expected, seeing that the consideration and extensive patronage accruing from such measures to the directors is generally of far more importance to them than a moderate increase of the dividends on their stock. Whenever they liave been able, they have seldom scru])led to emj)loy arms to advance their projects ; and instead of contenting themselves with shops and factories, have constructed fortifications, embodied armies, and engaged in war. liut such has not been the case with regulated companies. The businesses under their control have uniformly been conducted in a comparatively frugal and parsimonious manner ; their establishments have been, for the most part, con- fined to factories ; and they have rarely, if ever, allowed themselves to be seduced by schemes of conquest and dominion. And hence, considering them as commercial machines, it does not really seem that there can be any doubt as to the superiority of a regulated over a joint stock company. The latter has the defect, for which nothing almost can compensate, of entirely excluding individual enterprise and competition. When such a company enjoys any peculiar privi- lege, it naturally, in pursuing its own interest, endeavours to profit by it, how injurious soever it may be to the public. If it have a monopoly of the trade with any particular country, or of anjj particular commodity, it rarely fails, by understocking the home and foreign markets, to sell the goods which it imports and exports at an artificially enhanced price. It is not its object to employ a comparatively large capital, but to make a large profit on a comparatively small capital. The conduct of the Dutcli East India Company in burning spices, that their price might not be lowered by larger importations, is an example of the mode in which such associations uniformly and, indeed, almost necessarily act. All individuals are desirous of obtaining the highest possible price for what they have to sell ; and if they are protected by means of a monopoly, or an exclusive privilege, from the risk of being undersold by others, they never hesitate about raising the price of their products to the highest elevation that the competition of the buyers will allow them j and thus frequently realise the most exorbitant profits. And yet, notwithstanding these advantages, such is the negligence, proftision, and peculation, inseparable from the management of great commercial companies, that even those that have had the monopoly of the most advantageous branches of commerce have rarely been able to keep out of debt. It will be shown in the article East India Com- pany, that that association has lost by its trade ; and that, had it not been for the aid derived from the revenues of India, it must long since have ceased to exist. To buy in one market ; to sell with profit in another ; to watch over the perpetually occurring variations in the prices, and in the supply and demand of commodities ; to suit with dexterity and judgment the quantity and quality of goods to the wants of each market ; and to conduct each operation in the best and cheapest manner ; requires a degree of unremitting vigilance and attention, which it would be visionary to expect from the directors or servants of a great joint stock association. Hence it has happened, over and over again, that branches of commerce which proved ruinous to companies, have become exceedingly profitable when carried on by individuals. 5. Constitution of Companies. — When application is n ade to parliament for an act to incorporate a number of individuals into a joint stock company for the prosecution of any useful undertaking, care ought to be taken not to conceJe to them any privileges that may be rendered injurious to the public. If a company be rmed for the construction of .a dock, a road, or a canal, it may be necessary, in order to stimulate individuals to engage in the undertaking, to give them some peculiar privileges for a certain number of years. But if other persons were to be permanently hindered from constructing new docks, or opening new lines of communication, a lasting injury might be done to the public. It may be highly expedient to incorporate a company for the pui-pose of bring- ing water into a city ; but supposing there were no springs in the vicinity, other than those to which this company has acquired a right, they might, imless restrained by the act incorporating them, raise the price of water to an exorbitant height ; and make large profits for themselves at the expense and to the injury of the public. In all cases of this sort ; and in the case, indeed, of all joint stock companies established for the formation of canals, railroads, &c. ; it would be sound policy to limit the rates charged for their services, or on account of the water, ships, goods, &c. conveyed by their means, and also to limit the dividends, or to fix a maximum beyond which they should not be augmented : enacting, that if the rates charged by the company produce more than suflficient to pay the maximum rate of dividend, and to defray the wear and tear of the aqueduct, canal, &c., they shall be allowed to reduce them till they only yield this much ; and, in the event of their declining to do so, that the whole surplus above paying the dividend shall be applied to purchase up the stock of the association, so that ultimately the charges on account of dividends may be entirely abolished. Had this principle been acted upon when canals first began* to be formed in England, the carriage of goods conveyed by some of the most important lines of commiuiieation would now have cost almost nothing; and this desirable result might have been accomplished in the way now suggested, with- 380 COMPANIES. out, we believe, diminishing in any degree the number of those undertakings. There are few who, at the time they engage in such enterprises, suppose that they will yield more than 10 or 12 per cent. ; and vast numbers will always be disposed to engage in them, if there be any reasonable prospect of their yielding this much. Now, when such is the case, is it not the duty of government to provide, in the event of the undertaking becoming in an unexpected and unusual degree profitable, that the public should derive some advantage from it ? This is not a case in which competition can reduce profits to the common level. The best, perhaps the only practicable, line for a canal or railroad between any two places will be appropriated by those who are first in the field ; who thus, in fact, obtain a natural monopoly of which they cannot be deprived : and hence the advantage of limiting the charges and dividends : without discouraging enterprise, it affords a security that private individuals shall not reap an unusual and unlooked for profit at the expense of the public. In all those cases in which companies are formed for the prosecution of undertakings that may be carried on, with equal advantage to the public, by individuals ; or where there are no very considerable difficulties to overcome, or risks to encounter ; they ought to enjoy no privilege whatever, but should be regarded, in every ppjjit of view, as if they were mere individuals. For accounts of the principal joint stock and regulated companies established in this country, see the articles Bank o*- England, Docks, East India Company, Insurance, Russia Company, &c. &c. 6. Companies en Commandite. — In France there is a sort of companies denominated societes en commandite. A society of this description consists of one or more partners, liable, without limitation, for the debts of the company ; and one or more partners, or commanditaires, liable only to the extent of the funds they have subscribed. A com- manditaire must not, however, take any part in the business of the company ; if he do this, he loses his inviolability, and makes himself responsible for the debts of the asso- ciation. The names of the partners in such societies must be published, and the amount of the sums contributed by the commanditaires. It has been proposed to introduce partnerships of this sort into this country ; but it seems very doubtful whether any thing would be gained by such a measure. Partner- ships en commandite may be very easily abused, or rendered a means of defrauding the public. It is quite visionary to imagine that the commanditaires can be prevented from indirectly influencing the other partners : and supposing a collusion to exist amongst them, it might be possible for them to divide large sums as profit, when, perhaps, they had really sustained a loss ; and to have the books of the association so contrived, that it might be very difficult to detect the fraud. This, it is alleged, is by no means a rare occurrence in France. 7. Civic Companies, or Corporations. — Exclusive of the companies previously men- tioned, a number of ancient companies or corporations exist in this and most other European countries, the members of which enjoy certain political as well as commercial privileges. When the feudal system began to be subverted by the establishment of good order and regular government in the towns, the inhabitants were divided into certain trades or corporations, by which the magistrates and other functionaries were chosen. The members of these trades, or corporations, partly to enhance the value of their privileges, and partly to provide a resource, in case of adversity, for themselves, acquired or usurped the power of enacting by-laws regulating the admission ot new members, and at the same time set about providing a fund for the support of such as accident or misfortune might reduce to a state of indigence. Hence the origin of apprenticeships, the refusal to allow any one not a member of a corporation to carry on any business within the precincts of any town corporate, and the various regulations that had to be submitted to, and the fees that had to be paid by the claimants for inrolment in corporations. For a lengthened period these privileges and regulations were very oppressive. Within the last century, however, their influence has been progressively diminishing. In France, where the abuses inseparable from the system had attained to a very great height, it was entirely swept off by the Revolution : and though corpo- rations still exist in this country, they have been stripped of several of their peculiar fran- chises ; and should now, for the most part, be regarded more, perhaps, in the light of charitable than of political institutions. It would be well, however, were they reduced entirely to the former character ; and were the few political and commercial privileges, which they still enjoy, communicated to the rest of the citizens. At their first institu- tion, and for some time after, corporations, considered as political bodies, were probably useful : but such is no longer the case ; and in so far as they now possess any special immunities, tliey tend to obstruct that free competition that is so advantageous. The following extract from a Report on the Commerce and Manufactures of the United States, drawn up by Albert Gallatin, Esq., then secretary to the Treasury, and laid before Congress in 1816, sets the superior advantages resulting from the unrestricted COMPASS. 331 freedom of industry in a very striking point of view. " No cause," says he, " has, perhaps, more promoted in every respect the general improvement of the United States, than the absence of those systems of internal restriction and monopoly which continue to disfigure the state of society in other countries. No laws exist here, directly or indirectly, confining men to a particular occupation or place, or excluding any citizen from any branch he may, at any time, think, proper to pursue. Industry is, in every respect, free and unfettered ; every species of tr^^e, commerce, and profession, and manufacture, being equally open to all, without requiring any regular apprenticeship, admission, or licence. Hence the improvement of America has not been confined to the improvement of her agriculture, and to the rapid formation and settlement of new states in the wil- derness ; but her citizens have extended their commerce to every part of the globe, and carry on with complete success even those branches for which a monopoly had heretofore been considered essentially necessary." % There is in Rees's Cyclopcedia, article Company, a list of the different Civic Companies belonging to the City of London, in which the periods of their incorporation, and various other important particulars with respect to several of them, are specified. COMPASS (Ger. Ein Kompass ; Du. Zeekompas ; Da. S'uekompass ; Sp. Sjocom- pass ; Fr. Boussole, Compas de mer ; It. Bussola ; Sp. Aguja de mar ear ; Port. Co?«- passo de marear ; Rus. Kompass korabelniii), or mariner's compass, an instrument com- posed of a needle and card, by which the ship's course is directed. The needle, with little variation, always points towards the north, and hence the mode of steering by the compass. The common opinion is that the compass was invented by Flavio Gioia, a citizen of the once famous republic of Amalphi, very near the beginning of the fourteenth century. Dr. Robertson has adopted this opinion, and regrets that contemporary historians furnish no details as to the life of a man to whose genius society is so deeply indebted. — (^Hist. of America, vol. i. p. 47. 8vo ed.) But though Gioia may have made improvements on the compass, it has been shown that he has no claim to be considered as its discoverer. Passages have been produced from writers who flourished more than a century before Gioia, in which the polarity of the needle, when touched by the magnet, is distinctly pointed out. Not only, however, had this singular property been discovered, but also its application to the purposes of navigation, long previously to the fourteenth century. Old French writers have been quoted (^Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, anno 1200; Rees's Cyclopcedia}, that seem fully to establish this fact. But whatever doubts may exist with respect to them, cannot affect the passages which the learned Spanish antiquary, Don Antonio de Capmany (Questio7ies Criticas, p. 73 — 132.), has given from a work of the famous Raymond Lully (Z)e Contemplatione) published in 1272. In one place Lully says, " as the needle, when touched by the magnet, naturally turns to the north " (^sicut acus per naturam vertitur ad septentrionem dum sit tacta d magnete). This is conclusive as to the author's acquaintance with the polarity of the needle ; and the following passage from the same work — " as the nautical needle directs mariners in their navigation " (jsicut acus nautica dirigit marinarius in sua naviga- tione, S^c.) is no less conclusive as to its being used by sailors in regulating their course. There are no means of ascertaining the mode in which the needle Raymond Lully had in view was made use of. It has been sufficiently established — (see the autho- rities already referred to, and Azuni, Dissertation sur I' Origine de la Boussole,) — that it was usual to float the needle, by means of a straw, on the surface of a basin of water; and Capmany contends that we are indebted to Gioia for the card, and the method now followed of suspending the needle ; improvements which have given to the compass all its convenience, and a very large portion of its utility. But this part of his Dissertation^ though equally learned and ingenious, is by no means so satisfactory as the other. It is difficult to conceive how mariners at sea could have availed themselves of a floating needle ; but, however this may be, it seems most probable that Gioia had considerably improved the construction of the compass ; and that, the Amalphitans having been the first to introduce it to general use, he was, with excusable partiality, represented by them, and subsequently regarded by others, as its inventoi*. The reader will not consider these details out of place in a work on commerce, which the compass has done so much to extend. " Its discovery," to borrow the language of Mr. Macpherson, " has given birth to a new era in the history of commerce and navi- gation. The former it has extended to every shore of the globe, and increased and mul- tiplied its operations and beneficial effects in a degree which was not conceivable by those who lived in the earlier ages. The latter it has rendered expeditious, and com- paratively safe, by enabling the navigator to launch out upon the ocean free from the danger of rocks and shoals. By the use of th's noble instrument, the whole world has become one vast commercial commonwealth, the most distant inhabitants of the earth are brought together for their mutual advantage, ancient prejudices are obliterated, and mankind are civilised and enlightened." — (Vol. i p. 366.) 382 COMPOSITION. — CONSTANTINOPLE. COMPOSITION, in commerce, commonly implies the dividend or sum paid by an insolvent debtor to his creditors, and accepted by them in payment for their debts. CONEY WOOL (Ger. Kaninchenwolle ; Du. Konynhair ; Fr. Foil de lapin ; It. Pelo di ConigUo ; Sp. Conejuna^, the fur of rabbits. This article is extensively used in the hat manufacture ; and besides the large supplies raised at home, a great deal is imported. The imports usually range from about 300,000 to about 500,000 skins a year ; but, in 1831, they exceeded 900,000, while, in 1827, they were only 197,000. CONSTANTINOPLE, formerly the metropolis of the Eastern, as it still is of the Turkish Empire, is situated on a triangular point of land, on the European side of the Sea of Marmara (Propontis), at the point where it unites with the Bosphorus, or channel leading to the Black Sea, in lat. 41° 0' 12'' N., Ion. 28° 59' 2" E. Population variously estimated at from 300,000 to 600,000, but believed, by the best authorities, to be about 400,000. The situation of this renowned city is, in a commercial point of view, one of the finest imaginable. Standing on the narrow straits uniting the Medi- terranean and Euxine Seas, she at once commands, and is the entrepot for, the com- merce between them. The harbour, whence the Turkish court has taken the appellation of the Sublime Porte, is most excellent. It consists of an extensive inlet, or arm of the sea, stretching along the north-east side of the city, which it divides from the suburbs of Galata and Pera. It has sufficient depth of water to float the largest ships, and can accommodate more than 1,000 sail. The strong current that sets through the Bosphorus into the Sea of Marmara strikes against Seraglio Point — (see Plan); apart of the water, being in consequence forced into the harbour, runs along its south-western side in the direction marked by the arrows — (see Plan), — till, arriving at its extremity, it escapes by the opposite side. In the middle the water is still. On leaving the port, it is neces- sary to keep well over to the northern side ; for otherwise the ship might be taken by the current, and driven on Seraglio Point. It may be worth while, however, to remark, that notwithstanding this inconvenience, the current has been of signal service to the city, by scouring the harbour, and carrying away the filth and ballast by which it must otherwise have been long since choked up. The distance across from Seraglio Point to the opposite suburb of Scutari, on the Asiatic coast, is rather more than an English mile. "Within less than |- of a mile of the latter is a rocky islet, upon which is a tower and light-house, known by the name of the Tower of Leander. Foreigners reside in Galata, Pera, and the suburbs on the eastern side of the harbour ; and it is there, consequently, that the principal trade of the place is carried on. The quays are good, and ships lie close alongside. The Bosphorus, or channel of Constantinople, runs in a N.E. by N. direction about 15 miles, varying in breadth from' to ^ mile. It is swept by a rapid current, which it requires a brisk gale to stem, and has throughout a great depth of water. The Hellespont, or strait of the Dardanelles, leading from the Archipelago to the Sea of Marmara, is about 13 leagues in length. Its direction is nearly N.E. Where nar- rowest, it is little more than a mile across. It also is swept by a strong current, and has deep water throughout. The subjoined plan of part of Constantinople and its port is copied, without reduction, from the beautiful plan of the city and Bosphorus, drawn and engraved by M. Merzoff Robert of Munich, and published by Mr. Wilde, of this city. Nothing can be more imposing than the appearance of the city when seen from the sea, but on landing the illusion vanishes. The streets are narrow, dark, ill-paved and irregular. Owing to the want of any effective system of police, and of the most ordi- nary attention to cleanliness, they are extremely filthy ; and are infested with herds of dogs, and also with rats, which perform the functions of scavengers. The houses are mostly built of wood, and fires are very frequent. Most of these happen designedly ; the burning of a few hundred houses being deemed the readiest and most effectual means of making the government aware of the public dissatisfaction, and of procuring a redress of grievances ! Money. — Accounts are kepi in piastres of 40 paras, or 120 aspers. The Turkish coin, has been so much degraded, that the piastre, which a few years ago was worth 2*. sterling, is now worth little more than 46?. A bag of silver {kefer) = 500 piastres, and a bag of gold {kitxe) = 30,000 piastres. Weights and Measures. — The commercial weights are — 176 drams = 1 rottolo; 2 272 rottoli = 1 oke ; 6 okes = 1 batman ; batmans = 1 quintal or cantaro = 124457 (124^ very nearly) lbs. avoirdu- pois = 56 437 kilogrammes = 116 527 lbs. of Hamburgh. The quintal of cotton is 45 okes = 127 2 lbs. avoirdupois. The pik, or pike, is of two sorts, the greater and the less. The greater, called halebi or arschim used in the measurement of silks and woollens, is very near 28 inches (27 9). The lesser, called endcse, used in the measuring of cottons, carpets, &c. = 27 inches. Hence 100 long piks = 77 498 English yards, and 100 short piks = 75 154 do. But in ordinary commercial affairs, the pik is estimated at f of an English yard. Corn is measured by the Mslox or ktllow ~ 0"941 of a Winchester bushel ; 8^ kisloz = 1 quarter. The Jbrttn = 4 kisloz. Oil and other liquids are sold by the alma or meter = 1 gallon 3 pints English wine measure. The alma of oil should weigh 8 okes. — {Nt'lken!>recfier and Dr. Kelly.) The Port Clifirfie.s- on account of English vessels in the harbours of the Ottoman empire are fixed by treaty at 300 aspers, neither more nor less. CONSTANTINOPLE. 383 References to Plan. — A, Seraglio Point : B, Galata ; C, Scutari ; D, Tower and lighthouse of Leander. The arrows show the direction of the currents. The soundings are in fathoms. Trade, 8fc. — Owing to the vicious institutions of the Turks, and the disorganised state of the empire, the trade of Constantinople is very far from being so extensive as might be supposed from its situation and population. The imports consist of corn, iron, timber, tallow, and furs, principally from the Black Sea ; and of cotton stuffs and yarn, tin, tin plates, woollens, silks, cutlery, watches and jewellery, paper, glass, furniture, indigo, cochineal, &c. from England and other European countries. Corn and coffee are imported from Alexandria ; but a good deal of Brazil and West India coffee is also imported, particularly in American bottoms. Sugar is partly imported from the East, but CONSTANTINOPLE. principally from the West Indies. The exports are very trifling, consisting of silk, car- pets, hides, wool, goats' hair, potashes, wax, galls, bvdlion and diamonds, and a few other articles. Ships carrying goods to Constantinople, either return in ballast, or get return cargoes at Smyrna, Odessa, Salonica, &c., on which places they frequently pro- cure bills at Constantinople. Trade is chiefly in the hands of English, French, and ■other European merchants (denominated Franks), and of Armenians and Greeks. Bargains are negotiated on their account by Jew brokers, some of whom are rich. Commercial Policy of the Turks. — It is singular that as respects commerce, the policy of the Turkish government, whether originating in design or carelessness, is entitled to the highest praise. " No restrictions," says Mr. Thornton, " are laid on commerce, except in the instance of a general prohibition of exporting the articles necessary for the «upport of human life to foreign countries, especially from the capital, where alone it is rigorously enforced ; and this impolitic restraint will no doubt be removed, when the Turkish government shall become sensible, that what is intended as the means of securing abundance, is, in fact, the sole cause of that scarcity which is sometimes expe- rienced. With this one exception, commerce is perfectly free and unfettered. Every article of foreign or domestic growth or manufacture is conveyed into every port, and over every province, without any interference on the part of the magistrates, after pay- ment of the duties. On this subject I speak from actual experience, and may appeal to every foreign or native merchant in Turkey for its general truth." — (Present State of Turkey, vol. i. p. 82.) The duties, too, are extremely moderate, being only three per cent, on imports, and as as much on exports ; so that in almost all that relates to her commercial regulations, Turkey is entitled to read a lesson to the most civilised European powers ; and this she has done in a very able manner, in an oflficial paper published in the Moniteur Ottoman, in September, 1832. We extract a few paragraphs from this very interesting document. " It is recognised throughout Europe that it would be useful to the great majority to substitute, for the system of prohibitions, that of liberty, which theoretical men advocate ; the difficulty is, to find means to separate the future from the past withouta violent rupture. Hence the difficulties of govern- ment in satisfying all the exigencies ot agriculture, industry, and commerce, driven in a circle where every measure in favour of one, acts immediately in an inverse sense on the other. The endeavour is vain to establish, between so many crossing interests, a factitious equilibrium which absolute liberty of exchange alone can give. " Thus, one of the most important questions which occupies the meditation of statesmen in Europe, is, to discover how the palings which pen commerce up in narrow spaces may be thrown down without shocks that might endanger public order. " Good sense, tolerance, and hospitality, have long ago done for the Ottoman empire, what the other states of Europe are endeavouring to effect by more or less happy political combinations. Since the throne of the sultans has been elevated at Constantinople, commercial prohibitions have been unknown; they opened all the ports of their empire to the commerce, to the manufactures, to the territorial pro- duce of the Occident, or, to say better, of the whole world. Liberty of commerce has reigned here without limits, as large, as extended as it was possible to be. " Never has the divan dreamed, under any pretext of national interest, or even of reciprocity, ot restricting that faculty which has been exercised, and is to this day, in the most unlimited sense, by all the nations who wish to furnish a portion of the consumption of this vast empire, and to share in the produce Of its territory. - " Here every object of exchange is admitted, and circulates without meeting any obstacle other than the payment of an infinitely small portion of the value to the Custom-house. The chimera of a balance of trade never entered into heads sensible enough not to dream of calculating whether there was most profit in buying or selling. Thus the markets of Turkey, supplied from all countries, refusing no objects which mercantile spirit puts in circulation, and imposing no charge on the vessels that transpoft them, are seldom or never the scenes of those disordered movements occasioned by the sudden deficiency of such or such merchandise, which, exorbitantly raising prices are the scourges of the lower orders, by unsettling their habits, and by inflicting privations. From the system of restrictions and i)rohibition3 arise tliose devouring tides and ebbs which sweep away in a day the labour of years, and convert com- merce into a career of alarms and perpetual dangers. In Turkey, where this system does not exist, these disastrous effects are unknown. • " The extreme moderation of the duties is the complement of this regime of commercjal liberty : and in no portion of the globe are the officers charged with the collection, of more confiding facility for the valuations, and of so decidedly conciliatory a spirit in every transaction regarding commerce. " Away with the supposition that these facilities granted to strangers, are concessions extorted from weakness ! • The dates of the contracts termed capitulations, which establish the rights actually enjoyed by foreign merchants, recall periods at which the Mussulman power was altogether predominant in Europe. The first capitulation which France obtained was in 1535, from Soliman the Canonist (the Mag. nificent). The dispositions of these contracts have become antiquated, the fundamental principles remain. Thus, 300 years ago, the sultans, by an act of munificence and of reason, anticijjated the most ardent desires of civilised Europe, and proclaimed unlimited freedom of commerce." Did the policy of Turkey in other respects harmonise with this, she would be one of the most civilised and powerful of nations, instead of being one of the most abject and degraded. Unfortunately, however, this is very far from being the case. Tyranny, corruption, and insecurity universally prevail. " The cultivator of the soil is ever a help- less prey to injustice and oppression. The government agents have to suflPer in their turn from the cruelty and lapacity of which they themselves have been guilty ; and tl»e manufacturer has to bear his full share of the common insecurity ; he is fixed to the spot and cannot escape the grasp of the local governor. The raw material monopolLsed by a bey or ayan, may be forced upon him at a higher price tlian he could purchase it himself, and perhaps of inferior quality j fines may be imposed upon him, he may be CONSTANTINOPLE. 385 taken for forced labour, or troops may be quartered on Jiis workshop. " — ( Urquhart on Turkey and its Resources, p. 139.) This miserable system has overspread some of the fairest provinces of Europe and Asia with barbarism — turned their cities into villages, and tlieir palaces into cottages : but the degradation in which they are involved, would have been still more complete, but for the freedom of commerce they have always enjoyed. This has tended to keep alive the seeds of industry, and to counteract the destructive influence of oppres- sion and insecurity. Had their intercourse with foreigners been either prohibited, or placed under oppressive restrictions, the barbarism of Turkey would have been com- pleted, and it is diflScult to suppose that there could have been either wealth or industry in the empire. Trade of Turkey with England. — The trade between this country and Turkey is of much greater value and importance than is generally supposed ; and appears to be susceptible of an almost indefinite increase. Cotton stuffs and twist are the great articles of export from Great Britain to Turkey ; and notwithstanding the convulsed and distracted state of the latter during the last 5 years, she has continued to take off a rapidly increasing amount of these staple articles. In 1825, for example, we exported direct for Turkey, (including what is now the kingdom of Greece), 13,674,000 yards of cotton cloth, and 446,462 lbs. of cotton twist; whereas, in 1831, we exported to Turkey (exclusive of the Morea), 24,565,000' yards of cloth, and 1,735,760 lbs. of twist, being an increase of nearly 100 per cent, in the exports of stuffs, and of 400 per cent, in those of yarn ! The Turkish manufactures of muslins, ginghams, handkerchiefs, &c. have suffered severely from this extraordinary importation of British goods ; so much so, that of 600 looms for muslins busily employed in Scutari in 1812, only 40 remained in 1831 ; and of 2,000 weaving establishments in Tournovo, at the former epoch, there were only 200 at the latter! — ( Urquhart on Turkey, ^c. p. 150.) But the great con- sumption of Turkey consists of coarse home-made fabrics ; and we are assured by the very intelligent author now referred to, that this great branch has not been sensibly affected by our imports. Hitherto, indeed, they have been principally intended for the wealthier part of the community ; but as cottons are universally worn by the mass of the people, the trade will not attain to any thing like the extent to which it may be carried, till we supply the peasantry with the stuffs suitable for their use. It is creditable to the discernment of the Americans, that they were the first to perceive the superior import- ance of this class of customers, and to set about supplying them with coarse unbleached stuffs. The Manchester manufacturers immediately followed in the same track, and with signal success. Plain goods now form the half of our investments for Turkey ; and it is impossible, seeing the extent to which articles of this sort are made use of in all parts of the empire, and, indeed, of the East, to form any clear idea of what may be the future magnitude of this trade. Of the European states, Austria and Switzerland have been our most formidable rivals in the supply of Turkey with cottons. The stuffs were, in several respects, well fitted for the Eastern markets ; but owing to the difficulty they lay under of getting returns, and the continued and rapid reduction in the price of English cottons, we seem to have gained a decided advantage over them, and are now nearly in the exclusive pos- session of the market. Cheapness is every where the grand desideratum. Though our muslins and chintzes be still very inferior in fineness to those of the East, and our red dye (a colour in great esteem in Turkey, Persia, &c.) be inferior in brilliancy, these defects are more than balanced by the greater cheapness of our goods ; and from Smyrna to Canton, from Madras to Samarcand, we are every where supplanting the native fabrics ; and laying the foundations of a commerce that will be eminently beneficial to all parties. Exclusive of cottons, we exported to Constantinople, Smyrna, and other Turkish potts, in 1831, arms and ammunition of the value of 21,785/. ; earthenware, 6,434/. ; hardware and cutlery, 11,067/. ; ijon and steel, 50,09.5/. ; refined sugar, 41,020/. ; woollens, to above 18,000/. ; and some lesser articles ; making, witli cotton stuffs and yarn, the declared or real value of the direct exports of British produce and maniifac- tures to the whole empire 888,654/., besides those exported to it at second hand from Malta, the Ionian Islands, &c. We also supplied her with a considerable quantity of colonial produce. Our imports from Turkey during the same year, were, wheat 7,383 quarters, currants 8,702 cwt., figs 26,243 cwt., hides 4,685, indigo 4,181 lbs., madder root 23,833 cwt, olive oil 108,193 gallons, opium 8,184 lbs., raisins 1( 0,458 cwt., silk 452,266 lbs., valonia 102,225 cwt, cotton wool 366,550 lbs., with carpets, bullion, galls, sp.-"Tes, &c. — {Pari. Paper, No. 55. Sess. 1833.) Our commerce with Turkey would be considerably facilitated by a reduction of the duties on figs, currants, oil, and carpets. Nothing, however, would contribute so much to its extension, as the establishment of order and tranquillity throughout the coimtry. But this, we fear, is beyond the ability of the Ottoman government. The abuses which have reduced the empire to its present state of degradation seem to be in- herent in the structure of Turkish society, and to be in harmony with the habits and prejudices of the people. If such be the case, reform must come from without, and not from within. But of whatever other advantages a revolution might be productive, it is 2 C S86 CONSUL. difficult to believe that it would bring along with it a more liberal system of commercial policy than that which at present exists.* ■ CONSUL, in commerce, an officer appointed by competent authority to reside in foreign countries, in the view of facilitating and extending the commerce carried on between the subjects of the country which appoints him, and tliose of the country or place in which he is to reside. Origin and Appointment of Consuls. — The office of consul appears to have originated in Italy, about the middle of the twelfth century. Soon after this, tlie French and other Christian nations trading to the Levant began to stipulate for liberty to appoint consuls to reside in the ports frequented by their ships, that they might watch over the interests of their subjects, and judge and determine such differences with respect to commercial affairs as arose amongst them. The practice was gradually extended to other countries ; and in the sixteenth century was generally established all over Europe. — ( Martens, Precis du Droit des Gens, § 147.) British consuls were formerly appointed by the Crown, upon the recommendation of great trading companies, or of the merchants engaged in the trade with a particular country or place ; but they are now directly appointed by government, without requinng any such recommendation, though it, of course, is always attended to when made. The right of sending consuls to reside in foreign countries depends either upon a tacit or express convention. Hence their powers differ very widely in different states. In some they exercise a very extensive jurisdiction over the subjects of the state which appoints them ; but the extent of this jurisdiction is pot discretionary, and must, in all cases, be regulated either by an express convention between the state appointing and the state receiving the consul, or by custom. Consuls established in England have no judicial power ; and the British government has rarely stipulated with other powers for much judicial authority for its consuls. Turkey, however, is an exception to this remark. English consuls enjoy in that country several peculiar privileges conferred by ancient treaties, and confirmed by that signed at the Dardanelles in 1 809. It is there stipulated and agreed upon — " That if there happen any suit, or other difference or dispute, among the English themselves, t/ie decision thereof shall be left to their own ambassador or consul, according to their custom, without the judge or other governors, our slaves, intermeddling therein. " That if an Englishm.an, or other subject of that nation, shall be involved in any lawsuit, or other affair connected with law, (with a Turk,) the judge shall not hear nor decide thereon, until the ambas- sador, consul, or interpreter shall be present ; and all suits exceeding the value of 4,000 aspers, shall be heard at the Sublime Porte, and no where else. " That the consuls appointed by the English ambassadors in our sacred dominions, for the protection of their merchants, shall never, under any pretence, be imprisoned, nor their houses sealed up, nor themselves sent away ; but all suits or differences in which they may be involved, shall be represented to our Sublime Porte, where their ambassador will answer for them. " 'J'hat in case any Englishman, or other person subject to that nation, or navigating under its flag, should happen to die in our sacred dominions, our fiscal and other oflicers shall not, upon pretence of its not being known to whom the property belongs, interpose any opposition or violence, by taking or seizing the effects that may be found at his death, but they shall be delivered up to such Englishman, who- ever he may be, to whom the deceased may have left them by his will ; and should he have died intes. tate, then the property shall be delivered up to the English consul, or his representative who may be then present ; and in case there be no consul, or consular representative, they shall be registered by the judge, in order to his delivering up the whole thereof, whenever any ship shall be sent by the ambassador to receive the same." Conformably to these capitulations, and the by-laws of the Levant Company, Nos. 39, 40, and 41., the consuls were authorised to administer justice in all cases of contention amongst British subjects within the Turkish dominions ; and they were further autho- rised to send to England, in safe custody, any British subject resident in Turkey, who should decline their jurisdiction, or appeal from them to the courts of the Grand Signior, or of any other potentate. And the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 33. § 4., for the abolition of the Levant Company, expressly provides for the continuance to the consuls appointed by his Majesty, of the same rights and duties of jurisdiction over British subjects in Turkey, that were enjoyed by the consuls appointed by the Company. At present, therefore, consuls in Turkey enjoy extensive judicial powers ; but owing to the freedom of Turkish commerce, and the simplicity of the regulations under which it is carried on, their other functions, with the exception of furnishing statistical details, none * The treatise of Mr. Urquhart, entitled Turkey and its Resources, to which we are principally indebted for these details, is a work of distinguished talent, discovering throughout an intimate acquaint- ance with the subjects treated of. At the same time we cannot help differing wholly from Mr. Urquhart in his views as to direct and indirect taxation. We believe that no inconsiderable part of the poverfjr and degradation of Turkey is to be ascribed to the prevalence of the former, which has every where, and at all periods, been a fruitful source of oppression and misery. Tlie most superficial reader of this work will see that we are no friends to excessive customs duties ; but it is to their abuse, and not to the duties themselves, that we object. The duties we impose on brandy, for example, have been carried to such a height as to defeat their object, and to be productive of an immense amount of smugg.ing and demoralisation. And yet there can be no more proper subject of taxation ; nor, provided "the duties were reduced to 8*. or lOs. a gallon, is it possible to imagine any less unexceptionable tax. 'l"hc defect* inherent in ouj: system of customs duties might easily be removed, not only without any diminution, but with a large accession, of revenue ; but though it were otherwise, we are satisfied that the imposition of direct taxes on property or income would occasion more injury in the course of 4 or 5 years, than the present customs duties, with all their defects, would occasion in half a century. CONSUL. of which they have hitherto communicated, are extremely unimportant.* Mr. Urquhart, whose opinion as to all that respects Turkey is deservedly of very great weight, seems to think that the judicial powers enjoyed hy the European consuls in that country, have been productive of much mischief. Still, however, we doubt whether they could be entirely dispensed with in a country so peculiarly situated. But there can be no doubt that it is highly necessary that the greatest care should be taken in the selection of the individuals to whom such powers are intrusted. Other states have occasionally given to consuls similar powers to those conceded to them in Turkey. Thus, in the treaty between Sweden and the United States of America, ratified on the 24th of July, 1818, it is stipulated that the consuls appointed by either government to reside within the dominions of the other, or their substitutes, " shall, as such, have the right of acting as judges or arbiters in all cases of differences which may arise between the captains and crews of the vessels of the nation whose affairs are intrusted to their care. The respective governments shall have no right to interfere in these sort of affairs, except in the case of the conduct of the crews disturbing public order and tranquillity in the country in which the vessel may happen to be, or in which the consul of the place may be obliged to call for the intervention and support of the executive power, in order to cause his decision to be respected ; it being, however, well understood, that this sort of judgment or arbitration cannot deprive the contending parties of their rights of appealing on their return to the judicial authorities of their country." Duties of Consuls The duties of a consul, even in the confined sense in which they are commonly understood, are important and multifarious. It is his business to be always on the spot, to watch over the commercial interests of the subjects of the state whose servant he is ; to be ready to assist them with advice on all doubtfid occasions ; to see that the conditions in commercial treaties are properly observed ; that those he is appointed to protect are subjected to no unnecessary or unjustifiable demands in con- ducting their business ; to represent their grievances to the authorities at the place where they reside, or to the ambassador of the sovereign appointing him at the court on which the consulship depends, or to the government at home ; in a word, to exert him- self to render the condition of the subjects of the country employing him, within the limits of his consulship, as comfortable, and their transactions as advantageous and secure, as possible. The following more detailed exposition of the general duties of a British consul, is taken from Mr. Chitty's work on Commercial Law : — " A British consul, in order to be properly qualified for his emioloyment, should take care to make himself master of the language used by the court' and the magistracy of the country where he resides, so as to converse with ease upon subjects relating to his duties. If the common people of the port use another, he must acquire that also, that he may be able to settle little differences without troubling the magistracy of the place for the interposition of their authority ; such as accidents happening in the harbour, by the ships of one nation running foul of and doing damage to each other. " He is to make himself acquainted, if he be not already, with the law of nations and treaties, with the tariff or specification of duties on articles imported or exported, and with all the municipal ordinances and laws. " He must take especial notice of all prohibitions to prevent the export or import of any articles, as well on the part of the state wherein he resides, as of the government employing him ; so that he may admonish all British subjects against carrying on an illicit commerce, to the detriment of the revenues, and in violation of the laws of either. And it is his duty to attend diligently to this part of his office, in order to prevent smuggling, and consequent hazard of confiscation or detention of ships, and imprison- ment of the masters and mariners. — (^Beawes, Lex Merc. vol. ii. p. 42.) " It is also his duty to protect from insult or imposition British subjects of every description within his jurisdiction. If redress for injury suffered is not obtained, he is to carry his complaint by memorial to the British minister residing at the court on which the consulship depends. If there be none, he is to address himself directly to the court ; and if, in an important case, his complaint be not answered, he is to transmit the memorial to his Majesty's secretary of state. — (Beawes, Warden, §-c.) " When insult or outrage is offered by a British subject to a native of the place, and the magistrate thereof complains to the consul, he should summon, and in case of dis- obedience may by armed force bring before him the offender, and order him to give im- mediate satisfaction ; and if he refuse, he resigns him to the civil jurisdiction of the magistrate, or to the military law of the garrison ; nevertheless always acting as counsellor or advocate at his trial, when there is question of life or property. • No'answer has hitherto (15th of October 1833) been received to the Circular Queries from any one of the Turkish consuls. 2 C 2 888 CONSUL. " But if a British subject be accused of an offence alleged to have been committed at »ea, within the dominion or jurisdiction of his sovereign, it is then tlie duty of the con- sul to claim cognizance of the cause for his sovereign, and to require the release of the parties, if detained in prison by the magistracy of the place on any such accusation brought before them, and that all judicial proceedings against them do instantly cease ; and he may demand the aid of the povi^er of the country, civil and military, to enable him to secure and put the accused parties on board such British ship as he shall think fit, that they may be conveyed to Great Britain, to be tried by their proper judges. If, contrary to this requisition, the magistrates of the country persist in proceeding to try the offence, the consul should then di-aw up and transmit a memorial to the British minister at the court of that country ; and if that court give an evasive answer, the consul should, if it be a sea offence, apply to the Board of Admiralty at London, stating the case ; and upon their representation, the secretary for the proper department will lay the matter before the king, who will cause the ambassador of the foreign state, resident in England, to write to his court abroad, desiring that orders may immediately be given by that government, that all judicial proceedings against the prisoner be stayed, and that he be released. — (See Case of Horseman and his Crew, Beawes, vol. ii. p. 422.) " It is the duty also of a British consul to relieve all distressed British mariners, to allow them 6d. daily for their support, to send them home in the first British vessels that sail for England, and to keep a regular account of his disbursements, which he is to transmit yearly, or oftener if required, to the Navy Office, attested by two British mer- chants of the place: this is provided for by positive enactment — (1 Geo. 2. s. 2. c. 14. § 12.) He is also to give free passes to all poor British subjects wishing to return home, directed to the captains of the king's packet boats, or ships of war, requiring them to take them on board. — ( See Seamen. ) The consul is not to permit a British merchant ship to leave the port where he resides without his passport, which he is not to grant until the master and crew thereof have satisfied all just demands upon them; and for this purpose he ought to see the governor's pass of a garrisoned town, or the burgomaster's; unless the merchant or factor to whom the ship was consigned will make himself responsible. — (^Beawes, Lex Merc. vol. ii. p. 423. ) " It is also his duty to claim and recover all wrecks, cables, and anchors, belonging to British ships, found at sea by fishermen or other persons, to pay the usual salvage, and to communicate a report thereof to the Navy Board. " The consuls and vice-consuls of his Majesty are, by express enactment (46 Geo. 3. c. 98. § 9. ), empowered to administer oaths in all cases respecting quarantine, in like manner as if they were magistrates of the several towns or places where they respect- ively reside. It is also laid down, that a consul is to attend, if requested, all,arbitrations where property is concerned between masters of British ships and the freighters, being inhabitants of the place where he resides." — {Chitty on Commercial Law, vol. i. pp. 58 — 61., and the numerous authorities there quoted.) Any individual, whether he be a subject of the state by which he is appointed, or of another, may be selected to fill the office of consul, provided he be approved and ad- mitted by the government in whose territory he is to reside. In most instances, however, but not always, consuls are the subjects of the state appointing them. Much, however, of the peculiar duties of a consul must always depend on the nature of the intercourse with the country to which he is sent, and of the instructions given him. British consuls are regularly supplied with copies of all acts relating to trade and navigation, quarantine, slave trade suppression, emigration, &c., and with the treaties between this and other countries, and must, of course, shape their conduct accordingly. They are strictly forbidden from corresponding with private parties on public matters. We subjoin an extract from the General Instructions for British Consuls. " He will bear in mind that it is his principal duty to protect and promote the lawful trade anA trading interests of Great Britain by every fair and proper means, taking care to conform to the laws and regulations in question ; and whilst he is supporting the lawful trade of Great Britain, he will take special notice of all proliibitions with respect to the export or import of specified articles, as well on the part of the state in which he resides, as of the government of Great Britain, so that he may caution all British subjects against carrying on an illicit commerce to the detriment of the revenue, and in violation of the laws and regulations of either country; and he will not fail to give to this department immediate notice of any attempt to contravene those laws and regulations. " The consul will give his best advice and assistance, when called upon, to his Majesty's trading sub- jects, quieting their differences, promoting peace, harmony, and good-will amongst them, and conciliating as much as possible the subjects of the two countries, upon all points of difference which may fail under his cognizance. In the event of any attempt being made to injure British subjects either in their persons or property, he will uphold their rightful interests, and the privileges secured to them by treaty, by due rei)resentation in the proper official quarter. He will, at the same time, be careful to conduct himself with mildness and moderation in all his transactions with the public authorities, and he will not upon any account urge claims, on behalf of his Majesty's subjects, to which they are not justly and fairly entitled. If redress cannot be obtained from the local administration, or if the matter of complaint be not within their jurisdiction, the consul will apply to his Majesty's consul-general, or to his Majesty's minister, if there be no consul-general in the country wherein he resides, in order that he may make a representation to the higher authorities, or take such other steps in the case as he may CONSUL. think proper ; and the consul will pay strict attention to the inslructioni^which he may receive fi-om the minister or consul-general." Emoluments of Consuls. Prohibition of Trading, — Tlie emoluments of our consuls were, until these few years, principally derived from certain fees, depending on the ton- nage, length of the voyages, &c. of the British ships entering and clearing out of the limits of their consulships. But this mode of remunerating them was materially changed by the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 87. The fees payable under this act — (see post) — are but inconsiderable ; but the deficiency has been, partly at least, compensated by salaries allowed by government. At present, British consuls are, in some instances, permitted to carry on trade, while m others they are interdicted from having any thing to do with it. Ihe principle on which the distinction is made does not seem very obvious. We observe, for example, that the consul at Petersburgh, who must have a great deal to do, is allowed to trade ; while the consul at Odessa, whose duties must be much lighter, is denied this privilege. There is the same distinction between the consuls at Venice and Trieste ; the latter, whose duties must be the heavier of the two, being allowed to act as a merchant, while the other is not. If this distinction must be kept up, the preferable plan would seem to be to interdict all consuls resident at the great ports, and those resident at other ports principally in the character of political agents, from trading ; and to permit it to others. The public duties of the former are either quite sufficient wholly to engross their attention, or they are of such a kind as would make it very inexpedient for those employed in them to be occupied in mercantile pursuits : in the case of the smaller class of ports, but little frequented by British ships, and where the consuls have no peculiar political functions to discharge, there is a less urgent necessity for prohibiting them from carrying on business on their own account. At the same time, however, we are clearly of opinion that it would in all cases be better not to allow consuls to engage, either directly or indirectly, in any sort of industrious undertaking. The main end and purpose of their institution is the facilitating of commerce with the nation in which they reside ; and in furtherance of such object they ought, on all occasions, to communicate the fullest and earliest information in their power touching commercial matters, not only to the government that appoints them, but to such of its subjects as may apply for their advice and assistance. But, however advantageous publicity may be to others, it may in various ways be extremely hostile to the interests of the consul considered in his capacity of merchant ; and, when his own advantage and his public duty are set in opposition, it requires little sagacity to discover which will have the ascendancy. Hence the fair presumption is, that a trading consul will rather endeavour to profit by the peculiar information his situation may enable him to obtain, than to communicate it to others. His interests as a merchant must frequently, also, even when such is not really the case, appear to be in opposition to those of the parties for whose behoof he is said to be appointed ; and under such circumstances, his proceedings, however fair, will always be liable to tha suspicion of partiality. It is material, also, to observe that mercantile consuls labour imder peculiar disadvantages in the obtaining of information. If a consul, not engaged in business, make a proper application to a public functionary, or merchant, for information as to any subject with which they may be acquainted, he will, in most instances, learn all that they know. But it is obvious, on general principles, and we have been assured of the fact by some of the most intelligent officers of the class, that if a trading consul make the same ap- plication, the chances are 10 to 1 he will either learn nothing, or nothing that is not false or misleading. The inquiries of the former excite no jealousy, those of the latter invariably do. The former is known to be actuated only by a feeling of liberal curiosity, or by a wish properly to discharge his public duties ; but, the latter being engaged in business, gets credit only for selfish and interested motives, and is believed to be seeking the information merely that he may turn it to his own account. A mercantile consul is, therefore, uniformly the object of the suspicions cf all parties, both of his countrymen, and of the foreigners amongst whom he resides. Instead of being, as he ought to be, an independent public functionary, he necessarily gets entangled in the cabals and intrigues of those whose differences it is his province to conciliate. He is tempted, also, to engage in smuggling adventures, contrary to his duty, and highly injurious to the character of his nation. And though he should be proof against temptations of this sort, he is, like all other individuals, subject to misfor- tune and bankruptcy ; and may, in this way, bring discredit and embarrassment on the government that appoints him. These reasons seem to be far more than suffi-cient to vindicate the policy of interdicting consuls from trading. But were it otherwise, it is enough to decide the question to state, that if they be made properly to perform the functions of their office, it will occupy every moment of their time. To the argument in favour of the existing system derived from economical considerations we do not attach the smallest weight. To attempt to save a few thousand poimds by allowing an important class of public fxinctionaries to engage in avocations inconsistent with 2 C 3 390 CONSUL. their duty, and destructive of their utility, would be something the very reverse of economy. Cost of the Establishment. Improvements made in it. — We had occasion, in the former edition of this work, to complain of the cost and inadequacy of our consular establishment. But its expense has since been very much, and, in some instances perhaps, too much, reduced ; at the same time that measures have been taken for increasing the duties of the consuls, by making them furnish details as to the trade, manufactures, duties, prices, &c. of the districts in which their consulships are situated. Hitherto this im- portant department of what ought to be the peculiar duty of a consul has been most strangely neglected ; but if it be properly attended to, it will occupy a large portion of the consul's time, and will be a field for the display of superior talents. Some of the answers made by the consuls to the Circular Queries prepared by the author of this work, have been drawn up with great care and intelligence, and reflect much credit on their authors. There are a good many certainly of a very inferior description ; but this is not to be wondered at — it being hardly possible for those who have not given a good deal of their time to such subjects, to make a proper reply to queries relating to them. And if the system is to be perfected to the degree of which it is susceptible, the salaries allowed to the consuls ought to be such as to afford a sufficient remuneration for the services of gentlpmen of character, familiar with the principles of public law. commerce, and statistics ; and such only ought to be nominated to consular situations. We subjoin that part of the General Instructions for the Consuls that has reference to statistical inquiries. " The consul will forward to the secretary of state, in duplicate, so soon as the information he can collect will enable him so to do, but at any rate within a period of 6 months from the date of his arrival at his residence, a general Report on the trade of the place and district, specifying the commodities, as well of the export as import trade, and the countries which supply the latter, together with the increase or decline in late years, and the probable increase or decline to be expected, and the causes in both cases. He will state the general regulations with respect to trade at the place where he is resident, and their effects. He will give the average market prices within the year of the several articles of export and import ; he will particularise what articles, if any, are absolutely prohibited to be imported into the country wherein he resides; what articles are prohibited to be imported from any other places than from the place of their growth or production ; whether there be any privileges of importation, and what those privileges are, in favour of ships that are of the built of, or belonging to, the country wherein he resides; whether there be any difference in the duty on goods when imported into that country in a foreign ship, and if so, whether it be general, or applicable only to particular articles ; what are the rates of duty payable on goods imported into the said country; whether there be any tonnage duty or other port dues, and what, payable on shipping entering at, or clearing from, the ports of that country ; whether there be any (and, if so, what) ports in that country wherein goods may bo warehoused on importation, and afterwards exported with or without payment of any duties, and under what regulations." He is also to transmit an annual statement of the trade with the principal ports of his consulships ; and quarterly returns of the prices of corn, &c. This is a good beginning, and, if it be properly followed up, may lead to very advantageous results. The following are the provisions of the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 87. with respect to the salaries and charges of consuls : — Salaries to Consuls. — " Whereas the provision which hath hitherto been made for the maintenance and support of the consuls general and consuls appointed by his Majesty to reside within the dominions of sovereigns and foreign states in amity with his Majesty, is inadequate to the maintenance and support of such consuls general and consuls, and it is expedient to make further and due provisions for that purpose ; " it is therefore enacted, that it shall be lawful for his Majesty, by any orders to be issued by the advice of his privy council, to grant ^o all or any of the consuls general or consuls appointed by his Majesty to reside within any of the dominions of any sovereign or foreign state or power in amity with his Majesty, such reasonable salaries as to his Majesty shall seem meet, and by such advice from time to time to alter, increase, or diminish any such salaries or salary as occasion may require. — (6 Geo. 4. c. 87. h 1.) Terms on which Salaries shall be granted. Leave of Absence. — Such salaries shall be issued and paid to such consuls general and consuls without fee or deduction ; provided that all such salaries be granted during his Majesty's pleasure, and not otherwise, and be held and enjoyed by such consuls general and consuls, so long only as they shall be actually resident at the places at which they may be so appointed to reside, and discharging the duties of such their offices: provided nevertheless, that in case his Majesty shall, by any order to be for that purpose issued through one of his principal secretaries of state, grant to any such consul general or consul leave of absence from the place to which he may be so appointed, such consul general or consul shall be entitled to receive the whole, or such part as to his Majesty shall seem meet, of the salary accruing during such period of absence. — ^ '2. Salaries in lieu of Fees formerly paid. Consuls not to take other than the Fees hereinafter mentioned. — The salaries so to be granted shall be taken by the consuls general and consuls as a compensation for all salaries heretofore granted, and all fees of office and gratuities heretofore taken by them from the masters or commanders of British vessels, or from any other person, for any duties or services by such consuls general or consuls done or performed for any such persons ; and no such consuls general or consuls shall, from the 1st of Jaiuiary, 1826, be entitled, on account of any thing by him done in the execution of such his office, or for any service by him rendered to any masters or commanders of British vessels, or to any other person in the execution of such his office, to ask or take any fees, recompence, gratuity, com- pensation, or reward, or any sum of money, save as herein-after is excepted. — \ 3. Certain Fees still allowed to be taken. — It shall be lawful for all consuls general and consuls appointed by his Majesty, and resident within the dominions of any sovereign, or any foreign state or power in amity witfi his Majesty, to accept the several fees particularly mentioncel in the tables to this present act annexed, marked with the letters A. and IJ., for the several things and official acts and deeds particularly mentioned in the said schedules ; and it shall be lawful for his Majesty, by any orders to be by him made, by the advice of his privy council, from time to time, as occasion may require, to diminish, or wholly to abolish, all or any of the fees aforesaid, and to establish and authorise the payment of any greater or smaller or new or additional fees for the several things mentioned in tho said schedules, or for any other thing to be by any ,snch consul general or consul done in the execution of such his office. — \ 1i, CONTRABAND. 391 Penalty on Consuls demanding more Fees than specified in the Schedule. — In case any cotlsul general or consul appointed by his Majesty as aforesaid shall, by himself or deputy, or by any person authorised thereto in his behalf, ask or accept for any thing by him done in the execution of such his office, or for any service, or duty by him rendered or performed in such his office, for any person whomsoever, any other or groater fee or remuneration than is specified in the schedule, or than shall be sanctioned and 8i)ecified in or by any such order in council, the person so offending shall forfeit and become lial)le to pay to hi8 Majesty any sum of sterling British money, not exceeding the amount of the salary of such person for 1 year, nor less than the 12th part of such annual salary, at the discretion of the court in which such penalty mav be recovered ; and shall moreover upon a second conviction for any such offence forfeit such his ofnce, and for ever after become incapable of serving his Majesty in the same or the like capacity. Table of Fees to be exhibited at Custom-houses. — A printed copy of the tables of feci allowed by this act, or which may be sanctioned or allowed by any order to be made in pursuance of this act by his Majesty in council, shall be exhibited in a conspicuous manner, for th-e ins{)ection of all persons, in the Custom- house in tiie port of London, and in all other Custom-houses in the several ports and harbours of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland ; and printed copies thereof shall, by the collector or other chief officer of customs in all such ports and harbours, be delivered gratuitously, and without fee or re- ward, to every master of any vessel clearing out of any such port or harbour, and demanding a copy thereof. — ^6. Table of Fees to be exhibited at Consuls^ Offices. — A copy of the schedule or table of fees to this present act annexed, or which may be established and authorised by any such order in council, shall be hung up and exhibited in a conspicuous place in the public offices of all consuls general or consuls appointed by his Majesty, in the foreign places to which they may be so appointed, for the inspection of all persons interested therein; and any consul general or consul omitting or neglecting to exhibit any such copy of the schedules in such his public office, or refusing to permit the same to be inspected by any person interested therein, shall for every such offence forfeit and pay a sum of British sterling money not exceed- ing one half the amount of the salary of such person for 1 year, nor less than the 12th part of such annual salary, at the discretion of the court in which such penalty may be recovered. — § 7. Superannuation. — " And whereas it is expedient that his Majesty should be enabled to grant to the said consuls general and consuls, appointed as aforesaid, allowances in the nature of superannuation or reward for meritorious public services ; " it is further enacted, that all the regulations contained in 50 Geo. 3. c. 117., 3 Geo. 4. c. 113., 5 Geo. 4. c. 104., respecting superannuation allowances, are hereby extended to the said consuls general and consuls, so far as such regulations can be applied to the cases of such several persons respectively, as fully to all intents and purposes as if the same were repeated and re-enacted in this present act. — § 8. Allowances during War. — If it shall at any time happen that by reason of any war which may hereafter arise between his Majesty and any sovereign, or foreign state or power, within the dominions of whom any such consul general or consul shall be appointed to reside, he shall be prevented from residing, and shall in fact cease to reside, at the place to which he may be so appointed, it shall be lawful lor his Majesty, by any order to be issued by the advice of his privy council, to grant to any such consul general or consul, who may have served his Majesty in that capacity for any period not less than 3 years, nor more than 10 years next preceding the commencement of any such war, a special allowance not exceed, ing the proportion of their respective salaries to which such consuls general and consuls would be entitled under the provisions of the said act of 3 Geo. 4., in case the period of their respective service had exceeded 10 years and had not exceeded 15 years : provided that in case any such consul general or consul shall have served in such his office for the space of 10 years and more, it shall be lawful for his Majesty, by any such order in council as aforesaid, to grant to him such a proportion of his saiary, which, by the said act is authorised to be granted, as a superannuation allowance, according to the several periods of service exceeding 10 years, in the said act — \ 9. Commencement. — This act shall take effect from the 1st of January, 1826, except where any other com- mencement is particularly directed. — § 22. Tables of Fees allowed to be taken by Consuls General and Consuls, by the preceding Act of GGeo.'hc.^l. Table A. — Certificate of due landing of goods exported from the United Kingdom - - 2 dollars. Signature of ship's manifest - - - - - » -2 do. Certificate of origin, when required . - - - - 2 do. Bill of health, when required - - - - - ..2do. Signature of muster roll, when required - - - - - - 2 do. Attestation of a signature, when required - - - - - 1 do. Administering an oath, when required - - - - . - i do. Seal of office, and signature of any other document not specified herein, when required - 1 do. Table B. — Bottomry or arbitration bond - - - - • 2 do. Noting a protest - - - - - - - -1 do. Order of survey - - - - - - -2 do. Extending a protest or survey - - - - • "-Ido. Registrations - - - - - - -ido. Visa of passport . - - - - - « -|do. Valuation of goods - - - - * - 1 percent. Attending sales, | per cent, where there has been a charge for valuing ; otherwise, 1 per cent. Attendance out of consular office at a shipwreck, 5 dollars per diem for his personal expei-ses, over and above his travelling expenses. Ditto on opening a will 5 dollars. Management of property of British subjects dying intestate - - * .2^ per cent. The dollars mentioned in the preceding tables are in all cases to be paid by the delivery of doll.»rs, each of which is to be of the value of 4*. 6d. sterling, and no more, according to the rate of exchange prevailing at the place where such payment is made. CONTRABAND, in commerce, a commodity prohibited to be exported or imported, bought or sold. Contraband is also a term applied to designate that class of commodities which neutrals are not allowed to carry during war to a belligerent power. It is a recognised general principle of the law of nations, that ships may sail to and trade with all kingdoms, countries, and states in peace with the princes or authorities whose flags they bear ; and that they are not to be molested by the ships of any other power at war with the country with which they are trading, unless they engage in the conveyance of contraband goods. But great difficidty has arisen in deciding as to the goods comprised under this term. The reason of the limitation suggests, however, tiiC 2 C 4 S92 CONTRABAND. species of articles to which it principally applies. It is indispensable that those who profess to act upon a principle of neutrality should carefully abstain from doing any thing that may discover a bias in favour of either party. But a nation who should furnish one of the belligerents with supplies of warlike stores, or with supplies of any article, without which that belligerent might not be able to carry on the contest, would obviously forfeit her neutral character ; and the other belligerent would be warranted in preventing such succours from being sent, and in confiscating them as lawful prize. All the best writers on international law admit this principle ; which, besides being enforced during every contest, has been sanctioned by repeated treaties. In order to obviate all disputes as to what commodities should be deemed contraband, they have sometimes been specified in treaties or conventions. — (See the references in Lampredi del Commercio de" Popoli Neutrali, §9.) But this classification is not always respected during hostilities; and it is suflficiently evident that an article which might not be contraband at one time, or under certaiQ circumstances, may become contraband at another time, or under dif- ferent circumstances. It is admitted on all hands, even by M. Hubner, the great advocate for the freedom of neutral commerce — {De la Saisie des Bdtimens Neutres, tom. i. p. 1 93. ) — that every thing that may be made directly available for hostile purposes is contraband, as arms, ammunition, horses, timber for ship-building, and all sorts of naval stores. The greatest difficulty has occurred in deciding as to provisions, which are sometimes held to be contraband, and sometimes not. Lord Stowell has shown that the character of the port to which the provisions are destined, is the principal circumstance to be attended to in deciding whether they are to be looked upon as contraband. A cargo of provisions intended for an enemy's port, in which it was known that a warlike armament was in preparation, would be liable to arrest and confiscation ; while, if the same cargo were intended for a port where none but merchantmen were fitted out, the most that could be done would be to detain it, paying the neutral the same price for it he would have got from the enemy. By the ancient law of Europe, a ship conveying any contraband article was liable to confiscation as well as the article. But in the modern practice of the courts of ad- miralty of this and other countries, a milder rule has been adopted, and the carriage of contraband articles is attended only with the loss of freight and expenses, unless when the ship belongs to the owner of the contraband cargo, or when the simple misconduct of conveying such a cargo has been connected with other malignant and aggravating cir- cumstances. Of these a false destination and false papers are justly held to be the worst. — (5 Rob. Adm. Rep. 275.) The right of visitation and search is a right inherent in all belligerents ; for it would be absurd to allege that they had a right to prevent the conveyance of contraband goods to an enemy, and to deny them the use of the only means by which they can give effect to such right. — ( Fattel, book iii. c. 7. § 114.) The object of the search is twofold : Jirst, to ascertain whether the ship is neutral or an enemy, for the circumstance of its hoisting a neutral flag affords no security that it is really such ; and, secondly, to ascertain whether it has contraband articles, or enemies' property, on board. All neutral ships that would navigate securely during war must, consequently, be provided with passports from their government, and with all the papers or documents necessary to prove the pro- perty of the ship and cargo (see Ship's Papers) ; and they must carefully avoid taking any contraband articles or belligerent property on board. And hence, as Lampredi has observed, a merchant ship which seeks to avoid a search by crowding sail, or by open force, may justly be captured and subjected to confiscation. — (§ 12.) It has, indeed, been often contended that free ships make free goods (que le pavilion couvre la marchandise), and that a belligerent is not warranted in seizing the property of an enemy in a neutral ship, unless it be contraband. The discussion of this important question would lead us into details which do not properly come within the scope of this work. We may, however, shortly observe, that no such privilege could be conceded to neutrals, without taking from belligerents the right, inseparable from a state of war, of seizing an enemy's property if found in places where hostilities may be lawfully carried on, as on the high seas. In fact, were the principle in question admitted, the commerce of a belligerent power with its colonies, or other countries beyond sea, might be pro- secuted in neutral ships, with as much security during war as in peace ; so that neutrals would, in this way, be authorised to render a belligerent more important assistance than, perhaps, they could have done had they supplied him with troops and ammunition ! But it is surely unnecessary to say, that to act in this way is a proceeding altogether at variance with the idea of neutrality. Neutrals are bound to conduct themselves in the spirit of impartiality ; and must not afford such aid or assistance to one party, as may the better enable him to make head against the other. It is their duty " non interponere se bello, non hoste imminente hostem eripere.'^ And yet it is manifest that the lending of neutral bottoms to carry on a belligerent's trade is in direct contradiction to this rule. The ships or cruisers of a particular power may have swept those of its enemy from the CONVOY. 39J «ea, and reduced him to a state of great difficulty, by putting a stop to his commerce with foreigners, or with his own colonies ; but of what consequence would this be, if neutrals might step in to rescue him from such difficulties, by carrying on that inter- course for him which he can no longer carry on for himself? It is natural enough that such a privilege should be coveted by neutrals : but, however advantageous to them, it is wholly subversive of the universally admitted rights of belligerent powers, as well as of the principles of neutrality ; and cannot, therefore, be truly said to be bottomed on any sound principle. In the war of 1756, the rule was laid down by Great Britain, that neutrals are not tc be allowed to carry on a trade during war, that they were excluded from during peace ; so that, supposing a nation at war with Great Britain had, while at peace, prohibitea foreigners from engaging in her colonial or coasting trade, we should not have permitted neutrals to engage in it during war. This rule has been much complained of ; but the principle on which it is founded seems a sound one, and it may in most cases be safely adopted. The claims of neutrals cannot surely be carried further than that they should be allowed to carry on their trade dui'ing war, as they had been accustomed to carry it on during peace, except with places under blockade ; but it is quite a different thing when they claim to be allowed to employ themselves, during war, in a trade in which they had not previously any right to engage. To grant them this, would not be to preserve to them their former rights, but to give them new ones which may be fairly withheld. Supposing, however, that either of the belligerent powers has force sufficient to prevent any intercourse between the other and its colonies, or any intercourse between different ports of the other, she might, in the exercise of the legitimate rights of a belligerent, ex- clude neutrals from such trade, even though it had formerly been open to them ; be- cause otherwise she would be deprived of the advantage of her superior force ; and the neutrals would, in fact, when employed in this way, be acting as the most efficient allies of her enemy. For a full discussion of this important and difficult question, and of the various dis- tinctions to which it gives rise, see the work of Hubner {De la Saisie des Bdtimens Neutres, 2 tomes, 12mo. 1757), in which the different arguments in favour of the principle that " the flag covei-s the cargo" are stated with great perspicuity and talent. The opposite principle has been advocated by Lampredi, in his very able treatise Del Commercio rfe' Popoli Neutrali, § 10. : by Lord Liverpool, in his Discourse on the Con~ duct of Great Britain in respect to Neutrals, written in 17v 7; and, above all, by Lord Stowell, in his justly celebrated decisions in the Admiralty Court. Martens inclines to Hubner's opinion. — ( See Precis du Droit des Gens, liv. 8. c. 7. ) CONVOY, in navigation, the term applied to designate a ship or ships of war, ap- pointed by government, or by the commander in chief on a particular station, to escort or protect the merchant ships proceeding to certain ports. Convoys are mostly appointed during war ; but they are sometimes, also, appointed during peace, for the security of ships navigating seas infested with pirates. Individuals have not always been left to themselves to judge as to the expediency of sailing with oi^ without convoy. The governments of most maritime states have thought proper, when they were engaged in hostilities, to oblige their subjects to place themselves under an escort of this sort, that the enemy might not be enriched by their capture. Acts to this effect were passed in this country during the American war and the late French war. The last of these acts (43 Geo. 3. c. 57.) enacted, that it should not be lawful for any ship belonging to any of his Majesty's subjects (except as therein pro- vided) to depart from any port or place whatever, unless under such convoy as should be appointed for that purpose. The master was required to use his utmost endeavours to continue with the convoy during the whole voyage, or such part thereof as it should be directed to accompany his ship ; and not to separate therefrom without leave of the commander, under very heavy pecuniary penalties. And in case of any ship departing without convoy contrary to the act, or wilfully separating therefrom, all insurances on the ship, cargo, or freight, belonging to the master, or to any other person directing or privy to such departure or separation, were rendered null and void. The customs officers were directed not to allow any ship that ought to sail with convoy to clear out from any place in the United Kingdom for foreign parts, without requiring from the master, bond with one surety, with condition that the ship should not depart without convoy, nor afterwards desert or wilfully separate from it. The regulations of this act did not extend to ships not requiring to be registered, nor to those licensed to sail with- out convoy, nor to those engaged in the coasting trade, nor to those belonging to the East India Company, &c» It is very common, during periods of war, to make sailing or departing with convoy a condition in policies of insurance. This, like other warranties in a policy, must be strictly performed. And if a skip warranted to sail with convoy, sail without it, the 394? COPAIVA. COPENHAGEN. policy becomes void, whether this be imputable to any negligence on the part of the insured, or the refusal of government to appoint a convoy. There are five things essential to sailing with convoy : viz. first, it must be with a regular convoy under an officer appointed by government ; secondly, it must be from the place of rendezvous appointed by government ; thirdly, it must be a convoy for the voyage ; fourthly, the master of the ship must have sailing instructions from the com- manding officer of the convoy ; and fifthly, the ship must depart and continue with the convoy till the end of the voyage, unless separated by necessity. With respect to the third of these conditions we may observe, that a warranty to sail with convoy generally means a convoy for the voyage ; and it is not necessary to add the words " for the voyage " to make it so. Neither will the adding of these words in some instances, make the omission of them, in any case, the ground of a different construction. A warranty to sail with convoy does not, however, uniformly mean a convoy that is to accompany the ship insured the entire way from the port of departure to her port of destination ; but such convoy as government may think fit to appoint as a sufficient protection for ships going the voyage insured, whether it be for the whole or only a part of the voyage. Sailing instructions, referred to in the fourth condition, are written or printed direc- tions delivered by the commanding officer of the convoy to the several masters of the ships under his care, that they may understand and answer signals, and know the place of rendezvous appointed for the fleet in case of dispersion by storm, or by an enemy, &c. These sailing instructions are so very indispensable, that no vessel can have the full pro- tection and benefit of convoy without them : hence, when, through the negligence of the master, they are not obtained, the ship is not said to have sailed with convoy ; and a warranty in a policy of insurance to that effect is held not to be complied with. If, however, the master do all in his power to obtain sailing instructions, but is prevented from obtaining them by any insuperable obstacle, as the badness of the weather ; or if they be refused by the commander of the convoy ; the warranty in the policy is held to be complied Avith. For further information as to convoy, see Abbott on the Law of Shipping, part iii. c. 3. ; Marshall on Insurance, book i. c. 9. § 5., and the Act 43 Geo. 3. c. 57, Sfc. COPAIVA. See Balsam. COPAL, improperly called gum copal, is a valuable and singular kind of resin, that naturally exudes from different large trees, and is imported partly from America, and partly from the East Indies. The best copal is hard and brittle, in rounded lumps of a moderate size, easily reducible to a fine powder, of a light lemon yellow colour, beauti- fully transparent, but often, like amber, containing parts of insects and other small extraneous bodies in its substance. Its specific gravity varies from 1'045 to 1*1 39. It has neither the solubility in water common to gums, nor the solubility in alcohol common to resins, at least in any considerable degree. It may be dissolved by digestion in drying linseed oil, and other volatile menstrua. This solution forms a beautiful transparent varnish, which, when, properly applied, and slowly dried, is very hard and very durable. Copal varnish was first discovered in France, and was long known by the name of vernis maitin. It is applied to snuff-boxes, tea-boards, and other utensils. It preserves and gives lustre to paintings ; and contributes to restore the decayed colours of old pictures, by filling up cracks, and rendering the surface capable of reflecting light more uniformly. Copal is liable to be confounded with gum anime, when the latter is very clear and good. But it is of importance to distinguish between them, as the anime, though valuable as a varnish, is much less so than the finest copal ; the varnish with the former being darker coloured, and not so hard. Besides the external appearance of each, which is pretty dis- tinct to a practised eye, the solubility in alcohol furnishes a useful test, — the anime being readily soluble in this fluid, whUe the copal is hardly affected by it ; copal is also brittle between the teeth, whereas anime softens in the mouth. — (72ees's Cyclopadia ; lire's Dictionary, ^c.) The imports of gum anim^ and copal are not distinguished in the custom-house accounts. The entries of both for home consumption amounted, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1831, to 123,723 lbs. a year. The duty has been judiciously reduced from 56s. to 6s. a cwt Copal fetches in the London market from 6d. to \s. Id. per lb., duty paid. COPENHAGEN, the capital of Denmark, situated on the east coast of the island of. Zealand, in the channel of the Baltic called the Sound; in lat. 55° 41' N., Ion. ]2° 35' 46" E. Population about 105,000. It is a well-built, handsome city. In going into Copenhagen, the course is between the buoy on the Stubben Bank to the left, and the buoy on the Middle-grounds, and those in advance of the three Crown batteries on the right, W.S.W. by compass. From the three crowns to the roads the course is S.S.W. The water in the channel is from 6 to 4 fathoms deep ; but it is narrow, and the navigation rather difficult. There is no obligation to take a pilot on board ; but if a vessel wish for one, she may heave to abreast of the battery, when lie will come to her. COPENHAGEN. 395 Vessels not intending to come into harbour bring up in the roads, at from ^ to ^ a mile from shore, in about 4 fathoms, the town bearing S.S.W. In the harbour, within the Ijoom, the water is from 17 to 18 feet deep. Vessels in harljour load and unload along- side the quay. The anchorage in the roads is good and safe. Money. — Accounts arc kept in rixdollars of 6 marcs, or 9fi skillings ; the rixdollar being formerly worth about 45. \d. sterling. Hut in 1813, a new monetary system was adopted, according to which the new or Iligshank dollar is worth ^2s. 3\d., being half the value of the old specie dollar, and g of the old current dollar. But the money generally used in commercial transactions is bank money, which is com. monly at a heavy discount. The par of exchange, estimated by the lligsbank dollar, would be 8 dollars 7 () skillings per pound sterling. Weights and Measures. — The commercial weights are, 16 pounds — 1 lispound ; 20 lispound = Ishippound; 1001b. = 110^ lbs. avoirdupois = 134 lbs. Troy = J 01 lbs. of Amsterdam = 103 lbs. of Hamburgh. The liquid measures arc, 4 ankers = 1 ahm or ohm; 1^ ahm = 1 hogshead; S.hog.shcads = 1 pipe; 2 pipes = l;qnarter. The anker = 10 (very nearly) English wine gallons. A fuder of wine - 1)30 pots ; and lOO.pots = 25J wine gallons. The dry measures are, 4 viertels = 1 scheffel ; 8 scheffels = 1 tocndo or ton ; 12 tons = 1 last = 47 r Winchester bushels. The last of oil, butter, herrings, and other oily substances, should weigh 21.'4 lbs. nett. The measure of length is the Rhineland foot = 12^ inches very nearly. The Danish ell = 2 feet; ICO ells = 68| English yards. Trade of Copenhagen. — This is not very considerable, and has latterly declined. Anchor-s, pitch, and tar, are chiefly imported from Sweden and Norway ; flax, hemp, masts, sail-clotli, and cordage, from Russia ; West India produce from the Danish West India islands ; tobacco from America ; wines and brandy from France : coal, earthen- ware, and salt are the principal articles of direct import from England.. Of coal, we sent to Denmark (principally to Copenhagen), in 1830, 100,127 ton.s, and of salt 1,272,487 bushels. Owing to the erroneous policy of the Danish government, which is attempting, at a great public loss, to raise and bolster up manufactures, the direct im- ports of woollens and cottons are quite inconsiderable. These articles are not, however, absolutely prohibited ; but are admitted on condition of their being stamped, and put up to auction by the Custom-house, which, after retaining 30 per cent, of the gross pro- duce of the sale, pays over the residue to the importer, who is generally the purchaser. This oppressive regulation reduces the legitimate importation of these articles to next to nothing ; but the illicit importation is very considerable, principally by the Elbe and the Holstein frontier. The exports consist, for the most part, of the produce of the soil, as grain, rapeseed, butter and cheese, beef and pork, hides, horses and cattle, corn, brandy, bones, &c. In 1830, the imports of grain into this country from Denmark were as follows, viz. \Tlieat 88,033 quarters, barley 75,532 do., oats 118,203 do., rye 1,151 do., peas and beans 5,182 do., the importation of rapeseed during the same year was 286,569 bushels. — (See Corn Laws.) We subjoin An Account, extracted from the Returns published by the Danish Custom-house of the principal Articles of Agricultural Produce exported from Denmark in 1831. Articles exported. Wheat and wheat flour Rye and rye flour Barley, flour and groats malt Oats, meal and groats Buckwheat do. Feas Beans and tares Rapeseed Butter Cheese Brandy (corn) Pork, salted smoked Beef, salted smoked Hides and skins — calf, sheep, and lamb ox, cow, and horse Wool, sheep Cattle— Horses • Oxen Cows Calves Quantities exported. Danish Weights British Weights and Measures. and Measures. ,696 ton. ,460 — ,384 — ,092 — ,340 — ,98S — ,995 — ,133 •— ,154 — ,658 bar. ,000 lbs. S19|hhd ,787 lbs. ,789 — ,104 — 773 — 1,112,58-2 lbs. 1,744,007 — 779,488 — 12,550 head 23,013 — 8,461 — 5,056 — 113, 7s, 584. 19. 351, 6j •15, 3i; 143, 47, 872, 2, 1,449. 365, 54,952 qrs. 37,921 — 282,408 — 9,228 — 169,815 — 3,377 — 7,730 — .5,047 — 71,608 — 8,590 cw t. 1 15,775 galls 14,331 cwt. 3,603 — 6.808 — 156 — 10,960 cwt. 16,169 — 857,436 — Rbd. Real or de- clared Value i Rigsbank Dollars. >■ 3,964,772 1,390,487 2,382,900 54,500 5- 2,885,316 10,677,97 Value in Sterling. £ S. d. 446,036 17 0 156,429 15 9 268,076 5 0 6,131 5 0 !24,598 1 0 .£•1,201,272 3 •iderable.^* "° means of ascertaining the proportion shipped from Copenhagen, but rt was very con- ^hipping. —In 1831, there entered the port of Copenhagen 1,505 ships ; of which 309 were from Sweden. 305 from Prussia, 208 from Norway, 160 from Great Britain, 137 from Russia, 90 from Finland, 'i^ from S96 COPENHAGEN. France, &c. The tonnage of these ships is not stated; but many were of very small burden, is an Subjoined Account of the Danish Shipping employed in the Foreign and in the Carrying Trade of Denmark in the Year 1830. Countries and No. Places. of jShips Russia Prussia Mecklenburgh Lubeck Sweden and 7 Norway -J Hamburgh 7 and Bremen J Netherlands - Great Britain France Spain Portugal Mediterranean Brazil - Tonnage- 255 24,198 579 29,836 114 2,547 383 7,472 710 25,696 ooo 31 154 269 15,159„ 837 43,423 122 15,858 76 8,451 67 9,500 66 9,637 11 2,416 4<344 225,354 Nature of Cargoes exported from Denmark. [Ballast, fruit, bricks,7 t and piece goods -S C Ballast.herrings, train ^ < oil, and colonial > t produce - -j THerrings, train oil ■j colonial * produce^ C and provisions r Corn, and provisions, s piece goods, her- t rings, &c. rCorn and provisions,^ < wool, piece goods, 5- L and colonial producej rCorn and seeds, but-^ ^ ter, provisions, and > C. piece goods -J J Corn, flour and seeds, 7 piece goods, &c. -J rCorn, seeds, oilcakes,^ < bones, wool, hides, > C &c. - - -3 rCorn and provisions, "7 < piece goods, fish, V L and hides - -J f Ballast, piece goods,? i fish, butter, &c. -J f Ballast, corn, piece") t goods, fish, flax, &c. J Fish, pitch, and tar, T timber, train oil, V- piece goods -j f Ballast, wheat, and ) t piece goods -J \Vhence arrived. 61 135 12 21 118 395 173 250 91 73 65 53 11 2586 1458 Nature of Cargoes imported into Denmark. Destin; tion. and and C Hemp, flax, ashes, tal- ) i iow,seeds,and timber 3 f Linen, flax, wood,) i staves, and timber - J f Ballast, corn < seeds, wool, C piece goods f Piece goods, -4 deals and timber, C salt, &c C Iron, tar, deals, tim- < her, fish, herrings C train oil r Ballast, piece goods, ^ < tobacco, colonial V L produce - -j f Ballast, piece goods, 7 i and colonial produce 3 r Ballast, coals, salt,^ < piece goods, and > C colonial produce -J ("Wine, salt, piece) (_ goods and ballast -j id^ iron, T imber, S- rOil and fruit t and salt f Wine, piece I salt, fruit, &c. wine, I goods, I f Ballast, fruit, wine, 7 i and piece goods -3 Colonial produce 94 158 -I 41 1 151 , 247 177 202 85 46 52 58 9 27I1I1333 This return does not, however, include vessels engaged in the fisheries, or in the coasting trade, the latter of which is very considerable. About 200 Danish ships are engaged in the carrying trade of the Mediterranean. Latterly, however, the Swedes and Norwegians have obtained an ascendancy in this department. Excluding vessels under 20 tons, there belonged, in 1830, to Ships. Tonnage. Denmark - . 1,563 - - 65,375 Sleswick - - 1,022 - - 33,926 Holstein . - - 1,106 - . 27,683 Total 3,696 124,984 Colonial Trade.— 'In the West Indies, the Danes possess the island of St. Croix, which, though small, is fertile, and well cultivated. AU the ports of Denmark may send vessels thither, but the return cargoes must be discharged at places having sugar refineries. The principal part of the trade is in the hands of Copenhagen merchants. St. Croix produces about 25,000,000 lbs. of sugar, and 1,400,000 gallons of rum. In 1831, 23 ships, of the aggregate burden of 5,772 tons, arrived at Copenhagen from St. Croix. A good deal of the colonial produce brought into Denmark is again exported. The trade to the settlement of Tranquebar and Serampore, in India, is in the hands of an exclusive company. Whether it be owing to the deadening influence of monopoly, or to the real superiority of the Americans, who supply the Continental markets with tea, &c. at a cheaper rate, only one ship a year has latterly sailed from Copenhagen for India ! The trade to the Danish settlements on the African coast is, if possible, of still less importance. — [N. B. For an account of the trade on the Kiel Canal, see Canals.) Port Charges vary according as the vessel has come from this or the further side of Cape Finisterre, or from the Indian seas ; as she is wholly, or only part loaded ; and as she clears out with goods that have been in transitu, and are for the most part free of duty, or has on board a cargo of native produce sub- ject to duty. On a ship of 300 tons belonging to a privileged nation from this side Cape Finisterre, un- loading and loading mixed cargoes in Copenhagen, the different public charge.«, including Sound dues, brokerage, &c., would be about 67Z. 10s. ; and from the further side of Cape Finisterre, the charges would be about 99/. 10s. When a ship is not fully loaded, lastage money and light dues are only charged in proportion to the cargo on board. Lastage money is not charged on ships outward bound, laden with transit goods, as tar, pitch, iron, &c. But notwithstanding these deductions, it is obvious that port charges at Copenhagen are very heavy, and there can be no doubt that they are a material obstacle to the extension of trade. » Commission on purchases is generally 2 per cent, and on sales, 3 per cent, including 1 per cent, del credere. Citixenship. — To enable a foreigner to trade as a merchant in Denmark, he must become a burgher, which costs about 100/., and it will require about 60/. more to free him from the obligation of serving in the militia. The obstacles in the way of a foreigner establishing himself In Denmark as a manuf acturer are much greater, on account of the exclusive privileges enjoyed by the guilds or corporations into wliich che ]>rincipal crafts or trades are divided. Credit. — Goods imported into Copenhagen are commonly sold on credit : 3 months is the term generally allowed on most sorts of goods, and in a few insttyiccs 6 months. The digcount for readT cioncy is 4 per cent. Bankruptcy is ol rare occurrence. i COPENHAGEN. 397 Insurance. — Marine insurance is ofTccted on liberal terms, by a company established in 174C A good many risks are, however, insured at Amsterdam arni Hamburgh. Careening, SAips' Stores, Sfc. — Copenhagen has good building-yards, and is in all respects an eligible place for the repair of ships, and for supplying them with provisions. Subjoined is an Account of the Average Prices of Ships' Provision at Copenhagen in 1831, in Imperial "Weights and Measures, and Sterling Money. £ s. d. JB s. d. Biscuits, ships', 1st quality _ - - 0 15 0 per cwt. Ditto 2d ditto . - - 0 12 0 ditto. Butter, 1st quality - . - 2 8 0 to 2 10 0 ditto. Ditto, 2d ditto - ... 2 4 0 ditto. Cheese - - - - 0 13 5 to 0 17 0 ditto. Peas - - - - .189 — 1 12 0 per Imp. qr. Beef, salted - - - - 1 18 0 — 1 19 0 per 200 lbs. Pork, ditto - - - . - 2 16 0 — 2 18 0 ditto. Bacon . - . - - 0 0 3i— 0 0 3iperlb, Spirits. — Rum, 2^. to 2*. 6d. French Brandy, 2s. id. to 3s. per gallon. Tarei. — Statement of the Tares allowed by the Custom-house at Copenhagen, on the principal Articleg of Importation. Articles. Almonds Cassia lifpiea Cinnamon Cocoa Coffee V - Colouis.painters' Cotton Currants' Delft ware figs Hops Indigo Mustard Oclire Olive oil Desciiption of Packages. Linen bags All sorts of packages do. In linen bags ... Casks of 400 lbs. and under exceeding 400 lbs. Matted bags ot 150 lbs. & under exceeding IsO lbs. East India bags, double do. single - Unmixed and not enumerated - do. and enumerated, and not being oclire, white lead, or brown red ... Prepared ... Bags, or bales All sorts of packages do. i casks ... X do. - - Casks Baskets, or frails Boxes . . . Bottles in crates and in straw - do. in boxes and in sawdust In casks and boxes Packed in mats, per piece Bags and pockets All sorts of packages Glasses, in boxes and casks All sorts of packages In single and double casks Bottled, in.baskets and straw . do. in boxes and sawiiust . Tares. 4 per ct. IG - do. 4 per ct. IG - 12 — 2 lbs. 4 — do. 2 lbs. 10 per ct. 12 _ do. 4 lbs. Ifi per ct, 12 - l&lbs. 18 - 10 per ct. .52 — 20 — 40 — 12 - Pepper Saltpetre Soap, white Sugar, raw refined Tobacco Description of Packages. Bags of 150 lbs. and under exceeding 150 lbs. Linen bags do. i barrel i do. Casks exceeding ^ barrel do. under ^ barrel Ado. . J do. 1 do. - Bags of lOO'lbs. and not exceed- ing 150 lbs. 150 lbs. and under All kinds of packages do. In casks - . . Brazil boxes Havannah do. - . . Casks (transit) do. - - Baskets packed in mats Casks (thick) do. . . . do. cased - . . Glass bottles or flasks in baskets do. in boxes do. packed in sawdust Stone bottles ... All kinds of packages 12 - 10 per ct. 12 — 4 — 2 — 10 per ct. 14 — 17 - do. 12 — do. do. General Remarks. — On the whole, the commerce of Denmark may be pronounced to be in a stationary state. But from her advantageous situation between the Baltic and North Sea, and the industrious, persevering character of the inhabitants, there can be little doubt that it may be materially extended. It is needless, however, to expect any con- siderable improvement till the present system of domestic policy be, in many respects, altogether changed. The Danish government has long been exerting itself to bolster up a manufacturing interest, by laying oppressive duties on most species of manufactured articles. Even under the most favourable circumstances, such conduct, though it may benefit a few individuals, is sure to be productive of great national loss. But in the case of Denmark, the circumstances are such as to render the restrictive system pecu- liarly injurious. All, or nearly all, the branches of industry carried on in the kingdom are subjected to the government of guilds or corporations ; no person can engage in any line of business until he has been authorised by its peculiar guild ; and as the sanction of this body is rarely obtained without a considerable sacrifice, the real effect of the system is to fetter competition and improvement, and to perpetuate monopoly and routine. Even the Danish writers acknowledge that such is the influence of the present regulations. " Nos ouvriers," say they, " sont chers, travaillent lentemeiit, et souvent mal et sans gout; leur education est negligee. On ne les forme point a. penser, et Vappretitif suit machinalement ce qu'il voit faire au mattre." — ( Catteau, Tableau des Etats Danois, tome ii. p. 260. ) It would be idle to imagine that a country which has to import coal, should, however favourably situated in other respects, be able to manufacture cottons, woollens, &c. at so cheap a rate as they may be imported from others enjoying greater natural facilities for their production. But when to the physical obstacles in the way of manufactures, we add others, not less formidable, of a political nature, the attempt to force them into existence by dint of customs duties and regulations becomes absolutely ludicrous. The port charges and transit duties are also exceedingly heavy ; and the Soimd duties, being charged on native as well as foreign ships, operate as an inland duty on the trade 398 COPPER. between different parts of the country. "VVe are glad, however, to be able to state, that the more intelligent portion of the Danish people are quite aware of the mistaken policy on which they ai'e now proceeding ; and there is reason to believe that it will, at no distant period, be rendered more in accordance with the spirit of the age, and more conducive to the improvement of the people. In 1832, a petition, signed by almost ull the merchants of Copenhagen, was addressed to the king, containing an able and distinct exposition of the circumstances which depress Danish commerce. The petitioners pray for the emancipation of commercial pursuits from all the restrictions laid upon them by guilds and corporations, or, in other words, for the freedom of industry ; for a revision and reduction of the transit duties, and a change in the mode of charging the Sound duties ; for a reduction of the tonnage duties, and a remission of the charge on account of light money on ships arriving at Copenhagen that have already paid for the lights Elsineur ; they further pray for the abolition of the East India Company's monopoly, and the freedom of trade to the East Indies and China ; and for a reduction of the duties on several articles of domestic produce when exported, and of foreign produce when imported. What is here asked is so reasonable, and, if granted, would add so much to the real prosperity of the country, that we trust the government will earn for itself a new title to the public esteem by honestly endeavouring to meet the wishes of the petitioners. In compiling this article, we have consulted Oddi/'s European Commerce, pp. 330 — 369. ; Dictionnaire du Commerce {Ency. Methodique, tome II. pp. 3—16.), Catteau, Tableau des Etats Danois, tome ii. pp 292 — 371.; the Consurs Answers to Circular Qu cries, which do that functionary great credit ; and communications from merchants at Copenhagen. COPPER (Ger. Kupfer ; Du. Koper ; Da. Kolber Sw. Kopper Fr. Cuivre ; It. Rame ; Sp. Cohre ; Port. Cohre ; Rus. Mjed, Krasnoi mjed ; Pol. Miedz ; Lat- Cuprum; Arab. Nehass ; Sans. Tamra), a well-known metal, so called from its having been first discovered, or at least wrought to any extent, in the island of Cyprus. It is of a fine red colour, and has a great deal of brilliancy. Its taste is styptic and nauseous ; and the hands, when rubbed for some time on it, acquire a peculiar and disagreeable odour. It is harder than silver ; its specific gravity varies according to its state, being, when quite pure, near 9-000. Its malleability is great : it may be hammered out into leaves so thin as to be blown about by the slightest breeze. Its ductility is also consider- able. Its tenacity is so great, that a copper wire 0*078 of an inch in diameter is capable of supporting 302 '26 lbs. avoirdupois without breaking. Its liability to oxidation from exposure to air or damp is its greatest defect. The rust with which it is then covered is known by the name of verdigris, and is one of the most active poisons. — ( Thomson's Chemistry. ) If we except gold and silver, copper seems to have been more early known than any other metal. In the first ages of the world, before the method of working iron was discovered, copper was the principal ingredient in all domestic utensils and instruments of war. Ev'en now it is applied to so many purposes, as to rank next, in point of utility, to iron. Alloys of Copper are numerous and of great value. Those of tin arc of most importance. Tin added to copper makes it more fusible, less liable to rust, or to be corroded by the air and other common sub- stances, harder, denser, and more sonorous. In these respects the alloy has a real advantage over un- mixed copper : but this is in many cases more than counterbalanced by the great brittleness which even a moderate portion of tin imparts ; and which is a singular circumstance, considering that both metals are separately very malleable. Copper alloyed with from 1 to 5 per cent, of tin is rendered harder than before"; its colour is yellow, with a cast of red, and its fracture granular : it has considerable malleabilitj'. This appears to have been the usual composition of many of tiie ancient edged tools and weapons, before the method of working iron was brought to perfection. The %«A per mines of the empire may, therefore, be estimated at present at from 14,.0OO to 15,000 tons. In consequence of the greatly increased supplies of copper that were thus obtained, England, instead of • being, as formerly, dependent on foreigners for the greater part of her supplies of this valuable metal became, previou.sly to 1793, one of the principal markets for the supply of others. And notwithstandinf^ the vastly increased demand for copper during the war for the sheathing of ships and other purposes the exports continued to increase and the imports to diminish ; the greater productiveness of the Cornish mines having sufficed not only to balance the increased demand, but also to make up for the falling off in the supplies from Anglesea. Owing to the want of coal in Cornwall, the ores are not smelted on the spot, but are, for the most part sent to Swansea; it being found cheaper to carry the ores to the coal than the contrary. * Account of the Copper produced from the Mines in Cornwall since 1800 ; showing the Quantity of Ore, of Metal or Fine Copi)er, the Value of the Ores in Money, the average Percentage or Produce, and' the average Standard or Miner's Price of Fine Copper, made up to the Fnd of June in each Year. Years. Quantity of Ores. Metal or Fine Copper. Value of the Ores. _ i rocHce of Ores per cent. Average .Standard Price per 'l"on. 1800 Tmis. Tons. crvt. qrs. lbs. s. d. £ s. d. .'v5,981 5,187 5,267 0 3 7 550,925 1 0 9i 133 3 6 1801 .06.611 18 3 10 476,313 1 0 117 5 0 1802 03,937 5,228 15 3 5 to g ' 4 0 9| 110 18 0 1S03 60,566 64,637 5,P16 5,374 16 0 21 16 0 122 0 0 1804 18 1 20 507,840 11 0 n 138 5 0 180.0 78,452 6,234 5 0 6 862,410 16 0 169 16 0 1806 79,269 71,694 6,863 10 2 13 730,845 6 6 li 138 5 0 1807 6,716 12 1 26 6(-9,002 13 0 120 0 0 1808 67,867 6,795 13 2 25 495,303 1 6 10 100 7 0 1809 76,245 6,821 13 1 19 770,028 15 6 8s 143 12 0 1810 66,048 6,682 19 1 27 570,035 556,723 8 0 8i 132 5 0 1811 66,786 6,141 13 3 7 19 0 91 120 12 0 1812 71,547 5,720 7 2 4 549,665 6 6 9f 111 0 0 1813 74,047 6,918 3 0 6 594,345 627,501 10 0 9t 115 7 0 1814 74,522 6,369 13 3 7 10 0 130 12 0 1815 78,483 G,525 6 3 25 552,813 8 6 II 117 98 16 0 1816 77,334 6,697 4 0 17 447,959 17 0 13 0 1817 76,701 6,498 2 0 16 494,010 12 6 II 108 10 0 1818 86,174 6,8^9 7 1 1 686,005 4 6 'i 134 15 0 1819 88,736 6,804 7,508 2 2 7 623,595 4 6 127 10 0 1820 91,473 0 3 28 602,441 12 0 113 15 0 1821 98,426 104,523 8,514 19 2 12 605,968 19 6 103 0 0 1822 9,140 8 3 20 663,085 13 6 1 104 0 0 1823 95,750 7,927 17 2 7 608,033 587,178 1 0 109 18 0 1824 99,700 7,823 15 1 10 3 6 P 110 0 0 1825 107,454 8,226 3 0 21 726,353 12 0 124 4 0 1826 117,308 9,026 12 3 15 788,971 15 6 123 3 0 1827 126,710 10,311 14 3 15 745,178 1 0 ' a 106 1 0 1828 130,566 9,921 1 2 11 756,174 16 0 112 7 0 1829 124,502 9,656 10 3 4 717,334 0 0 109 14 0 1830 133,964 10,748 773,846 F 106 5 0 1831 144,402 12,044 806,090 8? 100 0 0 Exports of British Copper since 1820. Years. Unwrought. Coin. Sheets, Nails, &c. AVire. Wrought Copper of other Sorts. Total of British Copper exported. Crvt. Crvt. Cmt. Crvt. Crvt. Cut. 1820 41,155 10 58,121 66,676 8 22,663 121,953 1821 &t,.043 155 21 24,035 125,431 1822 25,829 6.0,070 40 22,731 113,671 1S23 24,082 802 .06,146 98 25,587 106,516 1824 i 19,209 95 62,920 292 23,580 106,096 1825 10 2,134 1,807 51,437 40 2.0,002 78,«24 1826 2,604 65,264 n 26,307 95,994 1827 26,583 1,450 1,150 74,943 8 40,439 48,897 143,424 1828 21,591 52,412 59,871 71 124,121 1829 52,978 15 13 46,643 159,521 183,154 1830 56,722 640 . 66,S31 16 56,443 1831 67,200 96 70,477 149 32,690 170,613 1832 77,497 2 79,944 13 37,155 194,612 N.B. — The foreign copper imported is altogether intended for re-exportation. In 1832, 13,894 cwt of copper were smelted from foreign ore. The East Indies and China, France, and the United States, are the great markets for British copper. The exports to these countries, in 1832, were respectively 82,880, 35,984, and 31,235 cwt. For the following details with respect to the state of the British copper trade in 1830, we are Indebted to Mr. Pascoe Grenfell, who is largely engaged in it, and on whose accuracy every reliance may be placed : — " The quantity of copper produced during last year (1830) in Cornwall, from ores raised in tliat county. 400 COPPERAS. exceeded ten thousand tons of pure metal : and if to this be added what has been produced in Wales, in other parts of England, and in Ireland, the whole quantity of fine or pure metal produced in the United Kingdom, in 18^9, may be fairly stated at twelve thousand tons. " The quantity of British copper exported in 1829 amounts, according to an account recently laid before the House of Commons, to 7,976 tons of fine metal ; to which adding the exports of foreign copper, the total export was 8,817 tons. The copper imported is altogether intended for re-exportation. I cannot state its precise quantity in fine metal, because the greater part of it arrives in a state of ore, and I have no means of knowing the produce in pure metal of that ore, beyond such part of it as may come into my own possession. " The value of the 12,000 tons of copper produced in the United Kingdom, as above stated, at 90/. per ton, is 1,080,000/." Foreign Copper. — Copper ores are abundant in Sweden, Saxony, Russia, Persia, Japan, China, Chili, &c. Near Fahlun, in the province of Dalecarlia, in Sweden, is the celebrated copper mine of the same name, supposed to have been wrought nearly 1,000 years. For a long time it was one of the most productive mines in the world. Towards the beginning of the seventeenth century it yielded an annual produce of about 8,000,000 lbs. of pure metal; but it has since greatly declined ; and it is most probable that at no distant period it will be wholly abandoned. — (Thomson's Travels in Sweden, p. 221.) There are still, however, several productive copper mines in other parts of Sweden. The exports of copper from Stock- holm in 1832 amounted to 4,336 skippounds, or 723 tons English, besides the exports from Gottenburgh and other ports. The product of the copper mines in the government of Olonetz, in Russia, is estimated at 210,000 poods, or 3,375 tons (Eng.) a year. — (Schnitzler, Essai d'une Statistique Generate, S(c. p. 41.) The copper mines of Chili are also very rich, and their produce is at present imported into Canton and Calcutta direct from Valparaiso. The copper mines of Japan are said to be among the richest in the world. The Dutch annually import about 700 tons of their produce into Batavia; and; the Chinese from 800 to 1,000 tons into Canton and other ports. In fact, Japan copper is spread over all the East, and is regularly quoted in the Price Currents of Canton, Calcutta, and Singapore. — (See p. 245.) It is purer, and brings a higher price, than any other species of bar or slab copper. It is uniformly met with in the shape of bars or ingots, very much resembling large sticks of red sealing wax. When the copper of South America is worth in the Canton market from 15 to 16 dollars per picul, that of Japan fetches from 18 to 20. Pretty considerable quantities of copper are imported into Calcutta from Bushire and Bussorah. This is mostly the produce of the Persian mines; but a little is understood to come from the Russian mines in Georgia. Customs Regulations. — Old copper sheathing, old copper utensils, and old copper and pewter utensils of British manufacture, imported from British plantations, and also old copper stripped off vessels in ports in the United Kingdom, may be admitted to entry, duly free, under the following regulations; viz. — 1st. Old copper sheathing stripped off British vessels in ports in the British possessions, upon proof to the satisfaction of the Commissioners of Customs, that such sheathing was stripped off in such ports, and also that the said sheathing is the property of the owner of the ship from which it was so stripped, to be delivered to such owner. 2d. Old copper sheathing stripped off any ship in any port in the United Kingdom, upon the fact being certified by the landing-waiter superintending the process ; the old copper to be delivered only to the coppersmith who may re-copper the vessel from which the copper was stripped, he making proof to that lact 3d. Old worn-out British copper and pewter utensils to be in all cases delivered when brought from British possessions abroad in British ships, upon the consignee submitting proof that they had been used on a particular estate, and are consigned on account of the o^ner of that estate, and that he (the con- jignee) verily believes them to have been of British manufacture. — Com. Cus., 15th of Feb. 1833.) Copper ore may be taken out of warehouses to be smelted, on proper notice being given to the customs officers, and giving sufficient security, by bond, for returning the computed quantity of fine copper in it. ~ (7 & 8 Geo. 4. c. 58. § 23.) Copper is in extensive demand all over India; being largely used in the dock-yards, in the manufacture ot cooking utensils, in alloying spelter and tin, &c. The funeral of every Hindoo brings an accession to the demand, according to his station ; the relatives of the deceased giving a brass cup to every Brahmin present at the ceremony : so that 5, 10, 50, 100, 1,000, and sometimes more than 10 times this last number, are dispensed upon such occasions. — {Bcirs Conunerce of Bengal.) COPPERAS, a term employed by the older chemists, and popularly, as synonymous with vitriol. There are three sorts of copperas : the green, or sulphate of iron ; the blue, or .sulphate of copper ; and the white, or sulphate of zinc. Of these, the first is the most important. Sulphate'of iron is distinguished in common by a variety of names, as Martial vitriol, English vitriol, &c. When pure, it is considerably transparent, of a fine bright, though not very deep, grass green colour ; and of a nauseous astringent taste, accompanied with a kind of sweetness. Its specific gravity is 1 '834. It uniformly reddens the vege- table blues. This salt was well known to the ancients ; and is mentioned by Pliny, (Hist. Nat. lib. xxxiv. § 12.), under the names of misi/, sory, and calchantum. It is not made in the direct way, because it can be obtained at less charge from the decom- position of pyrites on a large scale in the neighbourhood of collieries. It exists in two states ; one containing oxide of iron, with 0-22 of oxygen, which is of a pale green, not altered by gallic acid, and giving a white precipitate with prussiate of potass. The other, in which the iron is combined with 0'30 of oxygen, is red, not crystallisable, and gives a black precipitate with gallic acid, and a blue with prussiate of potass. In the common sulphate, these two are often mixed in various proportions. Sulphate of iron is of great importance in the arts. It is a principal ingredient in dyeing ; in the manufacture of ink, and of Prussian blue : it is also used in tanning, painting, medicine, &;c. Sulphuric acid, or oil of vitriol, was formerly manufactured from sulphate of iron. — (See Acids.) Sulphate of copper, or blue vitriol, commonly called Roman or Cyprian vitriol, is of an elegant sappliire blue colour, hard, compact, and .semi-transparent ; when perfectly crystallised, of a flattish, rhomboidal, decahedral figure ; its taste is extremely nauseous, styptic, and acrid; its specific gravity is 2-1943. It is used for various purposes in the arts, and also in medicine. Sulphate of zinc, or white vitriol, is found native in the mines of Goslar and other COPYRIGHT. — CORDAGE. 401 places. Sometimes it is met with in transparent pieces, but more commonly in while efflorescences. These are dissolved in water, and crystallised into large irregular masses, somewhat resembling fine sugar, having a sweetish, nauseous, styptic taste. Its specific gravity, when crystallised, is 1'912; when in the state in wliich it commonly occurs in commerce, it is 1 -3275. Sulphate of zinc is prepared in the large way from some varieties of the native sulphuret. The ore is roasted, wetted with water, and exposed to the air. The sulphur attracts oxygen, and is converted into sulphuric acid ; and the metal, being at the same time oxidized, combines with the acid. After some time the sulj)hate is extracted by solution in water ; and the solution being evaporated to dryness, the mass is run into moulds. Thus, the white vitriol of the shops generally contains a small por- tion of iron, and often of copper and lead. — (^Lewis's Mat. Medica ; O'c's Dictionary ; Jtees's Cyclopcedia ; TliomsorCs Chemistry, 8^c. ) COPYRIGHT. See Books. CORAL (Ger. Koralkn ; Du. Koraalen ; Fr. Corail ; It. Corah; Sp. and Port. Coral; Rus. Korallii ; Lat. Corallium ; Arab. Besed; Pers. Merjdn ; Hind. Moony a), a marine production, of which there are several varieties. It was well known to tlie ancients, but it was reserved for the moderns to discover its real nature. It is, in fact, the nidus or nest of a certain species of vermes, which has the same relation to coral, that a snail has to its shell. As an ornament, black coral is most esteemed ; but the red is also very highly prized. Coral is found in very great abundance in the Red Sea, the Persian Gulf, in various places in the Mediterranean, on the coast of Sumatra, &c. It grows on rocks, and on any solid submarine body ; and it is necessary to its production, that it should remain fixed to its place. It has generally a shrub-like appearance. In the Straits of Messina, where a great deal is fished up, it usually grows to nearly a foot in length, and its thickness is about that of the little finger. It requires 8 or 10 years to arrive at its greatest size. The depth at which it is obtained is various — from 10 to 100 fathoms or more ; but it seems to be necessary to its production that the rays of the sun should readily penetrate to the place of its habitation. Its value depends upon its size, solidity, and the depth and brilliancy of its colour ; and is so very various, that while some of the Sicilian coral sells for 8 or 10 guineas an ounce, other descriptions of it will not fetch Is. a pound. It is highly prized by opulent natives in India, as well as by the fair sex throughout Europe. The inferior or worm-eaten coral is used in some parts of the Madras coast, in the celebration of funeral rites. It is also used medicinally. Besides the fishery in the Straits of Messina already alluded to, there are valuable fisheries on the shores of Majorca and Minorca, and on the coast of Provence. A good deal of Mediterranean coral is exported to India, which, however, draws the largest por- tion of its supplies from the Persian Gulf. The produce of the fishery at Messina is stated by Spallanzani ( Travels in the Two Sicilies, vol. iv. p. 308, &c. ) to amount to 1 2 quintals of 250 lbs. each. The manner of fishing coral is nearly the same every where. That which is most commonly practised in the Mediterranean, is as follows: — Seven or 8 men go in a boat, commanded by the proprietor; the caster throws his net, if we may so call the machine which he uses to tear up the coral from the bottom of the sea ; and the rest work the boat, and help to draw in the net. This is composed of two beams of wood tied crosswise, with leads fixed to them to sink tliem : to these beams is fastened a quan- tity of hemp, twisted loosely round, and intermingled witli some loose netting. In this condition the machine is let down into the sea; and when the coral is pretty strongly entwined in the hemp and nets, they draw it up with a rope, which they unwind according to the dei)th, and which it sometimes requires half a dozen boats to draw. If this rope happen to break, the fishermen run the hazard of being lost. Before the fishers go to sea, they agree for the price of the coral; and the produce of .the fishery is divided, at the end of the season, into 13 parts; of which the proprietor has 4, the caster 2, and the other 6 men 1 each : the thirteenth belongs to the company for payment of boat-hire, &c. — (See Ainslie's Mat. Indica ; Hees's Cyclopedia ; Ency. Metrop. ; Bell's Co?n. of Bengal, Sfc.) C0KT)AG1£> {Ger. Tauwerk ; IDu. Ihuwwerk ; Fr. Manoeuvres, Cordage ; It. Caohme ; Sp. Jarcia, Cordnje), a term used in general for all sorts of cord, whether small, middling, or great, made use of in the rigging of ships. Tlie manufacture of cordage is regulated by the act 25 Geo. 4. c. 56., which specifies the sort of materials that are to be employed in the manufacture of cables, hawsers, and other ropes, the marks that are to be afl^ixed to them, and the penalties for non-compliance with the respective enactments. — ( See Cable.) Masters of British ships are obliged, on coming into any port in Great Britain or the colonies, to report, under a penalty of 100/., the foreign cordage, not being standing or running rigging, in use onboard such ship. (3 & 4 Will. 4. cap. 52. § 8.) The following table shows how many fathoms, feet, and inches, of a rope of any size, not exceeding 14 inches, make 1 cwt. At the top of the table, marked inches, fathoms, feet, inches, the first column is the circumference of a rope in inches and quarters; the second, the fathoms, feet, and inches, that make up 1 cwt. of such a rope. One example will make it plain. Suppose it is required how much of a 7-inch rope will make 1 cwt. : find 7, in the 3d column, under inches, or circumference of the rope, and immediately opposite to it you will find 9, 5, 6 ; which shows that in a rope of 7 inches^ there will be 9 fathoms 5 feet 6 inches required to make 1 cwt. 2 D 402 CORK. — CORN LAWS. § S § i V 3 i S <: S i 8 i s ■g (U 1 s c ■a s •g c c 1 B c 1 1 $ c P^ 1 486 0 0 32 34 3 g Of 3 0 5 4 0 3 3 3 11. 313 3 0 30 g 10 4 0 5 2 0 12 3 2 3 if 216 3 0 26 5 3 7* 9 5 5 Q g loi 3 2 J k 159 3 0 24 0 0 7i 9 1 6 4 5 0 12i 3 2 0 2* 124, 3 0 f 21 3 0 . 8 4 0 4 4 1 12f 2 7 8 2i 96 2 0 19 3 0 P 8 3 6 IS! 4 2 2 13 2 5 3 2* 77 3 0 17 4 0 7 3 6 10| 4 1 8 ]3i 2 4 9 2| 65 4 0 n 16 1 0 7 0 8 11 4 0 3 131 2 4 0 3 54 0 0 14 4 6 P 6 4 3 3 5 7 13f 2 3 6 Si 45 5 2 13 3 0 6 2 1 111 3 4 14 2 2 1 3^ 39 3 0 61 12 2 9 9' 6 0 0 CORK (Ger. Kork Du. Kork, Kurk, Vlothout ; Fr. It. Sughero, Suvero ; Sp. Corcho ; Port. Cortica (rfe Sovreiro) ; Rus. Korkowoe derewo ; Lat. Suber), the thick and spongy bark of a species of oak ( Quercus Suber Lin. ), abundant in dry mountainous districts in the south of France, and in Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Barbary. The tree grows to the height of 30 feet or more, has a striking resemblance to the Quercus Ilex, or evergreen oak, iind attains to a great age. After arriving at a certain state of matu- rity, it periodically sheds its bark ; but this valuable product is found to be of a much better quality when it is artificially removed from the tree, which may be effected with- out any injury to the latter. After a tree has attained to the age of from 26 to 30 years, it may be barked ; and the operation may be subsequently repeated once every 8 or 10 years*, the quality of the cork improving with the increasing age of the tree. The bark is taken off in July and August ; and trees that are regularly stripped are said to live for 150 years, or more. — (^Poiret, Hist. Philosophique des Plantes, torn. vii. 419.) Cork is light, porous, readily compressible, and wonderfully elastic. It may be cut into any sort of figure, and, notwithstanding its porosity, is nearly impervious to any common liquor. These qualities make it superior to all other substances for stoppers for bottles, in the manufacture of which it is principally made use of. It is also em- ployed as buoys to float nets, in the construction of life-bpats, the making of water- proof shoes, and in various other ways. Before being manufactured into stoppers, the cork is charred on each side ; this makes it contract, lessens its porosity, and consequently fits it the better for cutting off all communication between the external air and the liquid in the bottle. Spanish black is made of calcined cork. The Greeks and Romans were both well acquainted with cork. They seem also to have occasionally used it as stoppers for vessels ( Cadorum obturamentts, Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xvi. cap. 8.) ; but it was not extensively employed for this purpose till the 17th cen- tury, when glass bottles, of which no mention is made before the 15th century, began to be generally introduced. — (Beckmann's Hist. Invent, vol. ii. pp. 114 — 127. Eng. ed.) The duty on manufactured cork is prohibitory ; and on the rude article it Is very heavy, being no less than 8s. a cwt. or 8/. a ton. The quantity entered for home consumption amounts, at an average, to from 40,000 to 45,000 cwts. Its price, including duty, varies with the variations in its quality, from about 20^ to abo It 70^. a ton. The Spanish is the best, and fetches the highest price. CORN (Ger. Corn, Getreide ; Du. Graanen, Koren ; Da. Korn ; Sw. Sad, Spanmal; Fr. Bleds, Grains ; It. Biade, Grani ; Sp. Granos Rus. Chljeb ; Pol. Zboze ; Lat. Frumentum), the grain or seed of plants separated from the spica or ear, and used for making bread, &c. Such are wheat, rye, barley, oats, maize, peas, &c. ; which see. CORNELIAN. See Carnelian. CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. — From the circumstance of corn forming, in this and most other countries, the principal part of the food of the people, the trade in it, and the laws by which that trade is regulated, are justly looked upon as of the highest importance. 13ut this is not the only circumstance that renders it necessary to enter at some length into the discussion of this subject. Its difficulty is at least equal to its interest. The enactments made at different periods with respect to the corn trade, and the opinions advanced as to their policy, have been so very various and contradictory, that it is indispensable to submit them to some examination, and, if possible, to ascertain the principles which ought to pervade this department of commercial legislation. I. Historical Sketch of the Corn Laws. II. Principles of the Corn Laws. III. British Corn Trade. IV. Foreign Corn Trade. • Bcckmann (vol. ii. p. 115. Eng. ed.) says, that " when the tree is 15 ycirs old, it may be barked, and this can be done successively for 8 years." This erroneous statement having been copied into the article CoBK in Ilces's Cyclopaedia, has thence been transplanted to a multitude of other works. CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 403 I. Historical Sketch of the Corn Laws. For a long time the regulations with respect to the corn trade were principally intended to promote abundance and low jjrices. But, though the purpose was laudable, the means adopted for accomplishing it had, for the most part, a directly opposite effect. When a country exports corn, it seems, at first sight, as if nothing could do so much to increase her supplies as the prevention of exportation : and even in countries that do not export, its prohibition seems to be a prudent measure, and calculated to prevent the supply from being diminished, upon any emergency, below its natural level. These are the conclusions that immediately suggest themselves upon this subject ; and it requires a pretty extensive experience, an attention to facts, and a habit of reasoning upon such topics, to perceive their fallacy. These, however, were altogether wanting when the regulations affecting the corn trade began to be introduced into Great Britain and other countries. They were framed in accordance with what were supposed to be the dictates of common sense ; and their object being to procure as large a supply of the prime necessary of life as possible, its exportation was either totally forbidden, or forbidden when the home price was above certain limits. The principle of absolute prohibition seems to have been steadily acted upon, as far as the turbulence of the period would admit, from the Conquest to the year 1436, in the reign of Henry VI. But at the last mentioned period an act was passed, authorising the exportation of wheat whenever the home price did not exceed 6s. 8d. (equal in amount of pure silver to 12s. 10|532 2,804,197 It deserves particular notice, that from 1771 to 1791, both inclusive, the period during which the greater number of these impi-ovements were effected, there was no rise of prices. The landholders, however, could not but consider the liberty of importation granted by the act of 1773 as injurious to their interests, inasmuch as it prevented prices from rising with the increased demand. A clamour, therefore, was raised against that law ; and in addition to this interested feeling, a dread of becoming habitually dependent on foreign supplies of corn, operated on many, and produced a pretty general acquiescence in the act of 1791. By this act, the price when importation could take place from abroad at the low duty of 6d., was raised to 54s. ; under 54s. and above 50s. a middle duty of 2s. 6d. ; and under 50s. a prohibiting duty of 24s. 3d. was exigible. The bounty con- tinued as before, and exportation without bounty was allowed to 46s. It was also enacted, that foreign wheat might be imported, stored under the king's lock, and again exported free of duty ; but, if sold for home consumption, it became liable to a ware- house duty of 2s. 6d. in addition to the ordinary duties payable at the time of sale. In 1797, the Bank of England obtained an exemption from paying in specie ; and the consequent facility of obtaining discounts and getting a command of capital, which this measure occasioned, gave a fresh stimulus to agriculture ; the efficacy of which was most powerfully assisted by the scarcity and high prices of 1800 and 1801. An agi-icultural mania now seized the nation ; and as the prices of 1804 would not allow the cultivatiori of the p«or soils, which had been broken up in the dear years, to be continued, a new 2 D 3 4-06 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. corn law, being loudly called for by the farmers, was passed in 1804. This law imposed a prohibitory duty of 24s. 3d. per quarter on all wheat imported when the home price was at or below 63s. ; between 63s. and 66s. a middle duty of 2s. 6d. was paid, and above 66s. a nominal duty of 6d. The price at which the bounty was allowed on exportation was extended to 50s., and exportation without bounty to 54s. By the act of 1791, the maritime counties of England were divided into 1 2 districts, importation and exportation being regulated by the particular prices of each ; but by the act of 1804 they were regu- lated, in England, by the aggregate average of the maritime districts ; and in Scotland by the aggregate average of the 4 maritime districts into which it was divided. The averages were taken 4 times a year, so that the ports could not be open or shut for less than 3 months. This manner of ascertaining prices was, however, modified in the following session ; it being then fixed that importation, both in England and Scotland, should be regulated by the average price of the 12 maritime districts of England. In 1805, the crop was very considerably deficient, and the average price of that year was about 22s. a quarter above the price at which importation was allowed by the act of 1804. As the depreciation of paper, compared with bullion, was at that time only four per cent., the high price of that year must have been principally owing to the new law preventing importation from abroad till the home price was high, and then fettering mercantile operations ; and to the formidable obstacles which the war threw in the way of importation. In 1806*, 1807, and 1808, the depreciation of paper was nearly 3 per cent. ; and the price of wheat in those years being generally from 66s. to 75s., the im- portations were but small. From autumn 1808, to spring 1814 the depreciation of the currency was unusually great ; and several crops in that interval being likewise deficient, the price of corn, influenced by both causes, rose to a surprising height. At that time no vessel could be laden in any Continental port for England without purchasing a licence, and the freight and insurance were at least 5 times as high as during peace. But the destruction of Napoleon's anti-commercial system, in the autumn of 1813, having increased the facilities of importation, a large quantity of corn was poured into the kingdom; and, in 1814, its bullion price fell below the price at which importation was allowed. Before this fall of price, a committee of the House of Commons had been appointed to inquire into the state of the laws aflfecting the corn trade ; and recommended in their Report (dated 11th of May, 1813) a very great increase of the prices at which exportation was allowable, and when importation free of duty might take place. This recommend- ation was not, however, adopted by the House ; but the fact of its having been made when the home price was at least 112s. a quarter, displayed a surprising solicitude to exclude foreigners from all competition with the home growers. The wish to lessen the dependence of the country on foreign supplies formed the sole ostensible motive by which the committee of 1813 had been actuated, in proposing an alteration in the act of 1804. But after the fall of price in autumn 1813, and in the early part of 1814, it became obvious, on comparing our previous prices with those of the Continent, that without an alteration of the law in question this dependence would be a good deal increased ; that a considerable extent of such poor lands as had been brought into cultivation during the high prices, would be again thrown into pasturage ; and that rents would be considerably reduced. These consequences alarmed the landlords and occupiers; and in the early part of the session of 1814, a series of resolutions were voted by the House of Commons, declaring that it was expedient to repeal the bounty, to permit the free exportation of corn whatever might be the home price, and to impose a graduated scale of duties on the importation of foreign corn. Thus, foreign wheat imported when the home price was at or under 64s. was to pay a duty of 24s. ; when at or under 65s. a duty of 23s. ; and so on, till the home price should reach 86s., when the duty was reduced to Is., at which sum it became stationary. Corn imported from Canada, or from the other British colonies in North America, was to pay half the duties on other corn. As soon as these resolutions had been agreed to, two bills founded on them — one for regulating the importation of foreign corn, and another for the repeal of the bounty, and for permitting unrestricted exportation — were introduced. Very little attention was paid to the last of these bills ; but the one imposing fresh duties on im- portation encountered a very keen opposition. The manufacturers, and every class not directly supported by agriculture, stigmatised it as an imjustifiable attempt artificially to keep up the price of food, and to secure excessive rents and large profits to the land- holders and farmers at the expense of the consumers. Meetings were very generally held, and resolutions entered into strongly expressive of this sentiment, and dwelling on * Several impolitic restraints had been for a long time imposed on the free importation and exportation of corn between Great Britain and Ireland, but they were wholly abolished in ISOfi; and the act of th.it year (46 Geo. 3. c. 97.)» establishing a free trade in corn between the 2 great divisions of the empire, was not only a wise and proper measure in itself, but has powerfully contributed to promote the general advantage. CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 407 tfee fatal consequences which, it was aftirinod, a continuance of the hif^h prices would have on our manufactures and coinmcrce. This determined opposition, coupled with the indecision of ministers, and perhaps, too, with an expectation on the part of some of the landholders that prices would rise without any legislative interference, caused the miscarriage ot this bill. The other hill, repealing the bounty, and allowing an unlimited freedom of exportation, was passed into a law. Committees had been appointed in 1814, by both Houses of Parliament, to examine evidence and report on the state of the corn trade ; and, in consequence, a number of the most eminent agriculturists were examined* The witnesses were unanimous in this only, — that the protecting prices in the act of J 804 were insufficient to enable the farmers to make good the engagements into which they had subsequently entered, and to continue tlie cultivation of the inferior lands lately brought under tillage. Some of them thought that 120a!, ought to be fixed as the lowest limit at which the importation of wheat free of duty should be allowed : others varied from 90s. to 100s. — from 80s. to 90s. — and a few from 70s. to 80s. The general opinion, however, seemed to be that 80s. would suffice ; and as prices continued to decline, a set of resolutions founded on this assump- tion were submitted to the House of Commons by Mr. Robinson, of the Board of Trade (now Lord Ripon) ; and having been agreed to, a bill founded on them was, after a very violent opposition, carried in both Houses by immense majorities, and finally passed into a law (55 Geo. 3. c. 26. ). According to this act, all sorts of foreign corn, meal, or flour, might be imported at all times free of duty into any port of the United Kingdom, in order to be warehoused ; but foreign corn was not permitted to be imported for home consumption, except when the average prices of the several sorts of British corn were as follows : viz. wheat, 80s. per quarter ; rye, peas, and beans, 53s. ; barley, bear, or bigg, 40s. ; and oats, 26s. : and all importation of corn from any of the British plantations in North America was forbidden, except when the average home prices were at or under wheat, 67s. per quarter ; rye, peas, and beans, 44s. ; barley, bear, or bigg, 33s. ; and oats, 22s. The agriculturists confidently expected that this act would immediately effect arise of prices, and render them steady at about 80s. But for reasons which will be afterwards stated, these expectations were entirely disappointed ; and a more ruinous fluctuation of prices took place during the period while it was in existence, than in any previous period of our recent history. In 1821, when prices had sunk very low, a committee of the House of Commons was appointed to inquire into the causes of the depressed state of agriculture, and to report their observations thereon. This committee, after ex- amining a number of witnesses, drew up a report, which, though not free from error, is a valuable document It contains a forcible exposition of the pernicious effects arising from the law of 1815, of which it suggested several important modifications. These, however, were not adopted ; and as the low prices, and consequent distress of the agriculturists, continued, the subject was brought under the consideration of parliament in the following year. After a good deal of discussion a new act was then passed (3 Geo. 4. c. 60.), which enacted, that after prices had risen to the limit of free im- portation fixed by the act of 1815, that act was to cease and the new statute to come into operation. This statute lowered the prices fixed by the act of 1815, at which im- portation could take place for home consumption, to the following sums, viz. — Wheat ... - 705. per quarter. 59*. per quarter. Rye, peas, and beans - - 46s. — 39*. — Barley, bear, or bigg - - 35s. — 30s. — Oats .... 25s. — 20s. — But, in order to prevent any violent oscillation of prices from a large supply of grain being suddenly thrown into the market, it was enacted, that a duty of 17s. a quarter should be laid on all wheat imported from foreign countries, during the first 3 months after the opening of the ports, if the price was between 70s. and 80s. a quarter, and of 12s. afterwards; that if the price was between 80s. and 85s., the duty should be 10s. for the first 3 months, and 5s, afterwards; and that if the price should exceed 85s., the duty should be constant at Is.; and proportionally for other sorts of grain. 'i'his act, by preventing importation until the home price rose to 70s,, and then loading the quantities imported between that limit and the limit of 85s- with heavy duties, was certainly more favourable to the views of the agriculturists than the act of 1815. But, unluckily for them, the prices of no species of corn, except barley, were sufficiently high, while this act existed, to bring it into operation. In 1825, the first approach was made to a better system, by permitting the import- ation of wheat from British North America, without reference to the price at home, on payment of a duty of 5s. a quarter. But this act was passed with difficulty, and was limited to one year's duration. »2 D 4 408 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. Owing to the drought that prevailed during the summer of 1826, there was every prospect that there would be a great deficiency in the crops of that year ; and, in order to prevent the disastrous consequences that might have taken place, had importation been prevented until the season was too far advanced for bringing supplies from the great corn markets in the north of Europe, his majesty was authorised to admit 500,000 quarters of foreign wheat, on payment of such duties as the order in council for it* importation should declare. And when it was ascertained that the crops of oats, peas, &c. were greatly below an average, ministers issued an order in council, on their own responsibility, on the 1st of September, authorising the immediate importation of oats on payment of a duty of 2s. 2d. a boll ; and of rye, peas, and beans,, on payment of a duty of 3s. 6d. a quarter. A consideral)le quantity of oats was imported under this order, the timely appearance of which had undoubtedly a very considerable effect in mitigating the pernicious consequences arising from the deficiency of that species of grain. Ministers obtained an indemnity for this order on the subsequent meeting of parliament. Nothing could more strikingly evince the impolicy of the acts of 1815 and 1822, than the necessity, imder which the legislature and government had been placed, of passing the temporary acts and issuing the orders alluded to. The more intelligent portion of the agriculturists began, at length, to perceive that the corn laws were not really calculated to produce the advantages that they had anticipated ; and a conviction that increased facilities should be given to importation became general throughout the country. The same conviction made considerable progress in the House of Commons ; so much so, that several members who supported the measures adopted in 1815 and 1822, expressed themselves satisfied that the principle of exclusion had been carried too far, and that a more liberal system should be adopted. Ministers having participated in these sentiments, Mr. Canning moved a series of resolutions, as the foundation of a new corn law, on the 1st of March, 1827. These resolutions were to the effect that foreign corn might always be imported, free of duty, in order to be warehoused ; and that it should always be admissible for home consumption on payment of certain duties. Thus, in the instance of wheat, it was resolved that, when the home price was at or above 70s. a quarter, the duty should be a fixed one of Is. ; and that for every shilling that the price fell below 70s. a duty of 2s. should be imposed ; so that when the price was at 69s, the duty on importation was to be 2s., when at 68s. the duty was to be 4s., and so on. The limit at which the constant duty of Is. a quarter was to take place in the case of barley, was originally fixed at 37s., but it was subsequently raised to 40s. ; the duty increasing by Is. 6d. for every Is. when the price fell below that limit. The limit at which the constant duty of Is. a quarter was to take place in the case of oats was originally fixed at 28s. ; but it was subsequently raised to 33s., the duty increasing at the rate of Is. a quarter for every shilling that the price fell below that limit. The duty on colonial wheat was fixed at 6d. the quarter when the home price was above 65s. ; and when the price was under that sum, the duty was constant at 5s. ; the duties on other descriptions of colonial grain were similar. These resolutions were agreed to by a large majority ; and a bill founded on them was subsequently carried through the House of Commons. Owing, however, to the change of ministers, which took place in the interim, several peers, originally favourable to the bill, and some, even, who assisted in its preparation, saw reason to become amongst its most violent opponents ; and a clause moved by the Duke of Wellington, interdicting all importation of foreign corn until the home price exceeded 66s. having been carried in the Lords, ministers gave up the bill, justly considering that such a clause was entirely subversive of its principle. A new set of resolutions with respect to the corn trade were brought forward in 1828 by Mr. Charles Grant (now Lord Glenelg). They were founded on the same principles as those which had been rejected during the previous session. But the duty was not made to vary equally, as in Mr. Canning's resolutions, with every equal variation of price ; it being 2.3s. Sd. when the home price was 64s. the Imperial quarter ; 16s. 8d. when it was 69s. ; and Is. only when it was at or above 73s. After a good deal of de- bate, Mr. Grant's resolutions were carried ; and the act embodying them (9 Geo. 4. c. 60.) was that by which the corn trade was regulated, till the passing of the act of 1842, 5 Vic- toria, 2 sess. cap. 1 4., an abstract of which will be found in a subsequent part of this article. II. Principles of the Corn Laws. 1 . Internal Corn Trade. — It is needless to take up the reader's time by endeavour- ing to prove by argument the advantage of allowing the free conveyance of corn from one province to another. Every one sees that this is indispensable, not only to the equal distribution of the supplies of food over the country, but to enable the inhabitants of those districts that are best fitted for the raising and fattening of cattle, sheep, &c. to CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 409 addict themselves to these or other necessary occupations not directly connected with the production of corn. We shall, therefore, confine the few remarks we have to make on this subject, to the consideration of the influence of the specidations of the corn mer- chants in buying up corn in anticipation of an advance. Their proceedings in this respect, though of the greatest public utility, have been the principal cause of that odium to which they have been so long exposed. Were the harvests always equally productive, nothing would be gained by storing up supplies of corn ; and all that would be necessary would be to distribute the crop equally throughout the country, and throughout the year. But such is not the order of nature. The variations in the aggregate produce of a countrj-^ in different seasons, though not perhaps so great as are commonly supposed, are still very considerable ; and experience lias shown that two or three unusually luxuriant harvests seldom take place in succession ; or that when they do, they are invarialjly followed by those that are deficient The speculators in corn anticipate this result. Whenever prices begin to give way in con- sequence of an unusually luxuriant harvest, speculation is at work. The more opulent fermers withhold either the whole or a part of their produce from market ; and the more opulent dealers purchase largely of the corn brought to market, and store it up in expectation of a future advance. And thus, without intending to promote any one's inter- est but their own, speculators in corn become the benefactors of the public. They provide a reserve stock against those years of scarcity which are sure at no distant period to recur ; while, by withdrawing a portion of the redundant supply from immediate consumption, prices are prevented from falling so low as to be injurious to the farmers, or at least are maintained at a higher level than they would otherwise have reached ; provident habits are maintained amongst the people ; and that waste and extravagance are checked, which always take place in plentiful years, but which would be carried to a much greater extent if the whole produce of an abundant crop were to be consumed within tlie season. It is, however, in scarce years that the speculations of the corn merchants are prin- cipally advantageous. Even in the richest countries, a very large proportion of the individuals engaged in the business of agriculture are comparatively poor, and are totally without the means of withholding their produce from market, in order to speculate upon any future advance. In consequence the markets are always most abundantly supplied with produce immediately after harvest ; and in countries where the merchants engaged in the corn trade are not possessed of large capitals, or where their proceedings are fettered and restricted, there is then, almost invariably, a heavy fall of prices. But as the vast majority of the people buy their food in small quantities, or from day to day as they want it, their consumption is necessarily extended or contracted according to its price at the time. Their views do not extend to the future ; they have no means of judging whether the crop is or is not deficient. They live, as the phrase is, from hand to mouth ; and are satisfied if, in the mean time, they obtain abundant supplies at a cheap rate. But it is obvious, that were there nothing to control or counteract this improvidence, the consequence would very often be fatal in the extreme. The crop of one harvest must support the population till the crop of the other harvest has been gathered in ; and if that crop should be deficient— if, for instance, it should only be adequate to afford, at the usual rate of consumption, a supply of 9 or 10 months' provisions instead of 12 — it is plain that, unless the price were so raised immediately after harvest, as to enforce economy, and put, as it were, the whole nation, on short allovt'ance, the most dreadful famine would be experienced previously to the ensuing harvest. Those who examine the accounts of the prices of wheat and other grain in England, collected by Bishop Fleetwood and Sir F. M. Eden, will meet with abundant proofs of the accuracy of what has now been stated. In those remote periods when the formers were generally without the means of withholding their crops from market, and when the trade of a corn dealer was proscribed, the utmost improvidence was exhibited in the consumption of grain. There were then, indeed, very few years in which a considerable scarcity was not experienced immediately before harvest, and many in which there was an absolute famine. The fluctuations of price exceeded every thing of which we can now form an idea; the price of wheat and other grain being 4 or 5 times as high in June and July as in Sep- tember and October. Thanks, however, to the increase of capital •in the hands of the large farmers and dealers, and to the freedom given to the operations of the corn mer- chants, we are no longer exposed to such ruinous vicissitudes. Whenever the dealers, who, in consequence of their superior means of information, are better acquainted with the real state of the crops than any other class of persons, find the harvest likely to be deficient, they raise the price of the corn they have warehoused, and bid against each other for the corn which the farmers are bringing to market. In consequence of this rise of prices, all ranks and orders, but especially the lower, who are the great consumers of corn, find it indispensable to use greater economy, and to check all improvident and wasteful consumption. Every class being thus immediately put upon short allowance. 410 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE, tlie pressure of the scarcity is distributed equally throughout the year ; and Instead of indulging, as was formerly the case, in the same scale of consumption as in seasons of plenty, until the supply became altogether deficient, and then being exposed without resource to the attacks of famine and pestilence; the speculations of the corn merchants warn us of our danger, and compel us to provide against it. It is not easy to suppose that these proceedings of the corn merchants should ever be injurious to the public. It has been said that in scarce years they are not disposed to bring the corn they have purchased to market until it has obtained an exorbitant price, and that the pressure of the scarcity is thus often very much aggravated ; but there is no real ground for any such statement. The immense amount of capital required to store up any considerable quantity of corn, and the waste to which it is liable, render most holders disposed to sell as soon as they can realise a fair profit. In every extensive country in which the corn trade is free, there are infinitely too many persons engaged in it to enable any sort of combination or concert to be formed amongst them ; and though it were formed, it could not be maintained for an instant. A large proportion of the farmers and other small holders of corn are always in straitened circumstances, more particularly if a scarce year has not occurred so soon as they expected ; and they are con- sequently anxious to relieve themselves, as soon as prices rise, of a portion of the stock on their hands. Occasionally, indeed, individuals are found, who retain their stocks for too long a period, or until a reaction takes place, and prices begin to decline. But instead of joining in the popular cry against such persons^ every one who takes a dis- passionate view of the matter will perceive that, inasmuch as their miscalculation must, under the circumstances supposed, be exceedingly injurious to themselves, we have the best security against its being carried to such an extent as to be productive of any material injury or even inconvenience to the public. It should also be borne in mind, that it is rarely, if ever, possible to determine beforehand, when a scarcity is to abate in consequence of new supplies being brought to market ; and had it continued a little longer, there would have been no miscalculation on the part of the holders. At all events, it is plain that, by declining to bring their corn to market, they preserved a resource on which, in the event of the harvest being longer delayed than usual, or of any unfavourable contingency taking place, the public could have fallen back; so that, instead of deserving abuse, these speculators are most justly entitled to every fair encouragement and protection. A country in which there is no considerable stock of grain in the barn- yards of the farmers, or in the warehouses of the merchants, is in the most perilous situation that can easily be imagined, and may be exposed to the severest privations, or even famine. But so long as the sagacity, the miscalculation, or the avarice of mer- chants and dealers retain a stock of grain in the warehouses, this last extremity cannot take place. By refusing to sell it till it has reached a very high price, they put an effectual stop to all sorts of waste, and husband for the public those supplies which they could not have so frugally husbanded for themselves. We have already remarked that the last remnant of the shackles imposed by statute on the freedom of the internal corn dealer was abolished in 1773. It is true that engrossing, forestalling, and regrating — (see Engrossing, &c.) — are still held to be offences at common law ; but there is very little probability of any one being in future made to answer for such ideal offences, 2. Exportation to Foreign Countries. — The fallacy of the notion so long entertained, that the prevention of exportation was the surest method of increasing plenty at home, is obvious to every one who has reflected upon such subjects. The markets of no country can ever be steadily and plentifully supplied with corn, unless her merchants have power to exjx>rt the surplus supplies with which they may be occasionally furnished. When a country without the means of exporting grows nearly her own average sup- plies of corn, an abundant crop, by causing a great overloading of the market, and a heavy fall of price, is as injurious to the farmer as a scarcity. It may be thought, perhaps, that the greater quantity of produce in abundant seasons will compensate for its lower price ; but this is not the case. It is uniformly found that variations in the quantity of corn exert a much greater influence over prices, than equal variations in the quantity of almost any thing else offered for sale. Being the principal necessary of life, when the supply of corn happens to be less than ordinary, the mass of the people make very great, though unavailing, exertions, by diminishing their consumption of other and less indispensable articles, to obtain their accustomed supplies of this prime neces- sary ; so that its price rises much more than in proportion to the deficiency. On the other hand, when the supply is unusually large, the consumption is not proportionally extended. In ordinary years, the bulk of the population is about adequately fed ; and though the consumption of all classes be somewhat greater in unusually jDlentlful years, the extension is considerable only among the lowest classes, and in the feeding of horses. Hence it is that the increased supply at market, in such years, goes principally to cause a glut, and consequently a ruinous decline of prices. These statements arc corroborated by the CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. ill Widest experience. Whenever there is an inability to exj)ort, from whatever cause it may arise, an unusually luxuriant crop is uniformly accompanied by a very heavy fall of price, and severe agricultural distress ; and when two or three such crops happen to follow in succession, the ruin of a large proportion of the farmers is completed. If the miscliiefs resulting from the want of power to export stopped here, they might, though very great, be borne ; but they do not stop here. It is idle to suppose that a system ruinous to the producers can be otherwise to the consumers. A glut of the market, occasioned by luxuriant harvests, and the want of power to export, cannot be of Jong continuance : for, while it continues, it can hardly fail, by distressing all classes of farmers, and causing the ruin of many, to give a check to every species of agricultural improvement, and to lessen the extent of land in tillage. When, therefore, an un- favourable season recurs, the reaction is, for the most part, appalling. The supply, being lessened not only by the badness of the season, but also by a diminution of the quantity of land in crop, falls very far below an average; and a severe scarcity, if not an absolute famine, is most commonly experienced. It is, therefore, clear, that if a country would render herself secure against famine, and injurious fluctuations of price, she must give every possible facility to exportation in years of unusual plenty. If she act upon a different system, — if her policy make exportation in such years impracticable, or very difficult, — she will infallibly render the bounty of Providence an injury to her agricul- turists ; and two or three abundant harvests in succession will be the forerunners of scarcity and famine. 3. Bounty on the Exportation of Corn. — In Great Britain, as already observed, we have not only been allowed to export for a long series of years, but from the Revolution down to 1815 a bounty was given on exportation, whenever the home prices were depressed below certain limits. This policy, however, erred as much on the one hand as a restriction on exportation errs on the other. It causes, it is true, an extension of the demand for corn : but this greater demand is not caused by natural, but by artificial means ; it is not a consequence of any really increased demand on the part of the foreigner, but of our furnishing the exporters of corn with a bonus, in order that they may sell it abroad below its natural price ! To suppose that a proceeding of this sort can be a public advantage, is equivalent to supposing that a shopkeeper may get rich by selling his goods below what they cost. — (See Bounty.) 4. Importation from Foreign Countries. — If a country were, like Poland or Russia, uniformly in the habit of exporting corn to other countries, a restriction on importation would be of no material consequence ; because, though such restriction did not exist, no foreign corn would be imported, unless its ports were so situated as to serve for an entrepot. A restriction on importation is sensibly felt only when it is enforced in a country which, owing to the greater density of its population, the limited extent of its fertile land, or any other cause, would, either occasionally or uniformly, import. It is familiar to the observation of every one, that a total failure of the crops is a calamity that but rarely occurs in an extensive kingdom ; that the weather which is unfavourable to one description of soil, is generally favourable to some other description ; and that, except in anomalous cases, the total produce is not very different. But what is thus generally true of single countries, is always true of the world at large. History furnishes no single instance of a universal scarcity ; but it is uniformly found, that when the crops in a particular country are unusually deficient, they are proportionally abundant in some other quarter. It is clear, however, that a restriction on importation excludes the country which enacts it from profiting by this beneficent arrangement. She is thrown entirely on her own resources. Under the circumstances supposed, she has nothing to trust to for relief but the reserves in her warehouses ; and should these be inadequate to meet the exigency of the crisis, there are apparently no means by which she can escape experiencing all the evils of scarcity, or, it may be, of famine. A country deprived of the power to import is unable to supply the deficiencies of her harvests by the surplus produce of other countries ; so that her inhabitants may starve amidst surrounding plenty, and suffer the extreme of scarcity, when, but for the restrictions on importation, they might enjoy the greatest abundance. If the restriction be not absolute, but con- ditional ; if, instead of absolutely excluding foreign corn from the home markets, it merely loads it with a duty, the degree in which it will operate to increase the scarcity and dearth will depend on the magnitude of that duty. If the duty be constant and moderate, it may not have any very considerable effect in discouraging importation : but if it be fluctuating and heavy, it will, by falsifying the speculations of the merchants, and making a corresponding addition to the price of the corn imported, be proportionally injurious. In whatever degree foreign corn may be excluded in years of deficient crops, to the same extent must prices be artificially raised, and the pressure of the scarcity rendered so much the more severe. Such would be the disastrous influence of a restriction on importation in a country which, were there no such obstruction in the way, would sometimes import and some- 412 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. times export. But its operation would be infinitely more injurious in a country which^ under a free system, would uniformly import a portion of her supplies. The restriction, in this case, has a twofold operation. By presenting importation from abroad, and forcing the population to depend for subsistence on corn raised at home, it compels recourse to be had to comparatively inferior soils ; and thus, by increasing the cost of producing com above its cost in other countries, adds proportionally to its average price. The causes of fluctuation are, in this way, increased in a geometrical proportion; for, while the prevention of importation exposes the population to the pressure of want whenever the harvest happens to be less productive than usual, it is sure, at the same time, by raising average prices, to hinder exportation in a year of unusual plenty^ until the home prices fall ruinously low. It is obvious, therefore, that a restriction of this sort must be alternately destructive of the interests of the consumers and producers. It injures the former by making them pay, at an average, an artificially increased price for their food, and by exposing them to scarcity and famine whenever the home crop proves deficient ; and it injures the latter, by depriving them of the power to export in years of unusual plenty^ and by overloading the market with produce, which, under a free system, would have met with an advantageous sale abroad. The principle thus briefly explained, shows the impossibility of permanently keeping np the home prices by means of restrictions on importation, at the same time that it affords a clue by which we may trace the causes of most of that agricultural distress which has been experienced in this country since the peace. The real object of the Corn Law of 1815 was to keep up the price of corn to 80s. a quarter; but to succeed in this, it was indispensable not only that foreign corn should be excluded when prices were under this limit, but that the markets should never be overloaded with corn pro- duced at home : for it is clear, according to the principle already explained, that if the supply should in ordinary years be sufficient to feed the population, it must, in an unusually abundant year, be more than sufficient for that purpose ; and when, in such a case, the surplus is thrown upon the market, it cannot fail, in the event of our average prices being considerably above the level of those of the surrounding countries, to cause a ruinous depression. Now, this was the precise situation of this country at the end of the war. Owing partly to the act of 1804, but far more to the difficulties in the way of importation, and the depreciation of the currency, prices attained to an extraordinary elevation from 1809 to 1814, and gave such a stimulus to agriculture, that we grew, in 1812 and 1813, sufficient com for our own supply. And, such being the case, it is clear, though our ports had been hermetically sealed against importation from abroad, that the first luxuriant crop must have occasioned a ruinous decline of prices. It is the exclusion, not the introduction, of foreign corn that has caused the distress of the agri- culturists ; for it is this exclusion that has forced up the price of corn in this country, in scarce and average years, to an unnatural level, and that, consequently, renders exportation in favourable seasons impossible, without such a fall of prices as is most disastrous to the farmer. It may be mentioned in proof of what is now stated, that the average price of wheat in England and Wales in 1814 was 74s, 4c?. a quarter, and in 1815 it had fallen to 65s. Id. But as these prices would not indemnify the occupiers of the poor- est lands brought under tillage during the previous high prices, they were gradually relinquishing their cultivation. A considerable portion of them had been converted into pasture ; rents had been generally reduced ; and wages had begun to decline ; but the legislature having prohibited the importation of foreign corn, the operation of this natural principle of adjustment was unfortunately counteracted, and the price of 1816 rose to 78s. 6d. This rise was, however, insufficient to occasion any new improvement ; and as foreign corn was now excluded, and large tracts of bad land had been thrown out of cul- tivation, the supply was so much diminished, that, notwithstanding the increase in the value of money, prices rose in 1817, partly, no doubt, in consequence of the bad harvest of the previous year, to 96s. \ \d.; and in 1818 to 86s. 3d. These high prices had their natural effect. They revived the drooping spirits of the farmers, who imagined that the corn law was, at length, beginning to produce the effects anticipated from it, and that the golden days of 1812, when wheat sold for 126s. 6d. a quarter, were about to return! But this prosperity carried in its bosom the seeds of future mischief. The increased prices necessarily occasioned a fresh extension of tillage ; capital was again applied to the improvement of the soil ; and this increase of tillage, conspiring with favourable seasons, and the impossibility of exportation, sunk prices to such a degree, that they fell, in October, 1822, so low as 38s. Id., the average price of that year being only 44s. 7c?. It is thus demonstrably certain, that the recurrence of periods of distress, similar to those that have been experienced by the agriculturists of this country since the peace, cannot be warded off'by restricting or prohibiting importation. A free corn trade is the only system that can give them that security against fluctuations that is so indispensable. The increased importation that would take place, were the ports always open, as soon as any considerable deficiency in the crops was apprehended, would prevent prices from CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 113 rising to an oppressive height ; while, on the other hand, when the crops were unusually luxuriant, a ready outlet would be found for the surplus in foreign countries, without its occasioning any very heavy fall. To expect to combine steadiness of prices with restrictions on importation, is to expect to reconcile what is contradictory and absurd. Tlie higher the limit at which the importation of foreign corn into a country like England is fixed, the greater will be the oscillation of prices. If we would secure for ourselves abundance, and avoid fluctuation, we must renounce all attempts at exclusion, and be ready to deal in corn, as we ought to be in every thing else, on fair and liberal principles. That the restrictions imposed on the foreign corn trade during the last 12 years should not have been productive of more disastrous consequences than those that have actually resulted from them, is partly and principally to be ascribed to the unparalleled hnprovement of tillage in Great Britain during the last 20 years, and partly, also, to the great increase that has taken place in the imports from Ireland. Previously to 1806, when a perfectly free corn trade between Great Britain and Ireland was foi- the first time established, the yearly imports did not amount to 400,000 quarters, whereas they now nearly amount to 3,000,000 ; and any one who has ever been in Ireland, or is aware of the wretched state of agriculture in it, and of the amazing fertility of the soil, must be satisfied that a very slight improvement would occasion an extraordinary increase in the imports from that country ; and it is believed by those best qualified to form an opinion on such a subject, that the check that has latterly been given to the pernicious px-actice of splitting farms, and the increase of population, has, in this respect, already had great influence, and that it will eventually lead to the most material im- provements. Hence it is by no means improbable, that the rapid spread of improve- ment at home, and the growing imports from Ireland, may, at no distant period, reduce our prices to the level of those of the Continent, and even render us an occasionally exporting country. These, however, are contingent and uncertain results ; and sup- posing them to be ultimately realised, the corn laws must in the meantime be pro- ductive of great inconvenience, and must, in all time to come, materially aggravate tlie misery inseparable from bad harvests. Nothing but the great importance of the subject could excuse us for dwelling so long on what is so very plain. To facilitate production, and to make commodities cheaper and more easily obtained, are the grand motives which stimulate the inventive powers, and which lead to the discovery and improvement of machines and processes for saving labour and diminishing cost ; and it is plain that no system of commercial legislation deserves to be supported, which does not conspire to promote the same objects : but a restriction on the importation of corn into a country like England, which has made a great comparative advance in population and manufacturing industry, is diametrically opposed to these principles. The density of our population is such, that any exclusion, of foreign corn forces us to resort to soils of less fertility than those that are under cul- tivation in the surrounding countries ; and, in consequence, our average prices are comparatively high. We have resolved that our people should not confine their at- tention to the culture of the better class of soils, and to those branches of manufacturing and commercial industry in which they have a decided advantage over every other country ; but that they should, also, be made to force comparatively barren soils that yield but a scanty return for their outlay. If we could, by laying out 1000/. on the manufacture of cottons or hardware, produce a quantity of these articles that would exchange for 500 quarters of American or Polish wheat ; and if the same sum, were it expended in cultivation in this country, would not produce more than 400 quarters ; the prevention of importation occasions an obvious sacrifice of 100 out of every 500 quarters consumed in the empire ; or, which is the same thing, it occasions an artificial advance of 20 per cent, in the price of corn. We do not mean to say that this statement exactly represents the amount of injury inflicted by the corn laws ; but, at all events, it clearly illustrates the principle which they embody. In a public point of view, the impolicy of such a system is obvious ; but it seems, at first sight, as if it were advantageous to the landlords. The advantage is, however, merely apparent : at bottom there is no real dif- ference between the interests of the landords and those of the rest of the community. It would be ridiculous, indeed, to imagine for a moment that the landlords can be benefited by a system in which those fluctuations of prices, so subversive of all agricul- tural prosperity, are inherent ; but though these could be got rid of, the result would be the same. The prosperity of agriculture must always depend upon, and be determined by, the prosperity of other branches of industry; and.any system which, like the corn laws, is injurious to the latter, cannot but be injurious to the former. Instead of being publicly advantageous, high prices are in every case distinctly and completely the re- verse. The smaller the sacrifice for which any commodity can ])e obtained, so much the better. When the labour required to produce, or the money required to purchase, a suflScient supply of corn is diminished, it is as clear as the sun at noon-day that more 414 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. labour or money must remain to produce or purchase the other necessaries, conveniences, and amusements of human life, and that the sum of national wealth and comforts must be proportionally augmented. Those who suppose that a rise of prices can ever be a means of improving the condition of a country might, with equal reason, suppose that it would be improved by throwing its best soils out of cultivation, and destroying its most powerful machines. The opinions of such persons are not only opposed to the plainest and most obvious scientific principles, but they are opposed to the obvious conclusions of common sense, and the universal experience of mankind. Experience of the injurious effects resulting from the corn laws has induced many that were formerly their zealaus advocates to come round to a more liberal way of thinking. It would, however, be unjust not to mention that there has always been a large and respectable party amongst the landlords, opposed to all restrictions on the trade in corn and who have uniformly thought that their interests, being identified with those of the public, would be best promoted by the abolition of restrictions on im- portation. A protest expressive of this opinion, subscribed by 10 peers, was entered on the Journals of the House of Lords, against the corn law of 1815. This document is said to have been drawn up by the late Lord Grenville, distinguished as an enlightened advocate of sound commercial principles. Its reasoning is so clear and satisfactory, that we are sure we shall gratify our readers, as well as strengthen the statements previously made, by laying it before them. " Dissentient — I. Because we are adverse in principle to all new restraints on commerce. We think it certain tliat public prosperity is best promoted by leaving uncontrolled the free current of national in- dustry ; and we wish rather, by well considered steps, to bring back our commercial legislation to the straight and simple line of wisdom, than to increase the deviation by subjecting additional and extensive branches of the public interest to fresh systems of artificial and injurious restrictions. " II. Because we thinly that the great practical rule, of leaving all commerce unfettered, applies more peculiarly, and on still stronger grounds of justice as well as policy, to the corn trade than to any other. Irresistible, indeed, must be that necessity which could, in our judgment, authorise the legislature to tamper with the sustenance of the people, and to impede the free purchase of that article on which de- pends the existence of so large a portion of the community. " III. Because we thinlc that the expectations of ultimate benefit from this measure are founded on a delusive theory. We cannot persuade ourselves that this law will ever contribute to produce plent}^ cheapness, or steadiness of price. So long as it operates at all, its effects must be the opposite of these. Monopoly is the parent of scarcity, of clearness, and of uncertainty. To cut off any of the sources of sup- ply, can only tend to lessen its abundance ; to close against ourselves the cheapest market for any commodity, must enhance the price at which we purchase it ; and to confine the consumer of corn to the produce of his own country, is to refuse to ourselves the benefit of that provision which Providence itself has made for equalising to man the variations of climate and of seasons. " IV. But whatever may be the future consequences of this law at some distant and uncertain period, we see with pain that these hopes must be purchased at the expense of a great and present evil. compel the consumer to purchase corn dearer at home than it might be imported from abroad, is the immediate practical effect of this law. In this way alone can it operate. Its present protection, its pro- mised extension of agriculture, must result (if at all) from the profirts which it creates by keeping up the price of corn to an artificial level. These future benefits are the consequences expected, but, as we con- fidently believe, erroneously expected, from giving a bounty to the grower of corn, by a tax levied on its consumer. " V. Because we think the adoption of any permanent law for such a purpose, required the fullest and most laborious investigation. Nor would it have been sufficient for our satisfaction, could we have been convinced of the general policy of a hazardous experiment. A still further inquiry would hare been necessary ta persuade u& that the present moment is fit for its adoption. In such an inquiry, we must have had the means of satisfying ourselves what its immediate operation will be, as connected with the various and pressing circumstances of public difficulty and distress with which the country is surrounded; with the state of our circulation and currency, of our agriculture and manufactures, of our internal and external commerce, and, above all, with tixe condition and reward of the industrious and la,bouring classes, of our community. On all these particulars, as they respect this question, we think that parliament is almost wholly uninformed ; on all we see reason for the utmost anxiety and alarm from the operation of this law. " Lastly, Because, if we could approve of the principle and purpose of this law, we think that no suf- ficient foundation has been laid for its details. The evidence before us, unsatisfactory and imperfect as it is, seems to us rather to disprove than to support the propriety of the high price adopted as the standard of importation, and the fallacious mode by which that price is to be ascertained. And on all these grounds we are anxious to record our dissent from a measure so precipitate in its course, and, as we fear, so injurious in its consequences." Attempts have sometimes been made to estimate the pecuniary burden which the restrictions on importation entail in ordinary years upon that country. This, however, is a subject with respect to which it is not possible to obtain any accurate data. But supposing the total quantity of corn annually produced in Great Britain and Ireland to amount to 62,000,000 quarters, every shilling that is added to its price by the corn laws is equivalent to a tax on corn of 3,100,000^. ; and estimating the average rise on all sorts of grain at 3s. a quarter, the total sum will be 9,300,000/. So great a quantity oi" corn is, however, consumed by the agriculturists themselves as food, in seed, the keep of horses, &c., that not more than a half, perhaps, of the whole quantity produced is brought to market. If we are nearly right in this hypothesis, and in the previous esti- mates, it will follow that the restrictions cost the classes not engaged in agriculture no less than 4,650,000/., exclusive of their other pernicious consequences. Of this sum a fifth, |)robably, or 930,000/. may go to the landlords as rent ; and this is all that tlie agriculturists can be said to gain by the system, for the additional price received by thq farmer on that portion of the produce which is exclusive of rent is no more than thq CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 41.5 ordinary return for his capital and labour. His profits indeed, like those of all other capitalists, instead of being increased by this system, are really diminished by it; and though, nominally at least, it somewhat increases the rents of the landlords, it is, not- withstanding, abundantly certain that it is any thing but advantageous to them. It would require a far larger sum to balance the injury which fluctuations of price occa- sion to their tenants, and the damage done to their estates by over-croj)ping when prices are high, than all that is derived from the restrictions. 5. Duties on Importation. — A duty may be equitably imposed on imported corn, for two objects ; that is, either for the sake of revenue, or to balance any excess of taxes laid on the agriculturists over those laid on the other classes. — (See my edition of Wealth of Nations, 1 vol. 8vo. pp. 522 — 524.) With respect, however, to a duty imposed for the sake of revenue, it may be doubted whether corn be a proper subject for taxation. At all events, a duty for such an object should be exceedingly moderate. It would be most inexpedient to attempt to add largely to the revenue by laying heavy duties on the prime necessary of life. If it be really true that agriculture is more readily taxed than any other branch of industry, the agriculturists are entitled to demand that a duty be laid on foreign corn when imported corresponding to the excess of burdens affecting them. It has been doubted, however, whether they are in this predicament. But though the question be not quite free from difficulty, it would be easy to shew, were this a proper place for such inquiries, that, owing to the local and other direct and indirect 'burdens laid on the land, those occupying it are really subjected to heavier taxes than any other class. It is difficult, or rather, perhaps, impossible, to estimate with any degree of precision what the excess of taxes laid on the agriculturists beyond those laid on manufacturers and merchants may amount to ; but we have elsewhere shown, that if we estimate it as making an addition of 5s. or 6s. to the quarter of wheat, we shall certainly be beyond the mark. — (Wealth of Nations, ubi supra.) However, we should, in a case of this sort, reckon it safer to err on the side of too much protection than of too little ; and would not, therefore, object to a fixed duty of 5s. or even 7s. a quarter being laid on wheat, and a proportional duty on other species of grain. Under such a system the ports would be always open. The duty would not be so great as to interpose any very formidable obstacle to importation. Every one would know beforehand the extent to which it would operate ; at the same time that the just rights and interests of the agri- culturists and of every other class would be maintained unimpaired. When a duty is laid on the importation of foreign corn, for the equitable purpose of countervailing the peculiar duties laid on the corn raised at home, an equivalejit drawback should be allowed on its exportation. " In allowing this drawback, we are merely returning to the farmer a tax which he has already paid, and which he must have, to place him in a fair state of competition in the foreign market, not only with the foreign producer, but with his own countrymen who are producing other commodities. It is essentially different from a bounty on exportation, in the sense in which the word bounty is usually understood ; for, by a bounty, is generally meant a tax levied on the people for the purpose of rendering corn unnaturally cheap to the foreign consumer ; whereas what I propose is to sell our corn at the price at which we can really aflPord to produce it, and not to add to its price a tax which shall induce the foreigner rather to purchase it from some other country, and deprive us of a trade which, under a system of free competition, we might have selected." — ( Ricardo on Protection to Apncultzcre, p. 53.) A duty accompanied with a drawback, as now stated, would not only be an equitable arrangement, but it would be highly for the advantage of farmers, without being injurious to any one else. The radical defect, as already shown, of the system followed from 1815 down to the present moment, in so far, at least, as respects agriculture, is, that it forces up prices in years when the harvest is deficient, while it leaves the market to be glutted when it is abundant. But while a constant duty of 5s. would secure to the home growers all the increase of price which the regard due to the interests of others should allow them to realise in a bad year, the drawback of 5s. by enabling them to export in an unusually plentiful year, would prevent the markets from being overloaded, and prices from falling to the ruinous extent that they now occasionally do. Such a plan would render the businesses of the dealers in and growers of corn, comparatively secure ; and would, therefore, provide for the continued prosperity of both. We are astonished that the agriculturists have not taken this view of the matter. If they be really entitled to a duty on foreign corn, on account of their being heavier taxed than the other classes of their fellow citizens (and they are not entitled to it on any other ground), they must also be entitled to a corresponding drawback. And it admits of demonstration, that their interests, as well as those of the community, would be far better promoted by such a duty and drawback as we have suggested, than they can ever be by any system of mere duties, how high soever they may be carried. 416 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. The principal objection to this plan is, that it would not be possible to levy the duty when the home price became very high, and that, consequently, it would be every now and then necessary to suspend it. But this objection does not seem to be by any means so formidable as it has sometimes been represented. It may, we think, be concluded on unassailable grounds, that were the ports constantly open under a moderate fixed duty and an equivalent drawback, extreme fluctuations of price would be very rare. Supposing it were enacted, that when the home price rises above a certain high level as 70s., the duty should cease, we believe the clause would very seldom come into operation ; and those who object that it is not fair to the farmers to deprive them of the full advantage to be derived from the highest prices, should recollect that in matters of this sort it is not always either possible, or, if possible, prudent, to carry the soundest principles to an extreme ; and that, generally speaking, the public interests will be better consulted by guarding against scarcity and dearth, than by securing, at all hazards, a trifling though just advantage to a particular class. II L British Corn Trade. 1 . Quantiti/ of Corn consumed in Great Britain. — Attempts have sometimes been made to estimate the quantity of corn raised in a country, from calculations founded on the number of acres in tillage, and on the average produce per acre ; but it is plain that no accurate account can ever be framed of the extent of land under cultivation. It is perpetually changing from year to year ; and the amount of produce varies not only with the differences of seasons, but also with every improvement of agriculture. This method, therefore, is now rarely resorted to, and the growth of corn is generally esti- mated from the consumption. The conclusions deduced from this criterion must indeed be subject to error, as well from variations in the consumption, occasioned by variations in the price of corn, as from the varying extent to which other food is used. But sup- posing the prices of corn to be reduced to an average, if the consumption of a consider- able number of persons, of all ranks and orders, and of all ages and sexes, were accurately determined, we should be able, supposing the census of the population to be nearly correct, to make a pretty close approximation to the total consumption of the country. Mr. Charles Smith, the well-informed and intelligent author of the Tracts on the Corn Trade, made many curious investigations, with a view to discover the mean annual con- sumption of corn ; and reducing it to the standard of wheat, he found it to be at the rate of about a quarter for each individual, young and old. This estimate has been confirmed by a variety of subsequent researches ; and, among others, by inquiries made during the scarcity of 1795 and 1796, by the magistrates of Suffolk, in 42 different parishes, in the view of ascertaining the average consumption of each family, which they found to cor- respond very closely with Mr. Smith's estimate. It is also worthy of remark, that M. Paucton, the intelligent author of the Metrologie, estimates the mean annual average consumption in France, when reduced to the standard of wheat, at about 10 bushels for each individual ; and as the French consume considerably more bread and less animal food than the English, this estimate affords a strong proof of the correctness of that of Mr. Smith. Having taken the population of England and Wales in 1765 at 6,000,000, Mr. Smith reckoned the consumers of each kind of grain, the quantity consumed by each individual, and hence, the whole consumed by man to be as follows : — Estimated Popu- Average Con- iation of England sumption of and Wales. each Person. 3,750,000 consumers of wheat, at 1 quarter each 739,000 do. of barley, at If do, - 888,000 do. of rye, at 1| do. €23,000 do. of oats, at 2| do. Consumed Mem. Qrt. - 3,750,000 - 1,016,125 - 999,000 - 1,791,225 Consumed by man - - - - - 7,556,350 In addition to this, Mr. Smith estimated the wheat distilled, made into starch, &c. - 90,000 Barley used in malting, &c.- - - - - - - 3,417,000 Rye lor hogs, &c. - - - ..... 31,000 Oats for horses, &c. - ...... 2,461,500 Total of home consumption ..... 13,555,850 Add excess of exports over imports - « . - 398,624 13,954,474 Add seed (one tenth) ..... 1,395,447 Total growth of all kinds of grain in England and Wales in 1705 .• - - - 15,349, 921 This estimate, it will be observed, does not include either Scotland or Ireland ; and later inquiries have rendered it probable that Mr. Smith underrated the population of England and Wales by nearly 1,000,000. The most eminent agriculturists seem also CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 417 to be of opinion, that the allowance for seed ought to be stated as high as a sixth or a seventh. Mr. Chalmers, availing himself of the information respecting the numbers of the people furnished under the population act of 1800, estimated the total consumption of the different kinds of grain in Great Britain at that epoch at 27,185,J}00 quarters whereof wheat constituted 7,676,100 quarters. The crops of 1800 and 1801 being unusually deficient, the importation in these years was proportionally great ; but excluding these scarcities, the total average excess of all sorts of grain imported from Ireland and foreign countries into Great Britain over the exports had previously amounted to about 1,000,000 quarters, which, deducted from 27,185,300, leaves 26,185,300, to which if we add one sixth as seed, we shall have 30,549,516 quarters as the average growth of Great Britain in 1800. According to Dr. Colquhoun, the consumption of corn in Great Britain and Ireland, in 1814, amounted to about 35,000,000 quarters. We subjoin his estimate : Species of Graiii. Estimated A verage of the Population of Great Uritain and Ireland. Each Person averaged. Consumed by Man. Consumed by Animals. Used in Beer and Spirits. Used in va- rious Manu- factures. ToUl Quarters. Wheat Barley Oats Rye Beans and peas - Totals - 9,000,000 1 ,500,000 4,500,000 500,000 500,000 Quarters. il Quarters. 9,000,000 1,875,000 6,750,000 625,000 500,000 Quarters. 210,000 10,200,000 59.000 1,360,000 Quarters. 4,250,000 Quarters. 170,000 1,000 9,170,000 6,335,000 16,9.50,000 685,000 1 ,860,000 16,000,000 i 18,750,000 11,829,000 1 4,250,000 1 171,000 35,000,000 But though this estimate be compiled with greater care, and is entitled to more con- fidence, than most of those put forth by its author, it is in some respects grossly inac- curate and defective. There can, for example, be no manner of doubt that the con- sumption of oats is underrated by at least 2,250,000 quarters, or by ^ quarter in the quantity assigned to each of the 4,500,000 individuals Dr. Colquhoun supposed were fed on them. But besides underrating the consumption of oats, the learned Dr. has made no allowance for seed, though it be unnecessary to say that the expenditure of corn as seed is as indispensable, and its consumption as effectual, as if it were employed in the feeding of men or of horses. Adding, therefore, to the 37,250,000 quarters which Colquhoun's estimate should have amounted to, ^th for seed, we have, on his data, 43,458,000 quarters for the total consumption of corn in the U. Kingdom in 1814. But instead of a population of 16 millions, which is assumed as the basis of the above estimate, the U. Kingdom had, in 1841, a population of 26,861,796. If, therefore, the estimate of Dr. Colquhoun were accurate, and the consumption, as compared with the population, were about the same as in 1814, it should now amount to about 70,000,000 quarters. But, during the last 30 years, the proportion of wheat used as food has been materially increased ; and at present the consumers of barley cer- tainly amount to nothing like 1,500,000 individuals; probably to not more than 500,000. The proportional consumption of oats has, also, increased very materially,, partly and principally from the great increase in the number of horses, and their better keep, and partly, also, from the increase of population in Ireland ; for, though the in- habitants of that part of the U. Kingdom be principally dependent on the potato, still there can be no doubt that the number of corn, or rather oat-eaters (in Ireland), has been largely augmented since 1814. On the whole, we are inclined to think that the consumption of the various kinds of corn in the U. Kingdom may, at present (1842), be estimated as follows : — Qrs. Total Qrs. I. Consumed by man : — Wheat - - - - - - - 15,000,000 Oats, rye, and maslin (a mixture of rye and wheat) . - - 15,000,000 Barley for malting, food, &c. - - 6,000,000 Beans and peas as meal . . _ _ _ _ 600,000 36,600,000 II. Consumed by the lower animals : — Corn (principally oats) used in the feeding of horses and other animals, in distillation, manufactories, &c. . . _ . . 18,000,COO Total consumed by man and the lower animals, &c. - - 54,600,000 But it appears from No. VIII. of the subjoined tables, that at an average of the 12 years ending with 1841, the annual entries of foreign corn for home consumption were, wheat 1,139,394 quarters, barley 199,405 do., oats 278,820 do., rye 21,046 do., peas 71,900 do., and beans 78,013 do., making an aggregate importation of 1,788,579 quarters a year. And, therefore, if from the annual consumption by man and the lower 418 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. animals, amounting to 54,600,000 quarters, we deduct the above average annual impor-> tation, we have 52,811,421 quarters for the portion of such consumption supplied by the native corn of the U. Kingdom ; and adding to the latter ^th part, or 8,801,903 quarters, for seed, we have 61,613,324 quarters for the total average annual growth of all sorts of corn in the U. Kingdom. The total entries of foreign corn in 1839 amounted to 4,615,262 quarters, being the largest quantity ever entered in any single year. But as this quantity does not amount to j'jth part of the entire corn raised at home, it would seem as if the greatest im- portation could have but a very slight influence over prices; but it has been already shown that a very large proportion, perhaps a half, of the corn produced in the empire is never brought to market, but is partly consumed by the agriculturists, and partly used as seed and in the feeding of farm horses, &c. Hence, if we be nearly right in this estimate, it follows that an importation of 4,615,262 quarters is really equivalent to between ith and ^th part of the entire produce brought to market in an average year, and must conse- quently have a very material influence in alleviating the pressure of scarcity in a bad • year, and in checking the rise of prices. Regulations under which the Corn Trade of the U. Kingdom is at present conducted.— These regulations are embodied in the act 5 Vict. 2 sess. cap. 14., of which an abstract is subjoined. In principle this act is substantially the same with that of the 9 Geo. 4. cap. 60., by which the trade in corn was previously regulated. It permits, like the former act, the free importation and warehousing of all sorts of foreign corn ; imposing, like it, duties on such corn when entered for consumption, which vary according to the variations of prices in the home market. Thus, there is a duty of 20s. a quarter on wheat, when the home price is at or under 51s. a quarter ; the duty decreasing, though not regularly, till the price reaches 73s. or upwards, when it amounts to Is. only. But though the duties imposed by this act be, in consequence of their reduction, decidedly preferable to those which they superseded, still they are much too high, and must go far, indeed, to prevent all importation under ordinary circumstances, till the home price rises to, or exceeds, 63s. a quarter, when the duty is no less than 10s. ; and be- sides their influence in obstructing importation till the home price rises very decidedly above what would otherwise be its natural level, a variable scale of duties has the incu- rable defect of adding to the uncertainty incident to the corn trade ; and of preventing, so long as it is kept up, its establishment on sound principles. From the extreme difficulty of forming any thing like correct conclusions as to the state of the crops at any given period in any extensive country, and still more of es- timating the supply and probable price of corn at any future period, though but a little remote, the risk attending the corn trade is proverbially great. Under such cir- cumstances, if government interfere at all, it should certainly be to lessen such hazards ; and, at all events, it should take especial care to do nothing to increase them. Hence, if a duty be imposed on importation it should be constant, so that its influence may always be estimated beforehand ; for if the amount of duty depend on accidental circumstances, or on anything so fluctuating and incapable of previous estimation as the prices in the home market, it must necessarily, by increasing the hazard of all speculations in corn, tend to augment those inequalities in its supply and price, that should, in as far as possible, be diminished. To show the direct influence of such duties, it may suffice to mention that if, under the late corn law, a merchant had commissioned a quarter of wheat when the home price was 71s. a quarter, he would, in the event of the price falling to 68s. be- fore the importation took place, have lost no less than 13s. a quarter by the transac- tion, viz. 3s. a quarter by the fall of price, and 10s. a quarter by the increase of duty ! The new scale is not, luckily, so bad as this; but still its influence, though diminished, is of the same pernicious kind, and in most cases doubles the risk. Should a merchant, for example, now order a quantity of foreign wheat when the home price is from 57s. to 58s. a quarter, he will, in the event of the price falling 3s. a quarter before the wheat can be entered for consumption, lose 6s. a quarter by the speculation, 3s. by the fall of price, and 3s. by the rise of duty. It may, perhaps, be said that if, on the one hand, the present scale of duties be in- jurious to the merchant when prices are falling, and when importation is consequently either unnecessary or of less advantage, it is, on the other hand, equally advantageous to him when prices are rising, and when the public interests require that importation should be encouraged : but the prices in the view of the merchant when he gives an order are always such as he supposes will yield a fair profit ; and if they rise, this rise would, supposing the duty to be constant, yield such an extra profit as would make him increase his imports to the utmost. If it were possible to devise a system that should diminish the losses incurred in unfavourable speculations, by making a proportional deduction from the profits of such as were unusually successful, something, perhaps, might be found to say in its favour. But the system we have adopted proceeds on quite opposite principles : its effect is not to diminish risks, but to increase them ; it CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 419 adds to the loss resulting from an unsuccessful, and to the profit resulting from a suc- cessful, speculation ! But there are other considerations that serve to set the pernicious operation of a fluctuating duty in a still more striking point of view. Should a tract of unfavourahle weather occur before harvest, and a deficient crop be anticipated, prices rise, and the duty falls to next to nothing : but now suppose that the weather becomes fine, and that the anticipations of a short crop are dispelled, and observe what, under such circumstances, is the operation of the sliding-scale. In such a case, prices imme- diately begin to give way, and, to avoid the consequent increase of duty, every bushel of foreign corn warehoused in the country, and, indeed, in every contiguous foreign port, is forthwith entered for consumption, and thrown upon a falling market ! With a fixed duty, or with no duty at all, the merchants would distribute the supply of corn according to the best estimate they could form of the real wants and necessities of the people. But the operation of a sliding-scale goes far to exclude such considerations. Besides doubling the hazards of the trade, it tempts the mer- chants, when prices are rising, to hold back, in the expectation of being able to enter , their corn at a reduced duty ; and when, on the other hand, a fall of prices is antici- pated, the market, as already seen, is overloaded, and prices ruinously depressed by the supplies forced upon it to escape the increase of duty ! It is thus alternately injurious to the manufacturing and the agricultural classes ; entailing the severest privations on the former, by making the importers withhold their corn from market till the price at- tains to a ruinously high level ; and, on the latter, by making the same parties throw it on a market which is already depressed. The extreme low prices of 1821 and 1822, and of 1833, 1834, and 1835, were, no doubt, in part occasioned by the excess of the foreign entries for consumption arising out of the circumstances now mentioned. Were our ports always open under a moderate duty, nothing, it is plain, would be gained by pouring in supplies at any particular moment ; they would only be furnished when necessary, and would be limited by the necessity ; and when prices were low, or falling, a large proportion of the imports would be warehoused in anticipation of a future rise. But at present there is no room for consideration or combination ; every thing must be done on the moment, and by fits and starts ; we may not have brought a bushel of wheat from the Baltic for a year or two ; but prices have risen in this country, and, the duty having fallen still more rapidly, we have an instantaneous demand for all the corn that can be had ! Not being expected, no provision is made for meeting such sudden and capricious demands ; and prices rise to such a degree as to make our pre- sence in the foreign markets hateful to every one, except the few who may happen to have on hand stocks of corn. It is plain, too, that a commerce, if so we may call it, conducted in this way cannot be carried on by an interchange of goods for corn, as it would be were the ports constantly open. We may have a demand this year for ten times the quantity of Polish corn that we required last year, but it is abundantly cer- tain that the Poles will not reciprocate by taking ofl" corresponding quantities of our cottons, woollens, or hardware. Under ordinary circumstances, an increase of imports is always accompanied by a corresponding increase of exports ; but, to bring this about, the increase must neither be sudden nor excessive ; for, if so, the chances are a thousand to one that the foreign demand for our products will not increase to an equal extent. Corn is the principal means which the Poles have of paying for English goods ; and, as we frequently shut it wholly out, their imports from England are unavoidably below even the average amount of their exports ; so that, when we have an extraordinary de- mand for corn, the greater part of the excess must be paid for in bullion ; and, instead of being benefited by its occurrence, our commercial and manufacturing interests are deeply injured. But it is unnecessary to dwell on what is so well known. Most fortunately, we did not require to import any foreign corn in 1835 and 1836 ; for, no one, either in the Bank of England or out of it, acquainted with the circumstances, can have the smallest doubt that, had it been then necessary to make the same payments for foreign corn we had to make in 1830 and 1831, and in 1838 and 1839, the Bank must have stopped payment ; and a shock would have been given to the credit and financial interests of the country, from which they might never have recovered. The severe pressure on the money market in 1839 mainly originated in the same circumstances ; and who can doubt that that pressure was productive of incomparably greater loss and inconvenience to the agriculturists than any advantage they gained by the rise of prices in that year? It is in these respects that the existing corn law is most inimical to manufactures and commerce. The disorder occasioned by a sudden and extensive demand for corn affects the prices of every article, and vitiates every speculation. The mischief is sometimes ascribed to the conduct of the directors of the Bank of England ; but they have little or nothing to do in the matter ; they are merely endeavouring to provide, as is their ^ounden duty, for the safety of the Bank, which is suddenly called upon to advance 4.20 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. four, five, or six millions of bullion to be sent abroad in payment of foreign corn ! It is plain that the real origin of the pressure is to be found in that system of commercial legislation that produces every now and then such sudden and heavy drains on the re- sources of the Bank and the country. In every point of view, therefore, it is of the highest importance that the regulations as to the corn trade should be placed on such a footing, that, 1st, they may at no time give any serious obstruction to importation ; and 2d, that the supply may be ad- mitted according to our wants, and when it is really required. In their present form, the corn laws are opposed to both the principles now laid down, and are adverse alike to agriculture, commerce, and credit. It must not, however, be supposed, from any thing now said, that we mean to state or insinuate that it is possible by any contrivance, or by the utmost possible degree of freedom, to avert all fluctuations in the supply and price of corn. Any such idea would be alike chimerical and absurd. Variations of the harvests, in so rich and populous a country as Great Britain, must always, and under any circumstances, have a powerful influence over prices ; not only here, but also in those foreign markets whence we are in the habit of drawing a portion of our supplies. But it admits of demonstration, that the adoption of a system as to importation, in which there shall be no fluctuation of duties, is the best means by which to mitigate the influence of variations of harvests, and to secure the greatest steadiness of price. Under such a system, the merchants of this and other countries would be able to form their plans without the fear of their being overturned by accident or contingent circumstances ; and the fact that we every now and then require a large supply of foreign corn would make capitalists here and elsewhere warehouse, in abundant years, large supplies, in anticipation of the demand when a deficiency occurs. The merchant would then have to deal only with real wants and necessities ; and these it is comparatively easy to provide against. In a matter of this kind all restrictions and interferences are unalloyed evils. Freedom is all that is required to place the trade on the best possible footing. It is, therefore, obvious that a constant duty on importation is, in all respects, pre- ferable to one that fluctuates. When the duty is constant, all classes, farmers as well as merchants, are aware of its amount, and can previously calculate the extent of its influence. But the influence of a duty that fluctuates with fluctuations of price can never be previously appreciated. Its magnitude depends on contingent and accidental circumstances ; and it must, therefore, of necessity, occasion that uncertainty, and those sudden and capricious movements, that are so destructive of the interests of all classes. It is farther to be observed that, with a fluctuating duty, there can be no corre- sponding drawback on exportation ; and so long, therefore, as it is maintained, prices, in unusually favourable years, must, as previously explained, sink so low as to be ruinous to the agriculturists ; and that justice will be denied to the latter, to which they have an undoubted claim. At the same time it is but fair to state, that the pernicious operation of the com laws has been grossl}^, and indeed stupidly, exaggerated. According to the statements put forth by the demagogues who have of late years been haranguing the public on this favourite theme, one would be led to suppose that the repeal of the corn laws would be a universal panacea ; that it would obviate every abuse or defect in our social system ; and that the price of corn would immediately fall to something like a half or a third part of its present amount ! But every man of sense knows that there is no real room or ground for such statements, which are alike false and deluding. Thanks to the ex- traordinary spread of improvement at home, and to the increased amount of our imports from Ireland, the corn laws, notwithstanding the rapid increase of population, are now far less objectionable than they were a few years ago. The statements that will be laid before the reader in a subsequent part of this article shew, that supposing foreign wheat were always admitted for consumption on payment of a fixed duty of only 5s. a quarter, there are no grounds whatever for thinking that its average price would be under 53s. or 54s. a quarter. We do not say this by way of apology for the corn laws, or in extenuation of the serious injury they really occasion. But misrepresentation and misstatements on such subjects cannot be too much condemned. The progress of sound commercial legislation can never be advanced, while it may be and has been very decidedly obstructed by the violence, agitation, and declamatory trash of which the proposed repeal of the corn laws has been the pretext. We subjoin an abstract of the act, 5 "Victoria, 2 sess. cap. 14. Section 1. repeals the act 9 Geo. 4. c. GO., under which the corn trade had previously been conducted. Corn may be imported from Foreign Countries and from British Possessions on Payment of the specified Duties — And whereas it is expedient that corn, grain, meal, and flour, the growth, produce, and manu- facture of any foreign country, or of any British possession out of I^urope, should be allowed to be im- ported into the U. Kingdom for consumption, upon the payment of duties to be regulated from time to time according to the average price of British corn made up and published in manner hereinafter required ; CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 421 l)fi it thorofore enacted, that from and after the passing of this act there shall be levied and paid upon all corn, grain, meal, or flour entered for home consumption in the U. Kingdom from parts be>;ond the seas, the several duties specified and set forth in the table annexed to this act ; and that the said duties shall be raised, levied, collected, and paid in the same manner in all respects as the several duties of customs enumerated in the table of duties annexed to act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 5G. — 5 2. We subjoin the table referred to. An Account of the Duties chargeable on all Kinds of Grain, Jfintporled from any Foreign Country. Ouart.r. WHEATEN FLOUR OR MEAL. Duty per Barrel of 196 lbs. A verage Price i>er Quarter Duty per Quarter. BARLEY, Mai/e, or Indian Corn, Uuck wheat. Hear or BiKg. Average Price per Quarter. Duty per Quarter. Price poi Quarter. Duty per Quarter. under 51 51 - b-i r,^i — r>^ .LI _ .01 .51 _ 55 55 — 56 56 _ 57 57 _ 58 58 _ 59 .59 _ CO 60 - 61 61 — 62 62 — 63 6.) _ 64 64 — 65 65 — 66 66 _ 67 67 .- 68 68 — 6!) 69 _ 70 70 _ 71 71 - 72 72 — 73 73 and upwards. f the reign of her majesty Queen Victoria, intituled \_kere set furlh the title of this act], of the quan- ities and prices of British corn wliich henceforth shall be by or for me sold or delivered, shall, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contain the whole quantity, and no more, of the corn Ijotui fide sold and delivered by or for me within the periods to which such returns respectively shall refer, with the prices of such corn, and the names of the buyers respectively, and of the persons for whom such corn shall have been sold by me respectively, and to the best of my judgment the said return shall in all respects be conformable to the provisions of the said act." Which declaration shall be in writing, and shall be subscribed by the person so making the same ; and the Lord Mayor or alderman aforesaid of the city of London for the time being shall and is hereby required to deliver a certificate thereof, under his hand, to the inspector of corn returns for the city of London, to be by him registered in a book to be provided and kept for that purpose \ 17. Dealers in Corn to make Returns to Corn Inspector — Every corn factor and other person as aforesaid who is herein -before required to make and who shall have made such declaration as aforesaid, shall and he or she is hereby required to return or cause to be returned, on Wednesday in each and every week, to the inspector of corn returns for the city of London, an account in writing, signed with his or her own name, or the name of his or her agent duly authorised in that behalf, of the quantities of each sort of British corn by him or her sold during the week ending on and including the next preceding Tuesday, with the prices thereof, and the amount of every parcel, with the total quantity and value of each sort of corn, and by what measure or weight the same was sold, and the names of the buyers thereof, and of the persons for and on behalf of whom such corn was sold ; and it shall be lawful for any such inspector of corn returns to deliver to any person making or tendering any such returns a notice in writing re- quiring him or her to declare and set forth therein where and by whom and in what manner any such British corn was delivered to the purchaser or purchasers thereof ; and every person to whom any such notice shall be so delivered shall and he or she is hereby required to comply therewith, and to declare and set forth in such his or her return, or in a separate statement in writing, the several particulars aforesaid. — § 18. Section 19. enacts that the present comptroller, deputy-comptroller and inspectors of corn returns for London, Oxford, and Cambridge continue in otfice, and that the appointments of the other inspectors of returns shall cease on the 24th day of June next after the passing of this act. Section '20. enacts that in cities and towns, other than London, Oxford, and Cambridge, officers of excise are to act as corn inspectors, and attend at places appointed. Section 21 . enacts that the commissioners of excise shall make known the place to be appointed for delivering returns of corn purchased. Section 22. authorises the commissioners of treasury to continue, if they think fit, the present inspectors of corn returns in their offices. Dealers in Corn in Cities and Touns to make Declaration — Every person who shall deal in British corn at or within any city or town named in the prefixed list of towns, excepting the city of London, or who shall at or within any such city or town engage in or carry on the trade or business of a corn factor, miller, maltster, brewer, or distiller, or who shall be the owner or proprietor, or part owner or pro- prietor, of any stage coaches, waggons, carts, or other carriages carrying goods or passengers for hire to and from any such city or town, and each and every person who, as a merchant, clerk, agent, or other- wise, shall purchase at any such city or town any British corn for sale, or for the sale of meal, flour, malt, or bread made or to be made thereof, shall, before he or she shall so deal in British corn at any such city or town, or shall engage in or carry on any such trade or business as aforesaid, or shall purchase any British corn for any such purpose as aforesaid, at or within any such city or town, make and deliver a declaration in the following words ; (that is to say,) " I A. B. do declare, that the returns to be by me made, conformably to the act passed in the fifth year of the reign of her majesty Queen Victoria, intituled [^liere set forth the title of this acf], of the quantities and prices of British corn which henceforward shall by or for me be bought, shall, to the best of my knowledge and belief, contain the whole quantity, and no more, of the British corn bond fide bought for or by me within the periods to which such returns respectively shall refer, with the prices of such corn and the names of the sellers respectively, and to the best of my judgment the said returns shall in all respects be conformable to the provisions of the said act." Which declaration shall be in writing, and shall be subscribed with the hand of the person so making the same, and shall by him or her, or by his or her agent, be delivered to the mayor or chief magistrate, or to some justice of the peace for such city or town, or for the county, riding, or division in which the same is situate, who are hereby required to deliver a certificate thereof to the otiicer of excise acting as inspector of corn returns for such city or town as aforesaid, or to such continuing inspector of corn returns as aforesaid for such city or town (as the case may be), to be by such officer or inspector registered in a book to be provided and kept for that purpose \ 23. Section 24. authorises the inspectors of corn returns to require the above declaration from corn dealers. Corn Dealers to make Returns in Writing to Inspectors of the Corn bought by thc?n — All persons who are herein-before required to make and who shall have made such declaration as aforesaid shall and they are hereby required, on the first market day which shall be holden in each and every week within each and every city or town named in the said schedule hereunto annexed, except the city of London, at or within which they shall respectively deal in corn, or engage in or carry on any such trade or business as aforesaid, or purchase any corn for any such purpose as aforesaid, to return or cause to be returned to the officer of excise acting as inspector of corn returns for such city or town, at the place appointed for receiving such returns, or to the continuing inspector of corn returns for such city or town, or to the inspector of corn returns for the city of Oxford or the town of Cambridge (as the case may be), an account in writing, signed with their names respectively, of the amount of each and every p.ircel of each respective sort of British corn so by them respectively bought during the week ending on and including the day next preceding such first market day as aforesaid, with the price thereof, and by what weight or measure the same was so bought by them, with the names of the sellers of each of the said parcels 424- CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. respectively, with the names of the person or persons, if any, other than the person making such return, for or on account of whom the same was so bought and sold ; and it shall be lawful for any officer of excise acting as inspector of corn returns, or any continuing inspector of corn returns as aforesaid, to deliver to any person making or tendering any such return a notice in writing requiring him or her to declare and set forth where and by whom and in what manner any such British corn was delivered to him or her ; and every person to whom any such notice shall be so delivered shall and he or she is hereby required to comply therewith, and to declare and set forth in such his or her return, or in a separate statement in writing, the several particulars aforesaid — § 25. Inspectors to enter Returns made to them in a Book, 8fc. — The inspector of corn returns for the city of London, the city of Oxford, and the town of Cambridge, and every officer of excise acting as inspector of corn returns for the several other cities and towns aforesaid, and every continuing inspector of corn re- turns for any of such other cities or towns as aforesaid, shall duly and regularly enter in a book, to be by him provided and kept for that purpose, the several accounts of the quantities and prices of corn returned to him by such persons respectively as aforesaid ; and every inspector of corn returns for any of the cities and towns enumerated in the said schedule shall in each and every week return to the comptroller of corn returns an account of the weekly quantities and prices of the several sorts of British corn sold in the city of London, or in the city or town for which he shall be or act as inspector, according to the re- turns so made to him as aforesaid, and in such form as shall be from time to time prescribed and directed by the said comptroller of corn returns ; and the said returns shall be so made to the said comptroller by the inspector of corn returns for the city of London on Friday in each week, and by the respective inspectors of corn returns for the city of Oxford and the town of Cambridge, and by the respective officers of excise acting as inspectors of corn returns, and by the respective continuing inspectors of corn returns, for the several other cities and towns aforesaid, within three days next after the first market day holden in each and every week in any such city or town — § 26. Section 27. enacts that inspectors shall not include returns until they have ascertained that the persons making them have taken the declaration required. Average Prices to be made up and published every Week The average prices of all British com, by which tiie rate and amount of the said duties shall be regulated, shall be made up and computed on Thursday in each week, in manner following ; (that is to say,) the said comptroller of corn returns shall on such Thursday in each week, from such returns as shall be received by him during the week next preceding, ending on and including the Saturday in such preceding week, add together the total quantities of each sort of British corn respectively appearing by such returns to have been sold, and the total prices for which the same shall thereby appear to have been sold, and shall divide the amount of such total prices respectively by the amount of such total quantities of each sort of British corn respectively, and the sum produced thereby shall be added to the sums in like manner produced in the 5 weeks immediately preceding the same, and the amount of such sums so added shall be divided by 6, and the sum thereby given shall be deemed and taken to be the aggregate average price of each such sort of British corn re- spectively, for the purpose of regulating and ascertaining the rate and amount of the said duties ; and the said comptroller of corn returns shall cause such aggregate weekly averages to be published in the next succeeding Gazette, and shall on Thursday in each week transmit a certificate of such aggregate average prices of each sort of British corn to the collector or other chief officer of the customs at each of the several ports of the U. Kingdom, and to the said functionary at the port of Douglas in the Isle of Man ; and the rate and amount of the duties to be paid under the provisions of this act shall from time to time be regulated and governed at each of the ports of the U. Kingdom by the aggregate average prices of British corn at the time of the entry for home consumption of any corn, grain, meal, or flour chargeable with any such duty, as such aggregate average prices shall appear and be stated in the last of such certificates received by the collector or other chief officer of customs at such port. — § 28. How Quantities of Co7 n are to be computed In the returns to be made as aforesaid to the comptroller of corn returns, and in the publications to be made from time to time in the London Gazette, and in the certificate to be transmitted to the said comptroller of corn returns to collectors or other chief officers of customs, the quantities of each sort of British corn respectively shall be computed and set forth by, according, and with reference to the imperial standard gallon, as the same is declared and established by the act 5 Geo. IV. cap. 74. amended or altered by the act 6 Geo. 4. cap. 12., and by the act 5 & 6 Will. 4. cap. 63. — § 29. Until sufficient Number of Returns are made. Comptroller may use the present Averages. — Until a sufficient number of weekly returns have been received by the said comptroller of corn returns under this act to afford such aggregate average prices of British corn as aforesaid, the weekly average prices of British corn published by him immediately before the passing of this act shall be used and referred to in making such calculations as aforesaid, in such manner as if the same had been made up and taken under this act. — § 30. What shall be deemed British Corn. — All corn or grain the produce of the U. Kingdom shall be deemed and taken to be British corn for the purposes of this act. — § 31. Any Corn Return believed fraudulent may be omitted in the Computation — If the said comptroller of corn returns shall at any time see cause to believe that any return made to any inspector of corn returns is fraudulentor untrue, the said comptroller is hereby required, with all convenient expedition, to lay before the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council (for Trade) a statement of the grounds of such his belief ; and if upon consideration of any such statement the said Lords of said Committee shall direct the comp- troller to omit any such return in the computation of such aggregate weekly average price, then and in that case, but not otherwise, the said comptroller of corn returns shall be authorised to omit such return in the computation of such aggregate weekly average price — § 32. Section 33. enacts that corn dealers having made the declaration previous to this act shall transmit returns, and comply with the rules hereby required. Comptroller to issue Directions respecting the Inspection of Books of Inspectors. — The comptroller of corn returns is hereby authorised from time to time, in pursuance of any instructions which he shall receive in that behalf from the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council (for Trade), to issue to the in- spectors of corn returns for the city of London, the city of Oxford, and the town of Cambridge respect- ively, any general or special directions respecting the inspection by any person or persons of the books so directed as aforesaid to be kept by such inspector of corn returns ; and no such inspectors for the city of London, the city of Oxford, or the town of Cambridge, shall permit or suffer any person to inspect any such book, or to peruse or transcribe any entry therein, except in compliance with some such general or special directions from the said comptroller of corn returns. — \ 34. Copy of last Return to be offiited on Market Place on each Market Day The inspector of corn returns for every city or town other than the city of London shall and is hereby required, on each and every market day, to put up or cause to be put up in the market place of the city or town for which he shall act as inspector, or if there shall be no market place, then in some other conspicuous place therein near to where the corn market is usually held, a copy of the last return made by him to the comptroller of corn returns, omitting the names of the parties who may have sold and bought the said corn ; and every such officer or inspector shall also again put up such account on the market day immediately following that on which it shall first have been put up, in case the same shall from accident or any other cause have been r«;moved, and shall take due care that the same shall remain up for public inspection until a new account for the ensuing week shall have been prepared and set up. — § 35. Sections 36, 37, 38. relate to the payment of comjitrollers and inspectors. Penalty on Corn Dealers for not making Declarali.ns or Rcturris. — If any person hereby required to make and deliver the declaration or declarations herein- before particularly mentioned and set forth, or CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 425 either of thom, shall not make and deliver such declaration or declarations at the time and in the form and manner and to the person or persons herein-before dirc-eted and prescribed in that behalf, every person so offending shall forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding 20/. for each and every calendar month during which he shall neglect or delay to make and deliver such declaration ; and if any person who is herein-before required to make any return to any inspector or officer of corn returns shall not make such returns to such inspector or officer at tlic time and in tiie form and manner herein-belore directed and prescribed, every such ofl'ender shall for such his offence forfeit and pay a sum not exceeding 20/. — § 3'J. Section 40. relates to the recovery and application of penalties. Penalty on Witnesses not attending when required. — If any person who shall be summoned as a wit- ness to give evidence before anyjustices of the peace, touchingany matter of fact contained in any inform- ation or complaint for any offence against this act, either on the |)art of the prosecutor or of the person or persons accused, shall, after a reasonable sum of money for his or her charges and expenccs shall have been paid or been tendered to him or her, refuse or neglect to appear at the time and place for that purpose appointed, without a reasonable excuse for his, her, or their neglect, or appearing shall refnseto be examined on oath and give evidence before such justices of the peace, then and in either of such cases such person shall forfeit for every such offence any sum not exceeding fO/. — \ 41. Punishment for mahingfalse Iteturns. — If any person shall make any false and fraudulent statement in any such return as he is herein-before directed and required to make, or shall falsely and wilfully in- clude, or procure or cause to be included, in any such return, any British corn which was not truly and bond fide sold or bought to, by, or on behalf of the person or persons in any such return mentioned in that behalf, in the quantity and for the price therein stated and set forth, every such offender shall be and be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor. — § 42. Section 43. declares that the act shall not affect the practice of measuring or privileges of the city of London. Limitation of Actions. — Actions brought under this act must be within 3 months of the matter or thing done. Defendants may plead the general issue; and if judgment be given against the plaintiff's, de- fendants shall have treble costs. — § 44. Substitution of Wheat Flour or Biscuit for botided Wheat. — Our readers are, no doubt, generally aware, that of late years efforts have occasionally been made in the House of Commons to get a law enacted authorising the delivery of bonded wheat from the warehouse, on the substitution in its stead of a proportional quantity of wheat flour or biscuit. But this proposal encountered the hostility of the more zealous par- tisans of the corn laws, principally on the alleged ground that it would open a door to fraud, and lead to the clandestine introduction of large quantities of foreign wheat. In the course, however, of the present year (1842), the project was again introduced by the vice-president of the board of trade (Mr. Gladstone), and, having been supported by government, was passed into a law, 5 & 6 Victoria, cap. 92. We believe the measure will be productive of considerable advantage. It will enable millers, bakers, and others in this country to take advantage of such openings in the home and foreign markets as may offer for the manufacture and sale of flour and biscuit ; and to make such changes in the nature of their stocks as may be thought most advantageous. There do not seem to be any very good grounds for thinking that it will afford any considerable facilities for the commission of fraud by the introduction of wheat without a countervailing deposit of flour; but supposing it did, who is to be injured by such introduction? This, in truth, is one of the few cases in which fraud is advantageous rather than otherwise. We subjoin an abstract of the act now referred to. Warehoused Wheat to be delivered Duty-free upon substituting an equivalent Quantity of Wheat Flour or Biscuit Whereas it will be of advantage to the trade and commerce of the country that wheat may be delivered duty-free from the warehouse or from the vessel, upon the deposit in the warehouse, or due exportation therefrom, of an equivalent quantity of wheat flour and biscuit ; be it therefore enacted, that it shall be lawful for the principal officer of customs having charge of any warehouse, in which wheat may be warehoused without payment of duty upon the first entry thereof, to deliver any quantity thereof duty-free, upon there being deposited in warehouse in lieu thereof tine wheat flour or biscuit, as under. For every 96 lbs. of kiln-dried wheat, or for every 100 lbs. of wheat not being kiln-dried, not less than 78 lbs. of fine wheat flour, or f>8 lbs. of captain's biscuit, or 80 lbs. of biscuit of the standard of the biscuit supplied to her majesty's navy, or 118 lbs. of common ship's biscuit ; and so in proportion for any less quantity than 96 lbs. of kiln-dried wheat, or 100 lbs. of wheat not kiln-dried ; such flour or biscuit having been manufactured in the U. Kingdom, or such Flour having been duly imported and the duty thereon liaving been paid. — § 1. Section 2. enacts, that fine wheat flour and biscuit may be deposited in warehouse, and a certificate of such deposit granted, to entitle the holder to an equivalent quantity of warehoused wheat duty-free any time within six weeks of the date thereof. Section 3. enacts, that persons making deposits of flour and biscuit be entitled to have equivalent quantities of wheat entered duty-free from the vessel. Section 4. orders that three days notice in writing be given to the collector of the quantity of wheat required to be delivered from the warehouse, and of the day of delivery. Section 5. orders that no wheat shall be delivered duty-free until the substituted article has been depo- sited and the certificate duly examined. Section 6. enacts that substituted flour and biscuit shall be subject to the warehousing laws, but shall not be taken out for home consumption. Section 7. enacts that such substituted flour and biscuit shall not be re-imported. Section 8. imposes penalties for depositing articles of inferior quality. Section 9. enacts that the act shall continue till the 31st of August 1845. 426 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 3. Tables showing the Prices of the different Sorts of Grain in Great Britain THE Quantities imported and exported, &c. I. Account of the Prices of Middling or Mealing Wheat per Quarter at Windsor Market, as ascertained by the Audit-books of Eton College. Average Average A verage Prices of Prices of of Ten Price- of Prices of of Ten Prices of Prices of Wheat at Wheat re- Years ac- Wheat at Wheat re- Years ac- Wheat at Wheat Years ac- ears. Windsor 9 Gallons duced to the Winchester cordin theW !n-° y e rs. Windsor, 9 Gallons duced to the Winchester cording to the Win- Years. Windsor, 9 Gallons duced to the Winchester cording to the Win- to the Bushel of Chester to the Bushe of chester to the Bushel of chester Bushel. 8 Gallons. Bushel of Bushel. 8 Gallons. Bushel of Bushel. 8 Gallons. Bushfl of 8 Gallons. i Gallons. 8 Gallons. £ s a. £. s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d £ s. d. 1646 2 8 0 2 2 8 1707 18 6 1 5 4 1767 3 4 g 2 17 1647 ^ ^? \ 3 5 5f 1708 2 16 1 16 lOi 1768 3 0 g 2 13 1648 4 5 0 3 15 6f 1709 3 18 6 3 9 I* 1769 2 5 g 2 0 / 1649 4 0 0 3 11 1710 3 18 0 3 9 1770 2 9 Q 2 3 8* 1650 3 16 8 3 8 11 1711 2 14 0 2 8 0 1771 2 17 2 10 1651 3 13 4 3 5 1712 2 6 4 2 1 ? 1772 3 6 0 2 18 1652 2 9 6 2 4 ? 1713 2 11 0 2 5 1773 3 6 2 19 1 1. 1653 1 15 6 1 11 1714 2 10 4 2 4 9 1774 2 15 3^ 1654 1 6 0 1 3 P 1715 2 3 0 1 18 2| 2 4 2i 1775 0 17 ^ 2 11 2 11 3| 1655 1 13 4 1 9 2 11 7f 1716 2 8 0 2 2 8 1776 0 2 2 1656 2 3 0 1 18 1717 2 5 8 2 0 1777 9 IC 0 2 8 in3 1657 2 6 8 2 1 5| 1718 1 18 10 1 14 '4 1778 2 9 6 2 4 0' 1658 3 5 0 2 17 1719 115 0 1 11 u 1779 ^ 1 16 1 3 1659 3 6 0 2 18 1720 117 0 1 12 Klf 1780 2 8 fa 2 3 ? \l 1660 2 16 6 2 10 1721 1176 1 13 4 1781 2 19 0 2 12 9? 1661 3 10 0 3 2 P 1722 116 0 1 12 0 1782 3 0 6 2 13 1662 3 14 0 3 5 1723 114 8 1 10 lOi 1783 3 1 0 2 14 1663 2 17 0 2 10 1724 117 0 1 12 1784 3 0 6 2 13 9? 1664 2 0 6 1 16 0 1725 2 8 6 2 3 'ft 1 15 4| 1785 2 14 0 2 8 u 2 7 8J 1665 2 9 4 2 3 lOi 2 10 5f 1726 2 g 0 2 0 lOf 1786 2 7 6 2 2 of 1666 1 ,15 0 1 12 0 1727 2 2 0 1 17 4 1787 2 11 6 2 5 1667 1 16 0 1 12 0 1728 2 14 6 2 8 1788 2 15 6 2 9 4* 1668 2 0 0 1 15 6f 1729 2 6 10 2 1 1789 3 3 2 2 16 it 1669 2 4 4 1 19 5 1730 116 6 1 12 1790 3 3 2 2 16 J* 1670 2 1 8 1 17 173] 1 12 10 1 9 1791 2 15 6 2 9 1671 2 2 0 1 17 t' 1732 16 8 1 3 n 1792* 2 13 Q 1672 2 1 0 1 16 1733 18 4 1 5 1793 2 15 1673 2 6 8 2 1 P 1734 118 10 1 14 1794 2 14 1674 3 8 8 3 1 1735 2 3 0 1 18 1 15 2 1795 4 1 b 2 14 3f 1675 3 4 8 2 17 2 0 111 1736 2 0 4 1 15 1 1796 4 0 2 1676 1 18 0 1 13 si 1737 118 0 1 13 1797 3 2 0 1677 2 2 0 1 17 1738 1 15 6 1 11 1798 2 14 0 1678 2 19 0 2 12 1739 1 18 6 1 14 1799 3 15 8 1679 3 0 0 2 13 ^* 1740 2 10 8 2 5 1 1800 6 7 0 1680 2 5 0 2 0 0 1741 2 Q 8 2 1 1801 6 8 6 1681 2 6 8 2 1 1742 114 0 1 10 2f 1802 3 7 ^ 1682 2 4 0 1 19 1743 1 4 10 1 2 1 1803 3 0 0 1683 2 0 0 1 15 ?f 1744 1 4 10 1 2 1 1804 3 9 6 1684 2 4 0 1 19 1745 1 7 6 1 4 5i 1 12 1 1805 4 8 0 4 191 1685 2 6 8 2 1 2 1 4| 1746 1 19 0 1 14 8 1806 4 3 0 1686 1 14 0 1 10 ^1 1747 1 14 10 1 10 1|A 1807 3 18 0 1687 1 5 2 1 2 1748 1 17 0 1 12 IGf 1808 3 19 2 1688 2 6 0 2 0 .SI 1749 1 17 0 1 12 lOf 1809 5 6 0 1689 1 10 0 1 6 8 1750 1126 1 8 lOf 1810 5 12 0 1690 1 14 8 1 10 1751 1 18 6 1 14 2f 1811 5 8 0 1691 1 14 0 1 10 1752 2 1 10 1 17 2A 1812 6 8 0 1692 2 6 8 2 1 1753 2 4 8 1 13 H 0, 1813 6 0 0 1693 3 7 8 3 0 1754 1 14 8 1 10 1814 4 5 0 1694 3 4 0 2 16 1755 1 13 10 1 10 1 1 2f 1815 3 16 0 4 17 G 1695 2 13 0 2 7 1 19 6| 1756 2 5 2 2 0 If 18;6 4 2 0 1696 3 11 0 3 3 1757 3 0 0 2 13 4 1817 5 16 0 1697 3 0 0 2 13 1758 2 10 0 2 4 5i 1818 4 18 0 1698 3 8 4 3 0 9 1759 1 19 8 1 15 3 1819 3 18 0 1699 3 4 0 2 16 101 1760 1 16 6 1 12 1820 3 16 0 1700 2 0 0 1 15 6f 1761 1 10 2 1 6 9i 1821 3 11 0 1701 1 17 8 1 13 1762 1 19 0 1 14 8* 1822 2 13 0 1702 1 9 6 1 6 1763 2 0 8 1 16 If 1823 2 17 0 1703 1 16 0 1 12 0 1764 2 6 8 2 1 1824 3 12 0 1704 2 6 6 2 1 4 1765 2 14 0 2 8 ? 1 19 3^ 1825 4 4 0 3 IS 8;^ 1705 1 10 0 1 6 8 11 1766 2 8 6 2 3 1826 3 13 0 1706 1 6 0 1 3 The Eton Account of Prices commenced in 1595 ; the accuracy of the returns in the first years cannot, however, be so implicitly relied on, as those quoted above. — liisliop Fleetwood and Sir F. M. Eden have collected, with great industry, almost all the existing information respecting the state of prices in England during the last six hundred years. * From mis year, inclusive, the account at Eton College has been kept according to the bushel of 8 gallons, under the provision of the act 31 Geo. 3. c. 30. § 82. CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 427 II. Account of the Average Prices of British Corn per Imperial Quarter, in England and Wales, since 1771, as ascertained by the Receiver of Corn Returns. Years. 1 Wheat. Barley. Oats. Rye. Beans. Peas. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ *. d. £ d. 1771 2 8 7 1 6 5 0 17 2 1 15 4 9 4 1772 2 12 3 1 6 1 0 16 8 1 17 9 \ 10 11 1773 2 12 7 1 9 2 0 17 8 1 14 4 1 14 0 1774 2 14 3 1 9 4 0 18 4 1 15 4 1 12 1 1775 2 9 10 1 6 9 0 17 0 1 13 10 1 9 6 1776 1 19 4 1 0 9 0 15 5 1 7 8 1 7 3 1777 2 6 11 1 1 1 0 16 1 1 8 10 1 9 4 1778 2 3 3 1 3 4 0 15 7 1 9 2 1 8 6 1779 1 14 8 1 0 1 0 14 5 1 4 0 1 4 11 1780 1 16 9 0 17 6 0 13 2 1 2 10 1 2 10 1781 2 6 0 0 17 8 0 14 1 1 7 8 1 3 8 1782 2 9 3 1 3 2 0 15 7 1 9 8 1 6 9 1783 2 14 3 1 11 3 1 0 5 1 16 9 1 15 11 1784 2 10 4 1 8 8 0 18 10 1 13 2 [ 13 2 1785 2 3 1 1 4 • 9 0 17 8 1 8 10 n 7 1786 2 0 0 1 5 1 0 18 6 1 8 0 1 14 2 1787 2 2 5 1 3 4 0 17 2 1 8 6 1 12 9 1788 2 6 4 1 2 8 0 16 1 1 8 6 ; 8 0 1789 2 12 9 1 3 6 0 16 6 1 10 9 8 0 1790 2 14 9 1 6 3 0 19 5 1 15 0 1 11 11 1791 2 8 7 1 6 10 0 18 1 1 12 7 1 11 5 1 13 2 1792 2 3 0 0 16 9 1 9 10 1 IJ 7 1 12 4 1793 2 9 3 1 11 1 1 0 6 1 16 2 1 17 6 1 19 11 1794 2 12 3 1 11 9 1 1 3 1 17 5 19 3 2 8 5 1795 3 15 2 1 17 5 1 4 5 1796 3 18 7 I 15 4 1 1 10 1797 2 13 9 1 7 2 0 16 3 1798 2 11 10 1 9 0 0 19 5 1799 1800 3 9 5 13 0 10 1 2 16 19 2 10 1 1 7 19 6 4 1801 5 19 6 3 8 6 1 17 0 1802 3 9 10 1 13 4 1 0 4 1803 1804 2 18 3 2 10 3 1 1 5 11 4 0 1 1 1 4 6 3 1805 4 9 9 2 4 6 1 8 4 1806 3 19 1 1 18 8 1 7 7 1807 3 15 4 1 19 4 1 8 4 1808 4 1 4 1 13 4 1809 4 17 4 2 7 0 1 11 5 1810 5 6 5 2 8 1 1 8 7 2 19 5 2 14 4 2 16 11 1811 4 15 3 2 2 3 1 7 7 2 8 4 2 9 4 2 13 1) 1812 6 6 6 3 6 9 2 4 6 3 18 7 3 14 7 3 16 10 1813 5 9 9 2 18 6 1 18 6 3 11 11 3 16 4 4 1 11 1814 3 14 4 1 17 4 1 5 8 2 4 8 2 6 2 2 11 10 1815 3 5 7 1 10 3 1 3 7 1 18 1 1 16 2 1 19 4 1816 3 18 6 1 13 11 1 7 2 2 5 1 1 19 4 1 19 10 1817 4 16 11 2 9 4 1 12 5 2 18 3 11 7 2 13 4 1818 4 6 3 2 13 10 1 12 5 2 15 4 3 3 7 3 1 9 1819 3 14 6 2 5 9 1 8 2 2 9 6 2 14 1 2 16 1 1820 3 7 10 1 13 10 1 4 2 2 2 0 2 3 3 2 5 10 1821 2 16 1 1 6 0 0 19 6 1 12 0 1 10 11 12 8 1822 2 4 7 1 1 10 0 18 1 1 0 10 1 4 5 1 6 4 1823 2 13 4 1 11 6 1 2 11 1 11 10 1 13 1 1 14 11 1824 3 3 11 1 16 4 1 4 10 2 1 5 2 0 0 2 0 7 1825 3 8 6 2 0 0 1 5 8 2 2 3 2 2 9 2 5 4 1826 2 18 8 1 14 4 1 6 8 2 1 1 2 4 3 2 7 7 1827 2 18 6 1 17 7 1 8 2 2 0 2 2 9 0 2 9 0 1828 3 0 5 1 12 10 1 2 6 14 2 1 18 4 2 0 6 1829 3 6 3 1 12 6 1 2 9 14 10 1 16 8 16 8 1830 3 4 3 1 12 7 1 4 5 15 10 1 16 1 19 2 1831 3 6 4 1 18 0 1 5 4 0 0 1 19 10 1 11 1832 2 18 8 1 13 1 1 0 5 14 7 1 15 4 17 0 1833 2 12 11 1 7 6 0 18 5 12 11 1 13 2 16 5 1834 2 6 2 1 9 0 1 0 11 12 9 1 15 3 19 4 1835 1 19 4 I 9 li 1 2 0 10 4 1 16 11 16 6 1836 2 8 6 1 12 10 1 3 1 13 4 1 19 1 18 4 1837 2 15 10 1 10 4 1 3 1 14 9 1 18 7 17 6 1838 3 4 7 1 11 5 1 2 5 15 1 1 16 8 17 1 2 1839 3 10 8 1 19 6 1 5 11 2 0 2 1 3 2 2 1840 3 6 4 1 16 5 1 5 8 17 0 2 3 5 2 2 5 1841 3 4 4 1 12 10 1 2 5 16 9 1 19 10 2 0 4 N.B. — The Imperial bushel contains 2218 192 cubic inches, the Winchester bushel 2150-42 do., the former being about one thirty-secondth part larger than the latter (See Bushel, and Weights and Measures.) III. Account of the Average Prices of British Corn, per Imperial Quarter, from the 15th of July 1828, to the 29th April 1842, being the whole Period during which the act 9 Geo. 4. cap. 60. was in operation. {Pari. Paper, No. 511. Sess. 1842.) Wheat. Barley Oats. Rye. 59s. 4rf. 32s. Id. 22s. 8rf. 35s. bd. 428 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. IV. — Current Prices of Grains, Seeds, &c. per Imperial Quarter. London, 23d of August, 1842. British. Perg uar- Foreign. Free Per Qr. in Bond PerQr. Wheat, Essex, Kent, and Suffolk, old red «. fa Wheat, Dantzic and Konigsberg, *• *• ». do. do. white finest high mixed 50 to 56 42 to 48 do. do. new red 56 do. good mixed 48 — 50 40 — 42 do. do. white do. red mixed 45 — 48 57 — 40 Norfolk and Lincolnshire, old 48 Stettin ... 48 — 50 40 — 42 Northumberland, Berwick, and Scot., do. 40 Z 46 Danish - - 38 — 43 30 _ 35 Gal way and Limerick, white and red! Hamburgh and Pomeranian 40 — 45 32 — 37 Cork and Youghal do. i - 36 — 40 Zealand and Brabant 44 — 46 _ 38 Dublin, Watertord, and Clonmel,do.J Odessa, soft 38 — 42 30 — ."54 Rye, new .... Barley, Kent, Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk, new Riga, Petersbnrgh, and Lie- 32 ban, soft ... 38 — 42 Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire do. tja — Archangel 36 — 38 28 — 30 stained and grinding - do. OT Tuscan, red ... 44 — 46 36 — 38 Scotch - - 97 Canada - - - 46 — 50 38 _ 4'i Malt, Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk It Spanish, soft 50 _ 52 42 — 44 I^ngslon and VVare - - Oats, Norfolk, Cambridgeshire, Lin-") r. . colnshire, and Yorkshire . J ^ Buck or brank 31 — 36 22 — 27 17 - 22 Indian com - - 28 — 34 18 — 20 Rye, Baltic, dried 26 — 28 19 — 20 do. - - Poland 21 24 do. undried Northumberland, Berwick, and") <*r.«*^v. >■ potato ocotcn - - * J 22 _ 25 Barley, Hamburgh, Dantzic, Konigs- berg, and Riga, malting * 2z — 26 15 - 18 do. - - feed ii do. grinding Danish do. Devonshire, and West Country feed, or 21 — 23 14 _ 16 black .... - 18 Oats, Dutch brew and thick 23 — 26 17 — 20 Dnndalk, Newry, and Belfast, potato. Danish - - - 18 22 12 — 18 to 22*. 6c/. - - teed Friesland brew and thick 22 — 24 15 — 19 Limerick, Sligo, and Westport, feed 11 — Russian ... 19 — 20 12 — 14 do. do. potato Cork, Waterford, Dublin,") black Beans, tick - - 23 — 26 15 _ 18 14 — 17 small - - - 30 _ 32 22 — 24 Youghal and Clonmel J white Mediterranean 28 — 30 20 — 26 Galway . - - - 9 — Peas, white, boiling ... 32 — 34 24 Beans, tick, new - • ■ grey or hog 26 _ 28 18 — 20 old * " 3o Tares (duty 10s.) 24 — 30 16 — 18 narrow and small, new 29 — Flour, Dantzic, per barrel 25 _ 27 22 20 — 24 do. old ... 35 — 58 American, sour, do. 26 — 27 . Peas, boiling - - hog, grey, and maple , - . - 32 — 32 do. sweet, do. - 28 — 30 24 — 26 28 — Tares - ... 36 — 44 L. L. s. Flour, English, per s ck of 280 lbs. 45 — 50 Linseed, Russian, crushing (duty U, per do. fine do. - - quarter), per quarter - 2 2 U, 2 6 Scotch and North Country 40 — 44 do. sowing, per barrel Irish - - - 38 _ 40 Mediterranean, per quarter - 2 6 _ 2 8 Linseed, crushing, per quarter 43 — 45 Rapeseed (duty Is. per qr.), crushing, new. sowing, do. - - 46 - 50 per last ... - 25 a — 30 0 cake, per 1,000 of 3 lbs. each, 71. to Linseed cake (duty 2e of Good Hope 4,803 2,178 1,642 1,616 1,107 1 Mauritius - 668 East India Com- pany's Territories and Cevlon 49 656 1,368 945 2,696 471 336 310 2 British Settlements in .Australia 45 25 7.52 1,766 1 2 British North .Ame- rican Colonies - 4,055 58,963 190,796 89,516 79,410 41,907 14,326 27 8,192 United SUtcs of America 577 6,086 42,736 6,286 555 3,766 73,755 Chili 140 ISO 1 8 91 Peru 12,233 Isles of Guernsey, Jersey, .Alderney and Man (foreign goods) 19,701 32,079 7,329 20,531 28,236 Total 1,544,969 1,475,314 1,8.36,529 391,417 248,171 133,091 42,628 168,647 455,871 1,241,460 '2,6.34,556 1,993,3S3 Total of flour"! -■ and whcatnieal > 461,S9.''> 707,082 1,636,059 191,896 172,877 151,306 84,969 255,831,364,248 456,739 843,046 1,.53 ,838 in cwts. - - J 430 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. VIII. Account showing the Quantities of the different Varieties of Foreign and Colonial Grain entered for Consumption in the U. Kingdom in each of the Twelve Years endmg with 1841, with the Total Quantities so entered, and the Annual Entries at an Average of the above Period. (Compiled from the Pari. Paper, No. 18. sess. 1842.) Years. \\''heat and Flour. Barley. Oats and Oatmeal. Rye. Peas. Beans. Total entered. 18.30 1831 1832 1833 1834 183.5 1836 1837 18.38 1839 1840 1841 Totals - Average annual en-^ tries for consump- S- tion J Qrs. 1,727,847 1,506,740 376,7.55 84,036 64,974 28,554 30,107 244,272 1,848,475 2,711,723 2,401,436 2,647,808 Qrs. 48,.505 514.610 77,988 1,226 11,071 136,8.53 110,021 47,475 8,192 594,301 619,801 222,837 Qrs. 904,472 355,492 3,082 975 55,620 176,142 97,197 334,024 11,072 862,789 517,052 27,918 Qrs. 19,189 56,2'^'-3 60 1 22 3 18 19. .576 2,517 1.52,182 1,857 518 Qrs. 44.507 57,977 lf),.595 18,092 57,702 2.5,184 80,928 87,615 11,618 170,270 1.59,457 132,857 Qrs. 18,697 17,678 7,439 6,028 44,,566 69,824 87,796 109,076 54,240 123,597 129,517 267,697 Qrs. 2,763,217 2,508,700 481,919 110,358 233,955 436,-560 406,067 842,038 1,936.114 4,615,262 3,829,120 3,299,635 13,672,727 2,392,880 3,345,835 252,546 862,802 936,155 21,462,945 1,139,39311 199,40&^ 278,819^2 21,045^ 71,900-^ 78,01211 1,788,.578 92 IX. Account of the Total Quantities of Foreign and Colonial Wheat and other Grain and Pulse, entered for Consumption in the U. Kingdom, from the time that the Act 9 Geo. IV. cap. 60. came hito operation to the 5th of January, 1842 ; exhibiting also the Total Amount of Duty paid upon each Species of Corn and Pulse and the Average Rate of Duty during the whole Period. Foreign Com, Meal and Flour. Corn, Meal and Flour, the Produce of, and imported from, British Possessions out of Europe. Quantities charged with Duty for Home Consumption, under Act 9 G. 4. c. 60. from the passing of the Act (15th July, 1828) to the 5th January, 1S42. Amount of Duty received thereon. Rates of Duty, taken on the Average of the whole period. Quantities charged with Duty for Home Consumption, under Act 9 G.4. c. CO. from the passing of the Act (15th July, 1828) to the 5th January, 1842. Amount of Duty received thereon. Rates of Duty, taken on the Average of the whole period. Per Qr. Per. Qr. Wheat Qrs. £ s. d. Qrs. £ s. d. 13,.555,471 3,779,417 5 7 589,012 104,639 3 7 Barley 2,826,397 659,5.59 4 8 839 89 2 1 Oats 3,.5.34,627 1,137,940 6 5 9,060 303 0 8 Rye 319,842 49,195 3 1 Peas 919,227 266,374 5 10 25,872 1,786 1 5 Beans 1,071,369 371,698 6 11 57 1 0 6 Indian corn 140,164 26,940 3 10 8,365 456 1 1 Buckwheat 40,024 12,357 6 2 Cwts. Per Cwt. Cwts. PerCwt. Wheat, meal and s. d. s. d. flour 4,303,981 428,083 2 0 1,704.528 81,479 0 11 1 Oatmeal 1,422 253 3 7 18,877 932 1 0 IV. Foreign Corn Trade. Polish Corn Trade. — Dantzic is the port whence we have hitherto always derived the largest portion of our supplies in deficient seasons ; and as it is most probable that our principal importations will continue to be drawn from the same source, it becomes peculiarly important to ascertain the cost of wheat in Dantzic, and the expense of its importation into this country. According to the data collected by Mr. Jacob in his reports on the agriculture and corn trade of the north of Europe, the ordinary ijrice of wheat at Dantzic free on board would amount to about 40s. a quarter, made up as follows : — Cost of wheat at Warsaw - - - ... . 2S*. Od. per quarter. Conveyance to the boats, and charges for loading and stowing, and securing it with mats - - 0 6 — Freight to Dantzic - . - - - - - - 5 0 — Loss on the passage by pilfering, rain, 6ec. - - - - -30 — Expenses at Dantzic in turning, drying, screening, warehousing, and loss of measure - - 2 0 — Profit or commission, as the case may be, to the merchant in Dantzic - . -.16 — Cost at Dantzic, exclusive of shipping charges, which amotmt to about lOd. a quarter - - 40 0 — Now, if to this we add 12s. or 13s a quarter for the expense of importing the wheat into England, in- cluding the profit of the importer, it is plain that it could not, supposing Mr. Jacob's estimate of the cost to be nearly accurate, be sold in London, even without any duty for loss than .53s. or .54s. a quarter. It has, no doubt, been alleged that the cost of wheat in Dantzic is overrated in the above estimate; and in seasons when there is little or no demand for corn from abroad, this allegation is certainly well foimdcnl. But this estimate is not meant to apply to such years, but to those when there is some con- siderable foreign demand ; and whenever this is the case, it will be found, that though some of the items which go to make up the cost may be erroneous, tlie result is nearly correct ; and that there are CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 4S1 really no good grounds for supposing that corn could, in the seasons in question, be shipped from Dantzic for less than about AOs. a quarter. Mr. Grade, of Dantzic, turnished the Agricultural Committee of 1831 with the following Table of the average prices of corn in that city, free on board, in decennial periods from 1770 to 1820. Average Price, from Ten to Ten Years, of the different Species of Corn, free on board, per Quarter, in Sterling Money, at Dantzic. Wheat. Rye. Barley. OaU. S. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. From 1770 to 1779 33 9 21 8 IG 1 11 I 1780 — 1789 - 33 10 22 1 17 11 12 4 1790— 1799 - - 43 8 26 3 19 3 12 6 1800—1809 - - - 60 0 34 10 25 1 13 1 1810—1819 . . . - 55 4 31 1 26 0 20 4 Aggregate Average Price of 49 Years 45 4 27 2 20 10 13 10 It appears from this table that at an average of the 20 years ending with 1819, the price of corn in Dantzic was no less than 57*. 8rf. a quarter ! This, however, would not be a fair test of the price of wheat in Dantzic under ordinary circumstances, as it was powerfully influenced by the scarcity and high price in this country in 1800 and 1801, and by the extreme high prices that prevailed during the latter years of the war, and the obstructions which it threw in the way of agriculture, and of the conveyance of corn to Dantzic. But the prices of wheat at this great emporium have not latterly been subject to any such disturbing influences. The countries whence Dantzic draws her supplies of corn have enjoyed uninterrupted tranquillity during the last 10 years ; and though during some of these years we have made large importations, we have hardly, in a still greater number, brought away a single bushel of corn ; so that the average prices of this period may be taken as pretty correctly representing the prices of corn in Dantzic in seasons when the export is rather under a medium. Account exhibiting the Lowest, the Highest, and the Average Prices of Wheat in Dantzic in Sterling Money, per Imperial Quarter, in each of the eleven Years, from 1831 to 1841, both inclusive, with the Averages for the whole Period. Lowest Highest Average Lowest Highest A verage Vears. Prices per Prices per Prices per Years. Pric;s per Prices per Prices \>et Quarter. Quarter. Quarter. Quarter. Quarttr. Quarter. *. d. s. d. ». d. s. d. s. d. s. d. 1831 41 1 51 6 46 3h 1S39 31 9 61 1 46 5 32 5 43 7 38 0 1810 39 0 62 9 60104 1833 28 5 32 9 30 7 1841 45 9 57 0 51 4.< 1S34 25 1 29 11 27 6 1S3.5 21 OJ 26 3i 23 8 Average of I 1836 22 3 35 7 28 11 1 1 Years from V 30 Sa 45 2 37 11 1837 24 9 34 8i 29 8i 44 1| 1831 to 1841 J 1838 26 6i 61 9" It appears from this table that the average price of wheat in Dantzic during the 11 years ending with 1841 was 375. llrf. a quarter; making, with the addition of lOrf. a quarter for shipping charges, its average price free on board, 38s. 9rf. a quarter. Now, if to this last sura we add 12s. or 13*. for the expense of its importation and delivery to the millers in London, it is plain, judging from the experience of the last 11 years, that the average cost of Dantzic wheat in England, independent of duty, may be estimated, in round numbers, at from 51s. to 52s. a quarter. It is material, however, to bear in mind that no very large quantity could be shipped at the above prices. They represent only average years ; and whenever there is any unusual demand for corn, or when from 150,000 to 300,000 quarters are wanted for this country, the price immediately rises, as seen above, to from 45s. to 50s. a quarter, and upwards. That the charges on importation into England, warehousing here, and then deliver- ing to the millers, exclusive of duty and profit, would amount to about 10s. a quarter, appears from the following statements * : — Account of the Ordinary Charges on 100 Quarters of Wheat, shipped from Dantzic on Consignment, and landed under Bond in London {Pari. Paper, No. 333. Sess. 1827. p. 28.) One hundred quarters, supposed cost at Dantzic, free on board, 30s. Freight at 5s. per quarter, and 10 per cent. ... Metage ex ship, &c., 6s. 6d. per last - . . . Lighterage and landing, M. per quarter - - _ Insurance on 180/., including 10 per cent, imaginary profit, at 80s. 7 per cent. ; policy 5s. per cent. - - j Granary rent and insurance for one week - - . Turning and trimming, about - - - . Delivering from granary, 3d. per quarter - . _ Metage, &c. ex granary, 2s. per last - - - - Commission on sale, Is. per quarter - - _ Del credere, 1 per cent, on, suppose, 40s. . . . £ s. d. 27 10 3 5 Total cost to importer if sold in bond Imaginary profit, 10 per cent. 150 s. d. 0 0 51 16 0 201 16 0 20 3 6 221 19 6 Would produce, at 44s. 4d. per quarter, .£221 13 4 N. B. — Loss on remeasuring not considered. Freight and insurance are ta^en in this statement at an average, being sometimes higher and sometimes lower. * The first of the following statements was furnished by Messrs. Richard Birkett and Sons to the Lords' Committee of 1827, on the price of foreign corn. The other statement was obligingly furnished by Mr. Irvine, corn factor, in 1841. 432 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. Account of the Ordinary Charges on 100 Quarters of Wheat imported from Dantzic, for Sale on Con- signment in London, in May, 1841. One hundred quarters fine high mixed wheat, weighing about 61 lbs. per bushel, would cost 40s. "per quarter - - Sound dues, 6rf. per quarter . - . - - Freight, at present, 3s. 3d., but, on an average, supposed 4$. 6d. Insurance 12s. 6d. per cent., but, on an average, 20s. - .£"2 5 0 Policy, 2s. 6d. - - - - - 0 7 6 Metage and dues ex ship, 6s. M. per ten quarters Lighterage and landing, 9d. - - - - - Granary rent and fire insurance for three weeks, at 5s. per one hundred quarters per week Turning and trimming, same period - - . . Seller's metage ex granary, 2s. per ten quarters - - . Delivering from granary, 3d. - - - - Commission or factorage on sale. Is. per quarter . . ■ Del credere, 1 per cent, (on 55s.), 275/. - - . . 10 0 10 0 12 6 6 8 15 0 15 0 4 6 0 0 £ s. d. 200 0 0 According to this statement, the cost of importation would be 9s. 1 ^d. per quarter ; but to this has to be added an allowance for waste, and 2s. 6d. or Ss. a quarter for profit, which would raise the cost to about 12s. 6d. or 13s. a quarter. We are well convinced that it is not possible successfully to controvert any portion of these statements ; and such being the case we are entitled to say that nothing can be more perfectly unfounded than the notions so prevalent in this country as to the extreme cheapness of corn in Dantzic. The truth is, that no considerable quantity of corn can be derived from her without resorting to Gallicia and other provinces from 500 to 700 miles inland. The corn is thence conveyed to the city in boats suited to the navigation of the rivers ; but, owing to the uncertain supply of water in the latter, the communication is sometimes entirely broken off, and it is always very tedious and expensive. In proof of this, we may mention that, in November, 1838, when wheat sold in Dantzic for 41s. 6d. a quarter, it was selling in Lemberg, the principal corn market of Gallicia, for 15s. ; the difference, amounting to 26s. 6d., being the measure of the cost and risk of conveyance from Lemberg to Dantzic ! It is, in fact, quite nuga- tory to suppose that any large supplies should be furnished by Dantzic, were the ship- ping price under 40s. or 45s. But, supposing that we could in ordinary years ship considerable supplies even for 35s., still it is plain it could not be sold in London under a low duty of 5s. or 7s., for less than 53s. or 55s. a quarter. It is difficult to draw any conclusions on which it would be safe to place much reliance as to the supplies of corn that might be obtained from Dantzic, were our ports con- stantly open under a reasonable duty. Mr. Jacob gives the following Account of the Total annual Average Quantity of Wheat and Rye exported from Dantzic, in Periods of 25 Years each, for the 166 Years ending with 1825. Years. Wheat. Quarters. Rye. Quarters. Total. Quarters. 1651 to 1675 81,775 225,312 307,087 1676 — 1700 124,897 227,482 352,379 1701 — 1725 59,795 170,100 229,895 1726 — 1750 80,624 119,771 200,395 1751 _ 1775 141,080 208,140 349,220 1776 — 1800 150,299 103,045 253,344 1801 — 1825 200,330 67,51 1 267,841 " The average of the whole period," Mr. Jacob observes, " gives an annual quantity of wheat and rye of 279,794 quarters ; and this surplus may be fairly considered as the nearest approach that can be made, with existing materials, to what is the usual ex- cess of the produce of bread corn above the consumption of the inhabitants, when no extraordinary circumstances occur to excite or check cultivation." — (Eeport, p. 49.) We incline, however, to think that Mr. Jacob has underrated the capabilites of im- provement of the countries traversed by the Vistula, the Bug, &c., and that were our ports open under a fixed duty of 5s. or 7s. a quarter on wheat, and other grain in pro- portion, we might, supposing our average prices not to fall below 50s. or 55s. a quarter, reckon upon getting from Dantzic an annual supply of from 350,000 to 450,000 quar- ters. It should, however, be observed, that Mr. Meek, who visited the N. of Europe in the latter part of 1841 and early in 1842, concurs with Mr. Jacob in thinking it im- probable that any increase of exportation would take place from Dantzic under any modification of our corn laws. (Pari. Paper, No. 7. sess. 1842, p. 31.) But it is dif- ficult to believe that such should be the case. Hitherto, owing to the fluctuating and capricious nature of our demand, it has proved of little advantage to the Polish cul- tivators ; and but little corn has been raised in the expectation of its finding its way to England. But it might be quite anotlier thing were our ports always open. Tlie CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 433 supply of our markets might, under such circumstances, be an object of importance to the Polish agriculturists; and if so, there can be little doul^t, tliey would endeavour to extend and improve their tillage, and the means of bringing corn to market. At the same time, however, nothing positive can be stated on the subject, inasmuch as the stimulus given to Polish agriculture by any change in our corn laws would wholly depend on the extent of our demand ; and if, as we apprehend would be the case, it should, in ordinary seasons, be much more limited than is commonly supposed, it would have comparatively little influence. We subjoin an Account exhibiting the Quantities of the different Varieties of Corn and the Quantities of Flour shipped from Dantzic during each of the Seven Years ending with 1840, with the Prices of Wheat in Dantzic during the same Period. Vears. Wheat. Rje. Barley. Oats. Flour. Average Price of Wheat. 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 Qrs. 71,043 45,129 129,035 314,601 458,440 419,055 496,776 24,811 13,860 70,812 109,989 31,290 134,253 131,880 Qr.,. 326 95 7,317 2,357 2,509 65,919 37,054 Qrt. 1,522 2,898 7,224 8,085 1,206 8,379 2,735 Barrett. 33,803 28,392 58,891 67,612 78,274 45,251 21,809 L. ». d. 1 7 6 1 3 8 1 8 11 1 9 8| 2 4 If 2 6 5 2 10 lOj Totals 1,934,079 511,895 117,597 31,749 334,092 1 17 lOi Quality of Dantzic Wheat. — The price of wheat at Dantzic is usually about 7s. a quarter above its average price at Hamburgh, and about 2s. above the average of Amsterdam. This difference is entirely owing to the superior quality of the Dantzic wheat. Though small grained, and not so heavy as several other sorts, it is remark- ably thin-skinned, and yields the finest flour. Some of the best white, or, as it is technically termed, " high mixed " Dantzic wheat, is superior to the very best Eng- lish ; but the quantity of this sort is but limited, and the average quality of all that is exported from Dantzic is believed to approach very nearly to the average quality of English wheat. Allowing for its superior quality, it will be found that wheat is, .speaking generally, always cheaper in Dantzic than in any of the Continental ports nearer to London. There are but few seasons, indeed, in which Dantzic wheat is not largely imported into Amsterdam ; and it frequently, also, finds its way into Hamburgh. But it is quite impossible that such should be the case, unless, taking quality and other modifying circumstances into account, it were really cheaper than the native and other wheats met with in these markets. When there is any considerable importation into England, it is of every-day occurrence for merchants to order Dantzic wheat in pre- ference to that of Holstein, or of the Lower Elbe, though the latter might frequently be put into warehouse here for 20s. a quarter less than the former ! It is, therefore, quite indispensable, in attempting to draw any inferences as to the comparative prices of corn in different countries, to make the requisite allowances for differences of quality. Unless this be done, whatever conclusions may be come to can hardly fail of being false and misleading ; and when they happen to be right, they can only be so through the merest accident. Dantzic being by far the greatest port for the exportation of corn in the north of Europe, its price may be assumed as the general measure of the price in other shipping ports. At all events, it is certain that when Dantzic is exporting, wheat cannot be shipped, taking quality into account, at a cheaper rate from any other place. The importer invariably resorts to what he believes to be, all things considered, the cheapest market ; and it is a contradiction and an absurdity to suppose that he should burden him- self with a comparatively high freight, and other charges for wheat in Dantzic, pro- vided he could buy an equally good article in so convenient a port as Hamburgh at the same or a lower price. If, therefore, we are right in estimating the lowest price at which wheat could be imported from Dantzic under a duty of 5s. or 7s,, at from 5Ss. to 55s., we may be assured that this is the lowest importation price. The greater cheapness of the im- ports from other places is apparent only ; and is uniformly countervailed by a cor- responding inferiority of quality. — ( For further details as to the Polish corn trade, see Dantzic, Konigsberg, &c.) Russian Corn Trade. — Russia exports large quantities of wheat, rye, oats, and meal. The wheat is of various qualities ; but the greater portion of it is small-grained, coarse, brown, and very badly dressed. The hard, or Kubanka, is the best ; it keeps well, and is in considerable demand for mixing with other wheats that are old or stale. Rus- sian oats are very thin ; but, being dried in the straw, they weigh better than could be expected from their appearance, and are reckoned wholesome food. Our imports from Russia in 1839 were unusually large, she having supplied us with no fewer than 4.34 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 371,693 quarters wheat, 316,823 do. oats, and 14,000 do. rye. Generally, however, our imports do not exceed a fifth part of this quantity. — (The reader will find notices of the Russian corn trade under the articles Archangel, Petersbu rgh, and Riga. For an account of the corn trade by the Black Sea, see post, and the article Odessa.) Danish Corn Trade. — The export of wheat from Denmark Proper, that is, from Jut- land and the islands, is but inconsiderable. There is, however, a pretty large exportation of wheat and other grain, as well as of butter, cheese, beef, &c., from Sleswick and Holstein. As already stated, the quality of the wheat is inferior ; for, though it looks plump, it is coarse and damp. The chief shipping port for Danish corn is Kiel ; but, owing to the superior facilities enjoyed by Hamburgh, the greater portion of it is con- signed to that city. In 1839 we imported from Denmark 196,730 quarters wheat, 210,134 do. barley, 46,235 do. oats, and 16,460 do. rye. — (For an account of the ex- ports of raw produce from Denmark, see Copenhagen. ) Corn Trade of the Elbe, ^c. — Next to Dantzic, Hamburgh is, perhaps, the greatest corn market in the north of Europe, being a depot for large quantities of Baltic corn, and for the produce of the extensive countries traversed by the Elbe. The exports of wheat from Hamburgh amounted, as seen below, at an average of the 11 years ending with 1841, to 210,871 quarters a year. The price of wheat, as already stated, is frequently less in Hamburgh than in Dantzic ; but this lowness of price is altogether ascribable to the inferiority of the Holstein and Hanover wheats, which are generally met with in great abundance in Hamburgh. Wheat from the Upper Elbe is of a better quality. Bohemian wheat is occasionally forwarded by the river to Hamburgh ; but the charges attending its conveyance from Prague amount to full 15s. a quarter, and prevent its being sent down, except when the price is comparatively high. In 1841, the shipments of wheat from Hamburgh amounted to 507,400 quarters, of which 460,900 were for England. Perhaps we might be able, did our prices average about 55s., to import in ordinary years from 350,000 to 450,000 quarters of wheat from Denmark and the countries intersected by the Weser and the Elbe. Account of the Exports of the various Descriptions of Corn from Hamburgh during each of the Eleven Years ending with 1841. Years. Wheat. Rye. Barley. Oats. Peas. Beans. Malt. Buck Wheat. Rape Seed. Tares. Qys Qi-s. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. 18.31 '220,697 75,3-^3 80,660 6,426 759 154 202 23 871 15.1 1852 159,082 32,418 9,213 14,605 75 53 136 37 1,294 72 1833 95,447 29,518 9,100 3,662 671 258 109 284 1,002 85 1834 68,113 24,376 7,530 5,528 994 603 154 21 268 178 1835 40,631 19,508 8,394 5,812 198 315 91 23 1,242 304 1836 101,180 26,537 34,932 8,076 1,097 185 121 179 2,522 142 1837 110,178 37,730 21,510 6,085 616 556 69 26 1,618 150 1S38 276,901 34,853 8,679 4,697 622 91 151 17 2,165 91 1S39 379,401 380,550 43,236 32,816 8,110 968 445 118 133 618 147 1840 54,875 33,146 19,257 1,596 267 189 127 441 473 1841 507,400 61,600 43,400 5,600 12,700 1,900 13,400 13,000 Average Exports of Wheat for the above 11 Years, 210,870j^ quarters. N. B. The Hamburgh last is equal to about 11-2 imperial quarters. Amsterdam is an important depot for foreign corn, every variety of which may be found there. Only a small part of its consumption is supplied by corn of native growth ; so that the prices in it are for the most part dependent on those at which corn can be brought from Dantzic, Kiel, Hamburgh, and other shipping ports. During 1840, they fluctuated from 35s. to 58s. a quarter. The corn trade of Holland was formerly conducted under a fixed duty; but in 1836 a law was enacted which imposes duties on exportation and importation which vary with the price. We subjoin A Statement of the existing Duties on the Importation, Exportation, and Transit of Wheat in Holland. When the Average Price is The Import Duty is The Export is The Transit duty is Per Last Per Quarter. Above - - 270 fl. or 42«. lOrf. From 270 fl. and above 240 fl. — 42s. \0d. to 38*. Id. 240 fl. _ 210fl. — 38s. Irf. ^ 33s. 4rf. 210 fl. — 180 fl. — 33s. 4d. _ 28s. 7d. 180 fl. _ 165 fl. — 28s. 7rf. — 26s. 2rf. 165 fl. — 150 fl. — 26s. 2rf. — 23s. 9d. 150 fl. lower 23s. 9d. Per Last. Per Qr. 7-50 fl. or Is. Hd. 15 fl. — 2s. ild. ,30 fl. — 4s. 9d. 45 fl. _ 7s. lid. 60 fl. _ 9s. 6d. 75 fl. _ lis. lOirf. 90 fl. — 14s. 3d. Per Last. Per Qr. 15 fl. or 2s. 4.id. Free. Per Last. Per Qr. 3 H. or 5?d. 3fl. — 5|(/. 3tl. _ Sjd. 3fl. — .5|rf. 3fl. — 5?rf. 3fl. _ bid. Rotterdam is a very advantageous port for warehousing foreign corn, being con- veniently situated, and the warehouse rent low, not exceeding 2d. or 2\d. per quarter per month. French Corn Trade. — It appears, from the accounts given by the Marquis Gamier in the last edition of his translation of the Wealth of Nations, that the price of the hectolitre of wheat in the market of Paris amounted, at an average of the 19 years ending with 1819, to 20 fr. 53 cents; equal to 30 fr. 80 cents the scptier ; or, taking the ex- change at 25 fr., to 45s. 6d, the quarter. Chaptal, in liis valuable work, Sur /'/«- CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. 435 dustrie Frangaise (torn. i. p. 226.), published in 1819, estimates the ordinary averap;c price of wheat throughout France at 18 fr. the hectolitre, or 42s. \0d. the quarter. In 1840, however, the price of wheat in I'aris in June varied from Gfis. to 6'4s. 6d., falling to about 45s. after harvest. The various expenses attending the imj)ortation of a quarter of French wheat into London and its delivery to the millers may be taken, at a medium, at about 8s. a quarter. France, however, has but rarely any surplus produce to dispose of ; so that it would be impossible for us to import any considerable quantity of French corn without occasioning a great advance of price ; and in point of fact, our imports from France have been generally inconsiderable, except in years when our prices were mucli above an average. The mean of the different estimates framed by Vauban, Quesnay, Expilly, Lavoisier, and Arthur Young, gives 61,519,672 septiers, or 32,810,000 quarters, as the total average growth of the different kinds of grain in France. — {Peuchet, Statistique Ele- mentaire, p. 290. ) We, however, took occasion formerly to observe ( Supp. to Encyc. Brit. art. Corn Laws) that there could not be a doubt that this estimate was a great deal too low; and the more careful investigations of late French statisticians fully confirm this remark. The annual produce of the harvests of France is at present (1842) estimated from returns obtained under official authority, at 69,558,000 hectolitres of wheat, and 112,958,000 do. of other sorts of grain; making in all 182,517,000 hectolitres, or 62,740,000 Imp. quarters. Of this quantity it is sup- posed that about 16 per cent, is consumed as seed, 19 per cent, in the feeding of different species of animals, and 2 per cent, in distilleries and breweries. The reader will not fail to observe that, according to this statement, the consumption of corn in France, which has a population of about 34,000,000, is not more than equal to that of the U. Kingdom, the population of which may, at present (1842) be taken at 27,000,000. And we have no doubt that such is the fact ; for, though the con- sumption of corn in France materially exceeds its proportional consumption in Ireland, it is very far below the proportional consumption of Great Britain. The corn ex- pended in this country in the keep of horses and in distilleries, would of itself suffice to feed a third part of the people of France. The foreign corn trade of France was regulated till within these few years by a law which forbade exportation, except when the home prices were below certain limits; and which restrained and absolutely forbade importation except when they were above certain other limits. The prices regulating importation and exportation differed in the different districts into which the kingdom was divided. Latterly, however, importation has been at all times allowed under graduated duties, which, however, like those of this country, become prohibitory when the prices sink to a certain level. The frontier de- partments are divided into four separate districts, the prices in each district governing the duties on importation into it, so that it sometimes happens that corn ware- housed in a particular port, where it is not admissible except under a high duty, has been carried to another port in another district, and admitted at a low duty. An official announcement is issued on the last day of each month, of what the duties are to be in each district during the succeeding month. Spanish Corn Trade. — The exportation of corn from Spain was formerly prohibited under the se- verest penalties. But in 1820, grain and flour were both allowed to be freely exported ; and in 1823, this privilege was extended to all productions (frutos), the growth of the soil. There is now, in fact, no ob- stacle whatever, except the expense of carriage, to the conveyance of corn to the sea-ports, and thence to the foreigner. Owing, however, to the corn-growing provinces being principally situated in the inte- rior, and to the extreme badness of the roads, which renders carriage to the coast both expensive and difficult, the exports are reduced within comparatively narrow limits ; the same dilKculty of carriage fre- quently gives rise to very great differences in the prices in markets, in all parts of the country, only a few leagues distant. Were the means of communication improved, and any thing like security given to the husbandman, Spain would, in no long time, become one of the principal exporting: countries of Europe. Old Castile, Leon, Estremadura, and that part of Andalusia to the south andej\st oi Seville, are amongst the finest corn countries of Europe, and might be made to yield immense supplies. But owing to the disturbed state of the country, and the want of a market for their produce, they can hardly be said to be at all cultivated. And yet such is their natural fertility, that in good seasons the peasants only reap those fields nearest to the villages ! In 1831 we imported 146,134 quarters of wheat from Spain, principally from Bilbao, Santander, and other northern towns. But from that period down to 1840, when we imported 46,939 quarters, export- ation from Spain had almost entirely ceased. (See Bilbao.) Corn Trade of Odessa. — Odessa, on the Black Sea, is the only port in Southern Europe from which any considerable quantity of grain is exported. But the exports from her are not nearly so extensive as is generally supposed, and they cannot be materially increased without a previous increase in the fa- cilities of conveying corn from the interior. At present it is almost wholly brought to the town in carts drawn by oxen ; and the supply of corn depends almost as much on the number of cattle that may be employed for this purpose as on the productiveness of the harvests. It appears, from an official state- ment published in Odessa, that the quantity of corn brought to the town in the undermentioned .years has been — 1834 - - 091,000 chetwerts.* I 1838 - - 1,241,000 chetwerts. 1835 - - 378,700 1839 - - 1,1.^0.000 18.3G - - 878,700 1840 - - 6S0,000 1837 - - 950,498 | * A chctwert is aboiit 5-8 bushels. 436 CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. During the three years, ending with 1840, the average price of the best Odessa wheat, which, however, is inferior to that of England, was 34s. 6d. per quarter on the spot ; and owing to the length and tedious- ness of the voyage from Odessa, and the risk of the grain heating on the passage, the charges attending its importation, including insurance, &c., amount to from 15s. to 16s. a quarter. It is plain, therefore, that the Odessa wheat brought to England during the above three years must, speaking generally, have cost the importer about 50s. a quarter exclusive of profit ; and, supposing its price in Odessa to be re- duced under a system of free intercourse to 30s. a quarter, still it is plain it could not be sold in London, under a duty of 5s. or 7s. a quarter, for less than from 52s. to 54s. a quarter ; that is, for less than the price of Dantzic wheat, whicli is superior to it by at least 5s. or 6s. a quarter. Both soft and hard wheat are exported from Odessa ; but the former, which is by far the most abundant, is only brought to England. Supposing British wheat to sell at about 60s., Odessa wheat, in good order, would not be worth more than 52s. in the London market ; but it is a curious fact, that in the Mediterranean the estimation in which they are held is quite the reverse ; at Malta, Marseilles, Leghorn, &c., Odessa wheat fetches a decidedly higher price than British wheat. The hard wheat brought from the Black Sea comes principally from Taganrog. It is a verj' fine species of grain, being full 10 per cent, heavier than British wheat, with not more than half the bran. It is used in Italy for making macaroni and vermicelli, and things of that sort ; very little of it has found its way to England. The voyage from Odessa to Britain is of uncertain duration, but generally very long. It is essential to the importation of the wheat in a good condition, that it should be made during the winter months. When the voyage is made in summer, unless the wheat be very superior, and be shipped in exceedingly good order, it is almost sure to heat ; and has sometimes, indeed, been injured to such a degree as to require to be dug from the hold with pickaxes. Unless, therefore, means be devised for lessening the risk of damage during the voyage, there is little reason to think that Odessa wheat will ever be largely imported into Britain. — (See the evidence of J. H. Lander, Esq. and J. Schneider, Esq. before the Lords' Committee of 1827, on the price of foreign corn.) We subjoin a statement of the probable cost of importing 2,000 chetwerts, or 1,453 quarters of wheat from Odessa to London. Charges in London, Policy duty on 1,200/. at i per cent. Insurance on 1,150/. at 2/. 2s. per cent. Commission do. i - - - - Freight on 1,453 quarters wheat, at 12s. per quarter - Primage, 10 per cent. . . . Gratification - - - - Charter-party, 1/.; custom-house entries, lOs. Metage on ship, at 4s. 3^d. per last Lastage - - - • - Lighterage of 1,453 quarters at 4t/. Landing, wharfage, housing, and delivering, at 9d. Rent 4 weeks, at 5s. per 100 quarters per week Metage, &c. ex granary £ s. d. 871 10 0 87 3 7 10 10 0 £ s. d. 27 3 0 5 15 0 969 1 31 1 24 54 14 10 7 5 £\Am 15 0 Or per quarter And in addition to the above, the charge for probable damage on the voyage may be estimated at 2s. a quarter. And the factorage in London at Is. per quarter. £ s. American Corn Trade. — The prices of wheat at New York and Philadelphia may be taken, at an average, at from 40s. to 43s. a quarter ; and as the cost of importing a quarter of wheat from the United States into England amounts to from 13s. to 14s., it is seen that no considerable supply could be obtained from that quarter, were our prices under 53s. or 56s. It ought also to be remarked, that prices in Ame- rica are usually higher than in the Baltic ; so that but little can be brought from the former, except when the demand is sufficient previously to take off the cheaper wheats of the northern ports. The exports of wheat from the United States are, however, comparatively trifling ; it being in the shape of flour that almost all their exports of corn are made. The shipments of this important article from Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, New Orleans, and other ports, have occasionally been very lar^e though latterly they have been rather decreasing, and in some late years there was, in fact, a considerable exportation of corn from England, the Hanse towns, &c., for the United States. In proof of this it may be mentioned, that in the year ending the 30th of September, 1837, 3,921,259 bushels of foreign wheat were imported into the U. States, of which 792,675 bushels were from England. The British West In- dies, Cuba, Mexico, Brazil, England, and France, are the principal markets to which American flour is sent. All sorts of flour, whether made of wheat, rye, Indian corn, &c., exported from the United States must previously be submitted to the inspection of officers appointed for that purpose. The law further directs, that the barrels, in which it is shipped, shall be of certain dimensions, and that each barrel shall contain 196 lbs. of flour, and each half barrel 98 lbs. The inspector, having ascertained that the barrels correspond with the regulations as to size, weight, &c., decides as to the quality of the flour : the first or best sort, being branded Superfine ; the second, Fine j the third. Fine Middlings j and the fourth, or lowest quality. Middlings. Such barrels as are not merchantable are marked Bad ; and their exporta- tion, as well as the exportation of those deficient in weight, is prohibited. Rye flour is divided into 2 sorts, being either branded Superfine Rye Flour, or Fine Rye Flour. Maize flour is branded Indian Meal ; flour made from buck-wheat is branded B. Meal. Indian meal may be exported in hhds. of 800 lbs. Flour for home consumption is not subjected to inspection. The inspection must take place at the time and place of exportation, under a penalty of 5 dollars per barrel. Persons altering or counter- feiting marks or brands forfeit 100 dollars ; and persons putting fresh flour into barrels already marked or branded, or offering adulterated wheaten flour for sale, forfeit in either case 5 dollars for each barrel. The fees of branding were reduced in 1832. They amount, in New York, to 3 cents for each hogshead and 1 cent for each barrel and half barrel of full weight. A fine of 30 cents is levied on every barrel or half barrel below the standard weight, exclusive of 20 cents for every pound that it is deficient. The act 5 Vict. sess. ii. c. 14. enacts, that every barrel of wheaten flour imported shall be deemed equivalent to ,38.^ gallons of wheat, and shall be charged with a corresponding CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. [435] duty {ante, p. 421 . ). Hence, when the price of British wheat per quarter is between 5'2s, and 53s., the duty on the barrel of flour is 10s. D'StZ.; when wheat is between 60s. and 61s,, the duty on flour is 7s. 2rf. ; and when wheat is between 69s. and 70s., the duty on flour is 3s. 3d. We subjoin An Account of the Exports of Wheat and Wheat-floiir from the United States in each year, from 1810 to 1840, both inclusive, with the Prices of Wheat per Barrel in Philadelphia, and the Annual Shipments of Flour for England. Bushels of Wheat exported. Barrels of Flour exported. Average Price of Flour per Barrel each year in Philadelphia. Average Price of Flour per Barrel each year in British currency. | Quantity of Flour shipped to \ England. Exports of Flour from Canada, j Years. j Bushels of ^\'heat exported. Barrels of Flour exported. Average Price of Flour per Barrel each year in Phii idelphia. Average Price of Flour per Barrel each year in British J QuanUty of Flour shipped to England. Exports of Flour from Canada. Dolls. L. ». (/. Barrels.^ Barrels. Dolls. L. s. d. Barrels. Barrels. 1810 325,924 798,431 9-37 2 0 7 92,1.36 12,519 1S26 45,166 857,820 4-65 I 0 1 18, .3.55 33,610 ISll 216,8.33 1,445,012 9-95 2 3 1 .38.183 10,340 1827 22,182 868,496 5-23 1 2 7 5.3,129 54,023 1812 .5.5,832 1,443,492 9-83 2 2 7 28,429 37,625 1828 8,906 860,809 5-60 1 4 3 23,258 .35,720 1813 288,535 1,260,942 8-92 • 1 18 7 517 1829 4,007 8.37,385 6-33 1 7 5 221,176 11,783 1814 19.3,274 8 60 1 17 1,217 18.30 45,289 1,227,434 4-83 10 11 .326,182 71,749 181.0 ' 17,6.34 862,7.39 8-71 1 17 8 104,885 1,920 1831 408,910 1,806,529 5-67 1 4 6 879,4.-0 1816 62,.321 729,0.'j3 9-78 2 2 4 1832 88,.304 864,919 5-72 1 4 9 95,958 31,419 1817 96,407 1,479,198 11-69 2 11 5 706,601 38,'oV7 18.33 .32,421 955,768 5-63 1 4 4 22,207 51,4.35 18IS 196,808 1,157,697 9-96 2 3 1 .389,530 30,543 18.34 36,948 835,.352 5-17 1 2 4 19,687 26,812 181 'J 82,065 750,660 7-11 1 10 9 51,847 J 2,0S5 18.35 47,762 779,.396 5-88 1 5 5 5,376 16,976 18'20 22,1.37 1,177,0.36 4-72 1 0 5 171,772 4.5,369 1836 2,062 505,400 7-99 1 14 7 161 185!1 25,821 1,0.56,119 4-78 1 0 8- 94,541 22,6.35 1837 17,.303 318,719 9-37 2 0 7 1822 4,418 827,865 6-.58 J 8 4 12,096 47,247 1838 6,291 448,161 7-79 1 13 9 8,295 1823 4,272 756,702 6-82 1 9 6 4,252 46,250 18.39 96,325 923,1.51 167 ,.082 1824 20,373 996,792 5-62 1 4 4 70,873 41,901 1840 1,720,860 1,807,501 620,919 1825 17,990 813,9061 5-10 1 2 1 27,272 40,00.'. Mr. Reuss (p. 120.) gives the following pro forma account of the expenses attending the importation of a cargo of .5,000 bushels of wheat from New York, supposing it to cost 1 dol. 12 cents a bushel, which, however, is below its average price. 5,000 bushels, at 1 dol. 12 cents per bushel Winnowing, measuring, and deli- very on board Brokerage, 4 ])er cent. Insurance, 6,000 dols- at IJ per cent. 150-00 28-00 90-000 Commission, 5 per cent Exchange, 110 per cent. L. L. s. d. L. s. d. Freight, 125 tons at 15*. per ton - - 93 15 0 Primage, 5 per cent. - 4 13 9 98 8 9 Entry, officer's fees, and city dues - 1 10 0 Metage from the ship at 2i. 8d. per lastoflOqrs. - - - 6 18 4 ll7 7 1 Dollars. 5,600-00 Brought forward - 117 7 Petty charges, at 1*. per last of 10 qrs. 2 12 Lighterage and porterage to granary, 9rf. per quarter - - 19 10 Granary rent and fire insurance, say, 4 weeks at2*. per 100 qrs. per week 2 2 Turning, at 2i. per 100 quarters - 0 10 Metage and porterage to the granary, at 4s. per 100 quarters - - 10 8 Do. do. from the do. at ,5*. per qr. 11 16 Postage and stamps - - 1 7 Factorage, Is. per quarter - - 26 0 ■ • 1. '4l>« Commission, \ \ieT cent. 4J p. cent. 63 Oil In London. 103-06 quartersjWinchester measure, equal to 100 quarters Imperial 5,000 bu-hels Winchester measure, equal to 604 quarters Imperial measure, costing 49s. 9.Jd. per quarter in bond The usual price of wheat in Canada, when there is a demand for the English market, is about AOs. a quarter ; hut taking it as low as 3.5s., if we add to this ISi.aquarter as the expenses of carriage and ware- housing, it will make its price in Liverpool, when delivered to the consumer, 48s.; and being spring wheat, it is not so valuable, by about 6*. a quarter, as English wheat. The duty on corn imported from a British colony being, when the home price is under 55s., only 5s., it is suspected that a good deal of the flour brought from Canada has been really furnished by the United States. Occasionally too wheat has been sent from Russia to Canada, in the view (as is alleged) of its being re-shipped, under the low duty, to British ports ; the saving of duty being supposed sufficient to countervail the cost of a double voyage across the Atlantic ! But grain from the colonies is not admitted into England at the low duty, without the exporters subscribing a declaration that it is the produce of such colonies, any wilful in- accuracy in such document being punished by the forfeiture of the corn so imported, and of 100/. of penalty ; and in addition to this, the corn, flour, &c. must also be accompanied by a certificate of origin subscribed by the collector or comptroller at the port of shipment. It is, therefore, difficult to see how the importers of European corn into Canada are to succeed in getting it shipped for England as colonial corn ; and we believe that most of it goes to the West Indies. We subjoin a statement, compiled by authority,, from returns made by the British consuls in 1841, exhibiting the probable amount of corn which they suppose might be furnished by the principal continental ports, in the event of importation being always free in England under a moderate duty, and the probable average price of such corn free on board. There may be and probably are errors in this statement ; but, on the whole, its general correctness may be depended on ; and it strikingly corroborates the statements already laid before the reader. ; [436] CORN LAWS AND CORN TRADE. Petersburgh * - Riga Liebau * Odessa Stockholm Dantzic - Konigsberg Stettin Meinel - - Klsinore Hamburgh * - Rotterdam Antwerp Palermo Total General average Quantity of Grain of each Kind that could be exported to England, from the Consular Districts, if the Trade in Com in England were constantly open, at a moderate Duty. Average Prices, free on Board, per Imperial Quarter. Wheat. Rye. Barley, j Oats. Wheat. Rye. Barley. Oats. Qrs. 192,500 Uncert. .50,000 150,000 1,000 315,000 65,000 260,000 5,961 175,000 538,000t Uncert. Uncert. 200,000^ Qrs. 122,500 Uncert. 170,000 Uncert. 2,000 105,000 100,000 40,000 45,759 97.000 Uncert. Uncert. Qrs 47,000 Uncert. 200,000 Uncert. 10,000 42,000 20,000 30,000 15,4661 275,000 195,700 Uncert. Uncert. Qrs. 245,000 Uncert. 60,000 Uncert. 12,000 10,500 40,000 20,000 20,024i 225,000 158,700 Uncert. Uncert. 3. d. 3. d. 39 1 49 7 43 7 26 6 .30 0to35 0 40 0 40 Oto45 0 40 0 35 0 30 0 to 36 0 35 0to46 0 55 0 56 5 38 0 d. g. d. 19 4 26 4 25 9 22 Oto24 0 20 0 18 Oto20 0 22 0 27 0 22 0to25 0 23 0to30 0 32 1 s. d. 3. d. 17 11 21 10 18 7 15 0 to 18 0 18 0 14 0 to 18 0 20 0 15 0 16 0to24 0 20 Oto25 0 28 9 3. d. a. d. 12 5 18 0 11 4 11 0 to 12 0 12 0 10 0tol4 0 14 0 10 0tol2 0 12 0 to 15 0 11 Oto 16 0 15 Oto 22 0 22 I 2,222,464 912,259 852,566.Jj 808,714^ 24*. 0\d. 1 19j. 6Jl 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 Total Imports into Great Britain. 73,728,000 96,200,000 97,310,000 126,240,000 173,940,000 137,592,000 147,576,000 126,420,000 141,510,000 183,700,000 147,420,000 244,360,000 170,520,000 264,330,000 222,750,000 218,324,000 259,856,000 280,080,000 270,690,000 Stock in the Ports, 31st of December. Lbs. 22,272,000 22,360,000 22,355,000 31,034,000 85,800,000 88,452,000 103,458,000 106,800,000 76,362,000 105,875,000 64,428,000 123,968,000 100,548,000 134,244,000 120,582,000 84,966,000 95,360,000 84,090,000 73,560,000 Total Deliveries for Consump- tion. Lbs. 80,640,000 85,800,000 88,631,000 108,356,000 111,800,000 108,864,000 125,646,000 126,420,000 144,180,000 147,125,000 174,174,000 169,264,000 164,640,000 211,167,000 217,701,000 221,676,000 242,000,000 257,500,000 259,980,000 Estimated weekly Consumption. Lbs. 1,664,000 1,612,000 1,709,500 2,051,400 2,132,000 2,116,800 2,322,000 2,476,800 2,750,100 3,025,000 3.166,800 3,456,000 3,410,400 3,801,600 4,158,000 4,263,000 4,768,000 5,047,700 5,330,500 Amount of Crop in North America. No correct returns. 110,910,000 121,485,000 136,125,000 152,880,000 169,860,000 211,680,000 285,120,000 213,840,000 2.'')5,780,000 292,040,000 311,655,000 296,245,000 Average Price of Uplands. Per lb. 2Srf. 20|rf. ISitf. 20rf. QOd. ISld. llR. sy. Sid. 8id. Ofrf. 6id. 6id. Bid. 6|rf. (^id. * There is, in the new edition of the Encyclopcedia Britannica, a pretty full account of the life of Sir Richard Arkwright. The question as to his merit as an original discoverer is still undecided. Recently, however, it has been ascertamed that a patent for spinning by rollers, revolving Avith different degrees of velocity, was taken out by Messrs. Wyatt and Paul, so early as 1738. — (See the excellent Account of the Cotton Manufacture, by Edward Raines, jun., Esq.) But it docs not appear that the inventor.s liad"becn able to give effect to their happy idea, and all traces of the invention seem to have been lost. The state- ments in the case printed by Sir Richard Arkwright and his partners in 1782, show, that he was awaie of the attempts made ir. the reign of George II. to spin by machinery ; but there is no evidence to prove that he was acquainted with the principle on which these attempts had been made, or that he had seen the patent referred to. Undoubtedly, however, the probability seems to be that he had. But admitting this to be the case, it detracts but little from the substantial merits of Sir Richard Arkwright. If the idea of spinning by rollers did not spring up spontaneously in his mind, he was, at all events, the first who made It available in practice; and showed how it might be rendered a most prolific source of wealth. 2 F 4 COTTON. In 1786, the supplies of cotton wool were derived from the following sources lbs. From the British West Indies - - 6,800,000 French and Spanish colonies - - 5,500,000 Dutch colonies - - - 1,600,000 Portuguese colonies - - 2,000,000 Smyrna and Turkey - - 5,000,000 19,900,000 lbs. Previously to 1790, North America did not supply us with a single pound weight of raw cotton. A little had, indeed, been raised in some of the Southern States, for domestic use, before the revolutionary war, but the quantity was quite inconsiderable. In 1791, it began, for the first time, to be exported; the trifling quantity of 189,316 lbs. having been shipped in the course of that year, and 138,328 lbs. in 1792. Such was the late and feeble beginning of the American cotton trade. There is nothing in the history of industry to compare with its subsequent increase, unless it be the growth of the manufacture in this country. American cotton is generally known by the names of sea-island and upland. The first, which is the finest cotton imported into Britain, grows on the small sandy islands, and along the low sandy shores of Carolina and Georgia. It is long in the staple, of an even silky texture, and is easily separated from the seed. Unluckily, however, it can be raised only in certain situations ; so that its quantity is limited, and has not, in fact, been increased since 1805. The upland, of which the supply may be considered as un- limited, though of varying qualities, is all short stapled; and its separation from the seed is so very difficult, that if it be done by the hand, the cotton is hardly worth the labour. This, however, was the only way in which it could be made available for home use, or exportation, previously to 1793 ; and had any one then ventured to predict that 10,000,000 lbs. of upland cotton would ever be exported, he would have been looked upon as a visionary dreamer. But the genius of Mr. Eli Whitney did for the planters of the Southern States what the genius of Arkwright and "Watt did for the manufac- turers of England. He invented a machine by which the wool of the upland cotton is separated from the seed with the greatest facility and expedition, and by so doing laid the foundations of a new and most important branch of industry, and doubled the wealth and means of employment of his countrymen ! — {Pitkhi's Statistics of the United StateSy p. 109. ed. 1835.) Whitney's invention came into operation in 1793, and in 1794, 1,601,760 lbs., and, in 1795, 5,276,300 lbs. of cotton were exported. And so astonishing has been the growth of cotton in the interval, that the exports from the United States in 1837 amounted to the prodigious quantity of 444,21 1,537 lbs. ! of which 438,924,566 lbs. were upland ! AccoiTNT of the Quantities of Cotton Wool imported into the United Kingdom during the Six Years ending with 1837, specifying the Quantities brought from different Countries, the Total Quantities ex- ported, and the Quantities left for Consumption. — (Compiled from Farl. Papers.^ Countries. -1832. 1833. ; 1834. 1835. 1836. 183T. Cotton wool from foreign countries, viz. — United States of America Brazil - - - - - Turkey and Egypt Otiier foreiijn countries Cotton wool from Britisli possessions, viz. — East Indies and Mauritius British West Indies, the j^rowth of - Ditto, ditto, imported from - Other British possessions ... Total quantities imported Quantities exported ... Left for consumption ... lbs. 219,756,753 20,109,560 9,113,890 .598,048 35,178,625 1,708,764 331,664 35,221 lbs. 237,506,758 28,463,821 987,262 1,696,108 32,755,164 1,653,166 431,696 162,862 lbs. 269,203,075 19,291,396 855,167 2,260,852 32,920,865 1,672,211 624,314 47,545 lbs. 284,455,812 24,986,409 5,738,966 5,207,389 41,474,909 1,495,517 319,753 24,208 Iht. 289,615,69!^ 27,501,272 5,426,721 6,734,413 75,957,887 1,312,806 401,531 8,735 Ibi. 320,651,716 20,940,145 7,881,540 4,616,829 51,577,197 1,199,162 396.540 23,654 286,832,525 18,027,940 303,656,837 17,363,882 326,875,425 24,461,963 363,702,963 32,779,734 406,959,057 31,739,763 407,286,783 39,722,031 268,804,585 286,292,955 302,414,462 330,923,229 375,219,294 367,564,752 It has been the practice for many years past to levy a duty on cotton wool, when im- ported. The policy of such a duty is very questionable ; and it would be quite intole- rable, were it not kept at a low rate. For a number of years previously to 1831, it amounted (on foreign cotton) to 6 per cent ad valorem ; but, in order to make up, in part, at least, for the loss of revenue caused by the repeal of the duty on printed cottons — (see Calico), it was raised in that year to 5s. lOd. a cwt. Such a duty would have materially affected the imports of the inferior species of cotton, and the price of coarse goods; and being, in consequence, justly objected to, it was reduced in 1833 to 2s. lid. a cwt. The duty on cotton from a British possession is little more than nomin.il, being only 4d. a cwt. At an average of 1836 and 1837, the duties on cotton produced 440,332/. a year. The subjoined statement is taken from the circular of George Holt and Co., eminent cotton brokers at Liverpool, dated 31st of December, 183S. It contains some additional COTTON. 441 and instructive details. Its near agreement with the previous statements affords a strong proof of their and its accuracy. Statement of the Consumption, Exportation, &c. of the diflfercnt Sorts of Cotton Wool, In and from Great Britain, in different Years, from 1816 to 1839, both inclusive. ATerape weekly con- sumption* 1816. 1820. 1825. 1830. 1835. 1836. 1837. 1838. 1839. Upland 2,918 3,713 5,452 6,896 4,7X7 4,438 5,505 5,4 »; 4 Orleans and Alabama 990 1,192 2,442 4,756 9,'^04 10,2--i3 11,712 9,915 Sea-bland 460 354 379 310 317 Total United Btates 4 519 6 515 Brazil li589 2)408 2)502 '3)602 '2,'339 '2)508 '2)18.3 '2)460 '2)373 Esypt 891 508 446 641 779 781 .548 Eagt India 207 1,518 1,096 940 1,069 1 ,4 92 1,63'J 1,760 2,142 Demerara. Wett In-1 dia, Sec. • -J 656 534 527 284 421 438 461 039 723 Total 6,483 8,979 11,531 16,002 18,348 19,452 20,333 23,204 21,430 Packages annually con-|^ 337,400 466,900 599,600 832,100 954,100 1,011,500 1,057,300 1,206,600 1,114,400 Average ^-"f packages ^ 258 278 298 333 343 316 346 343 Weekly consumption 1 in packages, average K 343 lbs. - - \ Average wt.ofpackagesY imported, in lbs. - f Packages exported 4.973 6,741 9,353 13,901 17,813 19,451 20,511 23,407 21,430 256 249 270 300 331 342 347 350 348 29,300 28,400 72,800 33.400 102,800 105,900 123.400 103.300 117,300 Lbs. weight annually! imported in millions J- and tenths - - J 93-9 143-9 222-4 261-2 361-7 401-8 408-2 501-0 388-C Lbs. wt. consumed, do. 88-7 120-3 166-8 247-6 318-1 347-4 365-7 416-7 381-7 Lbs. wei;;ht in ports, ■) 31st of Dec. do.l 19-2 110-5 107-0 91-4 73-3 92-0 82-1 1101 98-5 Lbs. weight in Great) Britain • do. J 127-0 115-5 118-8 89-6 116-3 1156 160-9 125-8 Average price per lb. of j. uplands in Liverpool J 18icf. 11 Jd. n-6d. 6-9cJ. md. 9-85rf. 7d. 7d. 7-875 Do. do. Pemams 26d. 15W. mid. 14-le of raw cotton, have had so powerful an influence in reducing the price of the goods brought to market, that, notwithstanding the increase of their quantity, their total value must have remained nearly constant. The average annual quantity of cotton wool imported, after deducting the exports, may be taken at about 260,000,000 lbs. weight. It is supposed, that of this quantity ab'mt 20,000,000 lbs. are used in a raw or half manufactured state, leaving a balance of 240 000,000 for the purposes of manufacturing, the cost of which may be taken, on an average, at Id. per lb. Deducting, therefore, from the total value of the manufactured goods, or 34,000,000/., the value of the raw material, amounting to 7,000,000/., there remains 27,000,000/. ; which, of course, forms the fund whence the wages of the persons employed in the various departments of the manufacture, the profits of the capitalists, the sums required to repair the wear and tear of buildings, machinery, &c., tl)p expense of coals, &c. &c., must all be derived. If, then, we had any means of as- certaining how this fund is distributed, we should be able, by taking the average of wages and profits, to form a pretty accurate estimate of the number of labourers, and the quant'ty of capital employed. But here, unfortunately, we have only probabilities and analogies to guide us. It may, however, be confidently assumed, in the first place, that in consequence of the extensive employment of highly valuable machinery in all the departments of the cotton ipanufacture, the proportion which the profits of capital, and COTTON. 443 the sum to be set aside to replace its wear and tear, bears to the whole value of the manufacture, must be much larger than in any other department of industry. We have heard this proportion variously estimated, at from a fourth to a half of the total value of the manufactured goods, exclusive of the raw material ; and as the weight of authority seems to be pretty much divided on the subject, we shall take an intermediate proportion. Assuming, therefore, that the profits of the capital employed in the cotton manufacture, the wages of superintendence, &c., the sum required to rei)lace the wear and tear of macliinery, buildings, &c., and to furnish coals, &c., amount together to one third of the value of the manufactured goods, exclusive of the raw material, or to 9,000,000/., a sum of 18,000,000Z. will remain as the wages of the spinners, weavers, bleachers, &c. engaged in the manufacture ; and taking, inasmuch as a large proportion of children imder 16 years of age are employed, the average rate of wages at only 22/. 10s. a year, we shall have (dividing 18,000,000 by 22-5), 800,000 as the total number of persons directly employed in the different departments of the manufacture. We should mistake, however, if we supposed that this number, great as it certainly is, comprised the whole number of persons to whom the cotton manufacture furnishes subsistence, exclusive of the capitalists. Of the sum of 9,000,000/. set apart as the profit of the capitalists, and the sum required to furnish coal, and to defray the wear and tear of machinery, &c., a large proportion must annually be laid out in paying the wages of engineers, machine-makers, iron-founders, smiths, joiners, masons, bricklayers, &c. It is not easy to say what this proportion may amount to ; but taking it at a third, or 3,000,000/., and supposing the rate of wages of each individual to average SO/, a year, the total number employed in the various capacities alluded to will be (3,000,000 divided by 30) 100,000 ; and a sum of 6,000,000/. will remain to cover the profits of the capital employed in the various branches of the manufacture, to repair the different parts of the machinery and buildings as they wear out, and to buy coal, flour, &c. The account will, therefore, stand as under : — Total value of every description of cotton goods annually manufactured in Great Britain 34,000,000* Raw material, 240,000,000 lbs. at Id. per lb. . - - - £ 7,000,000 Wages of 800,000 weavers, spinners, bleachers, c,492 1,246,463 6,798,703 5,471,788 2,713,901 1,436,553 25,387,191 10,923,196 7,825,718 3,655,774 833,701 286,164.256 40,203 1,717 4,081 1,033 294,378 341,448 32,271 25,683 268,189 11,789 8,255 4,047 10,763 310,777 526,881 21,638 26,314 256 482,438 330 107,125 41,552 15,783 54,567 519 78,395 ,040,018 144,962 10,075 193,075 36,561 161,392 417,580 28,421 55,651 32,630 436,192 207,714 150,492 88,013 L. 145,760 48,552 347,809 71,569 28,967,374 11,588,241 1,998,160 1,269,924 15,748,216 731,946 649,954 205,986 435,599 12,681,183 17,631,057 562,773 841,686 67,794 9,423,139 693,240 253,009 4,365,569 3,136,936 5,326 2,237,689 17,847,458 2,620,300 613,421 2,445,178 1,335,325 7,950,884 17,998,452 1,612,897 11,966,502 12,010,067 4,227,065 2,675,164 23,380,427 9,260,258 9,356,806 5,611,351 Declared Value. L. 7,590 1,850 9,964 1,369 713,771 322,400 72,528 35,529 369,712 18,740 12,767 5,694 12,234 375,367 481,915 17,364 19,955 2,664 288,230 ' 23,207 4,892 119,540 80,483 141 73,556 488,231 97,620 17,695 79,300 44,889 222,001 465,449 63,270 293,865 407,237 143,805 58,136 551,258 237,557 240,267 165,804 Hoisery and Small Wares. Declared Value. 3,106 70S 1,68 162,263 50,205 102,233 93,768 21,084 838 1,068 221 924 17,271 40,910 2,208 790 33 2,297 349 407 391 9,589 5,931 1,115 1,012 15,809 39,068 43,812 2,751 11,608 117,572 13,3.39 4,085' 26,987, 18,818! 18,21 7 1 14,300, Twist and Yam. Pounds. I>;clar^ 24,108,593 734,336 197,700 57,470 4,924 34,272,607 15,993,072 67,397 94,707 323,262 17,840 1,358 687 1,071 225,939 8,775,028 176,260 297,980 1,800 3,527,538 660,700 2,982 9,314 10,400 8,478,021 127,620 1,873,965 13,625 260,732 55,649 6,250 219,712 1,654,867 188,283 560 7,255 912,192 103,455,138 L. 1,612,956 55,060 10,474 2,870 502 2,177,823 1^86,388 8,752 31,364 23,612 786 78 45 63 14,729 477,882 9,729 14,303 100 180,225 41,3*72 468 602,293 7,858 103,90,S 14,307 4,487 309 13,359 144,489 12,488 48 Total Declared Value. L. 1,669,855 59,355 26,201 5,357 502 3,348,235 2,100,441 216 184,344 t82,597 32,153 22,168 10,007 23,984 718,144 1,527,588- 50,939 61,362 5,053 953,190 330 172,053 46,851 136,109 145,33» 679} 1G0,1 2,160,986 256.371 28,885 S77,'<95 98,0401 456,768 931,328 84,442 4")3,806' 7<;5, .367,284 107,339 1,014,485 464,473 408,976 268,11 65,003 Such being the vast extent and importance of the cotton manufacture, ihe probability of our preserving our ascendancy in it becomes a very interesting topic ot inquiry. But it is obvious, that a great deal of conjecture must always insinuate itself into cu" reason- ings with respect to the future state of any branch of manufacturing industry. They are all liable to be affected by so many contingent and unforeseen circumstances, that it is impossible to predicate, with any thing like certainty, what may be their condition a few yeai'S hence. But abstracting from the effect of national struggles and commotions, which can neither be foreseen nor calculated, we do not think that there is any thing in our state, or in that of the different commercial and manufacturing countries of tlie world, that should lead us to anticipate that the gloomy forebodings of those who con tend that the cotton manufacture of England has reached its zenith, and that it mus« now begin to decline, will be realised. The natural capabilities we possess for carrying on the business of manufacturing are, all things considered, decidedly superior to those of any other people. But the superiority to which we have already arrived is, perhaps, the greatest advantage in our favour. Our master manufacturers, engineers, and arti- sans, are more intelligent, skilful, and enterprising, than those of any other country ; and the extraordinary inventions they have already made, and their familiarity with all the principles and details of the business, will not only enable them to perfect the processes already in use, but can hardly fliil to lead to the discovery of others. Our establish- ments fur spinning, weaving, printing, bleaching, &c. are infinitely more complete and perfect than any that exist elsewhere ; the division of labour in tliem is carried to an COTTON. 4-17 incomparably greater extent ; the workmen arc trained from infancy to industrious habits, and have attained that peculiar dexterity and sleight of hand in the performance of their separate tasks, that can only be acquired by long and unremitting application to the same employment. Why, then, having all* these advantages on our side, should we not keep the start we have already gained ? Every other people that attempt to set up manufactures must obviously labour under the greatest difficulties as comj^ared with us. Their establishments cannot, at first, be sufficiently large to enable the divi- sion of emi)loyments to be carried to any considerable extent, at the same time tliat ex- pertncss in manipulation, and in the details of the various processes, can only be attained by slow degrees. It appears, therefore, reasonable to conclude that such new beginners, having to withstand the competition of those who have already arrived at a very high degree of perfection in the art, must be immediately driven out of every market equally accessible to both parties ; and that nothing but the aid derived from restrictive regu- lations and prohibitions will be effectual to prevent the total destruction of their establish- ments in the countries where they are set up. 4. Progress of the Manufacture in other Countries. — But notwithstanding what has now been stated, a notion seems to be spreading abroad, that we shall have no little difficulty in maintaining our ground against the competition of the Americans, Swiss, Austrians, French, &c., and a good deal of evidence upon this subject was taken before the com- mittee of the House of Commons appointed in 1833 to inquire into the state of manu- factures, commerce, and shipping. Such apprehensions appear to us to be quite destitute of any real foundation. Provided we have no agitation, that public tranquillity and security in fact and opinion be maintained unimpaired, we need be under no sort of un- easiness as to any competition to which we can be exposed. The tariff forced cotton, woollen, iron, and other manufactures, into a premature existence in the United States ; but we have little doubt that, except in the coarser fabrics, and those where it is necessary to use large quantities of the raw material, the late modifications of the tariff have given a death-blow to the American manufacturing system. Independent, however, of this, there was nothing whatever to fear from that quarter. During the year ended the 30th of September, 1829, the exports of all sorts of cotton goods from America amounted to 1,259,457 dollars; while during the year ended the 30th of September, 1832, they amounted to 1,229,574 dollars. — (^Papers laid before Congress, 5th of February, 1830, and 15th of February, 1833.) It is plain, therefore, notwithstanding the pro- tection of the tariff, that the exports of manufactured cottons from America have not increased any thing during the last 3 years ; and it is very luilikely that even the trifling quantity now exported will be maintained. They have been exported only because the fabrics contained a great deal of the best cotton, which made them more durable and heavy than those manufactured here. But goods of this sort are in very limited demand ; and the Manchester manufacturers have already produced an article similar to and cheaper than the American " domestics," which will go far to expel them from the market. Among the singular statements that have been put forth as to the cotton manufactures of America, one is, that the wages of labour are lower there than here ! To dwell on the absurdity of such a statement would be an insult to our readers. But though it were true that wages are as low in Massachusetts as in England, that would afford no real ground for anticipating any formidable competition from America in this department. The price of cottons depends more on the profits of stock than on the wages of labour ; and, so far as we know, it has not yet been alleged that they are lower in America than here. Suppose an English and an American manufacturer have each 100,000/. vested in cotton mills, and in the floating stock required to carry on the business ; if profits in England be 1 per cent, less than in America, the English manufacturer can afford, cceteris paribus, to sell his goods for 1,000/. less than th» American. We are very far from insinuating or believing that this lowness of profit is an advantage ; but whatever may be its influence in other respects, so long as it continues, it gives our manufacturers a decided superiority over those of every other country where profits are higher, in the manufacture and sale of all articles, such as cotton yarn and stuffs, principally produced by machinery. It is ludicrous, indeed, to suppose that a half-peopled country like America, possessed of boundless tracts of unoccupied land of the highest degree of fertility, should be able successfully to contend in manufacturing industry, with an old settled, fully peopled, and very rich country like Great Britain. The government which encourages such a mis- direction of the public capital and industry, and those who suppose it can end in any thing else than ruin to the parties, are ignorant of the merest elements of the science of wealth. The following results as to the state of the American cotton manufacture in 1S31 have been deduce*.! from the Report o-f a Committee of Congress in 1832 : — 448 COTTON. In 12 states they had, mills — spindles — looms The weight of cotton consumed Allowing 2 oz. per lb. for loss Total weight-of yarn produced Weekly amount Averaging 16f oz. per spindle weekly. 795 1,246,503 33,506 - 77,557,316 lbs, 9,694,664 - 67,862,652 1,305,051 If the 33,506 looms were employed, and the whole 1,305,051 lbs. of yam manufactured, each loom mudt have consumed at an average 39 lbs. weekly, showing that the goods manufactured were of a very heavy description. It also appears from statements made by the same committee, that The number of males employed were — females - - - - Total number employed in spinning and manufacturing 57,466 The amount paid for wages in the year was 10,294,444 dollars, or 2,144,780/., being 42,895/. per week j averaging 14s. lid. for each person employed. They state that the consumption of flour in their manufacture was 1,641,253 lbs , or 8,374 barrels (196 lbs. each), averaging weekly 31,562 lbs., or nearly lib. for each loom. Note. — By the new American tariff, plain calicoes, &c. imported, not exceeding in value Is. 3d. the square yard, to nay S^d. per yard duty. Printed or coloured calicoes, &c., not exceeding Is. B^d. the square yard, to pay 4f a. per yard duty. Cotton yarn, unbleached and uncoloured, not exceeding in value 2s. 6d. per lb., to pay 7|rf. per lb. duty. If bleached or coloured, not exceeding 3s. l^d. per lb., to pay 9f rf. per lb! duty. Little as we have to fear from American, we have still less to fear from Swiss of Austrian competition. America has some advantage over England in the greater cheapness of the raw material ; bui Switzerland and Austria, situated almost in the very centre of Europe, can only draw their supplies of raw cotton by a distant land carriage by way of Mar- seilles, Genoa, and Trieste ; or by a lengthened navigation up the Rhine or the Elbe ; and we have the best authority for affirming, that a bale of cotton may Ije conveyed at a less expense from Charleston to Manchester, than from Genoa or Trieste, Amsterdam or Hamburgh, to Switzerland or Austria. Switzerland is altogether destitute of coal ; all that she does is done by water power, and that is already pretty well exhausted. It is not, however, to be wondered at that the Swiss and Austrians should have succeeded in supplying their own markets, and some of those immediately contiguous, with certain species of yarn ; but it seems to us quite visionary to suppose that they will ever do much more than this. It was stated before the committee of 18.33, that the French cotton manufacture had increased, between 1812 and 1826, in the ratio of 310 per cent., while in England its increase was only 270 per cent. This statement is, we believe, accurate as far as it goes; and yet it is eminently calculated, although, no doubt, without being so intended, to mislead. In 1812, and for some years previously, it was hardly possible to import cotton wool into France, and its price was quite excessive. When, therefore, the ma- nufacturers got wool after the return of peace at an ordinary price, it was impossible, seeing that foreign cottons are excluded from France, but that the manufacture should increase with extraordinary rapidity, until the home demand was pretty well supplied An advance of this sort is assuredly no proof of the capacity of France to prosecute the manufacture with advantage, or to export cottons without the aid of a bounty. Had the manufacture gone on increasing in the above, or even in a very inferior ratio, down to the present time, the circumstance might have justly excited attention ; but such has not been the case ; on tlie contrary, it has been nearly stationary from 1 822 down to the present time. In proof of this, we beg to refer to the following account, published by the merchants of Havre, of the imports of cotton into France, the deliveries from the warehouses, and the stocks on hand, in each year from 1822 : — Years . Imports. Deliveries. Stocks, 31st. Dec. i Years. e Imports. Deliveries. Stocks, 3l9t Dec. 1822 182,3 1824 1825 1826 jl827 1828 Balct. 205,861 169,845 251,074 204,572 320,174 290,617 206,132 Bales. 215,199 172,312 243,958 216,460 281,001 279,693 239,723 Bales. 42,545 40,078 47,194 35,306 74,479 85,403 54,812 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 Bales. 264,750 250,784 243,843 272,463 276,587 301,652 S08,736 BaUt. 29,292 61,260 35,810 22,506 51,75.S 24,4<;7 40,096 It is supposed by some, that the competition we have to fear from the Continent does not consist so much in the spinning as in the weaving of cottons ; and that the probabihty i.s, that our exports of yarn will increase, and our exports of manufactured goods di- minish. We (lo not, however, imagine there is much in this. Our power looms are superior to those of any other country ; and it is unhappily true, that the wages of lituid COTTON. 449 loom weavers here are sunk below the general level of Europe.* There is not, in fac^ with the exception of the dyes, a single particular connected with the cotton manufacture in which we have not a manifest superiority over tlic Swiss, Austrians, French, Prussians, and every Continental nation. Certainly, however, we are inferior to some of them in the brilliancy and durability of their dyes ; and this circumstance occasioned a con- siderable demand for German and Swiss printed cottons in many parts of tlie East, where vivid colours are held in the highest estimation. But even there, the greater cheapness of our goods is proving an overmatch for the greater brilliancy of those of our rivals. On the whole, therefore, we see no reason to think that the British cotton manufacture has reached, much less passed, its zenith. At the same time, however, it can hardly be necessary to ob*;erve, considering the vast importance of the trade, that while, on the one hand, nothing should be left undone that may serve to widen its foundations, and to pro- mote its prosperity, on the other, nothing should be attempted that may, by possibility, have an opposite effect. The subsistence of 1,400,000 people is not to be endangered on slight grounds. The abuses even of such a business must be cautiously dealt with, lest, in eradicating them, we shake or disorder the whole fabric. We admit, however, that the case of children employed iii the cotton factories is one of those that call fairly for legislative regulation. But it may be questioned whether the plan for having relays of children is the best that might be devised. The general opinion seems to be, that it will, in most instances, be found impossible to carry it into effect. The whole subject, as to the limitation of hours, is confessedly one of great difficulty ; and it would perhaps be better, before taking any very decisive steps in the matter, to try the effect of the system of inspection, and of the publication of the inspectors' reports as to the condition of the children employed. 5. Statutory Regulations as to the Employment of Childuen in Factories. No statutory restrictions respecting the employment of children in the mills and factories of the United Kingdom existed until the year 1802, when an act of parliament was passed (42 Goo. 3.) for the pre- servation of the health and morals of apprentices and others employed in cotton and other factories, and directing the local magistrates to report whether the factories were conducted according to law, and to adopt such sanitary regulations as they might think fit. This act was followed, in 1816, by an act, gene- rally called Sir Robert Peel s Act, imposing various regulations on the employment of children in cotton mills. Both of these acts were repealed in 1831, by an act 1 & 2 Will. 4. c. 39., commonly called Sir John Hobhouse's Act, which provided, that in cotton factories, to which alone it related, no child could legally be employed till it had attained the age of 9 years ; and that no person under 18 years of age could be suffered to remain in the factories more than 12 hours in one day ; and that on Saturdays they shoidd only be employed in the factories for 9 hours. Sir John Hobhouse's act was repealed in 1833, by the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 103., which contains the fol- lowing provisions, comprehending the whole statutory regulations at present applicable to cotton and other factories in the United Kingdom : — 1. That after the 1st of January, 1834, no person under 18 years of age shall be allowed to work in the night, that is, between | past 8 p. m. and ^ past 5 a. m., in any cotton or other factory in which steam or water, or any other mechanical power, is or shall be used to propel the machinery, excepting in late fac- tories. 2. That no person under 18 shall be employed more than 12 hours in one day, nor more than 69 horns in one week. 3. That there shall be allowed, in the course of everyday, not less than li hour for meals to eveiy person restricted to the performance of 12 hours' work. 4. That after the 1st of January, 1834, no child, except in silk mills, shall be employed, who shall not be 9 years old. 5. That after the 1st of March, 1834, no child, except in silk mills, shall be employed in any factory more than 48 hours in any one week, nor more than 9 hours in any day, who shall not be 11 years old ; nor after the 1st of March, 1835, who shall not be 12 years old ; nor after the 1st of March, 1836'. who shall not be 13 years old; and that these hours of work shall not be exceeded, even if the child has worked during the day in more factories than one. 6. That children and young persons, whose hours of work are regulated, shall be entitled to 2 holi- days and 8 half holidays in every year. 7. That children, whose hours of work are restricted to 9 hours a day, are not to be employed without obtaining a certificate from a physician or surgeon, certifying that they are of the ordinary strength and appearance of children of the age before mentioned, which certificate is to be countersigned by some inspector or justice. 8. That it shall be lawful for his Majesty to appoint, during pleasure, 4 persons to bo inspectors of fac- tories, with extensive powers, as magistrates, to examine the children employed in the factories, and to inquire respecting their condition, employment, and education ; and that one of the secretaries of state shall have power, on the application of an inspector, to appoint superintendents to superintend the exe- cution of the act. 9. That those inspectors are to make all rules necessary for the execution of the net, and to enforce the attendance at school, for at least 2 hours daily out of 6 days in the week, of children employed in factories from whose weekly wages a deduction, not exceeding 1 penny in every shilling, for schooling, shall be made. 10. That no child shall be employed, who shall not, on Monday of every week, give to the factory master a certificate of his or her attendance at school for the previous week. 11. That the interior walls of every mill shall be whitewashed every year. 12. That a copy or abstract of the act shall be hung up in a conspicuous part of every mill 13. That the inspectors shall regularly, once a year, report their proceedings to one' of the secretaries of state. For an account of the circumstances which have occasioned this depression, we be^' to refer the reader o_ .... „ 2 G to an article on manufactures, commerce, &c. in the 117th No. of the Edinburgh Review Some of tt^e above statements are taken from that article. 4;50 COWHAGE. — CREDIT. The act also contains regulations extending the hours of work where time shall be lost by the want of, or an excess of, water, in mills situated upon a stream of water ; respecting the steps to be taken in order to obtain regular certificates of age for the children requiring them ; respecting the erection of schools, where necessary ; and respecting the proceedings to be had before inspectors and magistrates for enforcing the act, and the right to appeal from their decisions. COWHAGE, OR COWITCH (Hind. Kiwach), the fruit or bean of ^ perennial cKmbing plant (^Dolichos pruriens Lin.). It is a native of India, as well as of several other eastern countries, and of America. The pod is about 4 or 5 inches long, a little curved, and contains from 3 to 5 oval and flattish seeds ; the outside is thickly covered with short, bristly, brown hairs, which, if incautiously touched, stick to the skin, and occasion intolerable itching. Syrup thickened with the hairs is prescribed in certain complaints {Ainslie's Materia Indica.) COWRIES (Ger. Kauris; Du. Kauris; Fr. Com, Cauris, Bouges ; It. Cori, Por- cellane ; Sp. Bucios Zimhos) are small shells brought from the Maldives, which pass current as coin in smaller payments in Hindostan, and throughout extensive districts in Africa. They used to be imported into England previously to the abolition of the slave trade, in which they were subsequently employed. They are an article of trade at Bom- bay. The best are small, clean, and white, having a beautiful gloss ; those that are yellow, large, and without lustre, should be rejected. The freight is calculated at 20 cwt. to the ton. — {Milburn's Orient, Com.') CRANBERRIES, or RED WHORTLEBERRIES, the fruit of a moss plant, the Vaccinium oxycoccus of Linnaeus. The berries are globular, about the size of cur- rants ; are found in mossy bogs in different parts of Scotland, but not in great numbers : they were once common in Lincolnshire, and the northern parts of Norfolk ; but since the bogs have been drained and cultivated, they are rarely met with. Cranberries have a peculiar flavour, and a sharp, acid, agreeable taste ; they are easily preserved, and are extensively used in making tarts. They are very abundant in North America, and in the northern parts of Russia ; the latter being of a superior quality. We import from 30,000 to 35,000 gallons annually. It is said that some very fine ones have recently been brought from New South Wales. CRAPE (Fr. Crepe; Ger. Flohr, Krausflohr ; It. EspumiUa, Soplillo ; Rus. Flior ; Sp. Crespon), a light transparent stuff, in manner of gauze, made of raw silk, gummed and twisted on the mill and woven without crossing. It is principally used in mourning. Crape was originally manufactured in Bologna ; but that made in this country is now deemed superior to any made in Italy. CREAM OF TARTAR. See Argal. CREDIT, the term used to express the trust or confidence placed by one individual in another, when he assigns him money, or other property in loan, or without stipulating for its immediate payment. The party who lends is said to give credit, and the party who borrows to obtain credit. Origin and Nature of Credit. — In the earlier stages of society, credit is in a great measure unknown. This arises partly from the circumstance of very little capital being then accumulated, and partly from government not having the means, or not being suf- ficiently careful, to enforce that punctual attention to engagements so indispensable to the existence of confidence or credit. But as society advances, capital is gradually ac- cumulated, and the observance of contracts is enforced by public authority. Credit then begins to grow up. On the one hand, those individuals who have more capital than they can conveniently employ, or who are desirous of withdrawing fi-om business, are dis- posed to lend, or to transfer, a part or the whole of their capital to others, on condition of their obtaining a certain stipulated premium or interest for its use, and what they consider sufficient security for its repayment ; and, on the other hand, there are always individuals to be met with, disposed to borrow, partly (and among merchants principally) in order to extend their business beyond the limits to which they can carry it by means of then- own capital, or to purchase commodities on speculation, and partly to defray debts already contracted. These different classes of individuals mutually accommodate each other. Those desirous of being relieved from the fatigues of business, find it very convenient to lend their capital to others ; while such as are anxious to enlarge their businesses, obtain the means of prosecuting them to a greater extent. It is plain, that to whatever extent the power of the borrower of a quantity of produce, or a sum of money, to extend his business may be increased, tliat of the lender must be equally diminished. The same portion of capital cannot be employed by two individuals at the same time. If A. transfer his capital to B., he necessarily, by so doing, deprives himself of a power or capacity of production wliich B. acquires. It is most prol)abIe, indeed, that this capital will be more productively employed in the hands of B. than of A. ; for the fiict of A. having lent it shows that he either had no means of employing it advantageously, or was disinclined to take the trouble ; while the fact of B. having borrowed it sliows that he conceives he can advantageously employ it, or that he can ill vest it so as to make it yield an interest to the lender, and a profit to himself. It is CREDIT. 451 obvious, however, that except in so far as credit contributes, in the way now mentioned, to bring capital into the possession of those wlio, it may be fairly presumed, will employ it most beneficially, it conduces nothing to the increase of wealth. The most common method of making a loan is by selling commodities on credit, or on condition that they shall be paid at some future period. Tlie price is increased pro- portionally to the length of credit given ; and if any doubt be entertained with respect to the punctuality or solvency of the buyer, a further sum is added to the price, in order to cover the risk that the seller or endcr runs of not receiving payment, or of not receiving it at the stipulated period. This is the usual method of transacting where capital is abundant, and confidence general ; and there can be no manner of doubt that the amount of property lent in Great Britain, the Netherlands, and most other com- mercial countries, in this way, is infinitely greater than all that is lent in every other way. When produce is sold in the way now described, it is usual for the buyers to give their bills to the sellers for the price, payable at the period when the credit is to expire ; and it is in the effects consequent to the negociation of such bills that much of that magical influence that has sometimes been ascribed to credit is believed to consist. Suppose, to illustrate this, that a paper-makei-. A., sells to a printer, B., a quantity of p^er, and that he gets his bill for the sum, payable at 12 months after date : B. could not have entered into the transaction had he been obliged to pay ready money ; but A., notwithstanding he has occasion for the money, is enabled, by the facility of negociating or discounting bills, to give the requisite credit, without disabling himself IVom prosecuting his business. In a case like this, both parties are said to be supported by credit ; and as cases of this sort are exceedingly common, it is contended that half the business of the country is carried on by its means. All, however, that such statements really amount to is, that a large proportion of those engaged in industrious undertakings do not employ their own capital, bvit that of others. In the case in question, ihe printer employs the capital of the paper-maker, and the latter employs that of the banker or broker who discounted the bill. This person had most likely the amount in spare cash lying beside him, which he might not well know what to make of ; but the individual into whose hands it has now come, will immediately apply it to useful purposes, or to the purchase of the ma- terials, or the payment of the wages of the workmen employed in his establishment. It is next to certain, therefore, that the transaction will have been advantageous. But still it is essential to bear in mind that it will have been so, not because credit is of itself a means of production, or because it can give birth to capital not already in existence ; but because, through its agency, capital finds its way into those channels in which it has the best chance of being profitably employed. The real advantage derived from the use of bills and bank not-es as money consists, as has been already shown, in their substituting so cheap a medium of exchange as paper, in the place of one so expensive as gold, and in the facilities which they give to the transacting of commercial aflTairs. If a banker lend A. a note for ICOZ. or 1,000/., the latter will be able to obtain an equivalent portion of the land or produce of the country in exchange for it ; but that land or produce was already in existence. The issue of the note did not give it birth. It was previously in some one's possession ; and it will depend wholly on the circumstance of A.'s employing it more or less advantageously than it was previously employed, whether the transaction will, in public point of view, be profitable or not. On analysing any case of this kind, we shall invariably find that all that the highest degree of credit or confidence can db, is merely to change the dis- tribution of capital — to transfer it from one class to another. These transfers are occasionally, too, productive of injurious results, by bringing capital into the hands of spendthrifts : this, however, is not, except in the case of the credit given by shopkeepers, a very common effect; and there can be no doubt that the vast majoiity of regular loans are decidedly beneficial. Abuses of the present Credit System in Great Britain. Means of obviating tliem. — The previous observations refer rather to the credit given to individuals engaged in business, who mean to employ the capital which they borrow in industrious undertakings, than to that which ''^ given to individuals not so engaged, and who employ the advances made to them in irupporting themselves and their families. In neither case is credit of advantage, unless it be granted with due discrimination, and with reference to the cha- racter, condition, and prospects of those receiving it. In this coinitry, however, these considerations have been in a great measure lost sight of, in the granting of credit by shopkeepers and tradesmen of all descriptions. Owing to the competition of such persons, their extreme eagerness to secure customers, and the general indolence of opulent persons, which disinclines them to satisfy eyery small debt when it is contracted, the system of selling upon credit has become almost universal. Few among us think of paying ready money for any thing ; seven tenths of the community are in the constant practice of anticipating their incomes ; and there is hardly one so bankrupt in character 2 G 2 452 CREDIT. and fortune as to be unable to find grocers, bakers, butchers, tailors, &c. ready to furnish him upon credit with supplies of the articles in which they respectively deal. We look upon this facility of obtaining accommodations as a very great evil. They are not, in one case out of five, of any real advantage to the parties receiving thenn, while they are productive of very pernicious results. The system tempts very many, and sometimes even the most considerate individuals, to indulge in expenses beyond their means ; and thus becomes the most fruitful source of bankruptcy, insolvency, and bad faith. To guarantee themselves from the extraordinary risk to which such proceedings expose them, tradesmen are obliged to advance the price of their goods to a most exorbitant height ; so that those who are able, and who really mean to pay the debts they contract, are, in fact, obliged to pay those of the hosts of insolvents and swindlers maintained by the present system. Many tradesmen consider themselves as fortunate, if they recover from two thirds to three fourths of the sums standing in their books, at the distance of several years. The extraordinary extent to which the credit practice is carried may be learned from the inquiries of the Parliamentary Committee on Small Debts. It appears from them, that hatters, shoemakers, &c. in the metropolis, have often 4,000Z. and upwards on their books in debts below 10/., and that five sixths of their book debts are below that sum! A large proportion of these debts are irrecoverable ; but owing to the artificial enhance- ment of prices, those that are good are sufficient to indemnify the traders for the loss of the bad. It is not easy, we think, to imagine any system better fitted to generate improvidence and fraud. The vast majority of those who become insolvent, or are imprisoned for debt, consist of labourers, artisans, half-pay officers, clerks in public and other offices, annuitants, &c. — persons whom no prudent shopkeeper would ever allow to get perma- nently into his debt. The following Table exhibits some of the efl^ects resulting fi-om this sy stem : — Number of Persons committed for Debt to the several Prisons of the Metropolis in the Year 1827, and the Sums for which they were committed. — {Faii. Paper, No. 76. Sess. 1828.) For Sums' above 100/. For Sums between hQl. Si lOOi. For Sums between 50Z. & 20Z. For Sums under 20Z. Total. In Custody January 1. 1828. King's Bench prison Fleet prison - -_ - Whitecross Street prison Marshalsea prison . - . Horsemonger Lane prison 474 206 206 20 57 354 141 273 30 58 550 223 816 166 1;34 213 113 600 414 923 1,591 683 .1,893 630 1,172 G74 253 378 102 105 Total 963 856 1,889 2,263 5,969 1,512 It is time, certainly, that something effectual were done to put an end to such flagrant abuses — to a system that sends 923 persons to a single prison for debts under 20/. ! We do not mean to say or insinuate that credit may not frequently be given to the labouring classes vidth the best effects: but it is of its abuse that we complain, — of its being indiscriminately granted to everyone; to those whom it encourages to continue in a course of idleness and profligacy, as well as to those industrious and deserving persons to whom it may occasionally be of the greatest service. To secure the advantages of credit to the public, free from the enormous evils that result from its abuse, is an object of the highest importance ; and few things, we believe, would do so much to secure it, as the taking from creditors the power to arrest and imprison for debt. — (See Bank- RUPTCT.) It was stated in the House of Commons, (19th of February, 1827,) that in the space of 2^ years, 70,000 persons were arrested in and about London, at an expense to the parties, it may be estimated, of between 150,000/. and 200,(X)0/. ! In 1827, in the metropolis and two adjoining counties, 23,515 warrants to arrest were granted, and 11,317 bailable processes were executed. Hence it maybe concluded, that in this single year, within the above limits, no fewer than 12,000 persons were deprived of their liberty, on the mere allegation of others, without any jyroof that they owed them a farthing I Well might Lord Eldon say " that the law of arrest is a permission to commit acts of greater oppression and inhumanity than are to be met with in slavery itself, and that the redress of such a grievance would not be attended with any fatal consequences to the country." 'J'he following Table, which shows that 1,120 persons were committed to Horsemonger Lane prison, in 1831, for debts amounting, in all, to only 2,417/. 7s. 5d., being, at an average, no more than 21. 3s. 2d. each, proves that the discussions which liave taken placo with respect to the law of arrest and imprisonment, have not, in any degree, lessened its mischievous operation. Whatever else may be dear in England, the fact that thousands of people are annually imprisoned for such miserable trifles, shows that personal liberty IS, at at all events, abundantly cheap. CREDIT. 453 A Return of the Number of Debtors committed to Ilorsemongcr Lane PriBon, on Process out of the Courts of Requests, during the Years ending 1st of January, 18.'32 and I8'33 ; Btating the aggregate Amount of Debts and Costs, separately, in each Year ; showing, in Classes, the Number confined irom One to less than Ten I)ays, for Ten l)ays and less than Thirty, Fifty, Seventy, and One Hundred Days ; stating, also, the Amount paid out of the County or other Rates for the Maintenance and Support of such Prisoners, as accurately as possible. 1831. 1832. Number committed in the year • • • 1,120 945 £ s. d. £ s. d. Aggregate amount of debts 2,417 7 5 2,039 14 9 costs - - . - 096 2 7 566 18 2 Number confined from 1 to less than 10 days 610 394 for 10 and . . 30 - 336 317 30 - - 50 - 77 119 50 - . 70 - 47 65 70 - - 100 - 26 29 100 days and more - - 24 30 Amount paid out of the county or other rates for the main- 1 je tenance and support of such prisoners - -j 208 226 We defy any one to show that the law of arrest and imprisonment has a single good consequence to be placed as a set-ofF against the intolerable evils of which it is productive. Tradesmen depend, as is clearly evinced by the above statements, upon the despotical power which it puts in their hands, to get them out of scrapes ; and believe that the fear of being subjected to arrest will stimulate even the most suspicious portion of their debtors to make payment of their accounts. The records of our prisons, and of our insolvent and other courts, show how miserably these expectations are disappointed. We believe, indeed, that we are warranted in affirming that the more respectable classes of shopkeepers and tradesmen are now generally satisfied that the present system requires some very material modifications. The law of arrest and imprisonment is, in fact, advantageous to none but knaves and swindlers, and the lowest class of attorneys, who frequently buy up small accounts and bills, that they may bring actions upon them, and enrich themselves at the expense of the poor, by the magnitude of their charges. Such oppressive proceedings are a disgrace to a civilised country. Were the law in question repealed, credit would be granted to those only who deserved it ; for, generally speaking, tradesmen, supposing they had nothing to trust to but their own discretion, would not deal, except for ready money, with those of whose character and situation they were not perfectly informed ; and the difficulty imder which all idle and improvident persons would thus be placed of obtaining loans, would do much to wean them from their vicious courses, and to render them industrious and honest. " Those," says Dr. Johnson, " who have made the laws, have apparently considered that every deficiency of payment is the crime of the debtor. But the truth is, that the creditor always shares the act, and often more than shares the guilt of improper trust. It seldom happens that any man imprisons another but for debts which he suflPered to be contracted in hope of advantage to himself, and for bargains in which he proportioned his profit to his own opinion of the hazard • and there is no reason why one should punish another for a contract in which both con- curred." The power of taking goods in execution for debts is also one that requires to be materially modified. At present, the household furniture of every man, and even the implements used in his trade, should there be nothing else to lay hold of, may be seized and sold in satisfaction of any petty claim. It seems to us quite clear that some limits should be set to this power ; and that such articles as are indispensable either to the subsistence or the business of any poor man OMght to be exempted from execution, and, perhaps, distress. The present practice, by stripping its victims of the means of support and employment, drives them to despair, and is productive only of crimes and disorders. We are glad to observe that there seems to be a growing conviction among mercantile men, of the inconveniences arising from the present practice. A petition against im- prisonment for small debts, subscribed by many of the most eminent merchants, manu- facturers, bankers, &c. of the city of Glasgow, was presented to the House of Commons in 1833. It contains so brief, and at the same time so forcible, an exposition of the evils resulting from the present system, that we shall take the liberty of laying it before our readers. " Your petitioners have been long and seriously impressed with the belief that very great evils have arisen and do arise from the imprisonment of debtors in Scotland, especially for small sums " The petitioners will not here question the policy of the existing laws which authorise" the impri'son ment of debtors for considerable sums, nor do they intend to object to the creditor rctainin<' the fullest power over the property and effects of his debtor ; but thev are humbly of opinion that in -solar as these laws give creditors the power to imprison debtors for small sums, such as for 8/. and under^ thev are not only injurious to the public, and ruinous to the debtor, but even hurtful to the creditor himself " 9. G S 454 CREDIT. It would be a waste of time to dwell upon the hardship of subjecting debtors to iraprisoimient for small debts, contracted sometimes certainly under circumstances of real distress, but more frequently from the improper use of credit, with which they are too readily supplied. The creditor takes care that his profit shall be commensurate with his risk; and the debtor is induced to purchase freely, and at any price, that which he is not immediately called upon to pay ; the creditor coolly and cruelly calculates upon the power which the law has granted him over the person of his debtor if he fail to discharge his debt to him, while the debtor forgets that, by the credit so imprudently afforded him, he is preparing theuway for his own ruin, and that of all who have any dependence upon him. " The total number of debtors imprisoned in the gaol of Glasgow alone, for debts of 8^. and under, was, in the year 1830, 353 ; in 1831, 419 ; and in 1832, 437 ; while the whole number of incarcerations in that gaol for sums of every description were, in the year 1830,557; in 1831,630; and in 1832,696; the proportion of sums of 81. and under being nearly two thirds of the whole on the average of these 3 years. " To remedy these evils, your petitioners humbly submit that means should be adopted for the repeal of the laws at present in force, in so far as they sanction the recovery of small debts by imprisonment, reserving their effect in every other respect; the result of which would be, that credit for small sums would be greatly limited, if not entirely extinguished, and the poorer classes rendered more provident; and by purchasing with money at a cheaper rate what they now buy at an extravagant price, they would be enabled to procure for themselves additional comforts, from the more economical employment of their small incomes. " May it therefore please your Honourable House to take this matter into your consideration, and to adopt such means as you in your wisdom shall see proper, to prevent the incarceration of debtors for sums under SI., and thereby remove or greatly mitigate the evils of improvidence on the part of the debtor, and of oppression on the part of the creditor, which necessarily arise under the present system." So reasonable a proposal, .supported by such conclusive statements, could not fail to make a deep impression ; and a bill was consequently introduced by the solicitor general, taking away the power to arrest and imprison for petty debts. This bill was after- wards withdrawn ; but there can be no doubt that it will be brought forward again, unless it be resolved to apply a still more radical cure to the abuses complained of. Propriety of placing all small Debts beyond the Pale of the Law. — The taking away the power of arrest and imprisonment, except in the case of fraudulent bankruptcy would certainly be a material improvement upon the existing system. But we are satis- fied that it does not go far enough ; and that by far the most desirable and beneficial reform that could be effected in this department would be to take away all action for debts tinder a given sum, as 50l. or 100/. The only exception to this rule should be in the case of claims for wages, or labour done under executory contracts. To prevent the measure from being defeated, no action should be granted on bills imder 501. or 100/., except upon those drawn by or upon regular bankers. This would be a radical change certainly ; but we are fully satisfied that it would be highly advantageous to every class of the community, and most of all to labourers, retail dealers, and small tradesmen. It would protect the former from oppression, at the same time that it would tend power- fully to render them more provident and considerate ; it would teach the latter to ex- ercise that discretion in the granting of credit which is so very indispensable; and it would be publicly beneficial, by strengthening the moral principle, and making the contraction of debts for small sums, without the means of paying them, at once difficult and disgraceful. We agree entirely in opinion with those who think that it is to no purpose to attempt to remedy the defects now pointed out, by multiplying courts and other devices for facilitating the speedy recovery of small debts. This is beginning at the wrong end ; or rather it is attempting to obviate the influence of one abuse by instituting another. No wise statesman will ever be easily persuaded to fill the country with petty local courts ; for these, when not absolutely necessary, are the merest nuisances imaginable ; and he would, at all events, exert himself, in the first instance, to do away, in so far as possible, with the circumstances that make individuals resort to them. But it is certain that nine tenths of the cases in county courts originate in questions as to simple contract debts under 50l. ; and were such debts placed, as they ought to be, beyond the pale of the law, the courts would be wholly unnecessary. Our object ought not to be to provide means for enforcing payment of trifling debts, but to prevent their contraction. We believe, indeed, that, instead of lessening, the multiplication of district courts will materially aggravate, all the evils of the present credit system. The belief that they may readily enforce their claims by resorting to them will make shopkeepers and trades- men still more disposed than at present to give credit, while the unprincipled, the incon- siderate, and the necessitous will eagerly grasp at this increased facility. What there is of caution amongst our retail dealei"s is in no inconsiderable degree owing to the want of those petty tribunals so many are anxious to have universally established. The more they are increased, the less will caution prevail. But instead of diminishing this virtue, for such it really is, — it cannot be too much increased. Nothing will ever deter those who ought not to obtain credit from taking it while in their power ; but those who give it may be made to exercise greater discretion ; they may be made to know that it is a private transaction between themselves and those to whom they grant it ; and that in the case of petty debts they have only their own sagacity to look to, such transactions not being cognizable by law. A measure of the sort here proposed would not, as some appear to imagine, annihilate credit. It would, no doubt, annihilate that spurious indiscriminating species of credit, that is as readily granted to the spendthrift and pro- CREW.— CUDBEAR. digal, as to the frugal and industrious individual ; but to the same extent that it de- prived the former of the means of obtaining accommodation, it would extend those of the latter. Nothing short of this — nothing but the placing all small debts beyond the pale of the law — will ever fully impress tradesmen with a conviction of the vast advantages that would result to themselves from their withdrawing their confidence from courts and prisons, and preventing every one from getting upon their books, of whose situation and circumstances they are not fully aware ; nor will any thing else be able comj)letely to eradicate the flagrant abuses inherent in the present credit system, and which have gone far to render it a public nuisance. One of the worst consequences of the present system is the sort of thraldom in wliich it keeps thousands of labourers and other individuals, whom the improper facilities for obtaining credit originally led into debt. Such persons dare not leave the shops to which they owe accounts ; and they dare neither object to the quality of the goods offered to them, nor to the prices charged. Dr. Johnson has truly observed, that " he that once owes more than he can pay, is often obliged to bribe his creditor to patience by increasmg his debt. Worse and worse commodities at a higher and higher price are forced upon him ; he is impoverished by compulsive traffic ; and at last overwhelmed in the common receptacles of misery by debts, which, without his OAvn consent, were accu- mulated on his head." By taking away all right of action upon small debts, this system of invisible but substantial coercion would be put an end to. The tradesman would take care who got, in the first instance, upon his books ; and instead of forcing articles upon him, would cease to furnish him with any unless he found he was regular in making his payments ; while the customer, to whom credit was of importance, would know that his only chance of olitaining it would depend upon his character and re- putation for punctuality. The abuses of the sort now alluded to, that grew out of what has been denominated the truck system, justly occasioned its abolition ; hut these were trifling compared with those that originate in the bringing of petty debts within the pale of the law. When the former edition of this work was published, we were not aware that it had been previously pro- posed to take away all action for debts under 501. or 100/. ; but we have since met with a pamphlet, entitled Credit Pernicious, published in 1823, in which this plan is proposed and ably supported. There are also some valuable remarks and observations on the topics now treated of, in the Treatise on thp Police, SfC. of the Metropolis, by the author of the " Cabinet Lawyer," pp. 114 — 134. CREW, the company of sailors belonging to any ship or vessel. No ship is admitted to be a British ship, unless duly registered and navigated as such by a crew, three fourths of which are British subjects, besides the master. — (3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 54. § 12.) The ipaster or owners of any British ship having a foreign seaman on board not allowed by law, shall for every such seaman forfeit lOZ. ; unless they can show, by the certificate of the Briti.sh consul, or of two British merchants, or shall satisfactorily prove, that the requisite ntxmber of British seamen could not be obtained at the place where the foreign seaman was taken on board. It is also ordered that the master of every British vessel arriving from the West Indies shall deliver, within 10 days after arrival, to the Custom- house, a list of the crew on board at the time of clearing out from the United Kingdom, and of arrival in the West Indies, and of every seaman who has deserted or died during the voyage, and the amount of wages due to each so dying, under a penalty of 501. — (3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 54. § 19. ; 3 & 4 WiU. 4. c. 52. § 16.) CUBEBS (^Ger. Kuhehen; Fr. Cubebes ; It. Cubebi ; Sp. Cubebas ; Rus. Kubebu j Lat. Piper Cubeba ; Arab. Kebdbeh ; Javan, Kumunkus ; Hind. Cubab-chinie), the produce of a vine or clim.ber, the growth of which is confined exclusively to Java. It is a small dried fruit, like a pepper corn, but somewhat longer. Cubebs have a hot, pungent, aromatic, slightly bitter taste ; and a fragrant, agreeable odour. They should be chosen large, fresh, sound, and the heaviest that can be procured. The quantity entered for home consumption, in 1830, amounted to 18,540 lbs., producing a nett revenue of 1,854?. 6s. Their price in the London market, in bond, varies from 21. 10s. to 41. 4s. per cwt. CUCUMBER, a tropical plant, of which there are many varieties, largely cultivated in hothouses in England. CUDBEAR, a purple or violet coloured powder used in dyeing violet, purple, and crimson, prepared from a species of lichen (Lichen tartareus Lin.), or crustaceous moss, growing commonly on limestone rocks in Sweden, Scotland, the north of England, &c. About 130 tons of this lichen are annually exported from Sweden. It commonly sells in the port of London for about 201. per ton ; but to prepare it for yse it must be washed and dried ; and by these operations the weight is commonly diminished a half, and the price, in effect, doubled. Though possessing great beauty and lustre at first, the colours obtained from cudbear are so very fugacious, that they ought never to be employed but in aid of some other more permanent dye, to which they may give body and vivacity. In this country it is chiefly used to give strength and brilliancy to the blues dyed with indigo, and to produce a saving of that article ; it is also used as a around 2 G 4 456 CUMMIN SEED.— CUSTOM-HOUSE. for madder reds, which commonly incline too much to yellow, and are maae rosy by this addition. The name cudbear was given to this powder by Dr. Cuthbert Gordon, who, having obtained a patent for the preparation, chose in this way to connect it with his own name. — {Bancroft, Philosophy of Permanent Colours, vol. i. pp. 300 — 304.) CUMMIN SEED (Ger. Kumin ; Fr. Cumin; It. Comino, Cumino ; Sp. Comino ; Arab. Kemun), the seeds of an annual plant (Cuminum Cyminum Lin.), a native of Egypt, but extensively cultivated in Sicily and Malta. They have a strong, peculiar, heavy odour, and a warm, bitterish, disagreeable taste. They are long and slender. CURRANTS (Fr. Raisins de Corinthe ; Ger. Korijithen ; It. Uve passe di Corinto ; Lat. PassulcB CorinthiaccB ; Rus. Korinka, Opoek ; Sp. Pasas de Corinto), a small species of grape, largely cultivated in Zante, Cephalonia, and Ithaca, of which islands they form the staple produce ; and in the Morea, in the vicinity of Patras. The plant is delicate ; and as 6 or 7 years must elapse, after a plantation has been formed, before it begins to produce, its cultivation requires a considerable outlay of capital. The crop is particularly liable to injury from rains in harvest, and is altogether of a very precarious description. After being dried in the sun, the currants are exported packed in large butts. They are in extensive demand in this country ; and, when mixed with ffour and suet, make a dish that is peculiarly acceptable to the lower classes. But, as if it were intended to put them beyond the reach of all but the richest individuals, they are burdened with the enormous duty of 44s. 4(i. a cwt. ! The fact, that in despite of this anti-consumption impost, the entries of currants for home consumption amounted, at an average of the 3 years ending with 1831, to 127,084 cwt. a year, producing an annual revenue of 281,787/., shows that the taste for them is both deeply rooted and widely diffused. With one or two exceptions, they are the most grossly over-taxed article in the British tariff. Their price in bond, in London, varies from 20a'. to 27s. a cwt, ; so that the duty amounts to more than 200 per cent, on the importation price ! So exorbitant a tax admits of no justification. It is highly injurious to the consumers in Great Britain, to the merchants engaged in the Mediterranean trade, to the producers in the Ionian Islands and Greece, and, we may add, to the revenue : for, considering how highly esteemed the article is by all classes, and that it might be imported in much larger quantities without any considerable rise of price, there can be no manner of doubt that were the duty reduced to lOs. or 12s. a cwt. the consumption would be so much increased, that in a few years the revenue would be materially greater than at present. By referring to the article Ionian Islands, it will be seen that the duty has been peculiarly hostile to their interests. It has, in fact, gone far to countervail all the advan- tages they have, in other respects, derived from our protection ; and has done much to estrange the affections of the inhabitants, and to excite and keep alive a jealousy of this country. The Mediterranean merchants, in a petition presented to the House of Commons last session, prayed for the repeal of the duty imposed since 1806, being 16s. 4c?. a cwt., leaving a duty of 28s. a cwt. A reduction to this extent would, no doubt, be a con- siderable relief to the growers and importers ; but it would be quite inadequate to bring the article fairly into consumption among the mass of the people. To accomplish this most desirable object, the duty ought not to exceed 10s. or 12s. ; and we are well con- vinced it would yield more revenue at this rate than at 28s. A duty of 50 per cent, is surely high enough upon an article fitted to enter largely into the consumption of the iabouring classes. No abatement of duties is made on account of any damage received by currants. Currants, the produce of Europe, are not to be imported for home use except in British ships, or in ships of the country of which they are the produce, or of the country whence they are imported. — (3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 54. \ § 2. 22.) A Treasury letter of the 30th of March, 1816, directs the following tares to be allowed, with liberty to the merchant and officers to take the actual tare when either party is dissatisfied. Currants in casks from Zante - - 13 per cent. Leghorn - - 10 — Trieste - . 10 _ CUSTOM-HOUSE, the house or office where commodities are entered for im- portation or exportation ; where the duties, bounties, or drawbacks payable or receivable upon such importation or exportation are paid or received ; and where ships are cleared out, &c. For information as to the proceedings necessary at the Custom-house on importing or exporting commodities, see the article Importation and Exportation. The principal British Custom-house is in London ; but there are Custom-houses subordinate to the latter in all considerable sea-port towns. CUSTOMS, are duties charged upon commodities on their being imported into or exported from a country. Custom duties seem to have existed in every commercial country. The Athenians laid a tax of a fifth on the corn and other merchandise imported from foreign countries, and also on several of the commodities exported from Attica. The portaria, or customs CUSTOMS. 457 payable on the commodities imported into, and exported from, the different ports in the Roman empire, formed a very ancient and important part of the public revenue. The rates at which they were charged were fluctuating and various, and little is now known respecting them. Cicero informs us, that the duties on corn exported from the ports of Sicily were, in his time, 5 per cent. Under the Imperial government, the amount of the portaria depended as much on the caprice of the prince as on the real exigencies of the state. Though sometimes diminished, they were never entirely remitted, and were much more frequently increased. Under the 13yzantine emperors, they were as high as 1 2i per cent. — ( Supp. to Encyc. Brit. art. Taxation. ) Customs seems to have existed in England before the Conquest ; but the king's claim to them was first established by stat. 3 Edw. 1. These duties were, at first, principally laid on wool, woolfels (sheep-skins), and leather when exported. There were also ex- traordinary duties paid by aliens, which were denominated parva costuma, to distinguish them from the formei', or magna costuma. The duties of tonnage and poundage, of which mention is so frequently made in English history, were custom duties j the first being paid on wine by the tun, and the latter being an ad valorem duty of so much a pound on all other merchandise. When these duties were granted to the Crown, they were denominated subsidies ; and as the duty of poundage had continued for a lengthened period at the rate of Is. a pound, or 5 per cent., a subsidy came, in the language of the customs, to denote an ad valorem duty of 5 per cent. The new subsidy granted in the reign of William III. was an addition of 5 per cent, to the duties on most imported commodities. The various custom duties were collected, for the first time, in a book of rates pub- lished in the reign of Charles II. ; a new book of rates being again published in the reign of George I. But, exclusive of the duties entered in these two books, many more had been imposed at different times ; so that the accumulation of the duties, and the complicated regulations to which they gave rise, were productive of the greatest embar- rassment. The evil was increased by the careless manner in which new duties were added to the old ; a percentage being sometimes added to the original tax ; while at other times the commodity was estimated by a new standard of bulk, weight, number, or value, and charged with an additional impost, without any reference to the duties formerly imposed. The confusion arising from these sources was still further aug- mented by the special appropriation of each of the duties, and the consequent neces- sity of a separate calculation for each. The intricacy and confusion inseparable from such a state of things proved a serious injury to commerce, and led to many frauds and abuses. The Customs Consolidation Act, introduced by Mr. Pitt in 1 787, did much to remedy these inconveniences. The method adopted was, to abolish the existing duties on -all articles, and to substitute in their stead one single duty on each article, equivalent to the aggregate of the various duties by which it had previously been loaded. The resolutions' on which the act was founded amounted to about 3,000. A more simple and uniform system was, at the same time, introduced into the business of the Custom-house. These alterations were productive of the very best effects ; and several similar consolidations have since been effected ; particularly in 1 825, when the various statutes then existing relative to the customs, amounting, including parts of statutes, to about 450, were con- solidated and compressed into only 1 1 statutes of a reasonable bulk, and drawn up with great perspicuity. Since then, a few statutes were passed, amending and changing some of the provisions in the consolidated statutes ; and these have been again embodied in consolidated acts passed last session.* The Board of Customs is not to consist of more than 13 commissioners, and they are to be reduced to 11 as vacancies occur. The Treasury may appoint 1 commis- sioner, and 2 assistant commissioners, to act for Scotland and Ireland. Officers of customs taking any fee or reward, whether pecuniary or of any other sort, on account of any thing done, or to be done, by them in the exercise of their duty, from any one, except by the order or permission of the commissioners of the customs, shall be dismissed their office ; and the person giving, offering, or promising such gratuity, fee, &c. shall forfeit 100/. Any officer of customs who shall accept of any bribe, recompence, or reward, to in- duce him to neglect his duty, or to do, conceal, or connive at any act whereby any of the provisions of the customs laws shall be evaded, shall be dismissed the service, and be rendered incapable of serving his Majesty in future in any capacity whatever ; and the person offering such bribe, recompence, &c. shall, whether the offer be accepted or not, forfeit 500/. Custom duties, like all duties on particular commodities, though advanced in the first instance by the merchant, are ultimately paid by those by whom they are consumed. * 3 & 4 Will. 4. cap. 51, 52. 56. and 58. 4.58 CUSTOMS. When a government lays a duty on the foreign commodities which enter its ports, the duty falls entirely on such of its own subjects as purchase these commodities ; for the foreigners would cease supplying its markets with them, if they did not get the full price of the commodities, exclusive of the tax ; and, for the same reason, when a govern- ment lays a duty on the commodities which its subjects are about to export, the duty does not fall on them, but on the foreigners by whom they are bought. If, therefore, it were possible for a country to raise a sufficient revenue by laying duties on exported commodities, such revenue would be wholly derived from others, and it would be totally relieved from the burden of taxation, except in so far as duties might be imposed by foreigners on the goods it im»ports from them. Care, however, must be taken, in im- posing duties on exportation, not to lay them on commodities that may be produced at the same, or nearly the same, cost by foreigners ; for the effect of the duty would then be to cause the market to be supplied by others, and to put an entire stop to their export- ation. But in the event of a country possessing any decided natural or acquired advan- tage in the production of any sort of commodities, a duty on their exportation would seem to be the most unexceptionable of all taxes. If the Chinese chose to act on this principle, they might derive a considerable revenue from a duty on exported teas, which would fall entirely on the English and other foreigners who buy them. The coal and tin, and perhaps, also, some of the manufactured goods produced in this country, seem to be in this predicament. The revenue derived from the custom duties in 1590, in the reign of Elizabeth, amounted to no more than 50,0007. In 1613, it had increased to 148,075/. ; of which no less than 109,572/. were collected in London. In 1660, at the Restoration, the customs produced 421,582/. ; and at the Revolution, in 1688, they produced 781,987/. Durinp- the reigns of William III. and Anne, the customs revenue was considerably augmented, the nett payments into the exchequer in 1712 being 1,315,423/. During the war terminated by the peace of Paris in 1763, the nett produce of the customs revenue of Great Britain amounted to nearly 2,000,000/. In 1792, it amounted to 4,407,000/- In 1815, at the close of the war, it amounted to 11,360,000/. ; and last year (1832) it amounted to about 17,000,000/., and, including Ireland, to about 1 8,500,000/. ! Astonishing, however, as the increase of the customs revenue has certainly been, it is not quite so great as it appears. Formerly the duties on some considerable articles, such as sugar, brandy, wine, &c. imported from abroad, were divided partly into customs duties charged on their importation, and partly into excise duties on their being taken into consumption. But these duties have now, with the exception of tea*, been trans- ferred wholly to the customs; the facilities afforded, by means of the warehousing system, for paying the duties in the way most convenient for the merchant, having obviated the necessity of dividing them into different portions. It will be seen from various articles in this work~(see Brandy, Geneva, Smuggling, Tea, Tobacco, &c.) — that the exorbitant amount of the duties laid on many articles imported from abroad leads to much smuggling and fraud ; and requires, besides, an extraordinary expense in many departments of the customs service, which might be totally avoided were these duties reduced within reasonable limits. This, however, is the business of government, and not of those entrusted with the management of the customs; and it would be unjust to the latter not to mention that this department has been essen- tially improved, during the last few years, both as respects economy and efficiency. The following extracts from a letter to the Right Hon. H. Goulburn, ascribed to the present chairman of the Board of Customs (R. B. Dean, Esq.), give a brief but satisfactory view of the improvements that have been effected : — « As regards the department of customs in 1792, the principal officers engaged in the receipt of the duties in the port of London were patent officers. " The first Earl of Liverpool was collector inwards. " The late Duke of Manchester, collector outwards. " The Duke of Newcastle, and afterwards the Earl of Guilford, comptroller inwards and outwards. " Lord Stowell, surveyor of subsidies and petty customs. " These noblemen took no part in the official duties, but merely exercised the right oi appointing deputies and clerks. " Both principals and deputies were remunerated by fees. The patentees received the fees denominated patent, and the deputies retained the fees called the fees of usage for their own use. In addition to these fees, both deputies and clerks received fees for despatch. " The same system prevailed throughout the whole department. The salaries of the oflRcers were nominal ; and the principal proportion of all official income was derived * From the 22d of April, 1834, the collection of the tea duties by the excise is to cease ; and they art to be transferred to the customs. — (See Tea.) CUSTOMS. 459 from fees. These fees were constantly varying both in rate and amount, and formed a continual source of dispute and complaint between the merchant and the officer. " Tliis system (after having been repeatedly objected to by various commissions of inquiry, and finally by the committee of finance in 1797,) was put an end to in the year 1812, by the act 51 Geo. 3. c. 71., by which all patent offices and fees were abolished, and compensation allowances granted to the patent officers, and fixed salaries established. " The additional salaries granted under this arrangement amounted to about 200,000/., and the temporary compensation allowances to about 40,000/. per annum. " The fees abolished, and from which the public were relieved, amounted to about 160,000/. per annum. " In addition to the amount of fees from which the public were relieved, various allowances made by the Crown to officers for quarantine, coal poundage, poundage on seizures, and many other incidental allowances, which did not appear on the establish- ment, were also abolished, and the salaries of every officer placed at one view upon the establishment. " The effect of these salutary measures has been to give a great apparent increase to ofBcers' salaries since 1792; and, upon a mere comparison of the establishment of 1792 with 1830, without the above explanation, it would appear that the pay of the officers had been most materially augmented, whereas, in point of fact, the difference is in the mode of payment : and the incomes of the officers at the present period (as compared with 1792) are in general less; and, consequently, the public are less taxed for the per- formance of the same duty now than in 1792. " In the year 1792, the warehousing system had not been established. Officers were admitted at all ages, and there was no system of classification or promotion. The officers at the out-ports and in London were generally appointed through local influence ; and were too often persons who had failed in trade, or had been in menial service, and who regarded their situations rather as a comfortable provision for their families than as offices for which efficient services were required. The superintendence and powers of the Board were cramped and interfered with by circumstances and considerations which prevented the enforcement of wholesome regulation. The whole system was so imper- fect, so far back only as 1818, that a special commission was appointed to inquire into the department ; and, upon the recommendation of that commission, various regulations have been adopted. " The age of admission has been limited ; a system of classification and promotion of officers, and a graduated scale of salaries, established throughout the whole department ; and, by this means, local interference in the promotion of officers has been abolished ; the attendance of officers increased, regulated, and strictly enforced ; holidays reduced from 46 in the year to 3 ; viz. Good Friday, the King's birthday, and Christmas-day ; useless oaths, and bonds, and forms of documents of various kinds, discontinued ; in- creased facility and despatch afforded to the merchant's business ; the accounts kept in the different offices, and returns of all kinds revised, simplified, and reduced ; and various minor regulations of detail established ; the whole machinery of the department re- modelled, and adapted to the trade and commerce of the country. " In Ireland, the number of officers employed at all the ports, in the year ended the 5th of January, 1830, and the salaries and charges, did not much exceed the number and expense at the port of Dublin alone in 1818 : and, within the space of 11 j'^ears, nearly two thirds of the officers employed at the ports in Ireland have been discontinued ; the number having been, in 1818, 1755 ; in 1829, 544: and an annual reduction in sa- laries and charges has been effected to the extent of 173,724/. ; the amount having been, in 1818, 285,115/. ; in 1829, 111,391/. (103,813/. of that amount having been reduced between the years 1823 and 1828), upon an expenditure of 285,115/. ; and the receipts were nearly equal, in 1827, to those of 1818 and 1823, notwithstanding the total repeal of the cross Channel duties, amounting to about 340,000/. per annum, subsequent to the latter period. " Already has government relinquished, it may be said, any interference with pro- motion in the department of the customs, and the road is open to advancement to the meritorious officer. " Influence is no longer allowed to prevail ; and in many cases w,hich have recently occurred, and in which the patronage of government might have been fairly exercised, it has been at once abandoned, in order to give way to arrangements by which the services of some very intelligent and highly respectable officers, whose offices had been abolished, could be again rendered available, with a matei-ial saving to the public. " By a recent order from the Lords of the Treasury, of the 20th of February, 1830, the salaries of the commissioners, and of other officers, have been prospectively reduced, and directions given to revise the whole establishment in the spirit of that order, with a view to every possible reduction." 460 CUSTOMS. These are very great improvements, certainly, and reflect much credit on the govern- ment, and on the Board by whom its efforts have been zealously seconded ; but we are, notwithstanding, satisfied that very great reductions may still be made in the cost of the establishment. These, however, are not to be effected by reducing the salaries of the officers, which, if any thing, are now too low ; but by lessening the demand for their services, by reducing and simplifying the duties. The coast guard and coast blockade (the latter is under the orders of the Admiralty), costing together about 400,000Z. a year, might be wholly dispensed with, were it not for the exoi-bitant duties on brandy, gin, and tobacco — -duties which seem to be intended only to encourage smuggling; and which it is quite certain would be 3 times as productive as they are at this moment, were they reduced to one third of their present amount. The duties on a great variety of small articles might also be entirely repealed, without any sensible loss of revenue, and with great advantage to commerce : and were these alterations effected, and the proceedings with respect to the entry and clearing out of ships and goods adequately simplified, a very great saving might be made in this department, and the services of a large number of those now employed in it might be dispensed with. In Scotland, separate Custom-houses seem to be multiplied to an absurd .extent. Within these few years, indeed, a very considerable change for the better was effected in the Scotch Custom-house ; but it is still susceptible of, and ought to be subjected to, great curtailment. The reader will find, in the accounts of most imported articles of any consequence given in this work, statements of the customs duty paid on their importation. It may be gratifying, however, to have them all brought together in one point of view, as in the following Table : — An Account of the Gross Receipt and Net Produce of the Revenue of Customs in Great Britain in the Year ending the 5th of January, 1833; distinguishing the Amount collected on each Article usually producing 1,000/. or more per Annum. List of Articles. Duties Inwards. Acid, boracic - - Alkanet root ... Almonds - - Aloes - Angelica - Annotto - - • Apples, not dried Argol Arrow root or powder Ashes, pearl and pot Bacon and hams * - Balsams - - Barilla and alkali Bark for tanners' or dyers' use Baskets Beef, salted Beer, spruce ... Berries of all sorts ■ . Books . - - Boots, shoes, and calashes Borax . - - Boxes of all sorts Brimstone . . . Bristles . . . Bugles Butter Canes of all sorts Cantharides . i . Capers - - Cassia lignea - - Cheese China ware, porcelain, and earthenware Cinnamon - • - Clocks Cloves Cochineal, granilla, and dust - Cocoa, cocoa nut husks, shells, and chocolate Coftee - . . . Coral beads . - - Cordage and cables Cork, unmanufactured - Corks, ready made Com, grain, meal, and flour (including hunk wheat) Cotton manufactures (not other- wise described ) Cream of tartar Cubebs Currants . . . Dye and hard woods ; yiz. .... Boxwood . . • Cedar, under 8 i Fustic JyOgwood . Mahogany Nicaragua Ilosewoo. d. L. t. d /.. «. 1 2 21,505 1 2 21,537 2 0 • 21,537 2 0 Klephants' teeth 14 2,712 6 4 10 4 10 2,690 2 10 Embroidery and needlework - 6,'3U0 12 l"l 1 13 0 5,302 6 11 6,' 195 19 4 1 13 0 5,197 12 4 Essence of berKamot and lemons. (Sic Essential oils.) 14 4,116 15 Feathers for beds 4,121 13 2 580 0 4,702 7 2 1 672 7 6 4,089 2 7 ostrich 6'26 5 2 - 626 5 2 026 2 - 020 6 2 Figs Fish, anchovies 22,371 15 10 270 18 5 22,642 14 3 22,131 8 6 270 18 6 22,402 0 10 827 2 8 2 3 0 829 5 8 815 0 0 1 15 1 817 I 1 eels 10 0 940 10 0 940 10 0 - 940 10 0 oysters - - - 5,846 5 9 - 5,846 5 9 6,846 9 - 6,846 5 9 Flax, and tow, or codilla of 1,405 12 hemp and flax ... 1,412 1 2 2,703 17 3 4,115 18 5 6 2,CG9 10 9 4,076 9 3 Flowers, artilirial (not of silk) - Furs fil.'j 7 9 0 18 3 616 6 0 614 7 9 0 18 3 615 0 0 34,331 19 2 8 3 a 2 11 6 8 3 9 34,079 10 0 Ginger, dry - . Ulass; viz. bottles, gieen or common - . - 3,450 12 7 63 7 5 3,514 0 0 3,428 13 7 03 7 5 3,492 1 0 9,15() 19 10 633 12 3 9,790 12 1 9,145 11 2 031 2 7 9,770 13 9 of all other sorts . 4,fi80 11 7 83 16 c 4,764 8 1 4,674 1 3 83 16 3 4,757 17 6 Grains, Guinea 1,633 10 0 • 1,633 10 0 1,633 10 0 - 1,033 10 0 Grapes ... 1,580 8 1 102 14 7 1,683 2 8 1,559 8 102 14 7 1 ,002 2 8 Gum, animi and copal . Arabic 1,508 15 8 1,508 15 8 3 3 1,496 3 3 2,657 12 2 114 4 9 2,771 16 11 2,636 13 0 114 4 9 2,750 18 3 Senegal lac dye shellac - - 5,788 0 3 6,788 0 3 6,633 11 6 5,633 11 5 1,447 4 8 1,447 4 8 1,447 4 8 - 1,417 4 8 2,046 3 8 - 2,046 3 8 2,046 3 8 2,046 3 8 tragacanth ... 1,066 0 9 - 1,066 0 9 986 14 9 9H6 14 9 Hair, horse 243 18 6 3 12 1 247 10 7 243 18 0 3 12 1 247 10 7 human 701 15 9 701 15 9 700 3 9 - 700 3 9 Hair or goats' wool, manufac- 19 tures of - - - . 2,482 15 5 31 13 0 2,514 8 5 2,474 6 31 13 0 2,606 12 6 Hats of chip and straw 16,707 3 2 16,707 3 2 16,707 3 2 16,707 3 2 Hemp 28,427 19 4 4,325 2 7 32,753 1 11 23,381 4 7 3,181 7 10 26,562 12 6 Hides, not tanned 21,988 0 7 1,984 7 9 23,972 8 4 21,794 6 8 1,963 15 9 23,768 2 6 tanned - . . 1,164 13 2 6 0 0 1,170 13 2 1,164 13 2 6 0 0 1,170 13 2| Horns, horn tips, and pieces 1,715 1 5 12 3 13 8 53 3 2 1,758 16 Horses ... 945 0 0 57 0 0 1,002 0 0 937 0 0 57 0 0 994 0 0 Jalap . . . 2,536 4 3 71 5 6 2,607 9 9 2,531 1 7 71 5 6 2,602 7 I India rubbers 772 16 3 - 772 16 3 765 0 10 • 763 0 10 Indigo - - 30,597 13 10 140 9 6 30,738 3 4 30,539 17 4 130 17 6 30,670 14 10 Iron, in bars . . - 20,338 17 0 1,011 12 0 21,350 9 0 20,233 9 2 1,010 19 0 21,244 8 2 of all other sorts - 707 10 4 33 3 0 740 13 4 704 2 1 32 18 3 757 0 4 Isinglass 3,858 0 9 12 9 6 3,850 10 3 3,836 5 2 12 9 6 3,848 14 8 Juice of lemons, limes, and _ oranges - 1,041 13 4 114 10 0 1,156 3 4 1,041 13 4 114 10 0 1,156 3 4 ^-uniper berries. {See Berries.) Lace thread 358 10 2 2 9 6 360 19 8 358 10 2 2 9 0 360 19 8 Lacquered ware 1,008 2 0 8 17 0 1,016 19 0 997 8 5 8 17 0 1 ,006 5 3 Lead, black 2,347 1 S 6 6 0 2,352 7 9 2,292 8 5 4 14 0 2,297 2 6 Leather gloves 27,220 0 5 27,220 0 6 27,105 16 3 27,105 16 3 manufactures of, except boots, shoes, and gloves 1,050 11 8 13 11 2 1,064 2 10 1,050 11 8 13 11 2 1 ,064 2 10 Lemons and oranges 50,255 11 9 2,315 5 4 52,570 17 1 49,852 17 9 2,305 15 4 52,158 13 1 Linens, foreign 17,429 11 7 43 19 10 17,473 11 6 17,190 2 1 43 19 10 1 7,254 1 11 Liquorice juice 19,924 7 4 1,888 7 0 21,812 14 4 19,924 7 4 1,888 2 4 21,812 9 8 Mace - . . 2,613 8 11 2,613 8 11 2,613 8 11 2,613 8 11 Madder and madder root 18,976 8 2 "2,754 5' 3 21,750 13 5 18,856 8 2 2,723 15 6 21,580 3 8 Manna ... 505 6 6 505 6 6 480 8 ' 4S0 8 7 Mats of Russia 4,119 2 10 700 17 9 4,820 0 3,987 17 2 668 3 4,656 0 3 other sorts 815 11 2 23 1 5 838 12 7 814 6 9 23 1 6 837 8 2 Melasses ... 128,216 5 8 126,459 5 11 254,655 11 7 128,089 16 3 125,841 15 3 253,931 11 6 Musical instruments 1,508 14 9 3 9 6 1,512 4 3 1,492 3 11 3 9 6 1,495 13 5 Myrrh 663 17 10 063 17 10 495 4 11 - 495 4 11 Nutmegs ... 14,505 8 3 50 2 6 14,555 10 9 14,502 8 3 50 2 6 14,552 10 9 Nuts, chesnuts 2,333 8 10 12 18 0 2,546 6 10 2,310 14 10 10 18 0 2,521 12 10 small 12,679 19 7 57 1 6 12,737 1 1 12,610 5 7 62 17 6 1 2,663 3 1 walnuts 1,454 12 10 49 5 4 1,503 18 2 1,437 9 4 48 18 4 1,486 7 8 Oil, castor ... 2,422 6 10 127 7 6 2,549 14 4 2,412 1 1 127 7 6 2,539 8 7 chemical, essential, and perfumed of all sorts 9,061 18 6 91 6 10 9,153 5 3 9,000 13 6 91 6 10 9,092 0 3 olive 42,580 1 10 384 2 5 42,964 4 3 42,505 1 0 383 14 1 42,888 15 palm 27,559 2 0 0 0 27,559 7 0 27,541 7 3 0 3 4 27,541 10 7 train, spermaceti and blub- ber 2,277 15 4 429 2 1 2,706 '7 5 2,272 5 5 427 2 10 2,699 8 3 Oker 507 17 4 1 4 8 50P 2 0 507 17 4 1 4 8 509 2 0 Opium 5,933 7 6 52 0 0 5,985 7 6 5,929 0 6 62 0 0 6,981 0 6 Orchal and orchelia 288 10 6 0 4 9 288 15 3 283 2 11 0 4 9 283 7 S Paper ... 801 15 7 801 15 7 801 8 1 • 801 8 1 of the Isle of Man 969 0 0 969 0 0 969 0 0 - 969 0 0 for hangings 851 10 10 851 10 10 851 10 10 • 851 10 Id Pepper of all sorts 91,995 14 4 '8,227 8* 8 100,223 3 0 91,844 7 2 8,227 8 8 100,071 15 10 Pictures 2,011 2 1 53 15 7 2,064 17 8 2,010 11 1 63 15 7 2,064 6 8 Pimento ... 5,769 11 4 296 14 7 6,066 5 11 6,767 9 8 2S7 0 10 6,054 10 6 Pitch 368 13 3 93 17 7 402 10 10 368 13 3 89 18 7 458 1 1 10 Platting of chip or straw 15,209 7 9 15,209 7 9 15,198 6 9 • 15,198 6 9 Plums, dried 470 19 1 1 12 5 472 11 6 470 9 6 1 11 3 472 0 9 Prints and drawings 1,309 15 6 9 12 3 1,319 7 9 1,302 1 11 9 12 3 1,311 14 2 Prunes ... 6,730 14 2 361 7 8 6,092 1 10 5,718 16 0 356 4 9 6,075 0 9 Quicksilver 2,678 2 5 0 12 7 2,678 15 0 2,674 5 11 0 12 2,fi74 18 6 Quills, goose 3,609 14 7 592 16 7 4,202 11 2 3,609 14 7 692 16 7 4,202 1 ; 2 Radix ipecacuanhse 986 2 11 986 2 11 977 6 11 977 6 11 Rags, (Sec. for paper 1,401 0 7 318 15' 10 1,719 16 5 1,375 4 8 518 4 1 1 ,693 8 9 Raisins 141,537 17 2 4,177 8 0 145,715 5 2 140,vS5 2 10 4,057 17 9 144,343 0 7 Rapeseed and other oil cakes - 3,232 17 9 388 13 10 3,621 11 7 3,221 0 0 386 1 3 3,607 1 3 Rhubarb 4,213 17 10 4,213 17 10 4,207 2 10 4,207 2 10 Rice ... 6,508 12 5 237 15" 8 6,746 8 6,417 2 11 237 13 0 6,654 15 11 in the husk 28,187 7 11 28,187 7 11 20,095 9 20,095 9 8 Sago ... 913 7 4 3 9 8 916 17 0 913 7 4 9 8 916 17 0 Saltpetre 5,144 18 4 9 10 8 5,154 9 0 6,123 10 6 9 10 8 6,133 1 1 Sarsaparilla 4,275 4 8 54 4 9 4,329 9 5 4,007 2 4 64 4 9 4,061 7 Scammony 1,477 18 10 3 14 5 1,481 13 3 1,384 19 6 3 14 5 1,388 13 11 Seeds of all sorts (including tares) 93,244 5 2 9,887 11 1 103,131 16 3 92,723 4 6 9,S38 13 8 102,561 18 2 Senna ... 6,631 0 11 175 16 6 6,806 17 5 6,503 15 3 175 16 6 6,679 11 9 Ships' hulls and materials 726 7 205 1 9 929 9 4 637 10 179 1 9 816 12 3 Shumac ... 5,561 6 8 656 15 5 6,218 2 1 5,311 12 10 622 3 6 6,9.>3 16 4 Silk, raw 14,202 2 2 14,202 2 2 14,159 5 14,159 5 3 waste, knubs and husks - 294 4 294 4 3 293 18 293 18 3 thrown 52,013 1 5 52,013 1 5 14,052 6 (Excess of 12,097 18 1 drawbacks.) 462 CUSTOMS. List of Articles. Duties Inwards— continued. Silk manufactures. East Indian not do. Skins ( not being furs ) Smalts Soap, hard and soft, foreign Spelter Spirits, foreign, viz. rum brandy Geneva of all other sorts of the manufacture of Guernsey and Jersey Sponge - - . Stones, viz. buiTs for millstones marble blocks Succades Sugar Tallow Tamarinds Tar ^Balks and ufers, under inches square Battens and batten ends Deals and deal ends Firewood Fir quarters Knees of oak Lathwood Masts and spars Oak plank Oars Staves Teak Timber, fir,8 inches square or upwards oak do. of other sorts, do. Wainscot logs, do. Tobacco and snutf Tortoiseshell Toys Turpentine, common Valonia V erdigris Vermicelli and maccaroni Vinegar of the manufacture of Guernsey and Jersey Water, Cologne, in flasks Wax, bees', &c. Wines of all sorts - -| Wool, cotton sheep's and lambs' Woollen manufactures, not otherwise described, includ- ing carpets Yarn, cotton linen, raw Yellow berries. (See Berries.) Zaffre All other articles Total duties, inwards,") carried forward -J Coals and culm exported British sheep and lambs' wool, woollen yam, &c. exported - Skins, do. - . Per centage duty on British goods exported Total duties outwards,? carried forward - J Canal and dock duty. Isle of Man duties, rent of quays, goods sold for duty, &c. Total, United ICingdom Gross Receipt. England. L. s. d. 19,296 15 8 149,079 11 16,289 15 11 6,053 3 6 1,277 10 6 5,578 17 6 1,520,102 1 11 1,697,444 16 5 15,577 8 1 9,126 16 1 21,071 IS 1 2,147 11 7 1,315 0 9 688 4 11 899 8 8 4,437,812 6 2 175,848 11 11 679 0 11 5,539 6 1 1,230 5 7 81,366 9 11 479,819 19 8 4,518 3 1 5,429 0 2 1,356 8 9 25,510 2 5 13,917 19 10 3,658 12 6 780 16 2 43,930 4 2 6,696 3 6 362,447 1 2 29,999 10 7 5,944 12 £ 7,453 4 10 2,146,442 0 9 458 10 7 3,456 19 6 73,707 11 2 6,908 2 10 2,468 4 0 1,407 7 2 216 13 0 16 0 4,032 11 778 6 1,331,584 16 142,613 4 591,435 17 102,276 19 11,907 18 9 499 12 5 634 8 0 16,419,796 6 2 113,660 12 0 16,419,796 6 2 113,660 12 0 16,533,456 18 2 156,294 15 2 16,689,751 13 4 2,104 512 33 125 50,411 68,799 7,956 734 4 6 7 0 14 0 16 9 2 10 .31 12 50 15 62 14 508,660 15 9,151 10 11 114 r - 1,130 11 1 113 28,362 9,683 39 14 518 2,381 1,199 3,594 101 2,943 665 13 1 5 9 1,687 353 291,392 30 38 79 123 0 14 4 112 7 0 49 1 1 104,259 8 6 1 1 303 15 118 14 9 3,194 17 11 1,467,803 6 6 5,573 14 10 38 17 0 2,553 15 3 8,166 7 1 ,475,969 13 7 1,944 1 9 1,477,913 15 4 i. s. d. 19,296 15 8 149,088 15 9 18,393 16 5 5,565 8 0 1,310 18 - 5,703 17 11 1,570,513 16 1,766,243 16 9 23,534 4 10 9,860 18 11 21,071 18 1 2,147 11 7 1,346 13 ^ 739 0 962 2 10 4,946,473 1 185,000 2 10 793 8 11 6,669 17 2 1,343 7 7 109,7'.i8 17 3 489,503 10 4,557 11 3,443 12 1,875 6 10 27,891 15 7 15,117 10 10 7,253 882 15 9 46,873 7,361 9 3 423,494 12 11 38,174 1 10 7,531 15 1 7.506 11 1 2,437,834 5 1 458 19 3.507 4 I 73,707 6,938 2,506 1,486 340 11 2 2 10 13 11 2 0 16 14 10 4,144 li 827 7 10 ,435,844 4 11 142,613 ' 629,270 10 11 102,277 0 2 11,909 0 6 803 7 653 2 17,887,599 12 8 56,616 2 10 62,251 0 5 121,826 17,887,599 12 8 121,826 19 1 18,009,426 11 9 158,238 16 11 18,167,665 8 ,516,988 16 2 19,684,654 4 10 Nett Produce. L. 19,262 148,667 16,047 5,051 1,277 5,573 1,518,994 1,697,095 15,567 9,020 17 10 5 17 7 10 10 6 17 8 7 2 9 8 1 11 21,054 0 2,097 4 1,309 15 2 665 7 6 889 4 11 3,571,449 11 175,484 7 2 676 12 8 5,506 6 ,685 5 7 15 5 16 12 9 9 13 11 6 10 5 0 17 10 3 6 314,238 15 0 29,966 7 10 5,903 4 ' 7,391 17 9 2,137,242 10 1 457 13 1 .3,418 16 73,558 14 6,907 7 10 2,457 0 0 1,401 13 10 215 10 6 16 0 6 4,031 5 2 774 1 7 1,277,196 15 6 142,613 4 7 588,449 11 1 102,027 19 4 11^879 I 10 499 12 534 8 0 416 12 10 88,852 ' 15,363,788 2 9 2,827 4 9 15 2 7 53,513 6 6 15,363,788 2 9 105,278 14 3 15,469,066 17 2 117,948 6 2 15,587,015 9 ■ 2,045 15 11 512 4 6 53 liiS 50,408 7,946 18 9 31 12 60 6 62 14 415,069 1 9,111 18 H2 0 1,094 4 38 4 14 12 515 5 2,346 6 1 1,177 15 3,549 16 101 19 2,938 15 1 662 9 5 60,671 11 8,082 1 ,I,-561 0 353 I 291,289 17 0 8 50 5 30 0 0 38 9 76 15 121 16 0 0 14 4 109 19 0 49 1 1 37,305 1 7 (Excess of repayments.) 1 1 9 303 15 2 118 6 7 ,364,002 15 10 5,407 14 1 1 38 17 0 1,364,002 15 10 7,969 17 " 1,371,972 13 6 1,648 17 6 1,373,616 11 0 L. 19,262 148,676 18,093 5,563 1,310 5,698 1,669,402 1,765,889 23,514 9,741 10 13 12 18 17 : 10 3 10 0 8 5 17 10 21,054 0 7 2,097 4 1 1,341 7 G 715 13 6 951 19 1 3,986,618 12 8 184,596 6 7 788 12 10 6,600 9 8 1,343 7 108,488 4 485,260 5 4,513 17 3,384 2 1,869 19 26,609 18 15,046 1 7,206 7 873 4 46,825 13 7,347 12 374,910 38,048 7,464 7,744 : 2,428,632 458 3,469 73,568 6,937 2,495 1,478 337 4,141 823 1,377,025 142,613 626,754 102,027 6 7 9 5 4 18 10 7 7 1 7 1 7 14 3 7 10 9 0 9 6 ,880 3 7 803 7 7 652 14 7 6,727,790 18 2,866 1 9 15 2 7 56,036112 3 113.248 11 11 16,840,433 10 8 120,198 3 8 16,960,631 14 < 1,507,249 li:i 8,467,881 6 3 Inspector General's Office, Custom House, London, 25th of March, 1833. WILLIAM IRVING, Inspector General of Imports and Exports. The charges of collection on the customs revenue of the United Kingdom during the same year were — Civil department Harbour vessels Cruisers Preventive water guard Land guard Great Britain. £ s. d. • 734,793 10 llf - 5,187 17 1 - 229,789 12 l| - 18,352 0 8 ^6" 1,124,037 4 1 Ireland, £ S. 130,044 18 2.'33 12 9,m 6 112,189 1 ^£•25 2,327 19 li CUTLERY. — CYPRESS. 463 Inspector General of Imports and Exports. Miserable Attempt at Economy in this Department. — The office of inspector general of imports and exports was established in 1696. The accounts of the trade and navigation of the country, annually laid before parliament, are furnished by this office ; and, owing to the ability of the officers, the improved manner in which these accounts are now made out, and the practice of giving statements of the quantities of the principal articles exported and imported, and the declared or real value of the former, they have become of great jjublic importance. It is singular, however, that after having existed for about 1 35 years, and being gradually brought to a high pitch of perfection, this office was, in 1830, rendered nearly useless by a pitiful attempt to save the salary of a couple of clerks ! Previously to that year, the accounts of the trade and revenue of the two great divisions of the empire were exhibited separately and jointly ; so that if any one, for example, wished to know the quantity of sugar entered for home consumption in 1829, in Great Britain and in Ireland, he would have found the results separately stated ; and in the same way for the produce of any article or tax. Nothing, it is plain, could be more desirable than an arrangement of this sort ; which, indeed, considering the entirely different situation of the two great divisions of the empire, is the only one capable of affijrding the means of drawing any useful conclusions. But in 1830, ministers, in order to accomplish the miserable object already alluded to, had all the accounts consolidated into one mass (rudis et indigesta moles) ; so that it became impossible to tell what was the consumption of any article, or the produce of any tax, either in Great Britain or in Ireland, — the only information communicated being the general result as to the United Kingdom ! Nothing more absurd was ever imagined. On the principle that Ireland is taken into the same average with Great Britain, we might take in Canada ; for there is decidedly less difference between the condition and habits of the people of Canada and those of Britain, than there is between those of the British and Irish. But this measure was not objectionable merely from its con- founding such dissimilar elements, and laying a basis for the most absurd and unfounded inferences : it rendered all the previous accounts in a great measure useless ; and would, had it been persevered in, have effectually deprived statesmen and statisticians of some of the very best means of instituting a comparison between the past and future state of both divisions of the empire. Happily, however, this abortive attempt at economy has been relinquished. The moment Mr. Poulett Thomson attained to office, he took measures for the restoration of that system which had been so unwisely abandoned ; and every one in any degree conversant with matters of finance, commerce, or statistics, will agree with us in thinking that the Right Hon. Gentleman could have rendered few more acceptable services. The public accounts for 1830, the only ones made out on the new system, were a disgrace to the country. We are glad, however, to have to add that they have been withdrawn, and replaced by others. CUTLERY, a term used to designate all manner of sharp and cutting instruments made of iron or steel, as knives, forks, scissors, razors, shears, scythes, &c. Shefiield is the principal seat of the cutlery manufacture ; but the knives and other articles made in London are said to be of superior quality. The act 59 Geo. 3. c. 7. gives the manufacturers of cutlery made of wrowg^^ steel, the privilege of mark- ing or stamping them with the figure of a hammer; and prohibits the manufacturers of any articles of cutlery, edge tools, or hardware, cast or formed in a mould, or manufactured otherwise than by means of a hammer, from marking or impressing upon them the figure of a hammer, or any symbol or device re- sembling it, on pain of forfeiting all such articles, and 5l. for every dozen. A penalty of 10/. per dozen, exclusive of forfeiture, is also imposed upon every person having articles of cutlery in his possession for the purpose of sale, marked with the words London, or London made, unless the articles so marked have been really manufactured within the city of London, or a distance of 20 miles from it. CYPRESS, a forest tree of which there are many varieties, the species denominated the evergreen cypress ( Cupressus sempervirens) and the white cedar ( Cupressus Thyoides) being the most celebrated. The cypress is indigenous to the southern parts of Europe, to several parts of Asia, and to America. It grows to a great size, and is a most valuable species of timber. It is never attacked by worms ; and exceeds all other trees, even the cedar, in durability. Hence the Athenians, when desirous to preserve the remains of their heroes and other great men, had them enclosed in cypress coffins ; and hence, also, the external covering of the Egyptian mummies is made of the same enduring material. The cypress is said to live to a great age ; and this circumstance, combined with its thick dark green foliage, has made it be regarded as the emblem of death and the grave. In his Geography and History of the Western States of Americay Mr. Timothy Flint has given the following account of the cypress trees found in the southern parts of the valley of the Mississippi : — " These noble trees rear their straight columns from a large cone-shaped buttress, whose circumference at the ground is, perhaps, 3 times that of the regular shaft of the tree. This cone rises from 6 to 10 feet, with a regular and sharp taper, and from the apex of the cone towers the perpendicular column, with little taper after it has left the cone, from 60 to 80 feet clear shaft. Very near the top it begins to 464- DAMAGED GOODS. — DANTZIC. throw out multitudes of hoi izontal branches, which interlace with those of the adjoining trees, and, when bare of leaves, have an air of desolation and death, more easily felt than described. In the season of vegetation the leaves are short, fine, and of a verdure so deep as almost to seem brown, giving an indescribable air of funereal solemnity to this singular tree. A cypress forest, when viewed from the adjacent hills, with its numberless interlaced arms covered with this dark brown foliage, has the aspect of a scaffolding of verdure in the air. It grows, too, in deep and sickly swamps, the haunts of fever, mos- quitoes, moccassin snakes, alligators, and all loathsome and ferocious animals, that congregate far from the abodes of man, and seem to make common cause with nature against him. The cypress loves the deepest, most gloomy, inaccessible swamps ; and, south of 33°, is generally found covered with sable festoons of long moss, hanging, like shrouds of mourning wreaths, almost to the ground. It seems to flourish best when water covers its roots for half the year. Unpromising as are the places and cir- cumstances of its growth, no tree of the country where it is found is so extensively useful. It is free from knots, is easily wrought, and makes excellent planks, shingles, and timber of all sorts. It is very durable, and incomparably the most valuable tree in the southern country of this valley." — (Vol. i. p. 62.) D. DAMAGED GOODS, in the language of the customs, are goods, subject to duties, that have received some injury either in the voyage home or in the bonded warehouses. It is enacted by the 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 52., that if any goods rated to pay duty according to the number, measure, or weight thereof (except those after mentioned), shall receive damage during the voyage, an abatement of such duties shall be allowed proportionally to the damage so received ; provided proof be made to the satisfaction of the commissioners of customs, or of officers acting under their direction, that such damage was received after the goods were shipped abroad in the ship importing the same, and before they were landed in the United Kmgdom ; and provided claim to such abatement of duties be made at the time of the first examination of such goods.— § 30. It is further enacted, that the officers of customs shall examine such goods, and may state the damage which, in their opinion, they have so received, and may make a proportionate abatement of duties; but if the officers of customs be incompetent to estimate such damage, or if the importer be not satisfied with the abatement made by them, the collector and comptroller shall choose 2 indifferent merchants ex- perienced in the nature and value of such goods, who shall examine the same, and shall make and sul)- scribe a declaration, stating in what proportion, according to their judgment, the goods are lessened in value by such damage, and the officers of customs may make an abatement of the duties according to the proportion of damage declared by such merchants. — ^ 31. Provided always, that no abatement of duties shall be made on account of any damage received by any of the sorts of goods herein enumerated ; viz. cocoa, coffee, oranges, pepper, currants, raisins, figs, tobacco, lemons, and wine. — ^32. DAMAR, a kind of indurated pitch or turpentine exuding spontaneously from various trees indigenous to most of the Indian i-slands. Different trees produce dif- ferent species of resin, which are designated according to their colour and consistence. " One is called Damar-hatu in Malay, or Damar-selo in Javanese, which means hard or stony rosin ; and another in common use Damar-puteh, or white rosin, which is softer. The trees which produce the damar yield it in amazing quantity, and generally without the necessity of making incisions. It exudes through the bark ; and is either found adhering to the trunk or branches in large lumps, or in masses on the ground under the trees. As these often grow near the sea-side, or on the banks of rivers, the damar is frequently floated away, and collected in distant places as drift. It is exported in large quantities to Bengal and China ; and is used for all the purposes to which we apply pitch, but principally in paying the bottoms of ships. By a previous arrangement, almost any quantity may be procured at Borneo, at the low rate of ^ dollar per picul." — {Crawfurd, East. Archip. vol. i. p. 455., vol. iii. p. 420.) DAMASK (Ger. Damasten Tafelzeug ; Du. Damaskwerk ; Fr. Venise, Damas ; It. Tela damaschina ; Sp. Tela, adamascada ; Rus. Kamtschatnii'd salfftki), a species of table linen. — (See Linen.) DANTZIC, one of the principal emporiums of the north of Europe, in West Prussia, in lat. 54° 20' 48" N., Ion. 18° 38' E. Population about 56,000. It is situated on the left or western bank of the Vistula, about 4 miles from where it falls into the sea. The harbour is at the mouth of the river, and is defended on each side by pretty strong forts. The town is traversed by the small river Motlau, which has been rendered navigable for vessels drawing 8 or 9 feet water. Roads, Port, ^c. — The road or bay of Dantzic is covered on the west side by a long, narrow, low, sandy tongue of land, extending from Ileserhoft Point (on whicii is a liKht-houso), in lat. .54° 50|', Ion. 180 23 15", upwards of 90 miles; in an E. by S. direction, having the smalltown of Heela, or Heel, near its termination. A light-house, elevated 123 feet (Eng.) above the level of the sea, has been erected within about i mile of the extremity of this point. The flashes of the light, which is a revolving one, succeed each other every \ minute. Dantzic lies about S. \ W. from the Heel j its pert, denominated the Fairwater- DANTZIC. 465 being distant sftout 4 leagues. There is good anchorage in tlie roads for sliipa of any burden ; but they are exposed, except imincdiately under the Heel, to the north and north-easterly winds, 'l licre are har- bour lights at the entrance to the port. All ships entering the Vistula must heave to about a mile off the rort, and take a pilot on board ; and pilots must always be employed in moving ships in the harbour, or in gomg up and down the river. The usual depth of water at the mouth of the river is from 12 to 13 feet (Eng.) ; in the harbour, from 13 to 14 feet ; at the confluence of the Motlau with the Vistula, from 9 to 9| (eet ; and in town from 8 to 9 feet. Moles have been erected on both sides the entrance to the harbour : that on the eastern side, which is most exposed, is constructed of granite, but is not yet com- pleted i the other is partly of stone and partly of timber. Trade of Dantzic. — Next to PeterSburgh, Dantzic is the most important commercial city in the north of Europe. It owes its distinction in this respect to its situation ; the Vistula, with its important tributaries the Bug, Narew, &c., giving it the com- mand of a great internal navigation, and rendering it the entrepot where the surplus products of West Prussia, Poland as far as Hungary, and part of Lithuania, are ex- changed for those imported from the foreigner. The exports of wheat from Dantzic are greater than from any other port in the world. There are four sorts of wheat dis- tinguished here ; viz. white, high-mixed, mixed, and red, according as the white or red predominates. The quality of the Dantzic wheat is for the most part excellent ; for, though small in the berry, and not so heavy as many other sorts, it is remarkably thin skinned, and yields the finest flour. The wliite Polish wheat exported here is the best in the Baltic. Rye is also very superior, being both clean and heavy ; and the ex- ports are very large. The exports of barley and oats are comparatively inconsiderable, and the qualities but indifferent. Very fine white peas are exported. Next to grain, timber is the most important article of export from Dantzic. The principal supply of fir timber, masts, &c. is brought by the River Narew, which, with its branches, rise in Old Prussia and Lithuania, and falls into the Bug near the confluence of the latter with the Vistula. Oak plank, staves, &c. are brought down from the higher parts of the Vistula, and the tributary streams of Dunajetz, Wieprez, &c. Weed ashes, pearl- ashes, bones, zinc, wool, spruce beer, feathers, &c. are also exported. Money. — Accounts used formerly to be wholly kept in guldens, guilders, or florins of 30 groschen. The rixdoUar = 3 florins = 90 groschen = 270 schillings = 1,620 pfennings. The florin or guilder = 9d. ster- ling, and the rixdollar = 2s. 3d. A new system was, however, introduced into all parts of the Prussian dominions, conformably to the decrees of the 30th of September, 1821, and of the 22d of June, 1823 ; but it has not hitherto entirely super- seded the method of accounting previously in use. The Cologne mark (containing 3,609 Eng. grains) is the weight at present used in the Prussian mint in weighing the precious metals. The fineness of the coins is not determined, as previously, by carats or loths, but the mark is divided for this purpose into 288 grains. Accounts are now kept in the public offices in thalers or dollars (R.), silver groschen, and pfennings : 1 dol. = 30 sil. gr. ; 1 sU. gr. = 12 pf. The only silver monies now coined are dollars and dollar pieces ; but smaller coins are in circulation, of former coinages. The Prussian silver coins have j of alloy ; and as the mark is coined into 14 dollars, each should contain 257 68 Eng. grains pure silver, and be worth about 2s. Uld. sterling; but the assays do not always strictly coincide with the mint valuation. The gold coins are Frederick d'ors, double, single, and half pieces. The mark of 288 grains, having 260 grains of fine gold, is coined into 35 Fred, d'ors. The Fred, d'or is worth from 5 dol. 18 siL gr. to 5 dol. 22 sil. gr., according to the demand. Weights and Measures. — The commercial weights are, 32 Loths = 1 Ounce. I 20 Pounds = 1 Small stone. 16 Ounces = I Pound. 33 Pounds = 1 Large stone. 16| Pounds = 1 Lispound. | 110 lbs. = 1 centner; 3 centners = 1 shippound (330 lbs.); 100 lbs. of Dantzic = 103-3 lbs. avoirdupois = 46-85 kilog. = 94-7 lbs. of Amsterdam = 96 6 lbs. of Hamburgh. The liquid measures are, for beer, 5 Quarts = 1 Anker. | 2 Hhds. = 1 Both. 4 Ankers = 1 Ahm. 2 Both = 1 Fuder. li Ahm = 1 Hhd. | 2 Fuder = 1 Last = 620*4 Eng. wine gallons. In wine measure, which is less than beer measure, the ahm = 391 Eng. gallons. The pipe = 2 ahms. The last of corn = 3f malters = 60 schefFels = 240 viertels = 960 metzen ; and weighs 4,680 lbs. Dantzic weight in rye. The scheffel = '547 of a hectolitre = 1-552 Winchester bushel. Hence the last of 60 scheffels ~ 11 quarters 3 bushels ; the last of 56^ scheffels = 10 quarters 7 bushels. The Dantzic foot = 11-3 Eng. inches, or 100 Dantzic feet = 9416 Eng. feet. The ell is 2 feet Dantzic measure. The Rhineland or Prussian foot — -3138 French metres, or 12 356 Eng. inches: hence 100 Prussian = 102 8 English feet. The Prussian or Berlin ell has 25^ Prussian inches = 26-256 Eng. ditto. 100 Berlin ells = 7293 Eng. yards; and 137 142 Berlin ells 100 Eng. yards. 14f Prussian miles are equal to 15 geographical miles. Oak planks, deals, and pipe staves, are sold by the shock of 60 pieces ; wheat, rye, &c. are sold by the last of 56| w:heflels. — (A:e//y'* Cambist; Nelkenbreckei\ Manuel Universel.) Imports. — We regret our inability to lay before the reader any account of the quan- tities of the different articles usually imported into Dantzic. They consist of sugar» cofTee, wine, oil, brandy, spices, copper, lead, furs, cotton stuffs and cotton yarn, woollens^ hardware, silks, indigo, dye woods, &c. We subjoin an 2 H 466 DANTZIC. Af'count of the principal Articles exported from Dantzic during each of the Three Years endiny n iih 1831, with their Prices and Values in Sterling Money. 1829. 1830. 1831. Articles! • Quan- Avernge Prices in Value. Quan- Average Prices in Va'iie. Quan- Average Priceo in Value tity. Sterling tity. Sterling Uty. Sterling Money. flloney . Money. Wheat, Imp. qr. at IO3 per last Kye, ditto Barley, ditto OaU, ditto L. s. d. L. s. d. L. s. d. L, s. d. L. s d. t. t. d. 50C,7C6 2 7 1 722,178 5 10 398,588 2 2 2 840,356 7 4 133,800 2 10 2 3.35,615 0 0 0 17 4 67,838 6 8 85,074 1 0 3 86,137 8 6 12,530 1 8 6 17,855 5 Q. 6,675 0 13 8 4,561 5 0 7,368 0 15 0 5,526 0 0 11,680 1 1 3 12,410 0 0| 9,19-7 0 10 11 5,020 0 7 21,462 0 11 2 11,982 19 0 2,220 0 15 8 1,739 0 ul Peas, diito 0 18 8 2,652 10 8 16,916 1 0 8 17,479 17 4 15,850 1 7 7 21,859 15 lOi Flour, barrels of 196 lbs. 2,016 1 3 0 2,318 8 0 11,810 10,359.i 1 1 6 12,695 15 0 12 1 2 0 13 4 0 Biscuits, bags of 1 cwt. 3,221 0 10 0 1,C12 0 0 0 10 0 5,179 15 0 6,932 0 11 3,812 12 0 Kir timber, squared, pieces Fir deals, long, short. 64,794 1 0 0 61,794 0 0 47,548 1 0 0 47,548 0 0 37,497 1 0 Q 37,497 0 0 and cuts, ditto 290,258 0 4 0 58,051 12 0 270,309 0 4 0 54,061 16 0 179,166 0 4 0 35,833 4 0 IVJ asts and spars, ditto Oak plank, ditto timber, ditto 1,()01 1 15 0 1,751 15 0 2,707 1 10 0 4,060 10 0 313 2 0 0 626 0 0 0 9 0 0 8 10 4,518 5 8 0 10 0 2,042 1 5 0 2^318 6 0 1,'675 1 3 0 1,926 5 0 l,'l97 1 3 0 1,376 11 0 staves, shock of 60 pieces Clapboaitds, ditto Treenails, ditto 17,464 1 15 6 30,998 12 0 11,018 2 0 0 22,036 0 0 6,210 2 14 6 16,922 5 0 117 5 0 0 585 0 0 28 5 0 0 140 0 0 52 5 0 0 260 0 0 5,66 1^ 0 1 6 424 12 3 2,855 1,102^ U I 6 214 2 6 .5,420 0 1 6 406 10 0 J,athwood, fathoms 933 2 0 0 1,86G 0 0 2 0 0 2,205 0 0 936 2 0 0 1,872 0 0 Weed-ashes, barrel of about 3 cwt. • 8,330 1 13 0 13,744 10 0 6,587 1 13 0 10,868 11 0 5,078 1 13 0 8,378 14 0 Pearlashes, cwt. 13,570 1 2 0 14,927 0 0 2,485 1 2 0 2,733 10 0 369 1 3 0 424 7 0 Bones, ditto 5,563J 2 5 0 12,517 17 6 4,232 2 8 0 10,375 4 0 2,867 2 10 0 9,667 10 0 Zinc, ditto 28,510 0 12 8 1S,056 6 8 29,767 0 12 8 18,852 8 8 2,946 0 12 4 1,816 14 0 Wool, ditto 1,2S2A 7 13 6 9,843 4 0 1,835 7 15 2 14,2.36 10 10 454 8 8 0 3,813 12 0 Feathers, pounds 36,010 0 1 2 2,100 11 8 22,825 0 1 2 1,331 9 2 13,530 0 1 2 789 5 0 Salted provisions, bar- rel of iiOO pounds - 157 ■2 4 0 345 8 0 376 2 4 0 827 4 0 45 2 4 0 99 0 0 Spruce beer, kegs 25,460 0 6 6 8,274 10 0 30,039 0 6 6 9,762 13 6 26,191 0 6 6 8,512 1 6 Total value 1,052,511 2 10 1,185,085 12 1 526,952 10 41 Account, showing the Countries for which the principal Articles exported from Dantzic during the Three Years ending with 1831 were shipped, and the Quantities shipped for each. Wheat, Imp. qr. at 10^ per last Rye, ditto Barley, ditto Oats, ditto Peas, ditto Flour, barrels of 196 lbs. Biscuits, bags of 1 cwt. Fir timber, squared, pieces Fir deals, long, short, and cuts, ditto Masts and spars, ditto Oak plank, ditto timber, ditto staves, shock of 60 pieces Clapboards, ditto Treenails, ditto - Lathwood, fathoms - VVeed-ashes, barrel of about 3 cwt. - Pearlashes, cwt. Bones, ditto Zincj ditto Wool, ditto FeatLnTS, pounds Salted provisions, bar- rel of 200 lbs. Spruce beer, kegs Britain and her Posses- sions. 214,933 8,980 3,648 8,923 2,444 2,016 3,224 31,232 98,609 111 8,128 1,170 7,873 107i 5,285J 929 2,073 *5,563J 24,629 1,219^ 30,810 157 24,950 24,169 9,455 237 274 92,090 750 2,273 872 7,786^ 64,594 iO,866 2,118 6,245 10,436 37 5,100 Other Coun- tries. 3,070 28,974 672 38,835 100 2,268 12 3,1M 3,881 26 100 80 430 29 Britain and her Posses- sions. ,982 ,453 ,128 ,997 ,312 ,926 ,287^ ,639 2,288 1,096^ 2,720 21^ 1,323 j,689 1,769 1,093 8,913 2,323 2,31 1,227 43,970 28,753 66 1,402 Other Coun- tries. 4,163 47,816 2,452 465 836 108 72 46,994 81 3,235 351 212i 4,078 330 719 1831. Britain and her Posses- 125,330 2,510 11,380 2,220 14,780 10 6,732 33,642 111,347 169 8,724 311 5,462 44 4,712 936 3,867 1,946 454 13,530 11,005 18,292 60 1 18 263 - - Other Coun- tries. 562 5,456 500 510 2 200 38,522 66 1,719 618 318 70s Remarks on Tariff.— 'T^e following Table affords a pretty sufficient specimen of the sort of tariff which the Prussian government are so anxious to extend all over Germany ; and in furtherance of which object they have displayirl equal address and perseverance. Some of the duties are abundantly moderate; but those on cotton goods, wrought iron, and woollen goods, are quite exorbitant. It is obvious too, that from their being imposed according to the weight, they fall principally on the coarser fabrics, or those worn by the mass of the people. The high duties on wrought iron are particularly objectionable. If Prussia wish to become a manufacturing country, she ought to open her ports for the reception of all articles made of iron, from wherever they may be had cheapest. They are the principal instruments by which manufactures are carried on; and if one were to set about contriving methods for depressing the latter, they would not easily find one better fitted to effect their object than by confining the manu. facturers in their choice of tools and instruments, and making them adopt those that were bad and dear, because they happened to be made at liome. The tlutics on sugar and coffee are also, in the circum- itances of Prussia, quite excessive. We are, indeed, astonished that so liberal and intelligent a govern- ment as that of Berlin sliould, at this late period, become the patron of tiie exploded errors and absurdities of the mercantile system. DANTZIC. 407 Rates of Duty on the chief Articles imported for Home Consumption into the Eastern Prussian I'rovinces in 1832. Anise seed, per centner of 110 lbs. Vrusblan Alum do. Almonds do. llriinstune do. OoHee do. Tacao do. ("assia do. Currants do. Cotton goods do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. do. yarn, sewinj;, do. twist do. do. Coals do. do. Earthenware do. do. do. (Jinper do. do. Herrings, per barrel Hardware, percwt.of 110 lbs. Prussian Indigo do. do. Iron, unwrought, (in bian Currency. Makes in liritisli Money, per about per about H. ti): / li. M.K rf- L. 1. d. Oil, Provence, in casks, per 0 2 lOA 1 0 0 cwt. n 9 ini cwt. of 110 lbs. Prussian • I 0 0 cwt. A 1? — n T 1(1 n ^ 'i n green do. 1 (J 0 0 2 lOA 4 15 0 — Orange peel do. - 4 15 0 — 0 13 10 0 5 0 — Pimento do. 7 10 0 1111 (1 1« u Pepper do. - 7 10 0 1 1 li 6 1^ '0 (1 18 Q Porter and ale do. 2 15 0 n 1? f^* 7 10 0 — 1 1 li l\ 1ri }\ Kaisins do. 4 15 0 — 4 15 0 — Kice do. - 3 0 0 0 8 8 55 0 0 — 7 18 0 Kum and brandy do. - 8 0 0 1 3 OA t 6 0 0 0 17 3 Sugar, manufactured, do. - 11 0 0 1 11 8 2 0 0 0 5 9 raw do. 5 0 0 _. 0 U 5 0 1 3 0 0 li Syrup do. 5 0 0 0 11 5 0 10 0 0 0 114 SalH)etre do. 0 10 0 0 0 Hi 3 0 0 0 8 8 Shot do. - 2 0 0 0 5 'J 7 10 0 1 1 1^ Steel, unwrought do. 1 0 0 0 2 lOi 1 0 0 brls. 0 2 11 wrought do. 6 0 0 0 17 3 Silk goods do. 110 0 0 15 17 8 55 0 0 cwt. 7 18 5 Tta do. 11 0 0 1 11 8 0 15 0 0 15 Tin, in bars do. 2 0 0 0 5 9 1 0 0 0 2 10^ in plates do. 3 20 0 0 10 7 6 0 0 0 17 3 Vitriol do. 0 0 ^0^ 0 0 8.i 0 5 0 0 0 5| White lead do. 2 0 0 5 9 0 15 0 0 1 5 Woollen goods do. 33 0 0 4 15 0 11 0 0 1 H 8 Wine do. 8 0 0 1 3 O^i 8 0 0 1 3 04 With the exception of wool and bones, almost all articles of export are duty free. Corn Trade of Dantxic— The reader will find, under the head Corn Laws and Corn Trade ^'pp. 427— 430.), a pretty full account of the Polish corn trade. But the importance of the subject will excuse our giving a few additional details. Grain is almost wholly brought to Dantzic by water, in fiat-bottomed boats suited to the navigation of the Vistula, Bug, &c. Mr. Consul Gibson estimates the expense of the con- veyance of wheat and rye thither, including tlie duty at Thorn and the charges of turning on the river, till put into the granary, as follows : — From the upper provinces on the Bug, a distance! „ „ , of from 700 to 500 miles - . From the provinces of Cracow, Sendomir, andl/- (• Lublin, 550 to 350 miles - - - ° From Warsaw and its neighbourhood, about 2401 ^ y miles - - - - J • 7 10 5 4 3 11 From Wlacia week and its neighbourhood, about! ^ o ~ k. 140 miles - - - >i -i to o ^ From Grandentz, a distance of about 70 miles, / no duty at Thorn, and when not turned on >0 10 - 0 9 the river - - • - j ■ N.B. — These are the ordinary charges. They are higher when there is any unusual demand for exportation. The Bug has many windings, and its navigation, which is tedious and uncertain, can only be attempted in the spring, when the water is high. It is the same, though in a less degree, with some of the rivers that fall into the Vistula before it reaches Warsaw ; and towards Cracow the Vistula itself is frequently un- navigable, especially in dry seasons, except in spring, and after the midsummer rains, when the snow melts on the Carpathian mountains. The navigation of the Polish rivers in 18S2 was more than usually bad. The corn from the upper provinces did not reach Dantzic till from 2 to 4 months later than usual, and was burdened with a very heavy additional expense. In fact, the supplies of grain at Dantzic depend quite as much on the abundance of water in the rivers, or on their easy navigation in summer, as on the goodness of the harvests. " There are," says Mr. Jacob, " two modes of conveying wheat to Dantzic by the Vistula. That which grows near the lower parts of the river, comprehending Polish Russia, and part of the province of Plock, and of Masovia, in the kingdom of Poland, which is generally of an mferior quality, is conveyed in covered boats, with shifting boards that protect the cargo from the rain, but not from pilfering. These vessels are long, and draw about 15 inches water, and bring about 150 quarters of wheat. They are not, however, so well calculated for the upper parts of the river. From Cracow, where the Vistula first be- comes navigable, to below the junction of the Bug with that stream, the wheat is mostly conveyed to Dantzic in open flats. These are constructed on the banks, in seasons of leisure, on spots lar from the ordinary reach of the water, but which, when the rains of autumn, or the melted snow of the Carpathian mountains in the spring, fill and overflow the river, are easily floated. " Barges of this description are about 15 feet long, and 20 broad, with a depth of 2| feet. They are made of fir, rudely put together, fastened with wooden treenails, the corners dovetailed and secured with slight iron clamps, — the only iron employed in their construction. " A large tree, the length of the vessel, runs along the bottom, to which the timbers are secured. This roughly cut keelson rises 9 or 10 inches from the floor, and hurdles are laid on it, which extend to the sides. I'hey are covered with mats made of rye straw, and serve the purpose of dunnage ; leaving below a space in which the water that leaks through the sides and bottom is received. The bulk is kept from the sides and ends of the barge by a similar plan. The water which these ill-constructed and imper- fectly caulked vessels receive, is dipped out at the end and sides of the bulk of wheat. " Vessels of this description draw from 10 to 12 inches water, and yet they frequently get aground in descending the river. The cargoes usually consist of from 180 to 200 quarters of wheat. " The wheat is thrC"r;;ion the mats, piled as high as the gunwale, and left uncovered, exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather, and to the pilfering of the crew. During the passage, the barge is carried along by the force of the stream, oars being merely used at the head and stern, to steer clear of the sand banks, which are numerous and shifting, and to direct the vessel in passing under the several bridges. These vessels are conducted by 6 or? men. A small boat precedes with a man in it, who is employed sounding, in order to avoid the shifting shoals. This mode of navigating is necessarily very slow ; and • during the progress of it, which lasts several weeks, and even months, the rain, if any fall, soon causes the wheat to grow, and the vessel assumes the appearance of a floating meadow. The shooting of the fibres soon forms a thick mat, and prevents the rain from penetrating more than an inch or two. I'he main bulk is protected by this kind of covering, and, when that is thrown aside, is found in tolerable con. dition. . * A cask, or 1| barrel, weighs about 5| cwt. t A puncheon of 90 to 100 gallons weighs 8 to 9 cwt., according to the degree of strength. X A hogshead weighs about 5^ cwt. 2 H 2 468 DANTZIC. " The vessels are broken up at Dantzic, and usually sell for about § of their original cost. The men who conduct them return on loot. " When the cargo arrives at Dantzic or Elbing, all but the grown surface is thrown on the land, spread abroad, exposed to the sun, and frequently turned over, till any slight moisture it may have imbibed ii dried. If a shower of rain falls, as well as during the night, the heaps of wheat on the shore are thrown together in the form of a steep roof of a house, that the rain may run off, and are covered with a linen cloth. It is thus frequently a long time after the wheat has reached Dantzic, before it is fit to be placed in the warehouses. " The warehouses {speichers) are very well adapted for storing corn. They consist generally of 7 stories, 3 of which are in the roof The floors are about 9 feet asunder. Each of them is divided by per- pendicular partitions, the whole length, about 4 feet high, by which diS'erent parcels are kept distinct i'rom each other. Thus the floors have 2 divisions, each of them capable of storing from 150 to 200 quar- ters of wheat, and leaving sufficient space for turning and screening it. There are abundance of windows on each floor, which are always thrown oi)en in dry weather to ventilate the corn. It is usually turned over 3 times a week. The men who perform the operation tlirow it with their shovels as high as they can, and thus the grains are separated from each other, and exposed to the drying influence of the air. " The whole of the corn warehouses now lell (for many were burnt during the siege of 1814), are capable of storing 500,000 quarters of wheat, supposing the quarters to be large enough to fill each of the 2 divisions of the floors with a separate heap; but as of late years it has comedown from Poland in smaller parcels than formerly, and of more various qualities, which must of necessity be kept distinct, the present stock of aliout 280,000 quarter.s is found to occupy nearly the whole of those warehouses which are in repair, or are advantageously situated for loading the ships. Ships are loaded by gangs of porters, with great despatch, who will complete a cargo of 500 quarters in about 3 or 4 hours." — [First Report.) We extract from the work of Mr. Oddy, the following additional information with respect to the Dantzic warehouses: — " The warehouses for linens, ashes, hemp, &c., and the extensive granaries, are situated in an island formed by the Motlau. To guard these warehouses, from 20 to 30 ferocious dogs of a large size, amongst which are blood-hounds, are let loose at 11 o'clock at night. To keep the dogs within their districts, as well as to protect the passengers, large high gates run across the end of each of the streets leading to the main one : no light is allowed, nor any person suffered to live on this island. These dogs prowl about the whole night, and create great terror. It would be impossible otherwise to keep property secure amongst the hordes of Poles, Jews, &c. met with here ; no punishment would have half the effect that the dread of the dogs produces. In winter, when the v/ater is frozen over, there are keepers placed at particular avenues, with whips, to keep the dogs in their range. " No fire or robbery was ever known ; and the expense to each building, with the immense property they contain, is very reasonable. Vessels, either from the interior, or other quarters, lying alongside these warehouses, are not allowed to have a fire, or light of any kind, on board, nor is a sailor or any other person suffered even to smoke. These regulations partly extend to all shipping lying in the harbour." — {European Commerce, p. 249.) Timber Trade, Brack. — Fir timber is usually brought down in its natural state, and is squared into logs, or sawn into planks, in winter, when the labourers cannot be otherwise employed. The staves shipped here are carefully assorted, and are reckoned superior to those of America. The expenses of the water conveyance of squared timber, Including duty at Thorn, are — s. d. s. d. From the Bug - - from about 6 0 to 5 9 per piece. — Wieprez (above Warsaw) - — 4 6 - 4 4 do. — Vistula (above do. ) - — 3 0 - 2 4 do. Being higher when the demand is unusually great, or when hands are scarce. At Dantzic, as well as at Petersburgh (which see), Riga, and several other Baltic ports, sworn inspectors ifirackers) are appointed by authority to examine certain articles intended for exportation, and to classify them according to their qualities. Staves and timber of all sorts, with the exception of pine wood, is sub- jected to the brack. Prime quality is branded Krohn or Crown ; second quality. Brack ; and the third or lowest quality, Bracks Brack. All unmerchantable article.* are rejected by the brackers, and are not allowed to be exported. The gauge for crown pipe staves, which the bracker has always in his hand, is4| inches broad. If thick, and 64 inches in length, which they must be at least; but they are expected to be larger in every respect. Pipe staves are from 64 to 68 inches long ; 6, 5, and 4^, at least, broad ; and from 1| to 3 inches thick. Brandy staves are at least 54 to 58 inches long, as thick and broad as pipe staves. Hogshead staves are 42 to 45 inches long, as thick and broad as pipe staves, all English measure. The quality is ascertained by marks, to distinguish each sort, as follows : — Crown pipe staves, stamped at the end, K. Hogshead bracks brack, II. — brack, in the middle, I. Brandy hogshead crown, at the end, B K. — bracks brack, il. — brack, in the middle, JxJ. Hogshead crown, at the end, OK. — bracks brack, X X. — brack, in the middle, I. Oak planks are assorted in the same manner. Crown plank is marked in the middle, C. Brack, in the end and middle, B. Bracks brack, B B. To distinguish 1^ from 2, and 2^ from 8 inches, the 1| are marked with I, and 21 X. At the end, in rough strokes, with coloured paint, brack is yellow I; bracks brack, white II; crown, red III. Ashes are suljjocted to the brack. The calcined are opened, and the crust taken off; others are not ex- amined unless there be any suspicion of their quality, or the staves of the hogshead be supposed to be too thick. Every cask of potashes is opened. Shipping Charges and Duties, exclusive of Commission. On Wheat Ilyc Barley I'eas r)ats about 2 22i ■] 2 20 > per last of about IO5 Imp. qrs. &scuit}5P--'- Pearlashes about 0 10 per shippound of .^,10 lbs. Weed ashes — Of. — barrel Deal ends ) Lathwood - — Clapboards • — Oak plank 1 _ Oak ends J Staves - - — HI ack or spru ce lieer — Feathers . . _ about 0 2ri.J per load. 1 0 2 0 1 10 fathom. shock of 60 pieces, load. 1 — millepipe. _ last of 1 1 >eR3. IV. /?. — The Prussian pound is about .^i per cent, heavier than the English pound. The expenses of sending goods down lare taken at about an average rate ; but if the whole, or the greater part of the cargo, were loaded in the Fairwater or roadfc the ex|ieiise>i would be somewhat more. DANTZIC. 4G9 Sfiii^ipinfT. — Account of tlic Number of Ships, specifying tlie Countries towTiicli they belonged, with their 'lonna^e in Lasts, of 4,000 1 russian lbs. that arrived at, and departed from, Duntzic in 183-t [I'rus- sian Official Accounts.) Ships Oi these Ships Of U.cm: Arrived and Lasts. leaden. l!alla>i(. Flags. Arrived aiKl Lasts. Laden. liiillast. SaiKd. Ships. T.asls. Sliip.s. leasts. Sailed. Ships. LaoK. Shipb. 1..-UU. Danisli Mecklenburg H.inse-Towns Uusbian - Arr. Dep. Arr. Dep. Arr. Dep. Arr. Dep. Arr. Dep. Arr. Dep. r Arr. Dep. Arr. Dep. 25 25 4 4 7 .7 2 15 21 62 68 38 38 l,8a'j 1,813 281 270 .384 5fi5 200 l.Vi 84 f. 1,180 1 843 1,841 4,749 3,040 2,917 1(5 22 1 4 12 2 1 13 9 fil 29 17 38 20 50 C>(■,'^ l,(i92 29 270 270 .Ofi.5 UH Ck> 622 661 1,797 865 1,7.34 4,749 782 2,917 2 '2 12 29 21 1,113 121 252 114 32 93 224 519 46 976 2,798 Oldenburg j^^- Netherlands jj^^J^- Belgian - Urr. French - [^l'^' 13 12 1.33 132 4 4 1 3 492 470 7,3 1 1 7,393 234 210 50 197 6 12 132 4 3 214 470 2,764 7,393 240 197 78 4 1 278 4,577 234 50 Swedish Norwegian British Total Foreign ("Arr. Ships - (.Dep. Prussian Ships arrived and departed .359 361 571 21,048 21,791 80,841 196 316 .383 9,025i 20,082 "^3,575 163 45 188 12.026 1,709 27,26.5 Hanoverian 54 60 34 2,258 Grand Total arrived and departed 1,291 123,679 895 82,679 596 41,000 Porl Chur/;es. — The charges on a ship of 200 lasts, or about 300 tons burden, are — R. S.g. Rf. Harbour money - - - - 88 26 8 Ditto in gold (say in Fred, d'ors, reckoned at 5 r., in which this must be paid) • - 14 6 8 River uvsney - - .000 Commercial contribution • - - 3 10 0 Expedition expenses • - - 13 10 0 Captain's allowance for expenses on shore - 16 20 0 Tracking the ship into the harbour (Fair- water) . - -.200 Ballast money, &c. - . - 10 24 0 Pilot to the ballast wharf - - - 4 0 0 Ditto moving the ship in Fairwater - - 2 15 0 Police passport - - - - 3 5 0 Clearing the vessel in and out - - - 16 20 0 Making 25/. 6». 6d. sterling, at the exchange of 6 r. 28 s. gr. - - - 175 17 4 The charges on the sliips of all countries having reciprocity trea- ties with Prussia (which is generally the case) are the same, only Dautzic captains receive no allowance for shore exj.ensts. Kiver or stream money is only paid by vessels that bring goods to town, or load in the Mptfau (above the blockhouse) : if a ship remain in the Fairwater or Vistula, the river money is levied on the craft carrying the goods, and falls on the latter. Dantzic is a favourable place for ships careening and re- pairing, and for obtaining supplies of all sorts of sea stores at a reasonable rate. There belong to the port 75 ships, measuring about 16,000 lasts = 24,000 tons, navigated by about 950 men. They are employed in foreign trade. The port has no fishery, and no coasting trade worth mentioning. Custom-house Renulations. ~- The shipmaster must, within 24 hours after arrival in port, make a declaration of the cargo on board, and of the ship's provisions, and he incurs a severe penalty if the declaration do not prove csrrect. The ship's hatches (if goods are on board) are sealed on arrival, and an additional declaration is accepted before they are unsealed ; but no later declaration, siipplementary, or explanatory, of the first, and no submitting the goods to investigation by the officer^, is received or allowed. If the shipmaster be unable to make a complete declaration on ar- rival, a Custom-house officer is put on board, who remains until the ship is unloaded, at an expense to her of about 2s. per day and night. The cargo can only be discharged in pre- Sence of a customs officer- The shipmaster, and not the receiver of the goods, is made responsible, if the contents of the packages do not correspond with his declaration ; and he is only exonerated from this by solemnly averring, on making the declaration, that the con- tents are unknown to him. An evident mistake or oversight is treated as rigorously as an intentional fraud. On commencing to loud, the shipmaster receives a blank loading list, in which he must daily note the articles he takes on board, or he is liable to fine; but this regulation is not very rigidly enforced. On clearing out, this list is compared with the goods entered by the vessel, when the sea passport is given. Ballast can be discharged only at stated places, on pain of the shipmaster being fined. It is material, however, to observe, that the whole Custom- house business of the shipmaster is conducted by Custom- house brokers, so that he is never at a loss, being informed by the one he .selects what he has to do. Alterations are fre- quently made in the Custom-house regulations. The shipmaster receives, on arrival, fj^m the pilot commo- dore, a copy of the harbour regulations, m his own language, ■with instructions how to act as to ballast. Warehousitig. — Such goods as pay a higher duty than ^ a dollar per centner (about Is. 5^il. for about 113 lbs. English) inay be placed in the king's stores {no where else), and re- main there for 2 years without payment of duty. No allow- ance is made for waste or damage in these stores. Other goods, not capable of being changed, may be placed in private Stores, under the king's lock ; but not elsewhere, without per- mission. No rent is chargeia. ' are not made public. Being a go- vernment concern, there are no dividends. It is not supposed to be very profitable, at least in the present circumscrilied state of trade, althoui^h enjoying the advantages of exemption from postage of monies, and pacing less stamp duty. It is true, however, that the direct advemtage of the lower stamp duty is enjoyed by the borrower. Credit, Bnikera/^e, , 1 per cent, on the nett weight (called good weight) is allowed in favour of the buyer. Insnrayice. — There are no insurance companies nor pri- vate insurers here ; but there are agents of insurance com- panies in Hamburgh for ships, and of those of London and other places for houses and lives. Wages of common Labinirers in Dantzic vary from 9d. to lid a day, and those of carponters, masons, &c., from 1*. firf. to 2j. Wages in all the large Prussian towns are higher than in the stnall towns of the country, from the price of flour, bread, and butcher's meat beinj; higher in them. This is occasioned partly by the latter being subject to octrois or excise duties on entering the great towns, from which the country districts and smaller towns are exempted. The king receives 2-5ds of these duties, and the towns the other l-5d. This duty is a great obstacle to the free intercourse with the country. (We have derived these details from different sources, but principally from the valuable Ansrvert made by the Consul to the Circular Queries.) Prussian Shipping. — Sumir.ary Statement of the Arrivals of Ships at, and of their Departures from, the different Prussian Ports, in 1834. — (From the Official Accounts furnished by the Prussian Govern- ment.) Names of Ports. Memcl Pillau - - Dantzic Stolpmiinde Riigcnwalde Colhcrg Swineniiinde Wolgast Greifswnlde Stralsund - Ent Sail. fEnt. I Sail. CEnt I Sail. fEnt. I Sail. CEnt. ISail. CEnt. iSail CEnt. 1 Sail. fEnt. I Sail. 5" Ent. I Sail C Ent I Sail, Arrivals - Departures 1i 633 648 381 362 649 642 81 81 84 82 88 90 817 842 100 114 150 167 388 390 3,371 3,418 I. 78,257 80,937 27,211 24,728 62,342 61,337 2,202 2,232 3,142 3,164 3,273 3,415 .58,702 59,80 5,321 6,408 11,591 12,314 19,506 19,890 271,547 274,232 Laden. Ships. 228 630 287 296 309 5S6 76 32 33 67 SO 714 47 87 38 127 1,59 300 1,815 2,921 4,736 25,634 80,248 19,540 16,620 23,658 59,021 1,999 736 1,232 2,503 653 2,756 42,077 50,472 2,063 4,955 1,495 7,059 6,926 12,732 125,27' 237,102 In Ballast. Ships. 405 18 94 66 340 56 5 49 51 15 58 81 209 128 53 27 112 40 229 90 1,556 497 2 ,(\'5.'; 52,623 689 7,671 8,108 38,684 2,316 203 1,496 1,910 661 2,620 659 16,62 9,335 3,2 1,453 10,096 5,255 12,.580 7,158 Among theie were Foreign 270 272 iS8 232 559 361 1 1 31 31 18 18 296 297 33 36 28 29 138 129 146,2704 1,412 37,130| 1,406 . 26,483 26.892 ll,.03O 10,789 21,048 21,791. 55 55 1,264 1,264 642 642 17,715 18,003 1,045 1,168 1,348 1,029 4,82(1 4,652 85,9.'50 80,285 ]83,40(Y 2,818 1 172,2;55 Ships. I Lasts. 100 261 189 206 196 316 1 30 3 18 214 219 23 18 15 18 100 79 6,905 26,518 8,2.'38 9,693 9,022 20,0"' 55 416 1,217 101 642 13,185 13,681 701 537 401 601 3,691 1,898 Ships. I Lasts . 850 42,77. 1,165 74,809 2,015 I 117,644 170 11 49 26 163 45 1 22 I 15 82 78 10 18 13 11 38 50 19,57» 374 3,292 1,096 12,026 1,709 55 848 47 591 4,.'530 4,322 344 631 887 428 1.129 2,754 562 43,175 241 11,416 803 I 54,591 Coiinlries to which Foreign Vessels belonged. — Of the foreign vessels that entered and were despatched [«n Prussian Ports in 1834, there were — frmn Arrivals. Departures. British - . 244 - 246 Netherlands - 324 - 331 Danish - . 202 - 200 Hanoverian - 1-96 - 188 Swedish . - 97 - 99 Norwegian - 194 - 197 Then follow the ships of the Hmseatic cities, Russia, Mecklenburg, &c. DATES. 471 Ships bclonf^ing to Prussia. — M. Furbcr gives the following Tabic of Ihc sliiiiping of Prussia : — Summary Indication of the Vessels belonging to Prussian Owners, in the Years 1825, 1826, 1827, 1828, 1829, \830, and 1831. — {Ferber, p. 174.) Kcinigsberg Fillau - Memel - Elbing - Dantzic • Stettin . Cos) in - Stralsund - (iriefswaldc VVolgast - Barth - _ Total 182'> Ships. Lasts. [Ships. Lasts, 1,617 1,767 4,229 1,430 \2,'.m 20,559 1,724 6,235 2,957 1,626 3,554 576 '58,007 2,368 2,026 4,278 2.178 14,934 22,808 1,637 5,983 3,069 1,540 3,572 Ships. Lasts. 589 64,393 623 2,539 2,670 4,076 2,f).50 15,386 25,024 2,764 6,324 3,928 1,.586 3,784 70,731 1828. 1829. 1830. 1831. Sliips. LasU. Ships. Lasts. Ships. Lasts. Ships. Lasts. 17 2,738 18 3,026 20 3,008 11 3,228 14 2,468 15 %cm 15 2,fi«J 14 2,589 36 4,377 36 4,815 38 5,095 38 4,5+3 19 3,175 18 2,941 19 3,106 20 3,J.'54 76 15,999 78 16,0.95 76 76 15,9.'34 238 25,057 235 25,014 244 25,4(50 2.">2 26,398 35 2,792 39 3,045 39 2,909 41 3,181 81 6,1ove the level of the Import and Export Docks, those gates would also be thrown open, and then the river would flow in with considerable force ; the muddy water discolouring that of the docks, and of course depositing the silt or mud held in susuension. These facts showed that the exclusion of the river water was the only effectual cure for the evil ; but the loss or waste of water from the docks was equal, on an average, to 5 inches over the whole surface in 24 hours, and this loss had to be supplied ; and not only that, but to keep the river out, it was necessary at all times to keep the water of the ducks and basins up to a higher point than that to which the river would rise at the highest spring tides. After long consideration, the following plan was matured for effecting this object : — The Company's spare land on the north side of the Black- wall Basin lay below high water mark, and there three re- servoirs were formed : the two next the basin receive the water from the river by a culvert with sluices, which are closed as soon as they are filled ; from these ihe water is pumped by an engine of 36 horse power, after having had time to deposit the silt into the elevated reservoir, from whence it flows by a conduit into the basin, and thence into the dock, and thus the level of the whole is kept up to the highest point which can be desired, and the river Thames with its mud is no longer admitted. The great body of water in the docks is thus constantly maintained, and is at all times clear and sweet, and no mud will hereafter be deposited ; great advantage arises, however, from the depth of water, which is preserved from fluctuating with the level of the neap and spring tides, as the deepest laden ship can at all times be transported,— the depth tlirough- out being from 23 to 26 feet. Rules and Regulations to be observed, and Rates to be paid, by the SnippixG frequenting THE West India Docks. Rules AND Orders to be observed by Masters, Pilots, and other Persons having the Charge of Ships, Vessels, Lighters, or Craft, coming into, lying in, and going out of, the West India Docks, pursuant to Act 1 & 2 Will. 4. c. 52. T/ie Compani/'s Moorings. — The moorings in the river, within 200 yards of each of the entrances at Blackwall, and that into Limehouse Basin, and within 150 yards of the Limehouse entrance of the South Dock, are reserved for the exclusive use of vessels entering into» or which Jiave recently come cut of, the docks. Every master or person in charge of any ship, lighter, barge, boat, or other vessel, of any description whatsoever, lying within the above distance, shall immediately remove the same, when required by the dock masters or their assistants. Penalty 51. for every hour which such vf>'sel may remain. 4-7S DOCKS ON THE THAMES (WEST INDIA). Pilots shall not attempt to place ships inside the buoys, if other ships have previously brought up, but shall bring them to their berths in due succession on the outside, unless they shall be expressly .ordered by the dock master to take a berth inside the tier for the convenience of docking. All parties creating obstructions will be prosecuted, and the penalties will be rigidly enforced. Vessels about to enter the Docks, S(c. Signals. — The red flag on the flag-statf at tlie entrance is the signal for ships to prepare. A blue flag will be kept flying the whole time proper for docking ; when the tide has reached high water mark, that flag will be struck, after which no ship can be taken in. Declaration Book. — When ships have brought up properly at the moorings, an officer will deliver the Company's regulations, and the commander or pilot of every vessel exceeding 100 tons must certify in the Declaration Book her drauglit of water ; that she is provided with all necessary and sufficient warps, ropes, and tackle, to remove and moor her in safety ; and that her anchors are (or shall be before leaving the moorings) so secured and stowed as not to endanger the works, the ships therein, or the vessel herself. Preparing Ships for Admission. — Every master or pilot, in charge of a ship, should lose no time in making the following preparations, viz. her anchors to be properly secured and stowed ; her sails all furled ; all quarter boats lowered down, guns unloaded, gunpowder put out, fires extinguished, and such other precautions taken as the dock master may direct : when these preparations are completed, a flag must be hoisted at the fore, as a signal that the ship is ready. All ships are required to send down top-gallant yards and strike top-gallant masts, and to have their jib and mizen booms rigged close, in, boilakins, martingales, and all out-riggers unshipped, if time will permit, and at all events immediately after entering. Vessels will, however, be exempted from striking lower yards and top-masts, upon the master certifying that the same may be safely dispensed with, and en- gaging to be answerable for all consequences; but before being placed at the quay, the yards must be topped well up, and the yard-arms lashed close in to the rigging. Docking Tickets and Order of Admission. — In fixing the order of admission, and issuing the-docking tickets, regard will be had to the state of the tides, and the size and draught of water of each vessel, as well as the time of arrival : the largest ships must necessarily be taken in when the tides are highest, al. though they may have arrived subsequent to smaller vessels. Loaded vessels must always have the pre- ference over light ships. No ship can be admitted, if neither the master nor pilot are on board. The docking ticket will only remain in force for the tide for which it is granted. At the proper time for the admission of each ship, notice will be given by hoisting her ticket number at the pier head, provided she has made the signal for being properly prepared. If any vessel shall attempt to gain admittance before her number is hoisted, the owners, and the master, pilot, or other person in charge, must be responsible for all consequences of such misconduct. Entering. — When a ship's number is hoisted, she must drop up to the entrance, and have good and sufficient warps ready to send to each pier, when ordered by the dock masters. If the ship shall not so come to the entrance^she shall forfeit her turn. When within the piers, proper ropes will be sent on board to guide and check the vessel through the lock : the master and pilot will be held responsible for making these, as well as the sliip's warps, properly fast on board : the vessel must be hauled ahead by her own warps, and they are on no account to be cast ofl; unless ordered by the dock master, until the ship is in the basin. Every pilot must bring his boat into the basin, or South Dock, as it is a most essential part of his duty to moor the ship. The owners must be answerable for all ships' boats, and none can be admitted into the Import Dock except such as are conveniently stowed on deck. All other boats must be sent out of the docks. The boats of ships in the South Dock which cannot be securely stowed on deck, must be hauled up on the north bank, or secured afloat in such manner as the dock master may direct, after the ship is moored. Ships, however, which are not lying at a jetty, will be allowed to employ 1 boat during the legal hours of business, which boat must be chained by the Company's officers to the north bank as soon as that time has expired. Any boats found afloat in any of the docks or basins, contrary to these regulations, will be removed by the dock master, and will be detained until the charges occasioned by such removal shall be paid. The hatches of all loaded ships are to be locked down, and the keys delivered to the officer appointed to receive the same. Import Dock. — No person whatever can be allowed to remain in this dock after the established hours of business : nor can any person be permitted to have access to vessels therein, excepting the owner, master, or chief officer, without a pass. Passes wUl be given on the application of the captain or chief mate, to admit the ship's apprentices, or other persons, to prepare the ship for discharging, or to do any other work which may be unavoidably necessary ; but, to prevent the abuses which sometimes occur, it is strongly recommended that the C^om- pany's labourers be employed. Skips discharging. — Previously to any ship being quayed, the decks must be cleared, and every thing prepared to begin working out the cargo. If, through want of proper tackle, or any neglect, a ship be not in readiness to take her turn, another will be quayed in the mean time. It is desirable that all baggage or presents should be sent, as promptly as possible, to the Company's baggage warehouse, where an authority from the master for the delivery thereof must be lodged. Master? are particularly cautioned against signing such authorities in blank, or allowing themselves to be in- fluenced by the importunity of brokers j and it is most desirable that one agent only should be appointed for each sliip. Packages of bullion or specie (whether cargo or private proj>erty) must be delivered by the captain, under his own responsibility, unless from their being liable to examination or other circumstance he may be desirous of placing tlie same in the Company's charge, in which case such packages, or any other of considerable value, should be particularly specified, and, if bills of lading have been granted for them, inserted in the regular manifest of the ship. The delivery of goods overside will also rest with the master, and he must take such steps as he may think necessary to protect his owners in respect to their freight. An officer of the revenue is authorised to forward all despatches for the dejxirtments of government; packets so addressed will therefore be delivered into his charge, unless the Company receive express directions to the contrary. ^hen a ship is finally discharged and moored in the Export Dock, or either of the basins, for the pur- pose of going out to the river, all the services provided for in the import rate are completed. For the more expeditious discharge of vessels, or despatcii in reloading, every assistance will be given in clearing the decks, or stiffening them ; coopering water casks, and sliipi)ing them, when filled ; clearing the hold after discharge; shipping and stowing the outward cargo, under the directions of the ship's officers; and any other services which can be reasonably required. — Should the Company's movable machinery be desired, it will be lent upon application to the principal dock master. — The following charges will be made for such services : — S. ll. Two tons, and under /) tons - - 1 8 (and not less than 1 ton to l>e charged.) Movable machinery lent, each jigger with its gear, Ver day - - - - - 10 0 Tlie ii.er day 20 0 (and not iaa than 1 day to be charged.) For labourers hired to work under the directions of tlie coininandinf; officer of the ship, each man per day, of tlie.re/nulated hours of attendance (and not less lhan ^ day to lie charged. Over-lime will boM;har;;ed in proportion.) .A nicies loaded, ship)ic(l, or struck down by the dock craiu ii or jigycts, under !4 ton.s, per ton DOCKS ON THE THAMES (WEST INDIA). 479 Conditions' to hcohscrvcdly Ships taking in Cargoes fro7n the Import Warehouses. ~1. 'I'hc taking the eliip in and out of dock, or to and from the quay, to be performed by the master and crew, as directed by the dock masters. 2. The goods to be taken from the slings, and to be stowed away by the crew, under the orders of tJie master. 3. If a sufficient crew he not on board to receive and stow away the goods as delivered, or to transput L tlie vessel, a further numtxjr of men shall be provided by the Company, at the charge of 3s. &d. per man per day, to work under the direction ami responsibility of the master and his officers. 4. The vessel to be hauled into the basin or Export Dock after the usual hours of business, by her own ollicers arid crew, and to continue in tlieir charge. Ships, from the Export or South Docks, will be allowed to go into the Import Dock to load, without anv addition to the rate to which they may be liable for the use of the docks. Goods sent by land carriage will be shipped in either of the docks, on payment of the usual charges. To prevent delay in loading export vessels, the shippers should pay up the rent and charges upon the goods J or where the amount cannot be ascertained without weighing, &c., make a deposit to cover the '^^TjBorf and South Docks. — All vessels entering or lying in these docks are in charge of the masters and owners ; and it is the duty of tiie pilots, or olficers and crews, to transport their respective vessels, under their own responsibility, as directed hy the dock master, to or from tlie river, and to or from any part ot the docks or basins. Ligiit ships on entering from the river must be provided with sufficient hands to dock and transport them, and should move in due time into the dock ; otherwise they will be removed by the dock master, and the owners charged with the opense. Vessels discharged of their inward cargoes by the Company in these docks will be regarded as privTleged ships, and all transporting within the docks will be performed by the dock master, assisted by the crew, gratuitously; but unless there are sufficient crew on board to assist in transporting the outward-bound ships, they will not be moved. Whenever assistance is required by other vessels, it will be furnished by the dock master on the fol- ing terms : viz. — A boat with warp and 2 hands - - 10s. Od. — and 4 hands - - 15s. Qd. And for every additional jiand employed, either on board or in the boats, Qc^ per hour. The warps are only lent in aid of the ship's warps. Ships taking in cargoes will be moored at the quays in due rotation. Light ships not taking in goods shall be moored in either of the docks or basins, as the dock masters may judge convenient. While ships are lying at, or moving to or from the quay, all out-riggers should be got in and made snug ; and sails are by no means to he loose while so moving. No ship must be removed from her berth without notice being given to the dock master, and his assent as to the time of removal being obtained. Craft must be fastened to the ships from which they are receiving, or to which they may be delivering goods : the charge upon craft which shall not be bond fide so engaged, will be the same as the rent upon sloops and craft coastwise, and, as usual, not less than 1 week's rent will be charged. To obviate any doubt as to the time for which they may be fairly entitled to exemption, 24 hours will be allowed, from the time of entering the dock, for receiving goods, and 24 hours after being loaded or discharged, fur going out of the docks. Convenient receptacles on the quays and craft are provided, wherein all dust, ashes, &c. are to be de- posited, and which shall be cleared by the persons appointed by the Company, and by no one else. No vessel shall be permitted to take in ballast after daylight, or before daybreak. Ships' provisions or stores cannot be permitted to pass the gates without an order signed by the captain or owner. No repair or caulking can be permitted without the special permission of the court of directors, to whom ai)plication should be made through the principal dock master. The Jetties. — Ships landing cargoes in the South Dock, or taking in goods by land, shall have the pre- ferable use of the jetties. Ships which are fitting out, but have not commenced loading, shall be accommodated as far as possible ; but such ships must be removed to make room for vessels about to discharge or take in cargo by land. In other respects, preference will be given to ships intended for sale, over those which are merely lying up ; and as between ships which are similarly circumstanced, the priority of their entering the dock shall determine the preference. The captains or commanding officers of ships are cautioned to be attentive and careful to boom of? v/hen the ship is fast loading down in the water, or on the approach of neap tides. Fire and Candle. — Vessels in these docks shall be considered as forming 3 classes : viz. — I. Vessels actually discharging, having their crews on board, or loading outwards. II. Vessels rigging or fitting out, but which shall not have commenced taking in goods. Ill Vessels for sale or lying up. To each of these classes special licences will be granted. Every such licence will express theplace in which fire maybe kept, and the circumstances under which it may be used : upon the slightest infringement of the conditions, the penalty prescribed by law will be rigidly enforced. Every application for a licence must be made by the master or owner, specifying the names and capacit" of the persons in charge of the ship, and engaging to be responsible for their attention to the regulations Opening and shutting the Gates. — The gates of the Export and South Docks will be opened at 6 o'clock in the morning and shut at 8 o'clock in the evening, from the 1st of March to the 10th of November ; and, from the 11th of November to the last day of February, opened at 8 in the morning and shut at 7 in th^ evening. Captains and mates may be furnished with tickets upon applying at the police office, at the Impor* Dock, which will entitle them to admission till 9 o'clock p. M., but no person whatever can be allowed to go out after the hour for closing the gates. Vessels about to leave the Docks. — Export vessels should be hauled out in sufficient time to be at the River Locks, at Blackwall, at low water ; to prevent the inconvenience of hauling down the Blackwall Basin or South Dock during the time that other vessels are requiring admission, which must have the preference. Vessels can only be let out after high water, upon the special request of the officers in charge of them. Ships going into the river must use their own ropes, as they are out of the dock master's charge when clear of the outer gates. Notice. — Two true copies of the manifest of the cargo must be delivered into the General Office, at the West India Dock House, within 12 hours after every vessel shall enter the docks, or after the cargo shall have been repotted at the Custom-house, which shall first happen. Tcnalty for refusal or neglect, any sum not exceeding 5/. — (I & 2 Will. 4. c. 52. § 84.) No manifests will be required for ships discharging by their own crews. No ships can receive their rotation, or be allowed to break bulk until their cargoes are duly entered ; and such cargoes will be landed in due succession, according to the strict order in which the manifests are delivered and entries completed. 480 DOCKS ON THE THAMES (WEST INDIA). If such manifest, or bill of lading, or copy, shall be false; or if anj' bill of lading be uttered by any master, and the goods expressed therein shall not have been bona fide shipped on board such ship; or if any bill of lading uttered or produced by any master shall not have been signed by him ; or any such copy shall not have been received or made by him previously to his leaving the place where the goods expressed in such bill of lading, or copy, were shipped ; penalty 100/. — (3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 52. \ II.) Hours of Attendance are, from the 10th of May to the 9th of November inclusive, 8 in the morning to 4 in the afternoon ; from the 10th of November to the 9th of May inclusive, 9 in the morning to 4 in the afternoon ; and there is to be no intermission of business during these hours. No holidays are to be kept, except Sundays, Christmas-day, Good Friday, fast days appointed by royal proclamation, and the King's or Queen's birthdays. In all cases not specified or provided for in the foregoing rules and orders, application must be made to tl»e principal dock master. Charles C. Parish, Principal Dock Master. The foregoing regulations approved and confirmed by the Court of Directors of the West India Dock Company. H. Longlands, Secretary. West India Dock House, September 24th, 183S. N. B. —Ships entering the West India Docks are permitted to retain their crews on board, when re- quired by the owners; and the directors have fitted up the ship Waterloo, in the South Dock, for the accommodation of junior officers and apprentices, while their ships are discharging their cargoes in the Import Dock. The captains, officers, and crews of ships are requested not to give either wine, spirits, or grog, to the servants of the Company, as, by so doing, they expose them to the certain and immediate forfeiture of their situations. No fee, perquisite, or reward, of any kind or denomination vvliatsoever, is to be taken by the Company's officers, or any persons who shall be employed in the service of the Company, for any act done within the docks. Penalty, forfeiture of the sum taken, and any sum not exceeding 51. for each offence. Dock Rates. — Import Vessels, when discharged by the Compant/, including docking, mooring, and removing within the docks until discharged. ships' cooperage or mending, and the use of the docks, if from Hamburgh or the Mediterranean, for 6 weeks from the date of entrance; if from any other port or place, for 4 weeks from the final discharge ; viz. Per Ton reg. Ships laden entirely, or in part, with hogsheads and tierces of sugar or molasses - - - 2 6 laden entirely, or in part, with chests of sugar above 5 cwt. - - - 2 0 entirely, with chests under 5 cwt., or bags of sugar, coffee, spirits, wine, iron, copper, brass, lead, spelter, or other metal, in pigs, bars, rods, plates, or similar pieces, rice, or other goods, (except oil, tallow,, or ashes,) packed in bales, bags, serons, casks, cases, chests, or simHar packages, or wood in planks or billets, such as dye wood, staves, &c. - - - 1 6 laden entirely or in part, with mahogany, tim- ber, or other wood in logs - - 2 6 entirely with hemp, or entirely or in part with goods in bulk - - - - 1 9 laden entirely or in part with tobacco or oil, not including ship's cooperage - - 1 6 entirely with tallow, not including ship's cooper- age - - - - - 1 3 laden entirely with mixed cargoes of hemp and tallow, or ashes, not including ship's cooper- age; viz. or pine timber (for every load of hard wood and pine timber W. in addition) - - 1 6 entirely with hard wood or pine timber -20 For every ton of hemp For every ton of tallow or ashes 2 01 The number of tons charged J. not to exceed the register 1 3j tonnage. Ships Wood laden from Europe, or the North Ame- rican Colonies, when discharged by the Company, including docking, mooring, and removing within the docks, until discharged ; unloading the car- goes, and the use of the docks for any period not exceeding 4 weeks from the date of the final dis- charge. Per Ton reg. «. d. Laden entirely with deals, planks, staves,, or wood in billets - - - - - 1 6 principally with ditto, and bringing hard wood Ships discharged in either of the Docks or Basins by their own Crews, the expense of docking, mooring^ unmooring, and removing, not in- eluded. ) Per Ton reg. For the use of the docks for any period not exceeding, if from the iWediterranean, 6 weeks, from other ports or places 4 weeks, from the date of entrance 0 9 Vessels from any port in the United lOngdom, or Eu- ropean port, outside the Baltic, between the North Cape and Ushant, with cargoes for trans-shipment, for delivery on board ships, or for landing in either dock (except when wood laden), not remaining be- yond, if from Hamburgh, 6 weeks, if from any other port or place, 4 weeks, from the dateof entrance - 0 6 Sloops and craft coastwise, with bricks for delivery on board ships and vessels with broken granite or paving- stones, not remaining beyond 1 week - - 0 3 Vessels entirely com laden (in lieu of tonnage rate), of 100 tons and upwards, each - . - 21 0 Under 100 tons, each - . - 10 6 Rent to commence after 1 clear day from final discharge. Vessels two thirds laden with com, will be charged the usual tonnage rates in proportion to the other part of their cargoes. Vessels entering to load from the Import WarC' houses only. Per Ton oi» gr. wt. shipped. i ». d. For the use of the dock for 1 week - • .06 Light Vessels, the expense of docking, mooring unmooring, and removing, not included. Per Ton reg. s. d. Not having discharged in either of the docks, for any period not exceeding 4 weeks from the date of en- tering - - - - - 0 C Dock Rent. For remaining over the periods specified, per week -01 Vessels which re-enter after having been out for repair, will be allowed their privilege without reckoning the time they remained out. Table for imported Goods. The Prime ^a^e includes all expenses for landing, wharfage, weighing, or gauging at landing, cooper- ing, marking, sampling, housing, weighing for actual delivery, and delivering; furnishing landing and delivery weights or gauges, surveying and furnishing certificates of damage, and rent for 12 weeks from the date of the ship's commencement of discharge. This rate will be charged on all goods imported from the East or West Indies, the Mauritius, Mexico, or South America, and upon wood, spirits, or wine, and tobacco, from whatever place of importation, unless notice be given by the importers, of their desire to have them placed tmd^r the landing rate, or their intention to remove them without housing or piling. If such notice is given before housing or piling, the rate in the second column will be discharged. The Landing Rate includes landing, wharfage, and housing, or delivering from the quay, and furmshing landing accounts. This rate will attach to all other merchandise than as above specified, which may be imported ; to East India cotton, to hides and skins, hair, horns and tips, to manufactures returned, and to every description of goods relanded, or removed in bond or coastwise into the docks, unless the importers signify their wish that they should be warehoused under the prime or consolidated rates. The Rates for Unhousing and Loading, or Unloading and Housing, when not otherwise spetnfied, are each one third of the landing rate; and that for unhousing, wharfage, and shipping, is the whole rate, as stated in the second column. When the prime rate has not been paid, those charges will be made, together with reasonable charges for coojKiring, sampling, and other operations contingent on housing. The Charges for Weighing and Rehousing are each one third of the rate in the second column. Foi.* repilir.g or weighing wood, one fourth of that rate is charged. DOCKS ON THE THAMES (WEST INDIA). 481 Goods sold from the Landing Scale, or not intended to be warehoused, will be allowed 4 clear days from the final weighing of the parcel for removal ; in default of which, they will be housed or piled. If in. tended for immediate trans-shipment, they may remain on the quay, subject to the same regulations as goods prepared for shipment, paying rent as if housed at landing. Warehouse Rent, on goods to which the prime rate does not attach, will be charged from the date of the ship's breaking bulk ; but when goods sold from the landing scale are housed, the rent will be charged (rom the final weighing of the parcel. A week's rent will be charged for all fractions of a week. Before the transfer by the Company, or delivery of any goods can take place, the charges on the quantity 10 be transferred or delivered must be paid either to the collector, at the General Office in London, or to the comptroller, at the General Office at the docks. Rates on Goods imported. N. B. — All sorts of goods may be imported into and warehoused at the West India Docks, on about the same terms as at the other docks. We have given, under the head London Ducks, a Table of the dock dues, &c. on most articles commonly imported, which may be applied, with very trifling modifications, either to the West India or St. Katharine's Docks. The following Table includes merely the dock charges on the importation, warehousing, &c. of the principal articles of West India produce: — Articles. Nclt per Annotto - - tor bask, and pack, under 1 cwl, Arrow root - - tor Canella alba - - cwt. !' Chocolate - - box Cochineal - - cwt. Cocoa and coffee, casks — bags - - — Cotton wool, press packed - — not press packed - — Ginger, casks - - — bags - - ! preserved. See Succades. i Jalap - - — ! Indian rubbsr • hhd. or pipe case 2 to 1 cwt. case 1 to 2 cwt. bag or barrel loose, cwt. Ipecacuanha Molasses Rate 21 0 0 0 20 0 1 8 0 3 La ndg. Rent per Rate. Week. d. Gross per s. d. 7* 0 ton - 0 7 ]^ lOOpckgs.4 2 7 ton - 0 7 0 6 cwt. - 0 0 9 box - 0 2 0 9 cwt. -0 1^ 0 6 ton -06 0 C, - - 0 6 0 3 _ -05 0 ^6^ — - 0 6 0 — - 0 6 0 6 - - 0 6 0 lOA bale,3cwt.O 1 6 hhd. or pipe - 0 4 1 6 case 1 to 2 0 cwt. 0 1 0 6 bariel - 0 1 0 in bottle 0 1 0 10^ ton - 0 10 0 pun. - 0 2J hhd.ortrc.O U jar.or keg 0 0| Articles. Netl per Mother-o'-pearl shells ware - - chest box Piccaba - - cwt. Pickles, cases - doz. bottles barrels - . gallon Pimento, casks - - cwt bags - - — Snake root - — Succades, under 28 lbs. package 28 lbs. to 1 cwt. — 1 cwt. and upwards cwt, Sugar, casks - - — chests above 5 cwt., or baskets - - — chests und. 5 cwt.,orbags — candy - — Tobacco. See London Docks. Wood. See separate Table, p Prime Landg Rate. Rates. 0 6 0 o' 0 6 0 6 0 lOi 0 3 0 6 0 6 0 3 0 3 0 3 U 4^ Week Criiss per ». d. ton - 0 4 hest - 0 2 box - 0 1 ton - 0 4 doz.botts.O Oi barrel 0 1 ton - 0 e - - 0 C barrel or ibale 0 1 trc.orbaleO 2 0 3 0 0| 0 0| - 0 Oi 0 5 . 0 5 0 4 cwt. - 0 Oi hhd cwt. - Rates on Sugar. Sugar, 4 to 5 cwt. bag or basket about 2 cwt. do. or mat boxes or chests - ton bastards, 14 cwt. and upwards, cask 12 and not exceeding 14 cwt. cask under 8 - . tierce not exceeding 2| -barrel refined, 18 cwt to 24 cwt. cask Wharfage and Porterage. Rent per Week. S. d. 5. d. 0 8 0 1 0 4 0 Oi 3 4 0 5 1 8 |o 5 ton 1 2 0 8 0 2 0 5 0 1 2 0 0 7 Sugar, refined, 14 and under 18 cwt. - - cask 12 and under 14 cwt. do, Do. packed in hhds. or vat8,to be housed for exportation. Housing - . . Weighing or re-weighing - Unhousing, wharfage, and shipping - - - Rent - per week Porterage.! P« ^e.k. s. d. s. d. 1 0 0 6 1 0 0 4 Vat. Hhd. 1 0 0 6 1 0 0 6 3 0 1 8 0 6 0 3 Crushing Sugar. — The following charges include all expenses for receiving, delivering, coopering, and rent, for two weeks : viz. Crushed fine by the mill and packed into Havannah cases - - . ton 21 0 partly crushed and packed with lumps — 16 0 crushed rough - - 19 0 crushed fine - . - 22 0 ground by the mill - . _ 16 0 broken and packed, rough and not to par- ticular weights - - ton 14 0 broken small and rammed with entire lumps - - - ton 14 broken large and rammed with entire lumps Transferring Rent per week Sampling Papering . ton 12 — 0 — 0 cask 0 — 0 Rates on Dye Woods. Prime Rate, viz. Landing, Wharfage, Piling, 12 Weeks- Rent, & Delivering. Landing, Wharfage, Weighing, and Delivering. Kent per Week, after the first 12 Months. Prime Rate, viz. Landing, Wharfage, Piling, 12 Week.s- Rent, & Delivering. Rent per Week, after the first 12 Months. Dyers' wood, &c. Bar wood - Box wood - Brazil wood, large Cam wood - - Cocus wood Ebony - - 1 ton Fustic - - f under cover Lignum vitffi Logwood Nicaragua, large - Quassia Sanders wood --' «. d. 6 G 7 0 s. d. 4 6 s. d. 0 1 0 Ij Dyers' wood. Sec. Bvaziletto - • ton Brazil wood, small - - — Fustic, young • • — Nicaragua wood, sir.all - — Sapan - • - — Sassafras - - - — Sandal - - - - _ Other wood, chsjrgetl with dutv, at per ton. IMahogany, cedar, jacaranda, rose wood, satin wood,iulip, zebra,i"tc. d. 8 0 8 0 8 0 8 0 8 0 8 0 8 0 7 0 s. d. S 6 5 6 5 6 6 6 5 6 5 6 5 6 5 0 s. d. 0 2 '0 2 0 3 0 2 0 2 0 3 0 3 0 l.J 2 I 482 DOCKS ON THE THAMES (WEST INDIA). Wood Bates. — The West India Dock Company having appropriated the South Dock to the timber trade, and afforded other facilities for carrying it on with ease and expedition, we subjoin a Table of the dock rates on wood imported. N. B. — For the rates on ships laden with wood, see ante, p. 480. Goods imported. «. d. «. d. 9 6 3 0 14 6 4 6 18 0 6 0 12 0 4 0 5 0 1 6 6 0 10 7 0 2 2 8 0 2 6 9 0 2 10 3 2 10 6 3 6 7 0 2 2 A 6 2 8 10 0 3 2 n 6 3 8 4 2 14 6 4 8 15 3 5 2 9 0 2 8 11 0 3 4 13 0 4 0 13 0 4 8 17 0 5 4 19 0 6 0 20 0 6 8 11 6 4 0 14 6 ■ 4 6 17 6 5 6 20 6 6 6 23 6 7 6 26 6 8 6 28 0 9 0 6 0 2 0 1 0 0 4 0 10 0 3 0 8 0 0 8 0 f 0 6 0 2 3 6 1 2 4 2 1 4 4 10 1 6 5 8 10 6 4 2 2 7 4 2 6 7 10 2 8 5 0 1 8 5 8 1 11 6 4 2 2 7 0 2 5 7 8 2 8 8 8 2 11 9 2 3 2 6 7 2 0 7 4 2 4 8 8 2 8 10 0 3 4 11 4 4 0 13 4 4 8 14 0 5 0 8 0 2 3 10 0 3 0 12 0 3 9 14 0 4 6 16 0 5 3 18 0 6 0 19 0 6 6 0 6 0 2 4 0 1 4 5 0 2 0 5 0 1 8 7 0 2 6 10 0 3 6 15 0 5 0 7 6 2 6 42 0 14 0 32 0 11 0 4 0 1 0 40 0 12 0 30 0 9 0 20 0 7 0 10 0 3 0 20 0 7 6 35 0 10 0 50 0 15 0 Goods imported. If! Deals, American, Rassian, and Prussian deals, and deal ends, per standard hundred 12 feet long and 1.^ thick Spruce deals from Quebec, 12 + 3+ 9 per 120 Swedish deals from ports in the Baltic, 2.i and 3 inches thick, 14 feet long 120 l^and2 do. do. — Norway and Swedish, from ports in the North Sea, I and 1 in. thick, under 10 ft. long 120 — — 10 to 12 - — — exceeding 12 to 14 - — _ — 14 to 16 - — _ — 16 to IS ~ — — IS to 20 . - — — 20 to 21 li Inch thick, under 1 0 feet long — _ _ 10 to 12 - - — exceeding 12 to 14 _ — 14 to 16 . — _ _ 16 to 18 - — — — IS to 20 - — — — 20 to 21 - — U aixJ 2 in. thick, under 10ft. long _ _ 10 to 12 - — — exceeding 12 to 14 - — — — 14 to 16 - — _ _ 16 to 18 - — — _ 18 to 50 - — _ _ 20 to 21 - - 2J and 3 in. thick, under 10 ft. long — _ 10 to 12 - — — exceeding 12 to 14 - — _ — 14 to 16 - — — _ 16 to 18 - — — _ 18 to 20 - — — — 20 to 21 - — Deal ends, 6 feet and under - — Deck deals, 3 inches thick, 30 to 45 feet long each f z z :z stands 22to30 - - Battens from all ports, 4 and 1 inch thick, under 10 ft. long 120 — — 10 to 12 - — — exceeding 12 to 14 - — — — 14 to 16 - — — — 1610 18 - — — — 18 to 20 - — _ — 21 - — 14 inch thick, under 10 feet long _ _ 10 to 12 - _ — exceeding 12 to 14 - — _ - 14 to 16 - _ — — 16 to 18 - _ — — 18 to 20 - _ _ _ 21 - — IJ and 2 in. thick, under 10 ft. long _ _ 10 to 12 - _ — exceeding 12 to 14 - — — — 14 to 16 . _ — — 16 to 18 - — — — 18 to 20 - _ _ _ 21 - _ 2i and 3 in. thick, under 10 ft. long — - 10 to 12 . _ — exceeding 12 to 14 - — — — 14 to 16 - _ — _ 16 to 18 - _ — _ 18 to 20 . _ _ _ 21 - — — _ 22 to 30 - each Batten ends - - - 120 Paling boards, not exceeding 7 feet — Fir, thick stuff and plank . load Fir boards, U inch thick and under - — Lathwood, under 5 feet - - fm. 5 feet and not exceeding 8 feet - — Firewood - - - — Balks above 24 feet and under 5 inch — under 21 feet and under 5 inch - — Norway timber in balks - - load Spars under 6 and above 4 inches - 120 Lanrewood - - - — Rickers, under 4 inch, 24 feet long and upwards - - 120 under 21 feet long - - — Ufers, under 24 feet long - - — V4 lo ditto - - - — ajmve .'52 ditto - - - _ Sjiarliolt/ and 10 ells, one third more l_ t han Ufers. Oak, African and other Csquare, per load timber charged withackages), and grant new one for (state how many iiackages) in favour of oi* fur,'' &c. Warrants may he exchanged or divided w ifhout assignmg the goods, when desired by the holder, at the same rate of cnarge. The original warrant is not charged for ; but the charges for dividing or issuing new documents, or transferring, are — For each warrant or transfer. d. (f. 1 or 2 packages or quanti- 1 26 to 30 packages or quan- tities 8 3 or 4 do. - - - 2 ."51 —35 do •J 5 to 7 do. 3 36 - 40 do. 10 8 - 10 do. 4 41—45 do. 11 11 — 15 do. 46 and upwards ii 16-20 do. 6 Goods in bulk, per ton 2 21 - 25 do. 7 Every new cheque granted 2 If from the nature of the contract between the seller and buyer, reweighing, &c. may be necessary, the warrants should be deposited indorsed with directions to that eflisct, and new wanants will be issued, containing the landing weights and reweights, as soon as the operations are completed. When any alterations, such as repacking, &c., are to be made (except when preparatory to immediate delivery), the ■warrants must be lodged ; and others, representing the goods correctly, issued in the same manner. The warrants must likewise be lodged on giving orders fo vat, but if immediate shipment is not intended, new w arrants will be issued as soon as the casks are refilled. In the 3 last- mentioned cases the charges for performing the operations include the expense of the new warrants. When warrants or cheques are lost or mislaid, the Com- pany require that they should be advertised in the Public Ledger, the paper containing the advertisement, and an en- gagement to indemnify the Company, by bond or otherw ise, to be enclosed with the application for duplicates. The new documents not to be issued (unless the original shall be found and delivered up) until 7 clear days shall have elapsed from the date of notice by advertisement- Upon notice of the loss, the goods will be stopped ; and the original document can on no account be acted upon. When East India warrants are lost, the notice should be given to the Honourable Company's warehouse keeper. Irregularities in the indorsements lessen the security of the proprietors of goods, and render the documents incomplete as authorities. 1 he attention of the holders is therefore particu- larly called to that point, to prevent the impediments which must otherwise arise to the regular despatch of business. Any attempt to remove such impediments by indorsing any warrant, order, or cheque without due authority, even although no fraud may be intended, will be invariatily noticed in the most serious manner by the directors of the Vvest India Dock Company. Forms on which persons may be authorised to sign for others, may be obtained in the general office at the dock house ; and as no signature but that of the pariy named on the warrant, delivery order, or cheque, can be acted upon, when goods are made deliverable to order, persons so authorised should adhere to the following form : — " For (name or firm.) (Signature of the person authorised.)" Deposit Accotinls may be opened with such deposits as the merchants think proper ; when the balance is reduced below 10/., a further deposit must be made.. 101. being the smallest sum which can be received at a time. Parties having deposit accounts with the Company, must transmit a note of advice on the proper form with each depo- sit, and it will be nei essary that they should invariably state on their orders or warrants whom tlie charges are to be pzud by, thus : — " Charges to the (date) to our account. (Signature.)" Or, " Charges to be paid by the holder. (Signature.)" By opening such accounts, the business of merchants with the Company, particularly where goods are upon rent, is much facilitated. The proper torms and pass books may be obtained on application at the dock house. Orders fin- Extra WorAf. — The charges for repacking, oi preparing for exportation, and all work not comprised in these Tables, will be fixed from time to time, with reference to the cost of labour and materials. No such work, however, can be done but by the order of the proprietors of goods, or parties duly authorised by them. The warrants, or ott er documents, must therefore be produced, to show their authority, e> cept for tasting of wine, and sampling wine and spirits; in these cases the number of the warrant must be inserted on the order. The charges under this head must be paid by the parties giving the order or clearing the goods. Goods prepared for Shipment — A\ hen goods hoiL«ed in the import warehouses are prepared for shipment, and are not taken away within the fixed number of days, they w ill be re- housed at the expense of the proprietor, and the charge for such rehousal, and any additional rent which may have accrued, must be paid before delivery. The time allowed to elapse belore rehousing, or restow ing, is as follows : mahogany and other measured wood, 4 days ; dye woods, and all other goods, 7 clear days: when the expoit vessel loads in the docks, the time will be extended to the date of her departure. 2. London Docks. — These were the next undertaking of this sort set on foot in thtj Thames. They are situated in Wapping, and Avere principally intended for the recejjtion of ships laden with wine, brandy, tobacco, and rice. The western dock covers a space - * Warrants will be granted, howevpr, at the desire of the proprietor, for dye wood imported from the East Indies, or any article that can bo separated into distinct and corresponding parcels, on his paying the expenses of making such allotment. c I 2 484 DOCKS ON THE THAMES (LONDON). of above 20 acres ; and the new or eastern dock covers about 7 acres. The tobacco dock lies between the above, and exceeds 1 acre in extent, being destined solely for the recep- tion of tobacco ships. The entire space included within the outer dock wall is 71 acres and 3 roods. The warehouses are capacious and magnificent. The great tobacco warehouse, on the north side of the tobacco dock, is the largest, finest, and most con- venient building of its sort in the world. It is calculated to contain 24,000 hhds. of tobacco, and covers the immense space of near five acres ! There is also a very lar^e tobacco warehouse on the south side of the tobacco dock. These wareh'juses are wholly under the management of the officers of customs ; the Dock Company having nothing whatever to do with them, save only to receive the rent accruing upon the tobacco deposited in them. The vaults are under the tobacco and other warehouses ; they include an area of about \S\ acres, and, after allowing for gangways, &c., have stowage for 6G,000 pipes of wine and spirits! These docks were opened in 1805. All ships bound for the Thames, laden with wine, brandy, tobacco, and rice (except ships from the East and West Indies), were obliged to unload in them for the space of 21 years: but this monopoly expired in January, 1826 ; and the use of the docks is now optional. The only entrances to the London Docks were, until lately, by the basins at Her- mitage and Wapping. Recently, however, another entrance has been completed from old Shadwell Dock, through what was formerly Milkyard, to the eastern dock. This new entrance is | of a mile lower down than Wapping entrance, and is a most material improvement. The capital of the Company amounts to 3,238,310?. 5s. \0d. A considerable portion of this vast sum, and of a further sum of 700,000Z. borrowed, was required for the pur- chase of the houses, about 1,300 in number, that occupied the site of the docks. The present dividend is 2| per cent., and a 100/. share is worth about 55/. 10s. The Board of directors consists of 25 members, of whom the Lord P.Iayor, as conservator of the river Thames, is one. The Regulations to be observed by Ships in the different Docks being very much alike, as are also the regulations as to loading and unloading, working hours, &c., it seems unnecessary, having already given those issued by the West India Dock Company, to do more than refer to them. Tonnage Rates. Vessels are not permitted to leave the dock until the tonnage dues and other expenses have been paid; for which purpose the register must be produced at the superintendent's office, if British, or a certificate of admeasurement by the proper officer of the customs, if foreign ; when a pass will be granted, which must be lodged with the dock master on leaving the dock. First Class. — Vessels arriving from any port in the United Kingdom, Isle of Man, Jersey, Guernsey, Alderney, Sark, or other European ports outside the Baltic, between the North Cape and Ushant (Ham- burgh excepted, see Second Class), with liberty to reload for any port, for every register ton of the vessel 6d. ; and rent, after 4 weeks from date of entrance, if cargo discharged by own crew ; from the date of final discharge, if cargo discharged by the Dock Company, Id. per register ton per week. If with part of their cargoes, for every ton of goods landed, 6d. ; and rent, after 1 week from date of entrance, Id. per register ton per week. Vessels loading for any of those places, not having previously discharged their cargoes in the docks, for every register ton of the vessel, 6d. ; and rent, after 4 weeks from date of entrance. Id. per register ton per week. Second Class. — Vessels arriving from Hamburgh, with liberty to reload, for every register ton of the vessel, 6d. ; and rent, after 6 weeks from date of entrance. Id. per register ton per week. Vessels loading for Hamburgh, not having previously discharged their cargoes in the docks, for every register ton of the vessel, 6d. ; and rent, after 4 weeks from date of entrance. Id. per register ton per week. Third Class. — Vessels arriving from any port in the Mediterranean, with liberty to reload for any port, for every register ton of the vessel, 9d. ; and rent, after 6 weeks from date of entrance, \d. per register ton per week. Vessels loading for any port in the Mediterranean, not having previously discharged their cargoes in the docks, for every register ton of the vessel, 9c?. ; and rent, after 4 weeks from date of entrance, Id. per register ton per week. Fourth Class. — Vessels arriving from any other port or place whatsoever (with the exceptioh of those hereafter enumerated), with liberty to reload, for every Register ton of the vessel, 9rf. ; and rent, after 4 weeks from date of entrance, if cargo discharged by own crewj from date of final discharge, if cargo discharged by Dock Company, Irf. per register ton per week. Vessels loading for any other port or place whatsoever (with the exception of those hereafter enu- merated), not having previously discharged their cargoes in the dock, for every register ton of the vessel, Qd. ; and rent, after 4 weeks from date of entrance, \d. per register ton per week. E.vceptions. — Vessels from Spain, laden with cork or wool, for every register ton of the vessel, 6d. , and rent, after the exjjration of 3 weeks, \d. per register ton per week. Vessels to or from the whale fisheries, for every register ton of the vessel. Is. ; and rent, after the expiration of 0 weeks, \d. per register ton per week ; for every tun of oil delivered into craft, 6rf. Vessels (excepting coasters, for which see First Class), landing part of their cargoes, for every ton of goods landed, 9d. ; and rent, after 1 week from date of entrance. Id. per register ton per week. Vessels loading part of their cargoes, for every ton of goods taken on board from the quays or by craft, 9d. ; and rent, after 1 week from date of entrance, Id. per register ton per week. Vessels two thirds laden with corn will be charged dock dues on the proportion which the other part of the cargo bears to the register tonnage. No tonnage rates will be charged on vessels wholly corn-laden, but they will be charged for docking and undocking as under : — Vessels of 100 tons and upwards, \l. Is. Do. under 100 tons, 10s. Gd. with liberty to remain in the dock, without further charge, for 24 hours after final discharge. Rent after the expiration of that period. Id. per register ton per week. Should the vessel load outwards, th usual tonnage rates, according to the port of destination, will be charged, instead' of the rate for docking and u/ulocUing. DOCKS ON THE THAMES (LONDON). 485 Vessels coal laden, for docking and iindocking, 21.v. each ; for every ton of coals landed, C.d. ; for every ton of coals transhii)pcd, Gd. ; and rent, af ter 1 week, Id. jior register ton per week. Vessels wliicli enter the docks light, and load out, pay dues according to their ports of destination, inste.id of those on light vessels. Light vessels entering the dock to lie up, for every register ton of the vessel, (id. ; and rent, after 4 weeks from date of entrance, \d. per register ton per week. Whenever required, the Company will discharge the cargo of a vessel upon the following terms ; viz. Cargoes consisting, either in the whole or in part, of hogsheads or tierces of sugar (includnig ship cooi)er- age), 1*. 9d. per register ton. Cargoes consisting of sugar in chests, 5 cwt. and upwards (including ship cooperage). Is. 3d. per register ton. Cargoes consisting of sugar in bags or chests, under 5 cwt., or other goods (not being oil direct from the fisheries, tallow, hemp, ashes, corn, wood goods, pitcli, tar, hay, or straw), contained in casks, bales, serous, chests, cases, bags, baskets, mats, bundles, or similar i)ackages; also, spelter or metal in pigs, bars, rods, plates, &c., 9d. per register ton. Cargoes consisting of mahogany timber, or other wood, in logs, 1,?. 9<7. per register ton. Blue gum wood, or large timber, additional for every load delivered, 6d. m Cargoes consisting of hemp only, or merchaadise, in bulk, 1*. per register ton. Cargoes consisting of tallow only, 6d. per register ton. Mixed cargoes j hemp. Is. 3d. per ton of goods ; tallow, 6d. per ditto ; ashes, Gd. per ditto. Mixed cargoes, part being in bulk, on the latter, 1*. per ton of goods. (No charge made for excess beyond the register tonnage.) Vessels which leave the docks for repairs are not charged rent while absent. Memoranda. — Registers of ships inwards and outwards are kept in the superintendent's office. The wicket gates at the north-west principal entrance, at Wapping, and on the east side of the eastern dock, are opened and closed as under : — From 22d Sept. to 20th Oct., both inclusive, opened at 6 o'clock, closed at 6 o'clock 21st Oct. 20th March — 7 _ 6 — Visiters are not admitted on Sundays. No person is permitted to quit a vessel after the wicket gate is closed. The hours for the commencement of business, and opening and closing the barrier gate, are. From 1st March to 31st Oct., both inclusive, opened at 8 o'clock, closed at 4 o'clock. 1st Nov. 28th Feb. — 9 _ 4 _ Lodgment of Manifest. — Masters of ships are required to deliver at the superintendent's office, within 12 hours after the arrival of the vessel in the dock, or reporting at the Custom-house, (which shall first happen,) a true copy of the manifest or report of the cargo, signed by themselves. Discharge of Vessels. — Vessels are not to break bulk, without the pern)ission of the superintendent, until the whole of the cargo has been entered at the Custom-house. Upon application of the master, the Company will pass a warehousing entry for such goods as the owners or consignees may have neglected or refused to enter within 48 hours; and will also land goods not entered within 7 days ; both periods to be computed from the date of the report. Labourers or lumpers are not allowed to work on board vessels, on the quays, or in the warehouses, un- less engaged by the Company; but maybe hired of the Company, to work under the direction and respon- sibility of the master, the charge being 3s. M. per day for each man : and should not a sufficient number be employed for the timely discharge of the cargo, additional hands will be provided by the Company, at the expense of the vessel. The decks are to be speedily cleared of such articles as may impede the discharge ; and the master mate, or some person duly authorised by the owners, is to remain on board during the unloading. Stops for Freight. — Goods landed will be detained for the freight, on due notice in writing, by the owner, master, or other person interested therein ; and will not be delivered, nor warrants granted for them, until orders shall have been given for the release of the goods, or the freight deposited with the Company ; nor can a stop be received after the goods have been transferred in the Company's books, or a warrant has l>een granted for them. Goods delivered into craft to be landed elsewhere, cannot be detained for freight Vessels leaving the dock for repairs are not charged rent whilst absent ; nor is any charge made for ballast, chalk, or flints, received from or dehvered into craft. Water is supplied from the reservoir, and delivered into the ships' boats, at Is. per tun, on applicatioQ to the dock master. Abstracts of cargoes, for the purpose of making up freight accounts, will be supplied on application at the comptroller's office, at the following charge : — s. d. If the goods have 10 marks or under - - - - 2 0 — 1 1 to 20 marks - - . . -SO — 21 and upwards, '2d. each mark or parcel. Steam boats are furnished by the Company, in certain cases, to vessels (not laden with corn or timber) proceeding to these docks, arriving from North and South America, the West India Islands, the Cape of Good Hope, and all ports to the eastward thereof, upon application to the secretary, the superintendent, or the agent of the Company. Regulations regarding Goods and the Rates and Charges thereon. Rent is charged on goods from the day on which the importing vessel breaks bulk. If goods be landed by a duty paid, a sight, or a warehousing entry, and taken away within 3 days, no rent is payable; but if they remain on the quay after that time, quay rent or watching is charged for such longer period. Goods landed by Dock Order. — Before goods which have been landed by the Company for want of entry, can be delivered or transferred, the bill of lading must be lodged at the warehouse, and the goods entered at the Custom-house : and such goods are subject to an additional chai-ge for porterage. Orders for transfer or delivery (the forms of which may be obtained at the comptroller's office^, unless the goods are to be delivered from the landing scale," cannot be accepted until the goods have been landed. Neither can orders for transfer be received, until the charges due on the goods comjiosing the whole of the entry have been paid; goods landed under the consolidated rate, and wines and spirits, excepted. Orders for delivery cannot be acted upon, unless signed by the party in whose name the goods stand in the Company's books, or by a person duly authorised to sign them : and should any interlineation, erasure, or alteration have been made in an order, it can only be accepted with the initials of the party set against such alteration. Payment of Charges and Deposit Accou7its. — The only persons authorised to receive money are, the collectors at the superintendent's office, and wine and spirit department; the deputy warehouse-keeper at the tobacco warehouse ; the dock master (for water furnished to vessels in the dockl ; and the ware- house-keeper at the eastern dock ; except for consolidated rates, which may be paid at the London Dock House, in New Bank Buildings. Deposit accounts may be opened at the superintendent's office. If the order does not specify the party by whom the charges due at the date of the order or transfer are to be paid, the amount thereof will be placed to the deposit account of the party transferring. 2 1*? 486 DOCKS ON THE THAMES (LONDON). Warrants and Transfers. — Warrants for goods in general, are granted on written application at the dock, in favour of such person as the party in whose name they stand in the Company's books may direct. The first are issued free of charge ; on all subsequent warrants and transfers, the charges are as follow : — For each warrant or transfer containing s. d. 1 or 2 packages - - -01 3—4 - - - -02 5 to 7 - - - - 0 3 8 — 10 - - - - 0 4 11 — 15 - - - - 0 5 16 — 20 - - . - 0 6 21 — 25 . - - 0 7 For each warrant or transfer containing «. d. 26 to 30 packages - ..08 31 — 35 - - . - 0 9 36 — 40 . . . 0 10 41—45 . - - 0 11 46 and upwards - - 1 0 and for goods in bulk, per Ion - - 0 2 The contents of one warrant may be divided into warrants for smaller quantities, at the will of the holder. Whenever housing, taring, weighing, dipping, rehousing, or counting of gooti's is required, the oper- ation must be performed before a warrant can be issued ; and if re weighing, &c. be required, a new one must be obtained. Applications for duplicate warrants, in consequence of the originals being lost or mislaid, must be addressed to the secretary, at the London Dock House, who will make known the conditions on which the Company will issue them. H eights of Goods. — Duplicates are furnished, upon reasonable cause for requiring them being assigned. Second Samples of Goods. — Orders for second samples, if the goods are for " exportation only," arc issued at the comptroller's office, the proprietor paying the customs' duty thereon. Empty Casks and Packages. — If not removed from the dock within 7 days, are sold by the Company, and the proceeds paid to the owners, after deducting the sale charges and other expenses. Explanation of the following Table of Rates and Charges on Goods imported into the London Docks. The consolidated rate is charged upon the nett weight, and includes landing, wharfage, and housing, or piling on the quay, coopering, samphng, weighing for delivery, delivery, and 12 weeks' rent from the date of the importing ship breaking bulk; which may be paid on each mark separately, and will attach unless notice be given to the contrary, prior to final weighing or gauging. The import rate is charged upon the gross weight, and includes landing, wharfage, and housing, or piling on the quay, or loading from the landing scale, and furnishing the landing weights or tales ; to be paid before the delivery of any part of an entry can take place. The charges for reweighing, rehousing, unhousing and loading;, or repiling, are each one third of the import rate ; those for unhousing or unpiling, wharfage and shipping, the same as the import rate; when not otherwise specified. Table op Rates and Charges on Goods imported into the London Docks. Goods imported. Per Alkanet root - cwt. Almonds, from Africa, ton in boxes and barrels, cwt. Aloes, in gourds - ton or a consolidated rate of ZO.t. per ton nett. In chests or casks - ton or a consolidated rate of 20s. per ton nett. Alum - - ton Alva rnarina, in bales press-packed, ton in bags not press-packed, ton Amber and beads, package Ambergris, in boxes or kegs pau;kage Anchovies - - cwt. Angelica root Aniseed star Annotto or a consolidated rate of 21 ». per ton nett in casks in baskets or small pack- ages - - cwt. Antimony - - ton ore - - ton if loose, filling and weigh- ing, "2 J. per ton. i Apples basket or barrel tierce hogshead Argol • - ton Arrow root or a c;onsolidated rate of 20<. per ton nett in casks, or 30«. in boxes or cites ts. 1 7i s. d. 0 1 0 4 2 0 1 3 0 2 0 0^ 0 2 0 U 0 1 0 ? 0 1 0 1^ Quantities, &c. Per cwt. ton 100 boxes 100 half boxes brl. 2 cwt. 2 qrs.to 3 cwt. \ barrel large bale small bale half bale or seron 4 to 1^ cwt. score gourds package under 3 cwt. ditto 5 & under 5 cwt. ditto 5 & under 8 cwt. ditto 8 cwt. & upwards ton ton box or case package 100 brls. or double brls. 100 kegs cask under 1 J cwt. 0 1"| barrel 0 2 tierce 0 .'5 hogshead 0 6 ton 0 10 I ton 0 7 0 2 0 cask 3 to 8 cwt. mat or basket 1 cwt and under ton ton basket or barrel tierce hogshead ton in casks 100 cases under 2 cwt. 100 bags or cases 2 cwt and under 4 cwt. ton Goods imported. Per Arsenic - - ton Asafoetida - - cwt. Ashes, from America, ton Russia - - ton Odessa - - ton Unhousing, wharfage, and shipping, 2s. per ton. Asphaltum - - ton Bacon - - hogshead bale side middles, 3 cwt. tierce ditto, 1 to 2 cwt. - cask Baggage, including delivery and one week's rent. presents, samples, parrels of papers, and other small articles, package cases, trunks, boxes, bun- dles of bedding, and wearingapparel,package middle-sized ditto, and chesU - package larger packages in pro- portion. Bags, empty - - score Balsam capivi, in jars, cwt. in barrels - - cwt. Peru, in jars - cwt. Cooper''s attendance at landing and delivery is a separate charge. Canada - - package Bamboos. See Canes. Bark, oak, in bags or loose - - ton in casks - - ton in cases about 1 cwt. 2 qrs. - - cwt. Jesuits' or Peruvian, cwt. Barilla, loose - - ton Unhousing, wharfage, and slii])ping, 3«. per ton. Filling and weighing, 2*. per ton. in serons - - ton Unhousing, wharfage, and •hipping, 2». C 100 bladders 0 1 ton 0 2 0 1.1 0 9 0 01 0 1 0 l.i 0 li 0 2 0 4 0 1 0 5 0 3 0 2 3 6 0 3J 0 1 0 0 0 10| 0 5 0 0 6 0 5 0 0 blocks, under 2 tons, ton 6 above 2 tons . ton 10 above 10 tons . ton 20 Mastic • . cwt. Mats - - 100 Indian . . chest box 0 from com vessels, bundle of 10 0 Delivery by land, Xd. \>ex bundle ; by water. Id. per bundle. Melting pots . • cask 4 Minerals - . case 1 Mohair yam . - cwt. L 0 Molasses. See West India Dock Charf;es. Moss, rock or Iceland, ton Mother-o'-pearl, shells, i or a consolidated rate of i 18s. 6(i. jier ton nat. | ware - - clu-sfs 1 box , 1 0 3 0 2 0 2 0 1 «i 0 6 0 0 2 9 0 1 0 0 4 0 0 2 7h 0 I Quantities, ton ton ton hale bale ton bale under 1 cwt. bale 1 to 2 cwt. bale 2 to 4 cwt. small or middling crate large crate ton barrel puncheon hogshead barrel bale i bale J bale 100 rolls thest i chest J chest bale h bale J bale bale 4 bale I bale 100 bolts or rolls 100 mats (2 pieces) case or bale box or bujuUe sample box ton case or barrel loose, ton bale under 2 cwt. chest cask about 1 cwt. ton bale under 3 cwt. 2 qrs. bale 3 cwt. 2 qrs. and under 5 cwt. bale 5 cwt. and upwards bale chest or cask ton each case small case case Delivered into Craft, per Wharfage Ton of 2.5 and Palms or 12 Shipping. Cubic Feet. s. d. *. d. 3 0 4 6 5 0 7 6 10 0 15 0 case or chest abt. 3 cwt. 1 00 bundles chest box 9 ton, in bags 6 100 casks i.l^o^ltS4 lbs. 0 100 casks about 2 cwt. 4 j ton 490 DOCKS ON THE THAMES (LONDON). Goods imported. Per Mxmjeet, in bales cwt. in a coivsolidated rate of 13. Orf. per cwt. nett. in bundles - - cwt. or a consolidated rate of 2s. per cwt. nett. Musk - - chest box Myrabolans - - cwt. Myrrh - • cwt. Nails • - cwt. Nankeen • - chest Natron, loose - - ton Filling and weighing, 2i. per ton. Nutmegs - - cwt. a consolidated rate of 1«. 6d. per cwt. nett. Nuts - - bushel barrel bag or sack castania - - bushel Nux vomica - - cwt Oakom - - ton Oatmeal, about 2J cwt., in- cluding delivery - ton Weighing for delivery, \d. per sack or barrel. Ochre - . • ton Oil, bay - - cask castor • cwt. chemical, 1 cwt. and up- wards - - package under 1 cwt. - package Landing, wharfage, and laying up to gauge Coopers attendance, if de- livered from the quay - Searching and filling up (if done) Loading or housing Cooper's attendance at housing, and at delivery from the vault Unhousing and loading - Unhousing, wharfage, and shipping - Rent per week N.B. - Fourteen days allowed from final day of landing previous to the commencement of rent ; but the Company are at liberty to house 6 days after gauging, unless de tained by written order previously. Kent on the quantity re maining will be charged from the day of the vessel breaking bulk. olive, in jars : common jars - cwt. * jars - - cwt large jars - - cwt, cases containing 30 quart bottles - case salacf, 4 chesi of 30 bottles palm and cocoa nut, ton in large casks, for every cwt. above 30 cwt. seed - - tun Oil cake. See Lirueed Cakes. Olibanuni. See Gum, in cases or chests. OUves, about 12 galls, i brl. _ C _ I brl. - 2| - keg about 6 quarts small keg, scort 3 pint jars - - score in larger packages, gallon Onions - - bushel Opium - - cwt. Oranges and lemons, chest box Oranges, in casea case Urange huds - - cwt. 0 % 0 1} 0 0 2* 0 4| 0 Oi 0 0| 0 2 0 1 0 OJ 0 Oh 0 0^ 0 1 0 3 4 0 0 1 2 0 1 0 0 OJ 0 4 0 2J Quantities, &c. chest box cwt. cwt. barrel or 1 chest ton 100 sacks barrel 100 bags 100 bushels cwt. ton ton, if not cleared within 14 days of breaking bulk. ton cask puncheon or hhd. ton, in jars or duppers tierce barrel under 2 cwt. barrel above 2 cwt. case 12 bottles large case small case Per Tun of 232 Imp. Gals. Olive in Casks. s. d. Fish. *. d. Newfound- land. *. d. 4 6 3 0 3 0 2 0 2 0 2 0 1 0 1 6 1 0 1 6 1 0 1 2 *. d. 0 8| 0 81 0 6 1 0 0 6 Rent 0 3i 0 2i 0 Orchella weed Or|>iment 0 4 0 3 0 2i 1 6 0 9 0 Oi 0 1 0 o; 0 OJ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 9 0 3 0 0 4 common jar h jar. large jar score cases * barrel J barrel keg score score tierce barrel, 30 gallons J barrel basket or barrel chest under 3 cwt. chest box case tierce hogshead bafe ton Goods imported. Orsidew package Otto of roses - package middling package small package Oxen - . - each Paddy, in bulk . quarter Paper ... cwt. Pearl barley . . keg barrel Peas - tierce or barrel bag Pepper (unsifted) . ton or a consolidated rate of 9d. ppr cwt. nett ; or of 2i. 3d. per cwt. nett, in- cluding ordinary sifting and bagging long or Cayenne - cwt. or a consolidated rate of 1*. per cwt. nett. Piano-fortes - - each Piccaba - - cwt. Pickles . dozen bottles in barrels - gallon large bottles or jars, under 2 gallons - gallon 2 and under .5 do., gallon 5 and upwards - gallon Pictures, large bale or case middling bale or case small bale or case Piece goods - - bale Pill boxes . large vat small vat Pimento - . cwt. or a consolidated rate, in bags - 1*. "id. cwt. in casks • Is. 6d. cwt. Pink root - - cwt. Pitch . • - ton Plaster of Paris . ton Plums, Portugal, in boxes, dozen Porcelain - - case small case Potatoes . . ton Potash. See Ashes. Preserves, under 28 lbs. -package 28 to 112 lbs. -package 1 cwt. & upwards, package or a consolidated rate, under 28 lbs. package, 6d, 28 to 11 2 lbs. do. 1*. 112 lbs. and upwards, package,li.per cwt. nett Prunes or French plums, about 8 cwt., hhd. or pun. 5 to 7 cwt. - barrel 2 to 5 cwt. - i barrel under 2 cwt. - J barrel about 1 cwt., containing boxes or cartoons - case about 50 lbs. - box about 28 lbs. - 1 chest 4 6 0 6 0 21 0 Oi 0 u 0 1 0 0| 4 6 3 0 1 6 0 6 2 6 3 0 0 9 1 6 1 0 3 6 0 3 0 C 0 6 0 04 0 04 0 1 2 6 U 6 0 6 0 4 0 Oi 0 1 0 Oi 0 01 0 of 0 6 0 4 0 3 0 n 0 6 0 4 0 6 Prussiate of potash - ton Puree - - chest Pyrolignate of lead • ton euassia . - cwt. uicksilver, in bottles, bott. containing 1 skin - case Quills - • . vat small vat hogshead or barrel case bale Quinine, sulphate of, con- taining about 3 quarts, case Radix contrayervae - cwt. senekae - - barrel Rags or old ropes - ton Raisins, 12 to 20 cwt., butt 9 to 12 cwt. - pipe 5 to 9 cwt. - carotel 2 cwt. 2 qrs. to 4 cwt. 2 qrs. barrel 1 cwt. 2 qrs. to 2 cwt. 2 qr. A barrel under Icwt. 2 qrs., } barrel Weighing do. Is. score. Cape, casks under 3 cwt., cask 3 cwt to ,') cwt., cask boxes, about GO lbs., score 0 li Unhsg and Ldng. s. d. 0 6 0 3 0 2 0 2 0 2 0 6 score 0 6 score 0 6 0 3 0 6 4 6 3 0 1 6 2 0 0 6 0 9 0 9 0 6 3 0 Quantities, &c. Per hogshead tierce barrel or seron large case small case package quarter ton keg barrel tierce or bairel 100 bags ton bag of 317 lbs. nett ton each ton dozen bottles barrel bottle or jar bottle or jar bottle or jar large bale or case middling bale or case small bale or case bale large vat small vat ton bale 100 barrels ton 100 boxes case small case ton Rent A^eek. s. d. 0 2 0 IJ 0 I 4 2 0 1 1 3 1 0 hhd. or pun. barrel 4 barrel V^eek, 0 4 0 1 0 5 0 OJ 0 nl 0 0 4 0 3 0 3 0 3 0 2 0 1 0 2 0 OA 0 3 Unhsg and Ldn^. 0 2 0 Oi ton chest ton cwt. bottle case vat small vat hogshead or barrel , case bale case case barsel Rent wFeek. 0 4 0 3 0 2 0 01 0 0\ 0 03 0 2 1 8 DOCKS ON THE THAMES (LONDON). 491 Goods imported. Per Raisins — continued. Denia and Valencia, boxes, score Weighing do. Sd. score. ^ and ^ boxes - score frails or baskets - score AVeifjhing do. 6d. score. X and i trails or baskets, score Weighing do. 4d. score. Malaga, boxes • score i and \ boxes - score Weighing do. 8d. score. Smyrna, drums - score Weighing do. \0d, score i and h drums • score Weighing do. 6d. score. Rhatania extract - cwt. root - - cwt. Rhubarb - - cwt. A consolidated rate on East India, including also starting into bulk, taring, repairing, re- taring, refilling, nail- ing down, reweighing, and piling away, of 6i. per chest. Rice - - - cwt. or a consolidated rate of, in casks - 13*. 4(Z. ton in bags - 10*. 6i ton Roots, sassafras or winters cwt. Rosin • - ton Rues - - bale i bale Rushes for polishing Sac Satumi Saffron Safflower - • ton or a consolidated rate of 14<. 6 . Coopering for exportation, on delivery, per puncheon .... Ditto, per hogshead - ..... Old iron hoops - - - - - - - Surveys and Certificates. Under 5 casks Above 5 casks and under '. 20 and upwards 2 6 5 0 7 6 Cooperage, and Extra Rates and Charges on Wines and Spirits. Pipes. Hhds. Thirds. Qr.'Casks. Half Qr. Casks. Aums. Double. Single. Half. Trimming, including wood hoops, or 4 d. s. d. d. d. r. d. d. s. d. d. bough ing off ... 2 0 1 2 1 0 0 9 0 7 1 fi 1 0 0 9 Driving .... 0 10 0 6 0 5 0 4 0 34 0 6 0 4 0 4 Pitching and turning 0 3 0 2 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 Breaking out for coopering 0 6 0 34 0 0 2 0 2 0 i^' 0 3 0 2 Ditto for delivery, inspection, re- dipping or racking, and laying up again ... 1 0 0 7 0 G 0 4 0 3 0 9 0 6 0 4 Filling up . - - 0 5 0 3 0 3 0 3 0 3 0 0 3 0 3 Casing or uncasing Ditto in canvass ... 6 0 11 0 9 0 6 0 4 1 0 9 0 6 7 0 .5 0 5 0 4 0 3 0 5 6 4 6 3 0 Ditto and cases ... 19 6 12 0 11 0 7 6 5 6 14 0 8 6 5 6 Racking .... 2 6 6 1 3 1 0 0 9 1 9 1 2 0 10 Racking from the lees 3 6 2 1 9 1 6 1 0 2 6 1 9 1 6 Ditto and repairing casks 15 0 12 6 10 6 9 0 0 12 6 9 0 6 0 Ditto and new casks in bond 27 0 18 0 16 6 13 6 10 6 22 0 14 0 9 6 Ditto and new casks on the quay 24 0 17 0 15 6 12 fi 10 0 20 0 13 6 9 0 Trimming cask cases 1 0 0 8 0 6 0 4 0 3 Sampling in the vault, or second sam- pling on the quay - . . 0 6 0 6 0 6 0 6 0 6 0 6 0 6 0 6 Tasting in store, each time 0 2 0 2 C 2 0 2 0 2 0 2 0 2 0 2 Ditto at public sale ... 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 0 1 Painting casks ... 4 0 2 6 2 6 9 1 0 3 0 2 0 1 6 Painting the heads - . each 1 0 0 9 0 9 0 6 0 6 1 0 0 9 0 6 Bark hoops . . . — 1 9 1 4 1 4 0 0 9 1 6 4 1 0 Iron hoops • . . 0 8 0 8 0 8 0 6 0 5 0 8 0 6 0 6 New heads • - . _ 3 r, 3 o 2 9 2 6 2 3 6 3 0 2 6 Overdrawing and brandying, or fining 1 0 0 9 0 6 0 6 0 4 b 9 0 6 0 498 DOCKS ON THE THAMES (LONDON). Tea. Packages landed in good condition. 200 lbs. gross and upwards. 130 lbs, and under '200 lbs, Gross. 80 lbs. and under 130 lbs. Gross. 60 lbs. I 40 lbs. and under and under 80 lbs. 60 lbs. Gross. Gross. 30 lbs and under 40 lbs. Gross. 20 lbs. and under 30 lbs. Groa. Under 20 lbs. Gross. Landing ; comprising landing, wharf- age, weighing, furnishing landing weights, and delivery by land from the quay . . - Additional, if shipped Landing and housing ; comprising landing, wharfage, weighing, fur- nishing landing weights, housing, and delivery by land Additional, if shipped Management ; comprising landing, wharfage, weighing, and furnishing landing weights, housing, ordinary mending, tarring, placing on show, extra warehouse room, and attend- ance whilst on show, lotting, nailing down, re-weighing and piling away, and delivery by land Additional, if shipped Rent, per week - - t. d. 0 7J 0 21 0 6 0 2 7 6 1 0 0 n I 8 0 10 5 6 0 . 8 0 1 3 8 0 6 0 Oh 3 0 0 5 0 OJ 2 4 0 4 0 0| 2 0 13 0 3 0 2 0 0^ 0 0\ 0 0\ Rates on Goods sent to the London Docks for Exportation. Which, if cleared, may be shipped on board until sunset. If goods be not shipped at the expiration of 3 weeks, rent is charged \ipon them. Goods not enume- rated in the following Table, are charged by the package, see post. Goods for Exportation. Acids Per • middling case small case Almonds, in serons ton in boxes or barrels cwt. Alum - - ton Anchors or grapnels, ton Anchovies, case containing 8 barrels double barrel keg or single barrel Aniseed - - chest ^ chest Annotto - small basket Axle trees Baggage each"^ package-^ Bagging, about 2 qrs., roll Bark - - - chest J chest or seron tierce small cask sack jug or barrel^ - each Barley Barrows Beef and pork eachi Beer erce barrel kilderkin barrel hogshead butt or puncheon bottled, in casks, doz. bott. in cases, bottles, or hampers, doz. bottles Bees' wax, in casks ■ ion 5 to 6 cwt. bale about 4 cwt. bale Bellows, smiths' - pair< each-: Blacking - firkin barrel small cask from .0 to 7 cwt. cask about 8 cwt. cask 9 cwt. cask from 10 to 1.5 cwt. cask 15 and under 20 cwt. c.isk about 20 cwt. cask Rent after Three Weeks. 0 6 0 8 4 0 2 0 0 3 0 1 0 4 0 5 0 2 0 6 0 3 0 1 j05 0 1 0 IJ 0 1 0 1 to 0 2 0 1 0 0^ 0 1 to 0 6 2 6 0 3 0 2 0 3 0 n 0 1 0 3 to 0 10 0 5 0 1 to 0 3 8 0 6 0 0 1 0 n 0 2' 0 4 0 0; to 1 0 0 0^ 0 1 0 1^ Per middling case small case ton \no luO half ditto {barrel about 2 cwt. 2 qrs. .j or J barrel large bale small ditto f^balefrom3qrs I to 1 cwt. 2 qrs ton ton case score chest ^package 100 rolls chest ^ chest or seron tierce small cask sack >score ^each 100 tierces 100 barrels kilderkin barrel hogshead butt or puncheon dozen bottles doze.i bottles ^each firkin barrel small C£ cask cask cask cask cask ca-,k Goods for Exportation. Per Bottles, empty glass, con- taining from 15 to 20 dozen - - crate from 2 1 to 29 dozen, crate 30 to 44 dozen, crate 45 to 60 dozen, crate small basket or box-j^ Bran - - - . sack Bread - - - bag Bricks - - 1,200 if shipped by crew, 1,200 Brooms, birch, 1 doz. bundle 2 dozen bundle hair or house bundle Bullion - large package small package Butter - tub or firkin J cask Cables, hemp - ton chaun - - ton Camphor - - chest Candles, less than 28 lbs. box 28 lbs. to I cwt. box above 1 cwt. box Canes, common rattan,!, 000 Cannons, under 2 tons, each under 4 toni * - each * Larger in proportion. Canvass ... bolt Cart wheels paireach 2 6 0 3 0 2 0 O.J each 0 4 0 0}j bundle 6 0 0 10 each 5 0 0 6 each 2 6 0 6 ton 8 6 1 0 each 0 3 0 cwt. 0 4 0 1 hamper 0 4 0 1 basket 0 2 0 Oi basket 1 6 0 4 pipe 0 9 0 2 hogshead 0 8 0 2 single bale 1 0 0 3 double bale | 1 6 0 4 package i 2 6 0 8 package | I 4 0 3 case or chest 0 S 0 2 4 chcsi DOCKS ON THE THAMES (LONDON). 497 Goods for Exportation. Cloves - - small baff about 2 cwt. bag 6 or G cwt. ca.sk Coaches, staf^e - each private • each Coals - - hogshead Coffee . bag small bale 3 cwt. 2 qrs. to 4 cwt. bale 6 cwt. bale fans each< engines or shellers, each'^ Coke - chaldron Colours, in casks - ton Copper, in casks, 4 to 6 cwt. ton in cases, 5 to 7 cwt. case 7 to 8 cwt. case 9 to 10 cwt. case bottoms, 1 cwt. bottom i cwt. bottom bolts . 2 cwt. bundle sheets, loose ton cakes • ton Cork Corks bag or cask.* Com, in sacks - each Cotton, East India - bale J bale American - - bale twiat, under 2 cwt. 2 qrs. bale presses, wooden - each iron . - each Cows, shipped by machine each Cowries ... ton Currants - - butt pipe carotel Dampers, iron • each-|^ Dogs - - each Drips and pots - 1,000 Drugs, imder 2 cwt. 2 qrs. chest 2 cwt. 2 qrs. to 5 cwt. chest crate< Earthenware Engines, fire gMden Felt - Fire-arms Fire or flagstones Fish, loose each< eacl - - bale| - large chest case or chest ton ton barrel or box< Flax - - - 1 cwt. 2 qrs. bag Flints, under 1 cwt. keg Flour - - - barrel Furniture in packages, ac- cording to size. Ginger - - -ton Glass - box or ^ box crate J crate butt or hogshead pipe or puncheon tierce small cask^ Rent after Three M'eeks. 5 0 3 4 4 0 0 2 to 0 8 0 6 0 8 0 4 1 0 0 8 10 0 20 0 8 6 3 4 2 0 1 6 1 0 0 4 to 0 8 0 6 10 0 0 8 1 0 0 6 to 1 4 6 0 to 10 0 2 6 0 8 to 1 0 1 4 0 8 to 1 0 3 4 5 0 0 3 to 0 4 3 0 0 4 0 2 0 4 0 8 1 0 0 8 0 4 |o 6 1 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 8 1 0 0 1 to 0 2 0 1 0 n 0 1 0 2 0 2 1 0 1 6 plate small case middling case large case Grates and stoves each-< Grindstones, for every six inches in diameter Gritts - - firkin Gum . . seron chest Guns. See Fire-armi. great. See Camunu. Per ^cach s.nall bag bag cask each each hogshead ton ^each chaldron ton ton ton bundle ton including weigh- ing ton ton ton ^bag or cask each bale ^ bale bale bale each each ton butt pipe carotel 0 3 e 6 to 0 9 0 3 0 2 to 0 3 0 3 0 2 to 0 3 0 3 0 8 0 0 to 0 1 0 8 0 0 0 0 0 10 1 0 0 1 0 2 0 1 0 4 0 3 0 3 0 1 to 0 2 0 2 0 4 0 6 0 2 to 0 3 0 0^ 0 5 0 1 0 3 ton > barrel or box cwt. cask 8 to 9 cwt. cask 9 to 12 cwt. cask 12 to 15 cwt. cask 16 to 17 cwt. cask Harps or harpsichords,) ccording to size, each^ Harrows - - pair Hats - . case Hat boxes - - each Hay - load of 36 trusses bale of 3 trusses truss Hemp - - ton screws • each Herrings - - barrel Hides or skins. East India, ' -■■ 100 each 100 bundle bundle bag pocket Horn, tips and plates, hhd. Horses - - each cob or pony • eacli Indian rubber - barrel Indigo - - seron about 3 qrs. ^ chest or box chest Iron, bars and unmanu- factured - - ton hoops - 1 cwt- bundle 3 qrs. bundle 2 qrs. bundle pots - . - 100 3 ton box or J box crate ^ crate butt or hogshead pipe or puncheon tierce ^small cask small case middling case large case ton seron chest 11 lU-nt after Three Weekj Goods for Exportation.^ Gypsum Hams, loose Hardware, .5 to Per ■ hogshead puncheon - each - cask-i 5 to 7 lbs. 10 to 12 lbs. ox and cow Hoops, wood truss Hops tire bundle-^ heavy manufactured ma- chinery, mill work, &c. &c., pieces above 1 ton ton under 1 ton - ton ♦scrap, loose - ton in bags - . ton hurdles - . each * Weighing Is. 6d. per ton. Ivory - - . cwt. Knives, Malay - small cask Lac dye - 3 cwt. chest about 1 cwt. 2 qrs. chest Lace packag( 4 Laths - - bundle Lead, in pigs - . ton black - 40 lbs. cask shot, bars, or rolls, ton Lime - - puncheon hogshead small cask-j Logwood - ton Mace and nutmegs, small cask Mangles - - each Manure, about 1 ton cask ]\Ielting pots - - ton Mill cases - each gudgeons - - eac stones, about 1 ton each Mineral brown (in turpen- tine casks) ■ 3 cwt. barrel Molasses - - puncheon Mother-o'-pearl shells, ton Mules ... each Musk • • - box Mustard - - keg not exceeding 2S lbs. keg Nails - - 2 qrs. keg 1 cwt. 2 qrs. keg 1 cwt. 2 qrs. to 2 cwt. cask ton Nankeens, not exceedhig 1 cwt. case or chest Negro clothing, puncheon Nutria skins - 4 cwt. bale 5 cwt. bale Oakum - 2 qrs Oil cake hogshead puncheon - tun 3 to 7 gallons, jug Oil 1 Wharf 1 and Shippi Per Week. Ouant'tics &c *. each 6 0 0 9 1 2 0 0 4 pair 1 0 0 3 case 0 2 4 0 7 0 4 yo 3 score trusses 0 2 S 3 0 0 8 ton 0 4 0 1 each 0 4 0 Oi barrel 2 0 0 C 100 0 6 100 6 0^ 0 1 0 3 score bundles 0 2 0 3 score bundles 0 8 bag 0 6 0 1 pocket 1 4 0 4 hogshead 10 0 5 6 0 6 0 1^ barrel 0 l| seron 0 6 0 1^ 2 chest or box 0 8 0 2 chest 2 6 0 3 ton 0 4 1 5>0 6 ton 0 2 i 4 0 0 9 100 0 2 l 10 >0 OJ bundle 0 4 6 0 0 6 ton 3 0 0 6 ton 4 0 0 6 ton 3 0 0 6 ton 0 1 0 5 score 0 3 0 1 cwt. 0 8 0 2 small cask 1 0 0 2 chest 0 IJ chest 0 9 0 4 7 to to V- pack age 1 6 0 9 0 1 1 6 100 bundles 2 0 0 3 ton 0 2 0 Oi cask 3 4 0 3 ton 1 2 0 3 puncheon 1 6 0 4 hogshead 0 1 7 to to >small cask 0 8 0 2 i 2 3 0 6 ton 0 8 0 2 small cask 5 0 0 6 each 2 G 0 4 cask 5 0 0 G ton 1 0 0 3 7 to to >each 2 0 0 4 i ^ 0 3 each 4 0 0 6 each 0 6 0 6 ton 1 2 0 3 puncheon a 0 0 8 ton 2 6 0 8 0 2 box 0 4 0 1 keg 0 2 0 0, keg 0 2 3 0 100 kegs 0 4 0 Oi 0 6 0 1 cask 0 6 ton 0 6 0 V case or chest 1 0 0 3 puncheon 0 8 0 2 bale 1 0 0 3 bale 0 2 0 0, bundle 3 6 0 G ton 1 C 0 4 hogshead 1 2 0 3 1 puncheon 5 6 0 8 ; tun 0 2 0 4 VO 04 gallon 0 G 1 2 K 498 DOCKS ON THE THAMES (LONDON). Goods for Exportation. Per Oil — continued. 11 to 12 gallons, jug chest i chest Organs each-^ Osnaburgs, loose - piece Ox bows or yokes, 1 dozen bundle Oxen ... each Paint, in small kegs - ton in casks containing do., ton Paper ... bale small bale Pearl barley, 1 cwt. barrel or kei Pepper bag Rent after Three Weeks, Perry - - butt Piano-fortes, grand, each cabinet . - each square - - each Pickles - large package middling package small package Pigs ... each Pipeclay, loosa . ton hogshead puncheon small cask.|^ Pipes, empty - each Pitch - - . barrel Plants, about 5 cwt. package middling package small package Ploughs - . each Potatoes, about 1 cwt. basket 3 bushels, sack ton Quicksilver - iron bottle Rags - - 3 cwt. bag Rice . . . bag Rigging ... cwt. Rosin . • barrel Satflower, under 2 cwt. 2 qrs. - - bale above 2 cwt. 2 qrs. bale Sago, in boxes about 1 cwt. box Sail-cloth - . bolt Saltpetre, rough, in bags, ton refined, 1 cwt. barrel above 1 to 2 cwt. cask 10 cwt. . - cask Saws ... bundle Seed, clover or other bale Seed lac, 2 cwt. to 2 qrs. bag Sheep - - each Shellkc, in bags or bundles, ton Skins - la to 20 cwt. cask 15 cwt. cask vat hoshead tierce goat and Mogadore, about . bale large bale hogshead puncheon id under, small box 57 and under 112 lbs. box 1 and under 2 cwt. chest 2 and under 3 cwt. chest 3 to 5 cwt. - • chest 2 cwt. 2 qrs. Slates Soap, 56 lbs. Sofas Spades • each-^ 1 doz. bundle 2 doz. bundle Spelter ... ton Spirits, see Wiitet. Starch . 1 cwt. box under 1 cwt. box Staves, wine hogshead, pack • pipe, leager, or sugar hogshead - pack Steel, in bars - . ton in bundles, 1 cwt. bundle Stovrs and grates each.| Straw ... truss 0 3 10 0 8 0 3 4 Quantities, &c, 0 4 0 6 2 0 1 6 0 2 0 4 0 6 0 8 1 0 1 0 to 1 6 0 4 0 8 2 0 0 6 0 4 0 2 0 4 3 4 0 4 0 6 to 1 0 0 1 0 Oi gallon 0 04 chest 0 0| 1 chest 0 Gj-^ to >each 1 0 ! \ 0 0^ piece 0 01 bundle 1 0 ton 0 6 I ton 0 2 bale 0 li small bale 0 1 ! barrel or keg 0 o| 7 ^ to 0 1 0 4 1 0 0 9 0 6 0 2 0 1 0 Oi 0 6 0 0^ 0 1 0 3 0 10 0 li 0 2 0 o; 0 1 0 i; 0 2 0 3 0 3 to 0 4 0 1 0 2 0 4 0 1 0 1 0 Oi butt each each each large package middling pckge. small package ton hogshead puncheon >small cask each 100 barrels package middling pckge. small package each . each bag bale bale ton barrel cask cask score bundles bale vat hogshead tierce bale large bale hogshead puncheon small bos box chest chest chest ^each bundle bundle ton box box pack pack ton ton Goods for Exportation. Per Sugar - - mat or bag 4 or 5 cwt. mat or ba^k. boxes or chests - ton bastard, not exceed. 2 cwt. 2 qrs. . . . barrel under 8 cwt. . tierce 12 and under 14 cwt. cask 14 cwt. and upwards, cask refined - hogshead 12 andund. 14 cwt. cask 14 _ 18 cwt. cask 18 — 24 cwt. cask Refined, packed in hogs- heads or vats, to be housed Per for exportation. hhd. Housuig Weighing or re-weighing Unhousing, -wharfage, and shipping Ren t - - per week Tallow . . ton Tar . . - barrel Tea - . chest h chest I chest small box Tiles, Welch, about 1 foot square • - 100 Tin - . . box barrel block Tombstones . each Tripe ... keg Turmeric Turpentine bag carboy Varnish - - barrel Vermilion, 2 to 3 cwt. chest or package Vinegar . ■ puncheon hogshead barrel or ^ hogshead Vitriol, carboys - gallon middling case small case Wagons - - each I Whalebone - 5 cwt. bale Wheels, according to size,3 pair| Wheelbarrows . each Wine, bottled, in casks, dozen bottles in cases - dozen bottles Spirits, pipe, puncheon, or butt hogshead No charge is made for wharfage of wines and spirits landed at the docks, and carted to the export quay, except for " strik- ing and shipping," viz. pipe, butt, and pun- cheon - - Sd. hogshead . . 4(/. Wire, iron, 1 cwt. 2 qrs. bundle Wood - . ton When not cleared the same day as sent down, is charged, ood hoops . bundle truss bundle Wool, English, 3 cwt. to 3 cwt. 2 qrs. - bale 3 cwt.2 qrs. to Scwt.bale Spanish - 1 cwt. bag 2 cwt. bag 2 cwt. 2 qrs. bag German, under 4 cwt. bag 4 to 6 cwt. bag 6 cwt. and upwards, bag Shipg. /. d 2 6 0 4 1 0 0 8 0 6 0 4 2 0 0 4 0 6 0 2 5 0 0 2 0 Oi- to 0 2 0 6 to 2 0 1 4 0 8 0 6 0 4 3 0 2 0 7 6 to 10 0 1 0 5 0 0 4 Rent after Three Weeks. 0 Oi 0 0 W^o'f 0 6 0 0 3 0 2 0 1< 0 1' 0 6 0 OA 0 1 0 6 0 6 0 0\ U 0 1 6 0 4 1 0 0 1 to 0 2 0 0^ 0 OJ 0 Oi Quantities, 6ec. Per mat or bag , mat or basket ' ton barrel tierce hogshead cask cask cask ton 100 barrels chest ichest I chest small box 100 box barrel score each keg ton •carboy barrel. chest or package uncheon lOgshead barrel or J hhd. gallon middling case small case -each pair each dozen bottles dozen bottles nipe, pun. or butt hogshead 3 score bundles 5 score bundles * N. B. — " Persons sending to the dock, for shipment, aqua fortis, oil of vitriol, or other goods of a dangerous quality, and neglecting to distinctly mark, or state, the nature of such goods on the outside of the package, or otherwise give due notice thereof to the superintendent, aresubjct t to a penalty of 20/." — (See act 9 Geo. 4. c. 116. ^ 132.) DOCKS ON THE THAMES (EAST INDIA;. 499 When charged by the Package. 1 tD C Rent after Three Weeks. 1 Rent after Three Weeks. Goods for Exportation. Goods for Exportation. PI Per Week. Quantities, &c. 111 ? ijj Per Week. Quantities, &c. Per Bags, small - - each Bales, small - - each middling - - each large, 5 and under 7 cwt. each 7 and under 8 cwt. each 8 and luider 1 2 c w t . each 12 and under 14 cwt. each 14 and under 16 cwt. each 16 cwt. and upwards each E. I. goods, single, each double . - - each half bales repacked, each Barrels ... each Baskets, small . each middling - - each large - - each Bottles or jars, 1 to 3 gallons, each 4 to 7 gallons - each 7 to 10 gallons • each 11 to 12 gallons - each Boxes • - each< L Bundles, large - each middling - - each small - • each Cases, small - - each middling • - each large, 5 to 6 cwt- - each 6 to 7 cwt. - each d. 0 4 0 8 1 0 1 4 1 6 2 0 2 6 3 0 4 0 0 8 1 4 0 6 0 6 0 2 0 4 0 6 0 2 0 4 0 6 0 8 0 2 to 0 8 1 0 0 9 0 6 0 8 1 0 1 4 1 6 s. d. 0 1 0 2 0 3 0 3 |o Oi J 0 2 0 3 0 14 0 l| 0 OA 0 1 0 li |ooi 0 Oi to 0 2 0 3 T 2i H li 0 2 0 3 0 3 0 Oi Per each each each each cwt. each each each each each each each gallon ^each each each each eacli each each cwt. Per Cases — continued. extra large, 7 to 8 cwt. each 9 to 12 cwt. . each above 12 cwt. - each Casks, l>utts - - each hogslieau - each pil)e or puncheon - each tierce or wine hhd. each small - - each|^ Chests, small - each middling - - each larf,'e . - each Hogsheads, not exceeding 8 or 9 cwt. • each Jars, see Bottlet. Kegs - - each< Packs, vats, &c. • bale< Pipes ... each Portmanteaus, ord. size each Other sizes will be charged in proportion, and rent one fourth of the rate Puncheons • - ''each Tierces . - each-|^ Trunks . • each Trusses - - each^ 1. d. 2 0 2 6 3 0 1 6 1 2 1 4 0 8 0 4 to 0 6 0 8 1 0 1 4 1 2 0 2 to 0 4 0 9 to 1 0 1 4 0 6 1 4 0 8 to 1 0 0 6 0 6 to 1 0 ». d. jooi 0 4 0 3 0 4 0 2 0 1 to 0 li 0 2 0 3 0 4 0 3 0 0\ to 0 1 0 1 to 0 2 0 4 0 li 0 4 0 2 to 0 3 0 14 0 6 to 0 li Per cwt. each each each each l^each each each each eaih >each >bale each each each j-each each ^each Goods not inc uded in the foregoing Tables pay in proportion to the rates therein contained, according to weight or size. 3. East India Docks. — These docks, situated at Blackwall, were originally intended for the accommodation of ships employed by the East India Company, or in the East Indian trade i but they are now open to vessels from all parts. There are 2 docks ; 1 for ships unloading inwards, and 1 for those loading outwards. The Import Dock con- tains about 1 8 acres, and the Export Dock about 9 acres. The entrance basin, which connects the docks with the river, contains about 2^ acres : the length of the entrance lock is 210 feet, the width of the gatea.48 feet clear. The depth of water in the East India Docks is never less than 23 feet ; so that they can accommodate ships of greater burden than any other establishment on the river. There is attached to them a splendid quay fronting the river, nearly 700 feet in length, with water sufficient at all times of the tide to float the largest steam ships ; and the Export Dock is furnished with a machine for masting and dismasting the largest ships. The Company have, also, since the termination of the East India Company's trade, purchased 3 of the bonded ware- houses belonging to that body, situated in the heart of the city, in which they warehouse and show tea and other goods, on the same terms as at the London or St. Catherine's Docks. — ( See Rates below. ) The discharging of ships in the Import Dock is wholly performed by the servants of the Company, and the regulations as to fire, cooking, &c. are similar to those in the other docks. The docks are distant miles from the Royal Exchange, and coaches run every half hour between those places, at the moderate charge of 6d. Should the projected railway to Blackwall be completed, the journey to the docks, or from them to the Exclmnge, will be accomplished in less than 10 minutes. Were this effected, no steamers, or at least none above 100 tons burden, should be allowed to come higher up than Blackwall. It will, we apprehend, be found to be quite impossible, so long as they are allowed to . come further up than this, to regulate their speed, or to prevent the perpetual recur- rence of accidents. The Company's capital, including the cost of the city warehouses, is 623,000Z. The present dividend is 6 per cent. ; and the stock is now (December, 1836,) worth from 116/. to 117Z. The management is committed to 12 directors, each holding 2,000Z. stock. Rates of Charge. — The charges on goods exported are the same as at the other docks. Inwards they are, as before stated, the same as at the other docks, when the goods are brought up to the city warehouses ; but if kept down at the docks, or while they are there, the charges and rent are considerably lower. 2 K 2 500 DOCKS ON THE THAMES (ST. KATHERINE'S). Tonnage Rates, 8(c. Vestels Inwards. s. d. For discharging carsoes, and for the use of the dock for twenty-eight days from the date of final discharge, with liberty to load for any port, per register ton - - 1 6 N. B Ship cooperage, when incurred, will be charged ; and vessels discharging the whole, or greater part of their cargoes into lighters, will be subject to such terms as shall be agreed upon between the' shipowners and the Dock Company. Rent, after the expiratioti of twenty-eight days from the time of final discharge, per register ton ])er week 0 1 Vessels of 600 tons and upwards (having landed the greater part of their import cargoes in the East India Dock} when lying up, per register ton per week - 0 J Vessels Outwards. Entering to load, that have not discharged their import cargoes in the docks, for any period not exceeding twenty-eight days from the date of entrance, per register ton - - - - 0 6 Rent, after the expiration of twenty-eight days, per re- gister ton per week • - - - 0 1 Vessels Lying up. Light vessels (other than steam vessels) entering the dock to lie up for any period not exceeding twenty-eight days, per register ton - - - - 0 6 Rent, after the expiration of twenty-eight days, per register ton per week • - - 0 1 Steam Vessels. Rent, from date of entrance, per register ton per week - 0 1 The charge for getting out and landing, lifting, or ship- ping boilers and heavy machinery (including the use of gear) is, per ton - - - - - 5 0 Use of wharf for ditto, per ton per week - - 0 6 Coasters and Craft. Other than lighters, with cargo for outward bound ships, with liberty to remain for one week, per register ton, 0 G Other than lighters loading from the Import Ware- houses, with the hke privilege, on the gross weightthey take on board, per ton - - - - 0 6 In either case, rent, after the expiration of one week, per register ton - - - - 0 1 Water. Supplied from the reservoir, per tun - • - 1 0 Filtered water, do. - - - - 2 0 ,, on Shipping. Charges for Masting or Dismasting at the Matt-Building. Main Fore Mizen Bow- Mast. Mast. Mast. sprit Ships of L. s. d. L. s. d. t. s. d. L... d. 1,000 to 1,500 tons 9 0 0 8 2 0 3 12 0 4 10 0 800—1,000 — 6 15 0 6 6 0 3 3 0 3 12 0 650— 800 — 4 0 0 3 12 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 500— 650 — 3 4 0 2 16 0 112 0 1 1 12 0 300— 500 — 2 12 6 2 5 0 1 6 3 1 6 3 under 300 — 1 17 6 1 13 9 1 2 6 12 6 For putting on or taking off Tops. For Ships of 1,000 to 1,500 tons 800— 1,000 — 500— 800 — under 500 — Main. Fore. Miren. L. t. d. 0 15 0 0 10 0 0 7 6 in proport L. s. d. 0 15 0 0 10 0 0 7 6 OIL. L. s. d. 0 10 0 0 5 0 0 5 0 The prices of the above Tables are for each operation, which includes the use of masting-fall and slings. N.B. — Owners of ships may purchase not less than half a fall, at 25 per cent, under the ready money cost price. Rates on Goods in up-iown Warehouses. Landing and Housing. Manage- ment. Rent per Week. Tea, in packages of d. d. d. 200 lb gross, and upwards 2 0 7 6 0 1.30 and under 200 1 8 6 6 0 80 — 130 1 2 S 8 0 Oi 60 _ 80 1 0 3 0 0 oj 40—60 1 0 2 4 0 04 30 — 40 0 10 2 0 0 0* 20—30 0 8 1 3 0 under 20 0 4 1 0 0 .Silk, Bengal, per bale. 150 lbs and upwards 2 8 8 6' ♦0 101 to 150 2 0 7 6 0 i! under 104 1 6 6 6 0 China, per bale. 4| 101 lbs. and upwards - 2 0 7 6 If 0 under 1 04 - 6 6 6 0 4. St. Katharine's Docks. — The Company for the construction of these docks was in- corporated by the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 105. (local), and they were partially opened on the 25th of October, 1828. They are situated immediately below the Tower, and are con- sequently the most contiguous of any to the city, the Custom-house, and other places where business is transacted. The capital raised by shares amounts to 1,352,800Z. ; but an additional sum of 800,000?. has been borrowed, on the security of the rates, for the completion of the works, and the purchase of a freehold property possessing river frontage from the Tower to the corner of Lower East Smithfield, of the value of upwards of 100,000/., but not required for the immediate purpose of the act. A portion of this property has beon appropriated as a steam packet wharf, where passengers embark and land without the nid or ri.sk of boat conveyance. The purchase of the numerous houses that stood upon the ground occupied by the docks proved, as in the case of the London Docks, a heavy item of expense. The space included within the outer wall is about 24 acres, nearly 1 1 of which are water. There are 2 docks, communicating by a basin. The lock leading from the river is 1 80 feet long, and 45 broad : it is so constructed, that ships of upwards of 600 tons burden may pass in and out 3 hours before high water, so that outward-bound ships haye the opportunity of reaching Blackwall before the tide begins to recede. Ships of upwards of 800 tons register are docked and undocked with- out difficulty, and the depth of water at the entrance exceeds that of any other wet dock in the port of London. Vessels are also docked and undocked by night as well as by day, — an advantage peculiar to this establishment. A clear channel of not less than 300 feet in width is at all times to be kept in the pool; and vessels drawing 18 feet water may lie afloat at low water at the principal buoy off the dock entrance. The warehouses and vaults are upon a very large scale ; far more so than one might be disposed to infer from the extent of water. The warehouses are exceedingly well contrived and commodious ; and, owing to their being built partly on pillars (within which what is called the quay work of the other docks is transacted), close to the water's edge, goods are hoisted direct from the hold of the vessel, without its being necessary, as in the West India and London Docks, to land them on quays ; so that there is in this way a great saving both of room, time, and labour. The whole establishment is exceedingly complete, and reflects the greatest credit on the public spirit, enterprise, and skill, of those by whom it was projected and executed. I'he regulations to be observed by vessels using the St. Katharine's Docks are Similar to those enforced in the West India Docks, to which, as in the case of the London Docks, we beg to refer. DOCKS ON THE THAMES (COMMERCIAL). 501 Table of Tonnage Rates chargeable on Vessels entering the St. Katharine Docks and also of the llate* for discharging Cargoes landed by the Company, subject to such Revision, from Tunc to lime, OS shall be found expedient. Venett Inward: On Vessels laden, arriving from Per Ton Register Firal Class. — Any port of the Uni ted Kingdom, Isle of Man, Jersey, Guernsey, Alder- ney, Sark, or other Euronean jiorts out- side the Baltic, be- tween the North Cape and Ushant Second CUut. — Aoy other port Privilege. Vesielt rvhvse carfroes are dis charged by the Dock Company. Use of the Docks to vessels ar- riving from Hambro', or from any port in the Mediterranean, for 6 weeks from the date of entrance; if arriving from any other port, 4 weeks from the date of final discharge, with liberty to load outwards for any port or place, and to quit the docks for repairs, and re-enter ; the period of absence from dock for such purposes not to artiect the privilege. V<:ssels tvhote car/^ves are dis charged by their crews. The like privilege, but to com- mence froui the date of en- trance. Rent, in each case, after the expiration of the privilege, per week ... For partial remissions and exemptions vessels partly laden, or arriving from Spain or Portugal, wool or cork laden, or vessels with corn, see annexed Table. Rates fur discharging Cargoes by the Company. Cargoes, consisting, in the whole or in part, I of sugar in hogsheads or tierces, including I ship cooperage - - Cargoes, consisting of sugar in chests of 5 cwt I and upwards, including ship cooperage Cargoes, consLsting of sugar in bags, mats, or chests under 5 cwt., or other goods (not being hemp, tallow, ashes, wood goods, com, pitch, tar, hay, or straw), contained in casks, bales, serons, chests, cases, bags, baskets, or similar packages ; also spelter, or metal in pigs, bars, rods, plates, &c. Cargoes, consisting of hemp only, or mer- chandise ia bulk, wholly or in part - tallow only - s. d. (hemp • - I 31 Mixed cargoes of< tallow - - 0 6 V (.ashes - - 0 6^ Blue gum wood, or large timber, additionzd for every load delivered 0 6 No chEirge upon excess landed beyond a ship's register tonnage. Oil, additional for every tun delivered into craft - - - -06 Vessels Outwards, entering the Docks without Cargoes. Per Ton Register. s. d. 0 6 Privilege. Use of dock to ■ load 4 weeks from date of , entrance • Use of dock to | load 1 week from trance Per Ton Register. 1 9 1 3 Per ton of goods, charge in no case to exceed the re- gister tonnage of the vessel. Rent after ex- piration of the privilege, Id. per ton register per week. Tablb of special Regulations, Remlssttms, and Exemptions, and i Miscellaneous Charges applicable to Vessels inwards, not being fully laden, or laden with the Articles enumerated, ur entering the Docks light, S^c. No tonnage rate will be charged on vessels wholly com ladf n , whose cargoes shall be landed in the docks ; but a charge will in such case be made for docking and undocking, as under : L. s. d. Vessels of 100 tons and upwards - -,-110 Vessels under 100 tons - - - -0106 with liberty to remain in dock without further charge foi 24 hours after final landing. Rent, after expiration of that pe- riod. Id. per ton register per week. Should the vessel load out\'»ards, the usual tonnage rates, acccrdiiig to the port of destination, will be charged, instead of the rate for docking and undocking. The Dock Company rese>rve the jiower of I refusing the admission of ships laden entirel/ with corn. Other vessels, not being fully laden at the time of entering the I docks, will be charged tonnage rate only, on the proportion of i cargo brought in ; the amount of rate to be determined by the port fi-om whence the vessel has arrived ; and if discharged by the Company, rates for unloading in addition, according to j the description of the cargo and quantity so discharged, i Rent, after I week, \d. per ton register per week. . Vessels laden with cork or wool from Spain or Portugal will be charged only dd. per ton register. R!ent, after 3 weeks from date of entrance, \d. per ton register per week. L. s. d. Light vessels entering the dock to lie «p. will be charged, for any period not exceeding 4 weeks, per ton register - - - - -006 Rent per week, after the expiration of the' 4 weeks, on the register tonnage, per ton - • - 0 0 1 Vessels two thirds laden with com will be charged tonnage rate only on the proportion which the other part of the cargo bears to the register tonnage. Vessels chiefly laden with wood goods, pilch, tar, hay, straw, or intending to discharge the whole of their cargoes into ffghters, will only be permitted to enter or depart the doc'ks, subject to such terms as shall be first mutually agreed upo9 between the owners and the Dock Company. Miscellaneous Chargti. s. J For labourers hired of the Company, to work on board, and who shall be under the directions and responsi- bility of captains or owners of vessels, both or either (which rule applies to all over-board deliveries), a charge will be made for each man per day, of - - 3 6 Thames water supplied to vessels by the Companv, per tun • . . . ."-10 For an abstract of a ship's cargo inwards, and weights thereof, for the purpose of making up freight accounts, the following charge will be made :— ». d. If the goods have 10 marks, or under - 2 0 11 marks to 20 marks - 3 6 21 maiks and upwar is - 0 2 each mark or parcel. If. B. — The dock-dues, rent, &c. of most articles landed, warehoused, or shipped at the different docks, being, in genera' 5. Commercial Docks. — Exclusive of the previously mentioned docks, which are all on the north side of the river, there are on the south side the Commercial Docks, opposite to the wesi end of the West India Docks. These docks are of large extent ; the space included within the outer wall being about 49 acres, of which nearly 38 acres are water. They are principally intended for the reception of vessels with timber, corn, and other bulky commodities. They have but little accommodation for warehoTising ; and their establishments are not constructed so as to entitle them to bond all goods. The Surrey Canal Company also admit vessels to be docked in the basin of their car.al. 6. London Port Dues ; Charges on Account of Lights, Pilotage, 8fc, in the Thames ; Shipping, 8fc. of London. It is highly desirable that expert pilots, brilliant lights, and every oth^r means that it is possible to devise, should be afforded to render navigation safe and expeditious. But to secure these advantages, it is indispensable that the charges on their account should be moderate. If they be otherwise, navigators are not unfrequently tempted to resort to what 2 K 3 b02 DOCKS (LONDON PORT DUES). are less expensive, though less secure, channels. This principle has not, however obvious, been always kept sufficiently in view either in this or in other countries. During the latter years of the war, and down to 1825, the charges on account of docks, lights, pilot- age, &c. on ships in the Thames, and most other British ports, were exceedingly heavy ; and would, no doubt, had they been maintained, have materially injured our commerce. Instead, also, of encouraging the resort of foreign ships to our ports, a contrary policy was adopted ; the charges laid on them being usually about double those laid on British ships. This regulation was intended to promote the employment of the latter ; but, as it led to reprisals in other countries, its real influence is believed to have been quite differ- ent ; while by driving away foreigners, it injured the trade of the country, and prevented our ports from becoming, what they are so well fitted to be, the emporiums of the world. We are glad, however, to have to state that the circumstances now alluded to have been materially changed within the last dozen years. In 1 825, the various dock monopolies expired ; and a very great reduction has been made in the charges on account Of the docks, which, as already seen, are now very moderate indeed. Exclusive of the dock duties, certain port or tonna - - - 14 0 4 Hoarding the pilot at sea - - - " " 7 ,V i Waterman, boat, and kedge, from Gravesend - - - - 1 11 « London port dues inwards, 5d. per ton 10 0 0 Do."" '"do. outwards, 'do. .> - - --I0 00 jV; B. This duty is of a temporary character, and will cease in about 5 years. Trinity dues and lights inwards - - - " " IL « ? Dock dues in and out, 9rf. per ton - - - - - - 12* 0 0 Trinity dues and lights outwards - - - - -8 18 6 Dungeness light in and out - - - - "oif2 Clearing outwards, and victualling bill - - - -2126 Steam-boat to Blackwall, optional^ - - - - --10 00 Pilotage to the Downs - - - - - -12 86 Putting the pilot on sb«re, unless landed in the ship's boat - - - 0 10 0 ^98 7 4 Charges on a British Vessel of 285 Tons, entering and departing the Port of London, laden both Ways Reporting, appointing, &c. - - _ Tonnage duty inwards (with cargo) - - Do. outwards (do.) - - Putting pilot on board at Deal - - . • Pilotage, Downs to London, draft 15 feet 6 inches Do. outwards, draft about 14 feet - - Boat and men up and down, 3 guineas each Trinity lights, inwards ----- Do. outwards - - - - Private'do. in and out - - . . Dungeness do. - - - Dock duty, 9d. per ton - Clearing outwards . - - . £ s. d. - 2 10 6 - 5 18 6 - 5 18 6 - 2 10 0 - 16 8 7 - 9 15 0 - 6 6 0 - 6 13 2 - 5 6 6 - 9 10 0 - 1 9 0 - 10 13 9 - 2 7 0 ^85 6 6 Charges actually paid on the Piesident, American Packet Ship of from 470 to 480 Tons, in the River Thames, in October, 1833. Reporting and appointing - • - Tonnage duty inwards, and entry - _ ■ ■ Do. outwards - - - Trinity lights and pilotage inwards - . . , Do. do. outwards - - ■ Private and Foreland, in and out - - - - Pilot from Dungeness - - - Boat and men up and down - - - " Dock charges ------ Clearing and victualling bill - - • • Printing bills and cards - - . » « Advertisements in bills of entry . . . ■ £ s. d. - 2 10 6 - 10 6 6 - 10 10 6 . 15 12 0 - 28 10 0 - 5 18 0 - 15 12 0 - 6 0 0 -21 2 0 - 2 12 6 - 3 13 6 - 0 10 6 ^122 18 0 In this case, the pilotage inwards and outwards, lights, &c. are charged from Cowes, so that a con- siderable portion of these items cannot be. considered as an expense peculiar to the Thames. A part of the dock charges might also have been avoided, by employing the crew; the last two items are not properly port charges. Amount of Shipping, Sfc. belonging to the Port of London. — According to the official accounts, there belonged to this port, in 1832, besides boats and other vessels not regis- tered, 2,669 ships, of the burden of 565,174 tons, manned by 32,786 men and boys. In 1819, the gross customs' duty collected in the port of London amounted to 7,749,463/,, the expenses of collection being 277,913/., or at the rate of 3/. lis. S^d. per cent. In 18S2, the gross duty had risen to 9,434,854/., while the expenses of collection had sunk to 243,678/., being at the rate of only 21. lis. 7|c/. per cent (Par/. Paper, No. 414. Sess. 1833.) So vast an amount of shipping and commerce was never previously con- centrated in any single port. London may be truly said to be universi orbis terrarum emporium. May her prosperity be as lasting as it is great ! ♦ If discharged by the Dock Company, there would be an additional charge of 12/. on t^^at account 2 K 4 504? DOCKS (LIVERPOOL). The following tabular statement will serve to illustrate the progress of the foreign trade and navigation of London : — Number and Tonnage of Vessels entering the Port of London from Foreign Parts, distinguishing between British and Foreign Ships. Years. Ships. 839 1700 1750 1,498 1790 2,254 1791 2,184 2,489 1792 1793 2,348 War. 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 Foreign Years. Foreign Tons. 80,040 198,023 431,890 419,374 451,188 478,105 Ships. 496 184 1,116 1,256 1,186 1,193 Tons. 76,995 36,346 149,205 149,053 152,243 177,019 269,834 215,315 115,463 131,647 272,656 158,882 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 Ships. 3,354 3,000 3,230 3,031 3,132 3,989 3,495 4,012 4,084 4,108 3,910- 4,140 3,268 Tons. 655,239 585,994 603,167 611,451 607,106 785,565 675,026 769,162 767,212 784,070 744,229 780,988 639,840 Ships. 856 571 597 865 1,643 1,743 1,586 1,534 1,303 1,300 1,268 1,557 Tuns. 122,619 89,073 106,099 161,705 264,098 302,122 215,254 221,008 195,929 215,605 207,500 269,159 154,142 2^, B. The temporary falling off in 1832 is to be ascribed to the prevalence of cholera, and the unfor- tunate misunderstanding with Holland. Account of the Number and Tonnage of the Ships that have entered the Port of London, with Cargoes from Foreign Parts, distinguishing the Countries whence they came, during the Years 1833, 1834, and 1835 {Papers published by the Board of Trade, part v., p. 36.) 1835. 1854, 1835. Countries. British. Foreign. British. Foreign. British. Foreign. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons. Ships Tons. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons. Russia . . - - 358 7fi,157 47 17,150 399 87,205 71 24,978 312 67,195 54 18,657 Sweden - - Norway - - - - Denmark . . - 12 2,686 51 15,698 22 5,848 76 22,.549 22 3,520 67 102 31,859 15 2,157 122 38,528 87 2s',10f? ' 10 1,370 70 6,309 22 2,699 207 18,549 19 '2,469 1.56 1.3,697 45 6,621 130 31,486 36 6,659 125 30,622 55 6,456 107 26,572 German States - Netherlands 243 43,085 48 5,173 217 44,253 122 12,292 190 44,362 81 7,266 309 41,301 277 23,705 466 67,291 240 21,541 465 72,794 226 21,125 188 21,475 197 12,480 225 24,1,53 178 12,147 245 24,220 125 9,656 Portugal, Azores, and Madeira Spain and Canaries Italian States 377 37,531 4 394 564 38,504 4 519 369 38,840 20 2,131 180 33,39X 44 4,585 239 27,302 27 3,272 210 23,371 22 2,617 124 18,580 8 1,808 107 16,063 n 4,903 118 16,948 6 1,55» Ionian Islands . . - 33 4,464 25 5,657 25 3.700 Turkey and Continental Greece 58 8,481 69 9,5.38 75 11,054 Morea and Greek Islands 9 1,350 14 2,026 756 12 1,752 Egypt Tripoli, Barbary, and Morocco Foreign Possessions in Asia - China - - United States of America 132 185 29,812 96,085 'l 290 4 28 6 27 3,458 2,323 28,199 3 956 21 11 47 2,547 5,965 28,918 4 1,647 ' IS 5,126 44 18,463 24 7,116 51 20,053 14 4,0.30 68 28,098 Foreign West Indies 35 6,963 7 2,075 29 5,648 1,367 19 5,503 2 389 Foreign Continental Colonies in America - - - 75 14,,594 1 258 85 16,172 4 758 80 15,061 3 976 Totals 2,491 448,479 1,031 171,751 2,123 .398,967 1,254 212,634 2,289 374.281' 1,008 181,196 II. Liverpool Docks, Shipping, etc. The first wet dock in the British empire was constructed at Liverpool, in pursuance of an act of parliament obtained in 1708. At this period Liverpool was but an inconsiderable town ; and the accommodation she has derived from her docks is one of the circumstances that has done most to promote her extraordinary increase in com- merce, population, and wealth. A second wet dock was opened about the middle of last century ; and since that period many more have been constructed, some of them on a very magnificent scale, and furnished with all sorts of conveniences. When those now in progress are completed, the total area of water in the docks will exceed 90 acres. The entrance to the port of Liverpool is a good deal incommoded with sand banks ; through which, however, there are several channels which, when the proper precautions are observed, afford an easy and safe access to the port. Being anxious to contribute all the information in our power as to this great and growing emporium, we have annexed to this edition, a chart of the entrance to the Mersey, and of part of that river, with a map of the country from Liverpool to Manchester, exhibiting all the great lines of communication between these and the adjacent towns. The recently opened, or at least •recently discovered, channel (now called the South Channel), leading through the banks to Liverpool, is laid down in the chart. In compiling it, we have availed ourselves of Lieutenant Evans's large and valuable chart of the Mersey and contiguous coasts. In spring tides, the water rises in the Mersey about 30 feet, and in neap tides about 15: but tlie height depends much on the state of the winds, and other circumstances. The following Table gives the annual amount of the Liverpool dock duties since 1757, the number of vessels entering the docks since that period, and the tonnage of the same since 1800. It exhibits an increase of commerce unequalled in any other port. DOCKS (LIVERPOOL). 505 Amount of Dock Duties at the Port of Liverpool, from the Year 1757, ending the 24th of Juno each Year. Year. No. of Vesteli. $. d. Year. No.KfVestelt. L. (. d. 1757 1,371 336 15 0 1779 2,37 4 4,957 17 10 1758 1,453 2,403 6 3 1780 2,261 3/,28 7 9 1759 1,2«1 2,372 12 2 1781 2,512 3,915 4 1760 1,245 2,330 6 7 1782 2,196 4,219 k 3 1761 1,319 2,382 0 2 1783 2,816 4,840 8 3 1762 1,307 2,526 19 6 1784 3,098 6,597 11 1763 1,752 3,H1 5 1785 3,429 8,411 5 3 1764 1,625 2,780 3 4 m6 3,228 7,508 0 1 1765 1,930 8 4 1787 3,567 9,199 18 8 1766 1,908 3^653 19 2 1788 3,677 9,206 13 10 1767 1,704 1,808 * 3,615 9 2 1789 3,G 1 9 8,901 10 10 176S 3,566 14 9 1790 4,223 10,037 6 1769 2,054 4,004 5 0 1791 4,015 4,483 1 1 ,645 6 1770 2,073 1,142 17 2 1792 13,243 17 5* 1771 2,087 4,203 19 10 1793 4,129 12,480 5 1772 2,259 4,552 5 4 1 794 4,265 10,678 7 0 1773 2,214 4,725 1 11 1795 3,948 9,368 16 4 1774 2,258 4,580 5 1796 4,738 12,377 7 7 1775 2,291 5,384 4 9 1797 4,528 13,319 12 8 1776 2,216 5,064 10 10 1798 4,478 4,518 12,057 18 3 1777 2,361 4,610 4 9 1799 14,049 15 1 1778 2,292 4,649 7 7 Year. 1800 1801 1802 1803 1804 1805 Jio. of VeiseU. 4,746 5,060 4,781 4,791 4,291 4,618 Tonnage. L. s. d. Year. No. of Vessels. 450,060 23,379 13 6 1806 4,676 459,719 28,365 8 2i 1807 5,791 510,691 28,192 9 10 1808 5,225 494,521 28,027 13 7 1809 6,023 448,761 26,157 0 11 1810 6,729 463,482 33,364 13 1811 5,616 Tonna/re. 507,825 6fi2,309 616,836 594,601 734,391 611,190 44.560 7 62,831 5 40,638 10 47,580 19 65,782 1 54,752 18 1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 1838 5,341 5,706 6,440 6,888 6,079 6,779 7,849 7,276 7,810 8,136 8,916 10,001 10,837 9,601 9,592 10,703 11,383 11,214 12,537 12,928 12,964 13,444 13,941 14,820 Tomiafre. 446,788 . Duties on goods 547,426 - Duties on goods 548,957 - - Duties on goods 709, 8 19 - Duties on goods 774,243 - - Duties on goods 653,425 - Duties on goods 754,690 - Duties on goods 867,318 - Duties on goods 805,033 - Duties on goods 839,848 - Duties on goods 892,902 - Duties on goods 1.010.819 - Duties on goods 1,180,914 - - Duties on goods 1.223.820 - - Duties on goods 1,228,318 - Duties on goods 1,225,313 - Duties on goods 1,311,111 - Duties on goods 1,387,957 - Duties on goods 1,411,964 - - Duties on goods 1,592,436 - Duties on goods 1,640,057 - Duties on goods 1,590,461 - Duties on goods 1,692,870 - Duties on goods 1,768,426 . Duties on goods 1,958,984 Duties on goods Duties on goods Duties on goods L. s. d 20,260 3 5 24,143 4 6 24,134 18 8 26,042 14 6 28,630 11 3 31,110 11 1 36,310 1 9 40,605 6 11 43,765 6 3 40,881 4 6 35,186 8 0 40,703 8 4 43,842 16 6 54,695 11 9 60,042 7 8 60,084 14 0 44,717 17 10 49,694 14 0 43,131 6 2 51,425 2 11 47,229 10 4 55,174 7 0 52,837 5 5 62,945 16 1 60,878 9 7 70,033 1 11 59,446 7 8 69,245 12 0 60,411 9 11 70,589 9 1 61,601 0 6 72,871 13 9 62,969 7 10' 78,400 7 9 66,128 18 10' 81,198 6 1 68,322 9 11' 83,007 7 11. 81,039 11 ir 102,415 12. 4 74,530 4 11" 95,517 2 0. 79,558 3 11 103,422 12 5. 84,061 15 11 I 107,668 1 9 1 87,644 14 5 110,993 4 4 J 84,596 11 \\ 19 0/ >A 11 l-> 35 12 10/ L. s. d. 44,403 7 11 50,177 13 2 59,741 2 4 76,915 8 8 92,646 10 9 75,889 16 4 98,538 8 3 110,127 1 8 94,412 11 10 94,556 9 1 102,403 17 4 115,783 1 6 130,911 11 6 128,691 19 8 131,000 19 0 134,472 14 3 141,369 15 7 147,327 4 11 151,329 17 10 183,455 4 3 170,047 6 11 132,980 16 4 191,729 17 8 198,627 IS 9 173,853 10 1 146,290 3 11 A Statement of Dock and Light Duties received from the 25th September, 1836 (from which date the Dock Duties were reduced), to the 24th June, 1837 ; and from the 25th Sept. 1837, to the 24th June, 1833. Year. Duties on Tonnage. Duties on Goods. Lighthouse Duties. Floating Light Duties. Total. 1837 1838 L. s. d. 55,805 11 0 57,1 i!5 6 8 L. s. d. 52,768 12 4 54,329 1 2 L. t. d. 3,995 2 6 4,227 18 1 L. s. d. 1,8.-2 0 8 1,873 0 10 s. d. 114,401 6 6 117,555 6 9 Increase - 1,319 15 8 1,560 8 10 232 15 7 41 0 2 3,154 0 3 Dock Dues. — The following dues are payable, by order of the 6th of September, 1836, upon all vessels entering inwards, or clearing outwards, at the port of Liverpool, for dock rates and harbour lights : — From between the Mull of Galloway and St. David's Head, Isles of Man and Anglesea, the ton - - 0 ei From between the Mull of Galloway and Duncansby Head, Orkney Isles, and islands on the western coast of Scotland ; °f?;?en St. David's Head and the Land's End, the Scilly Islands, and the east coast of Ireland, from Cape Clear to Malhn Head, the ton . . . . • 0 31 506 DOCKS (LIVERPOOL). From the east and southern coast of Great Britain, between Duncan's Bay Head and the Land's End, the islands of Shetland, the west coast of Ireland, from Cape Clear to Mailing Head, including the islands on that coast, the ton ... - . . 0 5i From Europe, north of Cape Finisterre, and westward of the North Cape, and without the Cattegat and Baltic Sea, the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, Sark, the Faro Islcs,^ and Iceland, the ton - - - - - . . - .Qg From within the Cattegat and Baltic, the whole of Sweden, the White Sea, eastward of the North Cape, Europe, south of Cape Finisterre, without the Mediterranean, Newfoundland, Greenland, Davis's Straits, Canaries, Western Islands, Madeira, and Azores, the ton - 10 From the east coast of North America, the West Indies, east coast of South America, north of Rio Plata, the west coast of Africa, and islands north of the Cape of Good Hope, all parts within the Mediterranean, including the Adriatic, the Black Sea, and Archipelago, the islands of St. Helena, Ascension, and Cape de Verd Islands, the ton - - '16 From South America, south of Rio Plata, the Pacific Ocean, Africa and Asia, eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, the ton - - - - - . "23 Note. — Vessels remaining longer than six months in dock, to pay in addition to the above rates, per month . - - - - - - - - 02 All vessels arriving at or clearing from the said port, are to pay the said rates from or for the most distant port or place from or for which they shall trade ; but vessels arriving from any parts in ballast do not pay dockage on entering inwards; and should such vessels proceed to sea again in ballast, then only one half of the dock rates are due, with the whole of the lights ; but taking a cargo outwards subjects such vessels to full dock dues. N. B. — New vessels built in Liverpool are subject only to half the above rates on the first outward clearance. Floating Light, at the Entrance of the River Mersey. — Towards this light, the following rates are payable : — All vessels sailing to or from Liverpool, to any port or place between Duncan's Bay Head and the Land's End, on the west side of Great Britain, and between Mailing Head and Cape Clear on the east side of Ireland, ^d. per ton. All vessels sailing to or from Liverpool, to any port or place between Duncan's Bay Head and the Land's End, on the east and southern coast of Great Britain, and between Mailing Head and Cape Clear on the west coast of Ireland, id. per ton. All vessels sailing to or from Liverpool, to any port or place not being within the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, or the adjacent islands to the northward of the Cape of Good Hope, and the northward of Cape Horn, ^d. per ton. All vessels sailing to and from Liverpool, to any port or place to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, and the westward of Cape Horn, \d. per ton. In the day time, from sunrise to sunset, a blue flag, with the letters N.W. in white, will be hoisted at the main-mast head, and in thick and foggy weather, either by night or day, a bell will be kept constantly ringing, to prevent vessels from running foul of the light-vesseL " Dock Regulations. Extracts from Acts of Parliament. — Any owner, or master, or any person having the command, agency, or consignment of any vessel chargeable with dock duties, refusing to pay the same, is liable to have such vessel or goods seized. Any person throwing any ballast or rubbish from out of any vessel upon any of the quays, &c., shall immediately cart or carry away the same : penalty 40*. Every ship shall, before she comes within any of the piers, take down all her sails : penalty 51. Any person having the charge of any vessel in any of the docks, refusing to remove the same, after 24 hours' notice in writing, shall forfeit 20Z., and pay the expenses of removal by the water bailiff! Any person having the command of any vessel moored in the river, refusing to remove the same, when ordered by the water bailiff, shall forfeit 9,01. The master, or other person having the command of any vessel from which any cannon or gun shall be fired whilst in the port, shall forfeit 10^. Any person making payment of dock duties, who refuses to answer such questions as shall be put to him by the collector, or give a false or untrue answer, shall forfeit 10/. Any master, &c. evading payment of the duties, shall forfeit and pay double the duties evaded; and by 53 Geo. 3. a sum of 20/. in addition thereto. Whenever it shall be necessary, for the purpose of cleaning or repairing the docks, to remove the vessels lying therein, the master, mate, or other person taking the command of such vessel, shall, within 3 days after notice given, remove such ship from such dock, on pain of forfeiting 10/. Any master, &c. refusing to moor and remove the same in docks, according to the direction of the dock master, will forfeit 5/., together with the costs of removal by the dock master. Any master, &c. acting contrary to the direction of the dock master, will forfeit 20/. Any master, &c. entering and giving false information of the draught of water of any ship to any of the dock masters, will forfeit 20/. Any master, &c. bringing the same into the entrance basins, when a signal is hoisted on the pier, at the entrance of such basin, signifying that such dock is full of vessels, will forfeit 20/. Any master, &c. bringing his vessel into any of the docks, contrary to the directions of the dock master, will forfeit 20/. Every master, or other person, damaging any of the dock gates, bridges, piers, quays, &c. is liable to have the ship seized, and sold to compensate for damage done. Any person opening or shutting any of the dock gates, sluices, or clews, is liable to forfeit 100/. ; or opening or shutting any drawbridge, 20/. Any owner, &c. leaving gunpowder, pitch, tar, &c., or combustible matter of any kind, on the quays of the docks, &c., or upon the deck of any vessel lying in any of the docks, for above 48 hours after passing the Custom-house officers, is liable to a penalty of 5s. an hour; on neglecting to watch such goods in the night time, to a penalty of 5/. Any master, or other person, having the command of any ship, suffering any fire, candles, or lamp to be lighted and burning on board : penalty 10/. Any owner, &c., landing, or causing to be landed and laid, any pumps, boats, anchors, cables, lime- stones, &c., or other things whatsoever, upon any of the dock quays, shall within 48 hours wholly remove the same from off such quay, or shall forfeit 5s. per hour above the 48. Any person wilfully cutting, damaging, or destroying any cables, &c. by which any vessel in the river or in any of the docks shall bo fastened : penalty, 50/. Any person damaging or breaking any lamp, &c. set up near the docks : penalty for each lamp, 51. Any master, or other person, having the command of any vessel about which any offence snail have been committed, in relation to any of the docks, &c., is liable to the penalty imposed for such offence. Any owner or master of any ship or vessel giving or ofl'ering a bribe to any officer employed in pur- suance of the dock acts : penalty 20/. Any owner, consignee, or master of any vessel arriving and departing in ballast without payment of dock duties, is liable to a sum equal to double the amount of dock duty which should have been paid, and the master liable to the penalty of 20/. in addition. DOCKS (LIVERPOOL). 507 Every master, &c. wilfully throwing, casting, or putting any earth, etonca, rubbish, &c. out of any Bhii), SiC. into any part of the port : penalty 50/. Any owner, &c. of any vessel laid up for sale, or which shall not be actually employed for two months, not removing the same within 24 hours' notice in writing from the harbour master, or left on board : penalty 5/., and costs of removal. Any person discharging timber in any dock without having obtained the consent in writing of the chairman or deputy chairman of the dock committee, or of some justice of the peace: penalty liU. Any person having consent, not removing the same therefrom within 21 hours, liable to a fine of 5s, an hour. Any person damaging any ship, &c. in any of the docks, &c., or in the river, and refusing to make com- pensation, liable to have his goods, or the tackle of tiie ship, &c. doing the damage, seized. Any justice of the peace for the county of Chester or borough of Liverpool, upon complaint made to them, may summon persons to appear before him, and may fix the amount to be paid to boatmen, and persons finding and taking possession of anchors, &c. in any part of the port of Liverpool, Any person throwing, casting, or emptying any ballast, ashes, &c. out of any ship, &c. into the river Mersey, the Rock or Horse Channel, or Formby Channel, to the eastward of the Floating Light, or from any of the piers into the docks or basins, or into the river Mersey : penalty 10^'. That every vessel laden with a cargo consisting solely of limestones, paving-stones, flintstones, grave, and chalk, shall be charged tonnage rates, as if coming in ballast. Every owner or master, &c. of any vessel arriving at or departing from the said port, shall produce to the collector, upon demand, at the time of making entry, all books, accounts, &c. in relation to such vessel, or which show the weights and quantities of the goods, &c. In case of dispute, such owner, &c. shall produce a statement in wri ting, to be verified by oath, and showing the actual weights and quantities of such goods, &c., or the accuracy of the said books, &c. In case the master, &c. of any vessel from which rubbish, ballast, dirt, or other refuse of any kind shall be landed, shall permit or suffer the same to be so landed, or laid within 3 yards from the margin of any such dock or basin, or of the river Mersey, and shall not cause such rubbish, &c. to be wholly removed from off such quays, &c. within 24 hours after the same shall be so landed or laid : penalty 5/. Any owner, &c. of any boat or vessel, permitting gunpowder, exceeding 10 pounds in weight, to be brought into any of the docks or basins, or any vessel or boat lying therein, without the previous consent in writing of a justice of the peace of the borough of Liverpool : penalty 100/. Tliat upon due proof, on oath, to the satisfaction of any justice of the peace of the borough of Liver- pool, or county of Lancaster, that any dealer in marine stores, within the said borough, or Toxteth Park, shall have been guilty of receiving stolen goods, or purchasing or receiving, &c., every such person shall forfeit 20/, for the first offence, 30/. for the second offence; and after conviction for such second offence, shall not carry on business as such dealer in marine stores within 200 yards from the margin or side of any dock or basin (exclusive of 40 yards prohibited by a former act) on pain of forfeiting the sum of 10/. for every day he, she, or they shall carry on such trade or business. In case any person or persons giving or accepting any bribe to or from any water bailiff, harbour master, &c. give information thereof, he or they shall be excused from the penalty of 20/. imposed by the 51 Geo. 3. for such offence, provided such information be given before any proceeding for punishing the said offence shall have commenced, or any information laid before any justice of the peace against such person in respect of the same. Justices of the peace may, upon complaint made, summon parties and ascertain and award the amount of recompence, for any services rendered by boatmen, &c. to vessels in, the said docks or basins, and, in case of non-payment, may levy the sum so awarded by distress. Bi/-laws. — \. That the master, &c, who shall permit or suffer any pitch or tar, or any other combus- tible matter, to be boiled or heated for the use of such ship or vessel, either on board of such vessel, or within 5 yards of the same, shall forfeit 40s. for every offence. 2. That the master, &c. discharging or loading any cotton or other combustible goods on or from any of the quays, who shall permit or suffer any person or persons to smoke or burn tobacco, shall for each offence forfeit 20s. ; and any other person or persons who shall burn or smoke tobacco, or any other thing, amongst cotton or any other combustible goods, lying; and being on the quays, shall for each offence forfeit the like penalty of 20s. 3. That if the master, &c. shall bring the same into any of the docks, basins, or entrances, with loaded ■cannon or guns, with gunpowder on board, or, when driven in by stress of weather, shall neglect imma diately to discharge the same, or who shall take gunpowder on board, until clear of the docks and pie& heads, shall forfeit 51. 4. That the master, &c. of any vessel, or any other person or persons whomsoever, who shall permit or suffer any rope from such vessel to be.made fast to any chain-post or quay-fender, or any rope, chain, or tackle of any description, to be made fast to any of the pillars of any iron or other shed on any of the quays, or to the roof or any other part of such shed, shall for every offence forfeit 40s. 5. That the master, &c. of any vessel lying within or up to any of the docks, basins, &c.,.who shall suffer any ballast, &c. to be taken on board such vessel, or thrown, discharged, or carried out of the same, without having a canvass nailed to the ship's side, or some other safeguard from falling into any such docks or basins, shall for every offence forfeit the sum of 40s, 6. That the master, &c. of any ship or vessel lying in any of the said docks or basins, or the entrances to the same, who shall suffer any repairs to be done to the outsides of such vessels, without having a canvass or some other safeguard secured from the side of such vessel, and placed or fixed so as to prevent any chips or pieces of wood from falling into the said docks or basins during the whole of such work or repairs, shall for every offence forfeit 40s. 7. That the master, &c. of any vessel lying or being within any of the docks, &c. who shall not cause all ballast, &c. discharged from or to be laden on board of any vessel, to be thrown at least 5 feet from the edge of the quay, or on the outsides of the cart or chain-posts of the said quay, and taken away imme- diately, shall for every offence forfeit 40s, 8. That the master, &c. or other person having the charge or command of every vessel lying within any of the docks or basins, shall have a ship-keeper on deck to attend the vessel every tide, at least 2 hours before the time of high water, and 1 hour after high water, under the penalty of iOs. 9. That the master, &c. of any vessel, when hauling into or out of the docks or basins, &c., shall (except when any such vessel be driven by stress of weather) have the yards a-peak, and the sprit-sail yard fore and aft, and the jib-boom run in, within 3 feet from the cap, if practicable ; and, after any such vessel shall be brought into any dock or basin, shall have the anchors got in on the forecastle or deck, and shall have the steering-sail booms and irons taken off from the yards, and shall have the main or mizen booms, and the stern or quarter davits rigged in, within 24 hours, under the penalty of 40s. 10. That the master or other person having the command of any vessel, who shall, by negligence or Otherwise, leave an anchor in the entrance to any of the docks, or upon the strand of the river, without a buoy, for a longer period than one tide, shall for every offence forfeit 51. 11. That the owner, &c. of any vessel who shall refuse to strike the top-gallant mast* and yards of every such vessel entering any of the repairing or graving docks, shall forfeit 5/. 12. That the owner or driver of any cart, &c., or any other person or persons who shall draw, or cause, or permit, or suffer to be drawn upon or over any of the dock bridges, any anchors, talks, &c, shall for every offence forfeit 40s. 508 DOCKS (LIVERPOOL). Every day, 2 hours before high water, a bell will be rung for 1 minute at each dock, when every ship- keeper is to make his appearance on the deck of his vessel, or incur tlie penalty of 4Cs. All merchants and other owners or agents of ships and vessels trading to the port of Liverpool, will be required to enter the names of such vessels, their draught of water, and the date of their arrival at the port of Liverpool, together witli the name of the dock into which they are intended to be brought, in a book kept for that purpose, in the office of the harbour master in Trentham Street. And all vessels will thereafter be admitted into the said docks or basins in the order only in which they shall be so entered. Liverpool Dock Rates. — The following is a Table of the dock duties that may be charged on goods imported, exported, or brought coastwise into the port of Liverpool ; but the collector or receiver of dock duties is directed, by order of the dock committee of the 6th of September, 1836, to charge only two thirds of the under-mentioned duties ; and all goods imported coastwise into Liverpool from places in the U.K. were, at the same time, exempted from all charge on account of dock duties. The Duties Outwards are for Foreign, British, or Irish Goods, except those marked thus (*) which are for British or Irish Goods only. Basket rods Bass mats Bcist rope Beef or pork Acorns - - • ton (40 bus.) Alabaster - • - ton Ale, beer, and porter - 100 gallons hogshead bottled, the punch, or cask tierce barrel hamper Alkanet root, amber, and aloes. - cwt. Almonds - - - ton Alum, roche - - — Anchor palms - - - — Anchovies, angelica, and annotto cwt. Aniseeds, antimony - - — Apples - - - bushel Aquafortis, and arsenic - cwt. Argol .... ton Arrow root and powder - cwt. Ashes — barilla - ■ ton pearl and pot - - — *.'Vshes — black, soda weed and wood — bleaching - - — common Irish - — Bacon ... - — Bagging - - - piece Ballast of paving and other stones that may be used for making or repairing roads - - - - ton Bark, angustura, eleutheriae, Jesuiu", cascarilla, or Winteranus - cwt. oak, cork tree, birch, and larch, ton quercitron ... — . cwt. . bundle 1,000 . 120 ton hogshead puncheon tierce barrel J barrel and smaller package Beer, spruce - .32 gallons Bees' wax, or bell metal - - cwt. Bellows, smiths' • - each Berries, bay, juniper, yellow - ton Blacking . - - hogshead puncheon or cask tierce barrel smaller package Bladders containing lard, &c. • each Blocks, heel - gross last - - - 1,000 ship - - - 100 Blubber - . - ton Blue - - package Boat* ... each Bobbins - - - cask Bone dust and bones of cattle, and bran, ton Books - - - package Borax or tincal - - - cwt. *Bottle3 . - - crate of green or common glass, not less than pints . gross Boulder stones - . . ton Bowls of wood - - dozen Bows for cattle ... — Brass .... cwt. old ... ton Bread . - - - cwt. bag or sack cwt. bundle 1,000 dozen load (48 bundles) Brown powder ... ton Brush heads and stocks - - bag 1,000 Brushes - - bundle or box cask Buckets of wood - • dozen Bugle - - . - ton Uullion . . package Bricks, bearers, and tiles. Bristles Broom and brush handles Brooms Fo- Coast- reign, wise. 2 0 U 0^ 0 Oi 0 3 0 6 0 1 0 6 0 4 0 4 0 3 0 1 0 3 0 3 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 6 1 5* 2 Oi 0 Oi 0 Oi 0 0 5 1 0 Bullrushes Burr stones load (63 bundles) - 100 cask or firkin J firkin or keg Cables or cordage . . ton Cakes, linseed or rape - - — Calamine, calaminaris lapis • — Cambric ... piece Camphor, canella alba - - cwt. *Candles, and candlewicfc . — package Cane reeds - - - 1,200 Cantharides,caoutchuc, and capers, cwt. Caqjets. See Woollens. Carriages, cars, and carts . each for guns - — handcarts - — Cassia buds ... cwt. fistula and lignea . . _ Cattle, asses and mules, bulls, cows, and oxen .... each calves - - . — horses - - - — lambs, sheep, and swine - — Caviare - - - - ton Cement . . . - — Chalk . - . . _ Charcoal - . . — *Cheese . . . . _ hamper box or other package, not described if loose, cwt. Cheese boards - - - dozen Chesnuts - . . bushel China. See Earthenware. Chirt stones . . ,. ton British or Irish - — Chocolate and cocoa paste - cwt. Cider . . tun (252 gallons) Cinnabar ... cwt. Cinnamon . . . — Citron, preserved - - — Clay, Cambria and pipe . . ton China, stone, and firebrick — *CIocks .... case Cloves, cobalt, cochineal . - cwt. * Coals - (Winchester meas.) chal. ton Cocoa, cofFee, cork - - ton Cocoa nuts .... loo Colouring for porter, &c. . 100 gallons *Combs ... packcige Copper, British or Irish . *box or tub *case *cask ♦tierce ♦barrel *bag or keg ton old . . _ ore . . . — dross and slag m . — Copperas • . . — Coral . ... cwt. Cork - • .ton Corks - ... bag Corn — Barley, here, and big beans, In- dian, peas, or rye - . quarter Meal, barley meal or oat meal, ton Malt, also wheat . quarter Oats - . . _ Wheat flour - - cwt. Cotton seed ... bushel twist, thread, and yam - cwt. waste, also cotton wool 100 lbs. Cottons, manufactured - package Cream of tartar, also currants - ton Crystal ... package Culm ... ton Curiosities, natural or artificial, package Drapery, linen or woollen - piece Uarth, black, brown, red, or yellow, ton fullers' - - . _ Earthenware - crate or other package loiiil Eggs - . . 1,200 Emery stones - i - cat. Fo. Coast reign, *. d. 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 Oi 2 0 1 0 0 6 0 1 0 3 0 2 Oi 0 0| 0 0 3 6 2 6 3 0 Oi 8 1 5 2 2 5 4 3 0 i-il 0 1^ 0 8 0 6 0 2 0 2 0 4 0 2 0 8 0 1 DOCKS (LIVERPOOL). 509 Inwards. 1 Inwards. 1 Articles* Fo- Coast ft Articles. Fo. >a«t \ 9 reign. wise. 1 reign . wise. 1 1 0 s. d. s. d. «. d. I ron — conHnucd, * d. d. Empty bags, baskets, crates, hampers, 1 \: and sacks - - - score 0 2 0 1 0 wire, or wrought • - ton 0 8* barrels . - - — 0 0 10 1 0 4 i barrels and smaller pack- 0 0 2i i4 0' Isinglass - . . cwt. 0 3 0 li 0 2 ' 0 C 0 1 boxes* . each 0 0 Oi 0 0 .5 0,'r ./uice, lemon, time, and orance • tun •^unk - . - ton load 2 G 1 Ivory . . . 0 3 i 0 „ crates • - • each 0 2 0 1 0 1 Kelp - - . "t^n 1 0 u c : 0 f cases, chests, half 'quarter crates, tierces, and trunks - each j. 0 J^ac, ^fum, sticky seed, and shell • cwt. 1* 0 J Y 0', 0 0,< Lampblack, latton black, and larJf ^''ton 1 0 c " 3 Feathers . . - - cwt. 0 3 0 2 0 0 1 0 n ostrich - - 100 lbs. 1 0 0 8 Laths - _ hitiif^iia Q r* 0 ni Felt - - - package 0 2 Lead, and lead ore - - ton 1 0 0 6 0 Kigs ... - ton 2 0 1 0 0 8 black, red, white, and powder _ 2 0 1 0 •0 8 Filtering stones • - each 0 (li 0 1 Leather (tanned) . - . cwt. 0 3 0 r* 0 1 Fish, dry salted ... ton 0 c 0 4 wroueht • . Tiarkacf* Leeches . . . ^^""^^^ 0 0 0 3 herrings, firesh - - 1,200 0 0 li 0 G 0 0 pickled and salted of all descrip- 1 Lemons . . case or chest 0 0 0 1 tions - - - barrel 0 0 0 1 box or other package 0 2 0 1 0 firkin, J barrel, or kit pipe, puncheon, cask hogshead 0 0. 0 Oi 2 Lime - . hogshead 0 6 0 3 J. 0 2' 0 *keg *puncheon or cask 0 Oi 0 OA 0 3 0 3 0 3* tierce 0 0 1 *tierce 0 3 British cured - *hogshead 0 6 Limes . . package 0 3 0 li 1 0 1 *puncheon 0 4 Limestones • - - ton 0 2 0 0 1 *tierce 0 Linen cloth - . package *rags . . crate 1 0 0 6 0 3 *barrel 0 1 0 1 0 Oi 0 0.^ 3 *i brl. and smaller package 0 Oi 0 Flagstones, also freestone - ton o 0 3 0 3 thread yam - - cwt. 0 4 0 2 Flax, rough - ... — 2 " 1 0 0 8 ^'manufactured . package 0 3 Flint, ground or dried - ton stones - - - — 0 0 8 4 0 0 4 2 0 4 2 Liquorice paste, also litharge - ton Maccaroni ... cwt. 2 0 0 C 1 0 0 0 0 8 2 Floor-cloth (containing 1 roll), box, bag. 1 Mace - - 1 0 0 C 0 4 or mat 0 1 0 ^'Machines, bark mills, binnacles, brew- Furniture, household - - load 1 0 0 6 1 OA- ing, coffee fanners, and cooking ap- ♦package 0 3 0 0 0 li paratus - . . each 0 6 0 6 0 6 box. bundle, mat, or *tniss 0 2 copying - 0 6 0 2 0 2 case, chest, or trunk 0 5 corn, also filtering - 0 6 0 G Galangal, galbanum, galls, gamboge, cwt. Gentian root, granella (cochmeal refuse) 0 0 "11 0 1 fire engines - - 0 9 0 y gins, linseed cribbles, malt mills, mangles, packing cwt. 0 0 0 0 1 Gigs - - - - each 0 1 presses, paper moulds, saw- ing, sedans, and sfiower acco Turpentine tons brls. and bags casks brls. and bags do. bags, &c. tons do. do. do. do. barrels brls- and bags pockets number do. do. bxs. & serons chests puncheons casks tons bags & pckts. brls. and bags hogsheads casks bushels bags do. pun. & hhds. bags, &c. quarters bags hhds. and tcs. boxes cases bags and h\9.. bags and brls. barrels do. casks serons 6,580 9,780 3,080 8,040 5,170 9,930 839,285 11,770 10,460 3,460 520 1,500 21,020 2,070 10,020 469,400 203,2(X) 36,100] 1,460 2,040 18,850 7,400 10,860 19,550 1,910 930 900 83,040 8,00 61,310 10,880 64,660 18,210 46,600 51,360 2,180 133,fW0 12,970 19,1, SO 41,700 24 ,,030 3201 9,800 87,970 13,900 11,900 1,550 7,500 5,900 8,800 968,279 8,500 8,900 4,650 450 2,200 3,800 2,350 15,100 323,500 396,000 72,000 920 1,380 12,800 2..100 9,000 14,300 3,800 1," " 450 99,200 1,100 6,300 12,160! 04,900 25,900 53,(JO0 55,050 680' 3,900' 113,000 16, 000 1 16,200 41,200; 25,600 1 ,060 ' 9,200 58,200 17,500 H,l 6,500 7,600 5,000 6,900 1,022,871 3,700 6,900 3,700 350 1,000 2,800 2,000 28,000 264,600 364,000 28,200 990 2,050 12,700 7,800 10,8001 29,700| 4,200; 1,760 440! 113,700 none 24,100 12,l.'-)0 63,800 34, .500 54,000 56,500 none 5,.')00 102,.'i(M) 14,100 19,000 17,5001 21,900 100 9,793 104,000, 14,800 14,500 5.500 5,500 5,000 16,700 ,034,000 3,100 9.000 1,750 550 1. 440 2,450 22,100 295,000 275,000 39,000 2,700 760 11,250 6,500 8,300 23,400 3,350 1,590 160 203,400 none 102,800 11,030 72,500 .39„000 33,400 47,800 840 2,300 143,000 42,000 12,000 19,800 18,400 1 ,300 6,100 104,300 15,700 16,900 2,300 8,100 6,800 8.420 1,330,430 3,150 250 640 16,200 2,000 28,000 350,000 171,000 62,000 1,810 1,330 10,100 8,000 9,000 13,000 1,160 1,600 26 109,006 none 66,000 9,100 66,700 23,000 es.too -! ',000 620 3,820 155,700 26,200! 12,000 4 4,. 070^ 24,000 400 s.iool 122,000! f pot. 2,150 Iprl. 2,100 2,500 1,950 145,,300 4,200 3,800 1,850 200 1,100 163,500 bags 2,300 211,700 27,000 9,100 140 250 7,4.'-.0 s 1,500 5,000 6,000 6,650 650 none 17, .300 1 1 ,090 22,150 5,000 8,440 9,550 1,500 550 21,800 15,500 5(X) 10,600 5,500 3,500 1,000 2,900 620 184,700 *,400t 3,100 3,500 100 7.0O 100,000 4 91,000 100,000 30,000 170 320 5,000 500 2,200 9,500 4,200 900 none uncert 36,000 9,550 20,800 5,000 10,000 12,600 none 350 22,000 3,000 none 3 5,000 8,500 8,,300 13,000 204,590 3,200 2,300 4,800 100 950 69,000 f 600] I 7,000 71,OOo| 60,11001 11,000 800 400 1,800 1,100 1,200 25,350 6,200 700 none 6,000 8,800 35,000 2,200 6,500 1 7,000 "l,900 44,000 12,(X)0 1,200 6,000 1 3,500 10,2631 25,000! 170,820 248,340 1 ,700| 250 1,500 30O 4,900 4,000 200 50 1,700 1,000 52,000^ 20,000 1,500! 2,700 tons 300; tons 450 20,000 24,000' 6,000 100 250 300 1,300 1,800, 27,.3(X) 8,000| 450 none | uncert. I none 30,000 6,200! 37,000! 1,000 5,500 ' 7,800; 550 1,000 47,000 19,.60O .300' 4,(X)0 2,000 6,0,'-)0 24,000. 44,420 21,400 3,800 40 350 2,500 1,0,00 2,000 29,000 6,000 250 none uncert, none 12,000 5,460 28,000 l,,0OO 12,000 14,000 none 1,.300 32,500 13,500 2,500 16,500 3,000 5,280 50,000 DOCKS (BRISTOL). 513 Arrivals at Liverpool. — Account of the Number of Vessels, and their Tonnage, that have entered the Port of Liverpool from Foreign Ports, distinguishing Kritisli from Foreign, since 1820. Years. 1820 1821 1822 1823 18Sa 1825 1826 smpt. 1,146 1,188 1,263 1,459 1,554 1,531 1,387 Tons. 228,233 242,322 261,137 296,710 327,198 815,115 299,037 Ships, 633 582 699 798 702 863 680 166,821 14!),15L 174,607 199,866 174,593 222,187 181,907 Years. 1827 1828 1829 \><30 1831 1832 Ship*. 1,422 1,652 1,487 1,655 1,862 1,719 Torts. 306,369 344,644 326,311 .'J68,268 413,928 397,933 Foreign. Ships. 810 660 811 1,055 978 231 ,863 179,514 210,713 272,46.3 265,037 227,087 The falling off in 1832 is ascribable partly to the cholera then prevailing; but more to the rupture with the Dutch towards the end of the year. Irish Trade. — The trade between Liverpool and Ireland has always been of con- siderable value and importance ; but since the establishment of regular steam-packets to Dublin, Belfast, &c., it has increased prodigiously. The imports from Ireland into Liverpool may, at present, be estimated at about 4.500,000Z. a year. They consist prin- cipally of articles of provision, which meet a ready and advantageous market in Man- chester, and the surrounding manufacturing towns. The benefits resulting to Ireland from this intercourse are quite equal to those it confers on England ; and the influence of the wealth arising from .it is sufficiently apparent in the improved^ aspect of all tl)e eastern parts of the country. We subjoin an account, which, though not official, may be depended upon as being sufficiently accurate for all practical purposes, of The Quantity and Value of the various Articles of Irish raw Produce imported into Liverpool in 1831. Quantities. Av.jPri Amount. Quantities. Amount. Cows Horses - Sheep Mules Pigs Calves Lambs Bacon Pork Do. Hams and tongues Beef Do. - - Lard Do. - - Butter - 90,715 296 134,702 243 156,001 1,196 25,725 13,099 bales 14,554 brls. 936 i brls. 590 hhds. 6,391 tcs. 1,189 brls. 465 tcs. 4,542 firks. 5,754 cools £ s. 10 0 20 0 1 5 15 0 3 15 2 10 1 0 5 0 3 0 1 15 20 0 4 5 3 0 8 0 1 10 2 0 £ s. 907,150 0 5,920 0 235,833 10 3,645 0 585,003 15 2,990 0 25,725 0 65,494 0 43,662 0 1,638 0 11,800 0 27,171 15 3,567 4 3,720 0 6,813 0 11,508 0 Butter Do. - Eggs Wheat Oats Barley Rye Beans Peas Malt Meal Flour 258,087 firks. 19,217 i firks. 2,596 crates 277,060 qrs. 380,679 — 21,328 — 613 — 8,452 _ 1,724 — 6,850 — 149,816 loads 23,154 sacks £ s. 2 10 1 5 20 0 3 0 1 12 1 15 1 10, 2 0 2 4 2 10 1 5 2 5 Thus making the gross value of Irish pvoduce imported into Liverpool in 1831 je s. 645,217 10 24,021 5 50,120 0 m,m 0 532,950 12 37,324 0 919 10 16,904 0 3,448 0 17,125 0 187,270 6 209,596 10 4.497,708 0 Account of the Quantities of Salted Beef, Pork, and Butter, imported into Liverpool from Ireland during tlie Twelve Years ending with 1832. Year. 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 mo 1831 Tierces. 6,283 5,387 9,936 7,114 7,371 5,358 6,201 6,852 5,170 7,105 6,391 6,887 Barrels. 2,444 2,713 2,137 1,743 1,696 773 997 1,538 1,536 828 1,189 1,173 Barrels. 25,263 13,222 17,408 16,389 14,434, 11,351 15,540 9,978 14,453 I9,3ii0 14,554 11,919 Half Barrels. 3,096 1,423 1,498 1,650 1,606 844 2,427 1,169 1,494 2,458 936 1,297 Firkins. 232,048 166,365 270,521 296,564 327,143 236,647 302,945 536,603 286,740 256,.'>85 258,087 292,292 Half Firhim. 13,585 14,629 19,265 15,684 13,711 12,257 20,249 21,402 15,808 17,670 19,217 15,866 III. Bristol Docks, Shipping, etc. The Bristol Docks were formed in pursuance of the act 43 Geo. 3. c. 142., by changing the course of the rivers Avon and Frome, and placing gates or locks at each extremity of the old channel. The accommodation thus obtained is very extensive. The warehouses at Bristol, as at Liverpool, are not in any way connected with the docks : they all belong to private individuals. Bristol, as a port, used to be inferior only to London ; but now she ranks far below Liverpool, and probably is second to Hull. However, she still enjoys a very extensive trade, particularly with the West Indies and Ireland. The custom duties collected in Bristol amounted, in 1831, to 1,161,976/. In 1832, there belonged to the port 296 registered vessels, of the burden of 46,567 tons. 2 L 514 DOCKS (HULL). The produce of the dock duties on tonnage and goods, since 1820, has been as follows ; — Veai-s.. Tonnage Rates. Rates on Goods. Years. Tonnage Rates. Rates on Goods. 1321 lS-22 1823 1824 1825 £ S. d. 10,469 19 6 10,530 11 2 10,747 19 2 12,395 6 4 13,424 4 10 £ s. d. IfiSl 7 6 8,062 5 3 7,746 7 7 7,990 7 2 9,409 11 0 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 £ s. d. 14,863 10 0 13,934 1 8 15,292 0 2 15,833 4 6 15,998 12 8 £ S. d. 9,438 14 3 7,773 12 0 8,396 16 2 8,871 13 0 8,087 1 0 The charges on ships entering Bristol are very heavy. They are as follow : — For every vessel on entering into the port of Bristol, except barges or other vessels passing or going to or from the Bath River Navigation, or Kennet and Avon Canal, or re-shipping or discharging their cargoes to be again laden, and pass or go up the said navigation or canal, but not discharging any part of their cargoes at the quays of Bristol for sale, the several rates or duties, according to the register tonnage of such vessels following, viz. : — Per Ton. £ s. d. First Class. — For every vessel trading from Africa, Honduras, Surinam, and other ports in South America, the United States of America, the East and West Indies, all the ports within the Straits of Gibraltar, and the Southern Whale Fishery - - . - -030 Second Class. — For every vessel trading from the British Colonies, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, Spain without the Straits, and Sweden - - - - - -020 T/iird Class. — For every vessel trading from Flanders, France without the Straits, Germany, Guernsey, Holland, Jersey, Norway, Poland, and Zealand - - - - - 0 1 0 Fourth Class. — For every vessel trading from Ireland, the Isle of Man, and Scotland - - 0 0 8 Ffft/t Class. — For every vessel employed as a coaster, except as aforesaid, not including vessels from Cardiff, Newport, and other ports to the eastward of the Holmes, at each entering into the said port - - - - - - - - -006 For vessels from Cardiff, Newport, and other ports to the eastward of the Holmes (except as aforesaid), being market boats or vessels, having one third part at least of the lading consist- ing of coal, scruff, tin, iron, tin plates, grain, copper, bricks, stones, coal, tar, slate, bark, timber, or wooii, and not exceeding 75 tons burden, each voyage - - . -050 . if exceeding 75 tons burden, each voyage - - - . -076 For all other vessels from Cardiff, Newport, and other ports to the eastward of the Holmes (except as aforesaid;, if under 40 tons burden, each voyage » - - - 0 7 6 if of 40 tons and under 75 tons burden, each voyage - - . - 0 12 6 if 75 tons and under 100 tons burden, each voyage - - - - -0 16 0 I if 100 tons burden or upwards, each voyage - - - - -110 The following is an estimate of the various expenses incurred by a "West India ship of 500 tons, entering and discharging at Bristol : — Inwards. — Anchorage, moorage, and lights, about 6c;. per ton. — Dock dues, 3s. per do. Pilotage, to 25/. — Warner, 1/. \s. — Mayor and quay wardens' fees, 2Z. 5s. — Cranage about 30/. — Labour dis- charging, 30/. to 40/. — Coopers' charges, from 50/. to 100/. The two last items depend greatly on the condition the cargo is in. Outwards. — Lights, about M. per ton. — Pilotage, 15/. to 20/. Account of the Number of Ships and their Tonnage, distinguishing between British and Foreign, which have entered inwards at Bristol since 1820. Years. Ships. 1820 311 1821 26fi 1822 291 1823 305 1824 338 1825 359 1826 334 Tons. 53,919 46,811 53,808 57,186 65,878 73,709 65,087 Foreign. 52 56 39 64 68 Tons. 5,652 7,350 8,165 7,121 10,177 11,323 6,931 Years. 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 Ships. Tons. Ships. 412 75,916 72 357 66,558 61 371 73,129 63 357 66,479 50 404 76,807 97 240 46,871 29 Foreign. IV. Hull Docks, Shipping, etc. There are three considerable docks in Hull ; occupying, inclusive of their basins, an area of 26 acres. They are capable of affording accommodation for about 312 ships of the average size of those that frequent the port. Hull is the next port in the empire, after Bristol, or perhaps Liverpool ; for, although the customs duty collected in Hull be inferior to that of Bristol, it having amounted, in 18.31, to only 689,1 16?., she has a larger amount of shipping. In 1832, there belonged to this port 557 registered vessels, of the aggregate burden of 68,892 tons. The produce of the Hull dock duties, since 1824, has been as follows : Years. Amount. Years. Amount. Years, Amount. ill £ S. d. 18,776 6 3 25,8fil 16 0 19,089 16 0 1^27 1828 1829 £ s. d. 22,381 9 9 i 18,546 18 5 19,609 5 4 1830 1831 1832 .£ S. a 18,.'344 19 4 22,386 18 5 16,797 9 2 The decline in the last year was owing to the temporary falling off in the trade of the port, occasioned by the cholera, and the interruption of the intercourse with Holland. The regulations to l^e observed by ships using tlie Hull Docks are similar to those in the Tliames ; but the dues on most articles are higher. DOCKS (GOOLE — LEITH). 515 The dock and harbour dues on ships arc as follow : — I'er Ton *. (I. From within tlie Baltic - - - - - - - - -la Denmark, Sweden, Norway below Elsinore, or any place in Germany, Holland, Flanders, France, to the eastward of Ushant, Ireland, Guernsey, and Jersey - - - - 0 10 Westward of Ushant, without the Straits of Gibraltar - - - - - 1 3 West Indies, North and South America, Africa, Greenland, eastward of the north cape of Norway, within the Straits of Gibraltar - . - . - - -19 Number of Vessels, with the Amount of their Tonnage, entering ii. >ards from Foreign Parts, at the Port of Hull, each Year from 1820, separating British from Foreign. — (Par/. Paper, No. 656. Sess. I8ci3.) Years. British. Foieign Years. British. Foreign. Ships. Tons. ships. Tints. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons. 1820 627 117,434 15,111 1827 982 191,364 Y2,:m 1821 578 113,133 106 13,820 1828 881 156,925 674 60,082 1822 672 134,999 103 14,011 1829- 883 165,791 603 58,854 1823 778 153,313 203 26,103 1830 897 163,657 556 51,015 1824 776 142,615 510 58,603 1831 974 187,361 725 73,547 1825 1,171 227,363 1,000 100,773 1832 762 140,788 454 43,481 1826 717 130,674 854 70,137 The port of Goole has latterly drawn off some portion of the trade of Hull. A large proportion of the foreign vessels frequenting the port are of small burden, and are engaged in the importation of bones, rags, rapeseed, &c. V. GooLE Docks, Shipping, etc. The port of Goole, situated on the Ouse, a little above its junction with the Humber, about 22 miles more inland than Hull, promises to prove a formidable rival to the latter. Ten or 12 years ago, Goole was but an insignificant hamlet. It communicates by means of canals with Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds, Wakefield, &c. Though so remote from the sea, vessels drawing 15 or 16 feet of water reach Goole in safety. It has 2 wet docks and a basin. The first, or ship dock, is 800 feet long by 200 in breadth. The second, or barge dock, is 900 feet long by 150 wide, and is intended for the accommodation of the small craft which ply upon the canals and rivers. The warehouses at Goole are extensive and convenient ; and it has been admitted to the privileges of a bonding port. There belonged to it, in 1832, 1 1 9 registered ships, of the burden of 8,545 tons. VI. Leith Docks, Shipping, etc. Leith has 2 wet docks, constructed in the very best manner, containing more than 10 acres of water room, and capable of accommodating 150 such ships as frequent the port. There are also 3 dry docks contiguous to the wet docks. The total expense of these docks seems to have amounted to 285,1087. sterling. Ex- tensive improvements are at present going foward at the harbour of Leith ; but the money for this purpose has not been furnished by individuals, but by government, and there is much reason to doubt whether the expenditure Avili be profitable. The customs, duty collected at Leith in 1831 amounted to 431,821Z. ; the number of registered vessels belonging to the port is 246, and their burden 25,629 tons. Dock Rates at Leith are as follow : — Per Ton. s. d. For every ship or vessel, from any port between Buchanness and Eyemouth, including the great canal and the river Clyde, as far down as Greenock, coming by the canal - . -04 I from any other port in great Britain and Ireland - . - - - 0 8 from Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Holstein, Hamburgh, Bremen, Holland, and Flanders, that is, without the Baltic, and no further south than Dunkirk - - - - 0 10| ■ from the Baltic, all above the Sound, Onega, Archangel, Jersej' or Guernsey, Portugal, France, and Spain, without the Straits of Gibraltar, Newfoundland, Madeira, or Western Islands' 1 1 J from within the Straits of Gibraltar, or from America - - - - 1 4 from the West Indies, Asia, Africa, or the Cape de Verd Islands - - -18 . from Greenland, or Davis's Straits - - - - _ -20 But if such ship or vessel shall make a second voyage, she shall be credited in the charge for such second voyage - - - - - - -04 For all ships and vessels (excepting those from Greenland or Davis's Straits) remaining in the dock above 3 calendar months, for each after-month, or any part thereof - - _ o 2| For all foreign vessels from any of the before-mentioned ports or places, the aforesaid respective rates, and one half more. For all loaded vessels not breaking bulk, and for all vessels in ballast which do not take in goods, coming into the present harbour, provided they do not make use of any of the docks, nor remain in the harbour above 4 weeks, one half of the aforesaid rates or duties. For every ship or vessel going from the port of Leith to any other port in the Frith of Forth, to take in a part of a cargo, and return to Leith, upon her return - - . - 0 2 No ship or vessel shall be subjected in payment of the aforesaid rates and duties for more than 8 voyages in any 1 year. s. d. Flag, or Light Dues. — Every vessel, of whatever burden, from foreign ports - . - 2 6 of 40 tons burden and upwards, to pay for each coasting voyage - 2 6 Beacon and anchorage, per ton - - - _ . - -0 1J This duty is only charged upon four fifths of the register tonnage. 2 L 2 516 DOG. — DRAWBACK. DOG (Fi*. Chien ; Ger. Hund ; It. Cane; Lat. Canis familiaris'). Of this quadru- ped, emphatically styled " the friend and companion of man," there is a vast variety of species. But to attempt to give any description of an animal so well known, would be quite out ' «f place in a work of this kind ; and we mention it for the purpose principally of laying the following account before our readers, with a remark or two with respect to Asiatic dogs. An Account of the Number of Dogs entered, and for which Duty was paid in Great Britain, in the Year 1830 ; distinguishing the Number of Packs of Hovinds, and the Number of each Description of Dog, the Rate of Duty on each, and the aggregate Amount paid. Description of Dogs. Rates of Duty. Total Number. Amount of Duty. Greyhounds ... . - Poiiuirs, hounds, setting dogs, spaniels, terriers, lurchers, or any other dogs, where persons keep two or more dogs . - - - Other dogs ; persons keeping one only Total, exclusive of packs of hounds Packs of hounds .... £ s. d. 1 0 0 0 14 0 0 8 0 36 0 0 18,192 113,307 219,013 £ S. d. 18,192 0 0 79,314 18 0 87,605 4 0 350,312 185,112 2 0 68 2,418 0 0 " Many dogs are exempted, either as belonging to poor persons, or as sheep dogs on small farms. " From the number of persons compounding for their taxes, it is impossible to ascertain the number of dogs kept ; the account is, therefore, made out of the number assessed." Cuvier, the great French naturalist, says, " The dog is the most complete, the most remarkable, and the most useful conquest ever made by man : every species has become our property ; each individual is altogether devoted to his master, assumes his manners, knows and defends his goods, and remains attached to him until death ; and all this proceeds neither from want nor Qonstraint, but solely from true gratitude and real friendship. The swiftness, the strength, and the scent of the dog have created for man a powerful ally against other animals, and were, perhaps, necessary to the establishment of society. He is the only animal which has followed man through every region of the earth." It is singular, however, that neither Cuvier, nor any one of those by whom his statements have been copied, should have mentioned that this account is applicable only to Europe. All Mohammedan nations regard the dog as impure, and will not touch it without an ablution. The same is also the case with the Hindoos. From the Hellespont to the confines of Cochin-China, dogs are unappropriated, and have no master. They prowl about the towns and villages ; and though they are naturally more familiar, they are in no respect more domesticated, than the carrion crows, kites, vultures, &c. which assist them in performing the functions of scavengers. In China and Cochin-China, the dog is eaten as food ; its flesh being, with the exception of that of the hog, the most common in their markets. The unnecessary multiplication of dogs, particularly in large cities, is a very great nuisance : coming, as they often do, into the ppssession of those who are without the means of providing for them, they are frequently left to wander about in the streets ; and from ill usage, want of food and of proper attention, are apt, during hot weather, to become rabid. In several districts of the metropolis the nuisance has attained to a formidable height ; and it is singular, considering the nimierous fatal occurrences that have taken place, that no effort should have been made to have it abated. It has grown to its present excess, partly from too many exemptions being granted from the duty, and partly from a want of care in its collection ; but besides lessening the number of the former, and more rigidly enforcing the latter, it would be proper to enact that all dogs found wandering in the streets without masters should be destroyed. DOWN (Ger. Dunen, Flaumfedern ; Du. Dons ; Fr. Duvet; It. Penna viatta, Piumini ; Sp. Flojel, Plumazo ; Rus. Puch ; Lat. Plumce), the fine feathers from the breasts of several birds, particularly those of the duck kind. That of the eider duck is the most valuable. These birds pluck it from their breasts and line their nests with it. Mr. Pennant says that it is so very elastic, that a quantity of it weighing only | of an ounce, fills a larger space than the crown of the greatest hat. That found in the nest is most valued, and termed live down ; it is much more elastic than that plucked from the dead bird, which is comparatively little esteemed. The eider duck is found on the western islands of Scotland, but the down is principally imported from Norway and Iceland. DRAGONS' BLOOD. See Balsam. DRAWBACK, a term used in commerce to signify the remitting or paying back of the duties previously paid on a commodity on its being exported. A drawback is a device resorted to for enabling a commodity affected by taxes to be exported and sold in the foreign market on the same terms as if it had not been taxed at all. It diflfers in this from a bounty, — that the latter enables a commodity to be sold DUBBER. — EARNEST. 517 abroad for less than its natural cost, whereas a drawback enables it to be sold exactly at its natural cost. Drawbacks, as Dr. Smith lias observed, *' do not occasion tlie export- ation of" a greater quantity of goods than would have been exported had no duty been imposed. They do not tend to turn towards any particular employment a greater share of the capital of the country than would go to that employment of its own accord, but only to hinder the duty from driving away any part of that share to other employments. They tend not to overturn that balance which naturally establishes itself among all the various employments of the society ; but to hinder it i'rom being over- turned by the duty. They tend not to destroy, but to preserve, what it is in most cases advantageous to preserve — the natural division and distribution of labour in the society." — (Vol. ii. p. 352.) Were it not for the system of drawbacks, it would be impossible, unless when a country enjoyed some very peculiar facilities of production, to export any commodity that was heavier taxed at home than abroad. But the drawback obviates this difficulty, and enables merchants to export commodities loaded at home witi^i heavy duties, and to sell them in the foreign market on the same terms as those fetched from countries where they are not taxed. Most foreign articles imported into this country may be warehoused for subsequent exportation. In this case they pay no duties on being imported : and, of course, get no drawback on their subsequent exportation. Sometimes a drawback exceeds the duty or duties laid on the article ; and in such cases the excess forms a real bounty of that amount, and should be so considered. It is enacted by the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 52., that no drawback or bounty shall be allowed upon the ex- portation from the United Kingdom of any goods, unless such goods shall have been entered in the name of the person who was the real owner thereof at the time of entry and shipping, or of the person who had actually purchased and shipped the same, in his own name and at his own liability and risk, on com- mission, according to the practice of merchants, and who was and shall have continued to be entitled in his own right to such drawback or bounty, except in the cases herein-after provided (or. — ^ 86. No drawback shall be allowed upon the exportation of any goods, unless such goods be shipped within 3 years after the payment of the duties inwards thereon. And no debenture for any drawback or bounty upon the exportation of any goods, shall be paid after the expiration of 2 years from the shipment of such goods ; and no drawback shall be allowed upon any goods which, by reason of damage oi decay, shall have become of less value for home use than the amount of such drawback ; and all goods so damaged which shall be cleared for drawback shall be forfeited ; and the person who caused such goods to be so cleared shall forfeit 200/., or treble the amount of the drawback, at the option of the commissioners of customs. — ^90. No drawback or bounty shall be allowed upon goods exported and cleared as being press-packed, unless • the quantities and qualities of the same be verified by outh of the master packer thereof, or, in case of his unavoidable absence, by oath of his foreman. — § 93. No goods cleared for drawback or bounty, or from any warehouses, shall be carried to be put on board ship for exportation, excei)t by a person authorised for that purpose by licence of the commissioners of customs. — § 94. — (See Importation and Exportation.) DUBBER, a leathern vessel, bottle, or jar, used in India to hold oil, ghee, &c. Barrels, as already observed — (see Barrels), — are entirely a European invention. Liquids, in Eastern countries, are for the most part packed for exportation in leathern vessels. Dubbers are made of thin untanned goat skins ; and are of all sizes, from a quart up to nearly a barrel. DUNNAGE, in commercial navigation, loose wood, consisting of pieces of timber, boughs of trees, faggots, &c., laid in the bottom and against the sides of the ship's hold either, 1st, by raising the cargo when she is loaded with heavy goods, to prevent her from becoming too stiff — (see Ballast) ; or, 2d, to prevent the cargo, should it be susceptible of damage by water, from being injured in the event of her becoming leaky. A ship is not reckoned seaworthy unless she be provided with proper and sufficient dunnage. — (Falconer's Marine Dictionarij ; Abbott (Lord Tenterden) on the Law of Ship- ping, part iii. c. 3.) E. EARNEST, in commercial law, is the sum advanced by the buyer of goods in order to bind the seller to the terms of the agreement. It is enacted by the 17th section of the famous Statute of Frauds, 29 Cha. II. c. 3., that " no contract for the sale of any goods, wares, and merchandises, for the prices of \0l. sterling or upward.s, shall be allowed to be good, except the buyer shall accept part of the goods so sold, and actually receive the same, or give something in earnest to bind the bargain, or in part payment, or that some note or memorandum in writing of the said bargain be made and signed by the parties to be charged by such contract, or their agents thereunto lawfully au- thorised." As to what amounts to sufficient earnest, Blackstone lays it down, that « if .my part of the price is paid down, if it is but a penny, or any portion of the goods is delivered 2 L 3 518 EARTHENWARE. by way of earnest, it is binding." To constitute earnest, the thing must be given as a token of ratification of the contract, and it should be expressly stated so by the giver. — . (^Chittifs Commercial Law, vol. iii. p. 289. ) EARTHENWARE (Ger. Irdene Waaren ; Du. Aardegoed; Fr. Faisselle de terre, Poterie It. Stoviglie, 2\rraglia ; Sp. Loza de harro ; Rus. Gorschetschnue possodii Pol. Gliniance naczynia), or crockery, as it is sometimes termed, comprises every sort of household utensil made of clay hardened in the fire. Its manufacture is, in England, of very considerable importance ; and the improvements that have been made in it since the middle of last century have contributed powerfully to its extension, and have added greatly to the comfort and convenience of all classes. " There is scarcely," it has been well observed, " any manufacture which is so inter- esting to contemplate in its gradual improvement and extension as that of earthenware, presenting, as it does, so beautiful a union of science and art, in furnishing us with the comforts and ornaments of civilised life. Chemistry administers her part, by investi- gating the several species of earths, and ascertaining as well their most appropriate com- binations, as the respective degrees of heat which the several compositions require. Art has studied the designs of antiquity, and produced from them vessels even more exquisite in form than the models by which they have been suggested. The ware has been pro- vided in such gradations of quality as to suit every station from the highest to the lowest. It is to be seen in every country, and almost in every house, through the whole extent of America, in many parts of Asia, and in most of the countries of Europe. At home it has superseded the less cleanly vessels of pewter and of wood, and, by its cheapness, has been brought within the means of our poorest housekeepers. Formed from sub- stances originally of no value, the fabrication has induced labour of such various classes, and created skill of such various degrees, that nearly the whole value of the annual produce may be considered as an addition made to the mass of national wealth. Tlie abundance of the ware exhibited in every dwelling-house is sufficient evidence of the vast augmentation of the manufacture, which is also demonstrated by the rapid increase of the population in the districts where the potteries have been established." — (^Quarterly Review. ) For the great and rapid extension of the manufacture we are chiefly indebted to the late Mr. Josiah Wedgwood ; whose original and inventive genius enabled him to make many most important discoveries in the art ; and who was equally successful in bringing his inventions into use. The principal seat of the manufacture is in Staffordshire, where « there is a district denominated the Potteries, comprising a number of villages, and a population which is supposed to amount, at this moment, to above 60,000, by far the greater proportion of which is engaged in the manufacture. There are no authentic accounts of the population of this district in 1760, when Mr. Wedgwood began his discoveries ; but the general opinion is, that it did not at that time exceed 20,000. The village of Etruria, in the Potteries, was built by Mr. Wedgwood. The manufacture has been carried on at Burslem, in the same district, for several centuries. The canals by which Staffordshire is intersected, have done much to accelerate the progress of the manufacture. Pipe-clay from Dorsetshire and Devonshire, and flints from Kent, are conveyed by water carriage to the places where the clay and coal abound ; and the finished goods are conveyed by the same means to the great shipping ports, whence they are distributed over most parts of the globe. It is estimated that the value of the various sorts of earthenware produced at the Potteries may amount to about 1,500,000Z. a year; and that the earthenware produced at Worcester, Derby, and other parts of the country, may amount to about 750,OO0Z. more ; making the whole value of the manufacture 2,250,000/. a year. The consumption of gold at the Potteries is about 650/. a week, and of coal about 8,000 tons a week. The earthenware manufacture has increased considerably since 1814, but it is not possible to state the exact ratio. It has been estimated at | for the porcelain, § for the best earthenware, and at 5- or 1 for the common or cream-colovired ware. The prices of the different sorts of earthenware are said to have fallen 20 per cent, during the last 15 years. Wages have not fallen in the same proportion ; but we are assured that a workman can, at the present day, produce about four times the quantity he did in 1790. (This article has been prepared from information obtained at the Potteries, obligingly com- municated by James Loch, Esq. M. P.) The real value of the earthenware exported from Great Britain to foreign countries, during the 6 years ending with 1832, according to the declarations of the exporters, was as follows : — £ s. d. £ s. d. 1827 - - 437,812 17 8 1830 - . . 439,5fi6 19 2 1828 - - - 499,743 6 6 1831 - - 458,965 11 11 18'i9 - - 461,710 5 7 1832 - - - 489,980 17 7 The foreign demand for earthenware has increased considerably since 1815. The exports to South America, Cuba, and other ci-devant Spanish colonies, have been largely EAST INDIA COMPANY. 519 increased. But, notwithstanding this increase, the United States continues to be by far the berit market for British earthenware. Of the entire value exported in 1831, 'amount- ing to 458,905/., the exports to the United States amounted to no less than 255,1591. The markets next in importance are Brazil, the British North American and West Indian colonies, Cuba, Germany, the Netherlands, &c. We have been assured that it is necessary to add 5" to the declared value of the exports, to get their true value. EAST INDIA COMPANY, a famous association, originally established for pro- secuting the trade beween England and India, which tliey acquired a right to carry on exclusively. Since the middle of last century, however, the Company's political have become of more importance than their commercial concerns. East Indies, a popular geographical term not very well defined, but generally understood to signify the continents and islands to the east and south of the river Indus, as far as the borders of China, including Timor and the Moluccas, but excluding the Philippine Islands, New Guinea, and New Holland. China and the Philippine Islands were, however, included within the limits of the East India Company's peculiar privileges. I. East India Companv (Historical Sketch of). II. East India Company (Constitution of). III. East Indies (State of Society in, growing Demand for English Goods, Trade, Colonisation, etc.). IV. East Indies (Extent, Population, Military Force, Revenue, etc. of British). I. East India Company (Historical Sketch of). The persevering efforts of the Portuguese to discover a route to India, by sailing round Africa, were crowned with success in 1497. And it may appear singular, that, notwithstanding the exaggerated accounts that had been prevalent in Europe, from the remotest antiquity, with respect to the wealth of India, and the importance to which the commerce with it had raised the Phoenicians and Egyptians In antiquity, the Ve- netians in the middle ages, and which it was then seen to confer on the Portuguese, the latter should have been allowed to monopolise it for nearly a century after it had been turned into a channel accessible to every nation. But the prejudices by which the people of most European states were actuated in tlie sixteenth century, and the pe- culiar circumstances under which they were placed, hindered them from embarking with that alacrity and ardour that might have been expected in this new comraercial career. Soon after the Portuguese began to prosecute their discoveries along the coast of Africa, they applied to the pope for a bull, securing to them the exclusive right to and possession of all countries occupied by infidels, they either had discovered, or might discover, to the south of Cape Non, on the west coast of Africa, in 27° 54' north latitude : and the pontiff, desirous to display, and at the same time to extend, his power, immediately issued a bull to this effect. Nor, preposterous as a proceeding of this sort would now appear, did any one then doubt that the pope had a right to issue such a bull, and that all states and empires were bound to obey it. In consequence, the Portuguese were, for a lengthened period, allowed to prosecute their conquests in India without the interference of any other European power. And it was not till a considerable period after the beginning of the war, which the blind and brutal bigotry of Philip II. kindled in the Low Countries, that the Dutch navigators began to display their flag on the Eastern Ocean, and laid the foundations of their Indian empire. The desire to comply with the injunctions in the pope's bull, and to avoid coming into collision, first with the Portuguese, and subsequently with the Spaniards, who had conquered Portugal in 1580, seems to have been the principal cause that led the English to make repeated attempts, in the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI., and the early part of the reign of Elizabeth, to discover a route to India by a north-west or north-east passage ; channels from which the Portuguese would have had no pretence for excluding them. But these attempts having proved unsuccessful, and the pope's bull having ceased to be of any effect in this country, the English merchants and navi- gators resolved to be no longer deterred by the imaginary rights of the Portuguese from directly entering upon what was then reckoned by far the most lucrative and advan- tageous branch of commerce. Captain Stephens, who performed the voyage in 1582, was the first Englishman who sailed to India by the Cape of Good Hope. The voyage of the famous Sir Francis Drake contributed greatly to diffuse a spirit of naval enter- prise, and to render the English better acquainted with the newly opened route to India. But the voyage of the celebrated Mr. Thomas Cavendish was, in the latter respect, the 520 EAST INDIA COMPANY. most important. Cavendish sailed from England in a little squadron, fitted out at his own expense, in July, 1586 ; and having explored the greater part of the Indian Ocean, as far as the Philippine Islands, and carefully observed the most important and charac- teristic features of the people and countries which he visited, returned to England, after a prosperous navigation, in September, 1588. Perhaps, however, nothing con- tributed so much to inspire the English with a desire to embark in the Indian trade, as the captures that were made, about this period, from the Spaniards. A Portuguese East India ship, or carrack, captured by Sir Francis Drake, during his expedition to the coast of Spain, inflamed the cupidity of the merchants by the richness of her cargo, at the same time that the papers found on board gave specific information respecting the traflSc in which she had been engaged. A still more important capture, of the same sort, was made in 1 593. An armament, fitted out for the East Indies by Sir Walter Raleigh, and commanded by Sir John Borroughs, fell in, near the Azores, with the largest of all the Portuguese carracks, a ship of 1,600 tons burden, carrying 700 men and 36 brass cannon ; and, after an obstinate conflict, carried her into Dartmouth. She was the largest vessel that had been seen in England ; and her cargo, consisting of gold, spices, calicoes, silks, pearls, drugs, porcelain, ivory, &c., excited the ardour of the English to engage in so opulent a commerce. In consequence of these and other concurring causes, an association was formed in London, in 1599, for prosecuting the trade to India. The adventurers applied to the queen for a charter of incorporation, and also for power to exclude all other English subjects, who had not obtained a licence from them, from carrying on any species of traffic beyond the Cape of Good Hope or the Straits of Magellan. As exclusive companies were then very generally looked upon as the best instruments for prosecuting most branches of commerce and industry, the adventurers seem to have had little diflfi- culty in obtaining their charter, which was dated the 3 1st of December, 1600. The cor- poration was entitled, " The Governor and Company of Merchants of London trading into the East Indies:" the first governor (Thomas Smythe, Esq.) and 24 directors were nominated in the charter ; but power was given to the Company to elect a deputy governor, and, in future, to elect their governor and directors, and such other office- bearers as they might think fit to appoint. They w^ere empowered to make by-laws ; to inflict punishments, either corporal or pecuniary, provided such punishments were in accordance with the laws of England ; to export all sorts of goods free of duty for 4 years ; and to export foreign coin, or bullion, to the amount of 30,000/. a year, 6,000?. of the same being previously coined at the mint ; but they were obliged to import, within 6 months after the completion of every voyage, except the first, the same quantity of silver, gold, and foreign coin that they had exported. The duration of the charter was limited to a period of 15 years ; but with and under the condition that, if it were not found for the public advantage, it might be cancelled at any time upon 2 years' notice Deing given. Such was the origin of the British East India Company, — the most celebrated commercial association either of ancient or modern times, and which has now extended its sway over the whole of the Mogul empire. It might have been expected that, after the charter was obtained, considerable eager- ness would have been manifested to engage in the trade. But such was not the case. Notwithstanding the earnest calls and threats of the directors, many of the adventurers could not be induced to come forward to pay their proportion of the charges incident to the fitting out of the first expedition. And as the directors seem either to have wanted power to enforce their resolutions, or thought it better not to exercise it, they formed a subordinate association, consisting of such members of the Company as were really willing to defray the cost of the voyage, and to bear all the risks and losses at- tending it, on condition of their having the exclusive right to whatever profits might arise from it. And it was by such subordinate associations that the trade was conducted during the first 13 years of the Company's existence. The first expedition to India, the cost of which amounted, ships and cargoes included, to 69,091/., consisted of 5 ships, the largest being 600 and the smaller 130 tons burden. The goods put on board were principally bullion, iron, tin, broad cloths, cutlery, glass, &c. The chief command was intrusted to Captain James Lancaster, who had already been in India. They set sail from Torbay on the 13th of February, 1601. Being very imperfectly acquainted with the seas and countries they were to visit, they did not arrive at their destination, Acheen in Sumati*a, till the 5th of June, 1602. But though tedious, the voyage was, on . the whole, uncommonly prosperous. Lancaster entered into commercial treaties with the kings of Acheen and Bantam ; and having taken on board a valuable cargo of pepper and other produce, he was fortunate enough, in his way home, to fall in with and capture, in concert with a Dutch vessel, a Portuguese carrack of 900 tons burden, richly laden. Lancaster returned to the Downs on the 11th of September, 1603. — {Modern Universal History, vol. x. p. 16. j Macpfienon's Commerce of the European Powers with India, p. 81.) EAST INDIA COMPANY. 521 But notwithstanding the favourable result of this voyage, the expeditions fitted out in the years immediately following, though sometimes consisting of larger ships, were not, at an average, materially increased. In 1612, Captain IJest ol>tained from the court at Delhi several consideral)le privileges ; and, amongst others, that of establisning a factory at Surat ; which city was, henceforth, looked upon as the princijial Uritish station in the west of India, till the acquisition of Bombay^ In establishing factories in India, the English only followed the example of the Portuguese and Dutch. It was contended, that they were necessary to serve as depots for the goods collected in the country for exportation to Europe, as well as for those imported into India, in the event of their not meeting with a ready market on tlic arrival of the ships. Such establishments, it was admitted, are not required in civilised countries ; but the peculiar and unsettled state of India was said to render them indispensable there. Whatever weight may be attached to this statement, it is obvious that factories formed for such purposes could hardly fail of speedily degenerating into a species of forts. The security of the valuable property deposited in them, furnished a specious pretext for put- ting them in a condition to withstand an attack, while the agents, clerks, warehousemen, &c. formed a sort of garrison. Possessing such strong holds, the Europeans were early emboldened to act in a manner quite inconsistent with their character as merchants ; and but a very short time elapsed before they began to form schemes for monopolising the commerce of particular districts, and acquiring territorial dominion. Though the Company met with several heavy losses during the earlier part of their traffic with India, from shipwrecks and other unforeseen accidents, ind still more from the hostility of the Dutch, yet, on the whole, the trade was decidedly profitable. There can, however, be little doubt, that their gains, at this early period, have been very much exaggerated. During the first 13 years, they are said to have amounted to 132 percent. But then it should be borne in mind, as Mr. Grant has justly stated, that the voyages were seldom accomplished in less than 30 months, and sometimes extended to 3 or 4 years : and it should further be remarked, that on the arrival of the ships at home, the cargoes were disposed of at long credits of 18 months or 2 years; and that it was fre- quently even 6 or 7 years before the concerns of a single voyage were finally adjusted. — ( Sketch of the History of the Company, p. 1 3. ) When these circumstances are taken into view, it will immediately be seen that the Company's profits were not, really, by any means so great as has been represented. It may not, however, be uninstructive to remark, that the principal complaint that was then made against the Company did not proceed so much on the circumstance of its charter excluding the public from any share in an advantageous traffic, as in its authorising the Company to export gold and silver of the value of 30,000Z. a year. It is true that the charter stipulated that the Company should import an equal quantity of gold and silver within 6 months of the termination of every voyage : but the enemies of the Company contended that this condition was not complied with ; and that it was, besides, highly injurious to the public interest, and contrary to all principle, to allow gold and silver to be sent out of the kingdom. The merchants and others interested in the support of the Company could not controvert the reasoning of their opponents, without openly impugning the ancient policy of absolutely preventing the exportation of the precious metals. They did not, however, venture to contend, if the idea really occurred to them, that the exportation of bullion to the East was advantageous, on the broad ground of the commodities purchased by it being of greater value in Eng- land. But they contended that the exportation of bullion to India was advantageous, because the commodities thence imported were chiefly re-exported to other countries from which a much greater quantity of bullion was obtained than had been required to pay for them in India. Mr. Thomas Mun, a director of the East India Company, and the ablest of its early advocates, ingeniously compares the operations of the merchant in con- ducting a trade carried on by the exportation of gold and silver to the seed time and harvest of agriculture. " If we only behold," says he, " the actions of the husbandman in the seed time, when he casteth away much good corn into the ground, we shall account him rather a madman than a husbandman. But Avhen we consider his labours in the harvest, which is the end of his endeavours, we find the worth and plentiful increase of his actions." — ( Treasure hy Foreign Trade, p. 50. ed. 1664.) We may here remark, that what has been called the mercantile system of political economy, or that system which measures the progress of a country in the career of K^ealth by the supposed balance of payments in its favour, or by the estimated excess of the value of its exports over that of its imports, appears to have originated in the excuses now set up for the exportation of bullion. Previously to this epoch, the policy of pro- hibiting the exportation of bullion had been tmiversally admitted ; but it now began to be pretty generally allowed, that its exportation might be productive of advantage, provided it occasioned the subsequent exportation of a greater amount of raw or manu- factured products to countries whence bullion was obtained for them. This, when compared with the previously existing prejudice — for it hardly deserves the name of 522 EAST INDIA COMPANY. system — which wholly interdicted the exportation of gold and silver, must be allowed to be a considerable step in the progress to sounder opinions. The maxim, ce n'est que le premier pas qui coute, was strikingly verified on this occasion. The advocates of the East India Company began gradually to assume a higher' tone, and, at length, boldly contended that bullion was nothing but a commodity, and that its exportation ought to be rendered as free as that of any thing else. Nor were these opinions confined to the partners of the East India Company. They were gi-adually communicated to others ; and many eminent merchants were taught to look with suspicion on several of the previously received dogmas with respect to commerce, and were, in consequence, led to acquire more correct and comprehensive views. The new ideas ultimately made their way into the House of Commons; and, in 1663, the statutes prohibiting the exportation of foreign coin and bullion were repealed, and full liberty given to the East India Com- pany and to private traders to export them in unlimited quantities. But the objection to the East India Company, or rather the East India trade, on the ground of its causing the exportation of gold and silver, admitted of a more direct and conclusive, if not a more ingenious reply. How compendious soever the ancient inter- course with India by the Red Sea and the Mediterranean, it was unavoidably attended with a good deal of expense. The productions of the remote parts of Asia, brought to Ceylon, or the ports on the Malabar coast, by the natives, were there put on board the ships which arrived from the Arabic gulf. At Berenice they were landed, and carried by camels 250 miles to the banks of the Nile. They were there again embarked, and conveyed down the river to Alexandria, whence they were despatched to diflferent markets. The addition to the price of goods by such a multiplicity of operations must have been considerable ; more especially as the price charged on each operation was fixed by mo- nopolists, subject to no competition or control. Pliny says, that the cost of the Arabian and Indian products brought to Rome when he flourished (A. D. 70.), was increased a hundred fold by the expenses of transit — (Hist. Nat. lib. vi. c. 23.) ; but there can be little or no doubt that this is to be regarded as a rhetorical exaggeration. — (See ante, p. 18.) There are good grounds for thinking that the less bulky sorts of Eastern pro- ducts, such as silk, spices, balsams, precious stones, &c., which were those principally made use of at Rome, might, supposing there were no political obstacles in the way, be conveyed from most parts of India to the ports on the Mediterranean by way of Egypt, at a decidedly cheaper rate than they could be conveyed to them by the Cape of Good Hope. But at the period when the latter route to India began to be frequented, Syria, Egypt, &c. were occupied by Turks and Mamelukes ; barbarians who despised commerce and navigation, and were, at the same time, extremely jealous of strangers, especially of Christians or infidels. The price of the commodities obtained through the intervention of such persons was necessarily very much enhanced ; and the discovery of the route by the Cape of Good Hope was, consequently, of the utmost importance, or, by putting an end to the monopoly enjoyed by the Turks and Mamelukes, it introduced, for the first time, something like competition into the Indian trade, and enabled the western parts of Europe to obtain supplies of Indian products for about a third part of what they had previously cost. Mr. Mun, in a tract published in 1621, estimates the quantity of Indian commodities imported into Europe, and their cost when bought in Aleppo and in India, as follows : — Cost of Indian commodities consumed in Europe when bought in Aleppo (or Alexandria). £ s. d. 6,000,000 lbs. pepper cost, with charges, &c. at Aleppo, 2s. per lb. ... 600,000 0 0 450,000 lbs. cloves, at is. 9d. ...... 106,875 10 0 150,000 lbs. mace, at 4s; 9rf. - - - . - . 35,626 0 0 400,000 lbs. nutmegs, at 2*. 4rf. . - - - - 46,666 2 4 350,000 lbs. indigo, at 4s. 4rf. ..... 76,833 6 8 1,000,000 lbs. Persian raw silk, at 12s. ... . - 600,000 0 0 .£"1,465,000 19 0 But the same quantities of the same commodities cost, when bought in the East Indies, according to Mr. Mun, as follows : — £ s. d. 6,000,000 lbs. pepper, at 2i(f. per lb. . - - - . 62,500 0 0 450,«00 lbs. clo\ cs, at 9rf. . - . - - - . 16,875 0 0 150,000 lbs. mace, at 8rf. . - - - - - 5,000 0 0 400,000 lbs. nutmegs, at 4«f. - - - - - - - 6,666 13 4 350,000 lbs. indigo, at Is. 2d. ..... 20,416 12 4 1,000,000 lbs. raw silk, at 8s. - - - - - . 400,000 0 0 ^511,458 5 ~8 Which being deducted from the former, leaves a balance of 953,542/. 13s. Ad. And supposing that the statements made by Mr. Mun are correct, and that allowance is made for the difference between the freight from Aleppo and India, the result would indicate the saving which the discovery of the route by the Cape of Good Hope occasioned iu EAST INDIA COMPANY. 523 the purchase of the above-mentioned articles. — (A Discourse of Trade from England to the East Indies, by T. M., original cd. p. 10. This tract, wliich is very scarce, is re- printed in Purchas's Pilgrims.) In the same publication (p. 37.), Mr. Mun informs us that, from the beginning of tl)e Company's trade to July, 1620, they had sent 79 ships to India; of which 34 had come home safely and richly laden, 4 had been worn out by long service in India, 2 had been lost in careening, 6 had been lost by the perils of the sea, and 12 had been captured by the Dutch. Mr. Mun further states, that the exports to India, since the formation of the Company, had amounted to 840,376/. ; that the produce brought from India had cost 356,288/., and had produced here the enormous sum of 1,914,600/. ; that the quarrels with the Dutch had occasioned a loss of 84,088/. ; and that the stock of the Company, in ships, goods in India, &c., amounted to 400,000/. The hostility of the Dutch, to which Mi*. Mun has here alluded, was long a very for- midable obstacle to the Company's success. The Dutch early endeavoured to obtain the exclusive possession of the spice trade, and were not at all scrupulous about the means by which they attempted to bring about this their favourite object. The English, on their part, naturally exerted themselves to obtain a share of so valuable a commerce ; and as neither party was disposed to abandon its views and pretensions, the most violent animosities grew up between them. In this state of things, it would be ridiculous to suppose that unjustifiable acts were not committed by the one party as well as the other ; though the worst act of the English appears venial, when compared with the conduct of the Dutch in the massacre at Amboyna, in 1622. While, however, the Dutch Company was vigorously supported by the government at home, the English Company met with no efficient assistance from the feeble and vacillating policy of James and Charles. The Dutch either despised their remonstrances, or defeated them by an apparent compliance ; so that no real reparation was obtained for the outrages they had committed. During the civil war, Indian affairs were necessarily lost sight of ; and the Dutch continued, until the ascendancy of the republican party had been established, to reign triumphant in the East, where the English commerce was nearly annihilated. But notwithstanding their depressed condition, the Company's servants in India laid the foundation, during the period in question, of the settlements at Madras and in Bengal. Permission to build Fort St. George was obtained from the native authorities in 1640. In 1658, Madras was raised to the station of a presidency. In 1645, the Company began to establish factories in Bengal ; the principal of which was at Hooghly. These were, for a lengthened period, subordinate to the presidency at Madras. No sooner, however, had the civil wars terminated, than the arms and councils of Cromwell retrieved the situation of our affairs in India. The war which broke out between the long parliament and the Dutch, in 1652, was eminently injurious to the latter. In the treaty of peace, concluded in 1654, it was stipulated that indemnification should be made by the Dutch for the losses and injuries sustained by the English mer- chants and factors in India. The 27th article bears, " that the Lords, the states-general of the United Provinces, shall take care that justice be done upon those who were par- takers or accomplices in the massacre of the English at Amboyna, as the republic of England is pleased to term that fact, provided any of them be living." A commission was at the same time appointed, conformably to another article of the treaty, to inquire into the reciprocal claims which the subjects of the contracting parties had upon each other for losses sustained in India, Brazil, &c. ; and, upon their decision, the Dutch paid the sum of 85,000/. to the East India Company, and 3,615/. to the heirs or executors of the sufferers at Amboyna. — (^Bruce's Annals, vol. i. p. 489.) The charter under which the East India Company prosecuted their exclusive trade to India, being merely a grant from the Crown, and not ratified by any act of parliament, was understood by the merchants to be at an end when Charles I. was deposed. They were confirmed in this view of the matter, from the circumstance of Charles having him- self granted, in 1635, a charter to Sir William Courten and others, authorising them to trade with those parts of India with which the Company had not established any regular intercourse. The reasons alleged in justification of this measure, by the Crown, were, that " the East India Company had neglected to establish fortified factories, or seats of trade, to which the king's subjects could resort with safety ; that they had consulted their own interests only, without any regard to the king's revenue ; and, in general, that they had broken the condition on which their charter and exclusive privileges had been granted to them." — {Rym. Fcedera, vol. xx. p. 146.) Courten's association, for the foundation of which such satisfactory reasons had been assigned, continued to trade with India during the remainder of Charles's reign ; and no sooner had the arms of the Commonwealth forced the Dutch to desist from their de- predations, and to make reparation for the injuries they had inflicted on the English in India, than private adventurers engaged in great numbers in the Indian trade, and carried it on with a zeal, economy, and success, that monopoly can never expect to rival. It is 524 EAST INDIA COMPANY. stated in a little work, entitled Britannia Languens, published in 1680, the author of which has evidently been a well-informed and intelligent person, that during the years 1653, 1654, 1655, and 1656, when the trade to India was open, the private traders im- ported East India commodities in such large quantities, and sold them at such reduced prices, that they not only fully supplied the British markets, but had even come into successful competition with the Dutch in the market of Amsterdam, " and very much sunk the actions (shares) of the Dutch East India Company." — (p. 132.) This cir- cumstance naturally excited the greatest apprehensions on the part of the Dutch Com- pany ; for, besides the danger that they now ran of being deprived, by the active competition of the English merchants, of a considerable part of the trade which they had previously enjoyed, they could hardly expect that, if the trade were thrown open in England, the monopoly would be allowed to continue in Holland. A striking proof of what is now stated is to be found in a letter in the third volume of Thurlow's State Papers, dated at the Hague, the 15th of January, 1654, where it is said, that "the mer- chants of Amsterdam have advice that the Lord Protector intends to dissolve the East India Company at London, and to declare the navigation and commerce of the East Indies free and open ; which doth cause great jealousy at Amsterdam, as a thing that will very much prejudice the East India Company in Holland." Feeling that it was impossible to contend with the private adventurers under a system of fair competition, the moment the treaty with the Dutch had been concluded, the Company began to solicit a renewal of their charter ; but in this they were not only opposed by the free traders, but by a part of themselves. To understand how this hap- pened, it may be proper to mention that Courten's association, the origin of which has been already noticed, had begun, in 1648, to found a colony at Assuda, an island near Madagascar. The Company, alarmed at this project, applied to the council of state to prevent its being carried into elFect"; and the council, without entering on the question of either party's rights, recommended to them to form a union ; which was accordingly effected in 1649. But the union was, for a considerable time, rather nominal than real; and when the Dutch war had been put an end to, most of those holders of the Company's stock who had belonged to Courten's association joined in petitioning the council of state that the trade might in future be carried on, not by a joint stock, but by a regulated company ; so that each individual engaging in it might be allowed to employ his own stock, servants, and shipping, in whatever way he might conceive most for his own ad- vantage. — (^Petition of Adventureis, 17th of Nov. 1656; Bruce's Annals, vol. i. p. 518.) This proposal was obviously most reasonable. The Company had always founded their claim to a monop.)ly of the trade on the alleged ground of its being necessary to maintain forts, factories, and ships of war in India ; and that as this was not done by government, it could only be done by a Company. But, by forming the traders with India into a regulated company, they might have been subjected to whatever rules were considered most advisable ; and such special duties might have been laid on the commo- dities they exported and imported, as would have sufficed to defray the public expenses required for carrying on the trade, at the same time that the inestimable advantages of free competition would have been secured ; each individual trader being left at liberty to conduct his enterprises, subject only to a few general regulations, in his own way and for his own advantage. — (See Companies.) But notwithstanding the efforts of the petitioners, and the success that was clearly proved to have attended the operations of the private traders, the Company succeeded in obtaining a renewal of their charter from Cromwell in 1657. Charles 11. confirmed this charter in 1661 ; and at the same time conferred on them the power of making peace or war with any pov/er or people not of the Christian religion; of establishing fortifica- tions, garrisons, and colonies ; of exporting ammunition and stores to their settlements duty free ; of seizing and sending to England such British subjects as should be found trading to India without their leave ; and of exercising civil and criminal jurisdiction in their settlements, according to the laws of England. Still, however, as this charter was not fully confirmed by any act of parliament, it did not prevent traders, or interlopers as they were termed, from appearing within the limits of the Company's territories. The energy of private commerce, which, to use the words of Mr. Orme, " sees its drift with eagles' eyes," formed associations at the risk of trying the consequence at law, being safe at the outset, and during the voyage, since the Company were not authorised to stop or seize the ships of those who thus attempted to come into competition with them. Hence their monopoly was by no means complete ; and it was not till after the Revolution, and when a free system of government had been established at home, that, by a singular contradiction, the authority of parliament was interposed to enable the Company wholly to engross the trade with the East. In addition to the losses arising from this source, the Company's trade suffered severely, during the reign of Charles II., from the hostilities that were then waged with the Dutch, and from the confusion and disorders caused by contests among tlie nativ EAST INDIA COMPANY. 525 princes; but in 1668, the Company obtained a very valuable acquisition in the island of Bombay. Charles II. acquired this island as a part of the marriage portion of his wife, Catharine of Portugal ; and it was now made over to the Company, on condition of their not selling or alienating it to any persons whatever, except sucli as were subjects of the British crown. They were allowed to legislate for their new possession ; but it was enjoined that their laws should be consonant to reason, and " as near as migiit be " agreeable to the practice of England. They were authorised to maintain their dominion by force of arms ; and the natives of Bombay were declared to have the same liberties as natural born subjects. The Company's western presidency was soon after transferred from Surat to Bombay. In 1664, the French East India Company was formed; and 10 years afterwards they laid the foundation of their settlement at Pondicherry. But the reign of Charles II. is chiefly memorable in the Company's annals, from its being the era of the commencement of the tea trade. The first notice of tea in the Company's records is found in a despatch, addressed to their agent at Bantam, dated 24th of January, 1667-8, in which he is desired to send home 100 lbs. of tea, " the best he can get." — (Brnce's Annals, vol. ii. p. 210.) Such was the late and feeble beginning of the tea trade ; a branch of commerce that has long been of vast importance to the British nation ; and without which, it is more than probable that the East India Company would long since have ceased to exist, at least as a mercantile body. In 1677, the Company obtained a fresh renewal of their charter ; receiving at the same time an indemnity for all past misuse of their privileges, and authority to establish a mint at Bombay. During the greater part of the reigns of Charles II. and James II., the Company's aflPairs at home were principally managed by the celebrated Sir Josiah Child, the ablest commercial writer of the time ; and in India, by his brother Sir John Child. In 1681, Sir Josiah published an apology for the Company, under the signature of ^iKoirarpis — " A Treatise wherein is demonstrated that the East India Trade is the most National of all Foreign Trades : " in which, besides endeavouring to vindicate the Company from the objections that had been made against it, he gives an account of its state at the time. From this account it appears that the Company consisted of 556 partners ; that they had from 35 to 36 ships, of from 775 to 100 tons, employed in the trade between England and India, and from port to port in India — (p. 23. ) ; that the custom duties upon the trade amounted to about 60,000Z. a year; and that the value of the exports, " in lead, tin,^ cloth, and stuffs, and other commodities of the production and manufacture of England," amounted to about 60,000Z. or 70,000Z. a year. Sir Josiah se^ t-is to have been struck, as he well might, by the inconsiderable amount of the trade ; and he therefore dwells on the advantages of which it was indirectly productive, in enabling us to obtain supplies of raw silk, pepper, &c. at a much lower price than they would otherwise have fetched. But this, though true, proved nothing in favour of the Company ; it being an admitted fact, that those articles were furnished at a still lower price by the interlopers or private traders. Sir Josiah Child was one of the first who projected the formation of a territorial empire in India. But the expedition fitted out in 1686, in the view of accomplishing this pur- pose, proved unsuccessful ; and the Company were glad to accept peace on the terms offered by the Mogul. Sir John Child, having died during the course of these transactions, was succeeded in the principal management of the Company's affairs in India by Mr. Vaux. On the appointment of the latter, Sir Josiah Child, to whom he owed his advancement, exhorted him to act with vigour, and to carry whatever instruc- tions he might receive from home into immediate effect. Mr. Vaux retm-ned for answer that he should endeavour to acquit himself with integrity and justice, and that he would make the laws of his country the rule of his conduct. Sir Josiah Child's answer to this letter is curious : — " He told Mr. Vaux roundly that he expected his orders were to be his rules, and not the laws of England, which were a heap of nonsense, compiled by a few ignorant country gentlemen, who hardly knew how to make laws for the good government of their own private families, much less for the regulating of com- panies and foreign commerce." — Hamilton's Neiv Account of the East Indies, vol. i. p. 232.) During the latter part of the reign of Charles II., and that of his successor, the num- ber of private adventurers, or interlopers, in the Indian trade, increased in an unusual degree. The Company vigorously exerted themselves in defence of what they conceived to be their rights ; and the question with respect to the validity of the powers conferred on them by their charter was at length brought to issue, by a prosecution carried on at their instance against Mr. Thomas Sandys, for trading to the East Indies without their licence. Judgment was given in favour of the Company in 1685. But this decision was ascribed to corrupt influence ; and instead of allaying, only served to increase the clamour against them. The meeting of the Convention Parliament gave the Company's 526 EAST INDIA COMPANY. opponents hopes of a successful issue to their efforts ; and had they been united, they might probably have succeeded. Their opinions were, however, divided — part being for throwing the trade open, and part for the formation of a new company on a more liberal footing. The latter being formed into a body, and acting in unison, the struggle against the Company was chiefly carried on by them. The proceedings that took place on this occasion are amongst the most disgraceful in the history of the country. The most open and unblushing corruption was practised by all parties. — " It was, in fact, a trial which side should bribe the highest ; public authority inclining to one or other as the irresistible force of gold directed." — (Modern Universal History, vol. x. p. 127.) Govern- ment appears, on the whole, to have been favourable to the Company ; and they obtained a fresh charter from the Crown in 1693. But in the following year the trade was vir- tually laid open by a vote of the House of Commons, " that all the subjects of England had an equal right to trade to the East Indies, unless prohibited by act of parliament." Matters continued on this footing till 1698. The pecuniary difficulties in which govern- ment was then involved, induced them to apply to the Company for a loan of 2,000,000Z. for which they offered 8 per cent, interest. The Company offered to advance 700,000/. at 4 per cent. ; but the credit of government was at the time so low, that they preferred accepting an offer from the associated merchants, who had previously opposed the Com- pany, of the 2,000,000/. at 8 per cent., on condition of their being formed into a new and exclusive company. While this project was in agitation, the advocates of free trade were not idle, but exerted themselves to show that, instead of establishing a new Company, the old one ought to be abolished. But however conclusive and unanswerable, their argu- ments, having no adventitious recommendations in their favour, failed of making any impression. The new Company was established by authority of the legislature ; and as the charter of the old Company was not yet expired, the novel spectacle was exhibited of two legally constituted bodies, each claiming an exclusive right to the trade of the same possessions ! Notwithstanding all the pretensions set up by those who had obtained the new charter during their struggle with the old Company, it was immediately seen that they were as anxious as the latter to suppress every thing like free trade. They had not, it was obvious, been actuated by any enlarged views, but merely by a wish to grasp at the monopoly, which they believed would redound to their own individual interest. The public, in consequence, became equally disgusted with both parties ; or if there were ^ny difference, it is probable that the new Company was looked upon with the greatest aversion, inasmuch as we are naturally more exasperated by what we conceive to be duplicity and bad faith, than by fair undisguised hostility. At first the mutual hatred of the rival associations knew no bounds. But they were not long in perceiving that such conduct would infallibly end in their ruin ; and that, while one was labouring to destroy the other, the friends of free trade might step in and procure the dissolution of both. In consequence, they became gradually econciled ; and in 1702, having adjusted their differences, they resolved to form themselves into one company, entitled. The United Company of Merchants of England trading to the East Indies. The authority of parliament was soon after interposed to give effect to this agreement. The United Company engaged to advance 1,200,000/. to government without interest, which, as a previous advance had been made of 2,000,000/. at 8 per cent., made the total sum due to them by the public 3,200,000/., bearing interest at 5 per cent. ; and govern- ment agreed to ratify the terms of their agreement, and to extend the charter to the 25th of March, 1726, with 3 years' notice. While those important matters were transacting at home, the Company had acquired some additional possessions in India. In 1692, the Bengal agency was transferred from Hooghly to Calcutta. In 1 698, the Company acquired a grant from one of the grand- sons of Aurengzebe, of Calcutta and 2 adjoining villages ; with leave to exercise judi- ciary powers over the inhabitants, and to erect fortifications. These were soon after constructed, and received, in compliment to William III., then king of England, the name of Fort William. The agency at Bengal, which had hitherto been subsidiary only, was now raised to the rank of a presidency. The vigorous competition that had been carried on for some years before the coalition of the old and new Companies, between them and the private traders, had occasioned a great additional importation of Indian silks, piece goods, and other products, and a great reduction of their price. These circumstances occasioned the most vehement complaints amongst the home manufactiu-ers, who resorted to the arguments invariably made use of on such occasions by those who wish to exclude foreign competition ; affirming that manufactured India goods had been largely substituted for those of England ; that the English manufacturers had been reduced to the cruel necessity either of selHng nothing, or of selling their commodities at such a price as left tliem no profit ; that great numbers of their workmen had been thrown out of employment ; and last of all, that EAST INDIA COMPANY. 527 Indian goods were not bought by British goods, but by gold and silver, the exportation of which had caused the general impoverishment of the kingdom ! The mercliants and others interested in the India trade could not, as had previously happened to them in tlie con- troversy with respect to the exportation of bullion, meet these statements witliout attack- ing the principles on which they rested, and maintaining, in opposition to them, that it was for the advantage of every people to buy the products ^hey wanted in the cheapest market. This just and sound principle was, in consequence, enforced in several petitions presented to parliament by the importers of Indian goods ; and it was also enforced in several able publications that appeared at the time. But these arguments, how un- answerable soever they may now appear, had then but little influence; and in 1701, an act was passed, prohibiting the importation of Indian manufactured goods for home consumption. For some years after the re-establishment of the Company, it continued to prosecute its efforts to consolidate and extend its commerce. But the unsettled state of the Mogul empire, coupled with the determination of the Company to establish factories in every convenient situation, exposed their affairs to perpetual vicissitudes. In 1715, it was resolved to send an embassy to Delhi, to solicit from Furucksur, an unworthy descendant of Aurengzebe, an extension and confirmation of the Company's territory and privileges. Address, accident, and the proper application of presents, conspired to ensure the success of the embassy. The grants or patents solicited by the Company were issued in 1717. They were in all 34. The substance of the privileges they conferred was, that English vessels wrecked on the coasts of the empire should be exempt from plunder ; that the annual payment of a stipulated sum to the government of Surat should free the English trade at that port from all duties and exactions ; that those villages contiguous to Madras formerly granted and afterwards refused by the government of Arcot, should be restored to the Company ; that the island of Diu, near the port of Masuli- patam, should belong to the Company, paying for it a fixed rent ; that in Bengal, all persons, whether" European or native, indebted or accountable to the Company, should be delivered up to the presidency on demand ; that goods of export or import, belonging to the English, might, under a dustuck or passport from the president of Calcutta, be conveyed duty free through the Bengal provinces j and that the English should be at liberty to purchase the lordship of 37 towns contiguous to Calcutta, and in fact com- manding both banks of the river for 10 miles south of that city. — ( Grant's Sketch of the Hist, of the East India Company, p. 128.) The important privileges thus granted, were long regarded as constituting the great charter of the English in India. Some of them, however, were not fully conceded ; but were withheld or modified by the influence of the emperor's lieutenants, or soubahdars. In 1717, the Company found themselves in danger from a new competitor. In the course of that year some ships appeared in India, fitted out by private adventurers from Ostend. Their success encouraged others to engage in the same line; and in 1722, the adventurers were formed into a company under a charter from his Imperial Majesty. The Dutch and English Companies, who had so long been hostile to each other, at once laid aside their animosities, and joined heartily in an attempt to crush their new competitors. Remonstrances being found ineffectual, force was resorted to ; and the vessels of the Ostend Company were captured, under the most frivolous pretences, in the open seas and on the coasts of Brazil. The British and Dutch governments abetted the selfish spirit of hostility displayed by their respective Companies. And the emperor was, in the end, glad to purchase the support of Great Britain and Holland to the pragmatic sanction, by the sacrifice of the Company at Ostend. Though the Company's trade had increased, it was still inconsiderable ; and it is very difficult, indeed, when one examines the accounts that have from time to time been published of the Company's mercantile affairs, to imagine how the idea ever came to be entertained that their commerce was of any considerable, much less paramount, importance. At an average of the 10 years ending with 1724, the total value of the British manufactures and other products annually exported to India amounted to only 92,410Z. 12s. 6d. The avei-age value of the bullion annually exported during the same period, amounted to 518,102?. lis. Od. ; making the total annual average exports 617,513Z. 3s. lOd. ; — a truly pitiful sum, when we consider the wealth, population, and industry of the countries between which the Company's commerce was carried on ; and affording by its smallness a strong presumptive proof of the effect of the monopoly in preventing the growth of the trade. In 1730, though there were 3 years still unexpired of the Company's charter, a vigorous effort was made by the merchants of London, Bristol, and Liverpool, to pre- vent its renewal. It has been said that the gains of the Company, had they been exactly known, would not have excited any very envious feelings on the part of the merchants ; but being concealed, they were exaggerated ; and the boasts of the Company as to the importance of their trade contributed to sjiread the belief that their profits were enormoaw. 528 EAST INDIA COMPANY and consequently stimulated the exertions of their opponents. Supposing, however, that the real state of the case had been known, there was still enough to justify the utmost exertions on the part of the merchants : for the limited profits made by the Company, notwithstanding their monopoly, were entirely owing to the misconduct of their agents, which they had vainly endeavoured to restrain ; and to the waste inseparable from such unwieldy establishments. , The merchants, on this occasion, followed the example that had been set by the petitioners for free trade in 1656. They offered, in the first place, to advance the 3,200,000Z. lent by the Company to the public, on more favourable terms. And in the second place, they proposed that the subscribers to this loan should be formed into a regulated company, for opening the trade, under the most favourable circumstances, to all classes of their countrymen. It was not intended that the Company should trade upon a joint stock, and in their corporate capacity, but that every individual who pleased should trade in the way of private adventure. The Company were to have the charge of erecting and maintaining the forts and establishments abroad ; and for this, and for other expenses attending what was called the enlargement and preservation of the trade, it was proposed that they should receive a duty of 1 per cent, upon all exports to India, and of 5 per cent, upon all imports from it. For ensuring obedience to this and other regulations, it was to be enacted, that no one should trade to India without licence from the Company. And it was proposed that 31 years, with 3 years' notice, should be granted as the duration of their peculiar privilege. " It appears from this," says Mr. Mill, " that the end which was proposed to be answered, by incorporating such a company, w^s the preservation and erection of the forts, buildings, and other fixed establishments, required for the trade of India. This Company promised to supply that demand which has always been held forth as peculiar to the India trade, as the grand exigency which, distinguishing the traffic with India from all other branches of trade, rendered monopoly advantageous in that peculiar case, how much soever it might be injurious in others. While it provided for this real or pretended want, it left the trade open to all the advantages of private enterprise, private vigilance, private skill, and private economy, — the virtues by which individuals thrive and nations prosper. And it gave the proposed company an interest in the careful discharge of its duty, by making its profits increase in exact proportion with the increase of the trade, and, of course, with the facilities and accommodation by which the trade was promoted. " Three petitions were presented to the House of Commons in behalf of the pro- posed company, by the merchants of London, Bristol, and Liverpool. It was urged, that the proposed company would, through the competition of which it would be pro- ductive, cause a great extension of the trade ; that it would produce a larger exportation of our own produce and manufactures to India, and reduce the price of all Indian commodities to the people at home ; that new channels of traffic would be opened in Asia and America, as well as in Europe ; that the duties of customs and excise would be increased ; and that the waste and extravagance caused by the monopoly would be entirely avoided." — ( Mill's India, vol. iii. p. 37.) But these arguments did not prevail. The Company magnified the importance of their trade ; and contended, that it would be unwise to risk advantages already realised, for the sake of those that were prospective and contingent. They alleged that, if the trade to India were thrown open, the price of goods in India would be so much enhanced by the competition of different traders, and their price in England so much diminished, that the freedom of the trade would certainly end in the ruin of all who liad been foolish enough to adventure in it. To enlarge on the fallacy of these state- ments would be worse than superfluous. It is obvious that nothing whatever could have been risked, and that a great deal would have been gained, by opening the trade in the way that was pi-oposed. And if it were really true that the trade to India ought to be subjected to a monopoly, lest the traders by their competition should ruin each other, it would follow that the trade to America — and not that only, but every branch both of the foreign and home trade of the empire should be surrendered to exclusive companies. But such as the Company's arguments were, they seemed satis- factory to parliament. They, however, consented to reduce the interest on the debt due to them by the public from 5 to 4 per cent., and contributed a sum of 200,000/. for the public service. On these conditions it was agreed to extend their exclusive privileges to Lady-day, 1766, with the customary addition of 3 years' notice. For about 15 years from this period, the Company's affairs went on without any very prominent changes. But notwithstanding the increased importation of tea, the con- sumption of which now began rapidly to extend, their trade continued to be compara- tively insignificant. At an average of the 8 years ending with 1741, the value of the British goods and products of all sorts, exported by the Company to India and China EAST INDIA COMPANY 529 amounted to only 157,944/. 4s. 7rf. a year! And during the 7 years ending with 1748, they amounted to only 188,176/. 16s. 4c/. And wlien it is borne in mind that these exports included the military stores of all sorts, forwarded to the Company's settlements in India and at St. Helena, the amount of whicli was, at all times, very considerable, it does appear exceedingly doubtful whether the Company really exported, during the entire period from 1730 to 1748, 150,000/. worth of Briiish produce as a legitimate mercantile adventure ! Their trade, such as it was, was entirely carried on by shipments of bullion ; and even its annual average export, during the 7 years ending with 1 748, only amounted to 548,711/. Igs. 2c?. It would seem, indeed, that the Company had derived no perceptible advantage from the important concessions obtained from the Mogul emperor, in 1717. But the true conclusion is, not that these concessions were of little value, but that the deadening influence of monopoly had so paralysed the Company, that they were unable to turn them to account ; and that, though without competitors, and with opulent kingdoms for their customers, their commerce was hardly greater than that carried on by some single merchants. In 1732, the Company were obliged to reduce their dividend from 8 to 7 per cent., at which rate it continued till 1744. The opposition the Company had experienced from the merchants, when the question as to the renewal of their charter was agitated, in 1730, made them very desirous to obtain the next renev/al in as quiet a manner as possible. They therefore proposed, in 1743, when 23 yeai-s of their charter were yet unexpired, to lend 1,000,000/. to govern- ment, at 3 per cent., provided their exclusive privileges were extended to 1780, with the usual notice. And as none were expecting such an application, or prepared to oppose it, the consent of government was obtained without difficulty. But the period was now come, when the mercantile character of the East India Com- pany, — if, indeed, it could with propriety, be, at any time, said to belong to them, — was to be eclipsed by their achievements as a military power, and the magnitude of their con- quests. For about two centuries after the European powers began their intercourse with India, the Mogul princes were regarded as amongst the most opulent and powerful of monarchs. Though of a foreign lineage — being descended from the famous Tamerlane, or Timur Bee, who overran India in 1400 — and of a different religion from the great body of their subjects, their dominion was firmly established in every part of their extensive empire. The administration of the different provinces was committed to officers, denominated soubahdars, or nabobs, intrusted with powers, in their respective governments, similar to those enjoyed by the Roman preetors. So long as the em- perors retained any considerable portion of the vigour and bravery of their hardy ancestors, the different parts of the government were held in due subordination, and the soubahdars yielded a ready obedience to the orders from Delhi. But the empe- rors were gradually debauched by the apparently prosperous condition of their affairs. Instead of being educated in the council or the camp, the heirs of almost unbounded power were brought up in the slothful luxury of the seraglio ; ignorant of public affairs ; benumbed by indolence ; depraved by the flattery of women, of eunuchs, and of slaves ; their minds contracted with their enjoyments ; their inclinations were vilified by their habits ; and their government grew as vicious, as corrupt, and as worthless as themselves. When the famous Kouli Khan, the usurper of the Persian throne, invaded India, the effeminate successor of Tamerlane and Aurengzebe was too unprepared to oppose, and too dastardly to think of avenging the attack. This was the signal for the dismemberment of the monarchy. No sooner had the invader withdrawn, than tlie soubahdars either openly threw off their allegiance to the emperor, or paid only a species of nominal or mock deference to his orders. The independence of the soubahdars was very soon followed by wars amongst themselves ; and, being well aware of the superiority of European troops and tactics, they anxiously courted the alliance and support of the French and English East India Companies. These bodies, having espoused different sides, according as their interests or prejudices dictated, began very soon to turn the quarrels of the sovibahdars to their own account. Instead of being contented, as hitherto, with the possession of factories and trading towns, they aspired to the dominion of provinces ; and the struggle soon came to be, not which of the native princes should prevail, but whether the English or the French should become the umpires of India. But these transactions are altogether foreign to the subject of this work ; nor could any intelligible account of them be given without entering into lengthened statements. We shall only, therefore, observe that the aflfairs of the French were ably conducted by La Bourdonnais, Dupleix, and Lally, officers of distinguished merit, and not less cele- brated for their great actions than for the base ingratitude of which they were the victiins. But though victory seemed at first to incline to the French and their allies, tne Englisli affairs were effectually retrieved by the extraordinary talents and address of a single indi- vidual ; — Colonel (afterwards Lord) Clive was equally brave, cautit>us, and enterprising ; 2 P.I 5S0 EAST INDIA COMPANY. not scrupulous in the use of means ; fertile in expedients ; endowed with wonderful e (except China), according to the Prices at the East India Com- pany's Sales in the respective Years. By the East India Company. 4,208,079 3,0lfi,55G 2,027,703 •■2,323,630 2,305,003 1,932,401 1,757,137 1,743,733 1,092,329 1,587,078 1,194,753 1,462,692 1,520,060 1,612,480 1,930,107 1,593,442 1,593,566 1,434,372 1,107,787 Private Trade. 4,4;i5,l96 5,119,611 4,402,082 4,541,956 6,901,144 4,683,367 4,201,389 3,031,413 2,621,334 4,344,973 4,410,347 4,716,083 5,210,866 4,068,5,J7 5,l3.-.,073 4,624,842 4,085,505 4,295,438 5,229,311 Total Imports. 8,643,275 8,136,167 6,429,785 6,865,586 9,206,147 6,615,768 5,958,526 4,775,146 3,713,663 5,932,051 5,605,100 6,178,775 6,730,926 5,681,017 7,065,180 6,218,284 5,679,071 5,729,810 6,337,098 Value of Exports from Great Britain to all Place* Eastward of the (Jape ot Good Hope (except China;, according to tlie Declaratioas of ihe Exporters. By the East India Company. 826,558 996,248 633,546 638,382 553,385 760,508 971,096 887,619 606,089 458,550 654,783 598,553 990,964 805,610 488,601 434,586 195,394 146,480 149,193 PiiTate Trade. 1,048,132 1,569,513 1,955,909 2,750,333 3,018,779 1,586,575 2,066,815 2,656,776 2,838,354 2,957,705 2,841,795 2,574,6(;0 2,480,588 3,8,';0,580 3,979,072 3,6(55,678 3,891,917 3.488,571 3,601,093 Total Kzporu. 1,874,690 2,565,761 2,589,455 3,388,715 3,572,1 (54 2,347,083 3,037,911 3,544,395 3,444,443 3,416,255 3,4.9,379 1,070,26 519,575 64,940 225,426 257,387 10,660 264,10 3,306 4,630,475 10,739 4,479.997 72,022 334 721,527 8,129 115,237 171,5';0 i9,744 5,556 3,377 180,026 464,917 1,087,044 2,319 20,.'59l 647,077 26,642 ',004 459,379 1,070,261 319,373 64,940 223,426 257,387 10,660 264, !0 3,306 4,650,475 10,739 6,211,895 72,022 334 721,527 8,129 1 15,237 171,560 19,744 5,556 3,377 229,538 461,917 1,814,819 11,469, 4,525! 90,591 1 70.5,137. 26,642 59,004 l,004,045i 1,004,045 1,9261 1,926 20S,719i 208,719 Tot.tl \'alue of Imports, A-i I ,.')9.V6<5 i 4 .OS.Vinr,; .'>,679,071l 1,151.3721 4,295,4581 5,729,810 1,107.7871 5,229,311 6,.w7,09'>| 5t2 EAST INDIES (Society in, Trade, etc.). An Account of the Quantities and declared Values of the various Articles exported from Great Britain to all Places Eastwai-d of the Cape of Good Hope (except China), distinguishing between those made by the East India Company, and those made by private Traders, during the Three Years ending with 1832. — (From the Pari, taper. No. 425. Sess. 1833.) Articles. 1830. 1831. 1832. East India Comp. Private Trade. Total. East India Comp. Private Trade. Total. East India Comp. Private Trade. Total. Apothecary wares Ueclared value L. Apparel ... Beer and ale - tuns Declared value;/,. Books, printed - cwt. Declared value h. Brass - - cwt. Declared value L. Cabinet and upholslerjwares Declared value L. Carriages - number Declared value L. Coals - - tons Declared value L. Cochineal - - lbs. Declared value L. Colours for painters Declared value I-.. Copper.unwrought, .in bricks and pigs - cwt. Declared value L. Wrought, of all sorts - - cwt. Declared value L, Cordage - - cwt. Declared value L. Cotton manufactures (Brit.) Calicoes, &c., white or jilain - - yards Declared value L. Ditto* printed, checked, stained, or dyed - yards Declared value L. Muslins,-; &c., white or plain - - yards Declared value h. Ditto, printed, checked, stained, or dyed - yards Declared value L. Hosiery, and small wares ' Declared value L. Aggregate value of British cotton manufactures Declared value L. Cotton twist and yarn - lbs. Declared value L. Cotton manufaciures (fgn.) square yards- value L.- Declared value L.- Earthenware of all sorts pieces Declared value i. Glass - Declared value i. Guns and pistols - number Declared value L. Haberdashery and millinery Declared value L, Hardwares and cutlery Declared value L. Hats of all sorts - dozens Declared value L. Iron, bar and bolt - tons Declared value L. cast and wrought cwt. Declared value h. Lace and thread of gold and silver - - lbs. Declared value L. Lead and shot - tons Declared value L. Leather and saddlery Declared value i. Linen manufactures Declared value L. Machinery and mill-work "Declared value h. Military stores not other- wise described Declared value L. Musical instruments Declared value h. Opium - - lbs. Declared value L. Ordnance, of brass and iron tons Declared value L. Plate, plated ware, jewellery and M'atches Declared value h. Provisions, declared value L. Quicksilver - lbs. Declared value L. Silk manufactures Declared value f.. Soap and candles - cwt. Declared value L. Spelter, foreign - cwt. Declared value L. Spirits, British - gallons Declared value L. 1 Spirits, foreign - gallons Declared value L. 10,588 4,352 ^'40 1,143 10 90 1,877 2,538 679 1,028 5,058 . 441 1,101 7,500 240 2,600 160 149 549 38 1 42,000 429 • 1,746 2,300 4,284 112 9,030 1,222 1,847 43 376 5,980 7,341 163 1,455 34 487 1,345 2,077 7,384 5,983 294 223 8 140 10,025 7,889 619 1,845 I - 9,642 28,224 3,473 71,364 703 19,504 232 2,145 3,525 133 11,835 2,166 1,053 44,329 21,056 14,434 46,807 200,050 43,186 195,098 911 2,187 37,555,687 1,008,865 13,426,203 535,951 5,917,969 185,910 166,271 7,562 21,685 1,760,003 4,689,532 324,954 . 2,885 111 258 1,245,800 20,072 102,870 1,400 5,100 25,367 72,013 2,232 13,540 12,290 86,938 69,616 50,231 557 4,661 1,226 16,507 29,051 21,211 21, lo: 494 12,060 21,890 16,418 116 730 44,370 21,347 14,112 9,873 866 3,88!) 62,376 32,747 3,632 1,780 99,453 12/)72 20,230 32,576 3,473 71,364 743 20,647 242 2,235 3,525 133 4)043 3^91 44,329 21,056 15,113 46,807 200,050 44,214 200,156 1,.'552 3,288 37,563,187 1,009,105 13,428,803 536,111 5,917,969 185,940 166,271 7,562 21,855 1,760,552 4,689,570 324,955 2,885 114 258 1,287,800 20,501 104,616 3,700 9,384 25,479 81,043 3,454 15,387 12,333 87,514 75,596 57,572 720 6,116 1,260 .16,994 50,396 23,288 28,489 6,387 1?,,354 21,890 16,418 339 8,870 54,395 29,236 l.'53,918 14,112 9,873 1,485 5,7.34 62,376 .32,747 3,6.52 1 ,780 99,153 12,072 6,582 1,895 26 390 6 259 5 40 2,013 2,314 891 714 3,500 1,405 3,270 10,410 320 890 71 90 481 27,000 312 2,354 1,420 1,583 20 10,352 980 1,471 93 980 10,402 12,624 96 786 52 719 3,671 1,611 3,092 1,081 240 224 3,286 2,3.'53 7,931 1,083 405 1,318 6,169 27,362 3,144 60,405 823 23,016 164 1,244 2,019 137 9,382 3,043 2,555 34,676 13,870 8,573 49,359 204,936 35,216 153,534 1,595 3,645 28,639,567 726,386 13,971,220 471,617 6,362,976 179,652 597,473 22,579 19,280 1,419,514 6,541,853 483,762 7,806 1 327 1,253,525 17,209 100,069 3,640 20,862 50,690 2,014 9,576 11,755 79,258 75,987 50,628 212 1,677 1,280 16,432 18,367 23,724 10,340 221 8,954 5,483 4y524 5 140 38,208 16,151 95,702 8,972 8,015 830 3,657 49,964 27,480 6,001 2.121 128,174 19,310 12,751 29,257 3,170 60,795 829 23,275 169 1,284 2,019 137 9,382 5,056 4,869 34,676 13,870 9,464 49,359 204,936 35,930 157,0,54 3,000 6,915 28,649,977 726,706 13,972,110 471,688 6,362,976 179,652 597,473 22,579 19,370 1,419,995 6,541,853 483,762 7,806 1 327 1,280,525 17,521 102,423 5^223 20,882 61,042 2,994 10,847 11,848 80,258 86,389 63,252 308 2,463 1,3.52 17,151 22,038 25,335 13,432 1,302 9,194 5,483 4,524 229 3,426 40,541 21,082 95,702 8,972 9,098 1,235 4,975 49,964 27,480 6,001 2,121 128,174 19,310 6,967 9,271 13 237 45 393 47 1,926 1,870 1,150 2,639 11,180 243 1,232 285 602 6,414 268 268 169 12 6,900 82 1,060 820 1,416 16 11,264 1,001 1,604 30 272 2,495 2,740 187 1,465 61 827 1,505 5,341 3,651 128 252 34 816 " 10,992 45 2 4 9,778 23,477 4,737 87,606 1,032 27,189 124 I, 005 3,098 80 5,430 4,547 3,898 29,588 11,095 11,951 43,710 178,036 40,548 173,876 5,751 10,524 34,077,810 818,921 17,907,088 531,654 5,192,287 143,140 384,562 14,168 23,242 1,531,125 4,295,258 309,719 991 2,087,339 27,004 100,087 8,219 11,257 29,543 71,025 2,791 12,760 17,400 103,765 58,854 37,916 474 2,944 1,565 18,986 22,709 4.5,715 II, 523 115 7^85 23 130 33,778 21,454 36,743 3,521 25,159 1,344 5,207 37,499 21,093 6,289 2,.562 203,581 32,032 16,745 32,748 4,757 87,1,06 1,045 27,426 1G9 1,398 3,145 80 5,450 6,475 5,768 29,588 11,095 13,101 46,349 189,216 40,791 175,108 6,036 11,126 .34,084,224 819,189 17,907,088 531,654 5,192,287 143,140 384,562 14,168 23,242 1,531,393 4,295,427 509,731 991 991 2,094,259 27,086 101,147 9,059 12,673 29,559 82,289 3,792 14,364 17,4.50 104,037 61,349 40,656 661 4,41)9 1,626 19,813 24,214 49,056 15,174 243 7,337 57 946 33,778 32,446 36,743 3,521 25,204 1,346 5,211 37,499 21,003 6,289 2,562 208,581 32.03a: EAST INDIES (Society in, Trade, etc.). 54-3 Exports — continued. 1830. 1831. 1832. Articles East India Comp. Private Trade. Total. East India Comp. Private Trade. Total. East India Comp. Prlv.-ite Totil. Btationeryj cieclaretl value 13,175 33,064 4fi,239 10,881 — T 20,663 27,298 47,961 23,924 26,252 50,176 Steel, unwrought • c» t. 10,881 21,651 21,651 20 14,446 14,466 - 11,1.53 11,1.53 24,4 39 24,439 40 1 5, 1 06 15, 1 46 Sugar relin^d'"' cvft 44 863 763 31 778 809 Declared value L. 89 1,890 1,979 1,792 1,792 57 1,961 2,008 1,700 90 1,790 750 161 91 1 1,150 90 1,210 Declared value L. 1,636 140 1,775 484 139 623 1,062 101 1,1.53 Tin, unwrought - cwt. 5 - 6 129 135 T'n md rSw^CT^^ares^'and 15 15 16o 106 20 495 616 t n nlatpt . Dec val / 731 10,138 tine Ufl^ 67Z 6,822 7,395 Wnes P'"'^*^ "imt) ir^Io 1* 1,335! 239,259 /40,o91 92,530 /06,o Jo 338,.5.3.5 339,4 ,'55 Declared value L 459 104,945 1 05,404 51 92,681 308 149,949 160,267 vVooUen manufactures (Br.) Cloths "jj^'j^^g*^ value'i^ G,029 47,719 53,748 2,959 51,712^ 54,671 i 3,507 ."50,186 33,693 60,,')C3 211,171 271,734 31,470 195,136 226,606 34,108 141,365 176,473 Stuffs, viz. camlets, serges, &c. - - pieces Declared value L. 94 20,1 18 20,242 251 14,767 15,018 56 18,909^ 18,96,5i 42,885 302 49,1-^9 49,431 352 40,767 41,109 84 42,801 Other woollens, dec.val. L. 4,127 19,106 23,233 2,226 n,497 13,723 3,609 15,542 19,161 Aggregate value of British woollens - Dec. val. L,. 64,992 279,406 344,398 34,048 247,390 281,438 37,801 199,708 257,509 Woollen manufactures (fo- reign) - pieces 2 2 372 372 4 S3 483 value L. 40 40 404 404 400 400 Declared value L, 58 58 3,.566 3,566 4,505 4,505 All other articles ■ 16,21.5 147,218 163,433 14,661 122,656 137,317 8,709 162,256 170,946 Total value of exports - L. 195,394 .7,891,917 1 4,087,311 146,180' 3,488,571 3,635,051 149,193 3,661,093 3,760,286 . The preference in favour of West Indian commodities was within these 5 years much greater than at present ; but the following statement shows that it is still very con- siderable ; — An Account of Articles imported from British Possessions East of the Cape of Good Hope, on which a higher Customs Duty is charged on Import into the United Kingdom, than is charged on the same Articles imported from British Possessions in any other Parts of the World : showing, in Three parallel Columns, the Different Rates and the Excess of Duty on each Article; also, the Amount of Duty levied on each of these Articles in the Year 1832, and the Quantity on which the same was le\ied. Articles. Rates of Duty charged. Quantity charged with Duty in the Year 1832. Amount of Duty received in the Year 1832. On Import- ations from Brit. Posses- sions within the Limits of the E. I. Co.'s Charter, ex- cept the Mauritius. On Importations from other British Possessions. Excess of Duty charged on Import- ations within the Limits of the E. I. Co.'s Charter. Imported from British Possessions within the Limits of the E. I. Co.'s Charter. Imported from other Briti.'h Pos- sessions, and cha vy,e.d with a lower Hate of Duty. On Import- ations from British Pos- sessions within the Limits of the Company's Charter. On Import- ations from other British Possessions, and charged with a lower Plate of Duty. Coffee - Sugar Spirits Tobacco * 9rf. perlb. | 32*. per cwt. 15*. per gal. 3*. per lb. 6f/. per lb., if the pro- duce of and imported from the Mauritius or any British pos- session in America - 24*. per cwt., if do. 95. per gal. 2*. 9d. per lb. •■ 3d. per lb. 1*. per cwt. S*. per £cal. 3d. per lb. Lbs. 1,953,744 Ctfi. gr. lb. 79,608 2 5 Lbs. 20,996,837 Cwt. qr.lh. 4,355,814 2 21 3,515,250 gal. L. s. d. 73,227 18 0 127,373 13 6 L. s. d. 524,920 18 6 5,226,977 12 6 1,580,962 10 0 Under the new regulations as to residence in India (see post), Englishmen will be allowed to employ themselves in the raising of sugar, as they have hitherto been allowed to employ themselves in the raising of indigo ; but, unless the duty be equal- ised, this concession will be of little importance, at least in so far as respects sugar. An equalisation is, however, imperiously required, as well in justice to India as in the view of promoting the interests of the British public ; and should it take place, we have little doubt that the growth of sugar in India will be very greatly extended, and that it will become an article of great commercial value. The regulations as to the importation of coffee from India are as objectionable as can well be imagined. Why should the coffee of Malabar and Ceylon pay 3c?. per lb. more duty than that of the Mauritius? A distinction of this sort is an outrage upon com- mon sense, and an insult to India. Foreign coffee may be imported from any port of British India at 9c?. per lb. ; but if it be imported from a foreign port it pays Is. Hence, if a British ship take on board coffee at Mocha, Manilla, or Java, she is obliged to call in her way home at Bombay or Singapore ; and must there unload and then reload her cargo ! Such a regulation requires no lengthened commentary ; it is enough to remark that its existence is a disgrace to a civilised nation. Besides being unfairly assessed, the duties on several most important articles of East India produce are signally oppressive in their amount. Arrack, for example, which may be bought in bond here for about Ss. a gallon, is loaded with a duty of 15s. It is almost unnecessary to add that this duty is perfectly unproductive ; its only effect is to exclude a valuable article from the market ; to deprive the public of a gratification they * Quantity of tobacco brought from the East too trifling to deserve mention. 544 EAST INDIES ( Society in, Trade, =:tc.)- might otherwise enjoy, and the government of a considerable amount of revenue. The duty on pepper is also most extravagantly highj being no less than Is. on an article tliat sells from about 3c?. to 4^d. Considering the degree in which the demand for pepper is checked by this anti-consumption impost, we believe we may safely affirm that its reduc- tion to 3d. or 4c?. would be productive of an increase of revenue. However, it is but fair to add that a very material deduction has been made from the duties charged on several articles of East India produce since the publication of the former edition of this work. It is to be hoped that the good effects of which these reductions cannot fail to be productive may speedily lead to others. The following ac- count will no doubt receive the attentive consideration of the reader : — Account showing the Prices in Bond in London of the different Articles of East India Produce, on the 1st of November, 1833 ; the present Duty on such Articles, and the Rate per Cent, of the Duty on the Price. A Column is added, showing the Duties in 1831 that have since been modified. Prices, 1st of November, Duties, 1st of November, Duty. Goods. 1833. Per Rate per Cent. Duties, 1st of 1833. i>anua rj, looi. 1 From 1 To From To L. s. d. L. ». d. d. per L. s. d. per Aloes 2 0 0 12 0 0 cwt. 0 2 lb. 7 46 0 1 3 lb. Asafoetida 1 10 0 3 0 0 6 0 cwt. 10 20 057 'If 4 13 4 cwt. Beniamin, 1st sort 2d - - . - 'lO 0 0 40 0 20 0 0 0 - 0 — 1 11 4 0 — 3d — 4 10 0 7 10 0 2-7 Barilla - - • 3 0 0 ton 40 0 ton i£ Borax, refined 4 0 0 4 3 0 cwt. 10 0 cwt. 2 16 0 — unrefined 4 0 0 4 9 0 4 0 - 4-5 5 1 8 0 — Camphor Cardamons, Ceylon Malabar ' 0 1 0 3 6 6 7 5 0 1 0 3 0 8 9 lb. 1 J 1 0 — 0 lb. 0 — " 26 to 0 9 0 2 0 2 4 — 0 lb. 0 — Cassia buds - lignea Cinnamon - - 3 5 0 4 0 4 5 0 0 cwt. 1 0 0 — 6 — 65 140 86 0 4 6 0 9 6 lb. 0 6 — Cloves, Bourbon Amboyna Cocculus Indicus • " Cochineal 0 1 0 1 0 13 0 1 0 3 0 0 0 I 0 1 " 0 1 2 C 3 lb. 2 2 2 0 0 - 0 — 6 — 2 — 170 rnn 1 fin 1860 0 0 4 _ Cott'ee, Mocha . . - 3 10 0 6 6 0 0 9 lb. fifi 140 190 other sorts 2 10 0 3 0 0 from Brit, ports 16S Cotton, Bengal Madras Surat - • " Cubebs - Dragon's blood • • Ebony wood - " * Galls - - " Gambop;e - * Ginger, Bengal - - - Gum ammoniac animi - • " Arabic - - Gum lac, lac dye fine DI. other sorts 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 .1 U 0 0 0 0 0 7 8 7 ib 1 lb. 1 _ f 0 4 cwt. 0-5 0-5 0-6 0"6 2 15 3 5 0 cwt. 0 6 Ib. ' 80 ItIO 0 2 0 — 5 10 6 10 3 10 0 0 0 25 0 7 10 4 5 0 0 0 tini f/ V t 4 3 2 0 cwt. 0 ton 0 cwt. 0-8 3-7 ^3 9 6 0 15 0 5 8 cwt. 0 ton 0 cwt. 9 0 0 IS n 0 4 0 — 1-1 2-2 9 6 8 - 1 15 2 10 6 0 0 0 0 1 18 5 0 10 0 0 0 0 ~ 11 6 6 0 — 0 — 0 — g 12 0 11 7 0 2 16 6 — 0 — 0 — 2 10 0 2 15 0 6 0 — 19 0 1 0 0 6 9 0 2 0 1 3 3 Ib. 6 6 0 - 0 — 2*2^ 2 }■ 5 per cent. shell lac 6 3 0 7 15 0 cwt 6 0 — 3*7 4-7 20 "^""P " fdrv - Hides, buffalo and ox 1 1^ ' 0 0 5* 23 0 0 0 0 ton' lb. 1 2 8 ton 4 cwt. 2.5 0-3 5 fr ee 0 0 3 0 0 f 2 — 2*5 1 Indigo, 5ne - - good and middling 0 6 0 4 9 3 0 8 0 6 6 6 - k 3 lb." o'7 1 1 ordinary Mace - - " 0 3 0 4 6 0 0 4 0 6 0 6 6 _ o'2 33 7 87 Mother-o'-pearl shells, Bombay - Manilla 1 5 3 13 0 0 2 0 4 0 0 0 cwt. } " per cent. 5 Musk Myrrh - - Nutmegs - • • Nux vomica - - Oil of aniseed - • • 0 15 0 1 8 0 oz 0 6 oz. 1"7 3'3 0 5 0 oz. j 4 0 0 14 0 0 cwt. 6 0 cwt. 2 7-5 9 6 8 cwt. ! 0 3 0 13 0 0 6 0 63 0 6 6 lb. "oz.' 2 2 1 6 lb. 6 — 4 — 38 71 1860 15 0 4 1 0 lb. i 0 0 ' 0 0 7 1 14 13 0 16 0 - i cassia . . - cinnamon 4 — 0 5 1 4 — 1-3 0 16 cloves - - * mace . . - nutmegs - - Olibanum - - 0 0 9 0 0 10 14 0 — 103 116 1 12 0 = 0 0 2 0 0 4 1 4 — 25 50 2 0 2 = ! 0 0 10 0 1 3 1 4 — 6-7 10 2 0 2 0 0 3 15 0 cwt. 6 0 cwt. 8 15 2 0 0 cwt. j Pepper, black - - white 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 lb. 1 1 0 lb. 0 — 266 133 320 300 1 Rhubarb, common 0 1 101 0 2 4] 1 0 43 541 0 2 6 lb. i fine Dutch, trimmed - 0 3 6 0 5 0 1 0 _ 20 28 i Rice from British possessions 0 12 0 1 0 0 cwt. 1 0 cwt. 3 8 500 Spirits, avrack ... Safllower - - 0 3 0 gal. 15 0 gal. 6 cwt. j 6 3 0 " 8 10 0 cwt. 1 0 cwt. 0-6 1 0 2 Sago, common - > - pearl . . - 0 10 0 15 0 0 ' 2 0 o' 1 0 — 0 — 2-5 10 6-7 0 10 0 cwt. i Sal ammoniac - - 3 0 0 i 0 — 1-7 1 8 0 - Saltiietre Sapan wood - - • Saunders' wood, red 1 15 0 ' 2 0 0 0 6 — 1-2 1-4 8 0 0 17 0 0 ton 1 0 ton 0-3 0-6 0 15 0 ton 13 0 0 16 0 0 1 0-3 0'4 0 12 0 _ Seeds, aniseed, star 3 5 0 cwt. 5 0 cwt. V6 1 10 0 cwt. Silk, Bengal and China 0 16 0 ' 1 3 o' lb. 0 1 lb. 0-35 0-45 Sugar, Bengal, white yellow - 1 4 1 1 0 0 1 U 1 3 0 0 cwt. 32 32 0 cwt. 0 _ l03 139 133 152 Mauritius, yellow - brown , 1 6 0 1 14 0 24 0 — 70 92 1 2 0 1 6 0 24 0 — *J2 109 Teeth, elephants' 19 0 0 28 0 0 20 0 _ 3-5 3-2 0 cwt. Tcira japonica ... Tortoise shell - - 3 15 0 4 0 0 1 0 — 1-2 1-3 0 3 1 10 0 2 15 0 ib. 0 1 lb. 0-1 0-3 0 0 6 Ib. Turmeric, Bengal Java ... 0 16 1 0 0 0 0 18 1 3 0 0 cwt.T '2 4 cwt. 13 10 13 11 -t China 1 0 0 1 5 0 from Brit, ports 9 11-4 0 1 V(fnn;lion 0 2 10 t) 6 lb. 17-2 0 - N. B. We are indebted for this valuable Table to Mr. Begbie, secretary to the East India Asso. ciation. EAST INDIES (Society -in, Trade, etc.). 545 There is another grievance afFecting the East India trade, wliich calls loudly for redress. Goods from America, the West Indies, or any where except the East Indias, may be conveyed from one warehousing port to another without payment of the duties. But with East India goods a different rule has been established. There are only about a dozen ports in the empire in which East India goods may be received and warehoused; and whenever it becomes necessary to remove these goods to any other place, not privi- leged to receive India goods, the whole duties have to be paid ; so that if a merchant found it expedient to ship 1,000Z. worth of pepper from London, Hull, or any oilier privileged port, to Newcastle, Plymouth, Aberdeen, or any non-privileged port, he would, before he could make such shipment, have to advance about 4,000/. of duty ! This is a most oppressive regulation. There is not, and there never was, any good reason for jn o- hibiting East India goods from being removed, under bond, from one port to another where other goods arc allowed to be bonded. Many considerable advantages would result from permitting this to be done. It would distribute East India goods nK)re equally over the country ; and country dealers would be able to lay in and keep up suffi- cient stocks with a far less outlay of capital than at present. Such a measure, coupled, as it ought to be, with an adequate reduction of the duties, would materially extend the comforts of all classes at home. 4. Colonisation of India. — Hitherto very considerable obstacles have been thrown in the way of Europeans establishing themselves in India, and particularly of their acquir- ing or holding land. This policy was dictated by various considerations ; partly by a wish to prevent the extrusion of the natives , from the soil, which it was supposed would be eagerly bought up by Europeans, and partly by the fear lest the latter, when scat- tered over the country, and released from any effectual control, should offend the pre- judices of the natives, and get embroiled with them. Now, however, it seems to be the general opinion of those best acquainted with India that but little danger is to be appre- hended from these circumstances ; that the few Europeans established in it as indigo planters, &c. have contributed very materially to its improvement ; and that the increase and diffusion of the English population, and their permanent settlement in the country, are at once the most likely means of spreading a knowledge of our arts and sciences, and of widening and strengthening the foundations of our ascendancy. If is obvious, indeed, that the duration of our power in India must depend on a very uncertain tenure, unless we take root, as it were, in the soil, and a considerable portion of the population be attached to us by the ties of kindred, and of common interests and sympathies. lu this respect we ought to imitate the Roman in preference to the Lacedemonian or Athenian policy. Quid aliud exitio LacedcBmoniis Atheniensibus fuit, quanqiiam armis pollerent, nisi quod victis pro alienigenis arcebant? Looking, however, at the density of popu- lation in India, the low rate of wages, the nature of the climate, and other similar circumstances, it seems very doubtful whether it will ever become the resort of any considerable number of English settlers ; at least of such a number as would be suffi- cient, within any reasonable period, to form any thing like a powerful native English interest. But to whatever extent it may be carried, it promises to be highly advan- tageous. " We need not, I imagine," says the present Governor- General of India, Lord William Bentinck, " use any laboured argument to prove that it would be infinitely advantageous for India to borrow largely in arts and knowledge from England. The legislature has expressly declared the truth ; its acknowledgment has been implied in the daily acts and professions of government, and in all the efforts of humane individuals and societies for the education of the people. Nor will it, I conceive, be doubted, that the diffusion of useful knowledge, and its application to the arts and business of life, must be comparatively tardy, unless we add to precept the example of Europeans, mingling familiarly with the natives in the course of their profession, and practically demon- strating, by daily recurring evidence, the nature and the value of the principles we desire to inculcate, and of the plans we seek to have adopted. It seems to be almost equally plain, that independently of their influencing the native community in this way, various and important national advantages will result from there being a considerable body of our countrymen, and their descendants, settled in the country. To question it, is to deny the superiority which has gained us the dominion of India : it is to doubt whether national character has any effect on national wealth, strength, and good government : it is to shut our eyes to all the perils and difficulties of our situation : it is to hold as nothing community of language, sentiment and interest, between the government and the governed : it is to disregard the evidence afforded by every corner of the globe in which the British flag is hoisted ; it is to tell our merchants and our manufacturers, that the habits of a people go for nothing in creating a market, and that enterprise, skill, and capital, and the credit which creates capital, are. of no avail in the production of com- modities." The existing regulations as to the residence of Englishmen in India are embodied in the act 3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 85., and are as follows : — 2 N 54?6 EAST INDIES (Extent, Population, etc. of British). Authority for his Majesty's Subjects' to reside in certain Parts of India. — It shall be lawful for anv natural-born subjects of his Majesty to proceed by sea to any port or place having a Custom-house estab- fishment within the same, and to reside thereat, or to proceed to reside in or pass through any part of such of the said territories as were under the government of the said Company on the 1st day of January, 1800, and in any part of the countries ceded by the nabob of the Carnatic, of the province of Cuttack, and of the settlements of Singapore and Malacca, without any licence whatever ; provided that all sub- jects of his Majesty not natives of the said territories shall, on their arrival in any part of the same from any port or place not within said territories, make known in writing their names, places of destination, and objects of pursuit in India, to the chief officer of the customs or other officer authorised for that pur- pose at such port or place as aforesaid. — § 81. Subjects of his Majesty not to reside in certain Parts of India tvithout Licence. — It shaU not be lawful for any subject of his Majesty, except the servants of the said Company and others now lawfully autho- rised to reside in the said territories, to enter the same by land, or to proceed to or reside in such parts of the said territories as are not herein-before in that behalf mentioned, without licence first obtained from the commissioners of the board of control, or the court of directors, or the governor-general, or a governor of any of the said presidencies : provided, that no licence given to any natural-born subject of his Majesty to reside in parts of the territories not open to all such subjects shall be determined or revoked unless in accordance with the terms of some express clause of revocation or determination in such licence contained. — § 82. The Governor-General with previous Consent of Directors, may declare other Places open. — It shall be lawful for the governor-general in council, with the previous consent and approbation of the said court of directors, to declare any place or places whatever within the said territories open to all his Majesty's natural-born subjects, and it shall be thenceforth lawful for any of his Majesty s natural-born subjects to proceed to, or reside in, or pass through any place or places declared open without any licence whatever. — \ 83. Laws against illicit Residence to be made. — The governor-general shall and is required to make laws or regulations providing for the prevention or punishment of the iUicit entrance into or residence in the said territories of persons not authorised to enter or reside therein. — \ 84. Laws and Regulations to be made for Protection of Natives. — And whereas the removal of restrictions on the intercourse of Europeans with the said territories will render it necessary to provide against any mischiefs or dangers that may arise therefrom, it is enacted, that the governor-general shall and is re- quired, by laws or regulations, to provide with all convenient speed for the protection of the natives of the said territories from insult and outrage in their persons, religions, or opinions. — ^ 85. Lands within the Indian Territories may be purchased. — It shall be lawful for any natural-born sub ject of his Majesty authorised to reside in the said territories to acquire and hold lands, or any right, interest, or profit in or out of lands, for any term of years, in such part or parts of the said territories a* he shall be so authorised to reside in : provided always, that nothing herein contained shall be taken to prevent the governor-general in council from enabling, by any laws or regulations, or otherwise, any sub- jects of his Majesty to acquire or hold any lands, or rights, interests, or profits in or out of lands, in any part of the said territories, and for any estates or terms whatever. — \ 86. No Disabilities in respect of Religion, Colour, or Place of Birth. — No native of the said territories, nor any natural-born subject of his Majesty resident therein, shall, by reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any of them, be disabled from holding any place, office, or employment undei tJie said company. — \ 87. IV. East Indies, (Extent, Population, Military Force, Revenue, etc. of British). 1. Extent, Population, §'c. of British Dominions in Hindostan, and of the Tributary and Independent States. — We copy the following Table from the second edition of Mr. Ha- milton's Gazetteer. It must, however, be regarded as an approximation only, inasmuch as no means exist of coming at correct conclusions ; but the talents of the writer, and his perfect acquaintance with the subject, warrant the belief that it is as accurate as it can be made with the present imperfect means of information. Table of the -relative Area and Population of the Modern States of Hindostan. Bengal, Bahar, and Benares - - . - Additions in Hindostan since A. D. 1765 - - - - Gurwal, Kumoon, and the tract between the Sutuleje and Jumna Total under the Bengal Presidency - . - . Under the Madras Presidency . . - - . Under the Bombay Presidency _ . . - - Territories in the Deccan, &c. acquired since 1815, consisting of the Peishwa's dominions, &c., and since mostly attached to the Bombay Presidency Total under the British government . - - _ British Allies and Tributaries. The Nizam ------- The Nagpoor Raja . - - - - i The King of Oude - - . . . - The Guicowar - - - - - - - Kotah, 6,500 ; Boondee, 2,500 ; Bopaul, 5,000 - - - - The Mysore Raja - The Satara Raja . - - - - - Travancore, 6,000; Cochin, 2,000 - - - - . Under the Rajas of Joudpour, Jcypoor, Odeypoor, Bicancere, Jessclmere, and otlier Rajpoot cliiefs, Holcar, Ameer Khan, the Row of Cutch, Bhurtpoor, Macherry, and numerous other petty chiefs, Seiks, Gonds, Bheols, Coolies, and Catties, all comprehended within the line of British protection Total under the British government and its allies British Square Miles. Population. 162,000 148,000 18,000 39,000,000 18,000,000 500,000 328,000 154,000 11,000 57,500,000 15,000,000 2,500,000 60,000 8,000,000 553,000 ,83,000,000 96,000 70,000 20,000 18,000 14,000 27,000 14,000 - 8,000 10,000,000 3,000,000 3,000,000 2,000,000: 1,500,000 3,000,000 1,500,000 1,000,000 283,000 15,000,000 1,103,00) 123,000,000 I EAST INDIES (Extent, Population, etc. of Biiitisii). 54-7 Table of the relative Area and Population — continued. Brought up - - Independent States. The Nepaul Raja ....... The Lahore Raja (Runjcet Singh) . . - - . The Ameers of Sinde - - - . . . The dominions of Sindia ..... The Cabul sovereign cast of the Indus - - . . Grand total of Hi ndostan .... BriUsh Square Miles. Population. 1,103,000 53,000 50,(X;0 24,0(X) 40,0fX} 10,000 123,000,000 2,000,000 3,000,000 l,000,fX)0 4,000,(XX) 1,0~ 1,064 60 2,216 ±' 13,784,032 743,060 2,051,620 85,482 281,968 47,91 J 136,460 389,131 9,162 194,773 519 079 1,05^518 700,7.0 Revenue - General board, (repay- nient by) Marine (pilotage) Judicial (fines and fees) 14,777,209 38,486 106,287 5,326,191 7,802 13,845 2,628,555 18,383 17,890 21,893 367 5,039 4,881 18,559 3,346 52 22,780,634 3,617 65,038 143,113 Total civil revenue - Military (repayments) Buildings (do.) 14,921,982 5,347,838 2,664,828 30,916 373 49 4,881 18,559 3,398 22,99:^,402 373 49 Total receipts Interest 14,921,982 5,347,838 2,664,828 31,338 4^881 18,559 3,398 22,992,821 Gross revenue and re- ceipts Nett surplus revenue over expenditure 14,921,982 5,347,838 2,664,828 31,338 4,881 18,559 3,398 22,992,821 Account of the Territorial Charges of the East India Company during the Official Year 1827-28. Description. Bengal. Madras. Bombay. Penang. Ma- lacca. Singa- pore. Saint Helena. London. Total. Land rent (collection, pensions, &c.) | Liquors (charges of coll Opium (cost and charges) Tobacco (do.) Salt (do.) - Farms and licences (c Mint (charges on) - Post-office (do.) Stamps (do.) Bank (charges not spe Customs— sea (charges of collection) inland (do.) - general unspecified Sundries Charge under revenue board ... Charges under gene- ral do. - _ - Charges under marine do. Charges under judicial do. Gross amount of civil charges Do. military do. Buildin^-s both civil and military do, 1 Charge in India 1 Interest en debt Gross charge - Nett charge, or excess of expenditure over 1 revenue 1,608,480 ectionnots 658,254 808,322 harges of c( 51,786 89,075 81,690 cified.) 'l26,808 140,849 702,677 pecificd.) 31,843 74,419 )llection n 20,406 29,339 23,445 28,587 363,854 642,551 ot specific 3,637 18,848 14,867 3,037 25,605 136,944 3,000 d) 500 1,500 £ 2,958,708 658,254 31,843 882,741 75,829 137,262 91,127 38,312 31,624 152,413 641,647 3,565,264 1,102,824 117,745 1,150,394 1,284,007 353,659 18,781 371,751 845,489 474,781 212,862 305,446 3,000 100,014 6,000 12,000 500 12,825 1,000 2,000 1,500 36,637 3,000 . 6,000 46,808 5,699,760 2,127,548 359,388 1,847,591 5,936,227 5,245,737 548,492 2,028,198 3,897,520 81,877 1,838,578 ,2,051,810 1 163,088 121,014 49,255 4,833 16,325 8,030 1,186 47,137 11,341 4,606 46,808 75,172 1,989 10,034,287 11,338,865 786,071 11,730,456 1,712,253 6,007,595 179,025 4,033,476 27,230 175,102 2,024 25,541 63,084 63,084 '44,525 123,969 2,060,141 22,159,223: 1,920,532 2,060,141 13,442,709 6,186,620 838,782 4,060,706 1,395,881 177,126 145,788 25,541 20,66C 123,969 120,571 2,060,141 2,060,141 26,139,896 3,147,975 The territorial revenues at the disposal of the East India Company have, for a length- ened period, equalled those of the most powerful monarchies. At present they are greater than those of either Russia or Austria, being inferior only to those of Great Britain and France ! Still, however, the Company's financial situation is the very reverse of prosperous. Vast as their revenue has been, their expenditure appears, in most instances, to have been still larger; and at this moment their debts exceed 60,000,000/. ! The Company liave given the following statement of their affairs, wliich « N 3 550 EAST INDIES (Extent, Population, etc. of British^^. is applicable, as respects India, to the 1st of May, 1831 ; and as respects England, to the 1st of May, 1832: — 61,197,782 1 Total territorial and political debts abroad and at home Ditto, credits, ditto - - - Balance deficient in the territorial and political branch Total commercial debts abroad and at home Ditto, credits, ditto - - . . Balance in favour in the commercial branch Balance deficient . - . _ Add the amount of the Company's home bond debt - Total balance deficient, including the home bond debt - £ 1,928,494 - 21,647,149 29,579,523 31,618,259 19,718,655 11,899,604 3,042,854 £ 15,442,458 Of the credits placed to account of the Company, arrears of revenue, &c. form an im- portant item ; but of these it is most probable a considerable portion will never be real- ised. In a statement laid by the East India Company before parliament, and printed in the former edition of this work (p. ^11.), intended to represent the situation of the Company's affairs on the 1st of January, 1831, their assets were said to exceed their debts and liabilities by about 3,000,000/. The wide difference between that account and the one given above, is principally owing to the Company having struck out of the latter a sum of 10,870,000/. expended by them on account of fortifications, buildings, &c. erected in India, which they took credit for in the former. The statement now given renders it abundantly obvious, that the recent arrangements with the Company have been quite as beneficial to it as, we doubt not, they will prove to the public. All the territorial and other property made over to the Crown will cer- tainly be far short of meeting the claims upon it. The following account shows the balance between the revenue and expenditure of our Indian dominions, from 1809-10 to 1830-31 : — An Account of the Total annual Revenues and Charges of the British Possessions in India under the East India Company, from 1809-10 to 1830-31 : showing also the Nett Charge of Bencoolen, Prince of Wales Island, and St. Helena; the Interest paid on account of Debts in India; and the Amount of Territorial Charges paid in England. — (Abstracted from the Pari. Papers, No. 22. Sess. 1830, and No. 306. Sess. 1833.) 1809- 10 1810- 11 1811- 12 1812- 13 1813- 14 1814- 15 1815- 16 1816- 17 1817- 18 1818- 19 1819- 20 1820- 21 1821- 22 1822- 23 1823- 24 1824- 25 1825- 26 1826- 27 1827- 28 1828- 29 1829- 30 Estimate 1830- 31 Total Gross Revenues of India. . £ 16,464,391 16,679,198 16,605,616 16,459,774 17,228,711 17,231,191 17,168,195 18,010,135 18,305,265 19,392,002 19,172,506 21,292,036 21,753,271 23,120,934 21,238,623 20,705,152 21,096,960 23,327,753 22,818,184 22,692,711 21,662,310 • 22,366,9 Total Charges in India. £ 13,775,57' 13,909,983 13,220,967 13,659,429 13,617,725 14,182,454 15,081,587 15,129,839 15,844,964 17,558,615 17,040,848 17,520,612 17,555,668 18,083,482 18,902,511 20,410,929 22,346,365 21,424,894 21,778,431 19,298,622 18,300,715 18,075,428 Nett Charge of Bencoolen, Prince of Wales Island, and St. Helena. Territorial Charges paid in England Interest on Debts. £ 203,361 199,663 168,288 201,349 209,957 204,250 225,558 205,372 219,793 210,224 142,049 220,043 207,816 154,761 257,276 279,277 214,285 207,973 272,014 250,794 213,304 86,044 £ 2,159,019 2,196,691 1,457,077 1,491,870 1,537,434 1,502,217 1,584,157 1,719,470 1,753,018 1,665,928 1,940,327 1,902,585 1,932,835 1,694,731 1,652,449 1,460,433 1,575,941 1,749,068 1,958,313 2,121,165 2,007,693 2,211,869 Cost of Political Stores. £ 190,128 217,703 154,998 193,784 64,257 129,873 81,903 194,374i 81,941 130,162 265,055 228,058 202,735 204,147 395,276 414,181 740,728 1,111,792 805,016 449,603 293,873 Other Terri torial Pay- ments chargeable on the Revenue. { Pensions, &c.) £ 867,097 901,688 922,770 1,184,976 1,148,156 1,064,223 1,199,952 1,071,176 1,094,701 1,150,378 1,150,391 1,072,106 1,175,149 1,354,960 758,590 1,166,078 1,076,504 1,318,102 1,255,125 1,517,802 1,454,867 138,430 1,335,135 1,473,565 £ 1,057,225 1,119,391 1,077,768 1,378,768 1,212,413 1,194,596 1,281,885 1,265,550 1,176,642 1,280,540 1,415,446 1,300,164 1,377,884 1,559,107 1,153,866 1,580,259 1,817,232- 2,429,894 2,060,141 1,967,405 1,748,740 General Result. 681,516 651,182 147,677 348,632 679,068 1,528,853 520,020 Surplus Charge. £ 730,791 736,530 271,634 1,004,992 310,096 689,152 1,323,305 1,466,164 727,479 3,025,746 4,856,857 2,484,076 3,250,715 945,275 608,142 However much this account of the financial concerns of our Eastern empire may be at variance with the exaggerated ideas entertained respecting it, as well by a large propor- tion of the people of England as by foreigners, it will excite no surprise in the mind of any one who has ever reflected on the subject. It is due, indeed, to the directors, to state, that though they have occasionally acted on erroneous principles, they have always exerted themselves to enforce economy in every branch of their expenditure, and to im- pose and collect their revenues in the best and cheapest manner. But though they have succeeded in repressing many abuses, it would be idle to suppose that they should ever entirely succeed in rooting them out. How can it be imagined, tliat strangers sent to India, conscious that they are armed with all the strength of government, placed under EBONY.— ELEMI. 551 no real responsibility, exempted from the salutary influence of pul)lic opinion, fearing no exposure through the medium of tlie press, and anxious only to accumulate a fortune, should not occasionally abuse their authority? or that they should manage the compli- cated and difficult affairs of a vast empire, inhabited by a race of people of whose lan- guage, manners, and habits, they are almost wholly ignorant, with that prudence, economy, and vigilance, without which it were idle to expect that any great surplus revenue could ever be realised? EBONY (Ger. Ehenholz ; Du. Ehbenhout ; Fr. Ebcne ; It. Ehano ; Rus. Ebeno- woederewo ; Lat. Ebenus), a species of wood brought principally from the East. It is exceedingly hard and heavy, of great durability, susceptible of a very fine polish, and on that account used in mosaic and other inlaid work. There are many species of ebony. The best is that which is jet black, free from veins and rind, very compact, astringent, and of an acrid pungent taste. This species, (denominated by botanists Diospyrus Ebenus), is found principally in Madagascar, the Mauritius, and Ceylon. The centre only of the tree is said to be valuable. In 1826, 2,002,783 lbs. of ebony, of the esti- mated value of 9,017Z. 7s. 6-r^d. were exported from the Mauritius. Besides the black, there are red, green, and yellow ebonies ; but the latter are not so much esteemed as the former. Cabinet-makers are in the habit of substituting pear-tree and other woods dyed black, in the place of genuine ebony ; these, however, want its polish and lustre, though they hold glue better. The price of ebony varies, in the London market, from 51. to 20Z. a ton. The quantities imported are but inconsiderable. EEL (^Ajiguilla murcena of Linnaeus), a fish, the appearance of which is too well known to require any description. It is a native of almost all the waters of Europe, frequenting not only rivers but stagnant pools. Eels are, in many places, extremely abundant, particularly in Holland and Jutland. Several ponds are appropriated in England to the raising of eels ; and considerable numbers are taken in the Thames and other rivers. But by far the largest portion of the eels used in England are furnished by Holland. Indeed, very few except Dutch eels are ever seen in London ; and even Hampton and Richmond are principally supplied by them. The trade is carried on by two Dutch companies, who employ in it several small vessels, by means of which the market is regularly and amply provided for. A cargo of eels is supposed to average from 15,000 to 20,000 lbs. weight, and is charged with a duty on importation of 13/. Is. 3d. In 1832, this duty produced 940Z. 10s., showing that 72 cargoes had been imported that year. — (Report on Channel Fisheries, p. 93. &c.) EGGS (Fr. (Eufs ; Lat. Ova), are too well known to require to be described. They differ in size, colour, taste, &c. according to the different species of birds that lay them. The eggs of hens are those most commonly used as food ; and form an article of very considerable importance in a commercial point of view. Vast quantities are brought from the country to London and other great towns. Since the peace they have also been very largely imported from the Continent. At this moment, indeed, the trade in eggs forms a considerable branch of our commerce with France, and affords constant employment for a number of small vessels ! Account of the Number of Eggs imported since 1826, specifying the Countries whence they were brought, and the Revenue accruing thereon. Countries from which imported. 1826. 1827. j 1828. 1829. 1830. 1831. 1832. Germany - - United Netherlands France - • . Isles of Guernsey, Jersey, Aldemey,") and Man, produce (duty free) -J Isles of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney,1 and Man, produce (foreign) -J All other places - - Total of the importations into the 1 United Kingdom - -J Amoimt of duty received Rate of duty charged Ntmiber. 7,200 2,524,410 59,507,899 718,086 493,985 9,047 Number. 9,020 3,088,698 63,109,618 456,802 220,674 1,220 Nuynber. 5,447,280 60,043,026 609,930 348,447 6,090 Number. 80 6,749,759 56,370,479 671,435 373,419 300 Number. 3,600 4,626,748 . 48,026,006 705,760 281,654 400 Number. 7,557,146 50,401,506 732;998 505,798 240 Number. 5,120 5,734,960 55,651, 2C5 655,229 546,065 1,200 63,260,627 66,886,132 66,453,773 64,165,472 53,644,168 59,197,688 62,591,817 t. d. 21,726 10 2 L. s. 6 lasts for 7. Winemunde Lubeck, 7 lasts for 8. Riga Konigsberg Dantzic Elbing Memel Revel Petersburgh Oesel 16 Russian chetwerts 1 cent, of 28 muids French salt, from Rochelle 1 cent, from Bordeaux 13 raziers from Dunkirk • - Lasts. 1 . 13 . 12 - 1 Lasts. 10 muids from Havre • - .12 7 moyos from Cadiz, Lisbon, &c. - - - 12 400 Dutch marts (measures) - - - 7 1 English chaldron, 2 weighs, 2 tons, or 80 bushels - 1 JAquid Measure. — A. tonneau of French wine is considered as 4 oxhofts, or 24 ankers. A pipe of Spanish or Portuguese wine, as 2 oxhofts. 30 Spanish arrobas, or 25 Portuguese almudes, as a regular pipe. 30 Spanish arrobas, or 48 pots of oil, as a regular both (pipe) ; a hogshead of brandy, as 6 ankers; a tierce, as 4 ankers ; an anker, 5 velts, or 40 Danish pots. ELSINEUR. 555 Duties payable at the Sound on the principal Articles commonly passing through. Ale or beer, the 8 hogsheads, at 4 J • Almonds, the 100 lbs. Alum, the shippound ... Aniseed, the 100 lbs. Antimony, the shippound Anchor and locks, the scliock of 60 • « Apples, the last of 22 barrels Apothecaries' drugs, the lispound valued at 30 rl dollars • - - Argol, the shippound ... Arsenic, do. Ashas, ^veed, the last of 12 burrels, or 12 do. pot, the last of 12 do., or 12 do. Bacon, the shippound Baize, the single piece the double do. - • Balks, great, of oak, the piece fir, 4 do. small, do. 20 do. Bay, berries, the 200 lbs. Beef, salted, the last of 12 barrels Biscuit, or bread of wheat, 4 barrels rye, 4 do. Books, printed, the 100 lbs. valued at 3G rixdoUars Brass, or brass wire, the shippound wrought, the 100 lbs. valued at 36 rixdoUars Btimstone, the last of 12 shippound Brandy, French or Spanish, the hogshead corn, the barrel Rhenish, the ahm Brazil wood, the 500 lbs. Bristleo, the shippound, valued at 36 rixdoUars Butter, the barrel ... Cables, cordage, or cable yam, the shippound Calicoes, the 8 pieces Capers, the pipe, or 2 hogsheads Cards, for playing or for wool , the 10 dozen Cardamoms, cinnamon, cloves, or cochineal, the 100 1 Camlets, the 1 pieces Canvass, or cambrics, 4 do. Callimancoes, the 8 do. Campeachy wood, the .500 lbs. Caraway seeds, the 100 do. Caviare, the shippound, valued at 36 rixdoUars Cheese, the shippound ... Chesnuts, the 36 sacks Cider, the hogshead ... Clock-work, the 100 lbs. valued at 36 rixdoUars Cloth of silk, the piece ... fine or short cloths, or double dozens, the 2 pieces 0 coarse, or long cloths, or dozens, the 4 do. Coflfee, the 200 lbs. Copper, the shippound - - . wrought, the 100 lbs. valued at 32 rixdoUars Cork, the 50 bundles Copperas, calamine, or cream of tartar, the shippound Cotton wool, the 100 lbs. Corn, barley, the last of 20 barrels beans, peas, oats, or buckwheat, the last of 12 do malt, the last of 12 do. rye, the last of 20 do. wheat, the last of 20 do. Coriander and currants, the 200 lbs. Damask, of silk, the piece linen, the 4 pieces woollen, the 8 do. Deals of oak or fir, above 20 feet, the schock Carlsham, under 20 feet Prussian common, 10 to 14 feet, the 1,000 Diaper or drilling, the 20 pieces Down, the shippound ... Dniggits, the '2 pieces Eels, the last of 12 barrels Elephants' teeth, each Feathers, the shippound Femambuco wood, 1,000 lbs. Figs, the 18 baskets, 800 do. Fish, cod, the last, 12 barrels stock, the last, 12 shippound, or 1,000 fish salmon, the barrel salted herrings, do. red herrings, the last of 20 straes, or 20,000 Flannels, the 8 pieces of 25 ells each Flax, dressed, the shippound undressed, as Petersburgh, Narva, 12 hogs- heads ; Marienburg, all fine sorts podiila, racketzer, and paternoster, the 4 do. coarse, half clean, Farken, Kassets, Memels, and Marienburg, the 6 do. tow, the 5 do. - . Flounders, dry, the 20,000 Flour of wheat, the 200 lbs. barley or rye, the last of 12 barrels Frieze, the piece ... Galls, or gum, the 200 lbs. Glass for windows, English, French, Lubeck, and Dantzic, the 8 chests - Venice, drinking do., the chest bottles, tlie ton, 4 hogsheads and 30 schocks the 2 pipes quart bottles, 100 dozen, 50 rixdoUars Gloves, Russia, or Courland, the 250 pair leather, the dozen, value 2 rixdoUars Gunpowder, the 100 lbs. Haberdashery ware, the 100 lbs. valued at 36 rix dollars .... Hair, camels' or coneys', the 50 lbs. Handspikes, the 500 Hats, felt, the cask beaver, the dozen, value 48 rixdoUars castor, the dozen, do. Hemp, the shippound tow, the 10 do. 1 0 1 0 0 18 0 12 0 9 0 12 0 6 0 9 0 30 0 9 0 30 0 10 0 24 0 9 1 0 0 6 0 18 0 50 0 8 0 12 0 24 0 12 0 8 0 36 Hides, elks', harts', bucks', or Russia, the decker salted, elks', harts', bucks', or Russia, do. dry, elks', harts', bucks', or Kussia, the 5 do. Russia, the shippound Honey, the hogshead Hops, the shippound - - Horses, the pair Indigo, the 100 lbs. Iron wire, or pans, do. stoves, plates or pots, the shippound bars, bats, bolts, hoops, anchors, and guns, do. wrought, the 100 lbs. valued at 24 rixdoUars old, the shippound Ostermunds, do. Isinglass, the 100 lbs. Juniper berries, the 200 do. Kerseys, the 8 pieces ... Lace, silk, or ferret, the 4 lbs. thread, wool, cotton, or hair, the 10 do. gold and silver, the lb. Lemons, the 12 chests, or 36,000 pickled, the pipe or hogshead Lead, fodder, the ton, or 6 shippound shot, the 100 lbs. red or white, do. Leather, Russia or Scotch, the decker Spanish, Cordovan, Turkey, and bufT, do. Sems, the 10 do. Basanes, the 10 do. tanned oi sole, the 100 lbs. alumed or white, the 500 piecps Lignum vitae, the 100 lbs. Linseed, the last of 24 barrels Linen, calicoes, the 16 pieces flax, the 20 do. Holland, Silesia, and WestphaUa, the 4 do. hemp, black tow, the 80 do. canvass, the 8 do. damask, the 12 do. drilling, the 20 do., or 500 arsheens from Petersburgh, all sorts, the 40 do., or 2,000 do. - - . - Logwood, the SOO lbs. Miice, the 50 lbs. Masts, 15 palms and upwards, the piece small ... for boats, the schock Mats from Petersburgh, the 1,000 Mohair, the 50 lbs. Mustard seed, the last of 12 barrels Nails, Holland or Lubeck, the centner tree nails for ships, the 40,000 Nutmegs, do. .... Nuts, the last of 20 barrels or sacks Oars, great, the schock . - small, do. . Oil, olive, of Seville or Portugal, the pipe rape, linseed, hemp, the last of 8 ahms train, the last of 8 hogsheads, or 12 barrels Olibanunn, the 100 lbs. Olives, the pipe, oi 2 hogsheads Oranges, the 12 chests, or 3,600 Paper, the 8 bales, or 80 reams Pepper, the 100 lbs. - - . Pewter, the shippound Pitch, great band ... small - ■ . Plates of tin, the 4 casks, or shippound Plaiding, the 1 ,000 ells, or 40 pieces Prunes, the 400 lbs. - . . Pnmelloes, the 100 do. . Quicksilver, tha 50 do. - . . Rapeseed, the last of 24 barrels Raisins, the 400 lbs., or 36 baskets Resin, the shippound Ribands of silk, or ferrets, the 4 lbs. gold or silver, the 2 do. - Rice, the 2U0 do. Saflfron, the 'i do. - - Salt, Spanish, r'l ench, and Scotch, the 1 ist of 1 8 bar rels, or 8 bushuls ... Lunenburg, the last of 12"bushels Saltpetre, the shippound Says, double, the 2 piuces single, or English, the 4 do. . Sailcloth, the 8 do. . Sarsaparilla, do. Shumac, the 400 lbs. Silk, sewing, ferret, wrought lace, the 4 do. raw, the 100 do. ... stuff 's, do. - • . with gold and silver, the piece Skins, beaver, the 5 deckers otter, the piece ... Russia, dry, wolf and fox, the 5 deckers goat, the 20 do. calf, the 10 do. cat and sheep, the 600 pieces black rabbit, or lamb, the 1,000 do. grey rabbit, or kid, the 2,000 marten, the 40 - . hare, the bale, valued at 72 rixdoUars Soap, white, the 100 lbs. gi een, the last of 12 barrels Spars, great, the 25 pieces small, the 1,000 do. Starch, the 300 lbs. Staves, pipe, hogshead, and barrel, the great hundred of 48 schocks . . Steel, the 100 lbs. Stones, Poland, the 1 ,000 feet of 500 ells Stockings of silk, the dozen, or 1 2 lbs. kersey, woollen, or worste,'iVi (juernsej and Jersey 22 3,556 43 C.'JW The Colonies 3 . 699 6 1,398 Total 1,115 197,611 3,330 .^93,533 There were lost in the Baltic, in 1832, 14 British ships, of the burden of 2,897 tons; and 8 British ships, of the burden of 1,823 tons, were detained in it by the frost at the close of the year, and obhged to winter in its various ports. EMBARGO, an order issued by the government of a country to prevent the sailing of ships. EMERALD (Fr. Emeraude ; Ger. Smaragd ; It. Smeraldo ; Lat. Smaragdus ; Sp. Esmeralda), a precious stone in high estimation. It is distinguished from all other gems by its peculiar emerald green lustre, varying in intensity from the palest possible tinge to a full and deep colour, than which, as Pliny has truly stated, nothing can be more beautiful and pleasing ; nullius coloris aspectus jucundior est. It emulates, he continues, if it do not surpass, the verdure of the spring ; and the eye, satiated by the dazzling glare of the more brilliant gems, or wearied by intense application, is refreshed and strengthened by the quiet enlivening green of the emerald. In Pliny's time, the best came from Scythia. Those met with in modern times do not often exceed the size of a walnut. Some of a much larger size, and perfect, have been found, but they are extremely rare. Nero used one as an eye-glass in surveying the combats of the gladiators. Hitherto it has always been found crystallised. Specific gravity from 2-6 to 2-77. — (Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. xxxvii. cap. 5. ; ThomsorCs Chemistry. ) " For the last two centuries and more, the only country Lnown to yield emeralds is Peru, where they occur in Santa F^, and in the valley of Tunca. Several large stones have appeared in Europe : about 2 years ago I cut one, exceeding 2 ounces in weight, for the Emperor of Morocco, but it was full of imper- fections. The largest specimen known is an hexagonal crystal, nearly 6 inches long, and above 2 in diameter. This gem, however small, is so rarely seen perfect, that ' an emerald without a flaw ' has passed into a proverb. A fine stone of 4 carats may be valued at 40^. or 50/., or even more if very pure. Inferior stones of 1 or 2 carats are sold at from 4()s. to 70s. per carat ; and if smaller and defective, at 10*. or 15s. per carat. Fine emeralds are rare, and in such demand, that a particular suit has been known to have passed into the possession of a series of purchasers, and to have made the tour of Europe in the course of half a century." — {Mawe on Diamonds, 2d ed. p. 104 ) EMERY (Vr. Emeril, Emeri ; Ger. Smirgel ; It. Smerglio, Smeregio ; Sp. Esmeril j Rus. Nashdak; Lat. Smiris}, a mineral brought to Britain from the isle of Naxos, where it exists in large quantities. It occurs also in Germany, Italy, and Spain. It is always in shapeless masses, and mixed with other minerals. Colour intermediate between greyish black and bluish grey. Specific gravity about 4. Lustre glistening and adamantine. Emery is extensively used in the polishing of hard bodies. Its fine powder is obtained by trituration. — ( Thomson's Chemistry. ) ENGROSSING, is " the buying up of corn and other dead victuals, with intent to sell them again." — (Blackstone, book iv. cap. 12.) We have shown in another article, how absurd it is to suppose that this practice should have any injurious influence — (ante, p. 410.). But, for a long time, most scarcities that occurred were either entirely ascribed to the influence of engrossers and forestallers — (see Forestalling) — or, at least, were supposed to be materially aggravated by their proceedings. In consequence, however, of the prevalence of more just and enlarged views upon such subjects, the statutes that had been made for the suppression and punishment of engrossing, fore- stalling, &c. were repealed in 1772. — (See ante, p. 40.9.) But notwithstanding this repeal, engrossing continues to be an indictable offence, punishable at common law by fine and imprisonment; though it is not at all likely, were an attempt made, that any jury would now be found ignorant or prejudiced enough to convict any one on such a charge. ENTRY, BILL OF. See Importation. ERMINE {Ger. Hennelin ; Fr. Hermijie, Ermine; Rus. Gornostai), a species of weasel (Mustela Candida Lin.), abundant in all cold countries, particularly Russia, Norway, Lapland, &c., and producing a most valuable species of fur. In summer, the ermine is of a brown colour, and is called the stoat. It is in winter only that the fur has that beautiful snowy whiteness and consistence so much admired. — (See Fuiis.) ESPARTO, a species of rush, the Stipa tenacissima of botanists. It is found in the southern provinces of Spain ; and is particularly abundant on all the sterile, uncultivated, and mountainous districts of Valencia. — Beckinann (Hist, of Invent, vol. ii. p. 288. Eng. ed. ) supposes, apparently with good reason, that the stipa tetiacissima is the plant described by Pliny .under the name of Sparta, who ascribes its application to useful pur- poses to the Carthaginians — (Hist. Nat. lib. xix. c. 2.). It is still used for the same 558 ESTRICH. — EXCHANGE. purposes as in antiquity, being manufactured into cordage, shoes, matting, baskets, nets, mattresses, sacks, &c. Cables made of esparto are said to be excellent ; being light, they float on the surface of the water, and are not, therefore, so liable as hempen cables to be cut or injui td by a foul bottom. They are exclusively made use of in the Spanish navy. Esparto is largely consumed in the manufacture of alpergates. These are light shoes worn by the Valencian peasantry, having platted soles made either of esparto or hemp, but principally of the former. They are extremely cheap and commodious in hot climates ; and besides being in extensive demand at home, used to be exported in im- mense quantities to both Indies ; but since the emancipation of Spanish America, this trade has greatly fallen off. The Spanish peasantiy have attained to wonderful dexterity in the manufacture of esparto. " After having soaked the rush in water, the w^omen and children, without either wheel or spindle, contrive to twist two threads at the same time. This they do by rubbing them between the palms of their hands, in the same manner as a shoemaker forms a thread upon his knees, with this difference, that one motion gives the twist to each thread, and, at the same time, unites them. To keep the threads asunder, the thumb of the right hand is interposed between them ; and when that is wanted for other purposes, the left thumb supplies its place. Two threads being thus twisted into one of the bigness of a large crow-quill, 46 yards are sold for little more than ^d., the materials being worth about ith part of the price." — ( Townsend's Travels in Spain, vol. iii. p. 177., see also p. 129. ; Fischer's Picture of Valencia, Eng. ed. p. 92. and p. 57. &c.) ESTRICH OR ESTRIDGE (Fr. Duvet d'autruche ; It. Penna matta di strozzo ; Sp. Plumazo de avestrux j Lat. Struthionum plumes molliores), is the fine soft down which lies immediately under the feathers of the ostrich. The finest is used as a substitute for beaver in the manufacture of hats, and the coarser or stronger sort is employed in the fabrication of a stuff which resembles fine woollen cloth. Estridge is brought from the Levant, Italy, ard other parts of the Mediterranean. EUPHORBIUIvl (Ger. Euphorhiengummi ; Lat. Euphorbium ; Fr. Euphorbe ; Arab. Akal-nafzaK), the produce of a perennial plant, a native of Africa, and of many parts of India, &c. It is a concrete gum resin ; is inodorous ; when first chewed has little taste, but it soon gives a very aci id burning impression to the tongue, palate, and throat, which is very permanent, and almost insupportable. It is imported in serons containing from 100 to 150 lbs. It is in small, hollow, forked pieces, often mixed with seeds and other impurities. — ( Thomson's Dispensatory. ) EXCHANGE. In commerce, this term is generally used to designate that species . of mercantile transactions, by which the debts of individuals residing at a distance from their creditors are cancelled without the transmission of money. Among cities or countries having any considerable intercourse together, the debts mutually due by each other approach, for the most ^>art, near to an equality. There are at all times, for example, a considerable number of persons in London indebted to Hambui-gh ; but, speaking generally, there are about an equal number of persons in London to whom Hamburgh is indebted. And hence, when A. of London has a pay- ment to make to B. of Hamburgh, he does not remit an equivalent sum of money to the latter ; but he goes into the market and buys a hill upon Hamburgh, that is, he buys an order from C. of London addressed to his debtor D. of Hamburgh, requesting him to pay the amount to A. or his order. A., having indorsed this bill or order, sends it to B., who receives payment from his neighbour D. The convenience of all parties is consulted by a transaction of this sort. The debts due by A. to B., and by I), to C, are extinguished without the intervention of any money- A. of London pays C. of ditto, and D. of Hamburgh pays B. of ditto. The debtor in one place is substituted for the debtor in another ; and a postage or two, and the stamp for the bill, form the whole expenses. All risk of loss is obviated. A bill of exchange may, therefore, be defined to be an order addressed to some person residing at a distance, directing him to pay a certain specified sum to the person in whose favour the bill is drawn, or his order. In mercantile phraseology, the person who draws a bill is termed the drawer ; the person in whose favour it is drawn, the remitter ; the person on whom it is drawn, the drawee ; and after he has accepted, the acceptor. Those " persons into whose hands the bill may have passed previously to its being paid, are, from their writing their names on the back, termed indorsers ; and the person in whose possession the bill is at any given period, is termed the holder or possessor. The negotiation of inland bills of exchange, or of those drawn in one part of Great Britain and Ireland on another, is entirely in the hands of bankers, and is conducted in the manner already explained. — (See ante, p. 65.) Bills drawn by the merchants of one country upon another are termed foreign bills of exchange, and it is to their negotiation that the following remarks principally apply. I. Par of Exchange. — The par of the currency of any two countries means, among merchants, the equivalency of a certain amount of the currency of the one in the currency EXCHANGE. 559 of the other, stipposing the currencies of both to he of the precise weight and purity fixed hij their respective mints. Thus, according to the mint regulations of Great" Britain and France, IZ. sterling is equal to 25 fr. 20 cent., which is said to he the par hetween Lon- don and Paris. And the exchange hetween the two countries is said to he at par when bills are negotiated on this footing ; that is, for example, when a bill for lOOZ. drawn in London is worth 2,520 fr. in Paris, and conversely. When 11. in London buys a bill on Paris for more than 25 fr. 20 cent., the exchange is said to be in favour of London and against Paris; and when, on the other hand, 11. in London will not buy a bill on Paris for 25 fr. 20 cent., the exchange is against London and in favour of Paris. — (See Table of the par of exchange at the end of this article.) II. Circumstances which determine the Course of Exchange. — The exchange is affected, or made to diverge from par, by two classes of circumstances : first, by any discrepancy between the actual weight or fineness of the coins, or of the bullion for which the sub- stitutes used in their place will exchange, and their weight or fineness as fixed by the mint regulations ; and, secondly, by any sudden increase or diminution of the bills drawn in one country upon another. 1. It is but seldom that the coins of any country correspond exactly with their mint standard ; and when they diverge from it, an allowance corresponding to the difference between the actual value of the coins, and their mint value, must be made in determining the real par. Thus, if, while the coins of Great Britain corresponded with the mint standard in weight and purity, those of France were either 10 per cent, worse or debased below the standard of her mint, the exchange, it is obvious, would be at real par when it was nominally 10 per cent, against Paris, or when a bill payable in London for 100/. was worth in Paris 2,772 fr. instead of 2,520 fr. In estimating the real course of exchange between any 2 or more places, it is always necessary to attend carefully to this circum- stance ; that is, to examine whether their currencies be all of the standard weight and purity, and if not, how much they differ from it. When the coins circulating in a country are either so worn or rubbed as to have sunk considerably below their mint standard, or when paper money is depreciated from excess or want of credit, the exchange is at real par only when it is against such country to the extent to which its coins are worn or its paper depreciated. When this circumstance is taken into account, it will be found that the exchange during the latter years of the war, though apparently very much against this country, was really in our favour. The depression was nominal only ; being occa- sioned by the great depreciation of the paper currency in which bills were paid. 2. Variations in the actual course of exchange, or in the price of bills, arising from circumstances affecting the currency of either of two countries trading together, are nominal only : such as are real grow out of circumstances affecting their trade. When two countries trade together, and each buys of the other commodities of pre- cisely the same value, their debts and credits will be equal, and, of course, the real exchange will be at par. The hills drawn by the one will be exactly equivalent to those drawn by the other, and their respective claims will be adjusted without requiring the transfer of bullion or any other valuable produce. But it very rarely happens that the debts reciprocally due by any two countries are equal. There is almost always a balance owing on the one side or the other ; and this balance must affect the exchange. If the debts due by London to Paris exceeded those due by Paris to London, the competition in the London market for bills on Paris would, because of the comparatively great amount of payments our merchants had to make in Paris, be greater than the competition in Paris for Ijills on London ; and, consequently, the real exchange would be in favour of Paris and against London. The cost of conveying bullion from one country to another forms the limit within which the rise and fall of the real exchange between them must be confined. If 1 per cent, sufficed to cover the expense and risk attending the transmission of money from London to Paris, it would be indifferent to a London merchant whether he paid 1 per cent, premium for a bill of exchange on Paris, or remitted money direct to that city. If the premium were less than 1 per cent., it would clearly be his interest to make his pay- ments by bills in preference to remittances : and that it could not exceed 1 per cent, is obvious ; for every one would prefer remitting money, to buying a bill at a greater pre- mium than sufficed to cover the expense of a money remittance. If, owing to the breaking out of hostilities between the two countries, or to any other cause, the cost of remitting money from London to Paris were increased, the fluctuations of the real exchange between them might also be increased. For the limits within which such fluctuations may range, correspond in all cases with the cost of making remittances in cash. Fluctuations in the nominal exchange, that is, in the value of the currencies of countries trading together, have no effect on foreign trade. When the currency is depreciated, the premium which the exporter of commodities derives from the sale of the bill drawn on his correspondent abroad, is only equivalent to the increase in the price of the goods exported, occasioned by this depreciation. But when the premium 560 EXCHANGE. on a foreign bill is a consequence, not of a fall in the value of money, but of a deficiency in the supply of bills, there is no rise of prices ; and in these circumstances the unfa- vourable exchange operates as a stimulus to exportation. As soon as the real ex- change diverges from par, the mere inspection of a price current is no longer sufficient to regulate the operations of the merchant. If it be unfavourable, the premium which the exporter will receive on the sale of his bill must be included in the estimate of the profit he is likely to derive from the transaction. The greater that premium, the less will be the difference of prices necessary to induce him to export. And hence an unfa- vourable real exchange has an effect exactly the same with what would be produced by granting a bounty on exportation equal to the premium on foreign bills. But for the same reason that an unfavourable real exchange increases exportation, it proportionally diminishes importation. When the exchange is really unfavourable, the price of commodities imported from abroad must be so much lower than their price at home, as not merely to afford, exclusive of expenses, the ordinary profit of stock on their sale, but also to compensate for the premium which the importer must pay for a foreign bill, if he remit one to his correspondent, or for the discount, added to the invoice price, if his correspondent draw upon him. A less quantity of foreign goods will, there- fore, suit our market when the real exchange is unfavourable ; and fewer payments having to be made abroad, the competition for foreign bills will be diminished, and the real exchange rendered proportionally favourable. In the same way, it is easy to see that a favourable real exchange must operate as a duty on exportation, and as a bounty on importation. It is thus that fluctuations in the real exchange have a necessary tendency to correct themselves. They can never, for any considerable period, exceed the expense of trans- mitting bullion from the debtor to the creditor country. But the exchange cannot continue either permanently favourable or unfavourable to this extent. When favourable, it corrects itself by restricting exportation and facilitating importation ; and when unfa- vourable, it produces the same effect by giving an unusual stimulus to exportation, and by throwing obstacles in the way of importation. The true par forms the centre of these oscillations ; and although the thousand circumstances which are daily and hourly affecting the state of debt and credit, prevent the ordinary course of exchange from being almost ever precisely at par, its fluctuations, whether on the one side or the other, are confined within certain limits, and have a constant tendency to disappear. This natural tendency which the exchange has to correct itself, is powerfully assisted by the operations of the bill-merchants. England, for example, might owe a large excess of debt to Amsterdam, yet, as the aggregate amount of the debts due by a commercial country is generally balanced by the amount of those which it has to receive, the deficiency of bills on Amsterdam in London would most probably be compensated by a proportional redundancy of those on some other place. Now, it is the business of the merchants who deal in bills, in the same way as of those who deal in bullion or any other commodity, to buy them where they are cheapest, and to sell them where they are dearest. They would, therefore, buy up the bills drawn by other countries on Amsterdam, and dispose of them in London j and by so doing, would prevent any great fall in the price of bills on Amsterdam in those countries in which the supply exceeded the demand, and any great rise in Great Britain and those countries in which the supply happened to be deficient. In the trade between Italy and this country, the bills drawn on Great Britain amount almost inva- riably to a greater sum than those drawn on Italy. The bill-merchants, however, by buying up the excess of the Italian bills on London, and selling them in Holland, and other countries indebted to England, prevent the real exchange from ever becoming very much depressed. III. Negotiation of Bills of Exchayige. — Bills of exchange are either made payable at sight, at a certain specified time after sight or after date, or at usance, which is the usual terra allowed by the custom or law of the place where the bill is payable. Gene- rally, however, a few days are allowed for payment beyond the term when the bill becomes due, wliicli are denominated days of grace, and which vary in different countries. In Great Britain and Ireland, three days' grace are allowed for all bills except those payable at sight, Avhich must be paid as soon as presented. The folloAving is a statement of the usance and days of grace for bills drawn upon some of the principal commercial cities : — [m\d. m\s. d\d. d\s. d\a. respectively denote months after date, months after sight, days Sifter date, days after sight, days after acceptance.l EXCHANGE. 561 liOndon on Usance. Days of Grace. London on Usance. Days of Grace. London on Usance. Days of Grace. Amsterdam 1 m d. 6 Geneva 30 d d. .5 Vicnnaf 14 d a. 3 Rotterdam 1 m d. 6 Madrid 2 m s. 14 Malta 30 d d. 13 Antwerp 1 m d. 6 Cadiz 60 (i d. 6 Naples 3 m d. 3 j-jaiYiburgli 1 m d. 12 Bilboa 2 m d. 14 Palermo 3 m d. 0 Altona 1 m d. V2 Gibraltar 2 m s. 14 Lisbon 30 <1 s. 6 Dantzic 14 d 10 Leghorn 3 m d. 0 Oporto 30 d 6 Paris* 30 d d. 10 JiCipsic 14 d a. 0 Kio Janeiro ;n) d d. 6 Bordeaux 30 d d. 10 Genoa 3 m d. 30 Dublin 21 d a. 3 Bremen 1 m d. 8 Venice 3 m d. 6 Cork 21 d 8. 3 Barcelona 60 d d. 14 t In the dating of bills, the new style is now used in every country in Europe, with the exception of Russia. In London, bills of exchange are bought and sold by brokers, who go round to the principal merchants and discover whether they are buyers or sellers of bills. A few of the brokers of most influence, after ascertaining the state of the relative supply and demand for bills, suggest a price at which the greater part of the transactions of the day are settled, with such deviations as particular bills, from their being in very high or low credit, may be subject to. The price fixed by the brokers is that which is published in Wettenhall's List ; but the first houses generally negotiate their bills on ^, 1, 1^, and 2 per cent, better terms than those quoted. In London and other great commercial cities, a class of middlemen speculate largely on the rise and fall of the exchange ; buying bills when they expect a rise, and selling them when a fall is anticipated. It is usual, in drawing foreign bills of exchange, to draw them in sets, or duplicates, lest the first should be lost or miscarry. When bills are drawn in sets, each must con- tain a condition that it shall be payable only while the others remain unpaid : thus, the first is payable only, " second aixd third unpaid ; " the second, " first and third being un- paid," and the third, " first and second unpaid." All bills of exchange must be drawn upon stamps as under : — Inland Bills and Notes. — Not exceeding Two Months after Date, or Sixty Days after Sight. If - Above s. £ 0 and not above 5 5 20 30 50 100 200 300 500 1,000 2,000 3,000 20 30 50 100 200 300 500 1,000 2,000 3,000 £ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 12 0 15 1 5 Months, &c. d. £ s. d. 0 0 1 6 6 0 2 0 0 0 2 6 6 0 3 6 6 0 4 6 6 0 5 0 0 0 6 0 0 0 8 6 6 0 12 6 6 0 15 0 6 15 0 0 1 10 0 Promissory notes from 2/. to 100^. inclusive are not to be drawn payable to bearer on demand (except, Ing bankers' re-issuabte notes, which require a different stamp). — But notes for any sum exceeding 100^. may be drawn either payable to bearer on demand, or otherwise. — (See ante, p. 69.) Foreign Bills of Exchange. — Foreign bill, drawn in but payable out of Great Britain, if drawn singly the same duty as an inland bill. Foreign bills of exchange, drawn in sets, s. d. for every bill of each set, if the sum does not exceed 100/. - - - - 1 6 Exceeding 100/. and not exceeding 200/. - 3 0 — 200/, — 500/. - 4 0 Exceeding 500/. and not exceeding 1,000/. - 5 0 — 1,000/. — 2.000/. . 7 6 — 2,000/. — 3,000/. . 10 0 — 3,000/. — - . 15 0 No one acquainted with the fundamental rules of arithmetic can have any difficulty whatever in estimating how much a sum of money in one country is worth in another, ac- cording to the state of the exchange at the time. The common arithmetical books abound in examples of such computations. But in conducting the business of exchange, a direct remittance is not always preferred. When a merchant in London, for example, means to discharge a debt due by him in Paris, it is his business to ascertain not only the state of the direct exchange between London and Paris, and, consequently, the sum which he must pay in London for a bill on Paris equivalent to his debt, but also the state of the exchange between London and Hamburgh, Hamburgh and Paris, &c. ; for it frequently Iiappens that it may be more advantageous for him to buy a bill on Hamliurgh, Am- sterdam, or Lisbon, and to direct his agent to invest the proceeds in a bill on Paris, rather than remit directly to the latter. This is termed the Arbitration of exchange. An example or two will suffice to show the principle on which it is conducted. Thus, if the exchange between London and Amsterdam be 35s. Flemish (old coinage) per pound sterlinu- and between Paris and Amsterdam Is. Qd. Flemish per franc, then, in order to ascertain whether a direct ( r indirect remittance to Paris would be most advantageous, we must calculate what would be the value ♦ In France, no days of grace are allowed on bills payable d. vue. t In Austria, bills payable at sight, or on demand, or at less than 7 days after sight or date arc not allowed any days of grace. . ' 2 O 562 EXCHANGE. of the franc in English money if the remittance were made through Holland; for if it be less than that resulting from the direct exchange, it will obviously be the preferable mode of remitting. This is deter- mined by stating, as 35s. Flem. (the Amsterdam currency in a pound sterling) : Is. M. Flera. (Amsterdam currency in a franc) : : 1/. : lOrf. the proportional, or arbitrated value of the franc. — Hence, if the English money, or bill of exchange, to pay a debt in Paris, were remitted by Amsterdam, it would require \0d. to discharge a debt of a franc, or 1/. to discharge a debt of 24 francs : and, therefore, if the exchange between London and Paris were at 24, it would be indifFerent to the English merchant whether he remitted directly to Paris, or indirectly via Amsterdam ; but if the exchange between London and Paris were above 24, then a direct remittance would be preferable ; while, if, on the other hand, the direct exchange were lesss than 24, the indirect remittance ought as plainly to be preferred. " Suppose," to borrow an example from Dr. Kelly {Universal Cambist, vol. ii. p. 137.), " the exchange of London and Lisbon to be at GSd. per milree, and that of Lisbon on Madrid 500 rees per dollar, the arbitrated price between London and Madrid is 34rf. sterling per dollar; for as 1,000 rees: ^d. : : 50O rees : o4c?. But if the direct exchange of London on Madrid be S5d. sterling per dollar, then London, by remitting directly to Madrid, must pay 35d. for every dollar; whereas, by remitting through Lisbon, he will pay only 34a?. ; it is, therefore, the interest of London to remit indirectly to Madrid through Lisbon. On the other hand, if London draws directly on Madrid, he will receive 35«?. sterling per dollar ; whereas, by drawing indirectly through Lisbon, he would receive only 34cf. j it is, therefore, the interest of- London to draw directly on Madrid. Hence the following rules : — 1. Where the certain price is given, draw through the place which produces the lowest arbitrated price, and remit through that which produces the highest. Where the uncertain price is given, draw through that place which produces the highest arbitrated price, and. remit through that which produces the lowest." In compound arbitration, or when more than 3 places are concerned, then, in order to find how much a remittance passing through them all will amount to in the last place, or, which is the same thing, to find the arbitrated price between the first and the last, we have only to repeat the difi'erent statements in the same manner as in the foregoing examples. Thus, if the exchange between London and Amsterdam be 35s. Flem. for 11. sterling ; between Amster- dam and Lisbon 42£f. Flem. for 1 old crusade ; and between Lisbon and Paris 480 rees for 3 francs : what is the arbitrated price between London and Paris ? In the first place, as o5s. Flem. : 1/. : : 42d. Flem. : 2s. sterling = 1 old crusade. Second, as 1 old crusade, or 400 rees : 2s. sterling : : 480 rees : 2s. 4'8<_3 4^ 35 480 X 3i 168 This abridged operation evidently consists in arranging the terms so that those which would form the divisors in continued statements in the Rule of Three are multiplied together for a common divisor, and the other terms for a common dividend. The ordinary arithmetical books abound with examples of such operation?. The following account of the manner in which a very large transaction was actually conducted by indirect remittances, will sufficiently illustrate the principles we have been endeavouring to explain. In 1804, Spain was bound to pay to France a large subsidy ; and, in order to do this, three distinci methods presented themselves : — 1. To send dollars to Paris by land. 2. To remit bills of exchange directly to Paris, 3 To authorise Paris to draw directly on Spain. The first of these methods was tried, but it was found too slow and expensive ; and the second and third plans were considered likely to turn the^ exchange against Spain. The following method by the indirect, or circular exchange, was, therefore, adopted. A merchant, or banquier, at Paris, was appointed to manage the operation, which he thus conducted : — He chose London, Amsterdam, Hamburgh, Cadiz, Madrid, and Paris, as the principal hinges on which the operation was to turn ; and he engaged correspondents in each of these cities to support the circulation, Madrid and Cadiz were the places in Spain from whence remittances were to be made ; and dollars were, of course, t6be sent to where they bore the highest price, for which bills were to be procured on Paris, or on any other places that might be deemed more advantageous. The principle being thus established, it only remained to regulate the extent of the operation, so as not to issue too much paper on Spain, and to give the circulation as much support as possible from real business With this view, London was chosen as a place to which the operation might be chiefly directed, as the price of dollars was then high in England^ a circumstance which rendered the proportional ex- change advantageous to Spain. , tt^uja The business was commenced at Paris, where the negotiation of drafts issued on Hamburgh and Am- sterdam served to answer the immediate demands of the state; and orders were transmitted to these places to draw for the reimbursements on London, Madrid, or Cadiz, according as the course of exchange was most favourable The proceedings were all conducted with judgment, and attended with complete success At the commencement of the oi)eration, the course of exchange of Cadiz on London was 36d. j but by the plan adopted, Spain got 39irf., or above 8 per cent, by the remittance of dollars to London, and' considerable advantages were also gained by the circulation of bills through the several places on the Continent. — {Kelly's Cambist, vol ii. p. 168. ; Dubost's Elements of Commerce, 2d ed. p. 218.) Law of Bills op Exchange. The chief legal privileges appertaining to bills are, first, that though only a simple contract, yet they are always presumed to have been originally given for a good and valuable consideration ; and, secondly thev arc assignable to a third i>erson not named in the bill or party to the contract, so as to vest in the as-^iinee a right of action, in his own name; which right of action, no release by the drawer to the ac oeptor, nor set-oft' or cross demand due from the former to the latter, can affect. , •„ u . All persons whether merchants or not, being legally qualified to contract, may be parties to a bill. But no act on can'be supported against a person incapable of binding himself, on a bill drawn, indorsed, or accepted by such incapacitated person ; at the same time the bill is good against all other competent ^"^Bilh may bc'drawn. accepted, or indorsed by the party's agent or attorney verbally authorised for the purpose When a person has such authority, he must either write the name of his principal, or state in writing that he draws, «:c. as agent : thus, " per procuration, for A. B." ,^ , ^ ... Where one of several partners accepts a bill drawn on the firm, for himself and partners, or in his own name only, such acceptance binds the partnership if it concern the trade But the acceptance of one of Lv^ral partners on behalf of himself and paitncrs. will not bind the others, if it concern the acceptor EXCHANGE. 563 ©n!y In a separate and distinct interest ; and the holder of the bill, at the time he becomes so, was aware of that circumstance. If, however, he be a bonujidc holder for a sufficient consideration, and had no such knowledge at the time he first became possessed of tiie bill, no subsequently acquired knowledge of the misconduct of the partner in giving sucn security will prevent him from recovering on such bills against all the partners. Although no precise form of words is required to constitute a bill of exchange or promissory note, yet it is necessary that it should he payable at all events, and not depend on any contingency ; and that it be made for the payment of money only, and not for payment of money and performance of some other act, Hs the delivery of a horse, or the like. If, however, the event on which the payment is to depend must inevitably happen, it is of no import- ance how long the payment may be in suspense ; so a bill is negotiable and valid if drawn payable 6 weeks after the death of the drawer's father, or payable to an infant when lie shall become of age. Any material alteration of a bill alter it has been drawn, accepted, or indorsed, such as the date, sum, or time of payment, will invalidate it : but the mere correction of a mistake, as by inserting the words *• or order," will have no such effect. The negotiability of a bill depends on the insertion of sufficient operative words of transfer; such as by making it payable to A. or order, or to A. or bearer, or to bearer generally. Although a bill is presumed to have been originally drawn upon a good and valuable consideration, yet in certain cases a want of sufficient consideration may be insisted on in defence to an action on a bilU Certain considerations have been made illegal by statute ; as for signing a bankrupt's certificate, for money won at gaming, or for money lent on a usurious contract. But with respect to gaming, it is hdd, that a bill founded on a gambling transaction is good in the hands of a bona fide holder ; and by 58 Geo. 6. c. 93. a bill or note in the hands of an innocent holder, although originally founded on a usurious contract, is not invalid. In general, if a bill is fair and legal in its origin, a subsequent illegal contract or consideration on the indorsement thereof will not invalidate it in the hands of a bond fide holder. A bill cannot be given in evidence in a court of justice, unless it be duly stamped, not only with a stamp of the proper value, but also of the proper denomination. Acceptance of a Bill. — An acceptance is an engagement to pay a bill according to the tenor of the ac- ceptance, which may be either absolute or qualfied. An absolute acceptance is an engagement to pay a bill according to its request, which is done by the drawee writing " Accepted " on the bill, and subscribing his name , or writing " Accepted " only ; or merely subscribing his name at the bottom or across the bilL A qualified acceptance is when a bill is accepted conditionally ; as when goods conveyed to the drawee are jold, or when a navy bill is paid, or other future event which does not bind the acceptor till the con- tingency has happened. An acceptance may be also partial ; as to pay lOOi instead of 150/., or to pay at a different time or place from that required by the bill. But in all cases of a conditional or partial acceptance, the holder should, if he mean to resort to the other parties to the bill in default of payment, give notice to them of such partial or conditional acceptance. In all cases of presenting a bill for acceptance, it is necessary to present the bill at the house where the drawee lives, or where it is made payable. By 1 & 2 Geo 4. c. 78., all bills accepted payable at a banker's or other place are to be deemed a general acceptance ; but if they are accepted payable at a banker's " only, and not otherwise or elsewhere," it is a qualified acceptance, and the acceptor is not liable to pay the bill, except in default of payment when such payment shall have been first demanded at the banker's. The drawee is entitled to keep the bill 24 hours when presented for acceptance. The acceptance of an inland bill must be in writing on the face of the bill, or, if there be more parts than one, on one of such parts ; nothing short of this constitutes a valid acceptanca If a bill is made payable a certain time after sight, it must, in order to fix the time when it is to be paid, be presented for acceptance, and the date of the acceptance should appear thus : " Accepted, July 1st, 1831." Due diligence is the only thing to be considered in presenting any description of bill for acceptance ; and such diligence is a question depending on the situation of the parties, the distance at which they live, and the facility of communication between them. When the drawee refuses to accept, any third party, after protesting, may accept for the honour of the bill generally, or for the drawee, or for the indorser; in which case the acceptance is called an acceptance supra protest. The drawers and indorsers are discharged from liability, unless due notice of non-acceptance when pre- sented for acceptance, or non-payment at the time the bill becomes due, is given. These notices must be given with all due diligence to all the parties to wliom the holder means to resort for payment. Generally, in both foreign and inland bill?, notice is given next day to the immediate indorser, and such indorser i allowed a day, when he should give fresh notice to the parties who are hable to him. Notice may be sent by the post, however near the residence of the parties may be to each other ; and though the letter containing such notice should miscarry, yet it will be sufficient; but the letter contain- ing the notice should be delivered at the General Post-office, or at a receiving-house appointed by that office, not to the bellman in the street. In all cases of notice, notice to one of several parties is held to be notice to all ; and if one of several drawers be also the acceptor, it is not necessary to give notice to the other drawers. Upon the non-acceptance or non-payment of a bill, the holder, or a public notary for him, should pro- test it ; that is, draw up a notice of the refusal to accept or pay the bill, and the declaration of the holder against sustaining loss thereby. Inland bills need not be protested ; in practice they are usually only noted for non-acceptance ; but this, without the protest, is wholly futile, and adds nothing whatever to the evidence of the holder, while it entails a useless expense on those liable to pay. Indorsement of Bills. — An indorsement is the act by which the holder of a negotiable instrument transfers his right to another person, termed the indorsee. It is usually made on the back of a bill, and must be in writing; but the law has not prescribed any set form of words as necessary to the ceremony, and in general the mere signature of the indorser is sufficient. All bills payable to order or to bearer for 1/. and upwards are negotiable by indorsement; and the transfer of them for a good consideration, before they are payable, gives a right of action against all the precedent parties on the bill, if the bills in themselves are valid ; but a transler after they are due will only place the holder in the situation of the person from whom he takes them. Bills may be transferred either by delivery only, or by indorsement and delivery: bills payable to order are transferred by the latter mode only ; but bills payable to bearer may be transferred by either mode. On a transfer by delivery, the person making it ceases to be a party to the bill ; but on a transfer by in- dorsement, he is to all intents and purposes chargeable as a new drawer. A bill originally transferable may be restrained by restrictive words ; for the payee or indorsee, having the absolute property in the bill, may, by express words, r strict its currency, by indorsing it " Payable to A. B. only," or " to A. B. for his use," or any other words clearly demonstrating his intention to make a restrictive and limited indorsement. Such special indorsement precludes the person in whose favour it is made from making a transfer, so as to give a right of action against the special indorser, or any of the pre- cedent parties to the bill. In taking bills to account or discount, it is important well to examine all special indorsements. Lord Tenterden decided that a person who discounts a bill indorsed " Pay to A. B. or order /or mt/ use," discounts it subject to the risk of having to pay the money to the special indorser, who so hmited the ap» 2 O 2 564 EXCHANGE. plication /or my use ; thus a party may be liable to pay the amount of the bill twice over, unless he pr». viously ascertains that the payment has been made conformably to the import of the indorsement. After the payment of part, a bill may be indorsed over for the residue. Presentment for Payment. — The holder of a bill must be careful to present it for payment at the time when due, or the drawer and indorsers will be exonerated from their liability; even the bankruptcy, in- solvency, or death of the acceptor will not excuse a neglect to make presentment to the assignees or executor; nor will the insufficiency of a bill in any respect constitute an excuse for non-presentment: trhe presentment should be made at a reasonable time of the day when the bill is due ; and if by the known custom of any trade or place bills are payable only within particular hours, a presentment must be within those hours. If a bill has a qualified acceptance, the presentment should be at the place mentioned in such qualified acceptance, or all the parties will be discharged from their obligations. If a bill fall due on Sunday, Good Friday, Christmas Day, or any public fast or thanksgiving day, the presentment must be on the day preceding these holidays. By 7 & 8 Geo. 4. c. 15., if a bill or note be pay- able on the day preceding these holidays, notice of the dishonour may be given the day following the holiday ; and if Christmas Day fall on Monday, notice may be given on Tuesday. Bills, however, payable at usance, or at a certain time after date or sight, or after demand, ought not to be presented for payment precisely at the expiration of the time mentioned in the bills, but at the ex- piration of what are termed days of grace. The days of grace allowed vary in different countries, and ought always to be computed according to the usage of the place where the bill is due (See ante, p. 561.) At Hamburgh, and in France, the day on which the bill falls due makes one of the days of grace ; but no where else. On bills payable on demand, or when no time of payment is expressed, no days of grace are allowed ; but they arc payable instantly on presentment. On bank post bills no days of grace are claimed ; but on a bill payable at sight the usual days of grace are allowed from the sight or demand. Payment of a bill should be made only to the holder; and it may be refused unless the bill be produced and delivered up. On payment, a receipt should be written on the back ; and when a part is paid, the same should be acknowledged upon the bill, or the party paying naay be liable to pay the amount a second time to a bond fide indorser. Promissory Notes and Checks. — The chief distinction between promissory notes and bills of exchange is, that the former are a direct engagement by the drawer to pay them according to their tenor, without the intervention of a third party as a drawee or acceptor. Promissory notes may be drawn payable on de- mand to a person named therein, or to order, or to bearer generally. They are assignable and indorsable ; and in all respects so nearly assimilated to bills by 3 & 4 Ann. c. 9., that the laws which have been stated as bearing upon the latter, may be generally understood as applicable to the former. In Edis v. Bury it has been decided, in case an instrument is drawn so equivocally as to render it uncertain whether it be a bill of exchange or promissory note, the holder may treat it as either against the drawer. Promissory notes, bills, drafts^ or undertakings in writing, being made negotiable or transferable, for a less sum than 20*., are void, and persons uttering such are subject to a penalty not exceeding 20/., recover- able before a justice of peace. The issue of any promissory note payable to bearer on demand for a less sum than 51. by the Bank of England, or any licensed English banker, is prohibited; and by 9 Geo. 4. c. 65. it is provided, that no cor- poration or i)erson shall utter or negotiate, in England, any such note which has been made or issued in Scotland, Ireland, or elsewhere, under a penalty not exceeding 20/. nor less than 51. But this does not extend to any draft or order on bankers for the use of the drawer. Promissory notes for any sum exceeding 100/. may be drawn payable to bearer on demand or otherwise; but notes trom 9.1. to 100/. inclusive are not to be drawn payable to bearer on demand, except bankers' re- issuable notes, which require a different stamp. A check or draft is as negotiable as a bill of exchange, and vests in the assignee the same right of action against the assignor. As to the presentation of checks, &c., see Check. Any person making, accepting, or paying any bill, draft, order, or promissory note, not duly stamped, is liable to a penalty of 50/. ; for post-dating them, 100/. ; and for not truly specifying the place where un- stamped drafts are issued, 100/. : and any person knowingly receiving such unstamped draft, 20/. ; and the banker knowingly paying it, 100/. ; besides not being allowed such sum in account. Before concluding this article on mercantile paper, it may not be improper to introduce one or two cautions with regard to acceptances, and accommodation paper, and proceedings in case of the loss of bills. First, A man should not put his name as acceptor to a bill of exchange without well considering whether he has the means of paying the same when due, as otherwise he may be liable not only to the costs of the action against himself, but also to the costs of the actions against the other parties to the bill : the shrewd tradesman is generally anxious to get the acceptance of his debtor at a short date, well knowing that it not only fixes the amount of the debt, but it is more speedily recoverable by legal procedure than a book debt. Secondly, Traders who wish to support their respectability, and desire to succeed in business, should be cautious in resorting to the destructive system of cross-accommodation acceptances : it seldom ends well, and usually excites suspicion as to the integrity of the parties; it being an expedient often adopted by swindlers to defraud the public. Independent of the expense in stamps and discounts, and frequently in noting, interest, and law expenses, the danger attending such accommodation is sufficient to deter from the practice. Suppose, for instance, A. and JB. mutually accommodate each other to the amount of 1,000/., the acceptances being in the hands of third persons : both A. and B. are liable to such third persons to the extent of 2,000/. each ; and should A. by any unforeseen occurrence be suddenly rendered unable to meet his acceptances, the holders of the whole, as well the acceptances of A. as the acceptances of B., Avill resort to B. for payment ; and it may so happen, that although B. could have provided for his own share of the accommodation paper, he may be unable to provide for the whole, and may thus become insolvent. Thirdly, In case of the loss of a bill, the 9& 10 Will. 3. c. 17. provides, that if any inland bill be lost or missing within the time limited for its payment, the drawer shall, on sufficient security given to indemnify him if such bill be found again, give another bill of the same tenor with the first. Lastly, It is of great importance to bankers and others taking bills and notes, that they should have 60\ne, knowledge of the parties from whom they receive them ; otherwise, if the instrument turn out to have been lost or fraudulently obtained, they may, without equivalent, be deprived of their security, on itn action by the owner to recover possession. Lord Tenterden decided, " if a person take a bill, note, or any other kind of security, under circumstances which ought to excite suspicion in the miuvl of any reasonable man acquainted with the ordinary affairs of life, and which ought to put him on his guard to make the necessary inquiries, and he do not, then he loses the right of maintaining possession of the in- strument against the rightful owner." — (G«2/c//ia//, Oct. 25. 1826.) EXCHANGE. 565 L Table containing the Value of the Monies of Account of different Places (expressed in Tence and Decimals of Pence), according to th«r Mint Price both of (Jold and Silver in England; that is, 31. 17s. lO^ef. per oz. for Gold, and 5s. 2d. per oz. for Silver. — {Kelly's Cambist, voL ii. p. 149.) Coins. V 1 Silver. Value in Gold. Coins. V alue in .Silver. Value III (Jold. d. d. d. d. Aix-la-Chapelle, Rixdollar current 31-40 31-43 Hamburgh, Mark current I'ound Flemish current . 14-82 variable Amsterdam, Rixdollar banco (agio 11115 ditto at 4 per cent.) - 52-54 variably Hanover, Hixdollar (in cash) 42 42-26 Florin banco 21- ditto Rixdollar (gold value) £9- 59-24 Florin current 20-72 ditto Kcinigsbcrg, Gulden or florin 12* variable Pound Flemish current - 124-32 ditto Legliorn, I'ezza ot 8 reals - 46-25 49-16 Antwerp, Pound Flemish (monev of Lira moneta buona 8-13 8 -55 exchange) 1^3-25 123-87 Lira moneta lunga 7 79 8-19 Florin (money of ex. Leipsic, Rixdollar convention mo. change) 20-54 20-64 ney ... 37-80 variable Pound Flemish current - 105-55 10618 Rixdollar in Louis d'ors Florin current 17 -(iO 17-70 or Fredericks - - 3968 Barcelona, Libra Catalan - 28-14 26-70 Malta . Scudo or crown 21 32 • 2.3-34 Basil - Rixdollar, or ecu of ex- Milan - Lira Imperiale 10.-41 10 5-3 change ATrTl 47- Lira corrento 7 45 7-44 Rixdollar current 42-45 42-20 Scudo Imperiale - 6(r9() 61-60 Berlin - Pound banco 47-25 variable Scudo corrente 42-32 42 78 Rixdollar current 36- ditto Modena, Lira . - 3-72 Berne - Ecu of 3 livres - 42-64 41i-90 Munich, Gulden or florin 21- 21-28 €rown of 25 batzen 35-53 35-75 Naples - Ducat of 1818 41-20 41-22 Bremen, Rixdollar current 37-80 variable Vaxma. . Lira 2-35 2-40 Rixdollar in Carls d'or - - 39-68 Persia - Toman of 100 mamoodis - 287-60 ! Cassel - Rixdollar current 37-80 variable Poland - Gulden or florin - 6 03 6-27 Cologne, Rixdollar specie of 80 al- Portugal, Milree - 67-34 buses - _ - 31-38 ditto Old crusade - 26-94 Rixdollar current of 78 Riga - Rixdollar Alberts 52-54 variable albuses 30-60 ditto Rixdollar currency (agio Constantinople, Piastre, or dollar.. 9 45 uncert. at 40 per cent.) 37-53 ditto Dantzic, Gulden or florin 9- s- Rome - Scudo or crown - 52-05 51-63 Denmark, Rixdollar s{>ecie 54-72 Scudo di stanipa d'oro 79-37 78-73 Rixdollar crown money - 48-37 Russia, Rouble - - - - variable Rixdollar Danish currency 44 27 44-88 Sardinia, Lira - - - 18-21 18-82 England, Pound sterling - 240- 240- Sicily - Ounce 123-54 124 -80 Florence, Lira . - . 8-12 8 53 Scudo o- ^'^own - 49-02 49-92 Ducat, or crown current 56-84 59 71 Spain - Real of o/d plate - 4-88 4-57 ' Scudo d'or, or gold crown - 63-97 Real of new plate 5-18 4-86 France Livre Tournois 9-58 9-38 Real of Mexican plate - 6-48 6-07 Franc (new system) 9-70 9-53 Real vellon 2-59 2-43 Francfort, Rixdollar convention Dollar of old plate, or of money - . - 37-80 37-65 exchange 39- 36-59 Rixdollar Muntze, or in Sweden, Rixdollar 55-41 56-43 small coins 51-50 Switzerland, Franc (new system) 22-14 Germany, Rixdollar current 37-80 variable Trieste, Florin, Austrian currency 25-20 25 05 ' Rixdollar specie 50-40 ditto Lira, Trieste currency . 4-76 4-73 25 -'■'0 Lira di piazza . • 4-65 4-63 ■ Rixdollar Muntze^ 31-50 ditto Turin - Lira - 11-28 11-23 Florin Muntze 21- ditto Valencia, Libra - - Venice, Lira piccola (in the old 39-45 39-59 . Geneva, Livre current - 16-13 16-13 Florin - - - 4-60 4-84 coins) 5-07 variable Genoa - Lira fuori banco 8- 7-83 Lira piccola (in the coins Pezza, or dollar of ex. introduced by the Aus- change 45-92 45-50 trians) - - 4-25 ditto Scudo di cambio, or crown Vienna, Florin ... 25-20 25-05 of exchange 36-75 36-02 Zante - Real 4 06 variable Hamburgh, Mark banco (at med.) 18-22 variable Zurich, Florin (money of exchange) 25-85 ditto Pound Flemish banco 136-65 ditto Florin current 23-50 ditto Par of Exchange between England and the following Places, viz. Amsterdam, Hamburgh, Paris Madrid, Lisbon, Loghorn, Genoa, Naples, and Venice* the same being comjiuted from the intrinsic Value of their principal Coijis, by comparing Gold with Gold, and Silver with Silver, according to their Mint Regulations, and to Assays made at the London and Paris Mints. — (Presented by Dr. Kelly to the Committee of the House of Lords, on the Expediency of the Bank's resuming Cash Payments.) Amsterdam, b Do. current Madrid Lisbon - Leghorn Genoa • Naples ■ Venice - Mint Regula-i Assays, tions. I 36 8 36 6-8 11 4-5 11 .^-8 34 3-5 .-5,5 1-5 25 20 37-3 67-4 491 ■l.^.-5 41-22 46-.'5 25 26 .37-2 67-5 49-0 45- 5 46- o' Mint Ro^ula- Assays. 37 3 U 8-5 31 1 21 73 6f>-41 4G-46 4a id 41-42 37 10-, 11 11- 39 0 58-33 46-5 4S-9 New Coinage. Mint Regula- Assays. 35 0 10 14-6 .32 11 23 25 41-7 64-.30 49- 60 49-4 43 9 44-6 35 10 17-6 52 11-; 25 40 41-5 02*69 49-5 52-0 '46-1 ' Explanations. Monies of Exchange. 6-5 I^Schillinirs and pence Flemish per pound sterling SK> 2 per cent. Florins and stivers per pound sterling. . iSchillings and pence Flemish banco per pound sterLj Francs and centimes per pound sterling. Pence sterling for the pia.stre or dollar of exchange. ' Pence sterling per niilrce. Pence stetling per pezza of excharu'e. | Pence sterling i>er pezza fuori banco.* Pence sterling per ducat (new coin.-ge of 1818). ) Lire piccole per pound sterling. | * The currency of Genoa has consisted, since 1826, of Lire Ital'mne of exactly the same weight and fineness as francs ; so that the par of exchange with Genoa is now the same as with Paris. 2 O 3 566 EXCHEQUER BILLS. — EXCISE. Ill, An Account of the Course of Exchange, London, 18th of November, 1836, with some Explanatory Statements. Course of Exchange. Explanatory Statements. Amsterdam, 3 ms. Antwerp - Hamlmrgh, mcs. bco. - Paris, 3 ms. Francfort - Petersburgh, p. rou. 3 us. • Vienna, efT. Flo. 2 ms. - Madrid, 3 ms. - Leghorn - Genoa - Venice, p. 6 Aust. livr. - Naples - Lisbon, 30 days' sight Rio Janeiro, ditto - 12 12 13 11 25 70 1513 10 10 10 35X 48^ 25 75 474 40| 54® 1 receives receives receives receives receives gives receives gives gives receives receives gives gives 12 florins 41^ stivers for 11. 12 ditto 2i ditto for 1/. 13 marcs 11 schillings banco for II. 25 francs 70 centimes for 1/. 151 1 batzen for 1/. 10 pence sterling for 1 rouble bank money. 10 florins 10 creutzers for 1/. 35^ pence sterling for 1 dollar. 48 ditto for 1 pezza of 8 reals. 25 lire Italiane 75 cent, for 1/. 47J lire piccolifor 1/. 40| pence sterling for 1 ducato di regno. 54 ditto for 1 m»lrce. 36 ditto for 1 ditto. For further and more ample elucidations, see the articles on the great trading towns, in this Die- tionary. EXCHEQUER BILLS. See Funds. EXPECTATION, of life. See Insurance. EXPORTATION, in commerce, the act of sending or carrying commodities from one country to another. — (See Importation and Exportation.) EXCISE, the name given to the duties or taxes laid on such articles as are produced and consumed at home. Customs duties are those laid on commodities when imported into or exported from a country. Excise duties were introduced into England by the Long Parliament in 1643 ; being then laid on the makers and venders of ale, beer, cider, and perry. The royalists soon after followed the example of the republicans ; both sides declaring that the excise should be continued no longer than the termination of the war. But it was found too productive a source of revenue to be again relinquished j and when the nation had been accustomed to it for a few years, the parliament declared, in 1649, that the " impost of excise was the most easy and indifferent levy that could be laid upon the people." It was placed on a new footing at the Restoration : and notwithstanding Mr. Justice Blackslone says, that " from its first original to the present time its very name has been odious to the people of England" — {Com. book i. c. 3.), — it has continued progressively to gain ground; and is at tl)is moment imposed on a variety of most important articles, and furnishes nearly lialf the entire public revenue of the kingdom. The prejudice in the public mind to wliich Blackstone lias alluded, against the excise duties, seems to have originated more in the regulations connected with their imposition, tlian in the oppressive extent to which they have sometimes been carried. The facilities of smuggling, and the frauds that might be committed upon the revenue, unless a strict watch were kept, have led to the enactment of several rather severe regulations. The officers have been empowered to enter and search the houses of such individuals as deal in exciseable commodities at any time of the day, and in most instances also of the night. And the proceedings in cases of transgression are of such a nature, that persons may be convicted in heavy pe- nalties, by the summary judgment of 2 commissioners of excise, or 2 justices of the peace, without the intervention of a jury. For the more easily levying the revenue of excise, England and "Wales are divided into about 56 collections, some of which are called by the names of particular counties, others by the names of great towns, where one county is divided into several collections, or where a collection comprehends the con. tiguous parts of several counties. Every such collection is subdivided into several districts, within which there is a supervisor ; and each district is again subdivided into out-rides and foot-walks, within each of which there is a gauger or surveying officer. Abstract of the Gross Excise Revenue of England, Scotland, and Ireland, for 1832, 1833, and 1834 England .Scotland Ireland United K. 1832. 1833. 1834. L. s. d. 14,616,143 17 6 1,7.14,627 18 6 1,865,299 10 2 L. s. d. 14,922,847 1 11 1,928,810 13 5 1,790,502 7 5 L. t. d, 13,061,852 3 7i 1,966,183 11 l| 1,849,256 11 10| 18,266,071 6 2 18,642,160 2 9 16,877,292 6 6j The expense of collecting the excise revenue, in 1834, amounted in Great Britain to 6/. Is. 5Jd. per cent, of the gross produce, and in Ireland to 91. 6s. 8Xd. per do. The total gross receipt of the excise revenue in the United liing- dom, in 1835, was 15,229,352/. This falling off in the excise revenue is apparent only, having been entirely occasioned by the trans- ference of the tea duty from the excise to the customs, and by the repeal of certain duties, as those on tiles, sweets, starch, &c., and the reduction of others. The excise duty of 1835 was collected (excluding arrears) from ten articles only, viz. auctions, bricks, glass, hops, licences, malt, paper, soap, spirits, and vinegar. Of these the duty on glass is by far the most objectionable. — (See Supplement.) But were it repealed we do not know, now that the paper duties are reduced (see Supplement), that any of the others can be justly objected to. That on bricks is, perhaps, the most exceptionable. The table on the opposite page shows in detail the quantities and numbers of the articles and persons charged with excise duties in 1832, 1833, and 1834, and the gross revenue they respectively produced each year. — N.B. Tea has since been transferred to the customs ; and the duties on tiles, .starch, stone bottles, and sweets have been repealed. (For detailed accounts of the duties and regulations afTecting the difiTerent articles' subject to the excise, see those articles ) Complexity of Excise Laws. — The great objection to the excise laws, as they at present stand, consists m tiieir obscurity and complexity. Being intended for the guidance of traders, they ought to be brief, clear, and level to the apprehension of every one ; but, instead of this, they are in the last degree length- ened, contradictory, and unintelligible. There are, at this moment, some 40 or 50 acts in existence relating to the duties on glass, and from 25 to 30 relating to those on jiaper ; so that it is all but impossible for any one to tell what the law is on many points. This disgraceful .state of things might, however, be easily remedied, by getting the Treasury to prepare a short digest of the law as to each duty, drawn up in a clear and unambiguous manner ; and enacting, that a manufacturer or dealer abiding by this abstract should be held to have abided by the law, and should not be liable to be further questioned on the subject The adoption of some plan of this sort would be the greatest improvement which it seems possible to introduce into the excise. EXCISE 567 An Account of the Quantities of the several Articles charged with Duties of Excise, in the Untied Kingdom, together witli the Gross Amount of Duty thereon, during tlie Years 1832, 1833, and 1834. — {^Papers published by Board of Trade, vol. iv. p. 28.) Auctions, amount of sales charged with duty - Bricks Tiles - lilass, crown - Flint - Plate - Broad Bottle Hops - - Licences, auctioneers' - Brewers of strong beer, not ex ceeding 20 barrels - Ditto exceeding 20 and not ex ceeding 50 - Ditto exceeding 50 and not ex ceeding 100 . Ditto exceeding 100 and not ex ceeding 1,000 - Ditto exceeding 1,000 barrels Brewers of table beer - Retail brewers, under the act 5 Geo. 4. 0.54 - Sellers of strong beer only, not being brewers - - Beer retailers, whose premises are rated under 20/. per annum Ditto at 20/. or upwards - ReUilers of beer, cider, or perry under the acts 1 Will. 4. c. 64. and 4 & 5 Will. 4. c. 85. - Ditto of cider and perry only, un der the said acts - Tea and coffee dealers Glass manufacturers - Maltsters Paper makers Paper stainers Soap makers - Distillers and rectifiers Dealers in spirits, not being re tailers Retailers of spirits, whose pre. mises are rated under 10/. per annum - Ditto ditto at 10/. and under 20Z, — 20/. — 25/, — 25/. _ 30/. — 30/. _ 40/ — 40/. — 50/, Chemists or any other trade re quiring a still . Retailers of spirits in Ireland, being duly licensed to sell coffee, tea, &c., whose premises are — 30/. — 40/. _ — 40/. — 50/. _ — 50/. and npwcirds - — Starch makers - - . _ Makers of sweets - - . _ Retailers of ditto - - . _ Manufacturers of tobacco and snufT - . . _ Dealers in ditto - - - — Vinegar makers - - - Dealers in foreign wine, not hav- ing a license for retailing M)irits, and a license for retailing beer - Dealers in foreign wine, having a licence to retail beer, but not having a licence to retail spirits — Dealers in foreign wine, having licences to retail beer and spirits _ Passage vessels, on board which liquor and tobacco are sold - _ Surcharges - - . Amount of duty on licences granted for periods less than a year - . . . .Malt from barley • . . bush. I From beer or bigg 'Paper, first class - Second class - Pasteboard, millboard, &c. Stained paper Soap, hard ft' SpiriU Starch Stone bottles Sweets - Tea Vinegar cwts. yards lbs. g^ls. lbs. cwts. galls. lbs. galls. Quantities charged. 6,52.^,753 998,346,362 76,601,051 10.VJ02 79,1 12,270 5,.-5l)l 312,361 29,012,406 3,628 8,623 6,848 9,165 16,8,S8 1,56* 131 50 911 33,515 ISS 100,191 118 12,822 592 38,450 26,201 3,700 2,154, 3,879i 2,472 4,700 24 52 739 164,058 54 1,960 99 23,111 257 36,343,094 1,047,355 49,404,596 15,531,059 43,468 7,140,347 119,.'iO3,092 10,350,703 20,778,521 8,070,026 16,626 158,932 31,548,407 2,914,261 6,867,396 1,103,591,.')6(; 8,29.3,186 129,984 78,387 6,306 1523,398 32,777,.3'10 3,686 8,527 7,249 9,540 17,390 1,710 9C 50 966 31,976 653 101,579 126 13,243 582 154 499 450 3,894 41,018 26,887 3,728 2,199 3,928 2,503 4,894 28 66 741 167,785 55 1,9 83 24,079 279 38,851,522 1,224,.'568 51,941,859 16,477,105 46,655 7,970,761 138,170,787 11,731,156 21,874,455 8,805,513 17,038 122,267 31,829,619 2,863,080 7,.331,892 1,180,161,228 1.36,708 83,325 18,922 6,766 .344,014 39,587,497 3,60' 8,496 7,276 9,861 18,433 1,80(; 69 47 1,074 37,381 1,054 103,549 122 12,891 571 39,161 26,358 3,645 2,159 3,875 2,528 4,846 720 172,300 54 1,960 115 23,714 39,807,28' 1 ,338,309 54,053,721 16,552,168 49„-92 8,749,144 144,344,043 10,401,281 23,397,806 4,726,9-21 16,911 126,805 14,427,616 3,091,254 Amount of Duty. L. t. d. 2.36,319 8 0 294, .322 18 10 38,010 17 1 .381,8.39 17 0 212,145 6 5 36,810 0 0 7,956 0 0 109,.326 7 0 241,770 1 0 18,140 0 0 4,311 10 6,843 0 13,747 10 .33,776 0 14,610 15 0 217 5 0 262 10 0 2,869 13 0 73,649 2 53,713 16 0 197 8 55,105 1 2,360 0 23,869 10 2,368 0 5.02 0 2,060 0 4,660 0 37,720 0 0 80,745 0 110,044 0 23,310 0 15,831 18 32,583 12 23,360 8 49,350 0 12 0 642 12 0 42 0 0 57 15 0 100 16 0 491 8 0 295 0 0 52 10 0 927 3 0 6,440 0 0 41,014 10 0 270 0 0 373 16 0 1,533 2 0 257 0 0, !,792 14 3 17,567 4,694,316 104,7.-^5 61 7, .557 97,069 48,468 52,064 1,49.3,788 75,473 4,975,438 109,281 4,156 3,973 3,509,820 24,285 8 0 6 0 10 0 9 0 2 2 9 6 IS 3 13 1 17 4 5 10 11 9 10 0 6 0 15 6 10 2 1 18,266.07 L. I. d. 243,981 11 11 304,942 1 11 4,680 1 1 477,691 4 0 219,483 12 0 43,586 6 0 !»,4.'j9 0 0 113,189 6 0 272,894 5 0 18,430 0 0 4,263 10 7,249 0 14,310 0 34,780 0 15,395 5 87 10 77,068 19 54,923 8 73,449 12 0 685 13 0 55,868 9 0 2,520 0 0 24„346 12 6 2,328 0 0 38,940 0 0 86,137 16 112,925 8 23,486 8 16,162 13 32,995 4 23,653 7 51,387 0 14 0 793 16 42 0 46 4 138 12 518 14 300 0 56 14 969 0 6,565 0 0 41,946 5 0 275 0 0 ■ 318 12 0 50,565 18 0 279 0 0 3,753 15 9 18,060 5 0 5,018,321 14 123,4.-6 16 0 649,273 4 9 102,981 17 11 52,246 18 6 68,120 2 1,11.5,167 19 59,253 4 5,25.3,513 19 119,241 6 4,2.>9 10 3,056 13 3,444,103 7 23,859 0 6 2J 18,642,160 2 9 16,877,292 6 Cj 2 O 4 568 EXPORTS. — FACTOR. The laws with respect to the general management of the excise were consolidated by the 7 & 8 (ieo. 4. c. 35., from which the following particulars are selected : — Commissioners. — Four commissioners constitute a board. They are to be subject, in all things relating to their peculiar duty, to the orders of the Treasury. They may ap|)oint col- lectors and other subordinate officers, and give Ihemr such salaries and allowances as the Treasury shall direct: but they are not allowed to increase the number of interior officers without the permission and approval of the Treasury. No member of the House of Commons can be a commissioner of excise. Officers of Excise No officer of excise is to vote or in- terfere at any election of a member of parliament, under pain of forfeiting 500/., and being rendered incapable of ever holding any office or place of trust under his Majesty. No person holding any office of excise is to deal m any sort of goods subject to tiie excise laws. Any person bribing or oftermg to bribe any officer of excise shall forfeit 500Z. ; and every officer accei)ting such bribe, or doing, conniving at, or permitting any act or thing whereby any of the provisions of the excise laws may be evaded or broken, shall forfeit 500i., and be declared mcapable of ever after serving his Majesty in any capacity whatever. But if any of the parties to such illegal transactions shall inform against the other, before any proceedings thereupon shall have been instituted, he shall be indemnified against the penalties and disabilities imposed for such offences. Duties and Powers of Officers. — It is lawful for any officer to enter any building or other place, used for carrying on any trade subject to the excise^ either by niglit or by day (but if by night, in the presence of a constable or peace officer), to in- spect the same, &c. And upon an officer making oath that he has cause to suspect that goods forfeited under the excise acts are deposited in any firivate house or place, 2 commissioners cf excise, or 1 justice of the peace, may grant a warrant to the officer to enter such house or place (if^ in the night, in the pre- sence of a constable), to search for and seize such forfeited goods. Specimen Books may be left by the officers on the premises of persons subject to the excise laws ; and any one who shall re- move or deface such books shall be liable to a penalty of 200/. Removing Goods to avoid Diiti/. — Goods fraudulently removed or secreted, in order to avoid the duty, to he forfeited ; and every person assisting in such removal shall forfeit and lose treble the value of such goods, or 100/., at the discretion of the coimnissioners. Obstructing Officers. — All persons who shall oppose, molest, &c. any officer of excise in the execution of his duty» shall resi>ectively, for every such offence, forfeit 200/. Officers violently resisted in making any seizure may oppose force to force ; and in the event of their wounding, maiming, or killing ^ny person, when so opposed, they shall be admitted to bail, and may plead the general issue. Justices, mayors, bailiffs, constables, &c. 'are required to assist excise officers ; and any constable, or peace officer, who, on notice and request, declines going with an excise officer, is to forfeit 20/. for every such offence. Claimants of Goods seized. — No claim shall be entered for goods seized, except in the real names of the proprietors of such goods. Claimants are bound with 2 sureties in a penalty of 100/. to pay the expenses of claim; and in default thereof the goods are to be condemned. Proceedings in Courts of Law. — All penalties under the ex- cise laws may be sued for and recovered in tlw Courts of Ex- chequer at Westminster, Edinburgh, or Dublin respectively. EXPORTS, the articles exported, or PORTS. ) according as the ofTencc may have taken place in England, Scotland, or Ireland ; provided tlsat the proceedings in the courts commence within 3 year* aftei: the commission of tlie offence. Informations for the recovery of penalties against the excise laws in London may be heard and adjudged by any 3 or more of the comtnissioners of excise; and in other places such in- formations may be e^hibited before I or more justii;es of the peace, and may be heard and adjudged by any 2 or more such justices. Mitigation of Penalties. — Jusiices are authorised, if they shall see cause, except when there Is a special provision to the contrary, to mitigate any penalty incurred tor any offence committed against the excise laws to one fourth part thereof; but if is lawful for the commissioners of excise, when they see cause, further to mitigate, or entirely remit, such penalty. Dittribution of Penalties. — AM penalties and forfeitures in- curred under the excise acts are to be distributed, half to his Majesty, and half to the officer or person who shall dis- cover, inform, or sue for the penalty. On proof being made of any officer acting collusively in making a seizure, the commissioners may direct his share to be forfeited. Oaths and Affirmations. — Persons wilfully taking or making any false oath or affirmation as to any matter connected with the excise laws shall, upon being convicted of such offence- suffer the pains and penalties incident to wilful and corrupt perjury ; and those procuring or suborning such persons to swear or affirm falsely shall, upon conviction, be liaole to the pains and penalties incident to subornation of perjury. Actions against Excise Officers. — No writ, summons, or pro. cess shall be sued out or served upon, nor shall any action be brought, raised, or prosecuted against any officer of excise for any thing done under any of the excise laws, until after the expiration of 1 calendar month next after notice in writing has been delivered to such officer, specifjing the cause of such action, and the name and place of abode of the person in whose name it is to be brought. No action shall lie .against emy excise oflricer for any thing done under the excise laws, unless it be brought within 3 months after the cause of action shall have arisen. If judgment be given against the plaintiff, and in favour of tlie defendant, the latter shall, in every such action, have treble costs awarded to him. Forging Certificates, S(C — By the 41 Geo. 3. c.91. it is en- acted, that if any one shall forge, countet^eit, or knowingly give any forged certificate required to be granted by any officer of excise, he shall be guilty of felony, and being con- victed, shall be transported for 7 years. All indivi'tuals carrying on any business subjected to the control of tiie excise, must take out licences renewable an- nually on the 5Ci of July. — (See Licknxks.) All such indiv iduals are also obliged to make entries of every building, place, vessel, or utensil, as the case may be, in the name or the real owner, with the officer of excise in whose survey such building, place, &c. shall be situated. Indivi- duals found employed in unentered excise manufactories are severally liable in a penalty of 30/. for the first offence ; and in the event of any such offender refusing or neglecting to pay such penalty, he is to be committed to the house of correction or other prison for 3 calendar months, to be kept to hard labour, and not to be liberated until the fine of 30/. has been paid, or the term of 3 months has expired ; and if found guilty of a second offence, the line is to be 60/. ; and in the event of its not being paid, the imprisonment is to be for 6 months. (7 &8 Geo. 4. C.53. s. 33.) Permits are usually necessary for the removal of exciseable commodities. — (See Pekmits.) sent beyond seas. — (See Imports and Ex- F FACTOR, an agent employed by some one individual or individuals, to transact business on his or their account. He is not generally resident in the same place as his principal, but, usually, in a foreign country. He is authorised, either hy letter of attorney or otherwise, to receive, buy, and sell goods and merchandise ; and, generally, to transact all sorts of business on account of his employees, under such limitations and conditions as the latter may choose to impose. A very large proportion of the foreign trade of this and most other countries is now carried on by means of factors or agents. Factors and brokers are, in some respects, nearly identical, but in others they are radically different. A factor," said Mr. Justice Holroyd, in a late case, "differs ma- terially from a broker. The former is a person to whom goods are sent or consigned ; and he has not only the possession, but, in consequence of its being usual to advance money upon them, has also a special property in them, and a general lien upon them. When, therefore, he sells in his own name, it is within the scope of his authority ; and it may be right, therefore, that the principal should be bound by the consequences of such sale. But the case of a broker is dilferent : he has not the po.ssession of the good.s, and so the vendor cannot be deceived by the circumstance ; and, besides, the employing a person to sell goods as a broker does not authorise him to sell in his own name. If, therefore, he sells in his own name, he acts beyond the scope of his authority; and his principal is not bound." A factor is usually jjaid by a per-centage or commission on the goods he sells or buys. If he act under what is called a dd credere commission, that is, if he guarantee the prir.« FACTOR. 569 of Hie goods sold on account of his principal, he receives an additional percentage to in- demnify him for this additional responsibility. In cases of this sort the factor stands in the vendee's place, and must answer to the principal for the value of the goods sold. But where the factor undertakes no responsibility, and intimates that he acts only on account of another, it is clearly established that he is not liable in the event of the vendee's failing. The sound maxim, that the principal is responsible for the acts of his agent, prevails universally in courts of law and equity. In order to bind the jjrincipal, it is necessary only that third parties should deal bond fide with the agent, and that the conduct of tho latter should be conformable to the common usage and mode of dealing. Thus, a factor may sell goods upon credit, that being in the ordinary course of conducting mercantile affairs : but a stock broker, though acting bond fide, and with a view to the benefit of his principal, cannot sell stock upon credit, unless he have special instructions to that effect that being contrary to the usual course of business. A sale by a factor creates a contract between the owner and buyer ; and this rule holds even in cases where the factor acts upon a del credere commission. Hence, if a factor sell goods, and the owner give notice to the buyer to pay the price to him, and not to the factor, the buyer will not be justified in afterwards paying the factor, and the owner may bring his action against the buyer for the price, unless the factor has a lien thereon. But if no such notice be given, a payment to the individual selling is quite suflScient. If a factor buy goods on accouut of his principal, where he is accustomed so to do, the contract of the factor binds the principal to a performance of the bargain ; and the principal is the person to be sued for non-performance. But it is ruled, that if a factor enter into a charterparty of affreightment with the master of a ship, the contract obliges him only, unless he lade the vessel with his principal's goods, in which case the principal and lading become liable, and not the factor. Where a factor, who is authorised to sell goods in his own name, makes the buyer debtor to himself ; then, though he be not answerable to the principal for the debt, if the money be not paid, yet he has a right to receive it, if it be paid, and his receipt is a sufficient discharge ; the factor may, in such a case, enforce the payment by action, and the buyer cannot defend himself by alleging that the principal was indebted to him in more than the amount. " Where a factor," said Lord Mansfield, " dealing for a principal, but concealing that principal, delivers goods in his own name, the person contracting with him has a right to consider him, to all intents and purposes, as the principal ; and though the real prin- cipal may appear, and bring an action on that contract against the purchaser of the goods, yet that purchaser may set off any claim he may have against the factor, in answer to the demand of the principal." Merchants employing the same factor run the joint risk of his actions, although they are strangers to each other : thus, if different merchants remit to a factor different bales of goods, and the factor sell them as a single lot to an individual who is to pay one moiety of the price down and the other at 6 months' end ; if the buyer fail before the second payment, each merchant must bear a proportional share of the loss, and be con- tent to accept his dividend of the money advanced. — (^Beawes, Lex Merc.) A factor employed, without his knowledge, in negotiating an illegal or fraudulent transaction, has an action against his principal. On this ground it was decided, that a merchant who had consigned counterfeit jewels to his factor, representing them to be genuine, should make full compensation to the factor for the injury done to him by being concerned in such a transaction, as well as to the persons to whom the jewels had been sold. The office of a factor or agent being one of very great trust and responsibility, those who undertake it are bound, both legally and morally, to conduct themselves with the utmost fidelity and circumspection. A factor should take the greatest care of his prin- cipal's goods in his hands : he should be punctual in advising him as to his transactions on his behalf, in sales, purchases, freights, and, more particularly, bills of exchange : he should deviate as seldom as possible from the terms, and never from the spirit and tenor, of the orders he receives as to the sale of commodities ; in the execution of a commission for purchasing goods, he should endeavour to conform as closely as prac- ticable to his instructions as to the quality or kind of goods : if he give more for them than he is authorised, they may be thrown on his hands ; but he is bound to buy them for as much less as he possibly can. After the goods are bought, he must dispose of them according to order. If he send them to a different place from that to which he was directed, tliey will be at his risk, unless the principal, on getting advice of the transaction, consent to acknowledge it,* ♦ " Whoever, " says Dr. Paley, " undertakes another man's business, makes it his own ; that is, pro. mises to employ upon it the same care, attention, and diligence, that he would do if it were actually his own ; for he knows tliat the business was committed to him with that expectation. And he promises nothing more than this. Therefore, an agent is not obhged to wait, inquire, solicit, ride about the country. 570 FACTOR. A factor who sells a commodity under the price he is ordered, may be obliged to make good the difference, unless the commodity he of a perishable nature and not in a condition longer to he kept. And if he purchase goods for another at a fixed rate, and their price having afterwards risen, he fraudulently takes them to himself, and sends them some- where else, in order to secure an advantage, he will be found, by the custom of merchants, liable in damages to his principal. If a factor, in conformity with a merchant's orders, buy with his money, or on his credit, a commodity he is directed to purchase, and, without giving advice of the trans- action, sells it again at a profit, appropriating that profit to himself, the merchant may recover it from him, and have him amerced for fraud. If a factor buy, conformably to his instructions, goods of which he is rohhed, or which suffer some unavoidable injury, he is discharged, and the loss falls on the principal. But if the goods be stolen from the factor, he will not be so easily discharged ; for the fact of their having been abstracted by stealth, and not by violence, raises a strong presumption that he had not taken that reasonable care of them which was incumbent upon him. If, however, he can prove that the goods were lodged in a place of security, and that he had not been guilty of positive negligence, nor exercised less care towards them than towards his own property, he will not be held responsible even for a theft committed by his servants. — (Jones on Bailments, 2d ed. p. 76. ; Chittyon Commercial Law, vol. iii. p. 368.) If a factor, having money in his hands belonging to his principal, neglect to insure a ship and goods, according to order, he must, in the event of the ship miscarrying, make good the damage ; and if he make any composition with the insurers after insurance, without orders to that effect, he is answerable for the whole insurance. A principal, at the end of a very long letter, directed his agent thus : " Observe the premium on this value is also to be insured." But the agent, not noticing this sentence, neglected to insure the premium ; and, being sued, was held liable for the omission. If goods are remitted to a factor, and he make a false entry of them at the Custom- house, or land them without entry, and tliey are, in consequence, seized or forfeited, he is bound to make good the damage to his principal : but if the factor make his entry according to invoice or letters of advice, and these proving erroneous, the goods are seized, he is discharged. It is now a settled point, that a factor has a lien on goods consigned to him, not only for incidental charges, but as an item of mutual account for the balance due to him so long as he remains in possession. If he be surety in a bond for his principal, he has a lien on the goods sold by him on account of such principal, to the amount of the sum he is boimd for. It being the general rule of law " that property does not change while in transitu" or in the hands of a carrier, a consignment made hefore the bankruptcy of a consignor, but not arriving till aftei\ remains the property of the consignor, except, indeed, where the delivery is made hy the order and upon the account of the consignee, and is a complete alienation from the consignor. In the case, therefore, of a consignment to a factor, the property remains the consignor's, and passes into the hands of his assignees. When a factor has a lien on goods, he has a right to the price, though received after the bank^ ruptcy. Where general or unlimited orders are given to a factor, he is left to buy and sell op. the best conditions he can. And if detriment arise to a principal from the proceedings of a factor acting under such authority, he has no redx'ess, unless he can show that he acted fraudulently or with gross negligence. A factor or broker acting against the interest of his principal cannot even receive his toil, or study, whilst there remains a possibility of benefiting his employer. If he exert as much activity, and use such caution, as the value of the business in his judgment deserves ; that is, as he would have thought sufficient if the same interest of his own had been at stake ; he has discharged his duty, although it should afterwards turn out, that by more activity, and longer perseverance, he might have concluded the business with greater advantage." — {Moral and Pol. Phil. c. 12.) There seems to be a good deal of laxity in this statement. It is necessary to distinguish between those who, in executing a commission, render their services for the particular occasion only, without hire, and those who underta'Ke it in the course of business, making a regular charge for their trouble. If the former bestow on it that ordinary degree of care and attention which the generality of mankind bestow on similar affairs of their own, it is all, perhaps, tiiat can be expected : but the latter will be justly censurable, if they do not execute their engagements on accountof others with that care and diligence which provident and attentive father of a family " uses in his own private concerns. It is their duty to exert themselves pro. portionally to the exigency of the affair in hand ; and neither to do any thing, how minute soever, by which their employers may sustain damage, nor omit any thing, however inconsiderable, which tlie nature of the act requires. Perhaps the best general rule on the subject is, to sui>i)Ose a factor or agent bound to exert that degree of care and vigilance that may be reasojiably expected of him by others. At all events, it is clear he is not to be regulated by his own notions of the *' value of the business." A man may ne- glect business of his own, or not think it worth attending to ; but he is not, therefore, to be excused for neglecting any similar business he has undertaken to transact for others. — fl'here are some very good observations on this subject in Sir William Jones's Essay on Bailments, 2d ed. p. 53. and passim.) FACTOR. 571 commission. If he pay money on account of his principal, without being autliorived, he cannot recover it baclc. An agent cannot delegate his rights to another so as to bind the principal, unless ex- pressly authorised to nominate a sub-agent. (For further information as to the general powers and liabilities of factors and agents, see Beawes's Lex Mercatoria, art. Factors, Supercarffoes, Sfc. ; Chitty^s Commercial Law, vol. iii. c. 3.; Woolrych on Commercial Law, pp. 317 — 329. &c. See also the article Brokers.) The law with respect to the effect of the transactions of factors or agents on third parties was placed on its present footing by the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 94. Under the law that previously obtained, it was held, that a factor, as such, had no authority to jdedye, but only to sell the goods of his principal ; and it was repeatedly decided that a principal might recover back goods on which a bond fide advance of money had been made by a third party, without his being bound to repay such advance ; and notwithstanding this third party was wholly ignorant that the individual pledging the goods held them as a mere factor or agent. It used also to be held, that hona fide purchasers of goods from factors or agents not vested with the power of sale, might be made liable to pay the price of the goods a second time to the real owner. The extreme hardship and injurious influence of such regulations is obvious. It is the business of a principal to satisfy himself as to the conduct and character of the factor or agent he employs ; and if he make a false estimate of them, it is more equitable, surely, that he should be the sufferer, than those who have no means of knowing any thing of the matter. The injustice of the law in question, and the injury it did to the com- merce of the country, had frequently excited attention ; and was very ably set forth by Lord Liverpool, in his speech in the House of Lords, on moving the second reading of the new bill. " Those of their Lordships who were acquainted with commercial transactions, would know that money was frequently advanced on goods, without its being possible for the person advancing the money to have any further acquaintance with the transactions, than that the factor was in actual possession of the goods. It then became a question, putting fraud out of view, if the factor became a bankrupt, or in any other way failed to execute his engagements, whether the loss should fall on the principal who had consigned these goods, or on the pledf^ee who had advanced money on Uiem. It had been of late ruled, that if the factor were intrusted only to dispose of the property, the loss must fall on the pledgee. He meant to con- tend, that this was contrary to equity, and contrary to analogy; that it was disapproved of by high autho- rity, and was contrary to the law in every country of the world, except this, and the United States of America, which had drawn their law from this country. It was contrary to equity, he thought, that the pledgee, who had advanced his money without any fraud, but on the bona fide possession of the goods, should suffer. He had placed no confidence, but the principal who had appointed the factor had placed confidence. He could limit him in his operations as he pleased — he could give him any kind of instruc- tions — he might qualify his power — he was bound to take precautions before placing confidence ; and he was in all respects more liable to suffer from his faults than the pledgee. The latter knew nothing of the power of the factor, he saw only the goods, and advanced his money on what was a sufficient security for repayment. On every principle of natural equity, therefore, the loss ought to fall, not on the pledgee, but on the principal. He knew that this view was connected with one very important question — that ot possession and tiUe; but it was not possible for transactions to go on, unless the possession was admitted as the title to the goods. If this were an indifferent question, or a question involving only a few cases, he would not have called on their Lordships to legislate on this subject ; but all the commercial interests of the country were connected with it. And he might say he believed that two thirds of the whole com- merce of the country was carried on by coiTsigning goods to a factor, and leaving it to his discretion to dispose of them to the greatest advantage, sending them to market when he pleased, and raising money on them when he could not send them to market. Bills of exchange. Exchequer bills, and money bills of every description, were subject to this rule. If a person consigned Exchequer bills to a second person, and he parted with them, the third party who obtained them was held to have a right to them. Com- mercial proceedings were of as much importance as money proceedings, and he could not see why they should not receive the same security. It might be asked, perhaps, when this was felt to be so great an evil, why it was not altered before ; but it seemed to be one of those things which had grown up gradually, and which did much mischief before they became extensively known. The first decision, he believed, which established the law as it now stood, was delivered in 174'2; and he knew that Lord Chief Justice Gibbs had said, he could not explain the origin of that decision. He supposed it might have been dictated by some fraud. That decision, the Lord Chief Justice maintained, was at variance with the best interests of commerce, and had grown out of circumstances he could not explain. From the time of the first decision, the decisions had not been numerous, till of late years. He did not doubt but the judges had decided according to the law as it was established by these precedents ; but in doing that, they had ex- pressed their regret that these precedents had been established. [Here his Lordship read an extract from opinions delivered by the late Lord Chief Justice Ellenborough, and a late judge, Mr. Le Blanc, expressing their regret, in deciding cases according to these precedents, that they had been established.] He inferred from these opinions, that these judges, though they had felt themselves obliged to decide in this way, sup- posed that the law was contrary to the general analogy of our laws, and to the principles of justice. He then came to the last consideration, the law of this country being in this respect different from the law ot all other countries, except the law of the United States of America. In all other countries, the law was recognised to be what he wished to establish it by the bill before their Lordships. When there was no evidence of fraud, it was held, that the man, advancing money on goods held by a factor, should not suffer for his faults, but that the person who confided in the factor must be the sufferer. This was also the law in Scotland. He had understood, too, that the evils of the law were felt in America, and that means had been taken for bringing it belore the congress, with a view to assimilate the law of America to the law of other countries. If the question were examined by the principles of equity, by analogy with other cases, by the authority of those who decided in our courts, or by the practice of other countries, it would be found that the reasons were strong in favour of the bill. It was of great importance in com- mercial transactions, that our law should be like the laws of other countries. It was not the same with * the laws relative to real property — to our local law, if he might so call it ; but when the bill was found«?d on equity and analogy, he thought it was an additional reason in its favour, that it assimilated our com- mercial law to the commercial law of other countries. He did not know if he had made himself under- 572 FACTOR. stood, or if he had sufficiently explained the object of the bill ; but the measure was founded in justice and he hoped to have their Lordships' consent to it." The noble Earl concluded by moving the second reading of the bill. By the new law, all persons intrusted with and in possession of goods are supposed, unless the contrary be made distinctly to appear, to be their owners, so far, at least, that they may pledge them or sell them to third parties. The following are the principal clauses of this important act, 6 Geo. 4. c. 94. Factors or Agents having Goods or Merchandise in their Possession, shall be deemed to be the true Owners. — Any person intrusted, for the purpose of consignment or of sale, with any goods, wares, or merchandise, and who shall have shipped such in his own name, and any person in whose name any goods, wares, or merchandise shall be shipped by any other person, shall be deemed to be the true owner, so far as to entitle the consignee to a lien thereon in respect of any money or negotiable security advanced by such consignee for the use of the person in whose name such goods, wares, or merchandise shall be shipped, or in respect of any money or negotiable security received by him to the use of such consignee, in like manner as if such person was the true owner ; provided such consignee shall not have notice by the bill of lading, or otherwise, before the time of any advance of such money or negotiable security, or of such receipt of money or negotiable security, in respect of which such lien is claimed, that such person so shipping in his own name, or in whose name any goods, wares, or merchandise shall be shipped by any person, is not the actual and bond fide owner, any law, usage, or custom to the contrary thereof notwith- standing : provided also, that the person in whose name such goods, wares, or merchandise are so shipped shall be taken, for the purposes of this act, to have been intrusted therewith for the purpose of consign, ment or of sale, unless the contrary thereof shall be made to appear by bill of discovery, or be made to appear in evidence by any person disputing such fact. — § 1. Persons in Possession of Bills of Lading to be the Owners, so far as to make valid Contracts. — From and after the 1st of October, 1826, any person intrusted with any bill of lading, India warrant, dock war- rant, warehouse keeper's certificate, wharfinger's certificate, warrant or order for delivery of goods, shall be deemed to be the true owner, so far as to give validity to any contract or agreement thereafter to be entered into by such person so intrusted, with any person, body politic or corporate, for the sale of the said goods, wares, and merchandise, or for the deposit or pledge thereof as a security for any money or negotiable instrument advanced or given by such person, body politic or corporate, upon the faith of such documents ; provided such person, body politic or corporate, shall not have notice, by such documents or otherwise, that such person so intrusted is not the actual and bond fide owner. — ^ 2. No Person to acquire a Security upon Goods in the Hands of an Agent for an antecedent Debt, beyond the Amount of the Agent's Interest in the Goods. — In case any person, body politic or corporate, shall, after this act, accept any such goods, in deposit or pledge, from any such person so intrusted, without notice as aforesaid, as a security for any debt or demand due from such person so intrusted, to such person, body politic or corporate, before the time of such deposit, then such person, body politic or corporate, so accepting such goods in deposit or pledge, shall acquire no further interest in the said goods, or any such document, than was possessed, or might have been enforced, by the said person so intrusted, at the time of such deposit or pledge; but such person, body politic or corporate, so accepting such goods in deposit or pledge, shall acquire, possess, and enforce such right, title, or interest as might have been enforced by such person so intrusted. — § 3. Persons may contract with known Agents in the ordinary Course of Business, or out of that Course, if within the Agent's Authority. — From and after the 1st of October, 1826, it shall be lawful for any person, body politic or corporate, to contract with any agent, intrusted with any goods, or to whom the same may be consigned, for the purchase of such goods, and to receive the same of and pay for the same to such agent ; and such contract and payment shall be binding upon the owner, notwithstanding such person, body politic or corporate, siiall have notice that the person making and entering into such contract, or on whose behalf such contract is made, is an agent ; provided such contract and payment be made in the usual course of business, and that such person, body politic or corporate, shall not have notice that such agent is not authorised to sell the said goods, or to receive the said purchase money. — \ 4. Persons may accept and take Goods in Pledge from known Agents. — From and after the passing of this act, it shall be lawful for any person, body politic or corporate, to accept any such goods, or any such document as aforesaid, in deposit or pledge from any factor or agent, notwithstanding such person, body politic or corporate, shall have notice that the person making such deposit or pledge is a factor or agent ; but then and in that case such person, body politic or corporate, shall acquire no further interest in the said goods, or any such document, than was possessed or might have been enforced by the said factor or agent, at the time of such deposit or pledge ; but such person, body politic or corporate, shall acquire, possess, and enforce such right, title, or interest as was possessed and might have been enforced by such factor or agent. — § .5. Right of the true Owner to follow his Goods while in the Hands of his Agent or of his Assignee in case of Bankruptcy. — Nothing herein contained shall be deemed to deprive the true owner or proprietor of such goods from demanding and recovering the same from his factor or agent, before the same shall have been so sold, deposited, or pledged, or from the assignees of such factor or agent, in the event of his, her, or their bankruptcy ; nor to prevent such owner or proprietor from demanding or recovering of and from any persons, bodies politic or corporate, the price agreed to be paid for the purchase of such goods, subject to any riglit of set-oft'on the part of such persons, bodies politic or corporate, against such factor or agent ; not [nor] to prevent such owner or proprietor from demanding or recovering of and from such persons, bodies politic or corporate, such goods, so deposited or pledged, upon repayment of the money, or on restoration of the negotiable instrument so advanced or given on the security of such goods, by such per- sons, bodies politic or corporate, to such factor or agent; and upon payment of such further sum, or on restoration of such other negotiable instrument (if any) as may have been advanced or given by such factor or agent, to such owner or proprietor, or on payment of a sum equal to the amount of such instru- ment; nor to prevent the said owner or proprietor from recovering of and from such persons, bodies l)olitic or corporate, any balance remaining in their hands, as the produce of the sale of such goods, after deducting thereout the amount of the money or negotiable instrument so advanced or given upon the security thereof: provided always, that in case of the bankruptcy of any such factor or agent, the owner or proprietor of the goods so pledged and redeemed shall be held to have discharged p7 0 tanto the debt due by thein to the estate of such bankrupt. — \ 6. Agents fraudulently pledging the Goods of their Principals. — The 7 & 8 Geo. 4. c. 29. \ 51. enacts, " That if any factor or agent intrusted, for the purpose of sale, with any goods or merchandise, or in- trusted with any bill of lading, warehouse keeper's or wharfinger's certificate, or warrant or order for the delivery of goods or merchandise, shall, /or his own benefit, and in violation of good faith, deposit or pledge any such goods or merchandise, or any of the said (iocuments, as a security for any money or ne- gotiable instrument borrowed or received by such factor or agent, at or before the time of making such •leposit or pledge, or inten>ied to be thereafter borrowed or received, every such offender shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, being convicto CM lO is-':;! M O M O 3 3 a; g O CO I" S.c .s-s ■ •i o;i* C " o) 0) _S |g« ^■^^ 13 -3 to o o o o Eo^ I-~0 00 * III CO 0>00COC<3r^CNi--"O< OtCMtCCOO'*— In 0< CM "-iOO^tO CD o r- 00 o 00 i 32,650,358 758,549,866 29,088,950 00 1 00 3 2 I c c CO q 3 3 ■3 O c •§2 i I I I I I I ^ 4^ is ^ 3 ?> C'S J= S 3 o (U c £ 0) 0) 3 FUNDS. 587 The statement on page 585. shows that a reduction of 53,211,675/. was efTected in the principal of the national debt, and of 2,894, in the annual charge on account thereof, between February, 1817, and January, 1836. The debt, at the last- mentioned period, includes the stock created by the funding of the loan of 15,000,000/. in 1835, for behoof of "the slave proprietors. The diminution has been brought about partly by the application of surplus revenue to buy up stock, but 'more by the reduction of the interest on the 4 and 5 per cent, stocks existing in 1817, and by that paid on the unfunded debt. The total annual saving by the reduction of interest between 1822, when the first, and 1834, when the last, reduction was made (that of the 4 per cent, annuities, mentioned in former impressions of this worTc), has been 2,355,845/. ; and, considerable as this is, it would have been more than three times as great, but for the pernicious practice, previously pointed out, of funding large nominal capitals. We subjoin a brief notice of the different funds or stocks constituting the public debt, as it stood on the 5th of January, 1836. I. Funds bearing Interest at Three per Cent. 1. South Sea Debt and Annuities. — This portion of the debt, amounting, on the 5th of January, 1836, to 10,144,584/., is all that now remains of the capital of the once famous, or rather infamous, South Sea Company. The Company has, for a considerable time past, ceased to have any thing to do with trade : so that the functions of the directors are wholly restricted to the transfer of the Company's stock, and the payment of the dividends on it ; both of which operations are performed at the South Sea House, and not at the Bank. The dividends on the old South Sea annuities are payable on the 5th of April and 10th of October ; the dividends on the rest of the Company's stock are payable on the 5th of January and 5th of July. 2. Debt due to the Bank of England. — This consists of the sum of 11,015,100/. lent by the Bank to the public at 3 per cent. ; dividends payable on the 5th of April and 10th of October. This must not be confounded with the Bank capital of 10,914,750/., on which the stockholders divide. The dividend on the latter has been 8 per cent, since 1823. — (See ante, p. 81. and p. 84.) 3. Bank Annuities created in 1726. — The civil list settled upon George I. was 700,000/. a year ; but having fallen into arrear, this stock was created for the purpose of cancelling Exchequer bills that had been issued to defray the arrear. " The capital is irredeemable ; and being small, in comparison with the other public funds, and a stock in which little is done on speculation, the price is generally at least 1 per cent, lower than the 3 per cent, consols." — (^Cohen's edit, of Fairman on the Funds, p. 40.) 4. Three per Cent. Consols, or Consolidated Annuities. — This stock forms by much the largest portion of the public debt. It had its origin in 1751, when an act was passed, consolidating (hence the name) several separate stocks bearing an interest of 3 per cent, into one general stock. At the period when the consolidation took place, the principal of the funds blended together amounted to 9,137,821/. ; but, by the funding of additional loans, and parts of loans, in this stock, it amounted, on the 5th of January, 1 836, to the immense sum of 356,768,258/. ! The consolidated annuities are distinguished from the 3 per cent, reduced annuities, by the circumstance of the interest upon them never having been varied, and by the di- vidends becoming due at different periods. This stock is, from its magnitude, and the proportionally great number of its holders, the soonest affected by all those circumstances which tend to elevate or depress the price of funded property ; and, on this account, it is the stock which speculators and jobbers most commonly select for their operations. Dividends payable on the 5th of January and 5th of July. 5. Three per Cent. Reduced Annuities. — This fund was established in 1757. It con- sisted, as the name implies, of several funds which had previously been borrowed at a higher rate of interest; but, by an act passed in 1749, it was declared that such holders of the funds in question as did not choose to accept in future of a reduced interest of 3 per cent, should be paid off, — an alternative which comparatively few embraced. The debts that were thus reduced and consolidated, amounted, at the establishment of the fund, to 17,571,574/. By the addition of new loans, they now amount to 125,851,977/. Dividends payable on the 5th of April and 10th of October. II. Funds bearing more than Three per Cent. Interest. 1. Annuities at 3^ per Cent., 1818. — This stock w.is formed in 1818, partly by a sub- scription of 3 per cent, consolidated and 3 per cent, reduced annuities, and partly by a subscription of Exchequer bills. It was made redeemable at par any time after the 5th of April, 1829, upon 6 months' notice being given. Dividends payable on the 5th of April and 10th of October. The capital of this stock amounts to 10,861,104/. 2. Reduced 3^ per Cent. Annuities. — This stock was created in 1824, by the transfer 588 FUNDS. of a stock bearing interest at 4 per cent. (Old 4 per cents. ). It is redeemable at plea- sure. Dividends payable 5th of April and 10th of October. Amount, on the 5th of January, 1836, 63,436,8501. 3. New 3^ per Cent. Annuities. — This stock was formed by the act 1 1 Geo. 3. c. 13., out of the stock known by the name of " New 4 per cents.," amounting on- the 5th of January, 1830, to 144,331, 212^. The holders of this 4 per cent, stock had their option either to subscribe it into the new 3^ per cent, annuities, or into a new 5 per cent, stock, at the rate of lOOZ. 4 per cents, for 70?. 5 per cents. Dissentients to be paid off. Only 467,7 13Z. new 5 per cent, stock was created under this arrangement. The sum required to pay dissentients was 2,610,000Z. The new 3^ per cent, stock thus created, amounted on the 5th of January, 1836, to 146,557,901Z. Dividends payable 5th of January and 5th of July. 4. New 5 per Cent. — Amount, 5th of January, 1836,438,241/. — (See previous Article.) III. Annuities. 1 . Lonff Annuities. — These annuities were created at different periods, but they all expire together in 1 860. They were chiefly granted by way of premiums or douceurs to the subscribers to loans — Payable on the 5th of April and 10th of October. 2. Annuities per 4 Geo. 4. c. 22 This annuity is payable to the Bank of England, and is commonly known by the name of the " Dead weight " annuity. (See ante, p. 80.) It expires in 1867. It is equivalent to a perpetual annuity of 470,3 19Z. 10s. 3. Annuities per 48 Geo. 3., 10 Geo. 4. c. 24., and 3 4 Will. 4. c. 14. — These acts authorised the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt, to grant annuities for terms of years, and life annuities ; accepting in payment either money or stock ac- cording to rates specified in Tables to be approved by the Lords of the Treasury. No annuities are granted on the life of any nominee under 15 years of age, nor in any case not approved by the commissioners. Annuities for terms of years not granted for any period less than te7i years. These annuities are transferable, but not in parts or shares. Those for terms of years, payable 5th of January and 5th of July ; and those for lives, 5th of April and 10th of October. The terminable and life annuities- granted under the above acts, amounted, on the 5th of January, 1836, to 4,188, 809Z., being equal, according to the calculations of Mr. Finlaison, to a corresponding p£'rj3e^MaZ annuity of 1,970,019Z. — (ParZ. Paper, No. 457. Sess. 1836.) Irish Debt. — It seems unnecessary to enter into any details with respect to the public debt of Ireland. The various descriptions of stock of which it consists, and their amount, are specified above. The dividends on the Irish debt are paid at the Bank of Ireland ; and, in order to accommodate the public, stock may be transferred, at the plea- sure of the holders, from Ireland to Great Britain, and from the latter to the former. Exchequer Bills are bills of credit issued by authority of parliament. They are for various sums, and bear interest (generally from l^cZ. to 2^d. per diem, per lOOZ.) according to the usual rate at the time. The advances of the Bank to Government ai-e made upon Exchequer bills ; and the daily transactions between the Bank and Govern- ment are principally carried on through their intervention. Notice of the time at which outstanding Exchequer bills are to be paid off is given by public advertisement. Bankers prefer vesting in Exchequer bills to any other species of stock, even though the interest be for the most part comparatively low ; because the capital may be received at the Treasury at the rate originally paid for it, the holders being exempted from any risk of fluctuation. Exchequer bills were first issued in 1696, and have been annually issued ever since. The amount outstanding, and unprovided for, on the 5th of January, 1836, was 29,088,950Z. India Stock and India Bonds are always quoted in the lists of the prices of the public funds. The stock on which the East India Company divide is 6,000,OOOZ. ; the dividend on which has been, since 1793, 10^ per cent. ; and is to remain at that rate during the continuance of the charter. India bonds are generally for lOOZ. each, and )i)oar at pre- sent 2^ per cent, interest, payable 31st of March and 30th of September. In selling them, the interest due down to the day of sale is, with the premium, added to the amount of the bills ; the total being the sum to be paid by the purchaser. The premium, which is, consequently, the only variable part of the price, is influenced by the circumstances which influence the price of stocks generally, — the number of bonds in circulation, SiC. The price of stocks is influenced by a variety of circumstances. Whatever tends to shake or to increase the public confidence in the stability of government, tends, at the same time, to lower or increase the price of stocks. They are also affected by the state of the revenue ; and, more than all, by the facility of obtaining supplies of disposable capital, and the interest which may be realised upon loans to responsible persons. FUNDS. 589 From 1730 till the rebellion of 1745, the 3 per cents, were never under 89, and were once, in June, 1737, as high as 107. During the rebellion they sunk to 76; but in 1749 rose again to 100. In the interval between the peace of Paris, in 1763, and the breaking out of the American war, they averaged from 80 to 90 ; but towards the close of the war they sunk to 54. In 1792, they were, at one time, as high as 96. In 1797, the prospects of the country, owing to the successes of the French, the mutiny in the fleet, and other adverse circumstances, were by no means favourable ; and, in consequence, the price of 3 per cents, sunk, on the 20th of September, on the intelligence transpiring of an attempt to negotiate with the French republic having failed, to 47f , being the lowest price to which they have ever fallen. Pi ices of 3 per Cent. Consols, in February and August, eacli Year since 1820. — {Report of Bank Com- mittee.) Years. Trice of Consols. Years. Price of Consols. 1820. February 68^ per cent. 1826. February . in per cent. August - - - 671 August - - - 1821. February 73i 76| 1827. February 82A August - - «• August - - - 86A 1822. February 78| 1828. February 83J August - - - 80f August - - - 87i 1823. February 73 1829. February 86f August - - . 82| August - - - 88| 1824. February 1830. February 911 August - - - August 90i m 1825. February 931 1831. February August - - - m August - - . 8^1 The following is a statement of the prices of the different descriptions of British funds during the 6 days commencing with Saturday, the 14th of December, 1833. Description of Stock. Saturday. Monday. | Tuesday. I Wednesday Thursday. Friday. Bank stock, dividend 8 per cent. 3 per cent, reduced - . _ ■ S per cent, consols for account 3i per cent, annuities, 1818 3| per cent, reduced . - . . New 3i per cent, annuities - New 4 per cent, annuities, 1826 New 5 per cent. - - - • . Long annuities, expire 5 Jan. 1860 - New annuities, Jan. and July - - South Sea stock, dividend 3| per cent. Do. old annuity, dividend 3 per cent. Do. new annuity, dividend 3 per cent. 3 per cent, annuities, 1751 - India bonds, 2i per cent. Exchequer bills, \^d. IQQl. Bank stock for account India stock, dividend 10| per cent. - 210 11 m I 88i I 96f 1 103f I 161 15-16 210 11 87i I mi 96f i 103f I 210i Hi 87i I 22s.24s. pm 225. 24s. pm 43a'.445. pm 43A\44s.pm 210 11 210 11 96i i 103| 161 21s. pm 42s. — pm 211 210f 11± 87« 88i 96f 96i f 103i i 161 15-16 20s. 22s. pm 41s. 42s. pm 211i 11 87A I 88| 86f I 103i f 162 15-16 20s. 21s. pm 41s. 42s. pm 96|7 103i I 16 15-16 17 21s. — s.pm 41s.42s. pm Agreements for the sale of stock are generally made at the Stock Exchange, which is frequented by a set of middlemen called jobbers, whose business is to accommodate the buyers and sellers of stock with the exact sums they want. A jobber is generally pos- sessed of considerable property in the funds ; and he declares a price at which he will either sell or buy. Thus, he declares he is ready to buy 3 per cent, consols at 85^, or to sell at 85^ ; so that, in this way, a person willing to buy or sell any sum, however small, has never any difficulty in finding an individual with whom to deal. The jobber's profit is generally^ per cent., for which he transacts both a sale and a purchase. He frequently confines himself entirely to this sort of business, and engages in no other description of stock speculation. We borrow the following details from Dr. Hamilton's valuable work on the National Debt : — " A bargain for the sale of stock, being agreed on, is carried into execution at the Transfer Office, at the Bank, or the South Sea House. For this purpose the seller makes out a note in writing, which con. tains the name and designation of the seller and purchaser, and the sum and description of the stock to be transferred. He delivers this to the proper clerk * ; and then fills up a receipt, a printed form of which, with blanks, is obtained at the office. The clerk in the mean time examines the seller's accounts, and if he find him possessed of the stock proposed to be sold, he makes out the transfer. This is signed in the books by the seller, who delivers the receipt to the clerk; and upon the purchaser's signing his acceptance in the book, the clerk signs the receipt as witness. It is then delivered to the purchaser upon paj-ment of the money, and thus the business is completed. " This business is generally transacted by brokers, who derive their authority from their employers by powers of attorney. Forms of these and obtained at the respective offices. Some authorise the broker to • The letters of the alphabet are placed round the room, and the seller must apply to the clerk who has his station under the initial of his name. In all the offices, there are supervising clerks who join in wit- nessing the transfei-. 590 FUNDS. sell, others to accept a purchase, and others to receive the dividends. Some comprehend all these objects, and the two last are generally united. Powers of attorney authorising to sell must be deposited in the proper office for examination one day before selling : a stockholder acting personally, after granting a letter of attorney, revokes it by implication. " The person in whose name the stock is invested when the books are shut, previous to the payment of the dividends, receives the dividend for the half year preceding ; and, therefore, a purchaser during the currency of the half year has the benefit of the interest on stock he buys, from the last term of payment to the day of transfer. The price of stock, therefore, rises gradually, cceteris paribus, from term to term ; and when the dividend is paid, it undergoes a fall equal thereto. Thus, the 3 per cent, consols should be higher than the 3 per cent, reduced by f per cent, from the 5th of April to the 5th of July, and from the 10th of October to the 5th of January ; and should be as much lower from the 5th of January to the ^th of March, and from the 5th of July to the 10th of October ; and this is nearly the case. Accidental cir- cumstances may occasion a slight deviation. " The dividends on the different stocks being payable at different terms, it is in the power of the stock- holders to invest their property in such a manner as to draw their income quarterly. " The business of speculating in the stocks is founded on the variation of the price of stock, which it probably tends in some measure to support. It consists in buying or selling stock according to the views entertained, by those who engage in this business, of the probability of the value rising or falling. " This business is partly conducted by persons who have property in the funds. But a practice also pre- vails among those who have no such property, of contracting for the sale of stock on a future day at a price agreed on. For example, A. may agree to sell B. 10,OOOZ. of 3 per cent, stock, to be transferred in iJO days, for 6,000/. A. has, in fact, no such stock ; but if the price on the day appointed for the transfer be only 58, he may purchase as much as will enable him to fulfil his bargain for 5,800/., and thus gain 200/. by the transaction • on the other hand, if the price of that stock should rise to 62, he will lose 200/. The business is generally settled without any actual purchase of stock, or transfer ; A. paying to B. or receiving from him the difference between the price of stock on the day of settlement, and the price agreed on. " This practice, which amounts to nothing else than a wager concerning the price of stock, is not sane- tioned by law ; yet it is carried on to a great extent : and as neither party can be compelled by law to implement these bargains, their sense of honour, and the disgrace attending a breach of contract, are the principles by which the business is supported. In the language of the Stock Exchange, the buyer is called a Bull, and the seller a Bear, and the person who refuses to pay his loss is called a Lame Duck ; and the names of these defaulters are exhibited in the Stock Exchange, where they dare not appear afterwards. " These bargains are usually made for certain days fixed by a committee of the Stock Exchange, called settling days, of which there are about 8 in the year ; viz. one in each of the months of January, February, April, May, July, August, October, and November ; and they are always on Tuesday, Wednesday, Thurs- day, or Friday, being the days on whicli the commissioners for the reduction of the national debt make purchases. The settling days in January and July are always the first days of the opening of the Bank books for public transfer ; and these days are notified at the Bank when the consols are shut to prepare for the dividend. The price at which stock is sold to be transferred on the next settling day, is called the price on account. Sometimes, instead of closing the account on the settling day, the stock is carried on to a future day, on such terms as the parties agree on. This is called a continuation. " All the business, however, which is done in the stocks for time, is not of a gambling nature. In a place of so extensive comimerce as London, opulent merchants, who possess property in the funds, and are unwilling to part with it, have frequently occasion to raise money for a snort time. Their resource in this case is to sell for money, and buy for account ; and although the money raised in this manner costs more than the legal interest, it affords an important accommodation, and it may be rendered strictly legal and recoverable."— (Third ed. pp. 314—317.) It would be foreign to the object of this work to enter upon any examination of the comparative advantages and disadvantages of the funding system. Perhaps, on the whole, the latter preponderate ; though it is not to be denied that the former are very consider- able. The purchase of funded property aflfords a ready method of investment ; and as neither the Bank of England, nor any of the London private banks, allows interest upon deposits, it is plain that, were it not for the facilities given by the funds, individuals un- able to employ their savings in some branch of business, would derive no advantage from them, unless they resorted to the hazardous expedient of lending upon private credit. In Scotland, where the public and private banks are universally in the habit of allowing interest upon deposits, the advantages of funded investments are not quite so obvious, though probably as great ; for it may be doubted whether the banks could afford interest, or whether, indeed, they could be conducted at all, without the aid of the funds. The subjoined account of the number cf dividend warrants issued in the half year ending with the 5th of January, 1833, is a very important document. The large num- ber (87,176) of holders of sums not producing above Bl. of half-yearly dividend, is prin- cipally to be ascribed to the circumstances already mentioned as peculiar to the banking system of the metropolis ; and there can be little doubt that their number would be ma- terially diminished, were the Scotch system adopted in its stead. It is evident from this account, that the number of persons having a direct interest in the funds is much greater than it represents. The dividends upon the funded property belonging to the Equitable and other insurance companies, the different banking companies, &c. are paid upon single warrants, as if they were due to so many private individuals ; whereas they are, really, paid to these individuals only because they act as factors or trustees for a vast number more. It is consequently quite absurd to pretend, as is sometimes done, that any inter- ference with funded property would affect only 280,000 individuals out of a population of 25,000,000. Any attack upon the dividends would really be destructive, not merely of the interests of those to whom dividend warrants are issued, but of all who depend upon them : it would destroy our whole system of insurance and banking, and overspread the country with bankruptcy and ruin. Not only, therefore, is every prc^osal for an invasion of the property of the fundholders bottomed on injustice and robbery, but it would, were it acted upon, be little less ruinous to the community than to the peculiar class intended to be plundered. FURS. 591 An >iccount of the Total Number of Persons to whom a Half Year's Dividend was due at the last Half- yearly Payment thereof, on each Description of Public Stock, and on each Descripti''/ri of Terminaljle Annuities; distinguishing the Number respectively of those whose Dividends for the Half Year did not exceed 51., WL, 501., 100/., 200/., 300/., 5001., 1,000/., 2,000/., 3,000/., 4,000/., 5,000/., and the Number of those whose Dividends exceed 5,000/. ; distinguishing also, in those above 1,000/., the Dividends due to any Public Company, or to more than a single Name— {Pari. Paper, No. 202, Sess. 1833.) Not exceeilinj; oint 000/. •sg li 5/. 10{. 50/. 100/. 200/. 300/. 500/. 1,000/ /OOO'S 65 cts.,3, 6 ~ S o. Total. Number to whom divi dends were payable . o 'i < ^< Oil 3/. per cent, re-1 , duced annuities -J 1 10 34 4 ,7 5 11,681 3,473 2,175 742 453 231 53 24 9 5 5 3 12 33,958 On 5/. 105. per cent. \ j reduced annuities T | 7,019 4,362 10,173 2,909 1,561 411 251 112 15 21 5 4 nil 26 84 On 51. 10s. per cent. ( annuities, 18X8 - S * 198 162 399 211 127 57 38 30 3 3 nil nil nil 1 3 1,232 On 4/. per cent, an-i 1,601 nuities, 1826 -J 993 2,044 512 312 92 59 15 4 1 2 1 nil nil nil 5,636 On long annuities . On annuities for 1 9,078 4,212 8,361 1,516 725 187 99 34 4 1 1 1 1 nil 24,221 terms of years - -J , 1,519 787 1,632 351 178 56 32 20 4 nil 2 nil nil nil 2 4,583 On 3/. per cent, con- IS solidated annuities J / 28,722 13,749 32,601 9,612 6,286 2,141 1,424 709 153 IS 16 20 7 13 21 95,555 On 3/. per cent, an-1 1 nuiUes, 172G - 120 74 180 40 27 4 2 nil nil nil nil nil nU nU nil 447 On new 31. 10s. perl t cent, annuities -J 26,881 14,698 29,370 6,648 3,129 765 431 204 28 20 4 1 2 4 9 82,194 On new 51. per cent.1 ' 35 31 annuities • -J 107 36 20 3 4 nil 1 nU nil nil nil nU nil 237 On annuities fori 1 terms of years • -J/ 1,656 833 1,757 333 161 37 34 12 _i nil 1 3 nil _1_ 8 4,839 Totals - - 87,176 44,648 98,305 25,641 14,7014,495 2^827 1,367 266 "iM ~40" 35 24 ~60" ,279,751 * Dividends payable 10th of October. + Dividends;payable on 5th of January. The following Table has been calculated, in order to show in which of the public funds money may be invested, so as to yield the greatest interest. It gives the prices, differing by 1 per cent, from 50 to 93 for 3 per cents. &c., at which they all must be, to yield the same interest ; so that, supposing the 3 per cents, to be at 80, a sum invested in them, or in the 3^ per cents., will yield the same interest, provided the latter be at 93^: if the Sg- per cents, be below this sum, it will of course be more advantageous, in so far at least as interest is concerned, to invest in them than in the 3 per cents. ; while, if they be above 93g-, it will be less advantageous. To get the true value of the different funds at any particular period, in order to com- pare them accurately together, it is necessary to deduct from each the amount of interest accruing upon it from the payment of the last dividend. — ( For further details, see ante, p. 82. and p. 188.) Table showing the Prices the different Funds must be at to produce an equal Interest ; and also the annual Interest produced by 100/. Sterling invested at any of those Prices. 3 percent. Price. 3i per Cent. Price. 4 per Cent. Price. 5 per Cent. Price. Interest. 3 perCent. Price. 3i per Cent. Price. 4 per Cent. Price. 5 per Cent. Price. Interest. s. d. £ S. d. s. d. £ S. d. .£ £ S. d. .£ s. d. je S. d. ^ s. d. 50 58 6 8 66 13 4 83 6 8 6 0 0 72 84 0 0 96 0 0 120 0 0 4 3 3 51 59 10 0 68 0 0 85 0 0 5 17 7 73 85 3 4 97 6 8 121 13 4 4 2 2 52 60 13 4 69 6 8 86 13 4 5 15 4 74 86 6 8 98 13 4 123 6 8 4 i 0 53 61 16 8 70 13 4 88 6 8 5 13 2 75 87 10 0 100 0 0 125 0 0 4 0 0 54 63 0 0 72 0 0 90 0 0 5 11 1 76 88 13 4 101 6 8 126 13 4 3 18 11 55 64 3 4 73 6 8 91 13 4 5 9 0 77 89 16 8 102 13 4 128 6 8 3 17 11 56 65 6 8 74 13 4 93 6 8 5 7 1 78 91 0 0 104 0 0 130 0 0 3 16 11 57 66 10 0 76 0 0 95 0 0 5 5 3 79 92 3 4 105 6 8 131 13 4 3 15 11 58 67 13 4 77 6 8 96 13 4 5 3 5 80 93 6 8 106 13 4 133 6 8 3 15 0 59 68 16 8 78 13 4 98 6 8 5 1 8 81 94 10 0 108 0 0 135 0 0 3 14 0 60 70 0 0 80 0 0 iro 0 0 5 0 0 82 95 13 4 109 6 8 136 13 4 3 13 2 61 71 3 4 81 6 8 101 13 4 4 18 4 83 96 16 8 no 13 4 138 6 8 3 12 3 62 72 6 8 82 13 4 103 6 8 4 16 9 84 98 0 0 112 0 0 140 0 0 3 11 5 63 73 10 0 84 0 0 105 0 0 4 15 2 85 99 3 4 113 6 8 141 13 4 3 10 7 CA 74 13 4 85 6 8 106 13 4 4 13 8 86 100 6 8 114 13 4 143 6 8 3 9 9 65 75 16 8 86 13 4 108 6 8 4 12 87 101 10 0 116 0 0 143 0 0 3 8 11 66 77 0 0 88 0 0 110 0 0 4 10 10 88 102 13 4 117 6 8 146 13 4 3 8 2 67 78 3 4 89 6 9 111 13 4 4 9 6 89 103 16 8 118 13 4 148 6 8 3 7 4 68 79 6 8 90 13 4 113 6 8 4 8 2 90 105 0 0 120 0 0 150 0 0 3 6 8 80 10 0 92 0 0 115 0 0 4 6 11 91 106 3 4 121 6 8 151 13 4 3 5 11 70 81 13 4 93 6 8 116 13 4 4 5 8 92 107 6 8 122 13 4 153 6 8 3 5 2 71 82 16 8 94 13 4 118 6 8 4 4 6 93 108 10 0 124 0 0 155 0 0 3 4 6 FURS, in commerce, the skins of different animals, covered, for the most part, with thick fine hair, the inner side being converted by a peculiar process into a sort of leather. Furs, previously to their undergoing this process, are denominated peltry. Beaver fur, from its extensive use in the hat manufacture, is a very important com- mercial article. That made use of in this country is almost entirely brought from North America. It is gradually becoming scarcer and dearer, being now obtainable only in 592 FUR TRADE. considerable quantities from the most northerly and inaccessible districts. The fur of th , middle-aged or young animal, called cub beaver, is most esteemed. It is the finest, most glossy, and takes the best dye. Fitch, or the fur of the fitchet or polecat, is principally imported from Germany: it is soft and warm, but the unpleasant smell which adheres to it depresses its value. Marten and mink (a diminutive specits of otter) are prin- cipally imported from the United States and Canada. The fur of the musquash or musk rat (a diminutive species of beaver) is imported in vast quantities from our possessions in North America ; which also supply us with considerable quantities of otter skins. Nutria skins are principally brought from Buenos Ayres. The more valuable furs, as ermine, sable, &c., come principally from Russia. FUR TRADE. We are indebted for the following details with respect to the fur trade to one of the most extensive and intelligent fur merchants of London. " Though practically engaged in the fur trade, I fear I shall be able to say little with regard to it not already known to you ; but were I to write on the subject, I should divide the trade into 2, or rather 3 classes. " 1. The 1st class would comprise articles of necessity ; among which I should principally number an immense variety of lamb skins, varying so widely from each other in size^ quality, colour, and value, that, to most persons, they would appear as the produce of so many different species of animals. These lamb skins are produced in all parts of the globe, and are every where consumed ; but they form, in particular, an essential part of the dress of thousands among the lower classes in Russia, Poland, East Prussia, Hun- gary, Boliemia, and Saxony. In Russia and other cold climates, the skins of various other animals may be considered as articles of actual necessity. " 2. The 2d class would in a measure form part of the first, as it also comprises furs which through habit and fashion have now become articles of necessity, I should here enumerate all those different skins commonly called hatting furs. Few who ai-e not acquainted with this branch of the fur trade can form an idea of its extent. It spreads, of course, over all parts of the globe, where hats are worn, and re- quires very superior judgment and considerable capital to conduct it successfully. The furs now used for hat making are beaver, musquash, otter, nutria, hare, and rabbit j but each of these may be subdivided into '20 different sorts or classes. " Neutria, or nutria, is comparatively a new article. It began first to be imported in large quantities about 1810, from the Spanish possessions in South America. — (See Nutria.) The skin is used for different purposes, being either dressed as a peltry, or cut (shorn) as a hatting fur ; and if well manu- factured and prepared, it bears some resemblance to beaver fur, and is used for similar purposes. " 3. Under the 3d and last class 1 should bring all those furs, which, though continually sold, and used in immense quantities, must Still be considered mere articles of fashion, as their value varies according to the whims and fancies of different nations. There are, however, exceptions among these; and m.any furs may be considered as standard articles, since they are always used, though their price is much influenced by changes of fashion. " This Class comprises an endless variety of furs, as under it may be brought the skins of most animals in existence ; almost all of them appearing occasionally in the trade. " Furs being entirely the produce of nature, which can neither be cultivated nor increased, their vaJue is not influenced by fashion alone, but depends materially on the larger or smaller supplies received. The weather has great influence on the quality and quantity of furs imported from all quarters of the globe ; and this circumstance renders the fur trade more difficult, perhaps, and precarious than any other. The quality, and consequently the price, of many furs will differ every year. It would be completely im- possible to state the value of the different articles of furs, the trade being the most fluctuating imaginable. I have often seen the same article rise and fall 100, 200, and 300 per cent, in the course of a twelvemonth ; nay, in several instances, in the space of 1 month onlv. " Among the furs which always rank very high (though, like all the rest, they change in value), may be specified the Siberian sable, and the black and silver fox. These articles are at all times comparatively very scarce, and command high prices. " The chief supplies of peltries are received from Russia (particularly the Asiatic part of that empire), and fi'om North America But many other countries produce very beautiful and useful furs; and though we are most indebted to Asia and America, Europe furnishes a very considerable quantity. Africa and A.ustralia are of little importance to the fur trade, as, from their situation, they furnish but few article^ and consume still less. From the former we draw leopard and tiger skins (tlie most beautiful of ti i; species), while the ovJy production of the latter is the kangaroo ; this, however, is never used as a lur being chiefly consumed by leather dressers and tanners for the sake of its pelt. " Besides numerous private traders, there are several fur companies of very old standing, who in various countries do a great amount of business. Among these, the Hudson's Bay Company (in London) deserves to be mentioned first, not only from the extent of their business, but because it is one of the oldest Chartered companies in England. " The American Fur Company (in New York) stands next. They chiefly trade to London, whither they send the produce of the United States and other parts of North America, " The 3d company is the Russian American (in Moscow). They trade to the Russian possessions on the western coast of North America, whence they draw their supplies, which are chiefly consumed in Russia. " The 4th and last company of any consequence is the Danish Greenland Company (in Copenhagen). They do but a very limited business ; exposing their goods for sale once a year in Copenhagen. " The principal consumption of the furs which I should bring under the head of the 3d class, is in China, Turkey, and Russia, and among the more civilised countries of Europe, particularly in England. Germany consumes a considerable quantity. The consumption of America is comparatively little. In Africa, none but the Egyptians wear fur. In Australia, none is consumed. " Hatting furs are used throughout Europe (with the exception of Turkey and Greece), and in America ; but by far the principal trade in these articles is carried on in London and New York. " Most of the companies sell their goods by public sale, and the principal fur fairs are held at Kiachta (on the borders of Chfna) ; Nishnei Novogorod, between Moscow and Casan, in Russia ; and twice a year at Leipsic. — (See Fairs.) " It is a remarkable feature of the fur trade, that almost every country or town which produces and exports furs, imports and consumes the fur of some other place, frequently the most distant. It is but .seldom that an article is consumed in the country where it is produced, though that country may con- sume furs to a very great extent." The following details with respect to the North American fur trade may not be uninteresting : — This trade was first practised by the early French settlers at Quebec and Montreal ; and consisted then, as now, in bartering fire-arms, ammunition, cloth, spirits, and other articles FUR TRADE. in demand among the Indians, for beaver and other skins. In 1 670, Charles II. established the Hudson's Bay Company, to which lie assigned the exclusive privilege of trading with the Indians in and about the vast inlet known by the name of Hudson's Bay. The Company founded establishments at Forts Churchill and Albany, Nelson River, and other places on the west coast of the bay. But the trade they carried on, though said to be a profitable one, was of very limited extent ; and their conduct on various occasions shows how thoroughly they were " possessed with that spirit of jealousy which prevails in some degree in all knots and societies of men endued with peculiar privileges." — (^European Settlements, vol. ii. p. 268.) Mr. Burke has, in the same place, expressed his astonishment that the trade has not been thrown open. But as the Company's charter was never confirmed by any act of parliament, all British subjects are lawfully entitled to trade with those regions ; though, from the difficulties attached to the trade, the protection required in carrying it on, and the undisguised hostility which private traders have experienced from the agents of the Company, the latter have been allowed to monopolise it with but little opposition. In 1783-4, the principal traders engaged in the fur trade of Canada formed themselves into an association known by the name of the North- West Company, having their chief establishment at Montreal. This new company prosecuted the trade with great enterprise and very considerable success. The course of their proceedings in their adventurous undertakings has been minutely described by Mr. Mackenzie, one of the agents of the Company, in his Voyage from Montreal, through the Continent of America. This gentleman informs us, that some of those engaged in this trade are employed at the astonishing distance of upwards of 4,000 miles north-west of Montreal ! A very numerous caravan, if we may so call it, sets out every year for Le Grand Portage, on Lake Superior, where they meet those who have wintered in the remoter establishments, from whom they receive the furs col- lected in the course of the season, and whom they, at the same time, furnish with fresh supplies of the various articles required in the trade. Fort Chepeywan, on the Lake of the Hills, in Ion. 110° 26' W., used to be one of the most distant stations of the servants of the North- West Company ; but many of the Indians who traded with the fort came from districts contiguous to, and sometimes even beyond, the Rocky Mountains. The competition and success of the North- West Company seem to have roused the dormant energies of the Hudson's Bay Company. The conflicting interests and pre- tensions of the two associations were naturally productive of much jealousy and ill-will. Under the auspices of the late Earl of Selkirk, who was for a considerable period at the head of the Hudson's Bay Company, a colony was projected and founded on the Red River, which runs into Lake Winnipec. The North- West Company regarded this establishment as an encroachment upon their peculiar rights ; and the animosities thence arising led to the most violent proceedings on the part of the servants of both companies. At length, however, the more moderate individuals of each party began lo perceive that their interests were not materially different ; and the rival companies, wearied and im- poverished by their dissensions, ultimately united under the name of the Hudson's Bay Fur Company, which at present engrosses most of the fur trade of British America. The most important part of the trade is still carried on from Montreal in the way described by Mr. Mackenzie. The North American Fur Company, the leading directors of which reside in the city of New York, have long enjoyed the principal part of the Indian trade of the great lakes and the Upper Mississippi. But, with the exception of the musk rat, most of tlie fur-clad animals are exterminated in the vicinity of the lakes. The skins of racoons are of little value ; and the beaver is now scarce on this side the Rocky Mountains. The further north the furs are taken, the better is their quality. According to Mr. Bliss, the number and value of the furs and peltries exported from British America to all parts, in 1831, were— No. £ s. d. £ s. d. Kacoon - S25at0 1 6 - - £4 7 6 Tails - 2,290 — 0 1 0 - - 114 10 0 Weasel - S4 — 0 0 6 - - 0 17 0 Wolverine 1,744 — 0 3 0 - - 261 12 0 Wolf - 5,947 — 0 8 0 = . 2,378 16 0 No. £ s. d. £ s. d. Beaver - 126,944 at 1 5 0 . - 158,680 0 0 Bear - 3,850 — 1 0 0 - - 3,850 3 0 Deer - 645 — 0 3 0 - - 96 15 0 Fox - 8,765 — 0 10 0 - - 4,38'2 10 0 Lynx - 58,010 — 0 8 0 - - 23,204 0 0 Minx - 9,298 — 0 2 0 - - 929 16 0 Musk rat - 375,731— 0 0 6 - - 9,393 5 6| .£203,316 9 0 Undescribed from Halifax and St John's estimated at the average annual value of - 15,000 0 0 Exported to the United States by inland trade - - _ - - - 16,146 0 0 234,4«2 9 0 Sterling - - - jg2 11.016 4 2 'Stati'siics of Trade and Industry of British America, p. 29.) ' According to Mr. M'Grpgor, the value of the furs annually exponeo nom British America, amounted, at an average of the 5 years ending with 1832, to about 210,000/. sterling a year — {.British North America^ gd edit, vol.ii. p. 594.) 2 Q FUSTIAN. — GALBANUM. Account of the principal Furs imported in 1831, tlie Countries whence they were broueht ar^ thr Quantity furnished by each Country. ' * Countries. Bear. Beaver. Fitch. Marten. Minx. Musquash. Nutria. Otter. Germany . Netherlands France British N. Ame- rican colonies United States - All other places - 3,994 13,480 128 115 53 93,199 7,459 118 186,499 24,418 30,620 21,139 817 27,676 112,038 50,083 2,354 688 30,742 70,120 2,011 7,028 762 737,746 27,000 157 2,000 52,130 429,966 9,971 44 21,636 1,401 117 Total - n,m2 100,944 243,705 214,107 103,561 772,693 494,067 23,198 Of these imports, the beaver, fitch, and marten were mostly retained for home consumption. A large number of bear and otter skins were re-exported to Germany ; and no fewer than 592,117 musquash skins were exported, in 1831, to the United States. — {Pari. Paper, No. £50. Sess. 1833.) The imports of ermine are inconsiderable, having only amounted, at an average of 1831 and 1832, to 2,197 skins a year. The duty on furs produced, in 1832, 34,079/. ; and that on skins, not being furs, 18,093/. 13s. 6d. China is one of the best markets for furs. The Americans began, with their characteristic activity, to send furs to Canton very soon after their flag had appeared in the Eastern seas in 1784 ; and they still prosecute the trade to a considerable extent, though it has rapidly declined within the last 3 or 4 years. The Americans procure the furs intended for the China markets, partly from the American Fur Company already alluded to, and partly from Canada ; but they have also been in the habit of sending out ships to the north-west coast of America, which, having purchased large quantities of skins from the natives, carry them direct to Canton. Recently, however, this trade has been materially diminished, in consequence, it is said, of the regulations of the Russian government, who do not permit the American traders to cruise so far north as they did formerly. FUSTIAN (Ger. Barchent ; Du. Fustein ; Fr. Futaine ; It. Fustagno, Frustagno , Sp. Fustan ; Rus. Bumasea ; Pol. Barchan), a kind of cotton stuff, wealed or ribbed on one side. FUSTIC (Ger. Gelbholz, Fustick ; Du. Geelhout ; Fr. Boisjaune de Bresil ; It. Legno giallo de Brasilio ; Sp. Palo del Brasilamarillo), the wood of a species of mulberry (Morus tinctoria), growing in most parts of South America, in the United States, and the West India islands. It is a large and handsome tree ; and the timber, though, like most other dye woods, brittle, or at least easily splintered, is hard and strong. It is very extensively used as an ingredient in the dyeing of yellow, and is largely imported for that purpose. Of 6,335 tons of fustic imported into Great Britain in 1831, 1,683 tons were brought from the British West Indies, 1,354 ditto from Cuba and the foreign West Indies, 1,013 ditto from the United States, 990 ditto from Mexico, 510 ditto from Colombia, 705 ditto from Brazil. Fustic from Cuba fetches full 35 per cent, more in the London market than that of Jamaica or Colombia. At present, the price of the former varies from \0l. to 12/. a ton, while the latter varies from 8/. to 9/. a ton. The consumption amounts to about 6,000 tons a year. Zante, or young fustic, is really a species of sumach (Rhus cotinus Lin.), and is quite distinct from the morus tinctoria, or old fustic ; the latter being a large American tree, while the former is a small European shrub. It grows in Italy and the south of France, but is principally exported from Patras in the Morea. It imparts a beautiful bright yellow dye to cottons, &c., which, when proper mordants are used, is very permanent. It is conveniently stowed amongst a cargo of dry goods, as it may be cut into pieces of any length without injury. Only a small quantity of this species of sumach is imported. Its price fluctuates considerably. In August, 1833, it was worth, in the London market, from 9/. to 11/. a ton. G. GALANGAL (Ger. Galgant ; Du. and Fr. Galanga ; Rus. Kalgan ; Lat. Gnlanga; Arab. Kusttulk; Chin. Zawwrfon), the root of the .^aZawT/a, brought from China and the East Indies in pieces about an inch long, and hardly ^ an inch thick. A larger root of the same kind ( Greater Galangal), an inch or more in thickness, is to be rejected. It has an aromatic smell, not very grateful ; and an unpleasant, bitterish, extremely hot, biting taste. It should be chosen full and plump, of a bright colour, very firm and sound : 12 cwt. are allowed to a ton. — (Lewis's Mat. Med. ; Milhurn's Orient. Com.) GALBANUM (Fr. GaBanum ; Ger. Mutterharz ; It. Galbano ; Lat. Galbanum ; Arab. Barzud), a species of gum resin obtained from a perennial plant ( Galhanum officinale) growing in Africa, near the Cape of Good Hope, and in Syria and Persia. It is brought to this country fiom the Levant in cases or chests containing from 100 to 300 lb.s. each. The best is in ductile masses, composed of distinct whitish tears agglu- tinated together by a pale brown or yellowish substance. It is generally much mixed GALLON. — GARNETS. 595 with stalks, seeds, and other impurities. The separate tears are considered as the hcst. When the colour is dark brown or blackish, it is to be rejected. It has a strong peculiar odour, and a bitterish, warm, acrid taste. — ( Thomson's Dispensatory. ) GALLON, a measure of capacity, both for dry and liquid articles, containing 4 quarts. By 5 Geo. 4. c. 74., "the Imperial gallon shall be tbe standard measure of capacity, and shall contain 10 lbs. avoirdupois weight of distilled water, weighed in air at the tem- perature of 62° of Fahrenheit's thermometer, the barometer being at 30 inches, or 277-274 cubic inches ; and all other measures of capacity to be used, as well for wine, beer, ale, spirits, and all sorts of liquids, as for dry goods, not measured by heaped mea- sure, shall be derived, computed, and ascertained from such gallon ; and all measures shall be taken in parts, or multiples, or certain proportions, of the said Imperial standard gallon." The old English gallon, wine measure, contained 231 cubic inches ; and the old English gallon, ale measure, contained 282 cubic inches. Hence the Imperial gallon is about 1 larger than the old wine gallon, and about g'g less than the old ale gallon. By the 6 Geo. 4. c. 58. § 6. it is enacted, that from and after the 5th of January, 1826, Avhenever any gallon measure is mentioned in any act of parliament relative to the excise, it shall be taken and deemed to be a gallon Imperial standard measure. — (Sec Weights AND Measures.) GALLS, OR GALL-NUTS (Fr. Galles, Noix de galle ; Ger. GaUapfel, G alius ; It. Guile, Galluze ; Lat. Galce ; Arab. AJis ; Hind. Majouphal ; Pers. Mazu), are ex- crescences produced by the attacks of a small insect, which deposits its eggs in the tender shoots of a species of oak ( Quercus infectoria Lin.), abundant in Asia Minor, Syria, Persia, &c. Galls are inodorous, and have a nauseously bitter and astringent taste. They are nearly spherical, and vary in magnitude from the size of a pea to that of a hazel nut. When good, they are of a black or deep olive colour ; their surface is tuber- cular, and almost prickly ; they are heavy, brittle, and break with a flinty fracture. They are known in commerce by the names of white, green, and blue. The white galls are those which have not been gathered till after the insect has eaten its way out of the nidus and made its escape. They are not so heavy as the others, are of a lighter colour, and do not fetch so high a price. The green and blue galls are gathered before the insect has escaped ; they are heavier and darker than the former, and are said to afTcrd about one third more of colouring matter. Galls are of great importance in the arts, being very extensively used in dyeing, and in the manufacture of ink, of which they form one of the principal ingredients. They are the meet powerful of all the vegetable astringents ; and are frequently used with great effect in medicine. The ancients reckoned the gall-nuts of Syria superior to every other, and they still retain their pre- eminence. They are principally exported from Aleppo, Tripoli, Smyrna, and Said ; those brought from the first come chiefly from Mosul, on the western bank of the Tigris, about ten days' journey from Aleppo. The real Mosul galls are unquestionably the best of any ; but all that are gathered in the surrounding country are sold under this name. Those from Caramania are of a very inferior quality. The galls met with in India are carried thither from Persia by Arabian merchants. It is not unusual to dye the whitish gall-nuts blue, in order to increase their value. The fraud i.<;, however, detected by the deeper blue tinge that is thus imparted to them ; and by their being perforated, and lighter than the genuine blue galls. The price of galls in bond varies in the London market from 65s. to 85s. a cwt. The duty is 5s. a cwt. — {Bees' s Cycloptedia ; Bancroft on Colours ; Ainslie's Mai. Indica, 8jc.) GAMBOGE (Fr. Gomme gutte ; Ger. Gummigutt ; It. Comma gutta ; Lat. Gummi gutt(R, Camhogia : Arab. Ossararewund ; Siamese and Cambojan, Rong), a concrete vegetable juice, or gum resin, the produce of the Garcinia Camhogia, a forest tree of the genus which aflPords the mangostein, the most exquisite fruit of the East. The districts which yield gamboge lie on the east side of the Gulf of Siam, between the latitudes of 10° and 12° north, comprising a portion of Siara and the kingdom of Camboja, whence its English name. It is obtained by making incisions in the bark of the tree, from which it exudes, and is collected in vessels placed to receive it. In these it assumes a firm consistence ; and being formed into orbicular masses, or more frequently cylindrical rolls, it is at once fit for the market. It is of a bright yellow colour, opaque, brittle, breaks vitreous, has no smell, and very little taste. Specific gravity 1 -22. When taken internally, it operates as a most violent cathartic. It forms a beautiful yellow pigment; for which purpose it is principally used. The Dutch began to import it about the middle of the seventeenth century. The greater part of the gamboge of commerce first finds its way to Bangkok, the Siamese capital, or to Saigon, the capital of lower Cochin China ; from these it is carried by junks to Singapore, whence it is shipped for Europe. Its price at Singapore varies, according to quality, from 30 to 80 dollars per picul. Dark coloured pieces should be rejected. — ( Craicford's Embassy to Siam, p. 425. ; Thomson's Chemistry. ) GARNET, GARNETS (Fr. Grenats ; Ger. Granaten, Granatstein ; It. Granati ; Lat. Granati; Rus. Grajiatnoi kamen ; Sp. Granadas). There are two species of garnet, the precious and the common. The colour of the first is red ; and hence the name of the mineral, from its supposed resemblance to the flower of the pomegranate : passes from Columbine red, to cherry and brown red ; commonly crystallised. External 2 Q 2 596 GAS COMPANIES. lustre glistening, internal shining, vitreous; transparent, sometimes only translucent; specific gravity 4*08 to 4*35. The colour of the common garnet is of various shades of brown and green. Different colours often appear in the same mass : translucent ; black varieties nearly opaque: specific gravity from 3*66 to 3*75. — ( Thomson's Chemistry.) The finest varieties come from India, and some good specimens have been received from Greenland. When large and free from flaws, garnets are worth from 21. to 51. or 6l., and even more ; but stones of this value are of rare occun-ence, and always in demand. — (_Mawe on Diam,onds, ^c, 2d ed. p. 113.) GAS COMPANIES, the term usually applied to designate the companies or asso- ciations established in most large towns for lighting the streets and houses with gas. Every one must have remarked that most species of coal, when ignited, give out large quantities of gas, which burns with much brilliancy, yielding a great quantity of light as well as of heat. Dr. Clayton seems to have been the first who attempted, about 1736, to apply this gas to the purposes of artificial illumination ; but his experiments were upon a very limited scale, and no further attention was paid to the subject till more than half a century afterwards. At length, however, Mr. Murdoch, of Soho, instituted a series of judicious experiments an the extrication of gas from coal ; and, by his ingenuity and sagacity, succeeded in establishing one of the most capital improvements ever made in the arts. Mr. Murdoch found that the gas might be collected in reservoirs, purified, conveyed by pipes to a great distance from the furnace where it was generated ; and that it affords, by its slow combustion, when allowed to escape through small orifices, a beautiful and steady light. This great discovery, which places Mr. Murdoch in the first rank among the benefactors of mankind, was first brought into practice at Redruth, in Cornwall. In 1 802, it was applied to light Mr. Murdoch's manufactory at Soho ; in 1805, it was adopted by Messrs. Philips and Lee, of Manchester, in the lighting of their great cotton mill ; and is now employed in the lighting of the streets, theatres, and other public buildings, factories, &c. of all the considerable towns of the empire ; and also in most considerable towns of the Continent and America. Gas light is indebted, for its rapid diffusion, not more to its peculiar softness, clearness, and unvarying intensity, than to its comparative cheapness. According to Dr. Thomson { Supp. to Ency. Brit. art. Gas Lights'), if we value the quantity of light given by 1 lb. of tallow in candles at Is., an equal quantity of light from coal gas will not cost more than 2|c?., being less than a, fourth part of the cost of the former. Oil and other substances have been used in furnishing gas for the purpose of illumin- ation, but none of them has answered so well as coal. Most of the oil gas establishments have been abandoned. The construction of gas works on a large scale, and the carrying of pipes through the streets and into houses, &c., is very expensive, and requires a large outlay of capital. Hence most of the gas lights in the different towns are supplied by joint stock companies. Many of them have turned out to be very profitable concerns. The subjoined Table contains a statement of the most important particulars connected with the principal gas companies ; viz. the number of shares in each, the nominal amount of each share, the sums actually paid up, the market price of shares, the dividend payable on them, &c. — (From the Share Listof Mr. Charles Edmonds, Broker, of Change Alley, Cornhill, 12th of October, 1833.) Number of Shares. 12,000 5,000 1,000 1,000 10,000 J6,500l. 9,000 5,000 5,000 2,000 4,000 8,200 4,000 600 600 2,500 600 704 2,400 1,500 750 1,312 4.250 Names of Companies. Gas Light and Coke Chart. Company Ditto, New (London) City (London) - - . Ditto, New (London) Imperial (London) Ditto debentures . - - Phoenix, or South London British (London) . - - Ditto (Country) Ditto debentures Independent Equitable - - - General United Gas Light Company Imperial Continental Bradford - Brentford - - - - Bath . - . - Harnsley - Birmingham - - Birmingham and Staffordshire Brighton - Brighton New - - Brighton General . . - Blackburn - - . Bristol - - - - Amount Paid Price Dividend Dividends of Shares. up. per Share. per Annum. payable. £ s. 50 50 0 50 0 6 per cent. May, Vov. 50 10 0 10 0 6 per cent. May, Nov. 100 100 0 195 0 10 per cent. Mar. Sept. 100 60 0 120 0 10 per cent. Mar. Sept. 50 50 0 48 15 5 per cent. April, Oct. 100 100 0 100 0 4 per cent. Jan. July. 50 39 0 43 0 6 per cent. Feb. Aug. 40 16 0 21 12 1^. per share. April, Oct. 20 19 0 22 0 1/. per share. April, Oct. 100 103 0 5 percent. Jan. July. 30 "so 0 45 0 6 per cent. Mar. Sept. 50 25 0 24 0 4 per cent. April, Oct. 50 44 0 44 0 5 per cent. Mar. Sept. 100 51 5 36 0 1/.1()5. persh. Feb. Aug. 25 20 0 45 0 10 per cent. May. 50 50 0 25 0 20 16 0 33 15 10 per cent. Feb. Aug. 10 10 0 10 0 Mar. Sept. 50 50 0 110 0 10 percent. Mar. Sept. 50 50 0 100 0 4/. per sh. April, Oct 20 20 0 14 0 20 18 0 12 0 20 18 0 3J per cent. 5 per cent. 10 10 6 12 0 20 41 10 10 percent. Feb Aug. GENEVA. 597 Number Of Shares Names of Companies. Amoun ! Sliares. r" ■ Paid up. Price per btiare. Pividend per Annum* iJividL-nds payable. 240 Canterbury - - 50 - 60 0 5 per cent. Jan. July. 500 Cheltenham * r - 50 50 0 75 0 7i per cent. 5 per cent. 800 Coventry ' - 25 20 0 200 Derby - - _ - 50 50 0 55 0 5 per cent. 180 r^^j?"^ ■ " " " 50 ■ 51 0 5 per cent. 600 XJUQley - » - - 20 22 0 6 per cent. 51. 240 50 70 0 780 Oreat lariuoutn • - 20 18 0 13 0 S| per cent. July, Jan. 25 25 0 23 0 1^. oUO Halifav _ _ 25 til 36 0 1,200 Ipswich " • * 10 12 0 12s. Mar. .Sept. 800 Tsle nf TVianpf- IMC UJ XlictllcL ■ • « " 25 20 n 22 0 5 percent. Jan. July. 160 Kidderminster - 50 53 0 5 per cent. 201 Leeds . . - - . 100 n V 195 0 * 10/. Leicester — — — 50 50 0 65 0 31. Ws. January. 220 Lewes - - - - - 25 25 0 23 0 4 per cent. January. 500 J-iiverpool • — • • 100 100 0 450 0 22Z. Feb. Aug. 200 IVlciidstone — — • * 50 100 0 9 per cent. Mar. Sept, 200 Newc3stle-under~Line * — 25 320 Newport, Isle ot Wight — • Northampton — - ou 18 0 IL 542 20 Q 26 10 520 Nottingham - — - — 50 50 96 0 8 per cent. 120 Oxford » - - 150 130 Q 3,200 600 Paisley . ... 50 ■ ■ x^oplar - - - 50 27 0 600 Portsea Island * - - • 50 53 0 47 n 5 per cent Jan. July. 2,500 100 20 0 18 lOdis. 10,000 Plymouth - • • _ 50 - 70 Bl. July. 1,000 RatcliflF » « » - 100 60 0 46 0 4 per cent. Mar. Sept. 480 Rochdale > • . • 25 15 0 par 58 0 240 Rochester • • • 50 50 0 31. 1,600 oiiemciu ■ - " a 25 18 5 58 0 10 per cent. 1,000 Shrewsbury * - 10 ■ 12 10 \2s. January. 144 Stockton • - • 55 294 Warwick - - . 50 _ I SO 0 5 per cent. March. 400 Wakefield - ... 25 ^l. 10s. 100 Warrington - - 20 29 0 10 per cent. 1,000 Wigan - - - - 10 240 Woolwich - - - 50 30 6 10 per cent. 550 Wolverhampton - - 20 20 0 20 0 600 Worcester - 20 16 0 4 per cent. GENEVA (Du. Genever ; Fr. Genievre ; Ger. Gaud, Genever ; It. Acqua di Ginepro ; Lat. Juniperi aqua ; Sp. Agua . de Enebro), a spirit obtained by distillation from grain, rectified, with the addition of juniper berries. The latter give to the spirit that peculiar flavour by which it is distinguished, and are also said to render it diuretic. Geneva is a corruption of genievre, the French term for the juniper berry. By far the best geneva is made in Holland, where its manufacture is carried on to a very great extent. The distilleries of Schiedam have long been famous, and are at present in a very prosperous condition. Schiedam geneva is made solely of spirit obtained from rye and barley, flavoured with juniper berries. It becomes iriilder, and acquires, as it gets old, an oily flavour disliked by the Hollanders ; hence nearly the whole of the *' Schiedam " is exported, principally to the East Indies. There are no fewer than 30O distilleries in Schiedam, 100 in other parts of Holland, and not more than 40 in Belgium. The entire annual produce of the distillery in Holland is estimated at 2,000,000 ankers, or 20,500,000 wine gallons, of which about two thirds are exported { Cloet, Description Geographique des Pays Bas, p. 92.) In nothing, perhaps, has the destructive effect of heavy taxation been so strongly exhibited, as in the trade of geneva It appears from the Parl.Paper, No. 248. Sess. 1826, that during the 10 years ending with 1786, when the duty on geneva was about 10s. the wine gallon, the average annual consumption in Great Britain amounted to about 80,362 gallons. But in 1786, Mr. Pitt reduced the duties to 5s. a gallon ; and the effect of this wise and politic measure was such, that in the next decennial period the average imports for hom.e consumption amounted to 444,891 gallons I From 1796 to 1806, the duties fluctuated from 7s. M. to I4s. ; but as the taste for geneva had been formed, and as the duties on other spirits had been increased in about the same proportion, the consumption went on increasing, having been, at an average of the 10 years, as high as 724,351 gallons a year. This was the maximum of consumption., Mr, Vansittart soon after began his inauspicious career, and immediately raised the duty from 14s. to 20s. 8rf. ; the consequence of this increase being, that in the 10 years ending with 1816, the average consumption amounted to only 272,898 gallons. Since then the duties have continued stationary, being at this moment 22s. 6rf. the Imperial gallon, on an article which may be bought in bond for 2s. 2d. or 2s. &d. ! The duties on rum and British spirits having been materially reduced during the last 10 years, the consumption of geneva has gone on progressively diminishing, till it now amounts, as appears from the subjoined official statement, to no more than 22,300 gallons j being only mie thirty-fourth part of what it amounted to during the 10 years ending with 1806! In Ireland, the effects of this felo de se system have been more injurious than appears from this Table. During the 4 years ending with 1803, the books of the Irish Custom-house show that there were, at an average, 82,828 gallons of geneva entered for home consum>tion, producing, at the then duty of 7s. Sfrf., 39,92.3/. a year; whereas, notwithstanding the vast increase of population, the consumption of geneva in Ireland, in 1832, was only 1,402 gallons, and the revenue only 1,5111. To make any lengthened commentary on such statements wouid be useless. Our policy, if we may apply this term to so revolting a display of short-sighted rapacity, has had no other effect than to lessen the -j^ublic revenue and enjoyments of the people, to injure our trade with Holland, and to foster and pro.- 2 Q 3 598 GENOA. mote the ruinous and destructive practice of smuggling. Tlie exorbitant duties on geneva, brandy, and tobacco, have led to tJie formation of the coast guard and the preventive water guard, costing together between 400.000/. and 500,000/. a year ; and yet, notwithstanding this enormous outlay, and notwithstand- ing the innumerable penalties and punishments to which he is exposed, the trade of the smuggler is not put down, but is, on the contrary, in a peculiarly flourishing condition ; and so it will continue, in despite of every thing that can be done for its suppression, till these duties be adequately reduced. We believe our gin manufacturers have nothing to apprehend from a reduction of the duties on geneva to 10.V. a gallon. The lower classes, who are the great consumers, prefer English gin to every other sti- mulant ; and now that the duties on juniper berries — (see Behuies) — are reduced, its quality may be materially improved. But nothing would have so much influence in this respect as the admission of geneva at a moderate duty. It would also have the beneficial effect of putting an end to the manufacture of the spurious compounds sold under its name. The regulations as to the importation, &c. of geneva are similar to those affecting Brandy j which see. An Account of the Number of Gallons (Imperial Measure) of Geneva entered for Home Consumption in Great Britain and Ireland, the Rates of Duty on the same, and the entire Nett Produce of the Duty, each Year since 18H. 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 Quantities retained for Ho Consumption. Imp. Gait. 149,302 124,508 103,973 105,483 113,255 102,523 105,067 89,443 88,670 82,784 19,605 83,709 67,079 50,760 43,037 35,301 29,006 22,510 20,899 Ireland, r,^^"'^"'^ Kingdom. Imp. Gall. 6,072 4,446 1,305 2,174 3,032 3,124 3,383 3,324 2,917 8,164 412 1,000 2,081 1,908 2,223 1,845 1,793 1,388 1,402 Imp. Gall. 155,374 128,954 105,278 107,657 116,287 105,647 108,450 92,767 91,587 90,948 90,017 84,709 69,160 52,668 45,260 37,146 30,799 23,898 22,301 Nett Produce of Dutj (Customs and Excise). Great Britain. 168,559 139,768 116,967 118,837 127,503 114,799 114,903 100,965 99,981 93,442 101,089 94,463 75,553 57,204 48,433 39,647 32,650 25,332 23,514 s. d. 13 3 13 3 12 11 19 10 18 11 13 7 0 0 12 3 2 1 5 10 11 11 9 1 17 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 Ireland. fUnited Kingdom. £ S. d. 5,581 18 5 4,029 8 11 1,3.59 15 8 2,012 16 0 2,772 3 3 2,795 2 9 2,943 17 11 2,940 2 10 2,523 14 3 7,020 14 5 472 7 11 1,145 17 11 2,337 10 11 2,147 12 6 2,500 11 10 2,075 12 6 2,018 0 0 1,562 0 0 1,577 0 C £ s. d. 174,141 11 8 143,798 2 2 118,327 8 7 120,8.50 15 10 130,275 2 2 117,594 16 4 117,847 13 1 103,905 18 7 102,505 10 5 100,462 14 5 101,562 0 2 95,609 0 0 77,890 16 9 59,352 4 5 50,934 0 11 41,723 9 8 34,668 0 0 26,894 0 0 25,091 0 0 Kates of Duty per Imjierial Gallon (Customs and Excise). £ S. d. 1 2 61 1 2 1: 1 2 6 £ s. d. 0 17 3f 1 2 8 1 2 6 GENOA, a maritime city of Italy, once the capital of the famous republic of that name, now of a province of the kingdom of Sardinia. It is situated at the bottom of the extensive gulf to which it gives its name ; the light-house being in lat. 44"^ 24' 40" N., Ion. 8° 52' 55" E. Population 80,000. Genoa is one of the finest cities of Europe. In general, the streets are inconveniently narrovr ; but some of the principal ones are moderately wide, and consist almost entirely of public buildings, and private palaces erected during the period of her pro.sperity. Being built on a rising ground, in the form of an amphitheatre, the appearance of the town from the sea is most magnificent, and justifies the epithet given to her of " la superha^ Port. — The harbour is semicircular, the diameter being about 1,000 fathoms. It is artificial, being formed by two gigantic moles having opposite directions. That on the east side, called the old mole {tnolo vecchio), projects from the centre of the city W. by S. It is about 260 fathoms in length, and has a battery near its middle. The new mole [molo nuovo), on the opposite side of the port, adjoins the southern extremity of the suburb of S. Pietro d'Arena, projecting about 210 fathoms from shore in an E. S. E. direction. The mole heads bear from each other N. E. by E. and S. W. by W., the distance between them, forming the entrance to the harbour, being about 350 fathoms. The light>-house is without the port, on the west side, near the extremity of a point of land, and contiguous to the bottom of the new mole. It is a lofty square tower ; and as it stands on a high rock, and is painted white, it is visible in clear weather at a great distance. There is also a harbour light at the extremity of the new mole. There is no difficulty in entering the harbour ; the ground is clean, and there is plenty of water, par- ticularly on the side next the new mole ; -care, however, must be taken, in coming from the west, to give the light-house point a good offing. Moderate sized merchantmen commonly anchor inside the old mole, contiguous to the porto franco, or bonded warehouses, having a hawser made fast to the mole, and an anchor ahead. Men of war and the largest class of merchantmen may anchor inside the new mole, but they must not come too near the shore. Ships sometimes anchor without the harbour in from 10 to 25 fathoms, the light-house bearing N. ^ W., distant 2 or 3 miles. The S.W. winds occasion a heavy swell but the bottom is clay and holds well. Within the town are two rather shallow basins designed for gallies and small trading vessels. There is also an arsenal. Money. — Accounts were formerly kept at Genoa in lir« of 20 soldi, each soldo contiining 12 denari; and money was divided.into 6rtwco and /Mo>-/ English inches. The braccio = 2^ palmi. Trade, 8fc. — Genoa is the entrepot of a large extent of country ; and her commerce, though inferior to what it once was, is very considerable, and has latterly been increasing. She is a free port ; that, is, a port where goods may be warehoused and exported free of duty. The exports consist partly of the raw products of the adjacent country, such as olive oil (an article of great value and importance), rice, fruits, cheese, rags, steel, argol, &c. ; partly of the products of her manufacturing industry, such as 8ilks, damasks, and velvets (for the production of which she has been long famous), thrown silk, paper, soap, works in mai'ble, alabaster, coral, &c. ; the printed cottons of Switzerland, and the other products of that country and of the western parts of Lombardy, intended for the south of Europe and the Levant ; and partly of the various foreign products brought by sea, and placed in porto franco. The imports principally consist of cotton and woollen stuffs ; cotton wool, mostly from Egypt ; corn from the Black Sea, Sicily, and Barbary ; sugar, salted fish, spices, coffee, cochineal, indigo, hides, iron, and naval stores from the Baltic ; hardware and tin plates from England ; wool, tobacco, lead (principally from Spain), wax, &c. Corn, barilla, Gallipoli oil, cotton, valonia, sponge, galls, and other products of the countries adjoining the Black Sea, Sicily, the Levant, &c., may in general be had here, though not in so great abundance as at Leghorn. The various duties and Custom- house fees formerly charged on the transit of goods through Genoa and the Sardinian territories have recently been abolished. This will have a very beneficial influence on the trade of this port, particularly as regards the importation of raw cotton for Switzerland and Milan, as well as of the different descriptions of colonial produce. Statement of the Principal Articles of Raw Produce exported from Genoa, with their Prices there on the 1st of January, 1833, in Forto franco (Bond), in Italian Money, Weights, and Measures, and free on Board in English Money, Weights, and Measures. — (From the Circular of Grants, Balfour, and Co.) Exports. Genoa Piates Porto franco. PiiceinEnglish Money, and WeiglitSjfree on board. Exports. Genoa Rates Porta franco. Price in English Money, and Weights", free on board. Almonds, sweet, Sicily, liv. Lbs. L.t. d. L. s. d. 64 to 0 100 3 8 10 cwt. Oil, Genoa, superfine liv. 104 to 106 brl. 53 19 2 tun of Argol, white - - — 46 — 48 150 1 15 2 88 45 16 3 256 red garbled - — 42 _ 44 1 12 3 middling - - — Gallipoli, Sicily, and 76 80 40 14 6 0. gal. Barilla, Sicilian - — 14—0 0 10 4 Brimstone, rough - — Ih- 8 5 7 7 tou Levant - - — 61 62 29 7 9 roil - - — 13 — 14 9 8 3 Opium - - — 15 16 Vd. 0 14 3 lb." iCantharides - - — 7-74 1 0 6 10 lb. Paper, Floretta, 14 lbs. — 7 i p. rm. 0 4 11 rm. of iCheese, Parmesan - — 160 —160 150 0 0 11-8 Media, 14 lbs. - — 5 of 475 0 3 6 475 Cotton, IVIak6 - - — 10.) — 109 0 0 7-9 Almabso, 16 lbs. - — 8J sheets 0 6 3 sheets Cream of tartar - sols 10 — 11 1 2 19 7 cwt. Quicksilver - sols Rice, Lombardy - liv. 42 lb. 0 2 0 lb. Essence of bergamot hv. 8.^ — 9 0 8 9 lb. 20 21 1601b. 0 15 11 cwt. lemon - - — 7 - 0 0 6 10 Safflower, new - sols .-W 0 lb. 0 1 2 lb. orange - - — 44 — .5 0 4 11 Saffron - - liv. 35 36 1 12 4 iGalls, Turkey, blue sols 25 _ 26 6 13 1 cwt. Soaji, white - - — 46 48 150ib. 1 15 0 cwt. in sorts - - — 11 - 32 3 1 5 marbled - - — 44 46 1 13 7 iGum Arabic, picked - — 34 — 44 11 3 8 Shumac, Sicily - — 22 0 2251b. 0 10 9 1 in sorts - - — 16 - 20 5 1 8 bponges, fine and super. — 4 6 lb. 0 5 4 lb.~ Hemp, Bologna, dressed, 1st - - liv. Steel, Milan, No. 00. — 29 31 1501b. 1 2 6 cwt. 75 - 76 150'51 1 7 ton No. 0. _ 29 31 I 2 6 2d - . . _ 70 - 71 50 10 5 No. 1 and 2. — 27 0 0 19 7 garden • • — 48 — 0 34 3 1 Tallow - 50 52 1 15 7 cordage, 1st - — .-58 — 40 28 9 3 Valonia - - — 10 18 0 12 9 'id - . . _ 36 — 37 26 6 7 Piedmont, Ist - _ 56 — 57 26 6 7 Grain, wheat, Black Liquorice paste, Calabria— 56 — 57 100 2 18 10 cwt. Sea, soft - - — 20 23 mina 2 1 quart 1 Sicilian 44 — 45 2 5 5 ditto, hard - — 221 23 2 1 7 Imp. Linseed - . 14—0 150 1 19 2 qr. Beans, Alexandria, iMaddet roofs, Cyprus, 1 ar.d Smyrna - sols new - - — 0 1 3 6 _ ■ ]\z I 1 2 1 2 cwt. old - - _ 'u 0 0 19 10 1 Tripoli . . _ 2 1 2 Com, Indian - - — 14 18 = 1 12 6 Manna m flakes •- " m — 80 0 3 8 IbT ' in sorts, Geraci - 29-30 0 1 4 Statement of the Quantities of some of the Principal Articles of Colonial and other Raw Produce im- ported into Genoa in 1830, 1831, 1832, with the Stocks on Hand on the l.st of January, 1832 and 1833. Stock, Stock, 1831. 1832. 1st .Ian. 1 St Jan. Articles imported. 1830. 1832. 1 833. 8,500 5,200 5,40U 1,550 Spices, Pepper lbs. 2,050,000 1 ,330 2,930 110 680 Pimento - — 132,000 !.",700 10,600 4,150 1,650 Cassia lignea, ca. 790 29,000 75,000 55,000 64,000 ditto - mats • 1,100 51,800 54,000 750 Sugars, loaves, casks. 510 15,900 22,000 1,800 crushed — 2,780 3,050 5,200 Havannah, bxs. 8,200 450 690 Brazil cases ditto - bags 6,410 4,900 62,500 86,400 5,000 3,200 E. India - 2,500 4,570 660 640 390 180 Porto Rico.csks. 762 1,070 1,120 Till plates boses 4,950 2.'^,500 21.500 1 6,200 17.000 Articles imported. 1830. Cocoa, all quals. bgs, Coffee, ditto tons Cotton, ditto bales Cochineal - lbs. Fish, Codfish, quint. Stockfish — Pilchards, hhds. Henings barls. Hides, dried and dry salted - numb. '1 18,400 Indieo, Bengal, easel 570 Spanish serons 545 I't'nd - p ig sl 24,5 0' 13,500, 1,996 8,370 15,200 36,900 20,800 2,550 5,100 900,000 145,000 350 175 2,080 13,500 6,100 6,400 12,200 2,400 2,800 I Stock, : Stock, 1832. 1st Jan.jlst Jan. ,500,000 150,00(1 820 85 2,850 15,600 4,800 1 1 ,500 24,000 4,.500 6,500 30 150 2,1.50 8S0 2,100 490 850 ."5,000 95,000 40 45 .'10 4^00 1,040 2,500 470 600 GENTIAN. — GIBRALTAR. TarM. — Those of usage are, — on cotton, fish, tallow, and •valonea, 4 per cent. ; hemp, 1 per cent. ; wood, 116 for 1 00 lbs.; almonds, wax, and galls, 104 for 100 lbs.; ginger, 112 for 100 lbs.; sugar in loaves, 2 percent.; raw silk, 1 ounce per lb. •Alum, argol, anchovies, barilla, brandy, flour, iron, lead, salt- "petre, figs, hides, pepper, juniper berries, pumice stone, rags, raisins, rice, cream of tartar, essences, quicksilver, shumac, steel, and soap, have no tare ; for all other articles sold by weight, 106 lbs. are given for every 100 lbs. 'Vhe loss of weight on importations from the place of growth, partly arising from diflference of tare, varies as follows : — Per cent. Sugar inchests from Rio de Janeiro, loses 1 to 31 taking 3.| bags, ditto - - -3—4 ( arrobas as chests from Pemambuco - .4—6 fequal to I chests from Bahia - - 6 10 J cwt. Eng. boxes from Havannah and Cuba - 4 — 67t-v„„4i muscovado in casks from Cuba and Porto j-f. ^ ^ Rico - - - 12-15 i'^""- Importations from other quarters where the tares allowed are on a par with those of Genoa, generally render full weight; Havannah box sugar* from the United States render 1 to 2 per cent, more than full weight. Navigation, S(C. — In 1831, there entered the different ports of the Sardinian states, 3,704 ships ; but the greater number of these must have been small coasting vessels, as their aggregate burden did not exceed 331,'217 tons. If we deduct about a third for Sardinia, by far the largest proportion of the remainder must have entered and cleared out at Genoa. — {Archives du Commerce, torn. ii. p. 39.) — In 1832, 84 Bri- tish ships, of the burden of 13,478 tons, arrived at Genoa.*— (Par/. Paper, No. 756. Sess. 1833.) GENTIAN (Ger. Enzian ; Fr. Gentiane ; It. Genziana ; Sp. Jenciana ; Rus. Enziixn. ; I^at. Gentiana), the roots of two alpine plants, Gentiana lutea and Gentiana purpurea, found growing in Switzerland and Austria, the Apennines, the Pyrenees, and in North America. Those brought to this country come from Germany. They are in pieces of various lengths and thickness, twisted, wrinkled on the outside, and covered with a brownish grey cuticle. They have no particular odour ; and the taste is intensely bitter, without being nauseous. — ( Thomson'' s Dispensatory. ) GHEE. See Butter. GIBRALTAR, a famous fortress near the southernmost extremity of Spain, and contiguous to the narrowest part of the strait, to which it gives its name, joining the Atlantic and Mediterranean, in lat. 36° 6' 30" N., Ion. 5° 21' 12" W. It is situated on the Avest side of a rocky mountain or promontory, the Mons Calpe of the ancients, projecting into the sea, in a southerly direction, about 3 miles, being from § to f of a mile in width. The southernmost extremity of the rock is called Europa Point. Its northern side, fronting the isthmus which connects it with Spain, is almost perpendi- cular, and wholly inaccessible ; the east and south sides are so rugged and precipitous, as to render any attack upon them, even if they were not fortified, next to impossible ; so that it is only on the west side, fronting the bay, where the rock declines to the sea and the town is built, that it can be attacked with the least chance of success. Here, however, the strength of the fortifications, and the magnitude of the batteries, are such, that the fortress seems to be impregnable, even though attacked by an enemy having the command of the sea. It was taken by the English in 1704, but the fortifications were then very inferior to what they are at present. Towards the end of the American war, it was attacked by a most formidable armament fitted out jointly by Spain and France ; but the strength of the place, and the bravery of the garrison, defeated all the eflTorts of the combined powers. Population about 17,000, exclusive of the troops, which usually amount, in time of peace, to from 3,000 to 4,000. The bay of Gibraltar is spacious ; and, being protected from all the more dangerous winds, affords a convenient station for ships. Two moles have been constructed at a vast expense, for the protection of the shipping. The old mole projects from the north end of the town, N. W. by N., 1,100 feet into the sea : the new mole is mile more to the south, extending outwards about 700 feet ; it has an elbow formed by the shore, and in winter large vessels anchor inside ; the farthest out in from 5 to 6 fathoms. The plan on the opposite page gives a better idea of the position of Gibraltar, as well as of the Straits, than could be derived from any description. It is taken from Captain Smyth's beautiful chart of the Mediterranean. Trade, Political Importance, 8^e. — Gibraltar is of considerable consequence as a com- mercial station. Being a free port, subject to no duties and few restrictions, it is a con- venient entrepot for the English and other foreign goods destined for the supply of the contiguous Spanish and African provinces. In this respect, however, it has greatly fallen ofiT. This has been owing to a variety of causes : partly, and principally perhaps, to the insecurity and apprehension occasioned by the fear of pestilential diseases, the place never having recovered from the eflfects of the dreadful contagion by which it was visited in 1 804 ; partly to large quantities of those goods being now kept at Malta and Genoa, that were formerly kept at Gibraltar ; and, more recently, to the making of Cadiz a free port. This measure has, however, been revoked ; but, notwithstanding, it is not at all probable that Gibraltar will ever again be of much importance as a trading station. In 1831, the declared value of the various articles of British produce and manufacture ex- ported to Gibraltar, was 367,285/.; the official value of the foreign and colonial pro- ducts exported to it during the same year being 121,342/. The trade with Gibraltar, or any British dependency in the Mediterranean, may be regulated by an order in council ; and any goods imported or exported contrary to such order shall be forfeited, together with the ship importing or exporting the same. — (6 Geo. 4. c. 114. § 73.) * We are not sure that this is the correct reading, ; hf title to the account being drawn up in so slovenly a way, that it is not easy to say whether it means that o4 ships arrived and 84 departed, or that 42 arrived and 45 dci)artcd GIBRALTAR. GOl References to Plan. — A, point and light-house of Tariffa, in lat 36° 0' 30" N., Ion, 5^ 35/ 55// \v. The light-house was erected in 1813, and the light revolves. B, Cabrita Point. C, Europa Point, the extremity of the rock of Gibraltar. D, town and fortress of Ceuta, on the African coast. E, Little Ceuta Bay. F, Point Leona. G, Point Cires. The soundings and the direction of the currents are marked in the chart. Variation in the Straits, 220^31'. The real value of Gibraltar to Great Britain consists in its importance in a military and naval point of view ; in its being, in fact, the key of the Mediterranean ; and in its aflTording a convenient and secure station for the outfit, refreshment, repair, and ac- commodation of our ships of war and merchantmen. The revenue collected in the town amounts to from 30,000/. to 40,000/., which is about sufficient to defray the public civil expenditure of the place. The expense annually incurred in Great Britain on account of the garrison, in time of peace, amounts to abotit 200,000/. — a small stmi compai-ed with the important political and commercial advantages it is the means of securing. Money. — The effective or hard dollar = 4*. 4earlasli - . 30 — " To correct the green colour derived from combustible matter, or oxide of iron, a little black oxide of manganese Is added, and sometimes nitre and arsenic. The fusion is ac- complished usually In about 30 hours. " 2. Pl(Ue Glast. — Good carbonate of soda, procured by de- composing common salt with pearlash, is employed as the flux. The proportion of the materials is — Pure sand - - 43-0 Dry subcarbonate of soda - '2.')"5 Pure quicklime - • 4-0 Nitre - - - 15 Broken plate glass - - 25-0 100-0. About 70 parts of good plate glass may be run off" from these materials. " 3. Crown, or fine WiTuhn) Glass. — This is made of sand vitrified by the impure Uorilla manufactured by incineration of sea weed on the Scotch and Irish shores. The most ap proved composition is — By Mer.»ure. IJy Weight. Fine sand purified - - 6 . 200 iiest kelp ground • - 11 - 330 "4. Broad Glass — This is made of a mixture of soap- boilers' waste, kelp, and sand. The first ingredient consists of lime used for rendering the alkali of the soap-boiler causticj the insoluble matter of his kelp or barilla, and a quantity ot salt and water, all in a pasty state. The proportions neces- sarily vary. 2 of the waste, 1 of kelp, and 1 of sand, form a pretty good broad glass. They are mixed together, dried, and tVitted. " 6. Ilollle Glass is the coarsest kind. It is made of soapers' ■waste and river sand, in proportions which practice must duter- mine according to the quantity of the waste; some soap- boilers extracting more saline matter, and others less, from their kelps. Common sand and lime, with a little common clay and sea salt, form a cheap mixture for bottle glass." 1. Historical Notices with respect to Glass. — The manufacture of glass is one of the very highest beauty and utility. It is most probable that we are indebted for this won- derful art, as we are for the gift of letters, to the Phoenicians. According to Pliny {Hist. Nat. lib. xxxvi. c. 26.), glass had been made for many ages, of sand found near the mouth of the small river Belus in Phoenicia. " The report," says he, " is, that the crew of a merchant ship laden with nitre (fossil alkali) having used some pieces of it to sup- port the kettles placed on the fires they had made on the sand, were surprised to see pieces formed of a translucent substance, or glass. This was a sufficient hint for the manufacture. Ingenuity (astuta et ingeniosa solertia) was immediately at work, to im- prove the process thus happily suggested. Hence the inagnetical stone came to be added, from an idea that it contained not only iron, but glass. They also used clear pebbles, shells, and fossil sand. Indian glass is said to be formed of native crystal, and is on that account superior to every other.* Phoenician glass is prepared with light dry wood, to which copper and nitre are added, the last being principally brought from Ophir. It is occasionally tinged with different colours. Sometimes it is brought to the desired shape by being blown, sometimes by being ground on a lathe, and sometimes it is embossed like silver." Sidon, he adds, is famous for this manufacture. It was there that mirrors were first invented. In Pliny's time, glass was made in Italy, of fine sand on the shore between Cumas and the Lucrine bay. Glass was manufactured at Rome into various articles of convenience and ornament. Pliny mentions that Nero gave 6,000 sesterces (50,000^. according to the ordinary method of reckoning) for two glass cups, each having two handles! These, however, must have been of an immense size and of exquisite workmanship ; for glass was then in common use for drinking vessels, and was used even in the form of bottles in which to keep wine. — (Mart. Epiy. lib. ii. 22. 40., and lib. iv. 86.) There is no authentic evidence of glass being used in windows previously to the thira or fourth century ; and then, and for long after, it was used only in churches and other public buildings. In this country, even so late as the latter part of the sixteenth century, glass was very rarely met with. In a survey of Alnwick Castle, made in 1573, it is stated — " And, because throwe extreme winds, the glasse of the windowes of this and other my lord's castles and houses here in the country dooth decay and waste, yt were good the whole leights of everie windowe, at the departure of his lordshippe from lyinge at any of his said castels, and houses, and dowring the tyme of his lordship's absence, or others lyinge in them, were taken doune and lade up in safety : And at sooche time as ather his lordshippe or anie other sholde lye at anie of the said places, the same might then be set uppe of newe, with smale charges, whereas now the decaye thereof shall be verie costlie and chargeable to be repayred." — (North. Housh. Book, xvii.) Sir F. M. Eden thinks it probable that glass windows were not introduced into farmhouses in England much before the reign of James I. They are mentioned in a lease in 1615, in a parish in Suffolk. In Scotland, hoAvever, as late as 1661, the windows of ordinary country houses were not glazed, and only the upper parts of even those in the king's palaces had glass ; the lower ones having two wooden shutters, to open at pleasure, and admit the fresh air. From a passage in Harrison's Description of England, it may be inferred that glass was introduced into country houses in the reign of Henry VIII. He says, — " Of old time," (meaning, probably, the beginning of the century,) " our countrie houses instead of glasse did use much lattise, and that made either of wicker or fine rifts of oke in checkerwise. I read also that some of the better sort, in and before the time of the Saxons, did make panels of horne instead of glasse, and fix them in wooden calmes (casements) ; but as horne in windowes is now (1584) quite laid downe in everie place, so our lattises are also growne into disuse, because glasse is ' * If this be a correct description of the glass of India 5n the age of Pliny, it has since fallen off very much ; Indian glass being now about the very worst that is made. At present, the Hindoos manufacture it of fragments of broken glass, quartz sand, and impure soda, — an article found native in many parts of India, particularly in the south. The furnaces are so bad that they cannot melt our rommon bottle gla.S5. — (Jlami/ton's Mt/sore, voL iii. p. 370.) The glass of C'hu:a :-. mucli better than tlu^n that of India, though still very inferior to that of Europe. 604 GLASS. come to be so plentiful, and within verie little so good, cheape, if not better than the other." Glass is now introduced into the windows of almost every cottage of Great Britain ; and in this cold, damp climate, it ought rather to be considered as a necessary of life, than as the most elegant and useful of conveniences. What Dr. Johnson has said as to glass deserves to be quoted. — " By some fortuitous liquefaction was mankind taught to produce a body at once in a high degree solid and transparent, which might admit the light of the sun, and exclude the violence of the wind ; which might extend the sight of the philosopher to new ranges of existence, and charm him at one time with the un- bounded extent of the material creation, and at another with the endless subordination of animal life ; and, what is yet of more importance, might supply the decays of nature, and succour old age with subsidiary sight. Thus was the first artificer in glass employed, though without his own knowledge or expectation. He was facilitating and prolonging the enjoyment of light, enlarging the avenues of science, and conferring the highest and most lasting pleasures; he was enabling the student to contemplate nature, and the beauty to behold herself." — {Ramhler, No. 9.) Venice, for a long time, excelled all Europe in the manufacture of glass, but was sub- sequently rivalled by France. The manufacture was early introduced into England ; but it was not carried on to any extent previously to the 16th century. The first plates for looking-glasses and coach windows were made in 1673, at Lambeth, by Venetian artists under the protection of the Duke of Buckingham. The British Platd Company was incorporated in 1773, when it erected its extensive works at Ravenhead, near St. Helen's, in Lancashire. The manufacture was at first conducted by workmen from France, whence we had previously brought all our plate glass. But that which is now made at Ravenhead, at Liverpool, and London, is equal or sYiperior to any imported from the Continent. It is difficult to form any precise estimate of the value of the glass annually pro- duced in Great Britain. We believe, however, that it cannot amount to less than 2,000, OOOZ. ; and that the workmen employed in the different departments of the manu- facture exceed 50,000. 2. Duties on Glass. — The glass manufacture is subjected to the excise ; and it is difficult to say wnether the regulations under which the duty is charged, or the duty itself, be most oppressive. The wealth and population of the country have more than doubled since 1790 ; and we are well convinced that, had the glass manufacture not been interfered 'with, it would have increased in a still greater ratio.. But instead of advancing, it has positively declined ; and is actually less at this moment than it was 40 years ago ! So extraordinary a result is wholly to be ascribed to the exorbitant excess to which the duties have been carried. Instead, however, of submitting any remarks of our own in vindication of this view of the sub- ject, we shall take the liberty of laying before the reader the following extract from the speech delivered by Mr. Poulett Thomson in the House of Commons, 26th of March, 1830, — a speech which combines, in a degree rarely exhibited, a familiar knowledge of practical details and of sound scientific principles. That the administration of which the Right Hon. Gentleman is a distinguished member, has not yet pro. posed the repeal of this oppressive tax, is not, we are sure, owing to his colleagues differing in opinion with him as to its impolicy, but is wholly to be ascribed to other causes — to the res dura et regni novitas— the difficulty of finding a substitute, and the urgency of the claims for relief advanced by others. '• The gross duty on glass for the year 1828 amounted, in Great Britain (exclusive of Ireland), to 950,103/., and the nett duty to 586,1701. ; the difference beingi either returned, or sacrificed in the collec- tion. And here I would entreat the House to remark, that for the sake of such a sum as 500,000/., a charge of collection on nearly 1,000,000/. is incurred. The duty is 6d. per pound on flint, but equal to jd. from the mode of its collection ; in other words, upwards of 100 per cent. ; the glass, when made, selling for Is. to Is. 2d. This duty, too, is very much reduced from what it was ; and here the House will observe an admirable illustration of the effect of heavy duties on consumption, and consequently on revenue. In 1794, the last year in which the duty was 1/. Is. 5d. per cwt for plate and flint, and other kinds in pro portion, the quantities paying duty were as follow : — Flint and Plate. Broad. Crown. Bottle. Cwt. 67,615 20,607 83,940 227,476 The duties were successively raised to 2/. 9s. ; and at last, by Mr. Vansittart, in pursuit of his favourite theory, in 1813, toj4/. 18s. ! and let us see the result. In 1816, the consumption had declined to Plate. Broad. Crown. Bottle. Cwt. 29,60C 6,140 55,502 155,595 In 182.5, government saw a part of their error, and reduced the duty by one half, still leaving it too high ; but mark the effect. In 1828, the last year for which I have the returns, the consumption rose to Plate. Broad. Crown. Bottle. Cwt. 68,134 6,956 90,603 224,864 Still, however, only about the same as in 1794. It appears, therefore, that notwithstanding the increase of population and general luxury, the consumption has been kept down by your improvident system, and is actually now less than it was 35 years ago. But here, again, the duty is far from being the greatest evil Let any one turn to the act: he will find 32 clauses of regulations, penalties, and prohibitions ; all vex- atious to the manufacturer, and all to be paid for by the public. I have said that the duty on flint glass is 6d. per pound ; the glass, when made, selling for Is. But the excise officer has the power of imposing the duty, either when the glass is in the pot, 3d. per pound, or after it has been turned out, at 6d. ; the glass, when turned out, gaining 100 per cent. It is found more advantag(^us to the revenue to exact the duty on glass in the pot, at 3d. ; and in this way the duty is raised to Id. Nor is this all The manu- facturcr is driven by this method into the necessity of producing frequently an article which he does not want. He makes the fine glass from the middle; the coarser from the top and bottom of the pot. He frequently wants only fine glass, and he would re-melt the flux of the coarser parts if he had not paid duty upon it ; but of course he is unable to do so. All the glass manufacturers whom I have consulted, agree that the whole cost of the excise to the consumer, besides the duty, which is 100 per cent, is 25 per cent. ; and besides, there is great inconvenience and oppression from the frauds that are daily taking place. And observe the eH'ect which is produced upon your trade, both at home and abroad. " A maiiufiicturcr who has lately travelled through France, the Netherlands, and Germany, has assured me that our manufacturers could advantageously cope with foreigners, were it not for the duties GLASS. 60S imposed by the government, rials are also as cheap the advantage over the English. But the effect of the duty goes further : it operates to prevent all im Labour is as cheap in this country, our ingenuity is greater, and the mate, s are also as cheap; it is, then, the vexatious onerous duty alone that gives the foreign manufacturer provement in the article ; because, to imjirove, ex|)erimciits must be made ; but a man with a duty of 125 per cent, over his head is not very likely to make many experiments. 1 his argument applies especially with respect to colours. A manufacturer has assured me that he has never been able to produce a beau- tiful red, because the duties have prevented his trying the necessary experiments, without his incurring a great, risk or loss. Thus a miserable duty, amounting to only .''jOO.OaO/., and upon which a charge of 10 per cent, is made for collecting, is allowed to impede our native industry, and to jmt a stoj) to all im- provement, and be a source of endless oppression and fraud. I really caimot believe that the legislature will resist suoh an appeal as the manufacturers of this article could make to them, or refuse to relieve them from the gratuitous injury which is inflicted on them." The following accounts show, better than any reasoning, the injurious influence of the existing duties. — Instead of increasing, as it certainly would have done, had it not been crushed by exorbitant duties, the glass manufacture has gone on progressively declinirjg from the period when Mr. 'I'homson made the excellent speech now quoted, down to the present day. 'J'he falling off in the bottle glass department is particularly striking. The duties being so very high, the necessity of giving drawbacks on tht glass exported opens a wide door to every species of fraud. If the duty must be kept up, it ought, at all events, to be reduced a half, and simplified as much as possible. This would materially relieve the manufacture ; and would not, wfe feel confident, occasion the smallest loss of revenue. It is monstrous, indeed, to see destructive duties tenaciously defended on the stale and stupid pretence of their being necessary to the preservation of the revenue, when, in point of fact, there is not a single instance in which they have beeu reduced, that the revenue has not increased. I. Account of the Number of Glass-houses respectively employed in the Manufacture of Broad, Crown, Flint, Plate, and common Bottle Glass, in each Year, from 1829 to 1832 inclusive, in the United Kingdom. Years. 1 Broad Glass. Crown. Flint. Plate. Common Bottle Glass. 1829 2 28 51 3 42 1830 2 25 54 2 39 1831 2 24 55 2 Sfi 1832 2 28 59 2 39 II. Account of the Quantities of Flint, Plate, Broad, Crown, and Bottle Glass, charged with the Duty in each Year, from 1829 to 1832, respectively, with the Rates of Excise Duty and Revenue accruing thereon. Years. Flint Glass. Kate of Dutv Plate. Rate of Duty Broad. Rate of Duty Crown. Rate of Duty Bottle Glass. Rate of Duty Gjoss Duty. Drawback. Rerenne. j ! 1829 1830 1831 1822 Civt. 79,250 72,942 75,619 75,771 t. 56 Cmt. 14,484 13,301 15,067 12,270 60 Cn't. 6,864 4,845 5,915 5,304 30 Cwt. 114,862 100,086 103,902 >. d. 73 6 Cwt. 382,894 340,793 293,868 316,365 s. 7 L. 831,809 725,597 736,512 748,097 «. d. 18.10 1 3 0 1 3 11 L. 1. d. 224,794 17 2 182,678 4 8 204,152 2 0 189,565 7 8 L. $. d. 607,015 1 8 542,918 16 7 532,359 18 1 558,531 16 3 III. Account of the Quantities of British-made Glass retained for Home Consumption, with the Imports of Foreign Glass entered for Home Consumption ; the Amount of Customs Duty on the latter, and the Nett Revenue arising from British Glass, in each Ypa\-, from 1829 to 1832, both inclusive. British. Foreign. Years. Flint. Plate. Broad. Crown. Bottle. Plate. Crown. ' Bottle. Revenue on Foreign Glass. Nett Revenue on British Glass. 1829 1830 1831 1832 Cn-t. 49,004 48,063 48,887 49,552 Cwt. 14,299 13,057 14,796 11,990 Cat. 6,864 4,845 5,915 5,304 Cwt. 97,134 84,178 83,527 90,253 Cwt. 209,862 165,549 143,989 151,705 Sq. Feet. 1,763 1,436 863 717 Cwt. 152 104 104 25 Quarts. 764,778 743,768 693,454 645,526 L. 16,708 16,411 15,841 14,532 L. s. d. 610,307 1 8 526,507 16 7 516,518 18 1 543,999 16 3 (Compiled from the Pari. Papers, Nos.364. and 747. Sess. 1833.) ' 3. Rcfrulaiions at to the Manvfadvre of Glass. — The excise regulations with respect to glass are numerous, complex, and enforced under heavy penalties. M'e can notice only a few of the leading regulations. All glass makers must lake out a licence, renewable annually, which costs 'Ml. for each glass- house ; and thev must make entry at the next excise office of all workhouses,?umaces, pots, pot-chamliei s, annealing arches, warehouses, &c., under a penalty of 2uiil. No pot is to be charged without giving twelve hours' previous notice, in writing, of the time of beginning, the weight of metal, and species of glass, on pain of 50/. If, after notice given and a gauge taken by the officer, any material or preparation be }>ut into any pot, a penalty of 50/. is incurred ; but if the manu- ferture be of flint glass, the penaltyis 200/. Manufacturers of flint glass are allowed 3 hours for beginning to charge their pots after the time specified in their notices. Entries of the quantities made are to be made in writing, upon oath, and the duties paid monthly in London, and every 6 weeks in the country. Dutv upon materials lost or spoiled is allowed for, upon due proof being made of the fact. Officers at all times, by day and night, are to have access to workhouses, &c., to gauge the materials, and mark the pots as they think fit ; anv attempt to obstruct the officers so employed incurs a penalty of 200/. : the counterfeiting, altering, or effacing any marks made by the officers is visited with a penalty of 600/. ; a penalty of 2u0/. being also imposed upon any one procuring or conniving at its being done. Officers are entitled to take samples, not exceeding 4 ounces in all, out of each pot ; paying for them, if demanded, an ounce. The whole of the metal intended to be manufacturertatio7i of Glass — It is enacte-d by stat. 6 Geo. 4. c. 1 17., that no flint glass shall be entitled to the drawback on exportation, if it be not of the specific gravy v of 3,000, that of water being 1,000 ; and if it be not worth at least 1 1 *2 R 3 614 HAMBURGH. cipally the latter, amount to about 1,350 cwt. a year. The duty is very heavy, being no less than 28s. a cwt. HAMBURGH, a free Hanseatic city, on the north bank of the river Elbe, about 70 miles from its mouth, in lat. 53° 32' 51" N., Ion. 9° 58' 37" E. Population, 125,000. Hamburgh is the greatest commercial city of Germany, and, perhaps, of the Continent. She owes this distinction principally to her situation. The Elbe, which may be navi- gated by lighters as far as Prague, renders her the entrepot of a vast extent of country. Advantage, too, has been taken of natural facilities that extend still further her internal navigation ; a water communication having been established, by means of the Spree and of artificial cuts and sluices, between the Elbe and the Oder, and between the latter and the Vistula ; so that a considerable part of the produce of Silesia destined for foreign markets, and some even of that of Poland, is conveyed to Hamburgh (See Canals.) There is, also, a communication by means of a canal with the Trave, and, consequently, mth. Lubeck and the Baltic, by which the necessity of resorting to the difficult and dangerous navigation of the Sound is obviated. Vessels drawing 14 feet water come up to the town at all times ; and vessels drawing 18 feet may come safely up with the spring tides. The largest vessels sometimes load from and unload into lighters at Cuxhaven. ' The trade of Hamburgh embraces every article that Germany either sells to or buys from foreigners. The exports principally consist of linens, grain of all sorts, wool and woollen cloths, leather, flax, glass, iron, copper, smalts, rags, staves, wooden clocks and toys, Rhenish wines, spelter, &c. Most sorts of Baltic articles, such as grain, flax, iron, pitch and tar, wax, &c., may generally be bought as cheap at Hamburgh, allowing for difference of freight, as in the ports whence they were originally brought. The imports consist prin- cipally of sugar ; coffee, which is the favourite article for speculative purchases ; cotton wool, stuffs, and yarn ; tobacco, hides, indigo, wine, brandy, rum, dye woods, tea, pepper, &c. Being brought from many different places, there is a great variety of quality in the grain found at Hamburgh ; but a large proportion of the wheat is inferior. Some of the barley is very good, and fit for malting. The oats are feed of various qualities. The customs revenue is found to amount, one year with another, to from 30,000Z. to 35,000^. The rate may, perhaps — (see post), be taken, on imports and exports, at a rough average, at 5s. 3c?. per cent., which would give, at a medium, 12,380,000/. a year for the value of the trade in articles subjected to duties ; and adding 2,000,000/. for the trade in articles exempted from duties, we have 14,380,000/. as the total annual value of the import and export trade of the port ! And, as the largest portion of this immense trade is in our hands, it will be necessary that we should be a little fuller than ordinary in our details as to this great emporium. Money. — Accounts are kept at Hamburgh in marcs, divided into 16 sols or schillings lubs, and the schilling into 12 pfenings lubs. Accounts are also kept, particularly in exchanges, in pounds, schillings, and pence Flemish. The pound consisting of 2| crowns, 3f thalers, 7^ marcs, 20 schillings Flemish, and ?A0 grotes Flemish. The monies in circulation at Hamburgh are divided into banco and current money. The former con- sists of the sums inscribed in the books of the bank opposite to the names of those who have deposited specie or bullion in the bank. Banco is intrinsically worth about 23 per cent, more than currency, but the agio '\s, constantly varying. — (For an account of the Bank of Hamburgh, see Banks (Foreign).) Of the coins in circulation at Hamburgh, the rixdollar banco and the rixdollar current are the most common. The weight of the former is not uniform ; but Dr. Kelly estimates it, at a medium, at 391*6 Eng. grains pure silver = 4s. 6Jrf, The current rixdoUar = 318 3 grains = 3s. 8|rf. very nearly. The Ham- burgh gold ducat = 9s. 4d. Taking the mean value of the rixdollar banco at 54p. sterling, it follows, that \l. sterling = 13 marcs 27 schillings banco, or 1^. sterling =; 35s. \d. Flemish banco. No fixed par of exchange can, however, be established between London and Hamburgh, on account of the fluctuation of banco. \l. sterl. = 16 marcs 2 schillings Hamburgh currency, or 1 marc current = 14 8£?. sterL — (^Kelly's Cambist, Hamburgh.) Weights and Measures. — The commercial weights are, 2 Loths = 1 Ounce. | 14 Pounds = 1 Lispound. I 2| Centners = 1 Shippound. 16 Ounces =: 1 Pound. | 8 Lispounds = 1 Centner. | 100 Hamburgh pounds = 106-8 lbs. avoirdupois = 129-81bs. Troy = 48"43 kilogrammes = 98 lbs. of Am- sterdam. A stone of flax is 20 lbs. A stone of wool or feathers is 10 lbs. In estimating the carriage of goods, the shippound is reckoned at 380 lbs. The measures for liquids are, 2 Oessels = 1 Quartier. I 2 Stubgens = 1 Viertel. I 6 Ahms or ■) _ , p.,, 2 Quartiers = 1 Kanen. 4 Viertels = 1 Eimer. 24 Ankers 3 ~ 2 Kanens = 1 Stubgen. | 5 Eimers = 1 Ahm or 4 Ankers. | The ahm is equal to 38?, and the fuder to 229|,.English wine gallons. A fass of wine = 4 oxhoft — 6 tierces. The oxhoft or hogshead is of various dimensions. 1 oxhoft French wine = 62 to 64 stubgens ; an oxhoft of brandy = 60 stubgens. A pipe of Spanish wine = 96 to 100 stubgens. A tun of beer is 48 stubgens. A pipe of oil is 820 lbs. nett. Whale oil is sold per barre of 6 steckan = 32 Eng. wine gallons. The dry measures are, 4 Spints = 1 Himtems. | 3 Fass =: 1 Schcffel. I 2 Wisps = 1 Last. 2 Himtems = 1 Fass | 10 Scheffels = 1 Wisp. | 1| Last = 1 Stock. The last = 112 Winchester quarters. A keel of coals yields from 8 to 9 lasts. The Hamburgh foot = 11-289 English inches. The Rhineland foot, used by engineers and land surveyors, = 12'36 inches. The Brabant eU, most commonly used in the measurement of piece goods, ~i 27-585 inches. A ton in the lading of a ship is generally reckoned at 40 cubic feet. Of things that are sold by number, a gross thousand = 1,200 ; a gross hundred = 120 ; a ring = 240 ; a common oi small thousand =: 1,000 ; a shock = 60; a stcigs 20 ; a gross = 12 dozen. Imports.— yVc subjoin an account of the imports, consumption, exports, stocks, and prices, of someof the principal articles imi)orted into Hamburgh, during eacli of the 10 years ending with the 1st of Jan., 1840. HAMBURG. 615 I I I i 1 i J I I s i 1 i I I iiiil P 1 s'iillliilil 1 ^ lilliii alSlllilll r 11 liiiiiiiiii 'A 1 pi I I i'lilllllll ii I ill r ii in ii i I iiiP 1 llllllii-l Ii ii I: 1 2 1 i ii Ii i d|M-iHBH|j 616 HAMBURGH. Exports. — We regret that no materials exist by which it is possible to give any account of tlie quantity and value of the different articles exported from Hamburgh. — (For some particulars as to the corn trade, see CoRiv Laws and Corn Trade.) Linens are one of the most important articles of export. They ars generally sold by the piece ; but there are great differences in the dimensions of pieces of different deno- minations. The following Table is, therefore, of importance, as it exhibits the various descriptions of linen usually met with at Hamburgh, with the length and breadth of the different pieces. It also gives their cost on board, in sterling, on 1st January, 1856b Descriptions. Length. Width. Sold. Cost on Board, in Sterling. Yard), Yaxdt. £ S. s. d. £ s. d. Platillas royales 35 T6 per piece. 0 15 10 to 1 10 3 to 1 19 4 Brown Silesias 35 '0 0 12 6 — 0 18 2—142 Britannias 7 is 1 •0 3 9-0 7 7 — 0 9 10 Ditto 7 _ 0 7 7 — 0 12 1 — 0 15 1 Dowlas 67| 1 14 9 — 2 5 4 — 2 12 11 Creas a la Morlaix 67i 1 13 3 — S 0 6-432 Listados 43 i — 0 18 2 — 1 7 3 — 1 16 3 White sheetings 50 5 ? 1 19 4 — 2 8 5 — 3 5 6 Plain lawns 15 TB 0 6 10 — 0 18 2 — 1 10 3 Clear, figured, and worked lawns \l 0 7 7-0 9 1 — 0 13 7 Arabias * 21i I 0 9 1 — 0 12 ] - 0 18 2 Checks, No. 2, IVJ I 0 4 6 — 0 5 4-0 6 10 Striped and checked books 43 \ per 3 pieces. 0 13 3 — 0 Ih 1 - 0 18 11 Hessia rolls 35 1 per piece. 0 9 1 - 0 15 1 — 0 18 11 Linen for coarse bags 35 0 9 1 — G 15 1 — 15 8 Osnaburghs r per 100 7 t double ells 3 3 9 7 — 4 3 2 — 4 10 9 Tecklenburghs 3 0 6 — 3 12 7 — 3 15 7 The Platillas and Britannias come principally from Silesia ; the Creas from Lusatia, &c. Osnaburghs are made of flaxen, and Tecklenburghs of hempen, yarn. Linens are sold with a discount of 1 per cent. Shipping, — The ships arriving at Hamburgh in the undermentioned years (ending 30th of September) have oeen as under : — From the 1830. 1832. 1833. 1834. 1835. 1837. 1838. 1839. East Indies 13 8 17 21 10 19 17 17 Brazil - - 82 93 103 79 91 121 156 HO West Indies 102 113 130 149 131 139 160 143 United States 23 44 41 63 41 55 39. 40 Mediterranean 61 54 62 76 65 6.5 77 80 Spain - - - 20 20 49 36 45 32 23 38 Portugal ... 28 13 17 29 36 21 35 34 France - - 65 107 124 105 149 125 118 138 Great Britain 710 672 950 936 1,062 1,160 1,249 1,490 Netherlands 375 387 500 599 614 634 654 619 Baltic 443 385 583 64A 580 513 494 Totals 1,922 1,896 2,576 2,138 2,815 2,884 2,992 3,233 Navigation of the Elbe, Pilotage, S(c. — The mouth of the Elbe is encumbered with Sana banks. The channel leading to Cuxhaven is bounded on the north by the Vogel Sands and North Grounds, and on the south by the Schiarhorn Sands and Neuwerk Island. On the latter there are 2 light-houses and 2 beacons, and on the Schaarhorn is another beacon. The light-houses on Neuwerk Island are about 700 yards apart ; the most southerly, which is also the most elevated, being in lat. 53° 54' 57" N., Ion. 8° 29' 40" E. It is 128 feet high, being twice the height of the other. The channel is, in some places, hardly f of a mile wide. The outer red buoy in the middle of the channel, at its mouth, bears from Heligofand S.E. by S., distant nearly 20 miles. But the best mark in entering the Elbe is the floating light, or signal ship, moored 2 miles N.W. by N. of the red buoy, in 11 fathoms at low water. This vessel never leaves her station, unless compelled by ice in the winter season. By night slie exhibits a lantern light, 38 feet above deck, and in foggy weather rings a bell every quarter of an hour. A second signal ship is sta- tioned 5i miles S.E. by E. from the first, at the westernmost point of a sand bank dividing the fair way of the river. She is rigged like a galliot, to distinguish her by day from the first signal ship ; and during night she exhibits two lights, one 18 feet above the other. The distance from the outer red buoy to Cuxhaven is about 16 miles ; thence to Gliickstadt the course is east, 28 miles ; from the latter to Stade the course is south-easterly, 9 miles ; and then easterly to Hamburgh, 18 miles. The channel through- out is marked with black and white buoys, which are numbered and specified in the charts. The black ones are to be left, in passing up the river, on the starboard or right-hand side, and the white on the larboard side. Every vessel coming from sea into the Elbe, and drawing 4 feet water, is directed to take a pilot on board, and must pay pilotage, though she do not take one. However well the signals, lights, beacons, and buoys, may be arranged, an experienced pilot is very necessary, in case of a fog in the night, or of a storm. To take in a pilot, a vessel must heave to by the pilot galliot, which lies, in good weather, near the red buoy, and in bad weather, N.N.E. from Neuwerk, and is known by having at the flagstaff an admiral's flag, and a long streamer flying at the top. If the pilot boat have no pilot on board, or if the weather be so bad that the pilot cannot leave her, she lowers her flag, and then the vessel coming in must sail, with the signal for a pilot hoisted, to Cuxhaven, and heave to there, where she is certain of getting one. There are no docks or quays at Hamburgh ; and it is singular, considering the great trade of the port, that none have been constructed. Vessels moor in the river outside of piles driven into the ground a short distance from shore ; and in this situation they are not exposed to any danger unless the piles give way, which rarely happens. There is a sort of inner harbour, formed by an arm of the Elbe which runs into the city, where small craft lie and discharge their cargoes. Larger vessels load and unload from their moorings, by means of lighters. These carry the goods from and to the warehouses which front the various small arms and channels of the river, and the canals carried from it into different parts of the city. The charges on account of lighterage are extremely moderate. HAMBURGH. 617 Port Charges. — The charpes of a nuWic nature payable by ■vessels entering the jiort of Hamburf;n. unloading and loading, are pilotage and lastagc. The separate items of which are given in the following Table. PUoluKe and Ltisliige — The Hamburgh pilots, generally speaking, take charge of vessels only from tne Heil lUiut/ to Preyburfr/t or GlUckstaJt, the pilotag law of the 18th of February, 1760, as follows for which is regulated by Vessels coming northwards; and colliers All vessels, smacks, and kayen drawing more than 4 feel water, and in ballast Vessels laden with salt or com wheresoever they may come from Vessels which, besides salt corn, or ballast, have one third of the cargo consisting of piece goods Vessels laden with herrings - All vessels laden with wine, oil, vinegar, train oil, iron, lead, packages, or bags, and all vessels coming from fo- reign parts, whether laden or not . . . All smacks going between Holland, Friesland, and Ham burgh with piece goods For each Foot Hamburgh Measure which a Vessel draws.* 11 During the Six £ mer Months, 1 Ist Mar. to 1st i ■§^§ Marks Cuirencj. English Money. d. s. d. 2 0 3 0 2 4 3 6 2 0 3 0 2 4 3 6 3 0 4 8 3 6 5 3 4 0 2 0 6 0 3 0 4 8 2 4 7 0 3 6 4 0 6 0 4 8 7 0 4 0 6 0 4 8 7 0 Half Pilotage only. — N.B. In case the Hamburgh pilots enter a vessel only within the first buoy bevond the Rosshacken, Strangfly, or Cuxhaven, half the above mentioned pilotage is paid. Also half pilotage must be paid at all events, whether the vessel has taken a pilot from the pilot galliot or not. Pilotage earned. — 'I he above pilotage is earned if vessels are * Sixteen feet English are equal to 17 feet Hamburgh. brought as far m Freyhurgh or GlHcksiniU , and when from stress of wind or weather, which seldom hapiiens, the Ham- burgh pilots take vessels to Willenhergli or NeumlMen, thej are to pay, without distinction — Marcs cui renci/. d. stg. To Witfenbergh - 10' HO — NeumUhlen - 18 21 0 Pilotage all the Way. —For pilotage the whole way from Cur- ha^en to Hamburgh, there is no table of rates, for, generally S]>eaking, the Hamburgh pilots do not take vessels up beyond lloeach. From Boesch to Hamburgh. — Vesiels are generally piloted from Hoesch to Hamburgh b) Danish or Hanoverian pilots, to whom it is customary to pay 3 marcs. Harbour-matter's Charges Hy a Custom-house order of the 16th of December, 1816, the Hamburgh harbour-master is not entitled to fees. Lastage and Cuslom-hmise Charges British and other foreign Tcssels pay the same as Hamburgh vessels. For clearing in and clearing out, no separate charges are made ; visiting the port is considered as one voyage, and the charges on vesDels are paid as follows : — For vessels arrived with cargoes from the undermentioned places : viz. _ Places. For every Commer- cial Last. Sterling. The East Indies West Indies, North and South Anjerica Portugal, Spain,and the Mediterranean The rest of the European ports Holland, East Friesland, the Weser, Eyder, and Jutland For vessels under 20 commercial lasts • without distinction Vessels arriving and departing in bal- last, of upwards of 20 commercial lasts Marcs. 3 0 2 8 2 0 1 8 0 12 0 4 0 8 L. s. d. 0 3 6 0 3 5 0 2 4 0 1 9 0 0 lO.i 0 0 3.i 0 0 7 For all vessels laden with coals, wood, or turf, no lastcige is paid, provided they do not take return cargoes. Halj Lastage — Vessels arriving in ballast and departing with a carf^o pay half the above lastage, according to their destination. N.B. - Exclusive of the above dues, which are all remark- ably moderate, vessels coming to the port of Hamburgh are obliged to pay certain dues to Hanover, called Stade or Bruns- hauscn dues. These are rated according to the numlier of the vessel's masts, and are over and above the Stade duties on the cargo. — (For the items, see Stade.) * It is difficult to determine the exact ratio of a last to a ton , but it may be taken at about 3 or 2^ to 1. But in Hamburgh all vessels are measured by the harbour-master ; and it is upon his report that the lastage is calculated. Tai-iff. — The customs duties at Hamburgh are as moderate as possible, being only \ per cent, ad valorem on exports, and \ per cent, on imports ; tut in truth they are not quite so much, being calculated in money of one value and paid in money of less vaJue. The duty is, in fact, estimated in banco marcs, while it is paid in current marcs, which are more than 20 per cent, under, the former ; so that in reality the import duty is only about 2-5ths per cent. A few years ago it was li per cent.*, but the competition of the Altona merchants, where there are no duties, obliged the authorities at Hamburgh to reduce these duties to the present level. There is no inspection of goods at the Custom-house. The merchant makes oath to the nett weight of the article, and to its value at the current prices of the day, and on this the duty is assessed. The following articles are free from both import and export duties, viz. — 1. Linen, rags, flax yarn, hemp yarn, cotton yarn, raw sheep and lamb's wool. 2. "Wheat, rye, oats, barley, buckwheat, and malt. 3. Unwrought copper and brass, plates of copper, raw zinc, tinned and untinned iron plates. 4. Cash and coin, unwrought gold and silver, and scrapings of the precious metals. 5. Pamphlets and printed works. Articles free from Import Duty. 1. Timber, staves, and fire wood brought down the Elbe or in carriages mto the city, the latter with the exception of that coming from the sea. 2. Merchandise coming by post, if the goods for the same individual do not exceed the value of 50 marcs banco. Articles free from Export Duty. 1. All articles manufactured in Hamburgh, and all foreign manufactures worked up in the city. 2. Small packages of 100 lbs. weight and under, provided their value do not exceed 100 marcs banco. N.B. — An import duty of 4 schilUngs current is payable upon lemons and oranges, for the whole chest to 1,000 ; 2 schillings current for the | chest to 500 ; and for casks in the same proportion. The duties are the same whether the importation be ed'ected by Hamburgh or by foreign ships. Ex- clusive of the above or customs duties, most articles of juovision imported for the consumption of the town are subject to an excise duty. Stade Duties. — Besides the duties levied at Hamburgh, all articles passing up the Elbe to Hamburgh, whether for transit or not, pay duties to Hanover at Brunshausen, near Stade. These duties are rated according to a tariff, and are computed from the ship's manifest, bills of lading, and cockets, which have all to be sent on shore for that purpose. On some articles, particularly those of British manufacture, these duties are very heavy, being frequently much larger than the Hamburgh duties! They are par- ticularly grievous, too, from heavy penalties being attaolied even to the slightest unintentional mistakes. It is really surprising, considering the source of this nuisance, that it should not have been abated long ago. It might, at all events, have been expected that British ships and goods would have been exempted from such a tax. We do hope that some portion of the public attention will be directed to this crying evil. With what face can we protest against the conduct of Prussia and other German states in throwinij obstacles in the way of the free navigation of the Elbe, when we submit, without a murmur, to similar proceedings on the part of Hanover ? — (For further particulars, see St.\de.) * It was so stated by mistake in the former edition of this work. 618 HAMBURGH. Transit Goods are totally exempted from duty. They are such only as arrive at Hamburgh direct, and which are neither sold nor exchanged while in the city. The liberty of transit is limited to the term of 3 months from the time of receiving the transit ticket; but, upon application being made for a prolongation of the term previously to the expiration of the first 3 months, it is granted on payment of 4 per cent, on the banco value of the goods ; but under no circumstances is the term extended beyond 6 months. If the goods be not then exported, they become liable to the ordi.»ary duties. B'arehousing System. — This has not been introduced at Hamburgh ; nor, from the smallness of the duties, is it necessary, though it would sesm that the time during which goods are allowed to be in transitu might be advantageously extended. The warehouse rent of a quarter of wheat may be about l^d. sterling per month, and of a ton of sugar, about 9d. ; but there are no fixed rates. Custom-house Regidatioris. — On passing Stade, the masters of vessels must send their papers, including the manifest, bills of lading, and cockets, on shore, that the amount of the Stade duties may be calculated. On the vessel's arrival at Hamburgh, the broker repoEts her to the Custom-house, and gives his guarantee for payment of the duties ; he either delivers her papers, or undertakes to deliver them as soon as they can be got from Stade, and, upon a receipt being produced for the Stade duties by the Hanoverian au, thorities at Hamburgh, the vessel is allowed to unload. On clearing, a manifest of the outward cargo, together with the consul's certificate of the regularity of the ship's papers, must be produced at the Custom-house by the broker, who obtains in return a clearance certificate, authorising the vessel to go to sea. Quarantine is enforced, when occasion requires, at Hamburgh, and is performed near Cuxhaven. Credit, Brokerage, SjC. — Almost all goods are sold for ready money, with an allowance of 1 per cent, for discount. Sometimes, but not frequently, sales are made at 2 or 3 months' credit, and in such cases a higher price is obtained than for cash. Sometimes sugar is sold to the sugar baker at this credit. Brokers are positively forbidden to act as merchants or factors. They are licensed by the Senate, and must conform to the established regulations. Urokerage is paid wholly by the seller, and amounts to — " Five SLXlhs per cent, on cotton, cotton twist, cocoa, co- chineal, copper, liides, indigo, munufactured goods, nankeens, sugar, and tea* . " One i)er cent, on annotto, camphire, cinnamon, carda- mons*, cassia*, cloves*, drugs not denominated*, deer skins, dye woods, ginger*. Jalap*, mace*, nutmegs*, pepper, pi- mento, potashes, Peruvian bark, quercitron bark, rice*, salt- petre, sarsaparilla*, shellac*, tamarinds*, tobacco in leaves* and tobacco stems* of the growth of the United States of America, whale oil*, vanelloes*. " N.B Tobacco stems* of all other origin, segars, and other manufactured tobacco, pay 2 per cent. ; all other leaf and roll tobacco*, I2 per tent. "One and a half percent, on wine, brandy, rum, and arrack, if sold in parcels amoimting to 3,000 marcs banco and upwards. " Two per cent, on ditto, for sales of and under 3,000 marcs banco. " In auction the selling broker is entitled to Ih per cent, and the purchasing broker to 2 per cent., without" regard to the amount." All articles marked (*) pay the brokerage before-mentioned, if the quantity sold amounts to 600 marcs banco, or higher ; for smaller lots of less than 600 marcs banco, and down to 150 marcs banco, the brokerage is paid, with the addition of one half, and under 150 marcs banco, the double is allowed. All other merchancUse pays 1^ per cent, at least for sales not ex- ceeding 150 marcs banco. It is, however, to be observed, that all augmentations, in proportion to the amount sold, are only to be understood for sale by private contract, and not for those by auction ; and even not for such private sales, w here a broker has made the purchase of a larger quantity of goods above the said amount of 600 marcs banco, and has afterwards divided it into smaller lots. Conditiotts i>f Sale. — Imports. — Coffee is sold jier pound in schill. banco ; discount, 1 per cent. ; good weight is 4 per cent. Tare is as follows: viz. on casks, real weight; on bagsot 1301l)s. or less, 21bs. ; above 130 lbs. and not above ISO lbs., 3 lbs. ; above 180 !bs. and not exceeding 200 lbs., 4 lbs. On Mocha bales of about 300 lbs., 14 lbs. ; if 600 lbs., 50 lbs. On Bourbon single bales, 2 lbs. ; on double, 4 lbs. Cotton is sold per lb. in schill. banco ; discount, 1 per cent. ; good weight, 1 per cent. ; tare on bales,West Indian and North American, 4 per cent. ; on square bales, 6 per cent. ; on Bom- bay and Surat bales, 8 per cent. ; on Bourbon bales and Ma- nilla serons, 6 per cent. ; on Caraccas and Guiana small serons, 10 per cent. For the regulation of the Stade duty, all packages should be called bags, and not bales, in the bill of lading. East India piece goods are sold per pie('e, in marcs banco ; discount, 1 percent. For saving in the Stade duty, if more than 30 pieces are in a bale, the number of pieces should not be mentioned in the bill of lading, but only the number of bales. Flour is sold per 100 lbs. in marcs currency, uncertain agio ; discount 1 per cent. ; good weight, 1 per cent. ; tare, 20 lbs. per barrel. Fustic is sold per 100 lbs. in marcs currency ; agio, 20 per cent.; discount, 1 per cent. ; good weight, 1 per cent. and frequently an allowance in weight is made, if the wood is not very solid. Indigo is' sold per lb. in schill. banco; discount, 1 percent. ; good weight, Jt)er cent. ; tare, if in serons upwards of 120 lbs., 22 lbs.; in serons less than 120 lbs., 20 lbs. ; in chests, real tare. I ogwood is sold like fustic. — N.B. To avoid a high Stade duty, the nett weight of all dye woods should be stated in the bills of lading. Pepper is sold per lb. in schill. banco ; discount, 1 per cent. ; good weight, ^ per cent. ; tare, if in single bales of 300 lbs., 3 lbs. ; in double bales, 6 lbs. Quercitron bark is sold per 100 lbs. in marcs currency ; agio, 20 per cent. ; discount, 2 per cent. ; good weight, 1 per cent. To determine the tare, the American tare is reduced to Ham- burgh weight. Rice is sold per 100 lbs. in marcs banco; discount, 1 per cent. ; good weight, 1 per cent. ; tare, real ; and super-lare for tierces, 4 lbs. ; for tierces, 2 lbs. Rum is sold per 30 quarts in rixdoU. currency, agio un certain. Sugar, raw and clayed, is sold per lb. in banco groats, with a rebate of 8 2-ods per cent. ; discount, X per cent., and some- times li percent.; Brazil or Havannah chest, good weight, I per cent. ; real tare ; super-tare, 10 lbs. for Brazil, and 5 lbs. for Havannah sugar, per chest. Muscovados in casks, good weight, 1 per cent. ; tare, if the casks weigh upwards ot 1,000 lbs., 18 per cent. ; if less, 20 per cent. Clayed sugars, good weiglit, 1 per cent. ; tare, 16 percent. East India sug.irs, in bags, good weight, | per cent. ; tare for white, 4 to 5 lbs.; for brown, 6 to 7 lbs. Tea, per lb. in schill. currency, agio uncertain ; discount, 1 per cent. ; gord weight, ^ per cent. Tare of bohea, in chests of 400 lbs., 70 lbs. ; of 150 to ISO lbs., 45 lbs. All black tea, 28 lbs. tare; green, 24 lbs. For the regulation of the Stade duty, the nett weight should likewise be mentioned in the bill of lading. Tobacco. — Leaf tobacco is sold per lb. in schill. banco, agio xmcertain; discount, IJ per cent.; good weight, 1 per cent. ; tare per cask, 80 lbs. Brazil leaf in serons ; tare 5 per cent. In rolls ; canister, in baskets of about 100 lbs. ; good weight, 1 lb. per basket ; tare, 14 )bs. if the basket is packed up in linen, and 12 lbs. if without linen. Porto Rico rolls, good weight, 1 per cent. ; no tare, as the rolls are weighed by them- selves. Brazil rolls, in serons of 400 to 600 lbs., are sold per lb., in schillings banco; good weight, f per cent. ; tare, 8 lbs. per seron. Tobacco stems per 100 lbs., in marcs currency, agio uncertain ; discount, l.J per cent. ; good weight, 1 per cent. ; tare, if in casks, real weight; if packed up with cords, 2 to 4 per cent, according to the thickness of the rope. As there is a great difterence in the Stade duty for the different sorts of tobacco, it is necessary that, on shipping leaf tobacco, there should be inserted in the bill of lading. Leaf Tobacco, omitting tlie weight With tobacco in rolls, cnly the number of pack- ages containing roll tobacco, and the nett weight,without men- tioning the number of rolls, should appear in the bill of lading. Glass (window) is sold per chest, in marcs currency, ag-o uncertain ; other glass ware per piece, dozen; or hundred, in schillings or marcs currency, with uncertain agio ; discoiut, 1 per cent. Hares' wool is sold per 2 lbs., in marcs currency agio un- certain ; discount, 1 per cent. Hare skins (German, grey) are sold per 100 pieces, inrixdolU banco. Russian, grey, per 104 pieces, in rixdoU. banco. White, in marcs currency, agio uncertain; discount, 1 per cent. Iron is sold per 100 lbs., in schill. currency, agio uncertain ; discount, 1 per cent. Copper is sold per 100 lbs. in schill. banco; discount, 1 per cent. The exchange business done at Hamburgh is very great ; for besides the business of the place, most of the merchants in the inland towns have their bills negotiated there. The usual charge for commission is, on sales 2 percent, and 1 percent, for del credere, if such guarantee be required ; on purchases, 2 per cent. Under particular agreements, the rates sometimes vary considerably from the above Citizenfhip. — Fore'jgncrs cannot establish themselves as merchants, or carry on any business in their own names, at Hamburgh, without becoming burghers ; and to be manufacturers, they must also enter the guild or coq)oration peculiar to the trade they mean to follow. But to become a burgher one has only to comply with certain forms and pay certain fees, which do not, in all, exceed 10/. He tlien becomes, in the eye of the law, a Hamburgh subject; and enjoys all the rights and privileges of a native. Banking, Insurance, 8(C. — For an account of the Bank of Hamburgh, see Banks (Foreign). All sorts of insurances are effected at Hamburgh. A municipal regulation compels the insurance of all houses within the city, the rate varying according to the number of fires, and the amoiuit of loss. Marine in- •surancc is principally effected by joint stock comiianies, of whicli there are several ; their competition has reduced the premiums to the lowest level, and the business is not understood to be profitable. The high duties on policies of insurance in this country has led to the insuring of a good many English sliips at Ham HAMBURGH. 619 burgh. Life insurance is not prosecuted in Germany to any considerable extent ; but some of the Engl«li companies have agents here, who arc said not to be very scrupulous. consists of those whose books show that misfortune alone ha« occasioned tlie banltruptcy ; that the party has all along lived Bankruptcy. Considering the vast number of merchants and tradcs'people at Hamburfih, bankruptcy does not seem to be of frequent occurrence. l)urinK the 3 years ending with 1831, the number of declared bankrupts and the amount of their debts were as under : — 1 1829. 1830. 1831. Number of Bank- rupts. Amount of Debts. Number of Bank- rupts. Amount of Debts. Number of Bank- rupts. Amount of Debts. 69 L. 109,948 93 L. 118,M1 117 L. 277,615 But this account does not include the failures settled by pri- vate comjiromise, and of which no public notice is taken. The increase in 1831 is owing, in a ureat measure, to the failure, for 111,0()0/., of a company which had lent their money im- providently on houses, &c. Much of the business transacted at Hamburgh being on commission and for account of houses abroad, the failure of foreign merchants is a prevalent source of bankruptcy. Another source of banki-uptcy is losses on goods imported or exported on speculation, and occasionally losses in the funds, in which a good deal of gambling gOLS on here. Expensive living is not nearly so prevalent a source of bankruptcy here as in London and other places- The law of Hamburgh makes 3 classes of bankrupts ; — the unfortunate, the careless, and the fraudulent. The first class within his probable income, and can account to his assignees completely for all his losses. Whoever is adjudged by the court to belong to this class (which contains hut few in number), is considered entirely free from his debts, and is not subject to be called upon hereafter. The second and most numerous class, contains those termed " careless " bankrupts. These are per- sons who have entered into s)>eculations exceeding their means, who have gone on for a considerable time after they found their adairs in arrear, who have lived beyond their income, have not kept their books in good order, and so forth. They are liable to be confined in prison ibr a period of 3 or 6 months ; and, provided they have not paid a dividend of 40 per cent., may be called upon for payment of their debt after 5 years from their dis- charge. If a claim be made by any creditor after this lapse of pay any thing, or not above a certain sum, without depriving himself and his family of necessaries. Kvery 5 years the claim may be re]>eated. All careless bankrupts are disabled from holding offices of honour. The third class contains the "fraud- ulent" bankrupts, who are liable to be imprisoned according to the extent of their frauds, for a limited period or even for life, besides being rendered incapable of holding any office what- ever. Should a bankrupt abscond, he is called upon by public advertisement to appear by a certain day, in default of which he is adjudged a fraudulent bankrupt, and his name is posted up on a black board on the Hxchange. Repair of Ships, Sea Stores, 8(C. — Materials and labour being cheap, Hamburgh may be regarded, in se far as respects expense, as a favourable place for careening and repairing ships ; but, having no docks, these operations are inconveniently performed. All articles of provision may be obtained in great abundance and at moderate prices. An Account of the Prices of the principal Articles of Ships' Provision at Hamburgh in 1831, stated in Imperial Weights and Measures, and in Sterling Money. , January April i July f October December Pork. Beef. Butter (equal to CorkThirds) Ship Bread. Seconds Flour. Eydam Cheese. Peas. Jamaica Kum. Per Barrel of 200 lbs. Nett. Per Barrel of2'20 lbs. Nett. Per Cwt. Per Bag of 112 lbs. Nett. Per Barrel of 196 lbs. Nett. Per lb. Per Imperial Quarter. Per Imperial Gallon. *, d. s. d. 48 0 to 50 0 56 0 — 58 0 37 0—64 0 none. 59 0 — 60 0 s. d. s. d. 45 0 to 0 0 48 0 — 50 0 45 0 — 48 0 42 0 — 45 6 42 0 — 45 0 t. d. 3. d. 61 0 to 70 0 62 0 — 69 0 45 0—56 0 50 0 — 74 0 54 0 — 68 0 s. d. s. d. 13 6 to 14 6 15 0- 17 0 13 0— 14 0 12 0— 0 0 11 6— 12 0 s. d. s. d. 27 0to28 0 30 0 — 32 0 24 0 — 27 0 23 0 — 0 0 23 0 — 0 0 d. d. 4 to 4i 4i - 4 44 - 4| 4 -4| 4—3 s. d. 3. d. s. d. 3. d. 34 0 to 37 0 3 1 to 3 7 31 0—33 6 3 2 — 4 1 27 0 29 0 2 9 — 3 10 29 0—33 6 2 6 — 3 4 29 0 — 34 0 2 3 — 3 3 Fuel Coals. 19 marcs current, or about 22s. 6(7. per ton, British weight, in large quantities. Do. 23 marcs current, or about 27*. 6d, per ton, British weight, in small quantities, free on board. Fresh beef^ 25*. 6d. to 30*. per cwt. Fresh pork, is. '2d. to 5*. Id. per 14 lbs. N.B. — The prices mclude the cost of the packages of all the articles, excepting cheese and peas. In September and October no pork was to be had in a wholesale way. Freights.— The different ship agents engaged in the trade with Great Britam have pubhshed a Table of freights ; but as they are, notwithstanding, materially influenced by the demand at the time, the season, &c., it seems unnecessary to insert it. General Remarks. — The trade of Hamburgh is, in a great measure, passive ; that is, it depends more on the varying wants and policy of others than on its own. There is nothing of such vital importance as the free navigation of the Elbe to the prosperity ot Hamburgh, and, indeed, of all the countries through which it flows. This, too, is a matter of paramount consequence as respects our interests ; for the Elbe is the grand inlet by which British manufactures find their way into some of the richest and most extensive European countries. The principle that the navigation of the Elbe, the Rhine, the Weser, &c. should be quite free along their whole course, was distinctly laid down by tlie Congress of Vienna in 1815. But no general tariff of duties being then established, this declaration has hitherto had no practical effect. Prussia, who is endeavouring to bolster up a system of home manufactures, has laid heavy transit duties on articles passing by the Elbe, and has prevailed on Anhalt, and some of the smaller states, to follow her example. These duties amount, on some of the coarser sorts of British woollen goods, to no less than 60 per cent, ad valorem, and are, even when lightest, a great obstacle to trade. It is to be hoped that a just sense of their own real interests may, at no distant period, open the eyes of the German governments to the impolicy of such proceedings. It is in an especial manner for the interest of Saxony, Austria, and England, that these duties should be abolished; and their influence in the diet, if properly exerted, might countervail that of Prussia. So long, however, as the Stade duties are kept up, it would be folly to imagine that much attention should be paid to our remonstrances against the Prussian duties. If we cannot prevail on Hanover to emancipate our commerce from oppressive restrictions and burdens, we need hardly expect to succeed with any other power. Were the Stade duties and those in the upper parts of the Elbe wholly abolished, we have little doubt that, in a dozen years, the trade of Hamburgh would be nearly doubled ; an increase which, however advantageous to her, would be far more advan- tageous to the extensive countries of which she is the grand emporium. 620 HANSEATIC LEAGUE. In compiling this article we have made use of Oddy^s European Commerce, pp. 412 — 439. ; Itordansz^s European Commerce, Xi"^ 302 — 320.; the Dictionnairede Commerce {Ency. Methodique), tome i. pp.44 53.; and of the Circulars of Berenberg, Gossler and Co., Anderson, Hobef, and Co., and other eminent mer- chants. We have also been much indebted to Mr. Consul Canning's Answers to the Circular Queries. That functionary has replied to the various questions submitted to him in a way that does equal credit to his industry and intelligence. From the circumstance of no official returns being published or obtainable at Hamburgh, the returns of imports given above must not be regarded as quite accurate, though the errors they involve connot be material They are principally taken from Berenberg and Co.'s Circular. HANSEATIC LEAGUE, an association of the principal cities in the north of Germany, Prussia, &c., for the better carrying on of commerce, and for their mutual safety and defence. This confederacy, so celebrated in the early history of modern Europe, contributed in no ordinary degree to introduce the blessings of civilisation and good government into the North. The extension and protection of commerce was, how- ever, its main object ; and hence a short account of it may not be deemed misplaced in a work of this description. Origin and Progress of the Hanseatic League. — Hamburgh, founded by Charlemagne in the ninth, and Lubeck, founded about the middle of the twelfth century, were the earliest members of the League. The distance between them not being very considerable, and' being alike interested in the repression of those disorders to which most parts of Europe, and particularly the coast of the Baltic, were a prey in the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries, they early formed an intimate jiolitical union, partly in the view of maintaining a safe intei course by land with each other, and partly for the protection of navigation from the attacks of the pirates, with which every sea was at that time infested. There is no very distinct evidence as to the period when this alliance was consummated ; some ascribe its origin to the year 1169, others to the year 1200, and others to the year 1241. But the most probable opinion seems to be, that it would grow up by slow degrees, and be perfected according as the advantage derivable from it became more obvious. Such was the origin of the Hanseatic League, so called from the old Teutonic word hansa, signi- fying an association or confederacy, Adam of Bremen, who flourished in the eleventh century, is the earliest writer who has given any information with respect to the commerce of the countries lying round the Baltic. And from the errors into which he has fallen in describing the northern and eastern shores of that sea, it is evident they had been very little frequented and not at all known in his time. But from the beginning of the twelfth century, the progress of commerce and navigation in the North was exceedingly rapid. The countries which stretch along the bottom of the Baltic, from Holstein to Russia, and which had been occupied by barbarous tribes of Sclavonic origin, were then subjugated by the kings of Denmark, the dukes of Saxony, ^nd other princes. The greater part of the inhabitants being exterminated, their place was filled by German colonists, who founded the towns of Stralsund, Rostock, Wismar, &c. Prussia and Poland were afterwards subjugated by the Christian princes and the Knights of the Teutonic Order. So that, in a com- paratively short period, the foundations of civilisation and the arts were laid in countries whose harbarism had ever remained impervious to the Roman power. The cities that were established along the coast of the Baltic, and even in the interior of the countries bordering upon it, eagerly joined the Han.seatic confederation. They were indebted to the merchants of Lubeck for supplies of the commodities produced in more civilised countries, and they looked up to them for protection against the bar- barians by whom they were surrounded. The progress of the League was in conse- quence singularly rapid. Previously to the end of the thirteenth century, it embraced every considerable city in all those vast countries extending from Livonia to Holland, and was a match for the most powerful monarchs. The Hanseatic confederacy was at its highest degree of power and splendotir during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It then comprised from 60 to 80 cities, which were distributed into 4 classes or circles. Lubeck was at the head of the first circle, and had under it Hamburgh, Bremen, Rostock, Wismar, &c. Cologne was at the head of the second circle, with 29 towns under it. Brunswick was at the head of the third circle, consisting of IfJ towns. Dantzic was at the head of the fourth circle, having under it 8 towns in its vicinity, besides several that were more remote. The supreme authority of the League was vested in the deputies of the dif- ferent towns assembled in congress. In it they discussed all their measures ; decided upon tlie sum that each city should contribute to the common fund ; and upon the questions that arose between the confederacy and other powers, as well as those that frequently arose between the different members of the confederacy. The place for the meeting '^f congress was not fixed, but it was most frequently held at Lubeck, which was considered as the capital of the League, and there its archives were kept. Some- times, however, congresses were held at Ilamburgh, Cologne, and other towns. They met once every .'3 years, or oftcner if occasion required. The letters of convocation specified the principal subjects which would most probably be brought under discussion. Any one might be chosen for a deputy ; and the congress consisted not of merchants HANSEATIC LEAGUE. 621 only, but also of clergymen, lawyers, artists, &c. When the deliberations were con- cluded, the decrees were formally communicated to the magistrates of the cities at the head of each circle, by whom they were subsequently communicated to those below them ; and the most vigorous measures were adopted for carrying them into tflcct. One of the burgomasters of Lubeck presided at the meetings of congress; and during the recess the magistrates of that city had the sole, or at all events the principal, direction of the affairs of the League. Besides the towns already mentioned, there were others that were denominated con- federated cities, or allies. The latter neither contributed to the common fund of the League, nor sent deputies to congress ; even the members were not all on the same footing in respect to privileges : and the internal commotions by which it was frequently agitated, partly originating in this cause, and partly in the discordant interests and con- flicting pretensions of the different cities, materially impaired the power of the con- federacy. But in despite of these disadvantages, the League succeeded for a lengthened period, not only in controlling its own refractory members, but in making itself respected and dreaded by others. It produced able generals and admirals, skilful politicians, and some of the most enterprising, successful, and wealthy merchants of modern times. As the power of the confederated cities was increased and consolidated, they became more ambitious. Instead of ' limiting their efforts to the mere advancement of com- merce and their own protection, they endeavoured to acquire the monopoly of the trade of the North, and to exercise the same sort of dominion over the Baltic tliat the Vene- tians exercised over the Adriatic. For this purpose they succeeded in obtaining, partly in return for loans of money, and partly by force, various privileges and immunities from the northern sovereigns, which secured to them almost the whole foreign com- merce of Scandinavia, Denmark, Prussia, Poland, Russia, &;c. They exclusively carried on the herring fishery of the Sound, at the same time that they endeavoured to obstruct and hinder the navigation of foreign vessels in the Baltic. It should, however, be observed, that the immunities they enjoyed were mostly indispensable to the security of their commerce, in consequence of the barbarism that then prevailed ; and notwith- standing their attempts at monopoly, there cannot be the shadow of a doubt that the progress of civilisation in the North was prodigiously accelerated by the influence and ascendancy of the Hanseatic cities. They repressed piracy by sea and robbery by land, which must have broken out again had their power been overthrown before civilisation was fully established ; they accustomed the inhabitants to the principles, and set before them the example, of good government and subordination ; they introduced amongst them conveniences and enjoyments unknown by their ancestors, or despised by them, and inspired them with a taste for literature and science ; they did for the people round the Baltic, what the Phoenicians had done in remoter ages for those round the Mediterranean, and deserve, equally with them, to be placed in the first rank amongst the benefactors of mankind. " In order," as has been justly observed, " to accomplish their purpose of rendering the Baltic a large field for the prosecution of commercial and industrious pursuits, it was necessary to instruct men, still barbarous, in the rudiments of industry, and to familiarise them in the principles of civilisation. These great principles were laid by the confederation, and at the close of the fifteenth century the Baltic and the neigh- bouring seas had, by its means, become frequented routes of communication between the North and the South. The people of the former were enabled to follow the pro- gress of the latter in knowledge and industry. The forests of Sweden, Poland, &c. gave place to corn, hemp, and flax ; the mines were wrought, and in return the produce and manufactures of the South were imported. Towns and villages were erected in Scandinavia, where huts only were before seen : the skins of the bear and the wolf were exchanged for woollens, linens, and silks : learning was introduced ; and printing was hardly invented before it was practised in Denmark, Sweden, &c." — (^Catteau, Tableau de la Mer Baltique, torn. ii. p. 175.) The kings of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway were frequently engaged in hostilities with the Hanse towns. They regarded, and, it must be admitted, not without pretty good reason, the privileges acquired by the League, in their kingdoms, as so many usurpations. But their efforts to abolish these privileges served, for more than 2 centuries, only to augment and extend tliem. " On the part of the League there was union, subordination, and money ; whereas the half-savage Scandinavian monarchies were full of divisions, factions, and troubles ; revolution was immediately followed by revolution, and feudal anarchy was at its height. There was another circumstance, not less important, in favour of the Hanseatic cities. The popular governments established amongst them possessed the respect and confidence of the inhabitants, and were able to direct the public energies for the good of the state. The astonishing prosperity of the confederated cities was not wholly the effect of com- merce. To the undisciplined aimies of the princes of the North — armies composed of 622 HANSEATIC LEAGUE. vassals without attachment to their lords — the cities opposed, besides the inferior nobles, whose services they liberally rewarded, citizens accustomed to danger, and resolved to defend their liberties and property. Their military operations were combined and directed by a council composed of men of tried talents and experience, devoted to their country, responsible to their fellow citizens, and enjoying their confidence. It was chiefly, however, on their marine forces that the cities depended. They employed their ships indifferently in war or commerce, so that their naval armaments were fitted out at comparatively small expense. Exclusive, too, of these favourable circumstances, tlie fortifications of the principal cities were looked upon as impregnable ; and as their commerce supplied them abundantly with all sorts of provisions, it need not excite our astonishment that Lubeck alone was able to carry on wars with the surrounding monarchs, and to terminate them with honour and advantage ; and still less that the League should long have enjoyed a decided preponderance in the North."* — (^L'Art de verifier les Dates, 3'^® partie, tom. viii. p. 204.) The extirpation of piracy was one of the objects which had originally led to the formation of the League, and which it never ceased to prosecute. Owing, however, to the barbarism then so universally prevalent, and the countenance openly given by many princes and nobles to those engaged in this infamous profession, it was not possible wholly to root it out. But the vigorous efforts of the League to abate the nuisance, though not entirely successful, served to render the navigation of the North Sea and the Baltic comparatively secure, and were of signal advantage to commerce. Nor was this the only mode in v/hich the power of the confederacy was directly employed to promote the common interests of mankind. Their exertions to protect shipwrecked mariners from the atrocities to which they had been subject, and to procure the restitution of shipwrecked property to its legitimate owners*, though, most probably, like their exertions to repress piracy, a consequence of selfish considerations, were in no ordinary degree meritorious ; and contributed not less to the advancement of civilisation than ta the security of navigation. Factories belonging to the League. — In order to facilitate and extend their commercial transactions, the League established various factories in foreign countries ; the principal of which were at Novogorod in Russia, London, Bruges in the Netherlands, and Bergen in Norway. Novogorod, situated at the confluence of the Volkof with the Imler Lake, was, for a lengthened period, the most renowned emporium in the north-eastern parts of Europe. In the beginning of the eleventh century, the inhabitants obtained considerable privi- leges that laid the foundation of their liberty and prosperity. Their sovereigns were at first subordinate to the grand" dukes or czars of Russia; but as the city and the con- tiguous territory increased in population and wealth, they gradually usurped an almost absolute independency. The power of these sovereigns over their subjects seems, at the same time, to have been exceedingly limited ; and, in effect, Novogorod ought rather to be considered as a republic under the jurisdiction of an elective magistrate, than as a state subject to a regular line of hereditary monarchs, possessed of extensive prerogatives. During the twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth centuries, Novogorod formed the grand entrepot between the countries to the east of Poland and the Hanseatic cities. Its fairs were frequented by an immense concourse of people from all the surroimding countries, as well as by numbers of merchants from the Hanse towns, who engrossed the greater part of its foreign commerce, and who furnished its markets with the manufactures and products of distant countries. Novogorod is said to have contained, during its most flourishing period, towards the middle of the fifteenth century, upwards of 400,000 souls. This, however, is most probably an exaggeration. But its dominions were then very extensive ; and its wealth and power seemed so great and well established, and the city itself so impregnable, as to give rise to a proverb. Who can resist the Gods and great Novogorod? Quis contra Deos et magnam Novogordiam 9 — (Coxe's Travels in the North of Europe, vol. ii. p. 80.) But its power and prosperity were far from being so firmly established as its eulogists, and those who had only visited its fairs, appear to have supposed. In the latter part of the fifteenth century, Ivan Vassilievitch, czar of Russia, having secured his dominions against the inroads of the Tartars, and extended his empire by the conquest of some of the neighbouring principalities, asserted his right to the principality of Novogorod, and supported his pretensions by a formidable army. Had the inhabitants been animated by the spirit of unanimity and patriotism, they might have defied his efforts ; but their dissensions facilitated their conquest, and rendered them an easy prey. Having entered the city at the head of his troops, Ivan received from the citizens the charter of their * A series of resolutions were unanimously agreed to by the merchants frequenting the port of Wishy, one of the j)rinci|)al emporiums of the I>caguo, in 1287, providing for the restoration of shipwrecke«l property to its original owners, and tiireatening to eject from the " co7isod(xlilate mar.alorum," any city that did not act conformably to the regulations laid down. IIANSEATIC LEAGUE. 623 liberties, which they either wanted courage or inclination to defend, and carried off an enormous bell to Moscow, that has been long regarded with a sort of superstitious veneration as the palladium of the city. But notwithstanding the despotism to which Novogorod was subject, during the reigns of Ivan and his successors, it continued for a considerable period to be the largest as avcU as most commercial city in the Russian empire. The famous Richard Chancellour, who passed through Novogorod in 1554, in his way from the court of t)ie czar, says, that " next unto Moscow, the city of Novogorod is reputed the chiefest of Russia ; for although it be in majestic inferior to it, yet in greatness it goeth beyond it. It is the chiefest and greatest mart town of all Muscovy; and albeit the emperors seat is not there, bvit at Moscow, yet the com- modiousness of the river falling into the Gulf of Finland, whereby it is well frequented by merchants, makes it more famous than Moscow itself." But the scourge of the destroyer soon after fell on this celebrated city. Ivan IV., having discovered, in 1570, a correspondence between some of the principal citizens and the King of Poland, relative to a surrender of the city into his liands, punished them in the most inhuman manner. The slaughter by which the bloodthirsty bar- barian sought to satisfy his revenge was alike extensive and undiscriminating. The crime of a few citizens was made a pretext for the massacre of 25,000 or 30,000. Novogorod never recovered from this dreadful blow. It still, however, continued to be a place of considerable trade, until the foundation of Petersburgh, which immediately became the seat of that commerce that had formerly centred at Novogorod. The de- gradation of this ill-fated city is now complete. It is at present an inconsiderable place, with a population of about 7,000 or 8,000 j and is remarkable only for its history and antiquities. The merchants of the Hanse towns, or Hansards, as they were then commonly termed, were established in London at a very early period, and their factory here was of considerable magnitude and importance. They enjoyed various privileges and im- munities ; they were permitted to govern themselves by their own laws and regulations ; the custody of one of the gates of the city (Bishopsgate) was comnaitted to their care; and the duties on various sorts of imported commodities were considerably reduced in their favour. These privileges necessarily excited the ill-will and animosity of the English merchants. The Hansards were every now and then accused of acting with bad fiiith ; of introducing commodities as their own that were really the produce of others, in order to enable them to evade the duties with which they ought to have been charged ; of capriciously extending the list of towns belonging to the association ; and obstructing the commerce of the English in the Baltic. Efforts were continually making to* bring these disputes to a termination ; but as they really grew out of the privileges granted to and claimed by the Hansards, this was found to be impossible. The latter were exposed to many indignities ; and their factory, which was situated in Thames Street, was not vmfrequently attacked. The League exerted themselves vigor- ously in defence of their privileges ; and having declared war against England, they succeeded in excluding our vessels from the Baltic, and acted with such energy, that Edward IV. was glad to come to an accommodation with them, on terms which were any thing but honourable to the English. In the treaty for this purpose, negotiated in 1474, the privileges of the merchants of the Hanse towns were renewed, and the king assigned to them, in absolute property, a large space of groimd, with the buildings upon it, in Thames 'Street, denominated the Steel Yard, whence the Hanse merchants have been commonly denominated the Association of the Steel Yard ; the property of their establishments at Boston and Lynn was also secured to them ; the king engaged to allow no stranger to participate in their privileges ; one of the articles bore that the Hanse merchants should be no longer subject to the judges of the English Admiralty Court, but that a particular tribunal should be formed for the easy and speedy settlement of all disputes that might arise between them and the English ; and it was further agreed that the particular privileges awarded to the Hanse merchants should be published as often as the latter judged proper, in all the sea-port towns of England, and such Englishmen as infringed upon them should be punished. In return for these con- cessions; the English acquired the liberty of freely trading in the Baltic, and especially in the port of Dantzic and in Prussia. In 1498, all direct commerce with the Nether- lands being suspended, the trade fell into the- hands of the Hanse merchants, whose commerce was in consequence very greatly extended. But, according as the spii it of commercial enterprise awakened in tlie nation, and as the benefits resulting from the prosecution of foreign trade came to be better known, the privileges of the Hanse merchants became more and more obnoxious. They were in consequence considerably modified in the reigns of Henry VII. and Henry VIII., and were at length wholly abolished in 1597. — (AnJcrson''s Hist. Com. Anno 1474, Sfc.) The different individuals belonging to the factory in London, as well as those be- longing to the other factories of the League, lived together at a common table, and 62t HANSEATIC LEAGUE. were enjoined to observe the strictest celibacy. The direction of the factory in London was intrusted to an alderman, 2 assessors, and 9 councillors. The latter were sent by the cities forming the different classes into which the League was divided. The business of these functionaries was to devise means for extending and securing the privileges and commerce of the association ; to watch over the operations of the merchants ; and to adjust any disputes that might arise amongst the members of the confederacy, or between them and the English. The league endeavoured at all times to promote, as much as possible, the employment of their own ^hips. In pursuance of this object, they went so far, in 1447, as to forbid the importation of English merchan- dise into the confederated cities, except by their own vessels. But a regulation of this sort could not be carried into full effect ; and was enforced or modified according as circumstances were favourable or adverse to the pretensions of the League. Its very existence was, however, an insult to the English nation ; and the irritation produced by the occasional attempts to act upon it, contributed materially to the subversion of the privileges the Hanseatic merchants had acquired amongst us. By means of their factory at Bergen, and of the privileges which had been either granted to or usurped by them, the League enjoyed for a lengthened period the mono- poly of the commerce of Norway. But the principal factory of the League was at Bruges in the Netherlands. Bruges became, at a very early period, one of the first commercial cities of Europe, and the centre of the most extensive trade carried on to the north of Italy. The art of navi- gation in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries was so imperfect, that a voyage from Italy to the Baltic and back again could not be performed in a single season ; and hence, for the sake of their mutual convenience, the Italian and Hanseatic merchants determined on establishing a magazine or store-house of their respective products in come intermediate situation. Bruges was fixed upon for this purpose ; a distinction which it seems to have owed as much to the freedom enjoyed by the inhabitants, and the liberality of the government of the Low Countries, as to the conveniency of its situation. In consequence of this preference, Bruges speedily rose to the very highest rank among commercial cities, and became a place of vast wealth. It was at once a staple for English wool, for the woollen and linen manufactures of the Netherlands, for the timber, hemp, and flax, pitch and tar, tallow, corn, fish, ashes, &c. of the North ; and for the spices and Indian commodities, as well as their domestic manufactures imported by the Italian merchants. The fairs of Bruges were the best frequented of any in Europe. Ludovico Guicciardini mentions, in his Description of the Low Countries, that, in the year 1318, no fewer than 5 Venetian galleases, vessels of very considerable burden, arrived in Bruges in order to dispose of their cargoes at the fair. The Han- seatic merchants were the principal purchasers of Indian commodities ; they disposed of them in the ports of the Baltic, or carried them up the great rivers into the heart of Germany. The vivifying effects of this coraraerce were everywhere felt; the regular intercourse opened between the nations in the north and south of Europe made them sensible of their mutual wants, and gave a wonderful stimulus to the spirit of industry. This was particularly the case with regard to the Netherlands. Manufactures of wool and flax had been established in that country as early as the age of Charlemagne ; and the resort of foreigners to their markets, and the great additional vent that was thus opened for their manufactures, made them be carried on with a vigour and success that had been hitherto unknown. These circumstances, combined with the free spirit of their institutions, and the moderation of the government, so greatly promoted every elegant and useful art, that the Netherlands early became the most civilised, best cul- tivated, richest, and most populous country of Europe. Decline of the Hanseatic League. — From the middle of the fifteenth century, the power of the confederacy, though still very formidable, began to decline. This was not owing to any misconduct on the part of its leaders, but to the progress of that improvement it had done so much to promote. The superiority enjoyed by the League resulted as much from the anarchy, confusion, and barbarism that prevailed throughout the kingdoms of the North, as from the good government and order that distinguished the towns. But a distinction of this sort could not be permanent. The civilisation which had been at first confined to the cities, gradually spread from them, as from so many centres, over the contiguous country. Feudal anarchy was every where super- seded by a system of subordination ; arts and industry were diffused and cultivated ; and the authority of government was at length firmly established. This change not only rendered the princes, over whom tlie League had so frequently triumphed, superior to it in power ; but the inhabitants of the countries amongst which the confederated cities wcro scattered, having learned to entertain a just sense of the advantages derivable from commerce and navigation, could not brook the superiority of the association, or bear to see its members in possession of immunities of which they were deprived : and in addition to these circumstances, which must speedily luuo occasioned the dissolution HARBOUR. 625 of the League, the interests of the difFcrent cities of which it consisted became daily- more and more opposed to each other. Lubeck, Hamburgh, Bremen, and the towns in their vicinity, were latterly the only ones tliat had any interest in its maintenance. The cities in Zealand and Holland joined it, cliiefly because they would otherwise have been excluded from the commerce of the Baltic; and those of Prussia, Poland, and Russia did the same, because, had they not belonged to it, they would have been shut out from all intercourse with strangers. When, however, the Zealanders and Hollanders became sufficiently powerful at sea to be able to vindicate their right to the free navigation of the Baltic by force of arms, they immediately seceded from the League ; and no sooner had the ships of the Dutch, the English, Sec. begun to trade directly with the Polish and Prussian Hanse towns, than these nations also embraced the first opportunity of withdrawing from it. The fall of this great confederacy was really, therefore, a con- sequence of the improved' state of society, and of the development of the commercial spirit in the different nations of Europe. It was most serviceable so long as those for whom its merchants acted as factors and carriers were too barbarous, too much occu- pied with other matters, or destitute of the necessary capital and skill, to act in these capacities for themselves. When they were in a situation to do this, the functions of the Hanseatic merchants ceased as a matter of course ; their confederacy fell to pieces ; and at the middle of the seventh century the cities of Lubeck, Hamburgh, and Bremen were all that continued to acknowledge the authority of the League. Even to this day they preserve the shadow of its power ; being acknowledged in the act for the esta- blishment of the Germanic confederation, signed at Vienna, the 8th of June, 1815, as free Hanseatic cities. — ( From an ai-ticle in No. 1 3. of the Foreign Quarterly Itevietv, contributed by the author of this work.) HARBOUR, HAVEN, or PORT, a piece of water communicating with the sea, or with a navigable river or lake, having depth sufficient to float ships of considerable burden, where there is convenient anchorage, and where ships may lie, load, and unload, screened from the winds, and without the reach of the tide. Qualities of a good Harbour. — There is every variety in the form and quality of harbours. They are either natural or artificial ; but, however formed, a good harbour should have sufficient depth of water to admit the largest ships at all times of the tide ; it should be easy of access, without having too wide an entrance ; the bottom should be clean and good ; and ships should be able to lie close alongside quays or piers, th^t the expense and inconvenience of loading and unloading by means of lighters may be avoided. Ships lying in a harbour that is land-locked, and surrounded by high grounds or buildings, are, at once, without the reach of storms, tides, and cui rents ; and may, in most cases, be easily protected from hostile attacks. Bar harbours are those that have bars or banks at their entrances, and do not, therefore, admit of the ingress or egress of large ships except at high water. Tiiese are most commonly river harbours; the sand and mud brought down by the stream, and driven back by the waves, naturally forming a bar or bank at their mouths. Best British Harbours. — Good harbours are of essential importance to a maritime nation ; and imme*se sums have Ijeen expended in all countries ambitious of naval or commercial greatness in their improvement and formation. Portsmouth, Milford Haven, and the Cove of Cork are the finest harbours in the British islands, being surpassed by very few, if any, in the world. Of these, Portsmouth is entitled to the pre-eminence. This admirable harbour is about as wide at its mouth as the Thames at -Westminster Bridge, expanding within into a noble basin, almost sufficient to contain the whole navy of Great Britain. Its entrance is unobstructed by any bar or shallow ; and it has, throughout, water adequate to float the largest men of war at the loM-est tides. The anchorage ground is excellent, and it is entirely free from sunken rocks, sand banks, or any similar obstructions. The western side of the harbour is formed by the island of Portsea ; and on its south-western extremity, at the entrance to the harbovn*, is situated the town of Portsmouth, and its large and important suburb Portsea. Here are docks and other establishments for the building, repair, and outfit of ships of war, constructed upon a very large scale, and furnished with every conveniency. The fortifications that protect this great naval depCit, are superior, both as respects strength and extent, to any other in the kingdom. " Thus," to use the words of Dr. Campbell, " it appears that Portsmouth derives from nature all the prerogatives the most fertile wits and most intelligent judges coidd devise or desire ; and that these have been well seconded by art, without consideration of expense, which, in national improvements, is little to be regarded. Add to all this the striking excellence of its situation, which is such as if Providence had expressly determined it for that use to which we see it applied, — the bridling the power of France, and, if I may so speak, the peculiar residence of Neptune." — ( Survey of Great Britain, vol. i. p. 370. ) Portsmouth harbour has the additional and important advantage of opening into the 2 S 626 HARBOUR. celebrated road of Spithead, between the Hampshire coast and the Isle of Wight, forming a safe and convenient retreat for the largest fleets. Milford Haven deeply indents the southern part of Pembrokeshire. It is of great extent, and has niany subordinate bays, creeks, and roads. The water is deep, and the anchorage ground excellent ; and being completely land-locked, ships lie as safely as if they were in dock. Cork harbour has a striking resemblance to that of Portsmouth, but is of larger extent ; it has, like it, a narrow entrance, leading into a capacious basin, affording a secure asylum for any number of ships. Plymouth, which, after Portsmouth, is the principal naval depot of England, has an admirable double harbour. The roadstead in Plymouth Sound has recently been much improved by the construction, at a vast expense, of a stupendous breakwater more than 1,700 yards in length. This artificial bulwark protects the ships lying inside from the effects of the heavy swell thrown into the Sound by southerly and south-easterly winds. London stands at the head of the river ports of Great Britain, Considering the limited course of the Thames, there is, probably, no river that is navigable for large ships to so great a distance from sea, or whose mouth is less obstructed by banks. London is mainly indebted for the unrivalled magnitude of her commerce to her favourable situation on this noble river ; which not only gives her all the advantages of an excellent port, accessible at all times to the largest ships, but renders her the emporium of the ex- tensive, rich, and populous country comprised in the basin of the Thames. The Mersey, now the second commercial river in the empire, is more incommoded by banks than the Thames ; and is in all respects inferior, as a channel of nstvigation, to the latter. Still, however, it gives to Liverpool very great advantages ; and the new channel that has recently been discovered in the banks promises to be of much importance in facilitating the access to and from the port. This channel will be found laid down in the map of Liverpool and its environs, attached to the article Docks in this work. Bristol and Hull are both river ports. Owing to the extraordinary rise of the tide in the Bristol Channel, the former is accessible to the largest ships. The Humber is a good deal impeded by banks ; but it also is navigable as far as Hull, by very larga vessels. The Tyne admits vessels of very considerable burden as far as Newcastle, which, next to London, is the most important port, for the extent of the shipping belonging to it, of any in the empire. The shallowness of the Clyde from Greenock up to Glasgow has been a serious draw- back upon the commercial progress of the latter. Large sums have been expended in attempts to contract the course and to deepen the bed of the river ; and they have been so far successful, that vessels of 150 tons burden may now, generally speaking, ascend to the city, at all times of the tide. But there seems little probability of its ever becoming suitable for the navigation of ships of pretty large burden. Generally speaking, the harbours on the east coasts, both of Great Britain and Ireland, are, with the exception of the Thames, very inferior to those on the south and west coasts. Several harbours on the shores of Sussex, Kent, Lincoln, &c., that once admitted pretty large ships, are now completely choked up by sand. Lar^ sums have been expended upon the ports of Yarmouth, Boston, Sunderland, Leith, Dundee, Aberdeen, &c. Dublin harbour being naturally bad, and obstructed by a bar, a new harbour has been formed, at a great expense, at Kingstown, without the bar, in deep water. There has also been a large outlay upon the harbours of Donaghadee, Portpatrick, &e. For an account of the shipping belonging to the different ports of Great Britain and Ireland, the reader is referred to the article Ships in this work. The charges on account of Docks, Pilotage, &c. are specified under these articles. Foreign Harbours and Ports. — The reader will find the principal foreign commercial harbours described in this work at considerable length under their respective titles. The principal French ports for the accommodation of men of war are Brest, Toulon, and Cherbourg. The latter has been very greatly improved by the construction of a gigantic breakwater, and the excavation of immense basins. Besides Cadiz, the prin- cipal ports for the Spanish navy are Ferrol and Carthagena. Cronstadt is the principal rendezvous of the Russian navy ; Landscrona of that of Sweden ; and the Helder of that of Holland. Law of England as to Harbours. — The anchorage, &c. of ships was regulated by several statutes. But most of these regulations have been repealed, modified, or re- enacted, by the 54 Geo. f?. c. 149. This act authorises the Admiralty to provide for the moorings of his Majesty's ships ; and prohibits any private ship from fastening thereto. It further authorises the Admiralty to prohibit the breaming of any ship or vesoel at anyplace or places on shore they may think fit; and to point out the places where l)rivate ships shall deposit the gunpowder they may liave on board exceeding 5 lbs. — 6.) It prohibit.s the use of any (ire on board any shij> or vessel that is being breamed in any port, harbour, or haven, be. twcen the hours of 1 1 in the evening and .G in the morning, from the 1st of October to the 31st of March inclusive; and between the liours of 11 in the evening and 4 in the morning, from the 1st of April to the 311 10 7 Total - ,£^,915,630 lT~8 Increase of the exports of 1832 over those of 1819 2 3 2 628 HARPOONER. — HATS. 'iTie East Indies and China are by far the most important markets for our brass and copper manufac* lures. The total exports of" these articles, in 1831, amounted to 80.3,124;. ; of which they took 348,045/., the United States lfi9,563/., and France 91,580/. Of the total exports of hardware and cutlery in 1831, amounting to 1,622,429/. the United States took nc less than 998,469/. ! The British possessions in North America and the West Indies were the next most important customers; but the exports to them both did not amount to 190,000/. The United States, and the possessions now referred to, take the greatest quantity of our iron and steel ; the ex|!orts to the former, in 1831, being 248,707/., and those to the latter 245,223/. The United States take nearly a half of our exports of plate and plated ware, &c. HARPOONER, the man that throws the harpoon in fishing for whales. By 35 Geo. 3. c. 92. § 34., no harpooner, line manager, or boat steerer, belonging to any ship or vessel litted out for the Greenland or Soutiiern whale fisheries, shall be impressed from the said service ; but shall be privileged from being impressed so long as he shall belong to, and be employed on board, any ship or vessel whatever in the fisheries aforesaid. HATS (Ger. Hiite ; Du. Iloeden ; Fr. Chapeaux ; It. Cappelli ; Sp. Sombreros; Rus. Schlopii), coverings for the head in very general use in Great Britain and many other countries, and known to every body. They are made of very various forms and sorts of material. They may, however, be divided into two great classes, viz. those made of fur, wool, silk, &c., and those made of straw ; the former being principally worn by men, and the latter by women. Hats (Fur, Wool, etc.). — The manufacture of this description of hats, which is one of very considerable importance and value, was first noticed as belonging to England in the 14th century, in reference to the exportation 'of rabbit or coney skins from the Netherlands. About a century afterwards (1463), the importation of hats was pro- hibited. A duty of 10s. 6d. a hat was substituted for this absolute prohibition in 1816, and is still continued. The following instructive details with respect to the species of hats manufictured, their value, &c., have been obtained from the highest practical au- thority ; and may, v/e believe, be safely relied on : — 1. Stuff Hats. ^ThXs term is applied by the trade only to the best description of hats, or to those brought to the higliest perfection in London. Since the introduction of " waterproofing," it is found unnecessary to use so valuable a material as beaver in the foundation or frame-work of the best hats. Instead of it, fine seasoned backs of English coney wool, red Vigonia wool, Dutch carroted coney wool, and a small quantity of fine Saxony lamb's wool, are employed with equal advantage. The covering, i. e. the "napping," of the best qualities is a mixture of cheek beaver, with white and brown stage beaver, or seasoned beaver, commonly called ^^wooms." Inferior stuffs are napped with mixtures of stage beaver, nutria, hares' wool, and musquash. Of late years, hats have been much reduced in weight. This is principally owing to the new method of waterproofing," which is effected in the bodies of the hats prior to their being nappcu. The elastic properties of the gums employed for this purpose, when dissolved in pure spirits of wine, give a body to the stuffs which allows a good deal of their weight to be dispensed with. Not 20 years ago, 96 ounces of stuff were worked -p into 1 dozen ordinary sized hats for gentlemen ; at present, from 33 to 34 ounces only are required to complete the same quantity. It is proper to observe that the heavy duty on English spirits of wine is very injurious to the manufacture, as it causes the em- ployment of inferior dissolvents, as naphtha and gas spirit, which injure the gums. The manufacture of the best hats employs in London nearly 1,000 makers and finishers, besides giving employment to nearly 3,000 men in Gloucestershire and Derbyshire, in body-making and ruffing. Tiie gross returns amount to about 040,000/. 2. Plated Hats. — Next to fine hats are those designated " plated," so called from the plate, or napping, being of a distinct and superior nature to the foundation or body. The latter is generally formed of Kent, Spanish, or Shropshire wool ; while the former consists of a mixture of tine beaver, hares' wool, mus- quash, nutria, and English back wool. From the cheapness of coal and the purity of the water in Lan- cashire, Cheshire, and Staffordshire, the whole of the plating trade is engrossed by them. The men employed in the 3 counties, including apprentices, do not exceed 3,000. The total amount of returns amount to about 1,080,000/., inclusive of bonnets, and children's fancy beaver hats. 3. Felt Hats and Cordies are the coarsest species, being made wholly of Kent, Shropshire, and Italian wools. Cordies are distinguished by a fine covering of camel or goat hair. A very large trade was at one time carried on in these articles; but since the introduction of caps, and the manutacttire of inferior plates, the returns have sunk from 1,000,000/. to scarcely 150,000/.! Atherstone, Rudgeley, Bristol, and Newcastle-under-Line, are the principal places where they are manufactured. 4. Silk Hats, made from silk, plush, or shag, manufactured in Coventry, Banbury, and Spitalfields, form, at present, a very important branch of the hat trade. Many thousand dozen are exported to Italy, Gib- raltar, the Cape, Sydney, and Van Diemen's Land. Little progress was made in this article for the first •■juarterof a century after its invention, in consequence of the hard appearance which the cane and wil- low frame-work necessarily gave the hats; but now that beaver hat bodies have been used, as well as those of lawn and muslin, this difliculty has been overcome, and silk hats have as soft an outline and as great a variety of shapes as beaver hats. London alone produces nearly 150,000dozen silk hats annually ; and the quantity manufactured in Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, and Glasgow, is estimated at upwards of 100,000 dozen more, making a total of above 2.50,000 dozen. Large quantities of the wool shells, used as the foundations or frame-work, are made in Ireland by the aid of machinery. The work- men are distinct from beaver hatters ; and, owing to the competition of labourers, the trade has advanced in a greater ratio. This branch gives employment to about 3,000 men. 5. Machinery, as applied to Hats. — Mr. Williams, an American, introduced, a few years since, ma- chinery for the bowing, breaking up, and felting wools for hats. The opposition of the journeymen body-makers, who refused to assist in the necessary process termed basining, caused it to be laid aside : it is now used only in the preparation of the shells required for silk hats, wliich, as already observed, are principally made in Ireland. Mr. Edward OUerenshaw, of Manchester, began, in 1824, the finishing of hats by the aid of machinery, but the pertinacious opposition of the men prevented his accomplishing this desirable object. Lately, ]\Ir. Johnson of Edinburgh obtained a patent for machinery calculated to effect very important improve- ments in the art of ruffing or covering the bodies of hats. But we understand that the opposition of the workmen has, also, made him lay aside his invention. HATS. 629 6. Summary of Results. HiU. Value. \ Declared Value of Hal fjporUd, lH:i2. L. t. d. j r„ All sorts, 02,851 dozen - . 170,18? Plated ..... 1,080,000 Stuffs 640,000 Wools* .... . I(i0,000 Silk - - . ... 540,000 L. 2,420,000 0 0 * Including fultcd caps for soldiers. Ofpclal Value. Beivcr and fcKs - . - lH,9fi5 0 AUothtr - . . 1»,377 0 Total numlier of men emjiloycd in the manufacture of beaver hats . . . - . 17,000 Ditto, silk hats .... 3,00tt Hats (Straw). — It is most probable that the idea of plaiting straws was first suggested by the making of baskets of osiers and willow, alluded to by Virgil, in liis Pastorals, as one of the pursuits of the agricultural population of Italy. We arc ignorant of the period when the manufacture of straw plait first became of importance in that country ; but it appears from Coryat's Crudities, published in 1611, that "the most delicate strawen hats" were worn by both men and women in many places of Piedmont, " many of them having at least an hundred seames." It is evident, therefore, that the art of straw plaiting must have arrived at great perfection upwards of two centuries since; but it does not appear to have been followed in England for more than 60 or 70 years, as it is within the remembrance of some of the old inhabitants of the straw districts, now alive, that the wives and daughters of the farmers used to plait straw for making their own bonnets, before straw plaiting became established as a manufacture. In fact, the custom, among the women in England, of wearing bonnets at all, is comparatively mo- dern : it is not yet 100 years since " hoods and pinners" were generally worn, and it was only the ladies of quality who wore small silk hats. — ( See Malcolm'' s Manners and Customs. ) British Plait. — The rfraw plait district comprises the counties of Bedford, Hertford, and Bucking- ham, b^ing the most favourable for the production of the wheat straw, which is the material chiefly used in England. The manutiuture is also followed" in some places in Essex and Suffolk, but very partially in other counties. During the late war, the importation of straw hats from Leghorn having in a great measure ceased, an extraordinary degree of encouragement was given to our domestic manufacture, and a i)roportional degree of comfort was derived by the agricultural labourers in these places, by the wives and children of whom it was chiefly followed. This produced competition, and led to an imnrovement c\ the plait by splitting!; the straw, which had formerly been used entire — to a more careful selection of the straw itself — and also to improvements in finishing and bleaching. So successful was straw plaiting at this period, that it has been ascertained that women have earned as much as 22s. a week for their labour. (Sec Evidence on the Poor Laics, p. 277.) But at the conclusion of the war, Leghorn hats again came into the market ; and from their superiority in fineness, colour, and durability, they speedily acquired a preference over our home manufacture, which consequently began to decline. Still the wages continued good, as the fashion of wearing Dunstable straw hats had gradually established itself over the country, which kept up the demand for them ; and many individuals abandoned the working of pilloio lace (another domestic manufacture peculiar to Bedford and Bucks, which in 1S20 had fallen into decay, owing to the application of machinery), and betook themselves to straw plaiting, as a more profitable emplojment. With the view of improving the condition of the straw plaiters, who from their increased numbers were reduced to great distress, and enabling them to meet the foreign competition, the Society of Arts, in the years 1822 to 1827, held out premiums for the successful application of some of our native grasses or straw, other than the wheat straw in general use, and for improvements in plaiting, finishing, and bleach- ing. Many specimens were sent to the Society ; and, amongst other candidates, Mr. Parry, of London, in 18'i2, received the large silver medal for an iniitation and description of the mode of plaiting the Lc>ghoiTt hats. Mr. Cobbett, also, who had contributed samples of plaiting, made from 15 different sorts of grass iiv- digenous ta England, received a similar reward. The publication of these contributions in the Societyo Transactions was followed by the most beneficial results to the British m.anufacture. Our native grasses were not found to promise much success, owing to the brittleness of their stems and the unevenness of their colour ; but Mr. I'arry's communication was of especial importance, as the straw of Tuscany speedily became an article of import. He immediately set the example, by teaching and employing above 70 women and children to plait the straw by the Italian method ; and it is peculiarly gratifying to observe, as an evidence of its success, that while the importation of Leghorn hats has, during the last few years, been on the decline, the immanvfaciured material has been progressively on the increase. I'his straw, which is imported at a nominal duty of \d. a cwt., is chiefly plaited in our straw districts ; and the Tuscan plait, which pays a duty of 17s. per lb., has likewise been largely impoited, and made up into bonnets in this country, of equal fineness and beauty to the genuine Leghorn hat. I here is, perhaps, no manuiacture more deserving of encouragement and sympathy than that of straw plait, as it is quite independent of machinery, and is a domestic and healthful employment, affording subsistence to great numbers of the families of agricultural labourers, who without this resource would be reduced to parish relief By the estimate of an intelligent individual, intimately acquainted with the manufacture, it is considered 'that every score (or 20 yards) of plait consumes a pound of straw in the state in which it is bought of the farmer; that, at an average, every plaiter makes 15 yards per diem ; that in the counties of Hertford, Bedford, and Bucks, there are, at an average, 10,000 scores brought to mai ket everv dav, to make which 13,oC0 persons (women and children) must be employed. In Essex and Siifl[blk, it is'estimated that 2,000 scores are the daily produce, to make which about 3,000 persons are em- j>loyed ; and about 4,(4 0 persons more must be employed to convert these quantities into bonnets. In- cluding other places where the manufacture is carried on in England, there arc, pcrhajis, in all, about 3(\000 persons engaged in it. The earnings of the women and children vary from Zd. to cs. 6d. per score, or from Is.Gd. to ICS. per week. There are 7 descriptions of plait in. general use ; \\z. whole Dunstable (the first introduced), plaited with 7 entire straws ; split straw, introduced about SO years since; patent Dun- stable, or double 7, formed of 14 split straws, every 2 wetted and laid together, invented about 25 years since ; Devonshire, formed of 7 split straws, invented about Ifi years since ; Luton plait (an imitation of whole Dunstable), formed of double 7, and coarser than patent Dunstable, ir.vented about 10 years since ; Bedford Leghorn, formed of 22 or double 11 straws, and plaited similarly to the Tuscan ; and Italian, formed of 11 split straws. But there are other varieties in fancy straw plait, not generally in demand for the home trade, but chiefly required for exportation; such as the backbone, of 7 straws ; the lustre, of 17 straws ; the wave, of 22 straws ; and dia?nond, of i!o straws. There were other plaits, called rttstic, of 4 coarse straws split ; and pearl, of 4 small straws entire ; but these are now superseded. The principal markets are Luton, Dun.stablc, and St. Alban's, wliere the plait is usually brought every morning by the plaiters, and bought by the dealers, 2 S 3 630 HATS. But the advantages which followed the publication, by the Society of Arts, of the various attempts to improve tlie trade, were not confined ta England. Messrs. J. & A. Muir, of Greenock, (who subsequently sent specimens to the Society, and received 2 different rnedals), were in consequence attracted to the manufacture, and in 182-3 established straw plaiting, in imitation of Leghorn, in the Orkney Islands, with singular success, adopting rye straw, dwarfed by being grown on poor land, as the material best suited for the purpose. In the estimation of persons largely employed in the trade in London, hats manufactured in Orkney are quite equal, both in colour and quality, to those of Leghorn ; indeed, some of the plait sent to the Society was so fine, as to be capable of making a hat of 80 rows in the brim, being equal to 10 or 11 rows in an inch ; but we learn with regret that the prevalence of mildew in that humid climate is so in- auspicious to the bleaching of the straw, that it is equal to 50 per cent, on the value of the crop. To this circumstance, and to the low prices of Leghorn hats of late years, is to be ascribed the difficulty they have had, even with the protecting duty of M. 8s. per dozen, in withstanding the competition of the foreign manufacturer. In their letter to the Society of Arts, of the 10th of February, 18'26, Messrs. Muir stated, — *' We had last year about 5 acres of straw, which will produce about 12,000 score of plait, — suppose on the average of o score to the hat, will be 4,000 hats, not more. We think them one hundredth part of the consumption of the United Kingdom. These 4,000 hats may give to the manufacturer, including his profit, 5,000/. For seed and straw 7 acres of land would be required, and in manufacturing 500 persons would be constantly employ ed all the year. We suppose the consumption of Leghorn hats to be not less than 500,000/. in the United Kingdom : now, were these all made by our own industrious population, 7(X) acres of poor land would be required, and 50,000 persons would be employed in the manufacture." — (Trans, of Soc. Arts.) The plaiters in Orkney were earning, in 1827, only from 2s. to 2*. 6rf. per week, and since that period the trade, it is understood, has declined. Italian Plait. — In Italy, the manufacture is principally followed in the neighbourhood of Florence, Pisa, Sienna, and the Vai d'Arno, in the Duchy of Tuscany; and it is also established at Venice and othei places. There, as in England, it is purely a domestic manufacture, and the produce is collected by dealers who go round the country. There is no means of estimating, with any degree of accuracy, the number ol individuals employed, as the government is entirely unprovided with statistical data, and is even opposed to any being collected. But supposing that England took about a third of the Italian manufacture (and it is believed that we have taken nearer a half), it would not appear that, even in the most prosperous times, more than o0,000 persons could have been engaged in it. The description of straw used, which is cultivated solely for the purposes of the manufacture, and not for the grain, is the triticum turgidum, a variety of bearded wheat, which seems to ditler in no respect from the spring wheat grown in the vale of Evesham and other parts of England. — {Trans, of Soc. Arts.) After undergoing a certain preparatory process, the upper parts of the stems (being first sorted as to colour and thickness) arc formed into a plait of generally 13 straws, which is afterwards knitted together at the edges into a circular shape called a "flat," or hat. The fineness of the flats is determined by the number of rows of plait which compose them (counting from the bottom of the crown to the edge of the brim), and their relative fineness ranges from about No. 20. to 60., being the rows contained in the breadth of the brim, which is generally 8 inches. They are afterwards assorted into 1st, 2d, and 3d qualities^ wiiich are determined by the colour and texture; the most faultless being denominated the 1st, while the most defective is described as the 3d quality. These qualities are much influenced by the season of the year in which the straw is plaited. Spring is the most favourable, not only tor plaiting, but for bleaching and finishing. The dust and perspiration in summer, and the benumbed fingers of the workwomen in winter, when they are comi)elled to keep within their smoky huts, plaiting the cold and wet straw, are equally injurious to the colour of the hats, which no bleaching can improve. The flats are afterwards made up in cases of 10 or 2U dozen, assorted in progressive numbers or qualities, and the price of the middle or average number governs the whole. The Brozzi make bears the highest repute, and the Sinna is considered secondary ; which names are given to the flats, from the districts where they are plaited. Florence is the principal market, and the demand is chiefly from England, France, Germany, and Ame- rica ; but the kinds mostly required are the lower numbers ; the very finest hats, and particularly of late, being considered too expensive by the buyers. The importation of Leghorn straw hats has very sensibly decreased of late years, owing to the change of fashion in favour of silk bonnets, and.also the prevailing and increasing practice of English dealers, from the high duty on tiie maimfactured article, importing the straw plait, and the straw itself for the purpose of being knitted, plaited, and finished in this country. This has been attended with serious consequences to the poor straw |)laiters of Tuscany, many of whom have abandoned the trade and betaken themselves to other occupations, particularly to the working of red woollen caps for Greece and Turkey; immense quantities of which have been exported from Leghorn since the peace. With the view of counteracting the ruinous effects which our high duty entailed on their trade, the merchants and dealers jn Tuscany, interested in the straw hat manufacture, petitioned their government, in 1830, to remonstrate with ours on the subject ; but this remonstrance, if ever made, was not likely, from the condition of our own popu- lation, to be very favourably received. The following prices of different numbers and qualities of Leghorn hats are considered such as would encourage the work-people in Tuscany to produce good work: — No. 50. 40. 45. First Quality. Second Quality. Third Quality. Tuscan. EnsHsh. £ s d. 11 lire =074 21 _ = 0 14 0 26 — = 0 17 4 Tuscan. English. £ s. d. 10 lire =068 20 — = 0 13 4 25 — = 0 16 8 Tuscan. English. £ s. d. 8 lire = 0 .') 4 18 — = 0 12 0 23 — = 0 15 4 The straw for plaiting a No. 30. at 8 lire, costs 2 lire, about \s. 4(/. English ; for bleaching and finishing, 1 lira = 8^/. ; the estimated loss of rows in a mass, that either go up into the crown in the process of finishing and pressing, or that must be taken from the brim to reduce it to London measure (22 inches), may be calculated at 1 lira more, or 8c?. As it requires not less than 6 days for plaiting and knitting the hat there therefore -emains only 4 lire, or '2s. M. English, for a week's work ! Cheap as subsistence may be on the Continent, surely this miserable pittance is not calculated to excite the envy of the poorest labourer in England. But the earnings of the straw plaiters solely depend on their abilities and in. dustry The straw is furnished to them to be plaited and knitted, and they are paid according to the number or fineness of the hat. Some of the Brozzi women have earned as much as 4 lire, or about 2s. 9d. to .3s per day, when hats were at the highest, (calculating the time in which they can plait and knit a hat, at 8 days for" a No. 30., and a fortnight for a No. 40.) ; and these chosen few still earn about Is. 6d. per day ; but taking the whole plaiters, the following, in the opinion of a house largely iirterested in the trade in Italy, may be considered as a fair calculation of the average wages which have been paid during the last 15 years : — Women earned per diem, in the year 1817, Is. Cd. ; 1819-20, Sd. ; 1823-5, Is. 6d. ; 1826-7, 6d. ; 1828-32) M. Men, for ironing the hats, 4s. a day ; ditto, for pressing and washing. Is. 6d. to 2s. ; women, for picking straw. Is. to Is. 2rf. HAVANNAH. 631 The following statement shows the imports into England of Italian straw hats, straw plait, and un- aianufactured straw, during the last 13 years : — 185!0 1821 1822 1823 1824 182.') 1826 1827 182S 1829 1830 1831 1832 Hats or Bonnets of Straw. Imi)orted. Exported. No. 62,510 111,412 143,225 129,902 199,432 327.1MO 231,607 2.'>3,863 384,072 160,195 162,660 84,066 169,433 No. 2,633 12,595 19,950 5,075 9,281 13,433 12,334 8,377 27,030 54,132 24,980 35,271 Consump- tion. No. 71,929 120,068 117,020 121,651 195,568. 247,447 204,974 255,fi40 274,906 234,254 16S,.'>25 93,947 60,830 20,4t!8 34,365 34,.037 35,360 55,771 69,047 58,145 72,468 77,784 66,393 47,760 26.644 17,280 The duty on hats of less than 22 inches in dia- meter was, during the above period, 3/. Us. per dozen ; above 22 inches, 6/. 16*. Plaitinf? of Straw. Imported.'Exported.l Consump. Nett ]U 44 518 4,254 4,233 14,037 8,836 .3,928 5,502 6,282 6,183 23,354 19,109 955 904 283 487 756 2,102 1.605 30 525 3,034 4,906 11,850 6,916 3,947 5,100 3,310 7,884 16,450 17,911 L. 2 26 447 ;,350 ,335 :,834 ,669 i,287 1,174 The rate of duty, during the above period, was 17.S. per lb. Unmanufact. Straw, Imi;orted I Nctt Ke- 787 82 36 79 420 4,199 6,050 18,.'i86 22,314 48,1154 The duty, from 1820 to 182.">, wag 20 i)er cent. ; from 1825 to 1832, 10 percent. It is now 1(/. per cwt. We are indebted for this very excellent article on straw hats to Mr. Robert Slater, of Fore Street, London. HAVANNAH, or HAVANA, a large and flourishing city, situated on the north coast of the noble island of Cuba, of which it is the capital, the Morro castle being, according to Humboldt, in lat. 23° 8' 15" N., Ion. 82'' 22' 45" W. The population, exclusive of troops and strangers (which may amount to 25,000), is probably not far short of 115,000. In 1817, the resident population amounted to 83,598; viz. 37,885 whites, 9,010 free coloured, 12,361 free blacks, 2,543 coloured slaves, and 21,799 black slaves. The port of Havannah is the finest in the West Indies, and one of the best in the world. The entrance is narrow, but the water is deep, without bar or obstruction of any sort, and within it expands into a magnificent bay, capable of accommodating 1,000 large ships; vessels of the greatest draught of water coming close to the quays. The city lies along the entrance to, and on the west side of, the bay. The suburb Regla is on the opposite side. The Morro and Punta castles, the former on the east, and the latter on the west, side of the entrance of the harbour, are strongly fortified, as is the entire city ; the citadel is also a place of great strength ; and fortifications have been erected on such of the neighbouring heights as cominancl the city or port. The arsenal and dock-yard lie toward the western angle of the bay, to the south of the city. In the city the streets are narrow, inconvenient, and filthy ; but in the suburbs, now as extensive as the city, they are wider and better laid out. Latterly, too, the police and cleanliness of all parts of the town have been materially improved. — (See Plan of Havajinah, in the Map of Central America and the West Indies, in this work. ) From its position, which commands both inlets to the Gulf of Mexico, its great strength, and excellent harbour, Havannah is, in a political point of view, by far the most important maritime station in the West Indies. As a commercial city it also ranks in the first class ; being, in this respect, second to none in the New World, New York only excepted. For a long period, Havannah engrossed almost the whole foreign trade of Cuba ; but since the relaxation of the old colonial system, various ports, such, for instance, as Matanzas*, that were hardly known 30 years ago, have become places of great commercial importance. The rapid extension of the commerce of Havannah is, therefore, entirely to be ascribed to the freedom it now enjoys, and to the great increase of wealth and population in the city, and generally throughout the island. The advance of Cuba, during the last half century, has been very great ; though not more, perhaps, than might have been expected, from its natural advantages, at least since its ports were freely opened to foreigners, in 1809. It is at once the largest and the be.,6,S8 196,3S!5 929,481 3.'58.577 193,327 10,735 L. 565,317 4,099 315,356 913,9.34 189,787 110,691 47,6!0 Netherlands Portugal Russia Sweden and Denmark . Turkey - - - Foreign produce in ships of Cuba L. 42,417 9,401 10,971 7,138 99,495 L. 55,681 4,548 207 .S.^^ 15,8(,7 13,833 265,42.5 But a considerable portion of the imports, especially of those from Spain, are not intended for consumn- tion in Cuba, but are sent there merely en entrepot, or till it be found convenient to ship them lor other II. Classified Account of the Articles of all Sorts, and their Value, imported into Cuba in 1831 1832 and 1833. Liquids, viz. — Wines, spirits, heer, oil, &c. Proviiions, viz. - Pork, beef, jerked be.f, &c. Spices, riz. _ Cinnamon, cloves, pepper, &c. Fruits, viz. _ Olives, almonds, rai.,ins, &c. Agricultural, viz. _ Flour, rice, peas, beans, potatoes, &c. Groceries, viz. — Lard, butter, cheese, candles, soap, &c. Fish, viz. — Herrings, cod, anchovies, &c. Cottons and mercery .... Wool 'ens - Linens - - . . . Leather goods - .... Silks ^ - Wood, viz — Deals, hoops, casks, &c. Hardware - - . . Metals, viz. _ Copper, iron, lead, &c. Gold coin - - . . . Silver coin Glassware . . Earthenware ..... Dye stuffs, as logwood, indigo, &c. Cordage - - . . . Books and paper ... Meilicines - Perfumery .... Jewellery ... AU other articles 204 31,220 597,520 264,104 56,205 314,3.37 50,039 472,.-.4S 118,906 94,641 124,257 117,270 30,5(«i 177,298 22,065 19,583 31,211 49,518 3S2 34,100 30,756 8,429 7,417 115,691 1832. L. 276,562 165,7,13 14,129 22,434 5-5,373 21,260 64,577 382,763 52,770 514,194 9.3,514 115,909 125,919 1,33,662 18,557 77,858 41,546 20,560 27,817 31,894 10,596 42,869 25,100 8,830 6,084 107,820 III. Account of the Quantities of the principal Articles of Proivice exported from the various licensed Ports of the Island of Cuba, from 18ii6 to 1833, both inclusive. Years. Sugar. Rum. Molasses. Coffee. Wax. Leaf Tobacco. Cigars. 1826 1827 1828 1829 18.10 1831 1832 1833 Arrohas, 6,237,390 5,878,924 5,967,066 6,588,428 7,868,881 7,133,381 7,585,413 7,624,55.5 Pipes. 2,567 2,457 2,8^;4 4,518 6,595 3,8.18 3,429 3,227 Pipes. 68,880 74,083 8fi,891 63,537 66,219 83,001 100,178 95,768 Arrobas. 1,773,798 2,001,583 1,284,088 1,7,16,257 1,798,598 2,130,582 2,01S,8£0 2,566,359 A rrnl as. 22,918 22,,' 03 21,404 23,481 .38,741 29,850 30,203 41,5.-6 Arrobas, 79,581 79,106 70,031 125,.-,02 160„-5S 117,454 76,430 92,475 A rrvl us. 197,194 167,.161 2I0„1.15 243,443 407,152 .131,159 448, lv3 617,713 IV. Account of the Number of Vessels that entered the Port of Havannah from Foreign Countries in 1831, 1832, and 1833, specifying the Countries to which such Vessels belonged, and their Tonnage. Flags. 1831. 1832. 1833. Ships. T()i?J. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tvns. Spanish 33 i 41,7581 325 558,6.363 379 46,247 American 496 85,1051 489 84, 957 i 509 91,624i Hanse Towns 25 4,226-* 34 6,344 26 4,500 Danish S 1,078 12 2,313 10 1.7'z9 French 19 3,975 „ 18 4,067 48 10,162.J Netherlands 8 1,067S 2G 4,764 8 1,477 English 54 6,403i 69 12.558.J 46 9,067i Portuguese 2 142 4 548 5 494 Prussian 2 2931 1 221.J 1 290 Sardinian 4 762| 1 222.1 6 939\ Swedi^h 280 280 6 l,06li Hanoverian 1 256 2 5661 Tuscan 1 1933 Mecklenburgh 1 159 Ilussian 1 176 1 Totals 953 145,092^ 9S2 1.55,.162.i i.nis 168,293i_ HAVRE. Duties. — A customs du!y Is charged on most articles ex- ported and imported. In 1828, the duties on imports produced 4,194,495 dollars, bein? equal to an ad valorem duty of I85 per cent, on the imports of* tliat year. The duties on exports during the same year produced 1,114,641 dollars, equil to an ad va- lorem duty of 18A per cent, on their amount. According to the tariff, the duties on most imported articles are fixed at either 24 or 30 per cent, ad valorem ; but all Spanish products imported from tne peninsula in Spanish bottoms (except flour, •which pays \\ dollar per barrel], pay only 6^^ per cent, duty ; and when imported in foreign bottoms, they pay 12 per cent, less than the duties on corresponding foreign articles. These products make about a third part of the imports. Until lately, the export duty on sugar was much complained of, being so high as 23 dollars a box ; but in the course of 1833 it was re- duped to little more than 1 dollar, — a reduction which has been of material consequence to the planters. Merchandise that has once paid the duties on importation, pays nothing on exportation. Custom-lioiise Regulations Every master of a vessel is bound to have, on his arrival, ready for delivery to the boarding offi- cers of the revenue, two manifests, containing a detedled state- ment of his cargo ; and, in the act of handing them over, is to ■write thereon the hour when he so delivers them', taking care that they be countersigned by the boarding officers. Within 12 hours from that time he may make any alteration he pleases in the said manifests, or deliver in new ones corrected. After the expiration of these 12 hours, no alteration will be permitted. Goods not manifested will be contiscati d withoutremedy ; and, if their value should not exceed 1 ,000 dollars, masters of ves- sels will be liable to pay a penalty of double the amount of such non-manifested goods : if they do exceed that sum, and belong to the master, or come consigned to him, his vessel, freight, and other emoluments, will be forfeited to the revenue. Goods over-manifested will pay duties as if they were on board. Goods not manlTested, but claimed in time by a consignee, will be de- livered up to the latter ; but the master, in this case, will be subject to a fine equal in amount to that of such goods. Gold and silver, not manifested by either captain or consignee, are liable to a duty of 4 per cent. Goods falling short of the quan- tity manifested, when landed, and not being included in any invoice of a consignee, will render the master liable to a pe- nalty of 200 dollars for each package so falling short. Every consignee is obliged to present his invoice or note of goods, •within 48 hours after the arrival of a vessel; if not, such goods are lialile to 2 per cent, extra duty. The same is the case, if such note do not contain a statement of the number of pieces, contents, quantity, weight, and measure. All goods imported in vessels exceeding 80 tons burthen, except perisli* able provisions, bulky articles, and liquors, may be put in de- posit for an indefinite term, jwying 1 per cent, inward and 1 per cent, outward duty on the value, each year. When en- tered for home consumption, they are liable to the correspond, ing duty. If sold in deposit, the exporter pays the outward duty. Tonnage Duties. — Spanish ve&^els, 5 reals per ton. Other nations, 20 reals per ton : in case of arrival and departure in ballast, none ; arriving in distress, 4 reals per ton, but full du- ties if the cargo be landed oV taken in. Wharf Duties — Spanish vessels, 6 reals per day. Other nations, 19 reals per day for each 100 tons of tlieir register measurement. Monies. — One dollar = 8 reals plate = 20 reals vellon. One doubloon = 17 dollars. The merchants reckon 444 dollars = 100/., or 1 dollar = 4*. 6d. very nearly. There is an export duty of 1 per cent, on gold, and 2 per cent, on silver. Weights and Measures. — One quintal = 100 lbs., or4 arrobas of 25 lbs.; 100 lbs. Spanish = 101^ lbs. English, or 46 kiio. grammes. 108 varas = 100 vards , 140 varas = 100 French ells or aunes; 81 varas = 100 Brabant ells; 108 varas = 160 Hamburgh ells. 1 fanega = 3 bushels nearly, or 100 lbs. Spanish. An arroba of wine or spirits = 4-1 English wine gallons nearly. The Spanish authorities disgraced themselves by the counte- mnce which they gave to piratical banditti that infested many of the ports of Cuba during the late contest between Spain and her revolted colonies, and, on pretence of cruising against the Mexicans and Columbians, committed all sorts of enormities. The commerce of the United States suffered so much from their attacks, that they were obliged to send a considerable squadron to attack the banditti in their strongholds, and to obtain that redress they had in vain sought from the govern- ment of the island ; but we are not sure that the nuisance is as yet entirely abated. In compiling this article, we have consulted Humboldt's standard work, the Essai Politique sur I'Isle de Cuba, Paris, 1826; and the Supplement (Tableau Statisiique) thereto, Paris, 1831 ; the excellent abstract of the Cuadro Esladistico de Cuba, published at Havannah in 1829, in the American Quarterly Revierv for June 1830; the Bulletin des Sciences Gi!ographiques, torn. xxii. p. 333. ; PoinseH's Notes on Mexico, pp. 2/9—298. ( Eng. etl.) ; Papers pulUished by Board of Trade, part iii. pp. 648—652. ; and private communications from intelligent British merchants established at Havannah. HAVRE, Oft HAVRE DE GRACE, a commercial and strongly fortified sea-port town of France, on the English channel, near the mouth of the Seine, on its northern bank, in lat. 49^ 29" 14' N., Ion. 0° 6' 38" E. Population 24,000. Harbour. —■ The harbour of Havre consists of 2 basins, in- closed within the walls of the town, afibrding accommodation for about 450 ships. Cape de la Heve, forming the northern extremity of the Seine, lies N. N.W. from Havre, distant about 2'i miles. It is elevated 390 feet above the level of the sea, and'is surmounted by 2 light-houses 50 feet high. These, Avhict are 325 feet apar:, exhfbit powerful fixed lights. There is also a brilliant harbour-light at the entrance to the port, on the extremity of the western jetty. Havre has 2 roadsteads. The great or outer road is about a league from the port, and rather more than ^ league W. S. W. from Cape de la Heve ; the little or inner road is about 4 league from the port, and about 4 of a mile S. S. E. from Cape de la Heve. They are separated by the sand bank called Leclat ; between which and the bank called Les Hauls de la Rode is the west passage to the port. ■ The Hoc, or southern passage, lies between the last mentioned bank and that of Amtar. In the great road there is from 6 to 7^ fathoms water at ebb ; and in the little, from 3 to 3g;. Large ships always lie in the former. The rise of the tide is from 22 to 27 feet ; and by taking advantage of it, the largest class of merchantmen enter the port. The water in the harbour does not begin perceptibly to subside till about 3 hours after high water, — a peculiarity ascribed to the current down the Seine, across the entrance to the harbour, being suf- ficiently powerful to dam up for a while the water in the latter. Large fleets, taking advantage of this circumstance, are able to leave the port in a single tide, and get to sea, even though the wind should be unfavourable. — (See Plan of Havre, published by Mr. Laurie ; Annuaire du Commerce Maritime for 1S33, p. 211. ; Coulier sur les Phares, p. 59. &c.) Trade, Sjc. — Havre being, in fact, the principal sea-port of Paris, most of the colonial and other foreign products destined for the consumption of that city are imported into it. It has also a considerable trade of its own. The principal articles of export are silk and woollen stuffs, lace, gloves, trinkets, perf umery. Burgundy, Champagne, and ether wines, brandy, books, &c. Besides colonial products and spices, the imports principally consist of cotton, indigo, tobacco, hides, dye woods, iron, tin, dried fish, &c. Grain and flour are sometimes imported and sometimes exported. • Monies, IVeightSy and Measures same as those of the rest of France. — (See Bordeaux, and Weights AND Measures ) It is estimated that the entire value of the different articles imported into Havre, in 1829, amounted to 250,000,(,00 francs, or about 10,000.0()0Z. sterling. Of this sum, the cotton imported was estimated at 26,000,000 fr. ; the sugars of the French colonies at 44,000,000 fr. , and those of foreign countries at 8,000,000 fr. ; coffee' 14,000,000 fr. ; indigo 2,0()0,(j()0 fr. ; tobacco 4,000,000 fr., &c. The customs duties at Havre during the same year amounted to 23,876,535 fr., being nearly 11 per cent, upon the estimated value of the imports. There entered the i)ort, in the same year, 1,481 French and other ships, coming from foreign countries and the colonies of France, and 2,995 coasting vessels, including those navigating the river : 62 ships entered en rclache and in ballast. — {Bulletin des Sciences Geographiques, torn. xvi. p. 390. and torn, xxiii. p. 370.) Arrivals.— In 1833, there entered the port, 44 ships from Martinique, 78 from Guadaloupe, 213 from the United States, 30 troiiQ Brazil, 1 from Peru and Chili, 23 from Hayti, 6 from Mexico, 11 from Monte- Video and Buenos Ayres, 2 from Colombia, 10 from the Havannah and St. lago, 1 from St. Thomas, 2 from Cayenne, 3 from Senegal, 4 from the Isle de Bourbon and the Mauritius, 6 from the Fast Indies, 2 from China, and 1 1 from the whale fishery ; in all, 447. — {Annuaire du Commerce Maritime, torn. ii. p. 345.) The total arrivals at Havre in 1833 were — Foreign vessels Shins. 250 l.'iO 2,521 14 495 3,410 Tonnage. 44,y.?4 .32,721 159 ,(.93 4,940 125,029 36(;,717 Crews. 2,535 l,fi43 0,.52.S 424 In respect to the imports of cotton, Havre is to the other French ports, what Liverpool is to the other ports of England. We subjoin an HAVRE. 635 Account of the Imports of Cotton into France in 1833 and 1834, with the Stocks on Hand, &c., specifying in detail the Imports and Stocks of Havre and Marseilles. Stock, 1st Jan. Havre Marseilles Oilier Ports mports. Havre Marseilles Other Forts Sold. Havre Marseilles Other Ports 1833. 1834. United States. Brazil. Egypt. Other Sorts. Total in dWerent United States. Uracil. Egypt. 0»h« Total In Bales. 16,-270 1,150 Bales. 649 Bales. '750 Bales. 181 1,300 850 Bales. 17,000 3,'^00 1,800 Balis. 29,832 3,911 1,400 Bales. 3,310 350 100 Bales. 6,632 Bates. 828 4,107 1,500 Bales. 34,(K)0 15,000 3,000 18,370 549 750" 2,331 22,000 35,143 3,790 6 632 6,435 52,000 201,447 51,251 23,974 181,611 21,470 14,239 22,410 2,127 726 37^280 6,283 16,012 4,285 210,301 76,889 19,250 184,057 19,667 18,074 14,258 2,822 792 20^243 3,134 11,519 5,108 217^20 25,263 37,2.S0 26,580 306,443 221,798 17,872 20,243 19,761 276,674 168,019 1S,709 13,789 19,619 1,777 626 SljsDS 5,636 13,205 3,635 193,301 65,089 18,050 194,180 23,078 18,874 15,598 3,172 742 23,375 3,662 13,626 5,358 213,440 63,251 24,974 200,547 22,022 31,398 22,476 276,143 ' 236,132 1 19,512 23,375 22,646 301,665 Stock, 1st Jan. 1835. Havre Marseilles Other Ports • United States. Bales. 19,700 500 600 Bales. 2,000 Egypt. Bales. ' 3,500 Bales. 300 2,000 1,250 Bales. 30,000 According to the American official accounts, there were shipped for France, during the year ended 30th of September, 1833, 76,832,449 lbs. of cotton, valued at 8,845,359 dollars. The exports " " " valued at 26,254,970 dollars ! _ {Pape England during the same year were 238,241,740 lbs., I laid before Congress, 22d of April, 1831.) For the quantities of sugar and coffee imported into Havre in the j'ears 1829, 1830, 1831, and 1832, see post. We avail ourselves of this opportunity to lay before our readers the following official statements as to the Foreign Trade and Navigation of France for 1833. Summary Statement of the Commerce of France, during the Year 1833. Imports. Merchandise imported. (General Commerce.) Merchandise entered for Consumption. (Special Commerce.) Ex- ports. French Merchandise. (General Commerce.) French Merchandise. (Special Commerce.) By Sea. By Land. Total. Value. Duty received. By Sea. By Land. Total. Value. Duty received. Mat. for manuf. For cons. Haw - VVrought Total Francs. .'?03,280,562 1.-6,021,198 27,815,419 Francs. 136,347,233 14,575,987 75,235,353 Francs. 439,627,795 150,597,185 103,050,772 Francs. 344,524,041 111,914,600 54,698,830 Francs. 41,851,677 53,626,584 6,178,555 Kaw Man. Total Francs. 205,328,084 345,080,475 Francs. 58,501,568 157,406,185 Francs. 263,829,652 502,486,660 Francs. 154,65.3,027 404,772,027 Francs. 828,877 427,502 467,117,179 226,158,573 693,275,752 491,137,471 101,656,816 550,408,559 215,907,753 766,316,312 559,425,054 1,256,379 IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. NAVIGATION. French Foreign Ships. Ton- nage. No. Tons. 3,561 358,157 5,115 622,735 Merchandise imported. (General Commerce.) Franci. 1 Francs. 64,095,215 214,058,139 - 1 188,963,825 8,676 980,892 64,095,215 403,021,964 Francs. 278,153,354 188,963,825 French Foreign Ships. Ton- nage. Tons. 318,840 4,580 464,028 French and Foreign Merchandise. (General Commerce.) Francs. Francs. Francs. 42,629,864 197,318,494 239,948,358 - 310,160,201,310,460,201 42,629,864 507,778,695 550,408,559 WAREHOUSE TRADE. Value of merchandise : — In warehouse on the 31st of December, 1832 Entered during the year 1833 Withdrawn from warehouse during the year 1833 By importation - - By change of warehouse For consumption [ For re-exportation - d^^'f^ft By change of warehouse Francs. 405,295,487 10.:^ 24,( ,295,487 ) .901,069 V ,042,571 i 76,812,9,547" 67,740,708 (. 47,152,549 f 32,827,582 J 537,493,704 424,533,593 In warehouse on the 31st of December, 18,33 - 112,960,111 TRANSIT TRADE. BOUNTIES, COIN, &c. Exports. Value of Articles, which, passing through France in transitu, have been despatched in 1833. Bounties:— Francs. Value ofexports, with bounty - - - 99,260,916 Received for bounties - - - - 18,485,634 Coin and bullion : — The trade in coin and bullion is not taken into account in the above statement of imports and exports. _ j Value of imports and exports of coin and bullion {^T^^ 1 ^99,'945;i3i Seizures :- Amount of seizures on importation - - 1,171,560 By French Ships. By Foreign Ships. By Land. Total. Rawprod. ,Manufac. 1 Totals Francs. 25,662,961 9,762,189 Francs. 1,011,950 27,236,083 Francs. 20,.358,112 23,839,760 Francs. 47,0,33,023 60,858, 03V 35,425, LM) 28,248,053' 44,197,872 107,871,055 636 ft) HAVRE. •a 31 Id -a 0 3 -a =1 0 g ''i ^i'i'^ «'> ^J-^" O^t^ r^r- S S S C «( .H s 1 CO 1 i .Ceo" :I5§ § 5 2; S °""2 2; ^, ~ ^- S •-'S •'"""^ i-^ioo^ -^x'cnio tot^o s to "•oocoaai ll > 2 s s 5 s 2 g 0 2 s 5 s ^ s g §! a s .I OIl-rH CO — CO CM /ills he Mod H Pi Francs. 9,080,062 61,766,458 1,685,084 314,540 4 32,98 1 9,682',222; 9,877,280, 24,158,264 18,280,523 2,031,190 7,001,813 1,546,300 11,791,819 12,759,502 2,579,892 4,242,704 7,703,138 8,637,300 7,772,077 1,657,867 25,886,819 73,064,170 12,890,734 4,088,811 336,148,239 11,705,0841 99,532,439 N lO O o to •o ice in 1833. specifying t orts. — {Administration 0 1 1 oo . "O Tf XIO S to 00 00 » Oi .^ to to i c 1833. \ exported reon, and ( 0 a. 0 S 71V65 572,755 322,713 116,134 172,707 753,450 954,029 448,572 161,702 225,171 571,170 889,466 258,953 346,664 341,269 041,248 64ii,434 088,145 160,870 89,638 20,935 271,192 345,672 419,596 096,312 67,374 538,880 1 T \ M > c« CTi o cn CO fti-To? ^.onT CO lotOTJi-T to 5,27o;830 19,650,622 70.011,211 40,459,696 1,607,258 24,173,218 3,752,512 67,566,854 2,353,672 1.801,053 14,278,688 3.V>00,484 5,101,156 19,004,667 699,510 63,613 664,402 937,301 9,966,795 19,811,003 818,085 13,378,013 ^ es 2 fa s i gtOCJl^'.^JJ 0 Francs. 1 9,763,270 155,419,462! 14,055,7951 2,178,885 3,294,392 10,658,746 22,525,246 95,156,200 50,587,403 3,479,489 27,516,608 4,995.980 83,436,165 5,282,544 2,054,740 14,750,718 37,006,225 6,389,527 33,611,249 746,015 1,155,688 2,641,988 1,540,018 10,503,246 75,560,741 957,400 22,428,014 t^ lOC^ (N . (N CT! » O s S AND •n) im] in, witi f o o H 1 io S'-S 0 CM •d .CiCNtOTfO-<0'*-*T)-to.occ-— 'looaTTj'.otoco — o-ootoyj i- 1 m| •-I -a to 0 ''o g i p. c >^ Francs. 9,388,1 97,389,4 1,416,5 '290:5 1,107,3 3,916,6 802,4 403,3 8,882,9 2,0 830,3 930,5 1,461,9 11,722,1 5,512,3 229,9 86,4 421,5 l,08i;o 5,058,4 57,810,5 426,7 15,402,0 < H a (A s u O w tu 3 • > .S 5 0 s •= i 0 la CO tO-H 0 to t^^tO <)0^ t^<£ OJ 0 '.Ti'C 10 M ^ t-O t^cN tO^ 1 »r c, — , t^^ c: oi o >' 1^-^ CO i-o ^ o ^ c^-' to o c wOi-c:^-*0'-lc2'*tO'Oto-.CTrtotoio_y:_^cc ex ft C~. ^ to w t^ 3^ O CD CO cr- 1-^ *0 or? :>C r- CO w CO '3' CO to ,^1* I'- cc to to "irJeJTf to I. Su.mm; elusive of ered for H( o^3^t to — to t^ c ^ cTtO CC rc"l-rtO |C CN CN t<3 -H -H i-ToT to ry —•-(—. to i-H OC ■ $ 3 o 2 cDcNcnej) .l^kOCOCC ^ CO C to O) >-. 11 CNtOIOCJ — tOIOOOTJI^-WJ^OOClO-. OOCli.OCCl^l^S^'-iTrcO t O I-l 00 05 to •O- CN lO 02 O) 1 - — GC CO >0 O CO CI CC C Ti- OC ^ 1^ CO ..- to OtOJJCN =^3^!; 1 1$ of Good; jorted Good . ' . ' 1 ' . ' u ' ' ' ' i' ' , ' . .s '1 ' ' 1 1 . a , S ' • « H c E 1 S? tOiOC o •*! ^ CO O g m nt Descriptioi ilue of the imj g to 00 to ifl-*O00 •;t^titoto CNS^tO'-' Account of the Value of tha differe imported and exported j the Va 0 C _o p. 1 0 Live animals Products and parts of animals Fish - ... Animal substances belonging to medicine ai Hard substances fit for cuttiiig, &c. (ivory, ( Farinaceous articles Fruits .... Colonial products Vegetable juices (gums, &c.) Vegetable matters suitable for medicine Common wood Fine wood Fruits, stalks, and filaments, as cotton, flax Stuffs for tanning Various leguminous products Stones andi minerals Metals Chemical products Prepared dye stuffs (indigo, cochineal, &c.) Colours - . . Different compounds (perfumery, soap, coir Wove goods and felt Paper Various prepared substances Total ^ «- 5! 5! !r> |Ml &; c h 1 638 HAVRE. OOOCO OOOOOrCt^COOOOO OOCCCNO OOOOOOC f^OOO :noo CCl-.CiC5>-. C^ti=(?J^U=.- I^«53^__00 r);^<0«5 to to -o-'oot-T cc -^(O too oi't-rtotCTi<"cri'r-* '-to'ooio loioocx:— i>NtoocN->j0 !N >o Qtl •VJ'l-ltOO Oll-lt- rlOOO (N T1 l-HrH 1-1 ^tO »-H CI C^tO ^^iOtNOOTj-rHX^Ot-* M r-1 »0 f C>HO ©I 3>1 ■* r5i3)OOTjiK5oOO0'0(NOOt<50)CiO-*000-HlO>.'5-*K5rtO>«'r;U5'-noiO>r5i3)OOTji .oOO^tDi^i-Hi^'Ocrj-^wootO'^t^^totO'oeou^jw^t^c^^w^'i^OOi^O Jt-To (Of-*o t-ToocN T« o?oo-* -r-^T^^rto tor-rco=^c^>o t-^'^ :ciooo'r5T»'rt-acoo-ot^tO')'(o«5- - 3 iJKNtOvOtC t^aitoccrj" tcracCOJ 01T)<-*rt i^M-Ht)- t^rH — (N0JO> SCNoerfOtO-r (J n cn oi ttOOl-OoO 00 •no oi cToc -ai'o c~^' I ?i - t^t^oO-*— lOO . I- 5 O « 3? I^-^OCCNO'I^ ;-*i^iOOOt)'0>CNt)'vOO^so,-i,-(0 ^ooa)a)-^a?co^:rCiiOoc^t^co3^'-i0 to t<3 to Tj^o>_>C^ai^t-;,tO to 00 to K> ■* =C C5 >-^>0 — >0 tO_i-H^C^CC to to ico)ooooto ".-Hto«;i<^to t^'wtotN^ -a-s^tootocctcm ^ O) o o> Ol o c o ^ 00 ^ '-''O CN 00 to* to irT 00 oTo (3^00 ffTto tdo 00 to 00 o 00 tN hS" to • g to loto o i^-* O) »o ootNoi ^ "^*to F-o to-*< tr o >o t^c to too i-«oo)o>oix'OrH-*r^i^(Ntoooo-<o:T>o <^aoa>m^ ,ootoc2 i-^^toi-^t-^O ootp i-05_oi^cnOT(0»o to toii «— oo<) iitjo 00 wto to ^oto iCc^-r^'to tcto i-ToTo 00 eoOtN'i-to' et-xrptoi^^ooroiOo '^cno-^i^»-OTi-t-^CCi^>OC^Oc^i ^o^ait>- ^•cT irf •^oox o^-H rfc^ lot-Too to to r-r^jT-|^ to to '^i;"' to (n > J2 to IM O Ol ifl 5^ C roct^oTocTi-'t CM O 1^ to 00 O to too <35t?c>'lotCoo''c oi" oe^*oj^togo aTwooaoTfto-TsJ' OtOt^-Nifl^OiOO— itOt^— lOOO-OtOCN(NtO 'OOtOtOt^cMOJ-^tO^OO't^'Ot^r-l •wt^'OOooo^'-ot^i^O'-itoi^tNtj-.-itotDOJ^toooooiai.-toi^iooe'rsa) totDoototDociootDt03^t-iOiO>o 5 t-^t-roo-^-I'to -o Tp-ToJ i-^-o to o!r>oort-Tt-T5^ sToT-^t-^o ■o"'Offr'ioe— "r-T'O o? to ni" '-"eT?? .-h''0'* too ?i ef^J^t^CTlTfO to---* tCOltJI-*'* to T!"tJl-* — ^r^tOO'0' 1 77 1 1 - 1 66 Sea Island - - .30. 5 50 00.00 Pemambuco . - 1 ."0 . 1 95 1 19 - 1 84 Bahia - . . 1 30 - 1 85 1 19 - 1 74 Maranham • . .00-00 none St. Domingo - - 1 35 . 1 45 1 24 . 1 34 Paita - - . 1 .-^S - 1 45 0 0 . Q O Surat and Bengal . - 0 SO - 0 90 0 0 - 0 0 Duty on nett weight : on long or short staple, by French ves- sels from the French colonies, 2| ct. ; from European ports. 640 HAVRE. 0 0 to 0 0 fi5 0 0 - 0 0 Duty paid. In Bond. Fr. ct. Fr. ct. Fr. ct. Fr. ct. (Turkey excepted), 16.\ct. ; from the Kast Indies, 5.Jct.; from other countries, 11 ct. By foreign vessels (except from Turkey), 19 ^ct. By French vessels from Turkey, 8^ ct. ; by foreign vessels from Turkey, 13 £ ct. — (See exceptions at Note A., ■ Custom-house tare: 6 per cent, on bales of 50kil. and above, and 8 per cent, on bales under 50 kil. Commercial tare: on United States' cottons, 6 percent, cords oft"; on Brazil cottons, 4 per cent. ; on St. Domingo, in bales, 6 per cent. ; on Cumana and Caraccas, 7 kil. per seron above 40 kil. ; and 6 kil. per seron of 40 kil. and under. Draft : 2 kil. on Sea Island and Bengal ; 3 kil. on all other descriptions in bales exceeding 50 kil. ; and 1^ kil. upon bales under 50 kil. Elephants' teeth, per J kil - 3 50 to 8 0 none Duty on nett weight: whole or in pieces of more than 1 kil. by French vessels from Senegal, 13| ct. ; from other Afri- can settlements, 22 ct. ; from the East Indies, 19^ ct. ; from elsewhere, 30 ^ ct. 'By foreign vessels from any port whatever, .38.^ ct. Pieces of 1 kil. and under, double the above duties — (See exceptions at Note A.) Commercial and Custom-house tare: real. Gums, Senegal, per i kil. - 1 2.0 to 0 0 1 20 to 0 0 E. India copal, scraiied - 2 0- 2 5 00-00 copal, soft, not scraped - 0 50 - 0 55 0 0 - 0 0 shellac, orange - - 1 92 - 1 95 nominal do. garnet - - - 1 60 - 1 82 nominal do. liver - - . 1 45 - 1 55 nominal Duty on Senegal, gross weight : by French vessels from Senegal, 5J ct. ; froni Eurojiean ports, 13^ cl. ; from elsej •where, 11 ct. By foreign vessels from any port whatever, \6 \ ct. — (See exceptions at Note A.) Commercirtl tare : on casks, real ; on b::gs, 2 per cent. Duty on copal, nett weight : by French vessels from the East Indies, 27i ct. ; from Euroi>ean ports, 55 ct. ; from elsewhere, 494 ct. By foreign vessels from any port what- ever, 6S| ct. — (See exce Commercial tare : rea Duty on shellac, nett weight : by French vessels from the East Ind es, 77/100 ct. ; from elsewhere, 2 1/5 ct. By foreign vessc Is from any port whatever, 327/200 et — (See exceptions at Note A.) Commercial tare : real. Hops, American - -00 to 00 00 none Duty on nett weight: by French vessi Is from any port what- ever, 33 fr. per 50 kil. By foreign vessels, 56 fr. 2ii ct. — (See exceptions at Note A.) Commercial tare : on bales, 2 per cent. Hides, per J kil. lluenos Avres - - 0 7G to 0 90 Peniambuco and Bahia, 1 n a-t n salted - . u 47 . U Rio .Janeiro - . 0 70 • 0 84 0 0 - 0 0 Carlhagena and Caraccas 0 55 - 0 CO 0 0 - 0 o South American hor^elgQ q - 65 0 0 0 - 0 0 hide.s, per 50 - -J Duty on gross weight: by Fr.ench vessels from European ports, 5', ct. ; from eUewhere, 2^ ct. By foreign vessels from any port whatever, ct (See exceptions at iN'nte A.) Five bull hides are admitted among 100 hides without allowance, and 1 kil. is allowed for every bull hide above that number to the extent of 12; when more than 12 the allow- ance is conditional. Horse hair, per \ kil. Buenos Ayres, sliort - 1 5 to 1 10 none from mixed to long . 1 15 - 1 75 none Duty on gross weight: bv French and foreign ve.ssels, 1 3/Sct. — (.See exceptions at Note A.) Commercial tare ; real. Indigo, per ^ kil. Bengal - - ,- 0 0 to 0 0 0 0 to 0 0 *Tue"! '''°'!' ^"'^J 11 50 - 11 75 0 0 - 0 0 do. violet and purple - 10 50 - 10 75 0 0 - 0 0 tine violet and do. - lO 0 - 10 25 0 0 - 0 0 good and middl. violet 9 25 - 9 75 0 0 - 0 0 do. red do. - - 9 75 - 10 0 0 0 - 0 0 superfine red - . 10 0 - 10 25 0 0 - 0 0 good do. - - - 9 25 - 9 50 0 0 - 0 0 ordin. to fine copper - 7 £0 -90 00-00 Egyptian - - - 6 0 - 80 00-00 Madras, ordin. to fine - 5 50 - 7 50 none Manilla, do. - - - 50-80 00-00 Guatemala, flores - - 7 75 - 80 00-00 sobre saliente - - 7 25 - 7 50 0 0 - 0 0 cortes - - - 6 50 - 7 25 0 0 - 0 0 Caraccas • - . 6 0 - 8 25 none Duty on nett weight ; by French vessels from all places of growth out of Europe, 27^ ct. ; from European ports, 1 fr. 65 ct.; from elsewhere, llOct. By fnrti^n v( ssels from anv port whatever, 2 fr. 20 ct. — (See exceptions at Note A ) Custom-house tare: on chests, cisks, and si ions, real, or at the option of the importer, 12 per ceni . on eliests or cask.s, and 9 per cent, on serons. Commercial tare : on casks or chests, real ; on seron.<; of 100 to 110 kil., 11 kil.; on do. of 85 to 99 kil., 10 kil.; on do. of 70 to 81 kil., 9 kil. ; on do. of 50 to 69 kil., 7 kil. Allowance: 1 kil. per chest. Lac dye, per .1 kil. - 2 0 to 5 40 « 0 to 0 0 Duly on nett weight: by French vessels from the E'st Indies, 27\ct.; from elsewhere, 41^ ct. By foreign vess< Is from any port whatever, 55 ct. — (See exceptions at Note A.) Commercial and custom-house tare : real. Lead, (jerman, per 50 kil. - .35 50 to .35 87 nominal Spanish and British - 35 50 - 35 87 nominal Dutv on gross weight: by French vessels from any j ort ■whatever, 2 fr. 75 ct. By foreign vessels, 3fr. 85 ct. — (See exceptions at Note A.) l't-i)per, light, per i kil. - 0 79 to 0 80 0 0 to 0 0 Duty on nett weight: by Frencli vessels from the Ea.st In- dies, and from countries west of Cajic Horn, 22 ct. ; from else- where, 41 ct. By foreign vessjris from any port whatever, t '2 ct — (See exceptions at Note A .) CUflom-hoiise tare : on bags, 3 per cent. Commercial tare : on sin^jfc bi'K" > 2 per c ent, Duty paid. In Bond. Fr. ct. Fr. ct. Fr. ct. Fr. ct Pimento, per J kil. Jamaica - . . French vessel 0 50 to 0 r Tobago ... none 0 0 - 0 C Duty : by French vessels from the East Indies and from countries west of Cape Horn, 24| ct. ; from elsewhere, 49^ cl. By foreign vessels, fiSJ ct. Tares : as for pepper. Quercitron, per 50 kil. Philadelphia - - 16 0 to 16 12 0 0 to 0 0 New Vork - - - 14 75 - 15 0 0 0 - 0 0 Duty on gross weight: by French vessels from Eurojiean ports, 3 fr. 85 ct. ; from other countries, 2 fr. 20 rt. By foreign vessels from any port whatever, 4fr. 95 ct (See exceptions at Note A.) Commercial tare : 12 per -ent. Quicksilver, per ^ kil. - 4 30 to 4 40 nominal Duty on gross weight: by French vessels from any port whatever, 11 ct. By foreign vessels, 12 1/10 ct. — (See excep- tions at Note A.) Commercial tare : real. ^'"'O kiU 'l^^' 1*^"} 23 50 to 26 0 0 0 to 0 „ Duty on gross weight : by French vessels from places of growth out of Eurojie, 1 fr. 374 ct.; by do. from places of growth in Europe, 2fr. 20 ct. ; by do. from European ports, or from Piedmont by land, 3 fr. 30 ct. By foreign vessels from any port whatever, or by land from any country whatever. Piedmont excepted, 4fr. 25 cU — (See exceptions at Note A.) Commercial tare : 12 per cent. Saltpetre, crude, per 50 kil. nominal 41 0 to 41 50 Nitrate of soda - - 00 - 0 0 24 0 - 00 Duty on nett weight : by French vessels from countries out of Europe, 8 fr. 25 ct. ; from elsewhere, 11 fr. By foreign vessels from any port whatever, 13 fr. 75 et. Nitr.-ile of soda by French vessels from countrie'S out of Europe, 8 fr. 25 ct. ; from elsewhere, 1 1 fr. By foreign vessels, 13 fr. 75 ct. Custom-house tare : 2 per cent. Commercial tare : 6 kil. per double bale of the customary form. Sarsaparilla, per ^ kil. Caraccas ... nominal 1 25 to 1 50 Mexico . - - 0 0 - .0 0 0 95 - 1 0 Honduras ... nominal 1 25 - 1 50 Duty on nett weight : by French vessels .from European ports, 55 ct. ; from elsewhere, 41J ct. By foieigii vessels from any port whatever, 68 | ct. — (See exceptions at Note A.) Custom-house tare : on bales, 2 per cent. Commercial tare : on bales, according to broker's estiraa. tion ; on naked bundles, the cords are deducted. Skins, deer, each - . 1 7.') to 6 0 0 0 to 0 0 Duty per 50 kil. on gross weight : by French vessels from any port whatever, 65 ct. By foreign vesi^e s, 60 ct — (See exceptions at Note A.) Spelter, per 50 kil. - - 28 50 to 29 50 none Duty on gross we'ght : 5 .J ct. per 50 kil. without distinc. tion of flag or derivation. Sugar, per 50 kil. Martinique and Guad. . bonne 4e 39 25 to 39 0 Havaiinah, white . - none 50 0 - 53 0 yellow - . . none 0 0-00 St. Jago, white - . none 0 0 - 66 0 brown to vellow . - none 0 0 - 45 0 Brazil, white - . 0 0 - 0 0 42 0 - 44 0 brown to yellow - - 0 0 - 0 0 20 50 - » 0 Benares ... nom. by Fr. ves. 38 0 .45 0 Manilla . - - nom. by Fr. ves. 38 0 - 45 0 Duty on nett weight: raw sugars not white, by French vessels from the East Indies, 44 fr. ; from European ports, 62 fr. 25 ct. ; from elsewhere, 46 fr. 75 ct. By foreign vess; Is, 35 fr. Kaw !Ugars, white or clayed, without distinction of quality or mode of f^ibrication, by French vessels from the Eiist indies, 49 fr. 50 ct.; from European ports, 57 fr. 75 ct.; from elsewhere, 52fr. 25ct. By foreign vessels, 66fr.— (See exceptions at Note A.) Custom-house tare : on chests, 12 per cent. • on single bags, 2 per eeiit. ; on double bags, 4 per cent. Commercial tare: Havknnah and St. Jago, chests, 13 per cent; Brazil, 17 per cent.; on bt that of the fisheries, direct from the Unitee), when importe.) Bayonne Bordeaux - Other ports Bochelle - Nantes Other ports L'Orient - Brest - Saint Malo Cherbourg - Rouen Havre Other ports Abbeville - Boulogne - Dunkirk - Digne - - Toulon Marseilles - Other ports Montpellier Perpignan - Bfistia Totals Navigation carried on jointly with the Foreigner. French Ships. SAip, 13 159 15 125 245 112 250 12 16 405 145 40 82 1,006 16 171 91 166 Tonn 635 30,113 71 123 12,990 282 231 877 4,983 7,316 10,235 44,934 1,237 1,113 5,947 93,975 721 11,277 2,730 3,736 Crem. 72 1,974 7 10 858 1,138 783 2,535: 2, 1,079 163 530 7, 83 1,083 427 1,071 Foreign Ships. Carrying the Flag of the Countries whence they 113 205 2 102 90 4 27 53 115 172 97 470 126 181 1,044 144 11 31 1,135 3 167 26 76 Tonn. 3,596 34,450 94 280 21,059 14,778 316 3,G95 8,554 9,167 19,210 6,984 121,360 21,049 24,394 68,016 12,165 198 3,083 13 135,309 399 1091 4 9,2051 14 922 - 1,914 7 Other Flags Tonn 1,460 14,329 672 5,618 601 154 966 3,660 260 295 600 6,709 999 64,225 130 1,876 3,175 262,109:22,856 4,394 519,820 721 102,915 Navigation reserved to French Ships. Colonial Trade. Tonn 17,08f 32,721 176 4,959 24,691 Crew 1,005 1,645 14 14 10 5 Cod and Whale Fishery. Tonn 487 4,545 7,469 5,983 4,940 1,716 .384 516 5,081 11,055 1,516 Coasting Trade. Ship 295 2,472 2,562 12,140 2,668 7,136 8,010 11,061 3,668 3,019 2,525 2,521 2,147 1,638 236 9S0 651 1,914 4,127 3,296 1,332 1,177 2,548 Tonnage 15,68: 134,189 64,691 376,726 105,465 138,303 186,738 147,594 114,425 102,985 146,696 159,095 62,611 67,828 10,801 57,543 19,715 84,551 237,906 145,740 78,225 39,486 56,653 i 5,224 581 48,695' 8,055 78,123 2,523,652 308,478 | Crew. 1,580 13,949 8,36 44,556 9,542 20,664 30,144 36,487 15,781 13,057 13,261 9,328 7,409 6,406 1,113 6,191 2,9371 9,5631 19,2291 15,333 7,595 5,fi73! 13,519 Ports. Bayonne Bordeaux Other ports Rochelle Nantes Other ports L'Orient Brest Saint Malo Ships. 442 3,032 2,565 12,284 2,955 7,146 8,043 11,129 3,969 Tonnage. 21,866 234,712 56,042 402,465 155,725 138,980 191,052 157,025 137,225 Ports. Cherbourg Rouen Havre Other porta Abbeville Boulogne Dunkirk Digne Ships. Tonnage. 3,479 135,648 2,746 164,881 3,410 366,717 2,301 86,873 1,844 94,067 1,695 97,076 1,459 96,807 702 21,026 Ports. Toulon Marseilles Other ports Montpellier Perpignan Ships. Tonnage. 2,040 94,680 6,831 567,161 3,319 146,700 1,694 102,099 1,294 43,138 2,797 42,554 87,180 3,553,219 (For Table II, see next page.") Irade between France and England Nothing can more strikingly illustrate the miserable effects of commercial restrictions, than the present state of the trade between Great Britain and France. Here we have two countries of vast wealth and population, near neighbours, and each possessing many important articles that the other wants, and yet the intercourse between them is inconsiderable. At a distant period this was not the case. Previously to the accession of William III., the import of wine only from France amounted to about 1 3,500 tuns a year, our imports of brandy and other articles being proportionally large. But Louis XIV. having espoused the cause of the exiled family of Stuart, the British government, not recollecting that the blow they aimed at the French would also smite their own subjects, imposed, in 1693, a discritm}iatinff duty of 8/. a tun on French wine, and in 1697 raised it to no less than 33/. a tun! It is probable that this excess of duty would have been repealed as soon as the peculiar cir- cumstances in which it originated had disappeared, had not the stipulations in the fimous commercial treaty with Portugal, negotiated by Mr. Methuen, in 1703, given it per- manence. But, according to this treaty, we bound ourselves for the future to charge one third higher duties on the wines of France imported into England, than on those cf Portugal; the Portuguese, by way of compensation, binding themselves to admit our 2 T 642 HAVRE. II. Account showing the total Number of Ships, with their Tonnage and Crews, entered inwards in the different Ports of France in 1833, specifying the Countries whence they came, and distinguishing between French and Foreign Ships. — {Administration des Douanes for 1833, p. 398.) Ships entered. Foreian. Conntries. French. Carrying the Flags of the Country whence they came. Other Flags. alitps. „, . J. OTiTUxeet Tonnage. Crew. Russia finn 541 137 23,611 1,228 14 oweuen - • • . ;~ 1,577 I 280 69 r'nci 101 967 5,234 20 2,980 161 96 Penmark 2*665 193 ^9 1 ,403 ■^97 91 rf 46 5,364 312 H^iseatic Towns -•t _ ^iL VI 21 2,490 148 HoiUincl . . , • Ifi 74 7 dlQ 11 in 60 5,798 555 Be'yium - . • - 11 1 fi-'i 11 1,217 71 Knf^laiid (Oibrnltar, IVfaltaj &c.) Portugal (Madeira, CapeV erde Islands, Azores] Q91 1 IQ 9fin 13,293 12 2,489 116 65 _ 70 7 768 65 Spain (the Canaries) 516 17,771 57 9,084 590 Austria - - - __ Tli fin ?q'^9c 1119 o'qyif 17 3,510 215 Sardinia • ■ ~ qn^ 41 5 if ^7K 1,637 205 Two Sicilies - ~ 1071') I'niii 171 9 9ns 15 1,881 lU Tuscany, Koinan States, Lucca (ireece, and its islands in the Archipelago 13U R78 Ofi 9n^ 127 12,682 1,189 »1 9r 409 2 364 28 Turkey, and its islands in the Archipelago r<) Q nd9 197 9 26 5,758 340 Egypt - ... " 12 Algiers Other states or xiarDary 7 1 Q OQS I 22 4 8'0 272 lid \ 1 1 Q^^ 64 9*148 627 Other territories in Africa India, ICnglish possessions Oi s n 1 Q dfin * ■ * 3 824 41 Dutch do. " A ins 61 Fren(;h do. * ■ '970 62 'nv,.!- • - * 767 37 Cocnin tviiina, f nilippines, occ. 35 95,248 4,102 United States 59 15,615 759 298 2 594 24 Hayti - - • - 41 8,648 496 Knglish possessions in America 4 1,641 67 Spanish do. ... 48 11 3 321 32 10 2,006 113 Danish do. - - - 6 1 ms Q Vio 71 ,1 r 1 250 12 1 256 11 Brazil - ... 43 1 250 16 11 2,385 122 Mexico - - 17 3 709 234 4 865 37 Colombia - - - - 15 3'062 179 1 204 10 Peru (Lower Peru) 2 409 31 Chili - - - - - 6 1,542 Hio de la Plata, Monte Video, Buenos Ajres 22 4,389 261 1 197 11 Martinique - ... 114 28,523 1,505 Guadaloupe - - - 159 39,165 2,017 Cayenne ... 23 4,485 289 Senegal - ... 20 2,139 180 Bourbon ... 70 21,736 1,233 Total of French ships 3,561 358,157 28,080 Fishery, cod - - - - 369 43,938 7,629 whale ... 12 4,757 406 Coasting trade, in the same sea 56,C0.S 1,937,512 239,863 from one sea to the other 1,363 189,767 11,314 interior navigation 20,152 396,353 57,301 Totals 82,065 2,930,484 344,593 4,394 519,820 38,811 721 102,915 6,554 woollens into their markets in preference to those of other countries, at a fixed and invariable rate of duty. Though very generally regarded, at the time, as the highest effort of diplomatic skill and address, the Methuen treaty was, undoubtedly, founded on the narrowest and most contracted views of national interest ; and has, in consequence, proved, in no common degree, injurious to both parties, but especially to England. By binding ourselves to receive Portuguese wines for two thirds of the duty payable on those of France, we, in effect, gave the Portuguese growers a monopoly of the British market ; at the same time that we excluded one of the principal equivalents the French had to offer for our commodities, and provoked them to retaliate. This, indeed, was no difficult task. — Unhappily, they were but too ready to embark in that course of vindictive policy of which we set them the example ; so that prohibitions on the one side boing immediately followed by counter-prohibitions on the other, the trade between the two countries was nearly annihilated ! But the indirect were still more injurious than the direct conse- quences of this wretched policy. It inspired both parties with feelings of jealousy and dislike, and kept them in the frowning attitude of mutual defiance. Each envied the other's prosperity ; and being disposed to take fire at even fancied encroachments, the most frivolous pretexts were sufficient to engage them in contests that have filled the whole world with bloodshed and confusion. But had things been left to their natural course, — had an vinfettered commercial intercourse been allowed to grow up between the two countries, — the one would have formed so near, so vast, and so profitable a market for the produce of the other, that they could not have remained long at war without oc- casioning the most extensively ruinous distress, — distress which no government would be willing to inflict on its subjects, and to which, though the government were willing, it is most probable no people would be disposed to submit. A free trade between England and France would give these two great nations one common interest. It would occasion not only a vast increase of the industry, and of the comforts and enjoyments, of the HAVRE. people of both countries, but would be the best attainable security against future hostilities. *' Ve know," said Mr. Villiers, in his very able and instructive speech (15th of June, 1830), " that British enterprise will fetch the extremest points on earth in the business of exchange; but here are the shores of France nearer to England than those of Ireland itself — nay, Bordeaux is commercially nearer to London than it is to Paris; and, but for the lamentable perversion of the gifts and dispositions of nature, and of the ingenuity of man — the highways of commerce between these countries — the seas which surround Great Britain and Ireland, and wash the shores of France, should literally swarm with vessels, engaged, not only in the interchange of material products, but in diffusing knowledge and stimulating improvement j in creating every where new neighbourhoods ; in consolidating international dependence ; in short, in drawing daily more close the bonds of international peace and confidence, and thus advancing, while they also served to confirm and secure, the peace, the civilisation, and the happiness of Europe." * The commercial treaty which Mr. Pitt negotiated with France in 1786, was the first attempt to introduce a better system into the trade between the two countries ; and it is one of the few treaties of this description that have been bottomed on fair and liberal principles. But the Revolution in France, and the lengthened and bloody wars by which it was followed, totally suppressed that mutually beneficial intercourse which had begun to grow up under Mr. Pitt's treaty ; and when peace was again restored, in 1815, the French government unwisely resolved to continue the system of Napoleon, and to exclude most sorts of foreign products for which a substitute could be found at home ! But the wide-spread distress that has resulted from this absurd policy, and the more general diflfusion of sounder notions as to the real sources of public wealth, will, it may be confidently predicted, at no distant period, induce the government of France to adopt a less illiberal and irrational system. — (See Bordeaux.) The equalisation of the wine duties in this country will accelerate this desirable result. It shows the French that we are no longer influenced by the prejudices in which the discriminating system originated ; and that we are ready to deal with them on the same fair and equal terms as with any one else. In this respect the measure is entitled to the highest praise ; and we have no doubt that it will be the harbinger of others of the same kind — of a reduction of the exorbitant duties on brandy, for example — both here and in France. The statesman who shall succeed in abolishing the restraints on the commerce of the two countries, will render the most essential service to them both ; and not to them only, but to all the world, the furthest parts of which have been harassed by their wars. It admits of de- monstration, that, under a free system, the trade with France would be incomparably more important and valuable than that with Russia, the United States, or any other country. And we trust, should another edition of this work be called for, that we shall have to congratulate the public on the opening of this " broad and deep " channel of employment. The following Tables, prepared expressly for this work, give a pretty complete view of the trade with France. Brandy, madder, silk manufactures, flax, wine, gloves, &c. are the principal articles of import ; for the raw and thrown silk comes, as already mentioned, almost wholly from Italy. Brass and copper manufactures are by far the most important of all the articles we send to France, at least through the regular channels. It will, pro- bably, surprise some of our readers to learn that, in 1832, the real or declared value of the silk goods manufactured in this country and exported to France amounted to no less than 75,187Z. ! This is an instructive commentary on the sinister auguries of those who predicted the ruin of our manufacture by French competition, in consequence of the subversion of the old monopoly system in 1825. The most important of the other articles of export are cottoiis, woollens, sheep's wool, hardware and cutlery, horses, tin, &c. A glance at the first of the following Tables will suflSciently explain the real causes of tlie depressed state of the French trade. The duty of 22s. 6d. a gallon on brandy is, probably, about the ne plus ultra of fiscal rapacity. The duties on wine, verdigris, gloves, Sec. are all very much beyond the mark. Till they be adequately reduced, the trade with France can never be any thing but inconsiderable, compared, at least, with what it ought to be. * We regret to have to add, that this was one of the last public appearances made by Mr. Villiers. He died in December, 1832, at the early age of 31. His death was a national loss that will not easily be re- paired. Few have ever entered upon public life with better dispositions, more enlarged and comprehensive views, or a more sincere desire to promote the happiness of their species. 2 T 2 HAVRE. . Account of the Imports into the United Kingdom from France, specifying the Quantity and Value of each Article, and the Amount of Customs Duty paid thereon, during the Year 1832 ; with the Customs Duty received on each Article. Species of Imports. Annotto Books ... Boots, shoes, and galoshes China and eartheuware Clocks Cotton manufactures of Europe ^ggs Flax Flowers, artificial Glass bottles, common Hals, straw Leather gloves Linen, cambrics Madder - - Madder root Needlework and embroidery Oysters Prunes Silk, raw thrown waste Silk manufactures, viz. : Silk or satin Gauze Crape - - Velvet Lace, millinery, &c. &c. Skins, goat, undressed kid, dressed lamb, tanned or dressed Spirits, brandy Toys Verdigris . . . Wine, French Wool, sheep's Woollen manufactures All other articles Jjenotninations* Quantities imported. Oihcial Value of the Imports. Amount of Cus- toms Duties received on each Article imported. IDS. _ . QA± \ 12 cwt. 5,042 fler'ired valup ;■ 8 ROT A'. -c0,5y3 20,59a 5,028 775 number 55 651 243 17*391 cwt. ' 3l',r,V2 55^558 '131 declared value L. 2,160 2,160 524 quarts _ 07 10J 1 ""I^' infi pieces fion 12,193 cwt. °4,()o3 8,006 246,059 2,321 aeciared value T 1 ■^'fi^Q Dusnels oy»46 6,121 IDS. 48,589 i>>,701 115 74 723 148 45S 40,909 z 48*171 184',254 63,737 — 15,510 33,346 12,201 7,790 20,824 8,635 declared value L. 53,702 63,702 16,522 number 20,29S 1,691 240 664,019 11,961 3,319 5,069 51 proof gallons 2,647,372 360,428 1,799,947 declared value L. 1,230 1,230 243 Ibs.^ 44,089 2,798 2,434 gallons 297,157 33,232 65,287 lbs. 1,973 49 33 declared value L. 61,749 61,749 9,34 i value 331,211 84,574 Total - L. 2,452,894 2,271,249 11. Account of the Exports of British and Irish Produce and Manufactures from the United Kingdom to France, specifying the Quantity and Value of each Article, during the Year 1832. 1 Official Value Declared A'alui Quantities 'exported. of British and of British and Species of Exports. Denominations. Irish Produce Irish Produce and Manufac- tures exported. and Manufac- tures exported. Apothecary wares - - . _ cwt. 1,023 L. 2,046 L. 8,225 Apparel .... value 55.^ 4,441 4,441 Beer and ale - .... tuns 277 975 Books, printed ... . . cwt. 243 973 5,518 Brass and copper manufactures 36,267 191,822 147,193 Cabinet and upholstery wares - - - value 2,217 192 2,217 Cheese .... cwt. 160 .558 Coals . - ... tons 41,006 40,867 11,119 Cotton manufactures - - - yards 4,567,067 186,398 61,324 Ditto - .... value 3,542 3,670 Earthenware of all sorts pieces " 96,376 241 1,7.'^S Glass of all sorts - - . ■ value 74 238 Hardware and cutlery ... cwt. 3,673 10,101 28,260 Horses - .... number 529 5,290 25,995 Iron, pig - . - tons 2,759 2,759 9,548 bar and bolt - - 1,656 16,567 8,119 cast and wrought ... 1,063 65^ 32,916 11,831 Lead and shot - - - 686 804 Leather and saddlery • • value 1,156 1,946 Linens - - - - - yards 291,961 14,626 14,780 Litharge of lead . . ,. cwt. 19 9 19 Alachinery and mill-work • - . value 4,528 4,528 Musical instruments ... 1,742 1,742 Painters' colours and materials ... 2,295 2,293 Plate of silver - - - - ounces 4,026 1,812 1,528 Silk goods manufactured in tlie United ICingdom value 87,803 75,187 Spermaceti .... cwt. 1,008 7,562 5,177 Stationery - - - value 3,046 3,046 Steel, unwrought - - Tin, unwrought . - cwt. 1,851 2,638 3,263 8,508 31,055 29,472 Tin and pewter wares, and tin plates value 7,399 7,399 Whalebone .... cwt. 701 3,505 5,048 Wool, sheep's - ... lbs. 736,482 26,303 38,541 Woollen manufactures ... value 45,320 43,187 All other articles • • • • 106,062 105,860 Total - L. 848,270 674,791 It would seem, from the subjoined account, as if the imports into Great Britain from France very much exceeded the exports, the official value of which amount to only 848,270/. a year. But though the fact were so, it would not, as some appear to suppose, afford the shadow of a foundation for the statements of those who contend that the trade with France is a losing one. A man carries nothing but money to the baker's shop, or the butcher's ; and yet it is not said that he is injured by dealing with them, or that he .should become baker or butcher for himself. We buy certain articles from France, becaiire we find we can procure them from her on more reasonable terms than HAWKERS AND PEDLARS. from any other country ; for, were it otherwise, does any one suppose we should send a single ship to her ports? Whether we carry on our intercourse with the French by sending them returns in bullion or ordinary products, is of no consequence whatever. We may be assured that bullion is not sent to another country, unless it be more valuable there than here; that is, unless its exportation be for our advantage. — (See 13alan'ck OF Trade.) In point of fact, however, we very rarely send any bullion to France; and the proof of this is, that, since the peace, the exchange with Paris has beerw oftener in our favour than against us. When the bills drawn by the French on us exceed those we draw on them, the balance is usually paid by bills on Holland and Hamburgh, where there is, at all times, an excess of British produce. It is idle, therefore, to attempt to revive the ridiculous cry as to the disadvantageousness of the French trade, because the imports from France exceed the exports ! The imports into all commercial countries uniformly exceed the exports ; and the fact brought forward as a ground of complaint against the French trade, is the strongest recommendation in its favour. Perhaps, however, it may be consolatory to those who are so alarmed at the excess of imports from France, to be told that it is to a great extent apparent only. As already observed, large quantities of silk and other produce from Italy come to us through France, and are reckoned among the imports from that country, when they are in reality imports from Italy. Taking this circumstance into account, it will be found that the discrepancy between the exports to and imports from France is immaterial. Account of the Amount in Official and Real Value of all British Exports to France, in each Year since 1814; distinguishing those of British from Colonial Produce; also, an Abstract of the Amount in Official Value of all Imports from France in each Year, as far as the same can be made up during that rime. Official Value of Im- ports into the United Kingdom. Official Value of Exports from the United Kmgdom. British and Irish Pnduce and Manu- factures. Fotfeign and Colo- nial Merchandise. Total Exports. Declared Value of British and Irish Produce and Manu- factures exported from the United Kingdom. 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818 1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 £ 740,226 754,372 417,782 527,865 1,162,423 642,011 775,132 865,616 878,272 1,115,800 1,556,733 1,835,984 1,247,426 2,625,747 3,178,825 2,086,993 2,328,483 3,056,154 2.452,894 s. d. 10 0 8 11 17 2 13 6 15 7 14 2 5 6 12 9 15 0 7 0 17 5 12 0 0 6 11 10 3 9 10 10 14 11 12 4 0 0 377,799 214,823 321,070 596,753 318,850 248,078 334,086 582,404 346,810 241,837 260,498 279,212 426,819 416,726 448,945 509,921 486,284 635,927 848.270 s. a. 9 7 15 9 4 11 12 11 9 9 3 7 13 9 0 8 2 7 1 3 0 1 13 5 0 0 £ 1,867,913 1,228,856 1,313,151 1,054,261 877,912 734,779 829,814 1,037,100 839,150 743,574 864,500 892,402 656,124 133,503 195,497 337,896 181,065 256,081 s. cL 19 4 5 3 17 8 9 9 13 0 9 10 9 6 £ 2,245,713 1,443,680 1,634,222 1,651,014 1,196,763 982,857 1,163,901 1,419,504 1,185,961 985,412 1,124,999 1,171,615 1,082,944 550,529 644,442 847,817 667,349 392,009 s. d. 8 11 1 0 2 7 16 9 12 1 10 7 2 8 17 9 6 5 9 3 6 1 1 8 4 6 13 2 11 9 12 9 1 6 13 0 £ 582,702 298,291 407,699 1,003,486 369,503 299,493 390,744 438,265 437,009 338,635 360,709 488,438 446,951 498,937 491,388 475,884 602,688 674,791 s. d. 15 0 10 1 11 4 12 7 14 9 6 8 10 3 18 5 2 5 4 1 8 11 10 1 6 7 0 9 12 0 3 11 3 2 0 0 0 0 HAWKERS AND PEDLARS. It is not very easy to distinguish between hawkers and pedlars. Both are a sort of itinerant retail dealers, who carry about their wares from place to place ; but the former are supposed to carry on business on a larger scale than the latter. They are subject to the same regulations. Regulations as to Hawkers and Pedlars. — The legislature has always looked with sus- picion upon itinerant dealers ; and has attempted, by obliging them to take out licences, and placing them under a sort of surveillance, to lessen their numbers, and to hinder them from engaging in dishonest practices. But the resident dealer has so many advan- tages on his side, that these precautions seem to be in a great measure superfluous. It should also be recollected, that before shops were generally established in villages and remote districts, hawkers and pedlars rendered macerial services to country people ; and even now the competition which they excite is certainly advantageous. By the 50 Geo. 3. a 41., hawkers and pedlars are to pay an annual licence duty of 47. ; and if they travel with a horse, ass, or other beast, bearing or drawing burden, they are subject to an additional duty of 4/. for each beast so employed. The granting of licences, and management of the duties, are, by a late act, placed under the control of the commissioners cf stamps. Hawkers and pedlars, unless householders or residents in the place, are not allowed to sell by auction to the highest bidder : penalty 50/ — half to the informer, the other half to the king. But nothing in the act extends to hinder any person from selling, or exposing to sale, any sort of goods, in any public market or fair ; or to hinder a hawker or pedlar from selling in a liired room, where he is not a resident, provided such sale is not by auction. Every hawker, before he is licensed, must produce a certificate of good character and reputation, signed by the clergyman and two reputable inhabitants of the place w here he usually resides. Every hawker must have inscribed, in Roman capitals, on the most conspicuous part of every pack, box, trunk, case, cart, or other vehicle, in which he shall carry his wares, and on every room and shop in which he shall trade, and likewise on every hand-bill which he shall distribute, the words " Licenspd Hawker." Penalty, in default, 10/. Unlicensed persons wrongfully using this designation forfeit V.L 2 T 3 646 HAY. — HEMP. Hawkers dealing in smuggled goods, or in ^oods fraudulently or dishonestly procured, are punishable by forfeiture of licence, and incapacity to obtain one in future, besides being liable to all the other penal, ties, forfeitures, &c. applicable to such illegal dealing. By Stat. 6 Geo. 4. c. 80. it is enacted, that any person or persons hawking, selling, or exposing to sale, any spirits on the streets, highways, &c., or in any boat or other vessel on the water, or in any place other tlian those allowed in this act, shall forfeit such spirits and lOOZ. for every such offence. Any per- son may detain a hawker of spirits, and give notice to a peace officer to carry the offender before a justice. Hawkers trading without licence are liable to a penalty of 10/. So also, if they refuse to show their licence on the demand of any person to whom they offer goods for sale, or on the demand of any justice, mayor, constable, or other peace officer, or any officer of the customs or excise. By 5 Geo. 4. c. 83., hawkers trading without a licence are punishable as vagrants. To forge or counterfeit a hawker's licence incurs a penalty of 300/. To lend or hire a hawker's licence subjects lender and borrower to 40/. each, and the licence becomes forfeited. But the servant of a licensed hawker may travel with the licence of his master. Hawkers trading without a licence are liable to be seized and detained by any person who may give notice to a constable, in order to their being carried before a justice of peace. Constables refusing to assist in tiie execution cf the act are liable to a penalty of 10/. Nothing in the act extends to prohibit persons from selling fish, fruit, or victuals; nor to hinder the maker of any home manufacture from exposing his goods to sale in any market or fair, in every city, borough, town cor|)orate, and market town : nor any tinker, cooper, glazier, plumber, harness-mender, or other person, from going about and carrying the materials necessary to their business. A single act of selling, as a parcel of handkerchiefs to a particular person, is not sufficient to constitute a hawker within the meaning of the statutes. — [Rex v. Little, B. 613.) By the 52 Geo. 3. c. 1U8., no person, being a trader in any goods, wares, or manufactures of Great Britain, and selling the same by wholesale, shall be deemed a hawker ; and all such persons, or their agents, selling by wholesale only, shall go from house to house, to any of their customers who sell again by whole- sale or retail, v/ithout being subject to any of the penalties contained in any act touching hawkers, ped- lars, and petty chapmen. No person committed under these acts for non-payment of penalties can be detained in custody for a longer period than 3 months. Hawl0,Wn. I Fixed charges - • - - 48 ' Other charges same. Brokerage, \ per cent. :op. Hemp the produce or manufacture of Europe may not be imported into the United Kingdom for home consumption, except in British ships, or in ships of the country of which it is the produce, or from which it is imported, under penalty of forfeiting tho same and 100/. by the master of the ship. — f3 & 4 Will. 4. c. 54. \ ^ 2. and 22.) Hump (Manilla), commonly called Manilla white rope. Mr. Crawfurd gives the following account of this article : — "Of the wild banana, one kind {Musa textilis) grows in vast abundance in some of the most northerly of the spice islands. In the great island of Mindanao, in the Philippines, it fills extensive forests. From the fibrous bark or epidermis is manufactured a kind of cloth, in frequent use among the natives. It also affords the material of the most valuable cordage which the indigenous products of the Archipelago yield. This is known to our traders and navigators under the name of Manilla rope, and is equally iipplicable to cables, and to standing or running rigging." — [Hist, of Archipelago, vol. i. p. 412.) Hemp (.L^dian), or Sunn. This consists of the fibre of the crotolaria juncea^ a totally different plant from the cannabis saliva, which, as already stated, is never used by the Hindoos for cloth or cordage. Sunn is grown in various places of Hindostan. The strongest, whitest, and most durable species is pro- duced at Coinercoily. During those periods of the late war when the intercourse with the Baltic was interrupted, and hemp bore an enormous price, large quantities of sunn were imported j but the fibre being comparatively weak, the article was not found to answer, and the importation has since been discontinued. — [Milbiirn's Orient. Commerce private information.) HEMP-SEED (Fr. Chenevis, Chenevi ; Ger. Hanfsaat ; It. Cannapuccia ; Lat. Semen eannahinum ; Rus. Konopljanoe Semja), the seed of hemp. The best hemp-seed is that which is brightest, and will not J)i-eak when rubbed. It is used either as seed, or for crushing for oil, or as food for fowls. Being loaded with a duty of 21. per quarter, it is but little imported into this country. HERRINGS, AND HERRING FISHERY. The herring (Clupea harengus of Linnaius) is a fish too well known to require any description. It is every where in high esteem, both when fresh and when salted. " Herrings are found from the highest northern latitudes yet known, as low as the northern coasts of France. They are met with in vast shoals on the coast of America as low as Carolina. In Chesapeake Bay is an annual inundation of those fish, which cover the shore in such quantities as to become a nuisance. We find them again in the seas of Kamtschatka ; and probably they reach Japan. The great winter rendezvous of the herring is within the Arctic circle : there they continue for many months, in order to recruit themselves after the fatigue of spawning ; the seas within that space swarming with insect food in a far greater degree than those of our warmer latitudes. This mighty army begins to put itself in motion in spring. They begin to appear off the Shetland Isles in April and May. These are only the forerunners of the grand shoal, which comes in June ; and their appearance is marked by certain signs, such as the numbers of birds, like gannets and others, which follow to prey on them: but when the main body approaches, its breadth and depth is such as to alter the appearance of the very ocean. It is divided into distinct columns of 5 or 6 miles in length, and 3 or 4 in breadth ; and they drive the water before them, with a kind of rippling. Sometimes they sink for the space of 10 or 15 minutes, and then rise again to the surface; and in fine weather reflect a variety of splendid colours, like a field of the most precious gems. " The first check this army meets in its march southward, is from the Shetland Isles, which divide it into two parts : one wing takes to the east, the other to the western shores of Great Britain, and fill every bay and creek with their numbers : the former proceed towards Yarmouth, the great and ancient mart of herrings ; they then pass through tlie British Channel, and after that in a manner disappear. Those which take towards the west, after offering themselves to the Hebrides, where the great stationary fishery is, proceed to the north of Ireland, where they meet with a second interruption, and are obliged to make a .second division : the one takes to the western side, and is scarcely perceived, being soon lost in the immensity of the Atlantic ; but the other, that pa.sses into the Irish Sea, rejoices and feeds tlie inhabitants of most of the coasts that border on it- 'J'hcse brigades, as we may call them, which arc thus separated from the greater HERRINGS AND HERRING FISHERY. 649 columns, are often capricious in their motions, and do not show an Invariahlc attachment to their haunts. '* This instinct of migration was given to tlie herrings, that they miglit deposit their spawn in warmer seas, that would mature and vivify it more assuredly than tliose of the frozen zone. It is not from defect of food that they set themselves in motion ; for they come to us full of fat, and on their return are almost universally ohscrved to he lean and miserable. What their food is near the pole, we are not yet informed ; but in our seas they feed much on the oniscus marinus, a crustaceous insect, and sometimes on their own fry- *' They are full of roe in the end of June, and continue in perfection till the beginning of winter, when they deposit their spawn. The young herrings begin to approach the shores in July and August, and are then from ^ an inch to 2 inches long. Though we have no particular authority for it, yet, as very few young herrings are found in our seas during winter, it seems most certain that they must return to their parental haunts beneath the ice. Some of the 'old herrings continue on our coast the whole year." — (Pennant's British Zoology.) The herring was unknown to the ancients, being rarely, if ever, found within the Me- diterranean. The Dutch are said to have engaged in the fishery in 1164. The invention of pickling or salting herrings is ascribed to one Beukels, or Beukelson, of Biervliet, near Sluys, who died in 1397. The emperor Charles V. visited his grave, and ordered a magnificent tomb to be erected to his memory. Since this early period, the Dutch have uniformly maintained their ascendancy in the herring fishery ; but, owing to the Reformation, and the relaxed observance of Lent in Catholic countries, the demand for lierrings upon the Continent is now far less than in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Importance of the Herring Fishery. Progress of it in Great Britain. — There is, perhaps, no branch of industry, the importance of which has been so much over-rated as that of the herring fishery. For more than 2 centuries, company after company has been formed for its prosecution, fishing villages have been built, piers constructed, Boards and regulations established, and vast sums expended in bounties, and yet the fishery remains in a very feeble and unhealthy state. The false estimates that have been long current with respect to the extent and value of the Dutch herring fishery, contributed more, perhaps, than any thing else, to the formation of exaggerated notions of the importance of this business. That the Hollanders prosecuted it to a greater extent, and with far greater success, than any other people, is, indeed, most true. There is not, however, the shadow of a ground for believing that they ever employed, as has often been stated, about 450,000 individuals in the fishery and the employments immediately subservient to it. We question whether they ever employed so many as 50,000. At the time when the Dutch carried on the fishery to the greatest extent, the entire population of the Seven United Provinces did not certainly exceed 2,400,000; and deducting a half for women, and from a half to two thirds of the remaining 1,2(;0,0{)0 for boys and old men, it would follow, according to the statement in question, that every able-bodied man in Holland must have been engaged in the herring fishery! It is astonishing how such ridiculously exaggerated accounts ever obtained any circulation ; and still more so, that they should have been referred to and quoted, without, apparently, any doubt being ever entertained of their authenticity, down to our own times! * Had they been sifted ever so little, their falsehood would have been obvious ; and we should have saved many hundreds of thousands of pounds that have been thrown away in attempting to rival that which never existed. It would be impossible, within the limits to which this article must be confined, to give any detailed account of the various attempts that have been made at different periods to encourage and bolster up the herring fishery. In 1749, in pursuance of a recommendation in his Majesty's speech at the opening of parliament, and of a report of a committee of the Houseof Commons, 500,000/. was subscribed for carrying on the fisheries, under a corporation called " The Society of the Free British Fishery." The Prince of Wales was chosen governor of the Society, which was patronised by men of the first rank and fortune in the state. But this Society did not trust entirely to its own efforts for success. The duties were remitted upon the salt used in the fisheries ; and besides this reasonable encouragement, a high tonnage bounty was granted upon every buss fitted out for the deep sea fishery. In consequence, many vessels were sent out, as Dr. Smith has truly stated, not to catch herrings, but to catch the hoitnty ; and to such an extent was this abuse carried, that in 1759, when the tonnage bounty was 50s., the almost incredible sum of 159/. 7s. 6'/ Nutnbur, Measure, ar Weight, S(C. — If the goods in such entry l)e charged to pay duty ac- cording to the number, m.easure, or weight thereof, such number, measure, or weight shall be stated in the entry ; and if the goods in such entry be charged to pay duty according to the value thereof, such value shall be stated in tlie entry, and shall be affirmed by the declaration of the importer or his known agent, written upon the entry, and attested by his signature ; and if the goods in such entry be chargeable at the' option of the officers of customs, either according to the number, measure, or weight thereof, or according to the value thereof, then as well such number, measure, or weight, as also such value, shall bo in like manner -stated in the entry, and attested ; and if any person make such declaration, not being the imiwrter or proprietor of such goods, nor his agent duly authorised by him, such person shall forfeit the sum of 100/. ; and such declaration shall be made in manner and form following, and shall be binding upon the person by or in behalf of whom the same shall be made; (that is to say,) Entry. 17. IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION. 659 I A. B. of [j)lace of abode'] do hereby declare, that I am [the importer, or authorised by the importer] of thegoods contained in this entry, and tliat I enter the same {^stating which, if part only] atthesumof . Witness my hand the day of . " A. B." _ ^ 21. Goods undervalued. Officers may detain. — If upon examination it shall appear to the officers of the customs that such goods are not valued according to the true value thereof, it shall be lawful for such officers to detain and secure such goods, and (within 5 days from the landing thereof if it be in the ports of London, Leith, or Dublin, or within 7 days if in any other port in the United Kingdom, or if in any port in the Isle of Man,) to take such goods for the use of the Crown ; and if a diff erent rate of duty shall be charged upon any goods according as the value of the same shall be described in the entry to be above or to be below any particular price or sum, and such goods shall be valued in the entry so as to be liable to the lower rate of duty, and it shall appear to the officers of the customs that such goods, by reason of their real value, are properly liable to tne higher rate of duty, it shall be lawful for such officers in like manner to take such goods for the use of the Crown ; and the commissioners of his Majesty's customs shall thereupon in any of such cases cause the amount of such valuation, together with an addition of 10/. per cent, thereon, and also the duties paid upon such entry, to be paid to the importer or proprietor of such goods in full satisfaction for the same, and shall dispose of such goods for the benefit of the Crown ; and if the produce of such sale shall exceed the sums so paid and all charges incurred by the Crown, one moiety of the overplus shall be given to the officer or officers who had detained and taken the goods ; and the money retained for the benefit of the Crown shall be paid into the hands of the collector of the cus- toms, with the knowledge of the comptroller, and carried to account as duties of customs. — ^ 22. East India Company to sell Goods. — The value of goods imported by the East India Company shall be ascertained by the gross price at which the same shall have been sold by auction at the public sales of the said Company; and that the said Company shall fairly and openly expose to sale and cause to be sold all such goods so charged to pay duty according to the value thereof by way of public auction in the city of London, within 3 years from the importation thereof, and shall give due notice at the Custom-house in London to the officers appointed to attend such sales of the time and place thereof. — ^ 23. BUI of Sight if Goods be not known. — If the importer of any goocfs, or his agent after full conference with him, shall declare before the collector or comptroller that he cannot for want of full information make a full or perfect entry of such goods, and shall make and subscribe a declaration to the truth thereof, it shall be lawful for the collector and comptroller to receive an entry by bill of sight for the packages or par- cels of such goods by the best description which can be given, and to grant a warrant thereupon, in order that the same may be provisionally landed, and may be seen and examined by such importer, in presence of the proper officers; and within 3 days after any goods shall have been so landed, the importer shall make a full or perfect entry thereof, and shall either pay down all duties which shall be due and payable upon such goods, or shall duly warehouse the same, according to the purport of the full or perfect entry or entries so made for such goods, or for the several parts or sorts thereof : provided always, that if, when full or perfect entry be at any time made for any goods provisionally landed as aforesaid by bill of sight, such entry shall not be made in manner herein-before required for the due landing of goods, such goods shall be deemed to be goods landed without due entry thereof, and shall be subject to the like forfeiture accordingly: provided also, that if any sum of money shall have been deposited upon anv entry by bill of sight, on account of the duties which may be found to be payable on the goods intendecl therein, it shall be lawful for the officers of the customs to deliver, in virtue of the warrant for landing the same, any (juantity of goods the duty on which shall not exceed the sum so deposited. — § 24. Goods to be token to King's Warehouse. — In default of perfect entry within such 3 days, such goods shall be taken to the king's warehouse by the officers of the customs ; and if the importer shall not, within 1 month after such landing, make perfect entry or entries of such goods, and pay the duties thereon, or on such parts as can be entered for home use, together with charges of removal and of warehouse rent, such goods shall be sold for payment of such duties (or for exportation, if they be such as cannot be entered for home use, or shall not be worth the duties and charges,) and for the payment of such charges; and the oven^lus, if any, shall be paid to the importer or proprietor thereof. — ^ 25. East India Company may enter by Bill of Sight. — It shall be lawful for the East India Company, with, out making the proof herein.before required, to enter by bill of sight, to be landed and secured in sucli manner as the commissioners of his Majesty's customs shall require, any goods imported by them, and also any goods imported by any other person from places within the limits of the charter of the said Com- pany^ with the consent of such person, upon condition to cause perfect entry to be made of such goods within 3 months from the date of the importation thereof, either to warehouse the same or to pay the duties thereon within the times and in the manner herein-after mentioned ; (that is to say,) if such goods be charged to nay duty according to the value, then to pay such duty within 4 months from the sale of the goods ; and if such goods be charged to pay duty according to the number, measure, or weight thereof, then to pay one moiety of such duties within 6 calendar months from the time of the importation of such goods, and the other moiety within 12 calendar months from such time ; and such goods shall be secured in such places and in such manner as the commissioners of his Majesty's customs shall require, until the same shall have been duly entered, ^nd the duties thereon shall have been duly paid, or until the same shall have been duly exported : provided also, that it shall be lawful for any other person who shall have imported any goods from places within the said limits into the port of London in like manner to enter such goods by bill of sight in his own name, upon giving sufficient security by bond, to the satis- faction of the commissioners of his Majesty's customs, with the like conditions as are required of the said Company for making perfect entries, and for the securing and the paying of duties, provided such goods be entered by such bill of sight to be warehoused in some warehouse under the superintendence of the said Comjiany, and in which goods imported by the said Company may be secured in manner before men- tioned. — ^ 26, In defajilt of Payment of Duties, Goods to be sold. — In defaiilt of perfect entry within 3 months as afore- said, or of due entry and payment of duty within the times and in the manner herein-before respectively required, it shall be lawful for the commissioners of his Majesty's customs to cause any such goods in respect of which such default shall have been made to be sold for the payment of such duties, (or for exportation, if they be such as cannot be entered for home use,) and for the payment of all charges in- curred by the Crown in respect of such goods ; and the overplus, if anv, shall be paid to the proprietor thereof — § 27. Goods landed by Bill of Sight fraudulently conceaUd, forfeited. — Where any package or parcel shall have been landed by bill of sight, and any goods or other things shall be found in such package or parcel con- cealed in any way, or packed with intent to deceive the officers of his Majesty's customs, as well all such goods and other things as the package or parcel in which they are found, and all other things contained in such package or parcel, shall be forfeited. — \ i;8. East India Company to pay Duties to Receiver general. — The East India Company shall pay into the hands of the receiver-general of the customs every sum of money due from the said Company on account of the duties of customs at the respective times when the same shall become due ; and the said receiver- general shall give to the said Company a receipt for the monies so paid, on the account of the collector of the customs, which receipt, when delivered to such collector, shall be received by him as cash. — § 29. Goods damaged cm. Voyage. — Any goods which are rated to pay duty according to the number, mea- sure, or weight thereof (except certain poods herein-after mjentioned) shall receive damage during the voyage, an abatement of such duties shall be allowed in proportion to the damage so received ; provided 660 IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION. All goods for which bill of store cannot be issued m manner herein-after directed, except small remnants of British goods by special permission of the commissioners of his Majesty's customs, upon proof to their satisfaction that the same are British, and had not been sold — Sect. 33. proof be made to the satisfaction of the commissioners of his Majesty's customs, or of any officers of cus- toms acting therein under their directions, that such damage was received after the goods were shipped abroad in the ship importing the same, and before they were landed in the United Kingdom ; and pro- vided claim to such abatement of duties be made at the time of the first examination of such goods. — ^ 30. Officers to examine Damage, and state Proportion, or choose two Merchants. — The officers of the cus- toms shall thereupon examine such goods with reference to such damage, and may state the proportion of damage which, in their opinion, such goods have so received, and may make a proportionate abate- ment of duties ; but if the officers of customs be incompetent to estimate such damage, or if the importer be not satisfied with the abatement made by them, the collector and comptroller shall choose two indiflerent merchants experienced in the nature and value of such goods, who shall examine the same, and shall make and subscribe a declaration, stating in what proportion, according to their judgment, such goods are lessened in their value by reason of such damage, and thereupon the officers of customs may make an abateme.it of the duties according to the proportion of damage so declared by such merchants. — ^ 31. No Abatement fm- certain Goods. — No abatement of duties shall be made on account of any damage recei' <;d by any of the sorts of goods herein-after enumerated; (that is to say,) cocoa, coffee, oranges, pepper, currants, raisins, figs, tobacco, lemons, and wine. — § 32. Returned Goods. — It shall be lawful to re-import into the United Kingdom from any place, in a ship of any country, any goods (except as herein-after excepted) which shall have been legally exported from the United Kingdom, and to en-ter the same by bill of store, referring to the entry outwards, and export- ation thereof, provided the property in such goods continue in the person by whom or on whose account the same have been exported, and that such re-importation take place within 6 years from the date of the exportation; and if the goods so returned be foreign goods, which had before been legally imported into the United Kingdom, the same duties shall be payable thereon as would, at the time of such re-im- portation, be payable on the like goods under the same circumstances of importation as those under which such goods had been originally imported, or such goods may be warehoused as the like goods might be warehoused upon a first importation thereof : provided always, that the several sorts of goods enumerated or described in the Table following shall not be re-imported into the United Kingdom for home use upon the ground that the same had been legally exported from thence, but that the same shall be deemed to be foreign goods, whether originally such or not, and shall also be deemed to be imported for the first time into the United Kingdom; (that is to say,) A Table of Goods exported which may not be re-imported for Home U,se. Com, grain, meal, flour, and malt, hops, tobacco, tea. n paid, or has been agreed to be paid, the said commissioners are hereby empowered and required to allow' Jie sale of such property aforesaid, free from the payment of all duties, to the amount of such sum so awarded, paid, or agreed to be paid, or to the amount of such other sum as to the said commissioners shall seem just and reasonable: provided always, that if such owner or salvor shall be dissatisfied with any determination of the said commissioners as to the amount of such property to be sold duty free, it shall be lawful for such owner or salvor to refer any such determination of the said com- missioners to the judgment and revision of the High Court of Admiralty ; and in that case such sale shall be suspended until the decision of such court shall have been had thereon. — 49. Foreign Goods derelict, S{C. to be subject to same Duties as on Importation. — All foreign goods, derelict, jetsam, flotsam, and wreck, brought or coming into the United Kingdom or into the Isle of :Man, shall at all times be subject to the same duties as goods of the like kind imported into the United Kingdom respectively are subject to : provided always, that if, for ascertaining the proper amount ot duty so payable, any question shall arise as to the origin of any such goods, the same shall be deemed to be of the growth, 2 U ;j 662 IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION. produce, or manufacture of such country or place as the commissioners of customs shall upon investigation by them determine : provided also, that if any such goods be of such sorts as are entitled to allowance for damage, such allowance shall be made under such regulations and conditions as the said commissioners shall from time to time direct : provided also, that all such goods as cannot be sold for the amount of duty due thereon shall be delivered over to the lord of the manor or other person entitled to receive the same, and shall be deemed to be unenumerated goods, and shall be liable to and be charged with duty ac- cordingly. — ^ 50. Persons having such Goods in Possession, without Notice, liable to a Penalty of 100/. — If any person shall havp possession of any such goods, either on land or within any port in the United Kingdom, and shall not give notice thereof to the proper officer of the customs Avithin 24 hours after such possession, or shall not on demand pay the duties due thereon, ordeUver the same into the custody of the proper officer of the customs, such person shall forfeit the sum of 100/. ; and if any person shall remove or alter in quan- tity or quality any such goods, or shall open or alter any package containing any such goods, or shall cause any such act to be done, or assist therein, before such goods shall be deposited in a warehouse in the cus- tody of the officers of the customs, every such person shall forfeit the sum of 100/. ; and in default of the payment of the duties on such goods within 18 months from the time when the same were so deposited, the same maybe sold in like manner and for the like purposes as goods imported may in such default be sold : provided always, that any lord of the manor having by law just claim to such goods, or if there be no such lord of the manor, then the person having possession of the same, shall be at liberty to retain the same in his own custody, giving bond, with 2 sufficient sureties, to be approved by the proper officer of the cus- toms, in treble the value of such goods, for the payment of the duties thereon at the end of 1 year and 1 day, or to dehver such goods to the proper officer of the customs in the same state and condition as the same were in at the time of taking possession thereof — § 51. Goods under Excise Permit Regulations. — No goods which are subject to any regulations of excise shall be taken or delivered out of the charge of the officers of customs, (although the same may have been duly entered with them, and the full duties due thereon may have been paid,) until such goods shall also have been duly entered with the officers of excise, and permit granted by them for delivery of the same, nor unless such permit shall correspond in all particulars with the warrant of the officers of the customs : provided always, that such entry shall not be received by the officers of the excise, nor such permit granted by them, until a certificate shall have been produced to them of the particulars of the goods, and of the warrant for the same, under the hand of the officers of the customs who shall have the charge of the goods : provided also, that if upon any occasion it shall appear necessary, it shall be lawful for the proper officers of excise to attend the deUvei y of such goods by the officers of the customs, and to require that such goods shall be delivered only in their presence ; and it shall be lawful for such officers of excise to count, measure, gauge, or weigh any such goods, and fully to examine the same, and to proceed in all respects relating to such goods in such manner as they shall be authorised or required by any act for the time being in force relating to the excise. — § 52. Commissioners of Customs may direct certain Goods to be stamped. — The commissioners of customs are hereby authorised, after any goods have been entered at the Custom-house, and before the same shall be discharged by the officers, and delivered into the custody of the importer or his agent, to mark or stamp such goods in such manner and form as they may deem fit and proper for the security of the revenue, and by such officer as they shall direct and appoint for that purpose. — § 53. Orders for stamping Goods to be published. — Every order made by the said commissioners of his Ma- jesty's customs in respect of marking or stamping any goods shall be published in the London Gazette and Dublin Gazette. — § 54. Penalty 200/. on forging such Statnps. — If any person or persons shall at any time forge or counterfeit any mark or stamp to resemble any mark or stamp which shall be provided and used for the purposes of this act, or shall forge or counterfeit the impression of any such mark or stamp, or shall sell or expose to sale, or have in his, her, or theix custody or possession, any goods with a counterfeit mark or stamp, knowing the same to he counterfeit, or shall use or affix any such mark or stamp to any other goods re- quired to be stamped as aforesaid other than that to which the same was originally affixed, all and every such offender or ofifenders, and his, her, or their aiders, abettors, and assistants, shall for every such offence forfeit and pay the sum of 200/. — § 55. Times and Places for landing Goods. — No goods whatever (except diamonds, bullion, fresh fish of British taking and imported in British ships, and turbots and lobsters,) shall be unshipped from any ship arriving fiom parts beyond the seas, or landed or put on shore, but only on days not being Sundays or holidays, and in the day-time, (that is to say,) from the first day of September until the last day of March between sun-rising and sun-setting, and from the last day of March to the first day of September between the hours of 7 o'clock in the morning and 4 o'clock in the afternoon ; nor shall any goods, except as afore- said, be so unshipped or landed unless in the presence or with the authority of the proper officer of the customs ; and such goods, except as aforesaid, shall be landed at one of the legal quays appointed by his Majesty for the landing of goods, or at some wharf, quay, or place appointed by the commissioners of the customs for the landing of goods by sufferance ; and no goods, except as aforesaid, after having been unshipped shall be transhipped, or after having been put into any boat or craft to be landed shall be removed into any other boat or craft previously to their being duly landed, without the permission or authority of the proper officer of the customs. — § 56. Goods to be unshipped, S(C. at the Expense of Importer. — The unshipping, carrying, and landing oi all goods, and the bringing of the same to the proper place after landing, for examination or for weighing, and the putting of the same into the scales, and the taking of the same out of and from the scales after weighing, shall be performed by or at the expense of the importer. — § 57. Prohibitions and Restrictions absolute or modified. — The several sorts of goods enumerated or described in the Table following, denominated " A Table of Prohibitions and Restrictions inwards," shall either be absolutely prohibited to be imported into the United Kingdom, or shall be imported only under the restrictions mentioned in such Table, according as the several sorts of such goods are respectively set forth therein ; (that is to say,) A Table of Prohibitions and Restrictions Inwards. A List of Goods absolutely prohibited to be imported. Arms, ammunition, and utensils of war, by way of merchan- dise, except by licence from his Majesty, for furnishing his Majesty's public stores only. Beef, fresh or corned or slightly salted. Bopks ; vi/.. first composed or written or printed in the United ICingdom, and printed or reprinted in any other country, imported for sale, except books not reprinted in the United Kingdom with 20 years ; or being parts of collections, the greater parts of whicli had been composed or written abroad . Cattle, great. Clocks and watches of any metal, impressed with any mark or stamp ap)iearing to be or to represent any legal British assay mark or stamp, or purporting by any mark or ap- pearance to be of the manufacture of the United King- j be made by the master with the collector or comptroUei of such port. And all goods from the Isle of Man, except such as be of the growth, produce, or manufacture thereof. Forfeiture. — And if any goods shall be imported into the United Kingdom contrary to any of the prohibitions or restrictions mentioned in such Table in respect of such goods, the same shall be forfeited. — ^58. But Goods may be warehoused for Exportation only, although prohibited. — Any goods, of whatsoever sort, maybe imported into the United Kingdom to be warehoused under the regulations of any act in force for the time being for the warehousing of goods, without payment of duty at the time of the first entry thereof, or notwithstanding that such goods may be prohibited to be imported into the United Kingdom to be used therein, except the several sorts of goods enumerated or described in manner following ; (that is to say,) goods prohibited on account of the package in which they are contained, or the tonnage of the ship in which they are laden ; tea and goods trom China in other than British ships, or by other persons than the East India Company during the continuance of their exclusive privileges of trade; gunpowder, arms, ammunition, or utensils of war; dried or salted fish, not being stock-fish; infected hides, skins, horns, hoofs, or any other part of any cattle or beast; counterfeit coin or tokens ; books first composed or written or printed and published in the United Kingdom, and reprinted in any other country or place ; copies of prints first engraved, etched, drawn, or designed in the United Kingdom ; copies of casts of sculptures or models first made in the United Kingdom ; clocks or watches, being such as are prohibited to be imported for home use. — § 59. ' Goods to be entered to be warehoused for Exportation only. — If by reason of the sort of any goods, or of the place from whence, or the country, or navigation of the ship in which any goods have been im. ported, they be such or be so imported as that they may not be used in the United Kingdom, they shall not be entered except to be warehoused, and it shall be declared upon the entry of such goods that they are entered to be warehoused for exportation only. — \ 60. ExNTRY Outwards. Goods not to be shipped till Entry of Ship and Entry of Goods, and Cocket granted y nor till cleared. — No goods shall be shipped, or waterborne to be shipped, on board any ship in any port or place in the United Kingdom or in the Isle of Man, to be carried to parts beyond the seas, before due entry outwards of such ship and due entry of such goods shall have been made, and cocket granted, nor before such goods shall have been duly cleared for shipment in manner herein-after directed ; and no stores shall be shipped for the use of any such ship bound to parts beyond the seas, nor shall any goods be deemed or admitted to be such stores, except such as shall be borne upon the victualling bill duly granted for such ship ; and no goods shall be so shipped, or waterborne to be so shipped, except at such times and places, and in such manner, and by such persons, and under the care of such officers, as is and are herein-after directed ; and all goods and stores which shall be shipped, or be waterborne to be shipped contrary hereto shall be forfeited.— \ 61. Ships to be cleared, or Master to forfeit 1001. — No ship on board ot which any goods or stores shall have been shipped in any port in the United Kingdom or in the Isle of Man, for parts beyond the seas, shall depart from such port until such ship shall have been duly cleared outwards for her intended voyage, in manner herein-after directed, under forfeiture of the sum of lOOZ. by the master of such ship. — § 62. Victualling Bill for Stores. — The master of every ship which is to depart from any port in the United Kingdom or in the Isle of Man, for parts beyond the seas, shall, upon due apphcation made by him, receive from the searcher a victualling bill for the shipment of such stores as he shall require, and as shall be allowed by the collector and comptroller, for the use of such ship, according to the voyage upon which she is about to depart ; and no articles taken on board any ship shall be deemed to be stores except such as shall be borne upon the victualling bill for the same. — ^ 63. Master to deliver Certificate of Clearance of last Voyage, and to make Entry Outwards. — The master of every ship in which any goods are to be exported from the United Kingdom or from the Isle of Man to parts beyond the seas shall, before any goods be taken on board, deliver to the collector or comptroller a certificate from the proper officer of the clearance inwaids or coastwise of such ship of her last vovage, specifying what goods, if any, have been reported inwards for exportation, and shall also deliver to the collector or comptroller an account, signed by the master or his agent, of the entry outwards of such ship for her intended voyage, setting forth the name and tonnage of the ship, the name of the place to which she belongs if a British ship, or of the country if a foreign ship.tlie name of the master, and the name or names of the place or places for which she is bound, if any goods are to be shipped for the same, and the name of the place in such port at which she is to take in her lading for such voyage ; and if such ship shall have commenced her lading at some other port, the master shall state tlie name of any port at which any goods have been laden, and shall produce a certificate from the searcher that the cockets for such goods have been delivered to him ; and the particulars of such account shall be written and arranged in such form and manner as the collector and comptroller shall require ; and such account shall be the entry outwards of such ship, and shall be entered in a book to be kept bv the collector, for the infoi-mation of 2 U 4 664 IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION. all parties interested ; and if any goods be taken on board any ship before she shall have been entered outwards, the master shall forfeit the sum of 100/. : provided always, that where it shall become necessary to lade any heavy goods on board any ship before the whole of the inward cargo is discharged, it shall be lawful for the collector and comptroller to issue a stiffening order for that purpose, previous to the entry outwards of the ship. — ^ 64. Bill of the Entry to be delivered. — Tlie person entering outwards any goods to be exported to parts beyond the seas, from any port in the United Kingdom or in the Isle of Man, shall deliver to the collector or comptroller a bill of the entry thereof, fairly written in words at length, expressing the name of the ship and of the master, and of the place to which the goods are to be exported, and of the person in whose name the goods are to be entered, and the quantities and proper denominations or descriptions of the several sorts of goods, and shall pay down any duties which may be due upon the exportation of any such goods; and such person shall also deliver at the same time 1 or more duplicates of such bill, in which all sums and numbers may be expressed in figures ; and the particulars to be contained in such bill shall be written and arranged in the form and manner, and the number of duplicates shall be such as the col- lector and comptroller shall require; and thereupon the collector and comptroller shall cause a cocket to be written for such goods, making it known that such goods have been so entered ; and every cocket shall be signed by such collector and comptroller, and be delivered to the person who shall have made such entry, and such person shall keep and be responsible for the proper use of the same. — § 65. Goods for Drawback or Bounty. — If any drawback or bounty be allowable upon the exportation of any such goods, or any duty be payable thereon, or any exemption from duty claimed, or if any such goods be exportable only according to some particular rule or regulation, or under some restriction or condition, or for some particular purpose or destination, such goods shall be entered and cleared for shipment by such denominations or descriptions as are used, mentioned, or referred to in the granting of such draw- back or bounty, or in the levying of such duty, or granting such exemption, or in the directing of such rules, regulations, restrictions, conditions, purpose, or destination ; and if the goods in such entry are charged to pay duty according to the value thereof, such value shall be stated in the entry, and shall be affirmed by the declaration of the exporter or his known agent, to be made upon the entry, and attested oy his signature ; and if any person shall make such declaration, not being the exporter of such goods, nor his agent duly authorised by him, such person shall forfeit the sum of 100/. ; and such declaration shall be made in manner and form following, and shall be binding upon the person making the same; (that is to say), " T, A. B. of Iplace of abode'} do hereby declare, that I am the exporter of the goods mentioned in this entry, [or, that 1 am duly authorised by him,] and I do enter the same at the value of . . Witness my hand the — day of . A. B."— § 66. Goods iindervalued detained. — If upon examination it shall appear to the officers of the customs that such goods are not valued according to the true value thereof, the same may be detained, and (within 2 days) taken and disposed of for the benefit of the Crown, in like manner as is herein-before provided in respect of goods imported, except that no sum in addition to the amount of the valuation and the duties paid shall be paid to the exporter or proprietor of the goods. — \ 67. For Draivback, or from Warehouse, or Duties to be first paid. — The person intending to enter out- wards any foreign goods for drawback, at any other port than that at which the duties inwards on such goods had been paid, shall first deliver to the collector or com(>troller of the port where the duties on such goods were paid, 2 or more bills, as the case may require, of the particulars of the importation of such goods, and of the en4ry outwards intended to be made ; and thereupon such collector and comptroller, find- ing such bills to agree with the entry inwards, shall write off' such goods from the same, and shall issue a certificate of such entry, with such particulars thereof as shall be necessary for the computation of the drawback allowable on such goods, and setting forth in such certificate the destination of the goods, and the person in whose name they are to be entered for exportation, and also the name of such other port; and such certificate, together with 2 or more bills of the same, as tlie case may require, in which all sums and numbers may be expressed in figures, being delivered to the collector or comptroller of the port from which the goods are to be exported, shall be the entry outwards of such goods; and &uch collector and comptroller shall thereupon cause a cocket to be written and delivered for such goods, in manner herein-before directed. — § 68. Coals Export Bond to Isle of Man and British Possessions. — No cocket shall be granted for the ex- portation of any coals to the Isle of Man, or to any British possession, until the exporter thereof shall have given security by bond in a penal sum of 405. the chaldron, with condition that the same shall be landed at the place for which they shall be exported, or otherwise accounted for to the satisfaction of the com- missioners of the customs ; and also with condition to produce (within such time as the said commissioners shall require, to be expressed in such bond,) a certificate of the landing of such coals at such piace, under the hand of the collector or comptroller or other proper officer at such place: provided always, that the bond so to be given in respect of coals shall not be liable to any duty of stamps. — § 69. Clearanck of Goods. Packages to be indorsed on Cocket. — Before any part of the goods for which any cocket shall have been granted shall be shipped or waterborne to be shipped, the same shall be duly cleared for shipment with the searcher ; and before any goods be cleared for shipment, the particulars of the goods for each clear- ance shall be indorsed on such cocket, together with the number and denomination or description of the respective packages containing the same; and in the margin of each such indorsement shall be delineated the respective marks and numbers of such packages ; and to each such indorsement shall be subjoined, in words at length, an account of the total quantities of each sort of goods intended in such indorsement, and the total number of each sort of package in which such goods are contained, distinguishing such goads, if any, as are to be cleared for any bounty or drawback of excise or customs, and also such goods, if any, as are subject to any duty on exportation, or entitled to any exemption from such duty, and also such goods, if any, as can oidy be exported by virtue of some particular order or authority, or under some particidar restriction or condition, or for some particular purpose or destination ; and all goods shipped or water- borne to be shipped, not being duly cleared as aforesaid, shall be forfeited. — § 70. Cocket indorsed, S;c The person clearing such goods for shipment shall upon each occasion produce the cocket so indorsed to the searcher, and shall also deliver a shipping bill or copy of such indorsement, referring by names and date to the cocket upon which such indorsement is made, and shall obtain the order of the searcher for the shipment of such goods ; and the particulars to be contained in such indorse- ment and in such shipping bill shall be written and arranged in such form and manner as the collector and comptroller shall require. — § 71. Coals brought coastwise may be exported ivithottt landing. — If any coals shall have been brought coast- wise from one port of the United Kingdom to another, and the master shall be mindeil to proceed with such coals, or any part of them, to parts beyond the seas, it shall be lawful for such master to enter such ship and such coals outwards for the intended voyage, without first landing the coals intended for ex- portation, provided the officers of the customs shall bo satisfied that the quantity of coals left on board does not exceed the quantity so entered outwards. — ^ 72, Account of Value to be delivered to tiie Searcher. — Upon the clearance for shipment of any goods, the produce or manufacture of the United Kingdom, not liable to any eximrt duty, an account, containing an accurate specification of the quantity, quality, and value of such goods, together with a declaration to Ihe truth of tiie same, signed by the exporter or his known iigent, shall be delivered to tlic searcher by the LMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION. 665 pet'son clearing such goods; and if such declaration be false, the person signing the same shall forfeit the sum of 201.; and it sliail be lawful for the searclier to call for the invoice, bills of parcels, and such other documents relating to the goods, as he may think necessary for ascertaining the true value of the same : provided always, that if such exporter or agent shall make and subscribe a declaration before the collector or comptroller, that the value of the goods cannot be ascertained in time for the shipment of the same, and such declaration shall be delivered to the searcher, at the time of clearance, a further time of 3 months shall be allowed for the delivery of such separate shipping bill, on failure whereof such ex- porter or agent shall forfeit the sum of 20/. — ^ 73. Goods for Excise Drawback. — No drawback of excise shall be allowed upon any goods so cleared, unless the person intending to claim such drawback shall have given due notice to the officer of excise, in form and manner required by any law in force relating to the excise, and shall have obtainetl, and have produced to the searcher, at the time of clearing such goods, a proper document, under the hand of the officer of excise, containing the necessary description of the goods for which such drawback is to be claimed ; and if the goods to be cleared and shipped under the care of the searchers shall, upon examin- ation, be found to correspond in al! respects with the particulars of the goods contained in such document, and such goods shall be duly shipped and exported, the searcher shall, if required, certify such shipment upon such document, and shall transmit the same to the officer of excise. — ^ 74. Officer of Excise may attend Examination. — It shall be lawful for the officer of excise, if he see fit, to attend and assist at such examination, and to mark or seal the packages, and to keep joint charge of the same, together with the searcher, until the same shall have been finally delivered by him into the sole charge of the searcher, to be shipped and exported under his care. — \ j5. Goods for Duty, Bounty, or Drawback, 8fc. brought for Shipment. — If any goods which are subject to any duty or restriction, in respect of exportation, or if any goods, which are to be shipped for any draw- back or bounty, shall be brought to any quay, wharf, or other place, to be shipped for exportation, and such goods shall not agree with the indorsement on the cockct, or with the shipping bill, the same shall be forfeited; and if any goods prohibited to be exported be found in any package brought as afore, said, such package and every thing contained therein shall be forfeited. — ^76. Searcher may open any Package s but if correct, must repack. — It shall be lawful for the searcher to open all packages, and fully to examine all goods shipped or brought for shipment at any place in the United Kingdom or in the Isle of Man ; and if the goods so examined shall be found to correspond in all respects with the cocket and clearance purporting to be for the same, such goods shall be repacked at the charge of such searcher, who may be allowed such charge by the commissioners of the customs, if they shall see fit so to do. — \ 11. Clearance of Ship. Content to be delivered to Searcher, 8jc. — Before any ship shall be cleared outwards at any port in the United Kingdom or in the Isle of Man, for parts beyond the seas, with any goods shipped on board the same in such port, the master shall deliver a content of such ship to the searcher, setting forth the name and tonnage of such ship, and the place or places of her destination, and the name of the master, and also an account of the goods shipped on board, and of the packages containing such goods, and of the marks and numbers upon such packages, and a like account of the goods on board, if any, which had been re- ported inwards for exportation in such ship, so far as any of such particulars can be known by him ; and also, before the clearance of such ship, the cockets, with the indorsements and clearances thereon for the goods shipped, shall be finally delivered by the respective shippers of such goods to the searcher, who shall file the same together, and shall attach with a seal a label to the file, showing the number of cockets con- tained in the file, and shall compare the particulars of the goods in the cockets with the particulars of the goods in such content, and shall attest the correctness thereof by his signature on the label, and on the content ; and the master of the ship shall make and sign a declaration before the collector or comp- troller to the truth of such content, and shall also answer to the collector or comptroller such questions concerning the ship, the cargo, and the intended voyage, as shall be demanded of him* and thereupon the collector or comptroller shall clear such ship for her intended voyage, and shall notify such clearance, and the date thereof, upon the content, and upon the label to the file of cockets, and upon the victualling bill, and also in the book of ships' entries outwards, for the information of all parties interested, and shall transmit the content, and the cockets, and the victualling bill to the searcher ; and the particulars to be contained in such content shall be written and arranged in such form and manner as the collector and comptroller shall require. — § 78. File of Cockets, S^c. deliveredXo Master. — The file of cockets and the victualling bill shall thereupon be delivered by the searcher to the master of such ship, at such station within the port and in such manner as shall be appointed by the commissioners of his Majesty's customs for that purpose; and such file of cockets and victualling bill, so delivered, shall be kept by the master of such ship as the authority for de- parting from the port with the several parcels and packages of goods and of stores on board, so far as they shall^agree with the particulars in the indorsements on such cockets or with such victualling bill. — § 79. In Ballast. — If any ship is to depart in ballast from the United Kingdom or from the Isle of Man for parts beyond the seas, having no goods on board except the stores of such ship borne upon the victualling bill or any goods reported inwards for exportation in such ship, the master of such ship shall, before her depu"ture, answer to the collector or comptroller such questions touching her departure and destination as shall be demanded of him ; and thereupon the collector or comptroller shall clear such ship in ballast, and shall notify such clearance and the date thereof on the victualling bill, and also in the book of ships' entries outwards, for the information of all parties interested; and such victualling bill shall be kept by the inaster of such ship as the clearance of the same. — § 80. Part of former Cargo reported for Exportation. — If there be on board any ship any goods of the in- ward cargo which were reported for exportation in the same, the master shall, before clearance outwards of such ship from any port in the United Kingdom or in the Isle of Man, dehver to the searcher a copy of the report inwards of such goods, certified by the collector and comptroller ; and such copy, being found to correspond with the goods so remaining on board, shall be the authority to the searcher to pass such ship with such goods on board ; and being signed by the searcher, and filed with the cockets, shall be the clearance of the ship for those goods. — \ 81. If any Passengers, Master may enter Baggage in his Name. — If any passengers are to depart in any ship from the United Kingdom of from the Isle of Man for parts beyond the seas, it shall be lawful for the master of such ship to pass an entry and to receive a cocket in his name for the necessary personal bag- gage of all such i)assengers, and duly to clear such baggage for shipment in their behalf, stating in such clearances the particulars of the packages and the names of the respective passengers; and if such ship is to take no other goods than the necessary personal baggage of passengers actually going the voyage, it shall be lawful for such master to enter such ship outwards in ballast for passengers only ; and if no other goods than such baggage duly entered and cleared be taken on board such ship, the same shall be deemed to be a ship in ballast, notwithstanding such baggage, and shall be described in the clearance, on the con- tent, and on the label to the cocket or cockets, and on the victualling bill, and in the book of ships' entries, as a ship cleared in ballast, except as to the necessary personal baggage of passengers going the vovage. — 5 82. Master may enter Goods for private Use of Self Crcu: — If the master and crew of any foreign ship which is to depart in ballast from the United Kingdom for parts beyond the seas, shall be desirous to take on board chalk rubbish by way of ballast, or to take with them for their private use any small quantities of goods of British manufacture, it shall be lawful .'"or such master, wHhout entering such ship outwards, to paas 666 IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION. an entry in his name, and receive a cocket free of any export duty for all such goods, under the general de- nomication of British manufactures not prohibited to be exported, being for the use and privilege of the master and crew, and not being of greater value than in the proportion of 20^. for the master, and \0l. for the mate, and 5L for each of the crew, and stating that the ship is in ballast ; and the master shall duly clear such goods for shipment in behalf of himself and crew, stating in such clearances the particulars of the goods and packages, and the names of the crew who shall jointly or severally take any of such goods under this privilege ; and such ship shall be deemed to be a ship in ballast, and be cleared as such, and without a content, notwithstanding such goods or such cocket or cockets ; and such clearance shall be notified by the collector or comptroller on the label to the cocket or cockets, and on the victualling bill, and in the book of ships* entries, as a clearance in ballast, except as to the privilege of the master and crew. — § 83. Officers may board any Ship after Clearance. — It shall be lawful for the officers of the customs to go on board any ship after clearance outwards, within the limits of any port in the United Kingdom or in the Isle of Man, or within 4 leagues of the coast thereof, and to demand the file of cockets and the victual, ling bill, and if there be any goods or stores on board not contained in the indorsements on the cockets, nor in the victualling bill, such goods or stores shall be forfeited ; and if any goods contained in such in- dorsements be not on board, the master shall forfeit the sum of 20Z. for every package or parcel of goods contained in such indorsements and not on board ; and if any cocket be at any time falsified, the person who shall have falsified the same, or who shall have wilfully used the same, shall forfeit the sum of 100/ — ^84. Ships to bring to at Stations. — Every ship departing from any port in the United Kingdom or in the Isle of Man shall bring to at such stations within the port as shall be appointed by the commissioners of his Majesty's customs for the landing of officers from such ships, or for further examination previous to such departure. — % 85. Debenture Goods. Entry in Name of real Owner. — No drawback or bounty shall be allowed upon the exportation from the United Kingdom of any goods, unless such goods shall have been entered in the name of the person who was the real owner thereof at the time of entry and shipping, or of the person who had actually pur- chased and shipped the same, in his own name and at his own liability and risk, on commission, accord- ing to the practice of merchants, and who was and shall have continued to be entitled in his own right to such drawback or bounty, except in the cases herein-after provided for. — § 86. Declaration to Exportation, and to Property, and to Right to Drawback or Bounty. — Such owner or commission merchant shall make and subscribe a declaration upon the debenture that the goods men- tioned therein have been actually exported, and have not been relanded, and are not intended to be re- landed in any part of the United Kingdom, nor in the Isle of Man (unless entered for the Isle of Man), nor in the islands of Faro or Ferro, and that he was the real owner thereof at the time of entry and ship- ping, or that he had purchased and shipped the said goods in his own name and at his own liability and risk, on commission, as the case may be, and that he was and continued to be entitled to the drawback or bounty thereon in his own right : provided always, that if such owner or merchant shall not have pur- chased the right to such drawback or bounty, he shall declare under his hand upon the entry and upon the debenture the person who is entitled thereto, and the name of such person shall be stated in the cocket and in the debenture ; and the receipt of such person on the debenture shall be the discharge for such drawback or bounty. — \ 87. Agent may pass Entry, and receive Drawback, and make the Declaration, 8;c. — If such owner or mer- chant shall be resident in some part of the United Kingdom, being more than 20 miles from the custom- house of the port of shipment, he may appoint any person to be his agent to make and pass his entry, and to clear and ship his goods, and to receive for him the drawback or bounty payable on his debenture, if pay- able to him, provided the name of such agent and the residence of such owner or merchant be subjoined to the name of such owner or merchant in the entry and in the cocket for such goods j and such agent, being duly informed, shall make declaration upon the entry, if any be necessary, and also upon the de- benture, in behalf of such owner or merchant, to the eflfect before required of such owner or merchant, and shall answer such questions touching his knowledge of the exportation of such goods and the property therein, and of the right to the drawback or bounty, as shall be demanded of him by the collector or comptroller; and if any such goods be exported by any corporation or company trading by a joint stock, it shall be lawful for them to appoint any person to be tlieir agent for the like purposes and with the like powers to act in their behalf — ^88. Property of Persons abroad. — If any goods which are to be exported for drawback be the property of any person residing abroad, having been consigned by the owner thereof to some person as his agent re- siding in the United Kingdom, to be exported through the same to parts beyond the seas, by such agent, upon account of such owner, it shall be lawful for such person (being the consignee by whom and in whose name the duties inwards on such goods had been paid, or his legal representative), in like manner, as agent for such owner, to enter, clear, and ship such goods for him, and upon like conditions to receive for him the drawback payable thereon. — \ 89. Shipment within 3 Years, and Payment within 2 Years. — No drawback shall be allowed upon the exportation of any goods unless such goods be shipped within 3 years after the payment of the duties inwards thereon, and no debenture for any drawback or bounty allowed upon the exportation of any goods shall be paid after the expiration of 2 years from the date of the shipment of such goods, and no drawback shall be allowed upon any goods which by reason of damage or decay shall have become of less value for home use than the amount of such drawback ; and all goods so damaged which shall be cleared for any drawback shall be forfeited, and the person who caused such goods to be so cleared shall forfeit the sum of 200/., or treble the amount of the drawback in such case, at the election of the commis. sioners of the customs. — \ 90. Issuing and passing Debenture. — For the purpose of computing and paying any drawback or bounty payable upon any goods duly entered, shipped, and exported, a debenture shall, in due time after such entry, be prepared by the collector and comptroller, certifying in the first instance the entry outwards ot such goods ; and so soon as the same shall have been duly exported, and a notice containing the parti- culars of the goods shall have been delivered by the exporter to the searcher, the shipment and export ation thereof shall be certified to the collector and comptroller, upon such debenture, by the searcher, and the debenture shall thereupon be computed and passed with all convenient despatch, and be delivcrei to the person entitled to receive the same. — § 91. Certificate of landing in Isle of Man. — No drawback or bounty shall be allowed for any goods exported from the United Kingdom to the Isle of Man, until a certificate shall be produced from the collector and comptroller of the customs of the Isle of Man of the due landing of such goods. — ^ 92. Press-packing, and Declaration of Packer. — No drawback or bounty shall be allowed for any goods exported from the United Kingdom in bales cleared as being press-packed, unless the quantities and qua- lities of the goods in each of such bales shall be verified by the master packer thereof, or, in case of un- avoidable absence, by the foreman of such packer, having knowledge of the contents of the bales, by declaration made and subscribed upon the cocket before the collector or comptroller ; or.if such packer reside more than 10 miles from the port, then by declaration made and subscribed upon an account of such goods, before a magistrate or justice of the peace for the county or place where such packer shall reside ; and if such bales be iiot cleared as being press-packcl, thea the searcher, having opened any sach bale, shall not be required to repack the same at his charge. — ^ 93. IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION. 667 Licensed Lightermen, Sfc. — No goods cleared for drawback or bounty, or from the warehouse, shall be carried waterbornc, to be put on board any ship for exportation from the United Kingdom, by any per- son, unless such persons shall be authorised for that purpose by licence under the hands of he ' ommi*- sioners of the customs ; and before granting such licence, it shall be lawful for the said commissioners to require such security by bond for the faithful and incorrupt conduct of such person as they shall deem necessary ; and after granting such licence it shall be lawful for the said commissioners to revoke the same, if the person to whom the same shall have been granted shall be convicted of any offence against the laws relating to the customs or excise : provided always, that all such licences which shall be in force at the time of the commencement of this act shall continue in Ibrce as if the same had been afterwards granted under the authority of this act. — ^94. Warehouse or Debenture Goods not exported. — If any goods which have been taken from the ware- house to be exported from the same, or any goods which have been cleared to be exported for any draw- back or bounty, shall not be duly exported to parts beyond the seas, or shall be relanded in any part of the United Kingdom (such goods not having been duly relanded or discharged as short-shippe — captain of an inferior rate - - 210 — lieutenant, and other commanding officer, and for every marine officer - - 105 Gailom For every admiral ... I,2(i0 — vice-admiral - - l,o50 — rear-admiral ... 840 — captain of the first Eind second rate - 630 provided always, that such wine be shipped only at one of the ports herein-after mentionedj (that is to say,) London, Rochester, Deal, Dover, Portsmouth, Plymouth, Yarmouth, Falmouth, Belfast, Dublin, Cork, Leith, or Glasgow § 9fi. Persons entering Wine for Drawback to declare the Name and Rank of Officer claiming same. — The person entering such wine, and claiming the drawback for the same, shall state in the entry and declare on the debenture the name of the officer for whose use such wine is intended, and of the ship in which he serves ; and such wine shall be delivered into the charge of the officers of the customs at the port of shipment, to be secured in the king's warehouse until the same shall be shipped under their care ; and such officers having certified upon the debenture the receipt of the wine into their charge, the debenture shall be computed and passed, and be delivered to the person entitled to receive the same. — \ 97. Officers leaving the Service, S(C. such JVine permitted to be transferred to others. — If any such officer shall leave the service or be removed to another ship, it shall be lawful for the officers of the customs of any of the ports before mentioned to permit the transfer of any such wine from one officer to another, as part of his proportion, whether on board the same ship or another, or the transhipment from one ship to another for the same officer, or the relanding and warehousing for fpture reshipment; and it shall also be lawful for the officers of customs at any port to receive back the duties for any of such wine, and de- liver the same for home use : provided always, that if any of such wine be not laden on board the ship for which the same was intended, or be unladen from such ship without permission of the proper officer of the customs, the same shall be forfeited. — \ 98. Pursers of his Majesty's Ships of War may ship Tobacco for Use of Crew free of Duty ^ on giving Bond. — It shall be lawful for'the purser of any of his Majesty's ships of war in actual service to enter and ship at the ports of Rochester, Portsmouth, or Plymouth, in the proportions herein-after mentioned, any tobacco there warehoused in his name or transferred into his name, for the use of the ship in which he. shall serve; provided such purser shall deliver to the collector or comptroller of such port a certificate from the captain of such ship, stating the name of the purser and the number of men belonging to the ship, and shall also give bond, with one sufficient surety, in treble the duties payable on the tobacco, that no part thereof shall be relanded in the United Kingdom without leave of the officers of the customs, or be landed in either of the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, Alderney, Sark, or Man. — ^ 99. Purser removed from one Ship to another may tranship Tobacco with Permission of Collectm: — If any purser shall be removed from one ship to another, it shall be lawful for the collector and comptroller of the port where such ship shall be to permit the transhipment of the remains of any such tobacco for the use of such other ship, upon due entry of such tobacco by such purser, setting forth the time when and the port at which such tobacco was first shipped; and if any such ship shall be paid off, it shall be lawful for the collector and comptroller of any port where such ship shall be paid off to permit the remains of any such tobacco to be landed, and to be entered by the purser of such ship, either for payment of duties, or to be warehoused for the term of 6 months, for the supply of some other such ship, in like manner as any tobacco may be warehoused and supplied at either of the ports before mentioned, or for payment of all du. ties within such 6 months : provided always, that all tobacco warehoused for the purpose of so supplying his Majesty's ships of war shall be subject to the provisions of this act made for the warehousing of tobacco generally, as far as the same are applicable, and are not expressly altered by any of the provisions herein particularly made. — § 100. . . , , v „ , „ j ^ Quantity of Tobacco not to exceed, SfC. — No greater quantity of such tobacco shall be allowed to any ship of war than 2 lbs. by the lunar month for each of the crew of such ship, nor shall any greater quantity be shipped at any one time than sufficient to serve the crew of such ship for 6 months, after such rate of allowance; and the collector and comptroller of the port at or from which any such tobacco shall be sup- plied to any such ship, or landed from any such ship.^or transferred from one such ship to another, shall transmit a particular account thereof to the commissioners of his Majesty's customs, in order that a general account may be kept of all the quantities supplied to and consumed on board each of such ships under the allowances before granted. — §101. ^„ , , , Times and Places for shipping Goods. — No goods shall be put off from any wharf, quay, or other place, or shall be waterborne in order to be exported, but pnly on days not being Sundays or nolidays, and in the day-time; (that is to say,) from the first dav of September until the last day of March, betwixt sun- rising and sun-setting, and from the last day of March until the first day of September, between the hours of 7 of the clock in the morning and 4 oftheclock in the afternoon ; nor shall any such goods be then put off or waterborne for exportation unless in the presence or witl> the authority of the proper officer of the customs, nor except from a legal quay appointed by his Majesty, or at some wharf, quay, or place appointed by the commissioners of his Majesty's customs for the shipping ot such goods by sufferance. ~V^altyfor exporting prohibited Goods.— If any goods liable to forfeiture for being shipped for ex- portation shall be shipped and exported without discovery by the olBcers of the customs the person or persons who shall have caused such goods to be exported shall forfeit double the value of such goods. — 4 103. 668 IMPORTATION AND EXPORTATION. Prohibitions Outwakds. Prohibitions and Restrictions absolute or modified. — The several sorts of goods enumerated or de- scribed in the Table following (denominated " A lable of Prohibitions and Restrictions Outwards") shall be either absolutely prohibited to be exported from the United Kingdom, or shall be exported only under the restrictions mentioned in such Table, according as the several sorts of such goods are respectively set forth therein ; (that is to say,) A Table of PROHiBrnoNs and Restrictions Outwards. Clocks and watches ; viz. any outward or inward box, case, or dial i>late, of any metal, without the movement in or with every such box, case, or dial plate, made uj> fit for use, with the clock or watchmaker's name enf;raven thereon. I^ce; viz. any metal inferior to silver which shall be spun, mixed, wrought, or set uiion silk, or which shall be gilt, or drawn into wive, or flatted into plate, and spun or woven, or wrought into or upon, or mixed with lace, fringe, cord, embroidery, tambour work, or buttons, made in the gold or silver lace manufactory, or set upon silk, or made into bullion spangles, or pearl or any other ma- terials made in the gold or silver lace manufactory, or which shall imitate or be meant to imitate such lace, fringe, cord, embroidery, tambour work, or buttons ; nor shall any person export any copper, brass, or other metal which shall be silvered or tlrawn into wire, or flatted into plate, or made into bullion spangles, or pearl or any other materials used in the gold or silver lace ma- nufactory, or in imitation of such lace, fringe, cord, em- broidery, tambour work, "or buttons, or of any of the materi2ils used in making the same, and which shall hold more or bear a greater proportion than 3 penny- weights of fine silver to the pound avoirdupois of such copper, brass, or other metals, any metal inferior to silver, whether gilt, silvered, stained, or coloured, or otherwise, which shall be worked up or mixed with gold or silver in any manufacture of lace, fringe, cord, embroidery, tambour work, or buttons. Tools and utensils; viz. any machine, engine, tool, press, paper, utensil, or instrument used in or proper for the prepar- ing, working, pressing, or finishing of the woollen, cot- ton, linen, or silk manufactures of this kingdom, or any other goods wherein wool, cotton, linen, or silk is used, or any part of such machines, engines, tools, presses, paper, utensils, or instruments, or any model or plan thereof, or any part thereof; except wool cards or stock cards not worth above 4*. per pair, and spinners' cards not worth above \s. 6 Europe, North, Russia Sweden - Denmark and Norway Prussia - Germany • Netherlands Europe, South. France - -i Portugal - Spain Italy - Turkey - America,North. United Sutes - British colonies America, South. British West Indies - Foreign ditto (from 1808, Brazils and Span, colon.) 1 10,446 213,657 77,308 181,186 681 624,410 86,025 202,909 566,527 358,537 276 84,507 280,633 687,805 407,240 60,962 288,549 437,869 578,445 168,071 891,169 48,750 ,619,146 261,823 140,138 595,544 55'2,291 717,057 452,734 645,486 724,287 853,862 184,545 986,409 221,413 2,182,430 327,350 155,672 1,057,603 1,192,030 1,000,768 424,434 961,711 830,937 723,501 182,424 ),674 8,531,175 183,8531 1,658,256 2,258,975 132,305 196,517 658,080 084,741 961,269 737,360 492,193 877,436 894,835 306,678 3,267,488 716,572 7,926,215 39.'-,,696 l,2Sl,55.-> 70,617 90,515 87,206 294,108 427,016 171,0911 117,247 813,269 1,345,212 1,566,311 8,005,23; 2,442,947 2,317,986 4,392,617 39,874 152,209 757,621 2,044.228 166,115 437,483; 343,4431 1,121,529 921,492 2,.390,10; 580,422 143,249 218,002 387,516 18,491 1,198,33 2.-^8,476 133,674 675,.34S 709,179 759,243 121.877 1,284,344 ,421,294 J "^0,4 16 163,154 2,839,484 6,329,490 864,489, l,3-'>0,896 422,810 : 1,002,881 8,772,871 4,337,316 1,514,079 1,935,154 61.),9'.i3 3,699,715 761,116 6,593,956 1,715,: 1,862,522 3,925,613: 5,030,367 672 IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. Foreign Trade of Great Britain and Ireland. II. Account specifying the Official and Declared Value of the Exports of British and Irish Produce and Manufacture, and the Official Value of the Exports of Foreign and Colonial Merchandise, from Great jtiritain to Foreign Parts ; with the Official Value of the Imports into the same, also from Foreign Parts, in each Year since 1800. Years ending the 5th of J anuary* British and Iriih Produce and Manufactures exported from Great Britain. Foreign and Colonial Merchandise exported from Great Britain. Imports into Great Britain. Official Value. Declared Value. C^fficial Value. Zojficial Value. 1800 a22,284,941 Jp35,903,850 Ji 7,271,696 .£24,066,700 1804 20,042,596 36,127,787 8,032,643 25,104,541 1805 22,132,367 37,135,746 8'938,741 26,454,281 1806 OO nA'7 OTl 22,907,371 37,234,396 7,613,120 27,334,020 1807 25,266,546 39,746,581 7,717,555 25,554,478 1808 22,963,772 36,394,443 7,624,312 25,326,845 1809 24,179,854 36,306,385 5,776,775 25,660,953 1810 ACi f\A-o oT 1 «=2 10 - c ^ w e ' 00 io"w 3 to •0 1— W 3C'0_ "T — tOXJ-o" WW ' n , n s -o '0 to f-T tocTo^ 11 |S IN w t« w w •0 ^^•5 tor- to ' to — r ?. O gglljOOOOCiO jjiNi^tootcccor^o ^'^-^iCto'to" to «? e< «o , tNIO s 0? to 2* too x — w tf. 10 ? i 1- ■5 S 00 «0 Ol >o Ol o o 5> o K2 a> K en ■* '•'i'^ t- T)< >0 -1 r1 3)tOtO-00t^ tOt^l^-Ot^lO tOO-.t5>n S2 to to OJ — " — >o t7> tN w to tfo" — W 10 ^' to A ^ ^ ~ 5 £ 1" 9 "O-^^. — WiCJJW to ^ !A S ciwait^ to <3)SC00 to — ■ t^ S ■ • S5 ' ' COOOlOW03^0^r^5^tO Tt'OwOOCN ">>OTj , Tjtot^-l to 00 ' tOtOOoo -l . «0 . tow ' ■ ' 12?} tNO O-w 1^ w 00 3> wo 0 — r; f i 0 w"< rC.o'c'- 'i' s OO00;D3)OTf< , o o o to to CO 11 to t<2 to T}- to OCTIT)-^ , K5 , to t^OC 3) 00 O lO Ol O =ttOt-. 31^00 to>otcooc«f3 >o '05a> »-< I- >oc toiOi-rto T^aT'^toiti' to to tot-T <0 O iH « (o " o < , , tN a> w T)<<0 .t£ •a to i° .5 w 6- 0 tN W >2 tNoc - to ;o M-'octoo'" « .ciio — toScn i-i "i'-i^ "J, 00 ^WtOii a>n , i-i 7J to WW ■-< r-i ?J n (N to to OO — -OOOO O ^ OO w wto.-Hrf o i-.tOTj<^ OQeo:^05> to ' '5-i '^So'^S 5 nV(N>OTrt-: lo tjTio w '^'^ w» •50 h£ —3 •0 — 0 o 01 w to to to X 1--:-^— to — •» 5 KJtOMtOIOIl to , I^O^tO O o oTootP' F- •-' w 2* >C O >0 so OJ lO OlOltOt^Ot^ to n.'0— >OtO» QCOtC— 3Ja> ■ 'ClOO '-gow^-o (OTjT— t^to'^" cn otTto — to «o «- "So 00 w D 0 w 0 CI TS< to tox — wv>6 0 — to — w ■O MX? Tl< tore OO l-ll J-, to to to ■* oe t-o o to' tooo3300» o —to o w to 00 to- ot? 00 &s •S-: CO w CD So. X — xo — — ^o-n" "l 0»0to OlOO-H to t--t-^ (0'*tC w l^acoJio . t7> . (0 to O 00 ' 00 tots 0)0 5; ootoc; w on 0.1I--VO to--^to to Woo »o— -tootio '—to Mit5to''(3o'2rw wocuj to'to-toi-T^Tt^ to cTo tCOOOo^ txwi-— — O) to I» ■* tOX5 00 CN to to gO-^tOtOtft^t^tO— OOt^Wt^tO tO>.0 — r-i-. toto 55 35^3^Sc3 t.-i jotb SoSKoo — "^^S — OTi't^jIoo — — to— "oT wt-Ttos? »o loox SSS^Si^*^ OOlOtOtO IN wt^ = ^ tow — to 0 t<3 S 1 — cT w — oto ocioi? t-TorT to to to-xz'tT -£ , 1a5 $ CNXOOIWOI . ^ .J lOtoS O K)00 •otN oodoot^ ©TtC to>r,* OOg'* SS'SSS^'*'"-'*'* o>woeo500 o— tNw S*rs:r2£=» t-ttotoaco tot^.too c^w^t'^to^x^o^o o Tj« 1^ oeot^— — *ri X5 1>. 00 — to t^ o^o* ^Too— 'wt-T to* t--"_r >C05tO ,^tOW O S «-o — to w — — 02__, ^ S — eJ too vO w to to — 0 w w to I' X to T* — 0 c r;i-.o_oc to w X c w 0 0 S « 2 1 o-i 1 'HI i ' ' 111 li |i 3 1 1 1 1 i r !| i = ilS" Jill jlsii^|£<'="£ sis> i vi XT"^ « IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. 677 2,697 6,517 2.552 15,6H 65,771 4,236 1,411,066 1,353,614 20,518 10,024 4,656,892 183,669 10,553 3,362,035 2,115 161,112 622,261 3,331 15,5521 58,738 j 572,595 46,7661 10,976 12,353 3,561,812 78,919 3,921 656 1 13,992 r 797,283 1 30,298 -| 685,812 144,645 'A ■S A 2 !-S ■0 -,-r 2 n'* ■§ 2| !9S~3!^. "5 ai'OO 2! >o t-inOrt too o — nilto-oi': ao;o n ft to aa «f~ to 1 - -1 o> ox t~ 10 lo cJ ,-■ ox rtoo o "i>'5 W 01_tO -H^ Oiys "5 •* >0 '~ 'JC O <» •'■-.''J.'i'' "^■9' o o> to to — n C^tt o> «t-3x" "to i<^o0"^Tl<.-ir-< _ to toSo> rri^ t-- t ""^ S -i" to n 5,315 5,452 3,265 15,029 99.134 6,359 1,496,156 1,413,774 22,497 11,484 4,134,165 207,789 7,063 4,674,535 152,596 647,581 2.780 2,119 3,443 11,490 57,334 545,074 31,318 10,043 10,934 3,397,102 73,824j 2,906 265 74,435 96,554 1,622,993^ to t o? en 00 r- 9,321 5,887 13,288 17,093 117,995 7,178 1,537,694 1,476,511 22.167 10,997 4,667,900 158,876 8,693 3,832,427 127,378 582,485 2,950 2,482 2,550 7,144 45,021 316,143 33.098 10,595 8,659 [■3,334,234 66,043 } 3,053 71,935 74,050 ]. 1,545,507 ■» to to 10 tCi-1 "1 '-jto 10 107.772 11.612 3,909,665 1,160,167 15,900 32,361,593 39,670 17,640 70,878 10,969 3,690 4,595 3,889 75,461 653,899 36,155 43,525 4,518 72 23,149,726 189,716 294 ' 332,222 6,202 103 13,040 538,528 417,281 2,900.457 110,294 2,497.6581 526.173 j3 01 to 2 fx? 00 91 ■0 86,046 13,562 18,469 134,039 2,625,075 335,406 3,184,255 1,208,646 18,234 13,330 3,934,810 1,289,514 11,510 30,625,206 35,316 14,451 66,651 9,763 3,444 4,077| 2,199 84.45 ll 581,059 30.9 10 48,026 4,020 22,321,489 144,585 551 404,922 3,616 46 6,538 500,727 458,694 2,560,252 111.376 2,278,263 502,319 0 fO 0" tc-^ 3 117,159 9,676 22,531 115:768 2,794,491 400,914 3,324,749 1,257,853 19,381 14,437 3,488,399 1,314,085 9,205 49,142,236 15,677 68,500 9.247 5,291 3,200 1 2,871 90,811 612,865 26,062 39,514 3,988 22 150,785 158.182 508 ' 340,123| 4,6r3i 121 3,204 541,511 352,063 2,878,359 155,675 2,588,413 515,195 CN ■<£ 0 OC n'>)oc(?i!N lOCi-i cc .jTCcjcNn -sx oc>o rrQ«03x — — — r> (^.ooo tccNtiooMO ci-^^n-oao TT — o o> to ^.■■jr-i'S-i'io, oc?) M< toe; , c-^^ia«Hi^ , r: c tc r. o o oi.oio >^ 3-1 o ibSioxi'Ocn ■* "o abS-'i'^"^ 0 kj (n — ■* '"L ~ '■l-'^ to X3 oc-^okimio tc "^''-ocT-J tC oTox--? 2 0 Soo (5 t-i i. oicxi'ioi-: « c'sj — 30 lOio S rHr^n !»32 Totals 18,070,990 17,644,055 21,954,062 25,819,993 16,668,002 19,014,094 19,695,299 430-986,489 Australia. New South Wales, Van Diemen's Land, and Swan River New Zealand and South Sea Islands 558,372 936 716,014 696,345 2,087 835,637 921,508 1,336,662 1,095 844,100 786 18-471,194 •017,200 Totals 559,308 i 716,014 699,0"2 835,037 921,568 1,357,757 844,886 1 18-488 394 Recapitulation. t/urope Asia Africa America AuKtralia 15,947,723 4,152,311 937,015 18,070,990 559,308 18,3f)7,6!*8 3,928,204 993, 12( 17,644,055 716,014 1S,810,(H5 4,757,084 1,116,047 21,954,002 699,032 19,290,025 5,948,855 1 ,408,002 25,819,993 835,657 19,401 ,.320 4,079,7.36 1,439,618 1 5,668 ,(;02 921,508 22,055,149 6,806,301 1,847,759 19,014,094 1,. 337, 7 67 18,980,65S 4,872,0.83 1 ,305,255 19,095,299 844,886 415-.348,229 100-011,372 28-562,516 4.3II-9S6,I89 18-48.S,394 (Jrand TotaU 39,607,347 41,649,091 47,372,270 53,308,572 42,070,744 50,061,060 45,698,182 1-000,000,000, i IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. 679 VI. Acount of the Value of the various Articles of the rroducc and Manufacture the Unit^ Kingdom exported to Foreign Parts, according to the real or declared Value tliereof, in the Years ladO, 1837, and 183S. GiiEAT Britain. Alum - ..... Apparel, slops, and negro clothing Arms and ammunition ... Bacon and hams .... Beef and pork, salted . . - - Beer and ale ..... Books, printed - .... Brass and copper manufactures Bread and biscuit - - . . - Butler anil cheese .... Cabinet and upholstery wares Coals and culm ..... Covdaife . . . . - Corn, "grain, meal, and flour Cotton manufactures .... yarn .... Cows and oxen . . . - . Earthenware of all sorts Fish of all sorts Glass of all sorts .... Haberdashery and millinery ... Hardwares and cutlery ... Hats, benver and felt ..... of all other sorts - - - - Hops Horses ..... Iron and steel, wrought and unwrouglit Lard ....... Lead and shot .... Leather, wrought and unwrought sadlery and harness - - • - Linen manufactures - - yarn ... Machinery and mill work Mathematical and optical instruments Mules ..... Musical instruments ... Oil, train, of Greenland fishery Painters' colours ... Plate, plated ware, jewellery, and watches Poutoes ..... Salt ..... Saltpetre, British refined Seeds of all sorts .... Silk manufactures .... Soap and candles .... Spirits • . - . . Stationery of all sorts .... Sugar, refined ... . Tin, unwrought .... and pewter wares, and tin plates Tobacco, manufactured, and snult" Tongues ..... Umbrellas and parasols - - . Whalebone . . . . , Wool, sheep's - ... of other sorts ... Woollen and worsted yam - - . Woollen manufactures ... All other articles .... Total real or declared value of the produce and ma nufactures of the United Kingdom exported from Great Britain to foreign parts Total declared value of the produce and manufac- tures of the United Kingdom exported from Ire- land to foreign parts - - . . United Kingdom. L. C04,8K3 41 1, m 42,319 178,0.-54 1,072,002 8,184 7r>,r,ii 329,7fiO 84,475 31,297 18,482,686 6,120,."26 .'5,072 8.'57,4M 185,433 .O,--) 1,599 681,980 2,270,630 147,907 41,753 11,788 98,.302 2,340,207 26,585 224,931 316,322 93,388 3,249,053 315,608 300,852 25,030 5,366 76,120 5,836 210,811 4,915 171,463 14,411 8,920 916,777 276,222 24,297 297,945 623,327 61,847 387,528 13,654 .3,599 62,336 10,550 323,j49 .39,967 358,690 7,6'56,n7 1,293,932 1837. L. 2,761 533,301 289,142 .35,840 119,117 268,235 147,4.30 1,166,082 9,991 179,073 67,357 428.690 73,231 34,781 13,6.32,146 6,955,936 6,107 563,082 185,120 475,995 414,687 1,460,404 104,60fJ 46,290 10,547 75,215 2,003,708 14,7 82 155,210 250,.308 87,037 2,109,897 415,726 493,298 27,259 5,104 71,618 5,700 151 ,.-07 257,726 7,030 190,444 19,593 7,466 503,653 230,835 10,485 197,489 453,984 ■ 73,157 371,518 13,124 3,744 39,464 6,.347 185,350 10,076 337,140 4,654,397 1,117,269 3'>.3,141 303,010 L. 5,753 ."581,9.34 333,697 49,226 11K,486 311,79^ 143,9t5 l,2i!l,073 9,839 230,674 77,201 483,6.30 92,986 .34, .'.19 16,709,1.36 7,431,848 4, ,344 651,095 208,601 375,859 514,053 1,497,525 91,256 61,584 17,397 63,283 2,550,895 22,433 154,108 267,103 90,841 2,785,236 587,891 627,146 24,474 6,131 65,292 10,463 177,678 240,393 12,570 221,111 28,079 10,331 777,273 334,248 17,385 218,176 553,222 101,800 458,798 12,446 6,490 50,702 6,201 381, .356 24,390 384,535 5,793,417 1,535,546 50,060,970 * There is a slight discrepancy between the numbers in this and the previous table, rived from different parliamentary papers, and these do not always agree. They were de- We should have inserted here, had the space permitted, an account of the official value (there being no account of the real value) of the different articles of Foreign and Colonial Merchandise exported from the United Kingdom in 1836, 1837, and 1838 ; but we have been obliged to give it in the SuppUment, ■where the reader will find it under the art. Imports and E.xports. — The value of such merchandise ex- ported from Great Britain in 1838 amounted to .i^l2,702,660, whereas that exported from Ireland amounted to only -£8,658! The great articles of export are cotton wool, sugar, coffee, indigo, and other dye stuffs, rum, cotton manufactures of India, spices, &c. — The countries to %vhich the commodities in question are exported, and the value of those sent to each in 1834, are exhibited in the previously men- tioned article of the Supplement. Causes of the Magnitude of British Commerce, — The immediate cause of the rapid increase and vast magnitude of the commerce of Great Britain, is doubtless to be found in the extraordinary improvements, and consequent extension of our manufactures since 1770. The cotton manufacture may be said to have grown up during the intervening period. It must also be borne in mind, that the effect of an improvement in the pro- duction of any article in considerable demand is not confined to that particular article, but extends itself to others. Those who produce it according the old plan, are under- sold unless they adopt the same or similar improvements ; and the improved article, by coming into competition with others for which it may be substitued, infuses new energy 2X4 680 IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. into their producersj and impels every one to put forth all his powers, that he may either preserve his old, or acquire new advantages. The cotton manufacture may be said to be the result of the stupendous inventions and discoveries of Hargraves, Arkwrio-ht, Crompton, and a few others ; but we should greatly under-rate the importance of their inventions, if we supposed that their influence was limited to this single department. They imparted a powerful stimulus to every branch of industry. Their success, and that of Watt and Wedgwood, gave that confidence to genius so essential in all great undertakings. After machines had been invented for spinning and weaving cottons, whose fineness emulates the web of the gossamer, and steam-engines had been made " to engrave seals, and to lift a ship like a bauble in the air," every thing seemed possible nil arduum visum est. And the unceasing efforts of new aspirants to wealth and distinction, and the intimate connection of the various arts and sciences, have extended and perpetuated the impulse given by the invention of the spinning-frame and the steam-engine. The immense accumulation of capital that has taken place since the close of the American war has been at once a cause and a consequence of our increased trade and manufactures. Those who reflect on the advantages which an increase of capital confers on its possessors can have no difficulty in perceiving how it operates to extend trade. It enables them to buy cheaper, because they buy larger quantities of goods, and pay ready money ; and, on the other hand, it gives them a decided superiority in foreign markets where capital is scarce, and credit an object of primary importance with the native dealers. To the manufacturer, an increase of capital is of equal importance, by giving him the means of constructing his works in the best manner, and of carrying on the business on such a scale as to admit of the most proper distribution of whatever has to be done among diflPerent individuals. These effects have been strikingly evinced in the commercial history of Great Britain during the last half century ; and thus it is, tliat capital, originally accumulated by means of trade, gives, in its turn, nourishment, vigour, and enlarged growth to it. The improvement that has taken place in the mode of living during the last half century has been partly the effect, and partly the cause, of the improvement of manu- factures, and the extension of commerce. Had we been contented with the same accom- modations as our ancestors, exertion and ingenuity would long since have been at an end, and routine have usurped the place of invention. Happily, however, the desires of man vary with the circumstances under which he is placed, extending with every exten- sion of tlie means of gratifying them, till, in highly civilised countries, they appear almost illimitable. This endless craving of the human mind, its inability to rest satis- fied with previous acquisitions, combined with the constant increase of population, renders the demand for new inventions and discoveries as intense at one period as at another, and provides for the continued advancement of society. What is a luxury in one age, tecomes a necessary in the next. The fact of Queen Elizabeth having worn a pair o» silk stockings was reckoned deserving of notice by contemporary historians ; while, at present, no individual, in the rank of a gentleman, can go to dinner without them. The lower classes are continually pressing upon the middle ; and these, again, upon the higher; so that invention is racked, as well to vary the modes of enjoyment, as to in- crease the amount of wealth. That this competition should be, in all respects, advan- tageous, is not to be supposed. Emulation in show, though the most powerful incentive to industry, may be carried to excess; and has certainly been ruinous to many indivi- duals, obliged sometimes, perhaps, by their situation, or seduced by example, to incur expenses beyond their means. But the abuse, even when most extended, as it probably is in England, is, after all, confined within comparatively narrow limits ; while the bene- ficial influence resulting from the general diffusion of a taste for improved accommodations adds to the science, industry, wealth, and enjoyments of the whole community. We are also inclined to think that the increase of taxation, during the late war, con- tributed to the improvement of manufactures, and the extension of trade. The gradually increasing pressure of the public burdens stimulated the industrious portion of the com- munity to make corresponding efforts to preserve their place in society ; and produced a spirit of invention and economy that we should have in vain attempted to excite by any less powerful means. Had taxation been very oppressive, it woidd not have had this effect ; but it was not so high as to produce either dejection or despair, though it was, at the same time, sufficiently heavy to render a considerable increase of exertion and parsimony necessary, to prevent it from encroaching on the fortunes of individuals, or, at all events, from diminishing the rate at which they were previously accumulating To the excitement afforded by the desire of rising in the world, the fear of falling super- added an additional and powerful stimulus; arid the two together produced results that could not liave been produced by the unassisted operation of either. We do not think that any evidence has been, or can be, produced to show, that the capital of the country would liave been materially greater than it is, had the tranquillity of Europe been ma.in> *Ained uninterrupted from 1793 to the present moment. IMPRESSMENT. 681 We do not state these circumstances in order to extenuate the evils of war, or of op- pressive taxation ; but merely to show the real influence of taxation on industry, when gradually augmented and kept within reasonahie hounds. Under sucli circumstances, it has the same influence on a nation that an increase of his family, or of his unavoidable expenses, has on a private individual. But after every fair allowanc»> has been made for the influence of the causes above stated, and of others of a similar description, still it is abundantly certain that a liberal system of government, affording full scope for the expansion and cultivation of every mental and bodily power, and securing all the advantages of superior talent and address to their possessors, is the grand sine qua non of commercial and manufacturing prosperity. Where oppression and tyranny prevail, the inhabitants, though surrounded by all the means of civilisation and wealth, are invariably poor and miserable. In respect of soil, climate, and situation, Spain has a decided advantage over Great Britain : and yet, what a miserable contrast does the former present, when compared with the latter ! I'he despotism and intolerance of her rulers, and the want of good order and tranquillity, have extinguished every germ of improvement in the Peninsula, and sunk the inhal)itants to the level of the Turks and Moors. Had a similar political system been established in England, we should have been equally depressed. Our superiority in science, arts, and arms, though promoted by subsidiary means, is, at bottom, the result of freedom and security — freedom to engage in every employment, and to pursue our own interest in our own way, coupled with an intimate conviction, derived from the nature of our insti- tutions, and their opposition to every thing like arbitrary power, that acquisitions, when made, may be securely enjoyed or disposed of. These form the grand sources of our wealth and power. There have only been two countries, — Holland and the United States, — which have, in these respects, been placed under nearly the same circumstances as England ; and, notwithstanding they inhabit a morass, defended only by artificial mounds from being deluged by the ocean, the Dutch have long been, and still continue to be, the most prosperous and opulent people of the Continent ; while the Americans, whose situation is more favourable, are advancing in the career of improvement with a rapidity hitherto unknown. In Great Britain we have been exempted, for a lengthened period, from foreign aggression and intestine commotion ; the pernicious influence of the feudal system has long been at an end ; the same equal burdens have been laid on all classes ; we have enjoyed the advantage of liberal institutions, without any material alloy of popular licentiousness or violence ; ovir intercourse with foreign nations, though sub- jected to many vexatious restraints, has been comparatively free ; full scope has been given to the competition of the home producers ; the highest offices have been open to deserving individuals ; and, on the whole, the natural order of things has been less dis- turbed amongst us by artificial restraints than in most other countries. But without security, no degree of freedom would have been of material importance. Happily, however, every man has felt satisfied, not only of the temporar)"^, but of the permanent tranquillity of the country, and of the stability of its institutions. The plans and com- binations of capitalists have not been affected by misgivings as to what might take place in future. Monied fortunes have not been amassed in preference to others, be- cause th'^y might be more easily sent abroad in periods of contusion and disorder ; but all individuals have unhesitatingly engaged, whenever an opportunity offered, in imder- takings of which a remote posterity was alone to reap the benefit. No one can look at the immense sums expended upon the permanent improvement of the land, on docks, warehouses, canals, &c., or reflect for a moment on the settlements of property in the funds, and on the extent of our system of life insurance, without being deeply impressed with the vast importance of that confidence which the public have placed in the security of property, and the good faith of government. Had this confidence been imperfect, industry and invention would have been paralysed ; and much of that capital which feeds and clothes the industrious classes would never have existed. The preservation of this security entire, both in fact avd in opiiiion, is essential to the public welfare. If it be anywise impalxed, the colossal fabric of our prosperity will crumble into dust; and the commerce of London, Liverpool, and Glasgow, like that of Tyre, Carthage, and Pal- myra, will, at no very remote period, be famous only' in history. — (From the Treatise on Commerce, contributed by the author of this work to the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge.) IMPRESSMENT, the forcible taking away of seamen from their ordinary em- ployment, and compelling them to serve, against their will, in his Majesty's ships. 1. Regulations as to Impressment. — This practice is not expressly sanctioned by any act of parliament ; but it is so indirectly by the numerous statutes that have been passed, granting exen-'.ptions from it. According to Lord Mansfield, it is " a power founded upon immemorial usage," and is understood to make a i)art of the common law. All Si a-Jarhig men are liable to imi'rossment^^unless specially protected by custom or statute. Seamen executing particular services for goveri.ment, not unfrtquently get pro. tections from the Admiralty, Navy Board, itc. Some are exempted by load custom : am\ ferrymen are every where privileged from impressment. The statutory exemptioiis'are numerous. 682 INDEMNITY. — INDIGO. 1. Every thip in the coal trade has the following persons pro- tected, viz. 2 able seamen (such as the master shall nominate) for every ship of 100 tons; and 1 for every 30 tons for every sl'.ip of 100 tons and upwards ; and any officer who presumes to impress any of the above, shall forfeit, to the master or owner of such vessel, 10/. for every man so impressed ; and such officer shall be incapable of holding any place, office, or em- ployment, in any of his Majesty's ships of war. — (6 & 7 Will. 3. c. 18. sect. 19.) * 2. No parish apprentice shall be compelled or permitted to enter into his Majesty's sea service till he arrives at the age of 18 years. — (2 & 3 Anne, c. 6. sect. 4.) 3. Persons voluntarily binding themselves apprentices to sea service, shall not be impressed for 3 years from the date of their indentures. But no persons above 18 vears of age shall have any exemption or protection from his Majesty's service, if they have been at sea before they became apprentices. — (2 & 3 Anne, c. 6. sect. 15.; 4 Anne, c. 19. sect. 17.; and 13 Geo. 2. c. 17. sect. 2.) 4. Apprentices. — The act 4 Geo. 4. c. 25. enacts some new regulations with respect to the number of apprentices that ships mast have on board according to their tonnage ; and grants protection to such apprentices till they have attained the age of 21 years. — (For the regulations of this act, see Ap- prentices.) 5. Persons employed in the Fisheries. — The act 50 Geo. 3. c. 108. grants the following exemptions from impressment, viz. : — 1st, Masters of , fishing vessels or boats, who, either themselves or their owners, have, or within 6 months before applying for a protection shall have had, 1 apprentice or more under 16 years of age, bound for 5 years, and employed in the business of fishing. 2dly, AH such apprentices, not exceeding eight to every mas- ter or owner of any fishing vessel of 60 tons or upwards ; not exceeding seveii to every vessel or boat of 35 tons and under 50 ; not exceeding six to every vessel of 30 tons and under 35 tons ; and not exceeding four to every vessel or boat under 30 tons burden during the time of their apprenticeship, and till th« age of M years ; they continuing, tor the time, in the businei* of fishing only. 3dly, One mariner, besides the master and apprentices, to every fishing vessel of 10 tons or upwards, employed on Uie sea-coast, during his continuance in such service. 4thly, Any landsrmin above the age of 18, entering and em- ployed on board such vessel, for 2 years from his first going to sea ; and to the end of the voyage then engaged in, if he so long continue in such service. An affidavit sworn before a justice of the peace, containing the tonnage of such fishing vessel or boat, the port or place to which she belongs, the name and description of the master, the age of every apprentice, the term for which he is bound, and the date of his indenture, and the name, age, and descrip- tion of every such mariner and landsman respectively, and the time of such landsman's first going to sea, is to be transmitted to the Admiralty; who, upon finding the facts correctly stated, grant a separate protection to every individual. In case, how- ever, « of an actual invasion qf these kingdoms, or imminent danger thereof," such protected persons may be impressed; but except upon such an emergency, any officer or officers impressing such protected persons shall respectively forfeit 20/. to the party impressed, if not an apprentice, or to his master if he be an apprentice. — Sects. 2, 3, 4. •5. General Exemptions. — All persons 55 years of age anil upwards, and under 18 years. Every person being a foreigner, who shall serve in any merchant ship, or other trading vessel, or privateer, belonging to a subject of the Crown of Great Britain ; and all persons, of what age soever, who shall use the sea ; shall be protected for 2 years, to be computed from the time of their first using it. _ (13 Geo. 2. c. 17.) 7- Harponeers, line managers, or boat steerers, engaged in the southern whale fishery, are also protected. (26 Geo. 3. C. 60.) 8. Mariners employed in the herring fishery are exempted •while actually employed. — (48 Geo. 3. c." 110.) 2. Polict/ of Impi-essment. This practice, so subversive of every principle of justice, is vindicated on the alleged ground of its being absolutely necessary to the manning of the fleet. But this position, not- withstanding the confidence with which is has been taken up, is not quite so tenable as has been sup. posed. The ditficulties experienced in procuring sailors for the fleet at the breaking out of a war, are not natural but artificial, and miglit be got rid of by a very simple arrangement. During peace, not more than a fourth or a fifth part of the seamen are retained in his Majesty's service that are commonly re- quired during war; and if peace continue for a few years, the total number of sailors in the king's and the merchant service is limited to that which is merely adequate to supply the reduced demand of the former, and the ordinary demand of the latter. "When, therefore, war is declared, and 30,000 or 40,000 additional seamen are wanted for the fleet, they cannot be obtained, unless by withdrawing them from the merchant service, which has not more than its proper complement of hands. But to do this by offer, ing the seamen higher wages would be next to impossible ; and would, supposing it were practicable, impose such a sacrifice upon the public as could hardly be borne. And hence, it is said, the necessity of impressment; a practice which every one admits can be justified on no other ground than that of its being absolutely essential to the public safety. It is plain, however, that a necessity of this sort may be easily obviated. All, in fact, that is necessary for this purpose, is merely to keep such a number of sailors in his Majesty's service during peace as may suffice, with the ordinary proportion of landmen and boys, to man the fleet at the breaking out of a war. Were this done, there would not be the shadow of a pretence for resorting to impressment; and the practice, with the cruelty and injustice inseparable from it, might be entirely abolished. But it is said that, though desirable in many respects, the expense of such a plan will always prevent it from being adopted. It admits, however, of demonstration, that instead of being dearer, this plan would be actually cheaper than that which is now followed. Not more than 1,000,000/. or 1,200,000/. a year would be required to be added to the navy estimates, and that would not be a real, but merely a nominal advance. The violence and injustice to which the practice of impressment exposes sailors, operates at all times to raise their wages, by creating a disinclination on the part of many young men to enter the sea service; and this disinclination is vastly increased during war, when wages usually rise to Jour or five times their previous amount, imposing a burden on the commerce of the country, exclusive of other equally mischievous consequences, many times greater than the tax that would be required to keep up the peace establishment of the navy to its proper level. It is really, therefore, a vulgar error to suppose that impressment has the recommendation of cheapness in its favour; and, though it had, no reasonable man would contend that that is the only, or even the principal, circumstance to be attended to. In point of fact, however, it is as costly as it is oppressive and unjust. — (The reader is referred, for a fuller dis. cussion of this interesting question, to the note on Impressment in the 4th volume of the Wealth of Nations.) INDEMNITY, is where one person secures another from responsibility against any particular event ; thus, a policy of insurance is a contract of indemnity against any par- ticular loss. Where one person also becomes bail for another, a bond of indemnity is frequently executed ; and where a bond or bill of exchange has been lost or mislaid, the acceptor or obligee would not act prudently in paying it, without being secured by a bond of indemnity. INDIAN RUBBER. See Caoutchouc. INDIGO (Fr. Indigo ; Ger. Indigo; Sans. Nili ; Arab. Ncel ; Malay, Taroom), the drug which yields the beautiful blue dye known by that name. It is obtained by the maceration in water of certain tropical plants ; but the indigo of commerce is almost entirely obtained from leguminous plants of the genus Indigofera : that cultivated in India being the Indigofera tinctoria ; and that in America the Indigofera aiiil. The Indian plant has pinnate leaves and a slender ligneous stem ; and when successfully cul- tivated, rises to the height of 3, 5, and even 6 feet. It appears pretty certain that the culture of the indigo plant, and the preparation of • In order that these men shall be thus protected, it is neces.sary for the master to name them, before tfiey are impressed : this is to be done by going before the mayor or other chief magistrate of the place, who is to give the master a certificate, in which is contained the names of the particular men whom he thus nominates; and this certificate will be their protection. INDIGO. 683 the drug, have been practised in India from a very remote epoch It has been ques- tioned, indeed, whether tlic indicum mentioned by Pliny (IJist. Nut. lib. xxxv. c. 6.) was indigo, but, as it would seem, without any good reason. Pliny states that it was brought from India; that when diluted it produced an admirable mixture of blue and purple colours (^in dilucndo misturam purpura: caruleique mirubilem reddit) ; and he gives tests by which the genuine drug might be discriminated with sufficient precision. It is true that Pliny is egregiously mistaken as to the mode in which the drug was pro- duced ; but there are many examples in modern as well as ancient times, to prove that the possession of an article brought from a distance implies no accurate knowledge of its nature, or of the processes followed in its manufacture. Beckmann (Hist, of Inven- tions, vol. iv. art. Indigo) and Dr. Bancroft (Permanent Colours, vol. i. pp. 241 — 252.) liave each investigated this subject with great learning and sagacity ; and agree in tlie conclusion that the indicum of Pliny was real indigo, and not, as has been supposed, a drug prepared from the isatis or woad. At all events, there can be no question that in- digo was imported into modern Europe, by way of Alexandria, previously to the discovery of the route to India by the Cape of Good Hope. When first introduced, it was cus- tomary to mix a little of it with woad to heighten and improve the colour of the latter ; but, by degrees, the quantity of indigo was increased ; and woad was, at last, entirely superseded. It is worth while, however, to remark, that indigo did not make its way into general use without encountering rpuch opposition. The growers of woad prevailed on several governments to prohibit the use of indigo ! In Germany, an Imperial edict was published in 1 654, prohibiting the use of indigo, or devil's dye,'' and directing great care to be taken to prevent its clandestine importation, " because," says the edict, " the trade in woad is lessened, dyed articles injured, and money carried out of the country ! " The magistrates of Nuremburg went further, and compelled the dyers of that city to take an oath once a year not to use indigo ; which practice was continued down to a late period. In 1598, upon an urgent representation of the states of Languedoc, at the solicit- ation of the woad growers, the use of indigo was prohibited in that province ; and it was not till 1 737, that the dyers of France were left at liberty to dye with such articles, and in such a way, as they pleased. — (Beckmann, vol. iv. p. 142.) Let not those who may- happen to throw their eyes over this paragraph, smile at the ignorance of our ancestors ■ — Mutato nomine, de te f alula narratur. How much opposition is made at this moment to the importation of many important articles, for no better reasons than were alleged, in the sixteenth century, against the importation of indigo ! Indigo is at present produced in Bengal, and the other provinces subject to the presidency of that lame, from the 2Uth to the 30th degree of north latitude ; in the province of Tinnevelly, under the Madras government; in Java; in Luconia, the principal of (he Philippine Islands; and in Guatemala, and the Caraccas, in Central America. Bengal is, however, the great mart for indigo ; and the quantity produced m the other places is comparatively inconsiderable. Raynal was of opinion that the culture of indigo had been introduced into America by the Spaniards; Dut this is undoubtedly an erro. Several species of indigofera belong to the New World ; and the Spaniards used it as a substitute for ink very soon after the conquest. — {Humboldt, Essai Politique sur la Houvelle Es^agne, tom. iii. p. 54. 2d ed.) For the hrst iO years after the English became masters of Bengal, the culture and manufacture of ;ndigo, now of such importance, was unknown as a branch of British industry ; and the exports were but trifling The European markets were, at this period, principally supplied from America. In 1783, however, the attention of the English began to be directed to this business ; and though the processes pursued by them be nearly the same with those followed by the natives, their greater skill, intelligence, and capital, give them immense advantages. In their hands, the growth and preparation of indigo has become the most important employment, at least in a commercial pointof view, carried on in the country. The indigo made by the natives supplies the internal demand ; so that all that is raised by Europeans is exported. In the Delta of the Ganges, where the best and largest quantity of indigo is produced, the plant lasts only for a single season, being destroyed by the periodical inundation ; but in the dry central and western provinces, one or two rattoon crops are obtained : and owing to this circumstance, the latter are enabled to furnish a large supply of seed to the former. The fixed capital required in the manulacture of indigc consists of a few vats of common masonry for steeping the plant, and precipitating the colouring matter; a boiling and drying house; and a dwelling house for the planter. These, for a factory of 10 pair of vats, capable of producing, at an average, 12,500 lbs. of indigo, worth on the spot about 2,500/., will not cost above 1,500/. sterling. The buildings and machinery necessary to produce an equal value in sugar and rum, would probably cost about 4,000/. This fai t, therefore, without any reference to municipal regulations, affords a ready answer to the ques- tion which has been frequently put, why the British planters in India have never engaged in the manu- facture of sugar. During the 9 years which preceded the opening of the trade with India, in 1814, the annual average produce of indigo in Bengal, for exportation, was nearly 5,600,000 lbs. ; but the average produce of the 4 last years of this period scarcely equalled that of the preceding 5. But since the ports were opened, the indigo produced for exportation has increased fully a third ; the exports during the 16 years ending with 1829-30, being above 7,400,000 lbs. a year. The following brief statement shows the rate of this increase, taking the average produce of each 4' years : — and it has continued about the same smce. It deserves to be remarked, that since the opening of the trade, Indian capitalists have betaken them- selves to the manufacture of indigo on the European method, and that at present about a filth part of the whole annual produce is preparetl by them. The culture of indigo is very precarious, not only in so far as respects the growth of the plant from year • 9,000,000 684 INDIGO. to year, but also as regards the quantity and quality of the drug which the same amount of plant m\ afford even in the same season. Thus, the produce of 1825-26 was 41,000 chests, while the produce cl the following year was but 25,000 chests; the produce of 1827-28 was about 42,000 chests, and that a» 1828-2'J only 26,500 chests! The average of these years, that is, about 9,000,000 lbs., may be considered as the present annual produce of Bengal. The price of indigo in India increased, for a while, in a far greater ratio than the quantity. In 1813-14, the real value of that exported from Calcutta was 1,461,000/. ; but in 1827-28, although the quantity had increased but 20 per cent, the value rose to 2,920,000/., or was about doubled. There was no corresponding rise in the price in Europe, but, on the contrary, a decline ; and the circumstance is to be accounted for by the restraints placed on the investment of capital in the production of colonial articles suited to the European market, the consequent difficulty of making remit- tances from India, and an unnatural flow of capital to the only great article of Indian produce and export that is supposed capable of bearing its application. But the effects of the profuse advances made by the Calcutta capitalists to those engaged in the indigo culture, coupled with the increasing imports from Madras, and the stationary demand for the drug in this country, have at length manifested themselves in the most distressing manner. Prices have been so much reduced that a ruinous reaction has taken place; most of the Calcutta merchants engaged in the trade having been obliged to stop payment, involving in their fall several opulent houses in this country It remains to be seen whether this will occasion any diminution in the supplies of indigo, or whether the supply may not be maintained even at the reduced prices by increased economy. The subjoined Table shows that prices advanced considerably in 1833; but it is doubtful whether this advance will be sus- tained. The consumption of indigo has varied but little in this country during the last dozen years, having been, at aa average of that period, about 2,300,000 lbs. a year. This stationary demand, notwithstanding the fall in the price of the drug and the increase of population, is principally to be ascribed to the decreasing use of blue cloth, in the dyeing of which it is principally made use of. Its consumption in France is about as great as in Britain. Besides the exports to Great Britain, France, and the United States, a good deal of Bengal indigo is exported to the ports on the Persian Gulf, whence it finds its way to southern Russia. It is singular that it is not used by the Chinese, with whom blue is a favourite colour. The indigo of Bengal is divided into two classes, called, in commercial language, Bengal and Oudej the flrst being the produce of the southern provinces of Bengal and Bahar, and the last that of the northern provinces. The first is, in point of quality, much superior to the other. This arose at «one time, in a considerable degree, from the practice which prevailed in the northern provinces, of the European planter purchasing the wet fecula from the native manufacturer, and completing the processes of curing and drying the drug. This is at present in a great measure discontinued ; and the Oude indigo has, in consequence, considerably improved in quality. Its inferiority is probably more the result of soil and climate, than of any difference in the skill with which the manufacture is conducted. In 1827-28, and we are possessed of no later data, the export of indigo from the port of Madras amounted to 880,880 lbs. weight ; having more than quadrupled in the course of the preceding 5 years. Besides the export from Madras, there is also a considerable one from the French settlement of Pondicherry ; of which, however, we have no detailed statement. In 1827, the export of indigo from Manilla amounted to about 290,000 lbs. avoirdupois ; but it is understood to have materially increased since. The export from Batavia, in 1829, amounted to 152,000 lbs. weight, and the production is rapidly increasing. Accord- ing to the statement now given, the annual exports of Asiatic indigo are as follow : — Bengal, 9,000,000 lbs.; Madras, 900,000 lbs. ; Manilla, 300,000 lbs. ; Batavia, 150,000 lbs. Hence the annual average produce for foreign markets, making allowance for a trifling augmentation in the exports from Madras, Java, and the Philippines, is certainly not less than 10,500,000 lbs. According to M. Humboldt, the exportation of indigo from Guatemala, in 1825, amounted to 1,800,000 lbs. Indigo is also produced in some of the West India islands, but not in large quantities. Good indigo is known by its lightness or small specific gravity, indicating the absence of earthy impuri- ties; by the mass not readily parting with its colouring matter when tested by drawing a streak with it over a white surface; but, above all, by the purity of the colour itself. The first quality, estimated by this last test, is called, in commercial language, blue; then follow ordinary blue, fine purple, pur j)le and violet, ordinary purple and violet, dull blue, inferior purple and violet, strong copper, and ordinary copper. These distinctions refer to the Bengal indigo only, the Oude being distinguished only into fine and ordinary. The qualities of Madras and Manilla indigo are nearly the same, and equal to ordinary Bengal indigo. The indigo of Java is superior to these. We are indebted to Mr. Cook for the following Table, which gives a very comprehensive view of the state of the crops of indigo in Bengal, and the imports, consumption, and prices of Bengal indigo, since 1811-12: — Total Total Import Deli- Stock 1 from veries in Crops in Beng al. India into for Export Great Britain Average Prices in London. Great Britain and Home Con. 31st of Dec. Years. Maunds, Chests. Chests. Chests. Chests. Vrs. Fine Bengal per lb. Ord. Bengal, per lb. Low Oude. per lb. s. d. s. (1. s. d. • a. d. t. d. d. 1811-1812 70,000 19,500 1812 17,200 14,600 Q9,5(Hj ,1812 8 Oto 10 6 4 orto 3 3 0 to 3 6 1812-1813 78,000 22,000 1813 14,300 19,300 24,500 24,9(W 1813 10 0—14 0 6 3 — 8 3 4 6 — 6 0 1813-1814 74,500 21,300 1814 24,200 23,800 23,400 1814 10 0—14 6 6 6 — 9 0 4 0- 5 6 1814-1815 102,500 27,000 1815 28,900 30,40i; '815 8 0 — 11 0 5 0 — 7 0 3 0 — 4 6 1815-1816 115,000 29,000 1816 15,500 20,200 25,700 1816 6 6—10 0 3 9 — 5 6 2 8 — 3 3 1816-1817 87,000 23,500 1817 13,500 15,700 23,500 1817 7 (i — 10 0 ,5 6 — 7 6 4 0 — 6 0 1817-1818 72,800 19,000 17,000 1818 16,600 16,100 24,000 1818 8 0— 9 6 G 6 — 8 0 5 0 — 6 0 1818-1819 68,000 1819 11,500 1.5,800 19,700 1819 7 6— 9 0 5 0 — 6 0 3 3 — 4 3 1819-1820 72,000 19,000 1820 16,500 21,600 14,,'500 1820 7 0— 9 0 5 6 — 6 6 3 3 — 4 6 1820-1821 107,000 25,500 1821 13,000 13,500 17,300 9,800 1821 7 6— 9 6 5 6 — 7 0 4 0- 5 9 1821-1822 72,400 19,500 1822 15,100 8,200 1822 11 0—12 6 8 6 — 10 3 4 9 — 6 0 1822-1823 90,000 24,000 1823 21,700 16,800 13,100 1823 9 6—11 0 .5 9 — 8 6 3 6 — 4 6 1823-1824 113,000 28,000 1824 16,300 17,200 12,200 1824 12 0—13 6 8 0 — 10 6 5 0 — 6 3 1824-1825 79,000 22,000 1825 2.5,300 21,100 16,400 182.5 13 0—15 0 8 6 — 10 6 4 3 — 5 9 182.5-1826 144,000 41,000 1826 27,800 21,900 22,300 182'' 8 0— 9 6 4 6 — 7 0 2 3 — 3 9 1826-1827 90,000 25,000 1827 19,000 I8,.500 22,800 1827 11 6 — 13 6 7 0 — 9 6 3 0 — 4 6 1827-1828 149,000 42,000 1828 35,820 27,500 31,100 1828 8 0 — 10 0 5 3 — 7 3 2 0 — 2 9 1828-1829 98,(;00 26,500 1829 23,200 23,100 31,200 37,600 1829 7 6— 8 6 3 9 — 6 6 2 6 — 3 6 1829-1830 141,000 40,000 1830 32,120 25,700 1830 6 6—7 6 3 4 () 2 0 — 2 6 18,30-1831 116,000 33,600 1831 23,330 24,980 35,970 1831 6 0— 6 6 3 0 — 4 3 2 0 — 2 6 I831-18.J2 122,0(X) 35,000 1832 25,470 28,920 32,520 1832 6— 6 3 3 3 — 4 6 2 3 — 2 9 1832-1833 122,000 35,000 1833 25,000 23,000* 35,000* 1833 7 0— 7 9 ,5 0 — 6 0 3 0 — 4 0 * These numbers are partly from estimate; but they cannot be far wrong. INK. — INSOLVENCY. 685 Of 7,299,605 lbs. of indigo imi)ortc(l into Great Britain in 1831, G/Jnfi.OfiS 11)8. were from India, 149,3491bg, from the British West Iiiilics, 81,991 lbs. from Ciuatetnala, 10,014 lbs. from Colombia, &c. Of the total quantity imported, 2,490,000 lbs. were retained for consumption. The imports of indigo, in 1832, were 6,353,00,'i lbs. ; of which 2,395,6.'53 lbs. were retained. In(iigo of British possessions, not deemed their produce unless imported from thence. — (7 Geo. 4. c. 48.) For further information as to indigo, see Colehruoke's Husbandry qf Bengal, p. I.'j4. : Millmrn's Orient. Com. ; Bell's Beview of Commerce of Bengal s Wilson's Bevietu qf do. ; evidence of Gillian Maclaine, Esq., East India Committee, 1830-31, &c. INK (Du. Ink, Inht : Fr. Encre ; Ger. Dinte; It. Inchiostro; Lat. Atramentum ; Rus. Tschernilo; Sp. Tinta; Sw. Blak.) " Every liquor or pigment used for writing or printing is distinguished by the name of ink. Common practice knows only black and red. Of l)lack ink there are three principal kinds : 1. Indian ink ; 2. Printer's ink J and, 3. Writing ink. The Indian ink is used in China for writing with a brush, and for painting upon the soft flexible paper of Chinese manufacture. It is ascertained, as well from exi>eriment as from intornH ation, that the cakes of this ink are made of lampblack and size, or animal glue, with the addition of perfumes or other substances not essential to its quality as an ink. The fine soot from the flame of a lamp or candle received by holding a plate over it, mixed with clean size from shreds of parchment or glove- leather not dyed, will make an ink equal to that imported. Good printer's ink is a black paint, smooth, and uniform in its composition, of a firm black colour, and possesses a singular aptitude to adhere to paper thoroughly impregnated with moisture. " Common ink for writing is made by adding an infusion or decoction of the nut-gall to sulphate of iron, dissolved in water. A very fine black precipitate is thrown down, tlie speedy subsidence of which is pre- vented by the addition of a proper quantity of gum Arabic. Lampblack is the common material to give the black colour, of which 2| ounces are sufficient for 16 ounces of the varnish. Vermilion is a good red. They are ground together on a stone with a muUer, in the same manner as oil paints. Among the amusing ex- periments of the art of chemistry, the exhibition of symi)athetic inks holds a dictinguished place. \Vith these the writing is invisible, until some reagent gives it opacity. These inks have been proposed as the instruments of secret correspondence. But they are of little use in this respect, because the properties change by a few days' remaining on the paper ; most of them have more or less of a tinge when thoroughly dry J and none of them resist the test of heating the paper till it begins to be scorched." — {lire's Die. tionary.) INKLE, a sort of broad Hnen tape, principally manufactured at Manchester and some other towns in Lancashire. INSOLVENCY and BANRUPTCY. Insolvency is a term in mercantile law, applied to designate the condition of all persons unable to pay their debts according to the ordinary usage of trade. A bankrupt is an insolvent ; but persons may be in a state of insolvency without having committed any of the specific acts which render them liable to a commission of bankruptcy. We have, under the article Bankruptcy, explained the most important differences in the law as to insolvency and bankruptcy ; and have also briefly stated in that article, and in the article Credit, some of the alterations which seem to be imperatively required to make these laws more in harmony, than they are at present, with the principles of justice, and more conducive to the interests of commerce and the public advantage. In the present article, therefore, we shall confine ourselves to a summary statement of the proceedings under the existing laws. Under the bankrupt law.s, the creditors have a compulsory authority to sequestrate the entire possessions of their debtor ; under the insolvent laws, the debtor himself may make a voluntary surrender of his property for the benefit of all his creditors. From this diversity in the initiative process results the greatest diversity in the ultimate oper- ation of the bankrupt and insolvent acts. The proceedings under a commission of bank- ruptcy being instituted by the creditors, they lose all future power over the property and person of the insolvent after he has obtained his certificate ; but the proceedings under the insolvent act having been commenced by the debtor himself, he only, by the sur- render of his eflfects, protects his person in future from arrest — not the property he may subsequently acquire, from liability to the payment of all his debts in full. Proceedirips under the exisiivg Insolvent Act — In 1S13, a spe- cial tribunal, called the •' Court for Belief of Insolvent Debt- ors," was aj-pointed for the purpose of receiving the surrender of property and effects for the benefit of the creditors of in- solvents. It consists of a chief and two other commissioners, appointed by the Crown, and is a court of record, with powers similar to those of the superior courts at Westminster; but It cannot award costs, unless in particular cases. The court sits twice a week in Portugal-street ; and no fees are taken, except those established by the court. The commissioners also seve- rally make circuits, and attend at the towns ana places ap- pointed for insolvents in the counti7 to appear: their judicial powers in the provincial towns are the same as tho^ exercised in the metropolis. I. The first step in the insolvent's proceeding is the Petition. Any person in actual custody for any debt, damages, costs, or money due for contempt of any court, may, witnin 14 days from his first detention, petition the court for his discharge; stating in such petition the particulars of his arrest, and the amount of his debts, and praying to be discharged not only against the demands of the persons detaining him, but against all other creditors having claims at the time of presenting tlie petition. Persons not acttially in custody within the walls of a prison, and during the proceedings thereon, are not entitled to the benefit of the act. In case of sickness, however, and after an order for hearing the petition has been obtained, this con- dition is not required. Notice of the time appointed for hearing the petition must be given to all creditors whose debts amount to 5/., and be ad- "vertised in the Lotidon Gazette. At the time of subscribing the petition, the insolvent exe- cutes an assignment to the provisional assignee of the court, ccnouncing all title to his propert;r, except wearing ajipc^^l, working tools, bedding, and such neces.>:aries of himself and family as shall not exceed the value of 'iO/. During confine- ment, the court may trder an allowance for the support of the petitioner. The filing of a petition is an act of bankruptcy, and, if a commission be issued within i; calendar months, vacates the assignment : but this does not stop the proceetlings of the court ; and any property remaining to the petitioner after obtaining his certificate continues liable as if no commission had been issued. The volutitary preference of a creditor, by conveyance of money, goods, bills, or other property, after the filing of the petition, or withui 3 months prior to the imprisonment of the petitioner, being theu in insolvent circumstances, is fraudulent and void. M'ithin 14 days after the filing of his jietition, the insolvent must prepare a schedule of his debts ; also of his property and income from every source whence he derives benefit or emo- lument, together with an account of all debts owing to him, the names of the debtors, and tlieir piaces of abode. LasUy, the schedule must describe the wearing appartl and other ar- ti'jles not exceeding "iOl, which the petitioner is allowed to retain. Insolvents guilty of omissions in the schedule, with intent to defraud creditors, or excepting in it necessaries to an amount exceeding 20/., or persons assisting therein, are guilty of a mis« demeanour, subjecting to an imprisonment for not more than 3 vears. 11. The Assignees. — Any time after the filing of the petition, the court appoints assipiees from among tlie creditors, to whom, on their acc-eptance of the apixiintment, an assignment is made of the eftecU of the prisoner. In case of any real estate, the same^ within the space of 6 montlis, must be sold 686 INSOLVENCY AND BANKRUPTCY. by public auction, in such manner and place as the major part in value of the creditors approve: but when any part of the property is so circumstanced that the immediate sale of it would be prejudicial to the interests of the prisoner, the court may direct the raanaf;ement of such property till it can be properly sold ; and if the debts can be paid by mortgage in lieu of sale, the court may give directions for that purpose. Goods in possession and disposal ot the insolvent, whereof he is reputed owner, are deemed his property ; but this does not affect the Jissii^iment of any ship or vessel, duly registered according to the 6 Geo. 4. c. 110. An account upon oath before an officer of the court, or justice of peace, must be made up by the assignees within every 3 months at the furthest ; and in case of a balance in hand, a dividend must be forthwith made, of which dividend 30 days' previous notice must be given ; and every creditor is allowed to share in the dividend, unless objected to by the prisoner, assignees, or other creditors, in which case the court decides. 'I'he assignees may execute powers which the insolvent might have executed, as the grantmg of leases, taking fines, trans- ferring public stock or annuities ; but they cannot nominate to a vacant ecclesicistical benefice. The assignees, with the consent of one commissioner, and the major part of the creditors in value, may compound for an v debt due to the prisoner ; or may submit differences con- nected with the estate of the insolvent to arbitration. Dividends payable to creditors, unclaimed for 1'2 months, are to be paid into court to the credit of the estate of the insolvent : in default of payment of the dividends by the assignees, their gOu.u> may be distrained ; or, if no distress, they may be im- risoned. Tlie assifjnees, in case the insolvent is a beneficed clergyman or curate, are not entitled to the income of the benefice or curacy ; but they may obtain a sequestration of the profits for the benefit of creditors. Neither are the assignees entitled to the pay, half-pay, pension, or other emolument, of any person who is or has been in the army, navy, or civil service of the gove nment or East India Company ; but the court may order, subject to the approval of the heads of public offices, a portion of such pay, haif-pay, pension, or emoluments, to be set aside to A a ds the liquidation of the debts of the insolvent. The court may inquire into the conduct of the assignees, on the complaint of the insolvent or any of his creditors ; and, in case of malversation, award costs against them. Assignees who wilfully employ or retain any part of the pro- ceeds of the insolvent's estate, may be charged with interest, at a rate not exceeding 201. per cent, per annum. III. Dischariie of the Insolvent. — On the day appointed for hearing the petition, any creditor may oppose the discharge of the prisoner ; and, for that purpose, put such questions and examine such witnesses, as the court shall admit, touching the matters contained in the petition and schedule; or a creditor may require, and the court direct, that an officer of the court shall investigate the accounts of the prisoner, and report thereon. In case the prisoner is not opposed, and the court is satisfied with his schedule, it may order his immediate dis- charge from custody ; or it may direct him to be detained in custody for any term not exceeding 6 months, to be computed from the time of filing the petition. But if the prisoner has destroyed his books, or falsified en- tries therein, or otherwise acted fraudulently towards his cre- ditors, or wilfully omitted any thing in his schedule, he may be imprisoned for any term not exceeding lliree years : or where a prisoner has contracted debts fraudulently , bymeans of a breach of trust; or put creditors to unnecessary expense; or incurred debts by means of any false pretence, or without probable ex- pectation, at the time when contracted, of ever paying them ; or shall be indebted for damages for criminal conver^>ation with thi wife, or for seducing the daughter or servant of the pla.n- titf ; or for breach of promise of marriage ; or for damages in any action for malici ms prosecution, libel, slander, or trespass ; the court may imprison for 2 years. The discharge extends to sums payable by annuity ; the an- nuitants being admitted as creditors to the estate of the in- solvent, at a fair valuation of their interest. But the discharge does not extend to any debts due to the Crown, nor for any offence against the revenue laws ; nor at suit of any sheriff or other public otficer, upon any bail-bond entered into for any person prosecuted for such offence ; unless the Treasury certify consent to the discharge. Insolvents under writ of ciipias or extent, must apply to the Barons of the Exchequer to he discharged When the prisoner is not discharged, the court may, on ap- plication for that purpose, order the creditor at whose suit he is detained to pay any sum not exceeding 4s. weekly ; and in default of payment, the prisoner to he liberated. IV. Future Liabilities oj'tlie Insolvent Prior to adjudication on the petition, the insolvent is required to execute a warrant of attorney, empowering the court to enter up judgment agjinst him, in the name of the assignees, for tne amount of the debts unpaid ; and when tne insolvent is of sufficient ability to pay such debts, or is dead, leaving assets for the purpose, thi court may permit execution to be taken out against 'he property of the insolvent acquired after his discharge ; and this pioceeding may be repeated till the whole of the debt, with costs, is paid and satisfied. But no person, after judgment entered up, is liable to im- prisonment for any debt to which the adjudication of the court extended. When an insolvent is entitled to the benefit of the act, no execution, except under the judgment before mentioned, can issue against him for debts contracted prior to his confine- ment ; l)ut he may be proceeded against for a debt which could not be enforced at the period of his discharge. An insolvent, after his di^charf;e, may, on the applii ation of an assignee to the court, be again ex\mined touching theeff'ects set fortli in the schedule ; and if he refuse to appear or answer questions, he may be recommitted. No uncertificated bankrupt, nor any person having had the benefit of the insolvent act, can have it a second time within Jive years, unless 3-4ths in number and value of the creditors consent thereto, or unless it appear to the court that ihc insol- vent, since his bankruptcy or discharge, has done his utmost to pay all just demands ; and that the debts subsequently in- curred have been unavoidable, from inability otherwise to acquire subsistence for himself and family. Married women are entitled to the benefit of the insolvent act, and may petition the court on executing a special assign- ment. The Insolvent Act, of which the above is a digest, was con- tinued, by an act of the session of 1850, the 1 Will- 4. c. 3S., for 2 years, and " from thence to the end of the next session of parliament." It is important to remark, that the a t of Will 4. prohibits, while the insolvent acts are in force, any debtor from being discharged on his petition under the 32 Geo. 2. c. 28., commonly called the " Lords' Act." Our next object will be to present a brief exposition of the Bankrupt Laws. Bankruptcy. — Blackstone defines a bankrupt — " A trader who secretes himself, or does certain other acts tending to defraud his creditors." But an intention to defraud is not now held to be essential to constitute a bankrupt ; who may be either simply an in- solvent, or a person who is guilty of certain acts tending to defraud his creditors. There are, as already observed, some important distinctions between the bankrupt and insolvent laws, not only in their application to different descriptions of individuals, but also in the powers they exercise over the estates of persons subsequently to their being brought under their adjudication. The benefits of the Insolvent Act extend without distinction to every class of persons actually in prison for debt ; the benefits of the Bank- rupt Act extend to traders only. But persons relieved under a commission of bankruptcy for the first time are for ever discharged from all debts proveable against them, and their property from any future liability ; whereas, if relieved under the Insolvent Act, their persons only are protected from arrest, while any property they may subsequently acquire continues liable to their creditors till the whole amount of their debts is paid in full. It follows that the Insolvent Act aflfords merely a personal relief ; while the Bankrupt Act discharges both person and property, and even returns the bankrupt a certain allowance out of the produce of his assets, proportioned to good behaviour, and the amount of his dividend. Having already treated of insolvency, we shall now proceed to describe the proceedings under a commission of bankruptcy, as regulated by the act of Lord Brougham, the 1 & 2 Will. 4. c. 56., and the 6 Geo. 4. c. 16., which are the last general acts on the subject, and by which former statutes have been consolidated, and several important improvements introduced ; leaving, ho-yvever, untouched, many of the radical defects inherent in this branch of the law. The chief points to be ccaisidered, are — 1. The persons who may become bankrupt ; 2. Acts constituting bankruptcy ; 3. Proceedings of petitioning creditor ; 4. New Court of Bankruptcy ; 5. Debts proveable under the commission ; 6. Official assignees; 7. Assignees chosen by creditors; 8. Property liable under bankruptcy; 9. Examination and liabilities of bankrupt ; 10. Payment of a dividend; 11. Certificate and allowance to bankrupt. INSOLVENCY AND BANKRUPTCY. G87 1. Who maxf become Bankrupt. — GeneraWy all persons in trade, capable of making biniling contracts, whctht-rnalural- liorn sulyects, aliens, or deni/.cns, are within the JiirisUic^tion of tlie liankrupt laws ; but the statute expressly includes builders, bankers, brokers, packers, carpenters, scriveners, ship insurers, warehousfmen, wharfingers, shipwrights, vic- tuallers; keepers of inns, taverns, hotels, and coHie-houses; dyers, printers, bleachers, fullers, calenderers, cattle or sheep salesmen, factors, agents, and all persons who use the trade of merchandise by bargaining, bartering, commission, consign- ment, and otherwise, and also all persons who seek their living by buying and selling, letting for hire, or by the manufacturing of goods and commodities. Persons who cannot become bank- rupt, are, graziers, farmers, workmen for hire, labourers, re- ceivers general of taxes, and subscribers to any commercial or trading company establishet ; nor an attorney, in the common course of his profession ; nor an infant, nor a lunatic, nor a married woman, except in those cases wheie she may be sued and taken in execution for her debts — (8 T. «. 545.) A single act of buying or selling is not sufficient to make a trader ; as a schoolmaster selling books to his scholars only, or a keeper of hounds buyingdead horses and selling the skin and bones. — (6 Moore, 6G.) But the quantity of dealing is imma- terial, where an intention to deal generally may be inferred.— Jl Rose, 84.) A buyer or seller of land, or any interest inland, IS not a trader within the act ; and on this principle It has been decided, that a brick-maker selling bricks made in his own fiuld, or the owner of amine selling minerals from his own quarry, is not liable, because such business is carried on only as a mode of enjoying the profits of a real estate. — (2 lyils. lf>9.) Traders having privilege of parliament, are subject to the bankrupt laws, and may be proceetled against as other traders; but such persons cannot be arrested or imprisoned, except in ;cases made felony by the statute. '•i. Acts constituting Bankntptci/ — In general, any act which Js intended to delay or defraud creditors, is an act of bank- ruptcy ; such as a trader concealing himself from his creditors, leaving the country, causing himself to be arrested or his goods taken in execution, or making any fraudulent conveyance, gift, or delivery of his property. A trader keeping house commits an act of bankruptcy, if he give a general order to be denied. So is closing the door, and not admitting persons till ascer- tained who they are from window, though no actual denial. — (1 Bar. Cres. 54.) But it is no act of bankruptcy if the de- nial be on Sunday, or at an unseasonable hour of the night, or to prevent interruption at dinner time. Traders held in prison for any really subsisting debt for the period of 21 days, or who, being arrested, make their escape out of prison or custody, commit acts of bankruptcy. A pe- nalty due to the Crown is a sufficient debt, and the time is romputed from the first arrest, where the party lies in prison immediately, and the day of arrest is included, and the whole of the last day. Filing a petition, in order to take the benefit of the Insolvent Act, is an act of bankruptcy, and a fiat may be issued any time before the petition is heard by the Insolvent Court, or within 2 calendar montlis. A trader may make a declaration of his insolvency, signed and attested by an attorney or solicitor, and afterwards to be iiled in the Bankrupt Office ; and the secretary signing a me- morandum thereof, is authority for advertising it in the Ga- zette. Upon this act of bankruptcy no commission can issue. If not within 2 calendar months after such advertisement, and unless such advertisement be within 8 days after filing de- claration ; and no docket can be struck till 4 days after adver- tisement, if the commission is to be executed in London, and 8 if in the country. Such declaration of insolvency being con- certed between bankrupt and creditor, does not invalidate the commission. The execution by a trader of any conveyance by deed, of all his estate and effects for the benefit of all his creditors, is not an act of bankruptcy, unless a commission be sued out withm 6 months after, provided the deed be attested by an attorney or solicitor, and executed within 15 days after, and notice thereof within 2 months be given in the Gazetle, and 2 daily newspapers ; or, if the trader reside more than 50 miles from London, notice may be given in the Gazette, and nearest country newspaper. 3. Proceediuga of Petitioning Creditors. — A person being a trader, and having committed an act of bankruptcy, the next step in the proofing is to petition the Lord Chancellor to issue his fiat. No fiat is issued, unless the petitioning creditor's debt, if 1 person or 1 firm, amounts to Iml. ; if 2 creditors, to I5u/. ; if 3 or more creditors, to 200/. or upwards. The pe- titioning creditor must make an affidavit before a Master in Chancery, of the truth of his debt, and give bond in 200/. to prove it, and the act of bankruptcy. If the debt prove in- sufficient to support a fiat, the Ix>rd Chancellor, upon the application of another creditor who has proved a sufficient debt, contracted posterior to that of the petitioning creditor, mav order the bankruptcy to be proceeded in. Ttie petitioning creditor proceeds at his own cost until the choice of assignees, when his expenses are paid out of the first money received under the bankruptcy. Creditors entitled to sue out a tiat against all the partners in a firm, may elect to petition only against 1 or more of such partners ; and the commission may be superseded as to 1 or jnore partners, without affecting its validity as to the other partners. Creditors who have sued out a fiat compounding with the bankrupt, or receiving more in the pound than other creditors, forfeit the whole of their debt, and whatever giatuity they received, for the benefit of the other creditors, and the Lord Chancellor may either order the commission to be proceeded in or su)>erseded. 4. New Court of Bankrztjitcf/ Formerly the bankrupt biw-iiness of the metropolis was transacted by 70 commissioners, appointed by the Lord Chancellor. They receiveil no regular co.nmission, but derived their authority 'from a letter written to them by the Chancellor, informing them of their appoint- ment. The whole proceedings under a town commission, from its issuing to the winding up of the bankrupt's affairs, were managetl by these commissioners, who acted uy rotation. In lists of 5 each. In place of these an entire new court h.is beer, stibstituted, con.iisting of a chief judge, witli 5 puisiit: judges, and fi commissionori . There are also 2 principal re gistiars, and 8 deputy registrars, 'i he secretary ord Cbanccllor. The 6 com- missioners hit occasionally in 2 subdivision court* of 3 com- missioners each. The powers of the single commissioner are nearly the same as the old commissioners. The examination of any bankrupt or other (lerson, or of a proof of debt, may lie adjourned by a single commis^^ioiier to a subdivi^^ion court ; and disputed debts, if all parties consent, may be tried by a jury. An appeal lies from a single commissioner, or a subdivision court, to the Court of Review ; and a decree of this Court is final, unless appealed against within 1 month. The London commissioners und»r the old law had a juris- diction for 40 miles round London, which is continued lo their successors. Commissions in the couiitry beyond tliis distance were directed to barristers, or, if these could not be had, to solicitors, resident near the sji-jt where the commission was to be executed. Under the new act, the judges of assize name to the Lord Chancellor such barristers and solicitors in the county as they think fit for the olhce ; and if he a)>prove, they are to appoint them permanent commissioners tor tl e exe- cution of all bankruptcy business in the county ; and fiats, not directed to the Court of Bankruptcy in London, are directed to them. Let us now proceed with the powers and duties of the com- missioners. Commissioners are empowered to summon persons, examine them on oath, and call for any deeds or documents necessary to establish the trading and act of bankruptcy ; and upon full proof thereof, to adjudge the debtor a bankrupt. Notice of such adjudication must lie given in the Gazette, and public meetings appointed for the bankrupt to surrender ; the last of which meetings to be the 42d day after. A liankrupt refusing to attend at the appointed time may be apprehended ; and on refusing to answer any question touching his business or pro- perty, may be committed to prison. By warrant of the commissioners, persons may break open any house, premises, door, chest, or trunk of any bankrupt, and seize on his body or property ; and if the bankrupt be in prison or custody, they may seize any jiroperty (necessary wearing apparel excepted) in the possession of such bankrupt, or any other person. Authorised by a justice's warrant, pre mises may be searched not belonging to the bankrupt, on sus- picion of property being concealed there ; and persons sus- pected to have any of the bankrupt's property in their possession, refusing to obey the summons of commissioners, or refusing to answer interrogatories, or to surrender dosignees have been first audited and delivered in as before described . If the estate is not wholly divided upon a first dividend, a second meeting must be called, not later than 18 months from the date of commission; and the dividend declared at such second meeting to be final, unless some suit at law be pending, or some part of bankrupts property afterwards accrue to the assignees ; in which case'it must be shared among the creditors within 2 months after it is converted into money. Assignees having unclaimed dividends to the amount of 50/., who do not, within 2 calendar months from the expiration of a year from the order of payment of such dividends, either pay them to the creditors entitled thereto, or cause a certificate thereof to be filed in the Bankrupts' Office, with the names, &c. of the parties to whom due, shall be charged with legal interest from the time the certificate ought to have been filed, and suchfurther sum, not exceeding 20/. per cent, per annum, as the commissioners think fit. 'f he Lord Chancellor may order the investment of unclaimeii dividends in the funds , and after 3 years the same may be divided among the othtr creditors. No action can be brought against assignees for any divi. dend ; the remedy being by petition to the Lord Chancellor. 11. Certificate and Allowance to Bankrupt. — Hhe bankrupt w;ho has surrendered, and conformed in all things to the pro- visions of the bankrupt laws, is discharged by the certificate from all debts and demands proveable under the commission ; but this does not discharge his partner, or one jointly bound, or in joint contract with him, nor does it bar a debt due to the Crown. The certificate must be signed by 4-5ths in number and value of creditors who have proved debts to the amount of 20/. or upwards ; or, after 6 calendar months from last examin- ation, then either by 3-5ths in number and value, or by 9-lOths in number. The bankrupt must make oath the cer- tificate was obtained without fraud ; and any creditors mav be heard before it is finally allowed by the Lord Chancellar. Any contract or security given to obtain signatures to the cer- tificate, is void. A bankrupt, after obtaining his certificate, cannot be ar- rested for any debt j>roveable under the commission ; nor is he liable to satisfy any debt from which he is discharged, upon any promise, contract, or agreement, unless made in writing. In case a i)erson has been bankruut before, or compounded with his creditors, or taken benefit of Insolvent Act, unless the estate produce 15*. in the pound, the certificate only protects the person of bankrupt from arrest; and any future property he acquires may be seized by assignees for benefit of creditors. If the produce of bankrupt's estate does not amount to )0s. in the pound, he is only allowed out of the ass ts so much as assignees think fit, not exceeding 3 per cent., or 300/. in thp whole ; if it ]>roduce 10«., 5 per cent., not exceeding 400/. ; it Vis. 6d. is paid in the pound, 7i per cent., not exceeding 600/. ; if 15j. in the pound and upwards, 10 per cent., and not ex- ceeding fiOO/. One partner may receive his allowance, if en- titled, from the joint and his separate estate, though the others are not entitled. A bankrupt is not entitled to certificate or allowance, if he has lost by gaming or wagering, in 1 day, 20/., or within 1 year next preceding his bankruptcy, 200/. ; or 200/. by stock- jobbing in the same period ; or, in contemplation of bank- ruptcy, has destroyed or falsified his books, or concealed pro- perty to amount of 10/. ; or, if any person having proved a false debt under the commission, sucfi bankrupt, being privy thereto, or afterwards knowing the same, has not disclosed it to his assignees within 1 month after such knowledge. Lastly, upon n quest by the bankrupt, the official assignee is required to declare to him how he has disjiosed of his pro- perty, and account to him for the surplus, if any : but before any surplus can be admitted, interest must be paid, first, on all debts proved that carry interest, at the rate payable thereon ; and next, ujion all other debts, at the rate of 4"/. per cent., to be calculated from the date of the commission. I. Account of the Number of Commissions of Bankruptcy issued from 1790 to 1821. Years. Commis- sions. Years. Commis- sions. Years. Commis- sions. Years. Commis- sions. Years. Commis- sions. Years. Commis- si.ms. 1790 747 1796 9.54. 1802 ],()9() 1807 1,;5G2 1812 2,228 1817 1,927 1791 7fi9 1797 1,1). 5 1803 l,'il4 J 808 1,4.'33 18I,'3 1,953 1818 1,245 1792 93+ 1798 911 1804 1,117 1809 1,;382 1814 I,f5l2 1819 1,499 1793 l,9.5i5 1799 717 1S0.'> 1,129 1810 i2,;n4 1815 2,284 1820 i,.;8i 17!H 1,'»4I 1800 951 1806. 1,268 1811 '2,500 1816 2,731 1821 1,238 179.'? 879 1801 1,1!)9 INSURANCE. G80 II. Account of the Number of Commissions of Bankrupt and Fiats issued each Year, from 182'2 to 18.',2 both included ; distinguishing Town Commissioners and Fiats, and showing how many Country Coni- missionf and Fiats were opened in each Year. — (Pai l. Paper, No. .342. Scss. 18;33.) Years. Commissions Town Commis- sions opened. Country Commis- sions opened. Years. Commissions 'I'own Commis- sions opt'ned. Country Commis sions opened. 1822 1,419 468 534 1831 1,886 692 770 1823 1,250 592 39f) 1824 1,240 574 396 1825 1,475 683 44« 1832: 1826 3,307 1,229 1,220 Coms. 61 20 37 1827 1,688 671 742 Fiats 1,661 62.3 703 1828 1,519 601 620 1,772 643 740 1829 2,150 809 910 1830 1,720 661 748 19,376 7,563 7,.'324 Total commissions and fiats sealed and signed in the above period Total town commissions and fiats opened _ . - - Total country commissions and fiats opened - - - 19,376 7,563 7,524 III. Total Number of Persons discharged from Prison under the Acts for the Relief of Insolvent Debtors since the Constitution of the present Court in 1820; and the Number who have been ordered to be detained in Custody for contravening the Provisions of the Acts for the Relief of Insolvent Debtors. — (Pa?-/. Paper, No. 141. Sess. 1831, and Papers published by Board qf Trade.) N. B.— The Court malces no orders of detention ; and the following Table shows all the judgments given to the 30tli of June, 1831. Ordered to be discharged forthwith. Ordered to be discharged at some future Period. Total. Years. In London. On Circuit. Before Justices. Total. In London. On Circuit. Before Justices. Total. 1820 1821 1822 1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828 1829 1830 1831 830 2,347 2,071 1,811 1,745 1,955 2,429 1,929 ,1,913 2,067 2,066 1,553 none, none, none, none. 388 1,342 1,865 1,988 1,450 1,580 1,823 2,031 1,495 2,516 2,499 2,047 1,255 73 89 89 112 100 111 135 2,325 4,863 4,573 3,858 3,318 3,370 4,383 4,006 3,475 3,747 3,990 3,719 61 219 161 181 142 126 110 90 127 158 189 159 none. none. none. none. 18 161 183 128 131 1.52 191 178 96 208 221 202 115 8 10 6 10 9 8 157 4G7 382 383 275 295 298 228 264 320 389 345 2,4«2 5,290 4,955 4,241 3,593 3,665 4,681 4,234 3,739 4,067 '4,379 4,064 1 Totals 22,709 12,397 10,5^21 45,627 1,723 1,142 898 3,763 49,390 i INSURANCE, a contract of indemnity, by which one party engages, for a sti pulated sum, to insure another against a risk to which he is exposed. The party who takes upon him the risk, is called the Insurer, Assurer, or Underwriter; and the party protected by the insurance is called the Insured, or Assured ; the sum paid is called the Premium; and the instrument containing the contract is called the Policy. 1. Insurance (General Principles of). II. Insurance (Marine). III. Insurance (Fire). IV. Insurance (Life). I. Insurance (General Principles of). It is the duty of government to assist) by every means in its power, the efforts of individuals to protect their property. Losses do not always arise from accidental cir- cumstances, but are frequently occasioned by the crimes and misconduct of individuals ; and there are no means so effectual for their prevention, when they arise from this source, as the establishment of a vigilant system of police, and of such an administration of the law as may be calculated to afford those who are injured a ready and cheap method of obtaining every practicable redress ; and, as far as possible, of insuring the punishment of culprits. But in despite of all that may be done by government, and of the utmost vigilance on the part of individuals, property must always be exposed to a variety of casualties from fire, shipwreck, and other unforeseen disasters. And hence the importance of inquiring how .such unavoidable losses, when they do occur, may be rendered least injurious. The loss of a ship, or the conflagration of a cotton mill, is a calamity that would press heavily even on the richest individual. But were it distributed among several indivi- duals, each would feel it proportionally less; and provided the number of those among whom it was distributed were very considerable, it would hardly occasion any sensible inconvenience to any one in particular. Hence the advantage of combining to lessen the injury arising from the accidental destruction of property : and it is the diffusion of the risk of loss over a wide surface, and its valuation, that forms the employment of those engaged in insurance. 690 INSURANCE (PRINCIPLES OF). Though it be impossible to trace the circumstances which occasion those events that are, on that account, termed accidental, they are, notwithstanding, found to obey certain laws. The number of births, marriages, and deaths ; the proportions of male to female, and of legitimate to illegitimate births ; the ships cast away ; the houses burned ; and a vast variety of other apparently accidental events ; are yet, when our experience embraces a sufficiently wide field, found to be nearly equal in equal periods of time : and it is easy, from observations made upon them, to estimate the sum which an individual should pay, either to guarantee his property from risk, or to secure a certain sum for his heirs at his death. It must, however, be carefully observed, that no confidence can be placed in such estimates, unless they are deduced from a very wide induction. Suppose, for example, it happens, that during the present year one house is accidentally burned, in a town containing 1,000 houses; this would afford very little ground for presuming that the average probability of fire in that town was as 1 to 1,000. For it might be found that not a single house had been burned during the previous 10 years, or that 10 were burned during each of these years. But supposing it were ascertained, that, at an average of 10 years, 1 house had been annually burned, the presumption that 1 to 1,000 was the real ratio of the probability of fire would be very much strengthened ; and if it were found to obtain for 20 or 30 years togethei', it might be held, for all practical purposes at least, as indicating the precise degree of probability. Besides its being necessary, in order to obtain the true measure of the probability of any event, that the series of events, of which it is one, should be observed for a rather lengthened period, it is necessary also that the events should be numerous, or of pretty frequent occurrence. Suppose it were found, by observing the birtlis and deaths of 1,000,000 individuals taken indiscriminately from among the whole population, that the mean duration of human life was 40 years ; we should have but very slender grounds for concluding that this ratio would hold in the case of the next 10, 20, or 50 individuals that are born. Such a number is so small as hardly to admit of the operation of what is called the law of average. When a large number of lives is taken, those that exceed the medium term are balanced by those that fall short of it j but when the number is small, there is comparatively little room for the principle of compensation, and the result cannot, therefore, be depended upon. It is found, by the experience of all countries in which censuses of the population have been taken with considerable accuracy, that the number of male children born is to that of female children in the proportion nearly of 22 to 21. But unless the observations be made on a very large scale, this result will not be obtained. If we look at particular families, they sometimes consist wholly of boys, and sometimes wholly of girls ; and it is not possible that the boys can be to the girls of a single family in the ratio of 22 to 21. But when, instead of confining our observations to particular families, or even parishes, we extend them so as to embrace a population of 500,000, these discrepancies disappear, and we find that there is invariably a small excess in the number of males born over the females. The false inferences that have been drawn from the doctrine oif chances, have uniformly, almost, proceeded from generalising too rapidly, or from deducing a rate of probability from such a number of instances as do not give a fair average. But when the instances on which we found our conclusions are sufficiently numerous, it is seen that the most anomalous events, such as suicides, deaths by accidents, the number of letters put into the post-office without any address, &c., form pretty regular series, and consequently admit of being estimated d priori. The business of insurance is founded upon the principles thus briefly stated. Suppose it has been remarked that of forty ships, of the ordinary degree of sea-worthiness, employed in a given trade, 1 is annually cast away, the probability of loss will plainly be equal to one fortieth. And if an individual wish to insure a ship, or the cargo on board a ship, engaged in this trade, he ought to pay a premium equal to the l-40th part of the sum he insures, exclusive of such an additional sum as may be required to in- demnify the insurer for his trouble, and to leave him a fair profit. If the premium exceed this sum, the insurer is overpaid ; and if it fall below it, he is underpaid. Insurances arc effected sometimes by societies, and sometimes by individuals, the risk being in either case diffused amongst a number of persons. Companies formed for carrying on the business have generally a large subscribed capital, or such a number of proprietors as enables them to raise, witliout difficulty, whatever sums may at any time be required to make good losses. Societies of this sort do not limit their risks to small sums ; that is, they do not often refuse to insure a large sum upon a ship, a house, a life, &c. The magnitude of their capitals affords them the means of easily defraying a heavy loss; and their premiums being proportioned to their risks, their profit is, at an average, in- de])en(leMt of such contingencies. Individuals, it is plain, could not act in this way, unless they were possessed of very INSURANCE (PRINCIPLES OF). large capitals ; and besides, the taking of large risks would render the business so hazardous, that few would be disposed to engage in it. Instead, therefore, of insuring a large sum, as 20,000/., upon a single ship, a private underwriter or insurer may not, probably, in ordinary cases, take a greater risk than 200/. or 500/. ; so that, though his engagements may, when added together, amount to 20,000/., they will be diffused over from 40 to 100 ships; and supposing 1 or 2 ships to be lost, the loss would not impair his capital, and would only lessen his profits. Hence it is, that while one transaction only may be required in getting a ship insured by a company, 10 or 20 separate trans- actions may be required in getting the same thing done at Lloyd's, or by private individuals. When conducted in this cautious manner, the business of insurance is as safe a line of speculation as any in which individuals can engage. To establish a policy of insurance on a fair foundation, or in such a way that the premiums paid by the insured shall exactly balance the risks incurred by the insTirers, and the various necessary expenses to which they are put, including, of course, their profit, it is necessary, as previously remarked, that the experience of the risks should be pretty extensive. It is not, however, at all necessary, that either party should inquire into the circumstances that lead to those events that are most commonly made tlie subject of insurance. Such a research would, indeed, be entirely fruitless : we are, and must necessarily continue to be, wholly ignorant of the causes of their occurrence. It appears, from the accounts given by Mr. Scoresby, in his valuable work on the Arctic Regions, that of 586 ships which sailed from the various ports of Great Britain for the northern whale fishery, during the 4 years ending with 1817, 8 were lost — (vol. ii. p. 131), — being at the rate of about 1 ship out of every 73 of those employed. Now, supposing this to be about the average loss, it follows that the premium required to insure against it should be IZ. 7s. 4d, per cent., exclusive, as already observed, of the expenses and profits of the insurer. Both the insurer and tlie insured would gain by entering into a transaction founded on this fair principle. When the operations of the insurer are extensive, and his risks spread over a considerable number of ships, his profit does not depend upon chance, but is as steady, and may be as fairly calculated upon, as that of a manufacturer or a merchant ; while, on the other hand, the individuals who have insured their property have exempted it from any chance of loss, and placed it, as it were, in a state of absolute security. It is easy, from the brief statement now made, to perceive the immense advantage resulting to navigation and commerce fi-om the practice of marine insurance. Without the aid that it affords, comparatively few individuals would be found disposed to expose their property to the risk of long and hazardous voyages ; but by its means insecurity is changed for security, and the capital of the merchant whose ships are dispersed over every sea, and exposed to all the perils of the ocean, is as secure as that of the agricul- turist. He can combine his measures and arrange his plans as if they could no longer be affected by accident. The chances of shipwreck, or of loss by unforeseen occvn-rences, enter not into his calculations. He has purchased an exemption from the eflPects of such casualties ; and applies himself to the prosecution of his business with that confidence and energy which nothing but a feeling of security can inspire. " Les chances de la navigation entravaient le commerce. Le systeme des assurances a paru ; il a consulte Ics saisons ; il a porte ses regards sur la mer ; il a interroge ce terrible element ; il en a juge Tincon- stance ; il en a pressenti les orages : il a epie la politique : il a reconnu les ports et les cotes des deux mondes ; il a tout soumis a des calculs savans, a des theories approxima- tives ; et il a dit au commercant habile, au navigateur intrepide : certes, il y a des desastres sur lesquels I'humanite ne peut que gemir ; mais quant a votre fortune, allez, franchissez les mers, deployez votre activite et votre Industrie ; je me charge de vos risques. Alors, Messieurs, s'il est permis de le dire, les quatre parties du monde se sont rapprochees." — (Code de Commerce, Expose des Motifs, liv. ii.) Besides insuring against the perils of the sea, and losses arising from accidents caused by the operation of natural causes, it is common to insure against enemies, pirates, thieves, and even the fraud, or, as it is technically termed, barratry, of the master. The risk arising from these sources of casualty being extremely fluctuating and various, it is not' easy to estimate it with any considerable degree of accuracy ; and nothing more than a rough average can, in most cases, be looked for. In time of war, the fluctuations in the rates of insurance are particularly great : and the intelligence that an enemy's squadron, or even a single privateer, is cruising in the course which the ships bound to or return- ing from any given port usually follow, causes an instantaneous rise in the premium. The appointment of convoys for the protection of trade during war, necessarily tends, by lessening the chances of capture, to lessen the premium on insurance. Still, however, the risk in such periods is, in most cases, very considerable ; and as it is liable to change very suddenly, great caution is required on the part of the underwriters. Provision may also be made, by means of insurance, against loss by fire, and almost all the casualties to which property on land is subject. 2 Y 2 692 INSURANCE (PRINCIPLES OF). But, notwithstanding what has now been stated, it must be admitted, that the advan- tages derived from the practice of insuring against losses by sea and land are not altogether unmixed with evil. The security which it affords tends to relax that vigilant attention to the protection of property which the fear of its loss is sure otherwise to excite . This, however, is not its worst effect. The records of our courts, and the experience of all who are largely engaged in the business of insurance, too clearly prove that ships have been repeatedly sunk, and houses burned, in order to defraud the insurers. In despite, however, of the temptation to inattention and fraud which is thus afforded, there can be no doubt that, on the whole, the practice is, in a public as well as private point of view, decidedly beneficial. The frauds that are occasionally committed raise, in some degree, the rate of insurance. Still it is exceedingly moderate ; and it is most probable, that the precautions adopted by the insurance offices for the prevention of fire, especially in great towns, where it is most destructive, outweigh the chances of increased conflagra- tion arising from the greater tendency to carelessness and crime. The business of life insurance has been carried to a far greater extent in Great Britain than in any other country, and has been productive of the most beneficial effects. Life insurances are of various kinds. Individuals without any very near connections, and possessing only a limited fortune, are sometimes desirous, or are sometimes, from the necessity of their situation, obliged, annually to encroach on their capitals. But should the life of such persons be extended beyond the ordinary term of existence, they might be totally unprovided for in old age ; and to secure themselves against this contingency, they pay to an insurance company the whole or a part of their capital, on condition of its guaranteeing them, as long as they live, a certain annuity, proportioned partly, of course, to the amount of the sum paid, and partly to their age when they buy the annuity. But though sometimes serviceable to individuals, it may be questioned whether in- surances of this sort are, in a public point of view, really advantageous. So far as their influence extends, its obvious tendency is to weaken the principle of accumulation ; to stimulate individuals to consume their capitals during their own life, without thinking or caring about the interest of their successors. Were such a practice to become general, it would be productive of the most extensively ruinous consequences. The interest Avhlch most men take in the welfare of their families and friends affords, indeed, a pretty strong security against its becoming injuriously prevalent. There can, however, be little doubt that this selfish practice may be strengthened by adventitious means ; such, for example, as the opening of government loans in the shape of life annuities, or in the still more objectionable form of tontines. But when no extrinsic stimulus of this sort is given to it, there do not seem to be any very good grounds for thinking that the sale of annuities by private individuals or associations can materially weaken the principle of accumulation. Luckily, however, the species of insurance now referred to is but inconsiderable com- pared with that which has accumulation for its object. All professional persons, or those living on salaries or wages, such as lawyers, physicians, military and naval officers, clerks in public or private offices, &c., whose incomes must, of course, terminate with their lives, and a host of others, who are either not possessed of capital, or cannot dispose of their capital at pleasure, must naturally be desirous of providing, so far as they may be able, for the comfortable subsistence of their families in the event of their death. Take, for example, a physician or lawyer, without fortune, but making, perhaps, 1,000/. or 2,000Z. a year by his business ; and suppose that he marries and has a family ; if this individual attain to the average duration of human life, he may accumulate such a fortune as will provide for the adequate support of his family at his death. But who can presume to say that such will be the case? — that he will not be one of the many exceptions to the general rule? — And suppose that he were hurried into an untimely grave, his family would necessarily be destitute. Now, it is against such calamitous contingencies that life insurance is intended chiefly to provide. An individual possessed of an income terminating at his death, agrees to pay a certain sum annually to an in- surance office ; and this office binds itself to pay to his family, at his death, a sum ctjuivalent, under deduction of the expenses of management and the profits of the insurers, to wliat these animal contributions, accumulated at compound interest, would amount to, supposing the insured to reach the common and average term of hvunan life. Though he were to die the day after the insurance has been effected, his family would be as amply provided for as it is likely they would be by his accumulations were his life of the ordinary duration. In all cases, indeed, in which those insured die before attaining to an average age, their gain is obvious. But even in those cases in which their lives arc prolonged beyond the ordinary term, they arc not losers — they then merely pay for a security which they must otherwise have been without. During the wliole jicviod, from the time when tliey effect their insurances, down to the time when they arrive at the mean duration of human life, they are protected against tlic risk of dying without leaving their families suflifiently provided for ; and the sum which they pay after having INSURANCE (PRINCIPLES OF). 693 passed this mean term is nothing more than a fair compensation for the security they previously enjoyed. Of those who insure houses against fire, a very small proportion only have occasion to claim an indemnity for losses actually sustained ; hut the possession of a security against loss in the event of accident, is a sufficient motive to induce every prudent individual to insure his property. The cjise of life insurance is in no respect different. When estahlished on a proper footing, the extra smns which those pay whose lives exceed the estimated duration is but the value of the previous security. In order so to adjust the terms of an insurance, that the party insuring may neither pay too much nor too little, it is necessary that the probability' of his life failing in each subsequent year should be determined with as much accuracy as possible. To ascertain this probability, various observations have been made in different countries and periods, showing, out of a given number of persons born in a particular country or place, how many complete each subsequent year, and how many die in it, till the whole be extinct. The results of such observations, when collected and arranged in a tabular form, are called Tables of Mortality ; being entitled, of course, to more or less confidence, according to the number and species of lives observed ; the period when, and the care with which, the observations were made, &c. But, supposing these Tables to be formed with sufficient accuracy, the expectation of life at any age, or its mean duration after such age, may readily be learned from them ; and hence, also, the value of an annuity, or an assurance on a life of any age. Thus, in the Table of Mortality for Carlisle, framed by Mr. Milne, of the Sun Life Office, and which is believed to represent the average law of mortality in England with very considerable accuracy, out of 10,000 persons born together, 4,000 complete their 56th year ; and it further appears, that the number of such persons who die in their 66th year is 124; so that the probability that a life now 56 years of age will terminate in the 10th year hence is But, reckoning interest at 4 per cent., it appears (Table II. Interest and Annuities), that the present value of 100/. to be received 10 years hence is 67 '5561. ; consequently, if its receipt be made to depend upon the probability that a life now 56 years of age will fail in the 66th year, its present value will be reduced by that contingency toi2iA|I^M' = 2*094/., or 21. Is. lO^d. The present value of lOOZ. receivable upon the life of a party now 56 years of age terminating in the 57th or any subsequent year of his life, up to its extreme limit (which, according to the Carlisle Table, is the 105th year), being calculated in this way, the sum of the whole will be the present value of 100/. receivable whenever the life may fail, that is, of 100/. insured upon it, supposing no additions were made to it for tlie profits and expenses of the insurers. ]\Iore compendious processes are resorted to for calculating Tables of insurances at all ages ; but the above statement sufficiently illustrates the principle on which they all de- pend. In practice, a life insurance is seldom made by the payment of a single sum when it is effected, but almost always by the payment of an annual premium during its continuance, the first being paid down at the commencement of the insurance.* If the Table of Mortality adopted by the insurers fairly represent the law of mortality prevailing among the insured, it follows that wlien a party insured does not attain to the average age according to the Table, the insurers will either lose by him, or realise less than their ordinary profit ; and when,, on the other hand, the life of an insured party is prolonged beyond the tabular average, the profits of the insurers are proportionally increased. But if their business be so extensive as to enable the law of average fully to apply, what they lose by premature death will be balanced by the payments received from those whose lives are prolonged beyond the mean duration of life for the ages at which they were respectively insured ; tio that the profits of the society will be wholly independent of chance. The relief from anxiety afforded by life insurance very frequently contributes to pro- long the life of the insured, at the same time that it materially augments the comfort and well-being of those dependent on him. It has, also, an obvious tendency to strengthen habits of accumulation. An individual who has insured a sum on his life, woidd forfeit all the advantages of the insurance, were he not to continue regularly to make his annual payments. It is not, therefore, optional with him to save a sum from his ordinary ex- penditure adequate for this purpose. He is compelled, under a heavy penalty, to do so ; and having thus been led to contract a habit of saving to a certain extent, it is most pro- bable that the habit will acquire additional strength, and that he will either insure an additional sum, or privately accimiulate. The practice of marine insurance, no doubt from the extraordinary hazard to which property at sea is exposed, seems to have long preceded insurances against fire and upon lives. We are ignorant of the precise period when it began to be introduced ; but it appears most probable that it dates from the end of the fourteenth or the beginning of tlie • For the nietbcd of calculating these annual premiums, sec post. Interest axd Anxi ities 2 Y 3 694. INSURANCE (PRINCIPLES OF). fifteenth century. It has, however, been contended by Loccenius (Z)e Jure Maritimo, lib. ii. c. 1.), PutfendorfF {Droit de la Nature et des Gens, lib. v. c. 9.), and others, that the practice of marine insurances is of much higher antiquity, and that traces of it may be found in the history of the Punic wars. Livy mentions, that during the second of these contests, the contractors employed by the Romans to transport ammunition and provisions to Spain, stipulated that government should indemnify them against such losses as might be occasioned by the enemy, or by tempests, in the course of the voyage. — • {Impetratum fuit, nt quce navihus imponerentur ad exercitum Hispaniensem deferenda, ah hostium tempestatisque vi, publico periculo essent. — Hist. lib. xxiii. c. 49. ) Malynes (Lex Mercatoria, 3d ed. p. 105.), founding on a passage in Suetonius, ascribes the first introduction of insurance to the emperor Claudius, who, in a period of scarcity at Rome, to encourage the importation of corn, took upon himself all the loss or damage it might sustain in the voyage thither by storms and tempests. — {Negotiatoribus certa lucra pro- posuit, suscepto in se damno, si cui quid per tempestates accidisset, et naves mercatum causa, fabricantibus, magna commoda constituit. — c. 18.) It is curious to observe that this stipulation gave occasion to the commission of acts of fraud, similar to those so fre- quent in modern times. Shipwrecks were pretended to have happened, that never took place ; old shattered vessels, freighted with articles of little value, were purposely sunk, and the crew saved in boats : large sums being then demanded as a recompence for the loss. Some years after, the fraud was discovered, and some of the contractors were pro- secuted and punished. (Lib. xxv. c. 3.) But none of these passages, nor a similar one in Cicero's letters — (Ad Fam. lib. ii. c. 17.), warrant the inferences that Loccenius, Malynes, and others have attempted to draw from them. Insurance is a contract between two parties; one of whom, on receiving a certain premium (pretium periculi), agrefes to take upon himself the risk of any loss that may happen to the property of the other. In ancient no less than in modern times, every one must have been desirous to be exonerated from the chance of loss arising from the exposure of property to the perils of the sea. But though, in the cases referred to, the carriers were exempted from this chance, they were not exempted by a contract propter aversionem periculi, or by an in- surance ; but by their employers taking the risk upon themselves. And it is abundantly obvious that the object of the latter in doing this was not to profit, like an insurer, by dealing in risks, but to induce individuals the more readily to undertake the performance of an urgent public duty. But with the exception of the instances now mentioned, nothing bearing the remotest resemblance to an insurance is to be met with till a comparatively recent period. If we might rely on a passage in one of the Flemish chroniclers, quoted by the learned M. Par- dessus, — (see his excellent work, Collection des Loix Maritimes, tome i. p. 356.), we should be warranted in concluding that insurances had been effected at Bruges so early as the end of the thirteenth century: for the chronicler states that, in 1311, the Earl of Flanders consented, on a requisition from the inhabitants, to establish a chamber of insurance at Bruges. M. Pardessus is not, however, inclined to think that this state- ment should be regarded as decisive. It is evident, from the manner in which the sub- ject is mentioned, that the chronicler was not a contemporary ; and no trace can be found, either in the archives of Bruges, or in any authentic publication, of any thing like the circumstance alluded to. The earliest extant Flemish law as to insurance is dated in 1537; and none of the early maritime codes of the North so much as alludes to this interesting subject. Beckmann seems to have thought that the practice of insurance originated in Italy, in the latter part of the fifteenth or the early part of the sixteenth century. — {Hist, of Invent, vol. i. art. Insurance.) But the learned Spanish antiquary, Don Antonio de Capmany, has given, in his very valuable publication on the History and Commerce of Barcelona (Memorias Historicas sabre la Marina, ^c. de Barcelona, tomo ii. p. 383.), an ordinance relative to insurance, issued by the magistrates of that city in 1435 ; Avhereas the earliest Italian law on the subject is nearly a century later, being dated in 1523. It is, however, exceedingly unlikely, had insurance been as early practised in Italy as in Catalonia, that the former should have been so much behind the latter in subjecting it to any fixed rules ; and it is still more unlikely that the practice should have escaped, as is the case, all mention by any previous Italian writer. We, therefore, agree entirely in Capmany's opinion, that, until some authentic evidence to the contrary be produced, Barcelona should be regarded as the birthplace of this most useful and beautiful application of the doctrine of chances. — (Tomo i. p. 237.) A knowledge of the principles and practice of insurance was early brought into England. According to Malynes — {Lex Mercat. p. 105.), it was first practised amongst us by the Lombards, who were established in London from a very remote epoch. It is prol)al)le it was introduced some time about the beginning of the sixteenth centur}' ; for it is mentioned in tlie statute -13 Eliz. c. 12. — a statute in which its utility is very clearly «et forth — that it had been an immemorial tisage among merchants, both English and INSURANCE (MARINE). 695 foreign, when they made any great adventure, to procure insurance to be made on the ships or goods adventured. From this it may reasonably be supposed that insurance had been in use in England for at least a century previous. It ajijjears from the same sta- tute, that it had originally been usual to refer all disputes that arose with respect to insurances to the decision of " grave and discreet" merchants appointed by the Lord Mayor. But abuses having grown out of this practice, the statute authorised the Lord Chancellor to appoint a commission for the trial of insurance cases; and in the reign of Charles II. the powers of the commissioners were enlarged. But this court soon after fell into disuse ; and, what is singular, no trace can now be discovered of any of its proceedings. — (^Marshall on Insurance, Prelim. Disc. p. 26.) Few questions as to insurance seem to have come before the courts at Westminster till after the middle of last century. The decisions of Lord Mansfield may, indeed, be said to have fixed, and in a considerable degree formed, the law upon this subject. His judg- ments were not bottomed on narrow views, or on the municipal regulations of England ; but on those great principles of public justice and convenience which had been sanctioned and approved by universal experience. His deep and extensive information was acquired by consulting the most intelligent merchants, and the works of distinguished foreign jurists; and by carefully studying the famous French ordinance of 1681, the most ad- mirably digested body of maritime law of which any country has ever had to boast. Hence the comprehensiveness and excellence of his Lordship's decisions, and the respect they have justly commanded in all countries.* In his hands the law of insurance be- came, in a far greater degree than any other department of English law, a branch of lhat national or public law, of which Cicero has beautifully said, " Non erit alia lex RomcB, alia Athenis, alia nunc, alia posthac, sed et omnes gentes et omni tempore una lex et sempiterna, et immortalis continebit, unusque erit communis quasi magister et impcrator omnium Deus." — (Fragm. lib. iii. de Eepublicd.) Insurance against fire and upon lives is of much later origin than insurance against the perils of the sea. The former, however, has been known and carried on amongst us, to some extent at least, for nearly a century and a half. The Amicable Society, for insurance upon lives, was established by charter of Queen Anne, in 1706; the Royal Exchange and I^ondon Assurance Companies began to make insurances upon lives in the reign of George I, ; and the Equitable Society was established in 1 762. But the advantages of life insurance, and the principles on which the business should be conducted, were then very ill understood ; and the practice can hardly be said to have obtained any firm footing amongst us, till the Equitable Society, by adopting the judicious suggestions of Dr. Price, began its career of prosperity about 1775. Not- withstanding the example of England, life insurance has made very little progress on the Continent. It was, indeed, expressly forbidden by the French ordinance of 1681 (liv. iii. tit. 6. art. 10.) ; by the regulations as to insurance issued at Amsterdam in 1612 (art. 24.); and it is doubtful whether the practice be not inconsistent with the 334th art. of the Code de Commerce. But we are inclined to think that the want of se- curity, more than any positive regulations, has been the principal cause of the little pro- gress of life insurance on the Continent. Of whatever disadvantages our large public debt may be productive, it is not to be doubted that the facilities it has aflPorded for making investments, and the punctuality with which the national engagements have been fulfilled, have been the principal causes of the extraordinary extent to which the business of life and even fire insurance has been carried in this country, II. Insurance (Marine). There are few persons who are not acquainted, in some degree, with fire and life insurances. The fiecurity which they afford to individuals and families is a luxury which nobody, in tolerably comfortable circumstances, is willing to be without. Hence the great increase, in our days, of companies professing to afford this security ; and hence the knowledge, on the part of the public generally, of the nature and principles of the engagements into which these companies enter. But marine insurance is a subject which is of immediate interest only to merchants and ship owners ; unless, indeed, we should refer to that small portion of the community, who have occasion to transport themselves bejond seas with capital and effects for purposes of colonisation, or to fill some official situation. Hence the comparative indifference, on the part of the public, as to this subject. The general principles, however, of all insurance are the same ; and in treating of marine insurance, it will be necessary to notice little beyond such topics as are peculiar to that branch of the business. Jndividiial Insurers or Umierwrilers. — The first circumstance that cannot fail to strike the general inquirer into the practice of marine insurance in this country, is that, while all fire and life insurances are made at the risk of companies, which include within themselves the desirable requisites of security, wealth, and numbers, the great bulk of marine insurances are made at the risk of individuals. London and Liverpool are the only towns in England in which there are any public companies for this purpose, t In London there are only 4: the 2 old companies, the London and the Royal Eicliattiie ; and the two established in 1824, the Alliance Marine and the Indeynniti/ Mtitiial Marine. In Liverpool there is only 1 company. The individuals engaged in this branch of the insurance business in London, about whom we shall say more presently, assemble in Llojd's Coffee-house, over the Royal Exchange. • See Emerigon's famous Traits des Assiiraiices, tome ii. p. 67- f Within these few mo)iths a company has been formed at Sunderland, and it is said that some are projected in other sea- ports. 2 Y 4 696 INSURANCE (MARINE). Prohibition of Companies. — TiW 1824, all firms and companies, with the exception of the 2 chartered companies, the Royal Exchange and London, were prohibited by law from taking marine insurances. Towards the latter end of that year, the prohibition was removed, and the business of marine insurance was placed on the same footing as other descriptions of business. While the restriction lasted, the 2 chartered companies did so little business, that marine insurance might, in fact, be said to be wholly in the hands of individuals. These companies were so much higher in their premiums, and so much more exclusive in the risks they were willing to undertake, than their individual competitors, that even those merchants and ship owners, who would cheerfully have paid some trifling consideration to obtain the greater security of a company, were obliged to resort to individuals. And it was only when the repeal of this absurd restriction was proposed, that the companies showed, by defending it, that they set any value upon their privilege. The underwriters at Lloyd's joined them in this opposition ; and pamplilets were written, and speeches made, to demonstrate how much merchants and ship owners would suffer, were the law to allow them the free use of their discretion in insuring their property ; and how much more con. ducive to their interests it was, that they should be forced up to Lloyd's, to pay premiums to individual rather than companies. But these pamphlets and speeches are forgotten ; and we should be sorry to wound the feelings of their authors, or to trespass on the patience of our readers, by referring to them more particularly. Formation of Companies. — During the autumn of 1824 and spring of 1S25, 5 companies sprang into existence in London : the two already mentioned, and the St. Patrick, the Patriotic, and the South Devon. The last 3 have since been given up, having proved ruinous concerns to the proprietors. The 2 former are composed of some of the most eminent merchants and ship owners of the city of London, who united for the double purpose of providing a more perfect security for their property, and of ascertaining whether the insurance business might not be made to yield a fair return to the capital employed in it The change thus introduced into the business has had the effect of rousing the 2 old companies into activity, and thus maybe said to have afforded to the public the opportunity of transacting their business with 4 substantial companies, in addition to individual underwriters, whereas they could previously deal only with individuals. It may be computed that these 4 companies draw to themselves l-5th of the whole business of the country, leaving the other 4-5ths to individual underwriters, and the Liverpool, Scotch, and Irish companies. It has been inferred by some, that the comparatively limited business of the companies is a convincing proof tiiat individuals are much better adapted to engage in this department than societies ; while it is contended by others that the large share of business, thus speedily attracted to the companies, ouglit to satisfy every body, when due allowances are made for the difiiculties to be combated in break- ing through established modes and habits of doing business, that the tendency in the public is practically to confiKm what antecedent investigation would suggest, — that companies, while they must necessarily hold out better security, and greater liberality and punctuality in the settlement of claims, are capable of transacting a given amount of business with a saving both of labour and expense. Mode of conducting Business. — We shall now give an account of the existing arrangements for con- ducting the business of marine insurance, as well by individuals as the companies in London. Lloyd's. — The individual underwriters meet in a subscription room at Lloyd's. The joint affairs of the subscribers to these rooms are managed by a committee chosen by the subscribers. Agents (who are commonly styled Lloyd's agents) are appointed in all the principal ports of the world, who forward, retfularly, to Lloyd's, accounts of the departures from and arrivals at their ports, as well as of losses and other casualties ; and, in general, all such information as may be supposed of importance towards guiding the judgments of the underwriters. These accounts are regularly filed, and are accessible to all the subscribers. The principal arrivals and losses are, besides, posted in 2 books, placed in 2 conspicuous parts of the room; and also in another book, which is placed in an adjoining room, for the use of the public at large. Many of the merchants of the city of London are subscribers to these rooms; and the 2 old companies contribute each 160^. per annum, in return for which they are furnished with copies of the daily intelligence. The 2 new companies made similar proposals, which were, and, we believe, continue to be, rejected; but this feeling of animosity is unworthy of the subscribers, and will, no doubt, speedily disappear. The rooms are open from 10 o'clock in the morning till 5 o'clock in the afternoon, but the most con- siderable part of the business is transacted between 1 and 4. Those merchants and ship owners who manage their own insurance business, procure blank policies at the government office, or of their sta- tioners, which they fill up so as to meet the particular object in view, and submit them to those under- writers with whom they are connected ; by whom they are subscribed or rejected. Each policy is handed about in this way until the amount required is complete. The form of the policy and of a subscription is subjoined to this article. The premium is not paid to the underwriter in ready money, but is passed to account. Nor does the underwriter debit the account of the pPrson to whom he subscribes a policy, with the whole amount of the premium, but with the premium less 5 per cent. Whenever losses occur which more than absorb the premiums on any one account, the underwriter is called upon to pay the balance. But should the under- writer's account be what is called good, that is, should the premiums exceed the claims, he sends round, during the spring and summer, to collect from his various debtors either the balance of his last year's account, or money on account, according to his judgment; but, upon what he receives, he makes an allowance of 12 per cent. An underwriter, if prudent, therefore, before he consents to receive, will not only look to the goodness of his account, but to the probability of its continuing so. Insurance Brokers. — Many merchants and ship owners do not transact their own insurance business. They give their orders for insurance to others, who undertake it for them, and are responsible for its proper management. These' latter persons are called insurance brokers ; and some of them manage the business of a number of principals. To tlicm, likewise, are transmitted the orders for insurance from the outports and manufacturing towns. They charge the whole premium to their principals, and their I)rofit consists in 5 per cent upon the premium, 12 per cent. \i])on the money that they pay to the under- writers, and ^ per cent, that they deduct from all the claims which they recover from the underwriters. It sa proper to remark, that this is the established or regular profit; but competition has occasioned nu.iierous deviations from it oy the brokers, many of whom consent to divide this profit with the princi- pals who employ them. The insurance brokers are not unfrequently miderwriters also ; and as some insurances are considered far more lucrative than others to underwriters, and as the brokers have particu- lar facilities, in some respects, of judging of the goodness of their own risks, so likewise have they an inducement to play into one another's hands, and they do so accordingly. — (See Brokers.) It will at once be seen, that the trouble of effecting insurances at Lloyd's is considerable ; that a good deal of time must be consumed ; and that merchants and ship owners, therefore, have great inducement to consigTi their insurance business to brokers. But where the business is transacted with a company, this inducement, if not destroyed altogether, is, at all events, very much diminished. Any party having pro- perty to insure, has merely to go to the mannfjer of the company, and state the particulars of the risk to be insured ; the premium being agreed upon, the manager writes out a memorandum for the policy, which the ])arty signs, and he is thus efl'cctually insured. The companies procure the stamp and write out the policy, which is ready for delivery in 4 or 5 days. The companies, like the underwriters, charge the premium less h per cent. In other respects they vary. The Uoyal Exchange Assurance Coini)any allow 12 per cent upon the profitable balance of each year's premiums, with credit till March for the premiums of the preceding year, and 5 per cent, for prompt jiaymfnt. INSURANCE (MARINE). 697 The Alliance Marine Assurance Company allow 12 per cent, upon the profitable balance of cadi ycai "< premiums, with credit till March ; or 10 per cent, lor prompt payment. The Indemnity Mutual Marine Assurance Comj)any allow 12 jicr cent, upon the profitable balance of each year's premiums, with credit till June ; or 10 per cent, for prompt payment. The allowances of the London Assurance Company arc the same as those of the Indemnity. Payment of Losses. — Losses are paid at all the offices promptly, and without deduction. A month's credit. is allowed to the underwriters; and another month, and sometimes 2 months, are given to the broker, to collect from the underwriters, and pay over to his princijjals. Clubs. — Besides the individual underwriters and companies above noticed, there arc clubs or associ- ations formed by ship owners, who agree, e;ich entcriiiji his ships for a certain amount, to divide among themselves one another's losses. These clubs are institutions of long standing; but, since the alteration of the law in 1824, appear to be on the decline. Their formation originated in a twofold reason ; 1st, that the underwriters charged premiums more than commensurate with the risk ; and, 2dly, that they did not attbrd adequate protection. To avoid the first of these two evils, instead of paying a hxed premium, they pay among themselves the actual losses of their .several members as they occur; and to avoid the second, they lay down certain principles of settlement in accordance with their views of indemnity. Each member of one of these clubs gives his power of attorney to the selected manager; and this manager issues a policy for each ship, which policy is subscribed by him as attorney for all the members, the pre- mium inserted in the policy being understood to be nominal. These clubs are open to the leading objec- tions that apply to individual underwriters; for the members are not collectively, but only individually, liable to those of their number who happen to sustain a loss; and the delay of settlement is such, that more than J2 months have been known to elapse before the payment of a loss has been obtained from all the members. Rate of Premium. — But little need be said upon the circumstances that influence the rate of premium demanded by the insurers. It must be self-evident that premiums will vary according to the seasons, the quality of the vessel, the known character of the captain, the nature of the commodity, and the state of our political relations. All these, of course, are matters upon which each individual must exercise his own discretion, partly from general experience, and partly Irom particular information ; exaggeration of risk, and consequent exorbitancy of premium for any length of time, being out of the question, where so many individual underwriters, in addition to the companies, are in competition with one another, and where the merchants have the means at hand of effecting their insurances abroad. We have already taken notice of the intelligence of which Lloyd's is the focus. In addition to this, there are 2 sub- scription register books for shipping maintained by the principal merchants, ship owners, and under- writers. These books profess to give an account of the tonnage, build, age, repairs, and quality of almost all the vessels that frequent our ports; and, although exceedingly defective in many respects, are material assistants to the insurers, who have no means of ascertaining by their own observation the particulars of 1 in 100 of the ships they are called upon to insure. But active measures are now in progress for superseding these two register books by unc, giving a much more accurate and faithful account of the state of the mercantile shipping. We doubt, however, whether its real state will ever be revealed, as it ought to be, for the general benefit, until public officers are appointed to perform this duty. This might be done at a trifling expense ; and the advantage to the owners of good ships, to merchants, and to passen- gers, would be immense. Contract op Insurance. Having thus given a general outline of the mode of transacting business between the insurers and insured, and the means used to enable both parties to come, as near as possible, to a due estimate of the risk to be insured against, our next step will be to explain the nature of the contract, and the bearing of its more important clauses. It is unnecessary to state that the object of those who are engaged in commerce, or in moving articles of merchandise from one part of the world to another, is to bjty at such a price that, after paying all the expenses of transport, the sale price may leave them a surplus in the shape of profit. If there were no such contrivance as insurance, merchants would be obliged to calculate upon the probability of the occasional loss of their property, and to regulate their transactions accordingly; but it must be obvious that enterprise, under such circumstances, would be very much crippled Now, insurance, in as far as it approaches perfection in guaranteeing the merchant against all loss, except that of the market, substitutes a fixed charge for uncertain and contingent loss, and enables him to confine his attention exclusively to price and quality, and to charges of transport ; in which latter, of course, the premium of insurance is included. As, however, in practice, insurance is by no means a perfect protection, either to the merchant or ship owner, against all loss that may occur in transitu, there is, even after insurance, some contin- gencies remaining to be taken into consideration ; and we do not know that we can do better, by way of explaining the contract of insurance, than state, as briefly and succinctly as possible, what are the losses aij^ainst which the merchant and ship owner are not protected by an insurance effected in this country. 1. Acts of our own Government. — All losses arising from the acts of our ow n government. Thus, if an embargo were laid on vessels about to sail for a particular quarter, and the merchant obliged to unload his goods ; or if his goods were condemned to be destroyed in quarantine; or purposely destroyed at sea by some of our cruisers ; no part of his loss would be made good by the insurer. The insurer in this country, although liable for the acts of foreign powers, is not liable for such acts directed against the property of their own subjects. Thus, if French property, insured in this country, were confiscated by the French government, the owner would have no remedy against his insurer. 2. Breaches of the Revenue Laivs. — All losses arising from a breach of the revenue laws. It may be observed, that if the owner of the ship, by his act, expose the goods of the merchant to loss, the merchant so injured, although he cannot recover from his insurers, may claim from him. It may also be observed, that if the captain of the vessel, by his act, to which neither the owner of the ship nor the merchant is a party, expose the ship and cargo to loss, the insurers, in such case, are bound to make good the loss ; the insurers being liable for all damage arising from illegal acts of the captain and crew, supposing the owner of the ship not to be accessary. The illegal acts of the captain and crew, contrary to the instructions and without the consent of the owners, are termed " barratry " in the policy — ,See Barratry.) 3. Breaches of the Laiv of l^atlons. — All losses arising from a breach of the law of nations. Thus, if any port is declared by a foreign power to be in a state of blockade, and such blockade is acknowledged nv our government; and if a ship, in defiance of that notification, attempt to break the blockade, and is taken in the attempt; the insurer is not liable to the loss. It will often happen, when a port is under blockade, that the profit is so great upon goods introduced in defiance of the blockade, as to tempt ad- venturers to break it, and to enable them to afford a very high premium to insure against the risk. But as i)olicies for such an object are not acknowledged in our courts of law, when effectetl, they are under- stood to be policies of honour. The same kind of pdlicy is adopted by the underwriters, to protect foreign merchants who prefer insuring in this country against British capture. 1. Consequences of Deviation. — AW losses subsequent to any deviation from the terms of the policy. Thus, if a merchant, in a policy on produce from the West Indies to London, warrant the ship to sail on or before the 1st of August, and the ship sail alter that day and be lost, the insurer is exonerated. Or, if a merchant insure from London to Lisbon, and the ship call at Havre and is aiterwards lost, the insurer is not liable. It will be understood, of course, that the owner of the ship is liable to the merchant for any breach of contract on his part, as well as that the insurer is liable for the barratry of the master; a deviation on the part of the master, not intended for the benefit of the owner, and contrary to his iustrucv 698 INSURANCE (MARINE). tions, being considered barratry. Should the owner of the goods neglect to describe accurately the voyage for which he wislies to be insured, the loss would be a consequence of his own negligence. There is a doctrine connected with barratry which it will here be proper to notice. A captain, owner or part owner of the ship in which he sails, cannot commit an act of barratry. In other words, the in- surers are not, in such a case, liable for an act of his which would otherwise be barratrous. The equity of this doctrine, as far as regards the interests of the captain himself, cannot be called in question ; but it is difficult to understand why the merchant who ships goods on board such a captain's vessel should not be permitted to insure, among other risks, against the captain's illegal acts. We have heard, that a clause has occasionally been introduced into policies to protect merchants against captain- owners, and we do not suppose that our courts of law would refuse to enforce such a clause. Indeed, we cannot dis- cover any reason why every party, saving the captain, should not have the power of insuring against the consequences of illegal acts of the captain. We believe, that among the life offices, which protect them, selves from loss by suicide and the hands of justice, there are some which make a distinction in favour ot those who merely hold policies on the lives of others as a collateral security. The propriety of such a distinction must strike every body. 5. Unseaworthiness. — All losses arising from unseaworthiness. Unseaworthiness may be caused in various ways, such as want of repair, want of stores, want of provisions, want of nautical instruments, insufficiency of hands to navigate the vessel, or incompetency of the master. It might be supposed, at first sight, that insurance affords a much less perfect security than it really does, seeing on how many pleas it is possible for the insurer to dispute his liability ; but when it is considered that the proof of un- seaworthiness is thrown upon the defendant, and that the leaning of the courts is almost always in favour of the insured, it will be easy to suppose that no respectable insurers would ever plead unseaworthiness, unless they could make out a case of more than ordinary strength and clearness. The degree of un- easiness felt by merchants and ship owners at their liability to be involved in loss by cases of unseaworthi- ness, may be guessed from the fact, that although the Indemnity Assurance Company at one time pre- eluded themselves from pleading unseaworthiness by a special clause in their policy, not only did they obtain no adilitional premium in consequence thereof, but they did not even obtain a preference over other companies and individuals at the same premium. At least, this fact must either be admitted as a proofof the alisence of uneasiness on this head, or of that inveteracy of habit which seems to lead the great bulk of mankind always, if possible, to continue undeviatingly in those courses to which they are accustomed, even where the benefits to be derived from a deviation are undeniable. 6. Protraction of the Voyage. — All loss arising from unusual protraction of the voyage. Thus, if a ship meet with an accident in the Baltic, and the repairs detain the vessel till the close of the season, when tiie passage home is rendered impracticable by the ice till the opening of the ensuing season, no payment is made to the merchant, in mitigation of his loss from interest of money, loss of market (.if the market fa'.l), or deterioration in the quality of his goods (unless arising from actual sea damage) ; nor to the ship owner, in mitigation of his loss from the extra wages and maintenance of his crew. In most foreign countries the ship owner is remunerated by the insurers for the wages and maintenance of his crew while his ship is detained inconsequence of any loss for the making good of which they are liable. 7. Liability for doing Damage to other J'esscls. — All loss to which the ship owner is liable when his vessel does damage to others. According to our laws, the owner of every ship not in charge of a pilot, that does damage, by negligence of the master and crew, to any description of craft or vessel, is liable to make good the same to the extent of value of his own ship and freight : for beyond this he is not liable. The common policy in use among the underwriters at Lloyd's and the companies does not protect the ship owner from this loss. But the clubs or associations before mentioned almost universally take this risk. Indeed, this is one of the purposes which gave rise to their formation. But even they limit their liability to the amount of the policy ; so that if a ship insured with them were to run down another, and to sink herself in the concussion, the owner would only receive the value of his own vessel from the club, and still be liable to the owner of the other vessel . The Indemnity Company, by a clause in their policy, make themselves liable for 3-4ths of the loss which the owner of the vessel insured with them may sustain from damage done by his vessel to those of others. If such a case as the one just supposed should occur under their policy, the insured would receive the value of his own vessel and 3-4ths of the loss to be made good by him to the owner of the other vessel. The policies of this Company approach in this respect the nearest of any to perfect protection to the ship owner. But the loss from running down other vessels, although serious, nay sometimes ruinous, seldom occurs ; and many ship owners trust so confidently that it will never fall upon them, that they are as well satisfied to be without as with this protection. 8. Average Clause. — The next description of loss of which we shall treat, against which the insured are not protected, is described in the following clause of the policy : — " Corn, fish, salt, seed, flour, and fruit, are warranted free from average, unless general, or the ship be stranded; sugar, tobacco, hemp, flax, hides, and skins, are warranted free from average under 5 per cent., unless general, or the ship be stranded ; and all other goods, also the ship and freight, are warranted free from average under 3 per cent, unless general, or the ship be stranded." The language employed in this clause, being technical, requires explanation, to render it intelligible to the general reader. Average is a name applied to certain descriptions of loss, to which the merchant and ship owner are liable. There are two kinds of average, general and particular. General Average comprehends all loss arising out of a voluntary sacrifice of a part of either vessel or cargo, made by the captain for the benefit of the whole. Thus if a captain throw part of his cargo overboard, cut from an anchor and cable, or cut away his masts, the loss so sustained, being voluntarily submitted to for the benefit of the whole, is distributed over the value of the whole ship and cargo, and is called " general average." Particular Average comprehends all loss occasioned to ship, freight, and cargo, which is not of so serious a nature as to debar them from reaching their port of destination, and when the damage to the ship is not so extensive as to render her unworthy of repair. Losses where the goods are saved, but in such a state as to be unfit to forward to their port of destination, and where the sliip is rendered unfit to repair, are called " partial or salvage loss." The leading distinction between particular average and salvage loss is, that, in the first, the property insured remains the propery of the assured— the damage sustained, or part thereof, as the case may be, and as will be hereafter explained, being made good by the insurer"; and in the second, the property insured is abandoned to the insurer, and the value insured claimed from him, he retaining the property so abandoned, or its value. Particular Average on Goods. — A few cases illustrative of the method of stating a claim for particular average will best explain the nature of this dcsscription of loss, and will at the same time show the reader what the practical distinction is between particular average and salvage loss. The proj)erty insured we shall suppose to be a ton (f hemp, the cost of which at Petersburgh is 30/., for which sum it is insured from Petersburgh to Jjondon, and that the duty,- freight, and charges to which the merchant is subject on landing at London are 10/. We shall likewise suppose that the hemp, on its arrival, is so damaged as not to be worth more than half what it would have fetched had it been sound. The insurer would then be called upon to make good to the insured l.i/., or .00 per cent, upon the sum insured. But it does not follow that this payment of 1.0/. would indemnify the merchant, or that it would not more than indemnify him, for the loss sustained. ■■■i INSURANCE (MARINE). 699 If the hemp iijion arrival in tnis country would have futcheii in a sound sUitc - .W 0 Less duty, lrci|{ht, and charges - 10 U But in its damaged state is only worth - 25 0 Less duty, freight, and charges - lu U The merchant's loss by tlie damage is 15 Whereas he only receives from the insurer 15/. Upon the principle of a salvage loss he would also receiTe 15/. L. a. L. s. If the hemp would have fetched in a sound state 20 0 Less duty, freight, and charges - 10 0 10 0 But in its damaged state is only worth - 10 0 Less duty, freight, and charges 10 0 The merchant's loss by the damage is i.lO 0 Whereas he receives from the insurer 15/. Upon the prin- ciple of a salvage loss he would receive 30/. If the hemp would liave fetchrd in a sound state ... - ."JO 0 Less duty, freight, and charges - '10 0 But in its damaged state is only worth - 15 0 Less duty, freight, and charges ■ 10 0 The meicliant'a loss by the damage is 5 0 Z,.15 0 And he receives from the insurer 15/. Upon the principle of a salvage loss he would receive 25/. It will be observed that the merchant's loss by the damage of his goods varies with the state ot the market. It may also be observed, that in general the merchant will not receive from the insurer the whole amount of the loss that he sustains. Whenever his market is a profitable one (and that it must usually be so will be obvious to every body), whenever, indeed, his market is not a decidedly losing one, his policy does not afford him a complete protection. The argument in favour of this mode of settling claims for particular average — and it should be observed that the subject has been discussed, and the principle acknowledged in the courts of law — is, that the insurer's liability is to be guided by the amount upon which he has received a premium or consideration ; that he is not to be affected by the rise or fall of markets ; but that the g7-oss market price of the sound, and the gross market price of the damaged goods, are to be the test by which the rate of damage upon the amount insured is to be adjusted ; the insurer being liable, besides, for all the extra charges arising out of the damage. In the first case stated, the merchant's loss by damage is 9,51. upon AQl., or 62| per cent. ; in the second, 10/. upon 10/. or 100 per cent. ; in the third,!.')/, upon 20/., or 15 per cent. It the duty, freight, and charges were diminished in proportion to the diminished value of the goods, the loss in each case would be 50 per cent, upon the nett price, as it is 50 per cept. upon the gross price. As far as the duty is concerned, government, upon many articles, reduces it in proportion to the diminution in the value of the goods ; and if the freight were reduced in a similar manner, the merchant would always, be indemnified for his loss by the insurer. But the practice with regard to freight in this country admits of no such arrangement ; freight being paid according to the quantity delivered. To make the principle upon which claims for particular average are adjusted, and its bearing, still clearer, we shall illustrate it by a few more cases. Suppose two packages to be insured at cost price — a cask of rice and a cask of sugar — each weighing 10 cwt; the. cost of each at the port of shipment 10/., the freight of each 10*. per cwt. at the port of delivery, both articles free from duty, and to arrive at a market where no more than the cost price is realised ; assuming that both packages are damaged 50 per cent the rice by loss of quality, the sugar by loss of weight — the statement will be as follows : — L. s. L. s. I 10 cwt. of sugar, if sound, would have L. s. L. s. produced - - - - - 15 0 I Less freight on 10 cwt. at lOs. per cwt. 5 0 10 cwt. of rice, had it arrived sound, would have produced - - - .15 Less freight on 10 cwt. at 10s. per cwt. 5 But being damaged, did only produce Less freight on 10 cwt. at lOi. per cwt. 10 0 The barrel being damaged, did only weigh 5 cwt., and produce - - - - 7 10 Less freight on 5 cwt. at 10*. per cwt. 2 10 Merchant's loss Merchant's loss In each case the merchant is entitled to recover from his insurer 51., or 50 per cent., upon 10/., the sum insured, which, although an indemnity to him for his loss on the sugar, is far from being so for his loss upon the rice. If the merchant would contrive so to shape his contract with the ship owner for freight, as to reduce the freight in proportion, to the depreciation in the value of the damaged commodity, he would be completely protected. The ship owner might on his side protect himself by insurance from loss by reduction of quality, as he now does from loss by reduction ot quantity. But we have already more than once adverted to the difficulty of breaking in upon esta- blished practices. The merchants go on from year to year complaining of the losses to which they are subject from this awkward contrivance, while no steps are taken to improve it. To show that the principle is equitable as between the merchant and his insurer, we subjoin one more statement, where the damage is taken at 100 per cent. :— L. s. L. 10 cwt. of rice, if sound, would have produced - - . . - 15 0 Less freight on 10 cwt. at lOi. per cwt. 5 0 Being totally spoiled, did produce nothing The merchant being still liable for the freight .... ; Making his loss - - . L.V He receives 10/. only from the insurer. 10 cwt. of sugar, if sound, would have L. t. L. »• produced - - - - 15 0 Less freight on 10 cwt. at lOi. per cwt. 5 0 10 C The barrel being washed out produces nothing The merchant however, not being liable to pay freit;ht His loss is only • £.10 0. AVTiich he Teco\ers from the insurer. It will be observed, that in each case the insurer pays 10/., ir the full sum upon wMch he receives the premiuni. When whole cargoes, or parcels of goods of considerable value, are insured, the clause in the policy which protects the insurer from particular average under a certain percentage, is often partially set aside. Thus, if a cargo of 500 hogsheads of sugar, valued at 10,(X30/ , were damaged to the extent of 460/., the merchant, supposing the protecting clause to remain in force, would recover nothing from the insurer, the loss not amounting to 5 per cent. The additional written clause, by which it is tJie practice to m.odlfy the printed clause, is as follows : — " Particular average, payable upon each 10 lihds. sugar, 10 casks and 50 bags coffee, and 10 bags cotton, following mmibers, and upon each package of manufactured goods, chest of indigo, bag of wool or silk, the same as if separately insured." Such clauses may be, and are, introduced ad libitum by mutual consent of insurer and insuretl, the premium or consideration being arranged accordingly. The protecting claiuse is considered, on i\\o other hand, by the insurers, exceedingly unsatisfactory in some respects ; and they, as occasion requires, insist upon additional protection. Thus, saltpetre, hides, cocoa, and tin plates, are generally- warranted free from particular average, unless the ship be stranded ; and upon tobacco, it is customary for the insurers to make themselves liable only to such nartir-niar nvorntro ac cxcceds 5 pcr Cent, throwing 5 per cent., upon the merchant. part of the particular average 700 INSURANCE (MARINE). Particular Average on Freight. — The clause, as far as it affects " freig'it," calls for no particular comment. Particular average upon freight can, only arise, according to prevailing practice, from loss of weight ; and whenever the loss of weight amounts to 3 per cent, or upwards, the ship owner is entitled to recover from his insurer. The ship owner, upon the arrival of the ship at its port of des- tination, is entitled to hold the goods as security until the freight is paid. If the owner of the goods should prove insolvent, and the goods should be entirely spoiled by sea damage during the voyage, and the ship owner thus lose his freight, he has no claim upon the insurer; because, although his collateral security is destroyed by a peril of the sea, his right to receive freight remains unimpaired, and it is against the loss or impairing of this right that the insurer protects him. Particular Averaije on Ships. — Particular average upon ships is a subject somewhat more beset with difficulties. There is scarcely a ship that makes a voyage of any length, that does not sustain some damage. The clause in the policy warranting the ship free from particular average under 3 per cent., unless stranded, protects the insurer from the constant recurrence of petty claims; but in addition to this, it is the practice to class the damage, that a ship sustains in the prosecution of her voyage, under two heads : ordinary damage, or wear and tear ; and extraordinary damage, or particular average. The splitting of sails, the breaking of anchors and cables, the upsetting of windlasses, are losses that come under the first head. The carrying away of masts and bulwarks, damage to the copper sheathing, and hull, from striking on rocks, come under the second. When a ship sustains damage, if she be on her first voyage, the whole expense of the repairs is made good by the insurers. But if she be not on her first voyage, it is the established custom that the insurer pays no more than '2-3ds of the repairs, the owner of the vessel having, as it is thought, an equivalent for the l-3d which falls upon him, in the substitution of new work for old. Where the nature of the damage is such as to require that the copper should be stripped off the ship's bottom, the insurei pays the difierence between the price of the old and the new copper on the weight of the old copper stripped off ; the excess in weight of the new over the old copper is paid for by the ship owner; and the labour of stripping and replacing the copper is paid for on the principle already mentioned. In any general rule of this kind, it must be obvious that the ship owner will sometimes gain and sometimes lose by an accident. As soon as the ship owner, or his captain, learns that his vessel has met with an accident, or as soon after as possible, he summons regular surveyors to examine his vessel and report all defects, discriminating between those defects that have arisen from perils of the sea, and those from wear and tear. The first only are made good by the insurer, together with all charges, such as surveyors' fees, dock dues, &c., caused by the necessity of undergoing repair. It has been already observed, that when a ship is obliged, in the progress of her voyage, to put into port for the purpose of repair, although the owner of the ship be subjected to great expense for the wages and maintenance of his crew during the detention, he can recover no part of this expense from the insurer ; the doctrine being, that the owner of the ship is bound to navigate his vessel, and that the insurer does not undertake to guarantee that the voyage shall be completed within any specific time. Such is the doc- trine, at least, in this country, and the practice is founded upon it ; but in all other countries the doctrine and practice are the reverse. For in them allowance is made to the ship owner for the wages and maintenance of the crew during the whole period that the ship is under repair. Where a vessel, sustains damage and undergoes repair m the progress of her voyage, and is subsequently lost, the insurer is liable both for the particular average and a total loss. Or the owner of the ship may, if he please, insure the amount expended in repair ; and then, in the event of subsequent loss, the insurer is liable for the total loss only, but in the event of subsequent safe arrival, the average is augmented by the charge of insurance. The operation of the clause warranting the ship free from average under 3 per cent, unless general, or the ship be stranded, may now be clearly seen. If a ship be insured and valued at 1(),00GZ., and the repairs of the vessel do not, after all the deductions above referred to, amount to 3 per cent, there is no claim upon the insurer, unless the vessel shall have been stranded. — (See Average.) Stranding.— The term stranded is not well chosen, admitting of more than one construction ; and the clause of which it forms a part is imperfectly conceived. And in settlements of accounts,when diflerences arise, the parties who discuss them are more apt to strive for that interpretation of terms and clauses which is favourable to their interests, than for that which is best adapted for general purposes. It is commonly understood that merely striking the ground and coming oflf" is not a stranding ; it being necessary, in order to fall within that term, that the ship should remain on the ground or rock, as it may happen, and that efforts should be made to float her. Striking on an anchor and leaking dangerously is not a stranding. We shall only adduce two illustrations, for the purpose of showing how ill adapted this clause is as a means to an end. Corn and other such articles are warranted free from particular average, unless the ship be stranded, because the insurers, considering these articles to be peculiarly susceptible of damage, will not consent to take that risk, except on some extraordinary occasion. A ship laden with corn, makes a very stormy passage from the* Baltic to London, and damages the whole of her cargo. Upon arrival off our coast she is stranded, but got off without straining or sustaining any damage. The insurer is held to be liable for the damage to the corn, under the clause of the policy. On another occasion, after a very favourable passage to our coast, a ship strikes upon a shoal, but is not stranded, sustaining, however, so much damage that she arrives at London with 6 feet water in her hold, and her cargo almost wholly spoiled. The insurer is held not to be liable under the clause of the policy. General Average. — The insurer is bound to make good all general average without exception, however trifling the amount. General average is treated as though altogether unconnected with particular average ; and damage to the goods not amounting to 3 per cent is not payable by the insurer, although there may be also a general average, and the general and particular average together may amount to more than 3 or .0 per cent. General average is a charge which must be paid by the merchant and ship owner, even if uninsured ; although, when insured, he transfers, as it were, in virtue of his insurance, the charge from himself to his insurer. All the elements that can by possibility er.ter into general average may be classed under four heads : — 1. Sacrifice of part of the ship and stores ; 2. Sacrifice of part of the cargo and freight ; 3. Remuneration of services required for general preservation ; 4. Expense of raising money to replace what has 'been sacrificed, and to remunerate services. 1. When any part of the ship is sacrificed for the general benefit, the owner is entitled to receive (deducting, of cour.-e, his share of contribution) the amount of his outlay in the replacing of such sacrifice ; allowance being made, on the principle stated above, where old works and materials are replaced with new. The deduction of l-3d, however, docs not invariably apply. For instance, l-6th only is taken off the price of an iron cable that is slipi)ed from for the general benefit, because iron cables are calculated to last for a great number of years ; and no deduction is ever made from the price of anchors. The charge of rcj)lacing the loss may amount to considerably more than the vaUie lost, computing tlie value at the place where the ship was originally fitted. Thus, the cost of replacing an anchor and cable sli[)|)ed t'rpm in th(' Downs, is frequently double the value of the anchor and cable at London. But whatever the charge may be, such charge forms the basis of settlement 'i. Sacrifice of the cargo and freight takes place in jettison, or where (lart of the cargo is flung overboard to lighten the vessel. Upon arrival in port, after such jettison, the owner of the goods jettisoned is entitled to receive (deducting his share of contribution) what the goods would have produced nctt to him, supi)()siMg them to have arrived sound ; and the owner of the ship is entitled to receive (^deducting his share of contribution) the freight to which he would have been entitled upon the safe delivery of the goods. 3. licmuneration of services and other cliargcs. When a sliip loses her anchors and cables, very lavj'.e INSURANCE (MARINE). 701 •iims nre frequently awarded to boatmen who venture ofT to her with new ones at the imminent hazard <»f their lives. A ship disabled at sea is towed into port by another, and ren-iuncration for such service is awarded according to the value saved, the detention occasioned, and the loss sustained. 'I'lie ship ren- dering the service may be laden with fish or fruit, that may be totally spoiled by the detention, or may be in ballast. A ship captured by the enemy may be re-cai)tured by a man of war or armed merchant vessel-, here, again, salvage is awarded according to the circums» *nces of the case. All these charges are general average; that is to say, must be distributed over ship, freight, and cargo. When a ship, with her cargo, is driven on shore, the exi)ense of attempting to get her ofl'is general average. If she cannot be got oft" without discharging, the expense of discharging is general average ; but the expense of getting the ship off after the cargo has been taken out falls exclusively upon the ship. The warehousing of the cargo, and other expenses incurred for its preservation, are charges exclusively upon the cargo. I'he expense of reloading is borne by the freight. "When a ship puts into port in distress, the pilotage inwards i? general average ; the pilotage outwards is a charge upon the freight. '1 his distribution of charges has settled into a tolerably well established practice ; and upon this principle claims are settled at the oIKces, and at Lloyd's. 4. The money required to meet the above charges is sometimes attainable without expense. If the accident happen near home, and the ship owner be respectable, he advances the money, and recovers from the various parties concerned so soon as the accounts can be made up : or if the accident happen in a foreign port, where the owner of the ship is well known, the captain*s bill upon him will sometimes be received in payment of the charges incurred. But where such facilities do not exist, the captain is em- lK)wercd to pledge his ship, freight, and cargo, as security to any one he may prevail upon to supply the necessary funds. This pledge is termed a bottomry bond. By it the captain admits the recei]jt of the money; consents to the payment of a premium (which varies with the distance of the port of destination, the risk of the voyage, the respectability of the owner, and the necessities of the captain) : and assigns the ship, freight, and cargo, as security for the repayment of the money advanced and the stipulated premium. Should the captain consider the bottomry premium demanded of him exorbitant, or should he deem it preferable in other respects, he may sell a portion of the cargo for the purpose of raising such money as he may stand in need of towards the prosecution of his voyage. The expense of raising the requisite funds, whether by commission, by bottomry premium, or by loss on the sale of the cargo, is charged to those parties for whose interest the money is required. Thus, if a ship, having struck upon a rock, puts mto port in distress, and is obliged to unload to repair ; sui)posing the particular average upon the ship to amount to 500/. ; the general average, consisting of assistance into port and expense of un- loading, 200/. ; particular charges on freight, consisting of expense of reloading and pilotage outwards, 100/. ; and particular charges on cargo, consisting of warehouse rent and repair of packages, 2(J0/ ; and the expense of raising money should be 20 per cent. ; — these sums would be severally increased by this addition, and would be raised to 600/., 24ft/., 120/., and 240/. — (See Bottomry.) It still remains to be inquired in what proportion the general average is to be paid by the different owners of the cargo, and the owner of ship and freight. Almost all general averages are adjusted at the ship's port of destination, and the values of the ship and cargo are taken at what they would produce in their actual state upon arrival, and the freight according to what is actually receivable, less the wages of the captain and crew ; the general average being distributed in proportion to these values. Should the cargo be altogether worthless, it cannot be made to contribute ; and should the wages of the crew exceed the freight, then the freight is not liable to contribute. In case of jettis-on, the party whose property has been sacrificed for the general benefit receives indemnity on the same principle ; the value to which he is entitled being what his property would have produced nett, supposing it to have been sold on the arrival of the vessel — the same value serving for the basis of his proportion of contribution. Some few cases occur, where the general average is adjusted at the port of departure. Thus, if a ship, outward bound to the British colonies, cut from an anchor and cable in the Downs, or incur other general average on our own coast, the insurances being principally effected in this country, it is the custom to adjust it on the spot, by which means both delay and expense are avoided. On these occasions, the values at the port of shipment are taken as the basis of contribution. A total loss, subsequently to a general average, does not exonerate the insurer from his prior liability ; and although it is customary with the shij) owner, or his agent, specifically to insure the money expended in average, for the purpose of protecting the insurer against any greater liability than 100 per cent., he is not absolutely obliged to do so. When the average funds are raised by bottomry, the party advancing them takes the ship, freight, and cargo, as security, and charges a premium to cover the risk of the ship's non-arrival at her port of destination. And thus, on such an occasion, a subsequent total loss relieves the insurer from all liability to average. The laws and customs by which averages are adjusted vary in different countries ; but the insurer in this country is only liable for the averages adjusted according to our laws. The merchant, however, whose goods arrive at a foreign port, is obliged to submit to the laws of that jjort. He may thus be a consider- able loser; paying general average according to one law, and receiving from his insurer according to another. And he never can be a gainer, because, before he is entitled to recover from his insurer, he must prove that he has paid to the owner of the ship. This is one of the many inconveniences to which mercantile men are exposed, which cannot be removed without, what it may be hoped will gradually take place, an assimilation of the commercial laws of diflierent countries. Proof of Loss. — The policy of insurance is the instrument under which the merchant and ship owner claim indemnification for all losses that are not specially excepted. The proof that the loss has been sus- tained must also be exhibited ; such as the title to the vessel and cargo, and the evidence of the captain and crew to establish the circumstances out of which the claim arises. If A. were to insure his vessel for the space of 12 months, and at the expiration of 6 months were to sell his ship to B. ; A.'s interest in the vessel having ceased, so also does his insurer's liability ; and B., if he wish to be protected, must make a new insurance. Proof of ownership, therefore, is an essential preliminary to the recovery of a claim. In general practice, no difficulty arises from this, because the fact of ownership is sufticiently notorious. The bill of lading is, in most cases, satisfactory proof that the cargo was on board, as well as of the amount of freight Valued and open Policies. — If an insurance for 2,000/. be effected upon 100 hhds. of sugar, valued at 20/. per hhd., the bill of lading, showing that the vessel had 100 hhds. on board, establishes the interest at 2,000/, and the policy is termed a valued policy. But if an insurance for 2,00('/. be efi'ccted on ICO hhds. of sugar, and nothing be expressed as to value, the bill of lading only establishes that 100 hhds. are on board, without establishing the amount of interest. The production of the invoice, showing the cost oi the goods, is necessary to that end, the policy being termed an open one. Return of Premium for short Interest. — In a valued policy, when the whole of the property insuretl does not appear to have been shipped, the difference between the quantity insured and the quantity shipped is termed short interest. Thus, if 2,000/. be insured upon 100 hhds. of sugar, valued at 20/. p« r hhd., and 80 hhds. only be shipped; as the insurer's liability does not extend beyond l,fiC0/., so lie is obliged to return the premium upon 400/. to which no risk attaches. This return of premium is called a return for short interest. For Over-Insurance. — In an open policy, where the value shipped is not equal to the value insured, the difference is termed over-insurance. If a merchant. A., make an insurance for 5,000/. upon goods, without specifying any value, from Calcutta to London, the pr-^mium being 60s. and the stamp duty 5s. per cent., the amount of interest that attaches to the policy is so fixed, that he is neither to gain nor lose by the transaction in the event of the vessel's loss, supposing his insurance to be sufficient. To entitle him to recover a profit, the profit to be insured must be stipulated in the policy. The expense of in 702 INSURANCE (MARINE). surance upon 100/. being 31. 5s., it is clear that every 100/. insurance covers 961. \5s. original cost ; that is to say, protects the merchant from loss to that extent in case of the loss of the vessel, if, then, we assume the invoice of the goods shipped to be 40,000 rupees, or, at the exchange of 2s. per rupee, 4,000/., the interest attaching to the policy is ascertained as follows : — If 96/. 15s. cost is insured by 100/. insurance, what will 4,000/. cost be insured by ? Answer, 4,135/. Under such circumstances, although a policy exists for 5,000/., the insured is not able to prove interest for more than 4,135/. ; and consequently, the insurer being entitled to recover no more than that sum in case of loss, the insurer is called upon to make a return of premium for over-insurance upon 865/. Although we have treated separately of returns for short interest and over-insurance, we should observe that these terms in practice are used indiscriminately; and, indeed, v/e cannot say that we perceive much advantage in making the distinction, or preserving the distinctive appellations. It sometimes happens that the property expected in a vessel is not all insured at one time or in ene policy. But this makes no difference in the principle of settlement according to our law ; although, according to the laws of most other countries, the policies take precedence of one another according to their dates, the whole short interest falling upon the policy or policies last effected. The foreign law, in this instance, appears to us the more equitable and reasonable of the two ; and that our reason for thinking so may be intelligible, and thus gain assent or meet with refutation, we shall state a case of short interest upon a number of policies, such as not unfrequently appears. A merchant. A., orders his correspondent at Calcutta to ship for his account a quantity of sugar, not exceeding 1,000 tons, at a price not exceeding 20/. per ton. In due time he receives a letter from his correspondent acknowledging the receipt of his order, and expressing confident hopes of being able to purchase the quantity, or the greater part of it, at the limits prescribed, and promising to advise as he proceeds. A., on receipt of this letter, say on the 1st of January, makes a provisional insurance for 5,000/. upon sugar valued at 20/. per ton. Continuing with- out further advices, and fearing lest his correspondent's letter should have miscarried, and that he might have property afloat uninsured, on the 1st of February, 1st of March, and 1st of April, he effects similar insurances, thus covering the whole 1,000 tons. He subsequently receives advice that his correspondent had not been able to purchase more than half the quantity ordered, at his limit, and he recovers from his insurers half the premium upon each policy. Now, it was not at all improbable that he might have received advice from his correspondent, as he expected, much sooner. And if he had received advice in the middle of February, of the shipment of 500 tons, and that the ship which contained them was totally lost in tlie river Hooghly, the insurers upon the two first policies would have been liable for a total loss. And it appears to us a defective arrangement, by which a party, who is at one time exposed to a total loss, should at another be compelled to return half his premium. It is true that the merchant may, if he please, insert in his policies a clause by which the policies shall be made to succeed one another; but we should say that the law, in insurance cases, as in the disposal of the property of deceased persons, ought to be the best general disposition, leaving to individuals the right of modification according to particular circumstances. Return for Double Insurance. — Besides returns for short interest and over-insurance, there are returns for double insurance They are, in fact, to all intents and purposes, the same thing. Double nisurance exists where the party, through forgetfulness, makes an insurance upon his property twice over; or where the shippers and consignees of goods, when uncertain of one another's intentions, effect each an insurance upon them ; or where the captain of a vessel in foreign parts, fearing lest his advices should not reach his owner, effects an insurance upon it, and the owner at the same time, acting with equal caution, effects one also. The observations already made upon returns for short interest, and upon the difference between our laws and those of other countries, apply with equal force here. We have now gone over all the principal topics connected with marine assurance. Those who peruse this article with ordinary attention will, we hope, gain a tolerably clear insight into the principles and practice of the business. But a perfectly familiar acquaintance with it can only be acquired by those who are daily conversant with its details. Duh/ on Policies of Marine Insurance. — Amount and Expediency of such Duty. — All policies of marine insurance must be on stamped paper, the duties on which are as follows : — For every 100/. insured on a voyage in the coasdng trade of the kingdom, where the premium does not exceed 20*. per cent, Is. Sd. Where the premium does exceed 20s. per cent., 2s, Qd. For every 100/. insured to or from any colonial or foreign port, where the premium does not exceed 15*. per cent, Is. M. Where the premium does exceed 15s. per cent, but does not exceed 30s. per cent, 2s. Qd. Where the premium exceeds 30s. per cent, 5s. For every 100/. insured for a period of lime not exceeding 3 months, 2s. Qd. ; exceeding 3 months (no ship can be insured on one stamp for a longer period than 12 months), 5s. This duty was reduced in the year 1833. It is now about two thirds of what it was before. The reduc tion, so far as it goes, must of course be beneficial. But the tax is altogether wrong in principle, and ought to be repealed altogether. Its obvious tendency is to discourage the coasting trade, by imposing a duty on goods carried by sea, from which those carried by land and canals are exempted ; and we believe it will be found that this unjust preference costs more to the public in the greater carriage of goods sent, through its means, by the more expensive channel of inland conveyance, than all that portion of the duty which affects coasting vessels produces to the revenue. But the other portion of the tax, or that which affects vessels engaged in the foreign or colonial trade, is still more objectionable. It is immaterial to a merchant sending a ship to sea, whether he insure her in London, Amsterdam, or Ham- burgh ; and as policies executed in the last two cities are either wholly exempted from duties, or subject to such only as are merely nominal, the effect of the duty is to transfer to the Continent a considerable part of the business of marine insurance, that would otherwise be transacted in London. It is plain, therefore, that this duty operates to drive a valuable branch of business from amongst us ; arid even though it had no such effect, still it is sufficiently clear that a tax on providence, or on the endeavour to guarantee the safety of property at sea, is not one that ought to exist in any country, and least of all in so commercial a country as England. Where the latitude given is so great, doubts will arise whether one stamp be adequate to cover a long voyage. And when difficulties are made Iri the settlement of a loss on such grounds, they are very prejudicial to the interests of the assured, and by no means creditable to the character of the underwriter. If the trifling revenue (amounting in 1832 to only 210,000/.) derived from these stamps cannot be spared, a very small addition to the import duties would more than cover its amount, save the expense of coiiec- tion, and relieve the mercantile public from the annoyance and loss above alluded to.* For7n of a Policy of Insurance executed at Lloyd's. In the Name of God, Amen. Charles Brown and Co., as well in their own names as for and in the name and names of all and every other person or persons to whom the same doth, may, or shall appertain, in part or in all, doth make assurance, and cause themselves and them and every of them, to be insured, lost or not lost, at and from St Petersburgh to any port or ports in the United Kingdom, upon any kind of goods and merchandises, and also • This very valuable article (on Marine Insurance) has been, as the reader will easily perceive, fur- nished by a gentleman thoroughly conversant with the principles and details of the business. INSURANCE (MARINE). 703 upon the body, tackle, apparel, ordnance, munition, artillery, boat, and other furniture, of and in the good ship or vessel called the Swift, whereof is master, under God, for this present voyage, lirigiit, or whoever else shall go for master in the said ship, or by whatsoever other name or names the said sliip, or the master thereof, is or shall be named or called ; beginning the adventure upon the said goods and merchandises from the loading thereof on board the said ship upon the said ship, &c. and so shall continue and endure during her abode there, upon the said ship, Stc. And further, until the said ship, with all her ordisance, tackle, apparel, &c. and goods and merchandises whatsoever, shall be arrived at her final port of discharge (as above), upon the said ship, &c., until she hath moored at anchor twenty-four hours in good safety ; and upon the goods and merchandises, until the same be there discharged and safely landed. And it shall be lawful for the said ship, &c. in this voyage, to proceed and sail to, and touch and stay at any ports or places whatsoever, without prejudice to this insurance. The said ship, &c. goods and merchandises, &c. for so much as concerns the assured, by agreement between the assured and assurers in this policy, are and shall be valued at eight hundred pounds, being on the captain's one fourth share of said ship, said one fourth share valued at that sum. Touching the adventures and perils which we the assurers are contented to bear, and do take upon us in this voyage : they are of the seas, men-of-war, fire, enemies, pirates, rovers, thieves, jettisons, letters of mart and countermart, surjjrisals, takings at sea, arrests, restraints, and detainments of all kings, princes and people, of what nation, condi- tion, or quality soever, barratry of the master and mariners, and of all other perils, losses, and misfortunes, that have or shall come to the hurt, detriment, or damage of the said goods and merchandises and ship, &c. or any part thereof; offences against the revenue of the United Kingdom of Great Britain or Ireland excepted. And, in case of any loss or misfor. tune, it shall be lawful for the assured, their factors, servants, and assignees, to sue, labour, and travel for, in, and about the defence, safeguard, and recovery ol the said goods and merchandises and ship, &c. or any part thereof, without prejudice to this insurance ; to the charges whereof we the assurers will contribute, each one according to the rate and quantity of his sum herein assured. And it is agreed by us, the insurers, that this writing, or policy of assurance, shall be of as much force and effect, as the surest writing or policy of assurance, heretofore made in Lombard Street, or in the Royal Exchange, or elsewhere in London. And so we the assurers are contented, and do hereby promise and bind ourselves, each one for his own part, our heirs, executors, and goods, to the assured, their executors, adminis- trators, and assigns, for the true performance of the premises, confessing ourselves paid the consideration due unto us for this assurance by the assured, at and after the rate of five guineas per cent, to return one pound per cent, if the voyage end on the east coast of England. In Witness whereof, we, the assurers', have subscribed our names and sums assured in London, N.B. — Corn, fish, salt, fruit, flour, and seeds, are warranted free from average, unless general, or the ship be stranded. — Sugar, tobacco, hemp, flax, hides, and skins, are warranted free from average under five pounds per cent. ; and all other goods, also the ship and freight, are warranted free from average under three pounds per cent, unless general, or the ship be stranded. ^500. Joseph White, Five hundred pounds. 1st of Sept 1833. £300. Thomas Black by George Green, Three hundred pounds. 1st of Sept 1833. Polio/ by the Indemnity Mutual Marine Assurance Company. Established 1824. , Whereas William Grey hath represented to us whose hands and seals are hereunto sub- > 5,000. scribed and affixed, and who are two of the directors of the Indemnity Mutual Marine Assurance Company, that he is interested in, or duly authorised as owner, agent, or otherwise, to make the assurance hereinafter mentioned and described, with the In- demnity Mutual Marine Assurance Company, and hath covenanted or otherwise obliged himself to pay forthwith for the use of the said Company, at the office of the said Company, the sum of sixty-two pounds ten shillings as a premium or consideration, at and after the rate of twenty-five shillings per cent for such assurance. Now this Policy of Assurance witnesseth, that in consideration of the premises and of the said sum of sixty-two pounds ten shillings. We do, for ourselves and each of us, covenant and agree with the said William Grev, his executors, administrators, and assigns, that the capital stock and funds of the said Company shall, according to the provisions of the deed of settle- ment of the said Company, and the resolutions entered into at two extraordinary general courts of the said Company held on the twenty-ninth day of August, and the twentieth day of September, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-seven, be subject and liable to pay and make good, and shall be applied to pay and make good all such losses and damages hereinafter expressed as may happen to the subject matter of this policy, and may attach to this policy in respect of the sum of five thousand pounds hereby assured, which as- surance is hereby declared to be upon £^5s. /s. V25O. 250hhds. of sugar valued at 20/. each, average payable upon each lOhhds. / q\ following landing numbers, the same as if separately insured, laden or to be laden \y on board the ship or vessel called the Nelly, whereof Turner is at present m; ster, or whoever shall go for master of the said ship or vessel, lost or not lost, at and from Grenada to London, including the risk of craft to and from the vessel, warranted to sail on or before the 1st of August, 1831. And We do covenant and agree, that the assurance aforesaid shall commence upon the said ship, at and from Grenada, and until she hath moored at anchor twenty-four hours in good safety ; and upon the freight and goods or merchandise on board thereof, from the loading of the said goods or merchandise on board the said ship or vessel at London, and until the said goods or merchandise be discharged and safely landed at • ^nd that it shall be lawful for ihe said ship or vessel to proceed and sail to, and touch, and stay at any ports or places w hatsoever, in the course of her said voyage, for all necessary purposes, without prejudice to this as- surance. And touching the adventures and perils which the capital stock and funds of the said Company are made liable unto, or are intended to be made liable unto, by tliis assurance, they are, of the seas, men-of-war, fire, enemies, pirates, rovers, thieves, jetti- sons letters of mart and countermart, surprisals, takings at sea, arrests, restraints, and detainments of all kings, princes, and people, of what nation, condition, or quality soever; barratry of the master and mariners, and of all other perils, losses, and misfortunes, that Stamp £2. 704- INSURANCE (FIRE). hare or shall come to the hurt, detriment, or damage of the aforesaid subject matter of this assurance, or any part thereof. And in case of any loss or misfortune, it shall be lawful to the assured, their factors, servants, and assigns, to sue, labour, and travel for, in, and about the defence, safeguard, and recovery of the aforesaid subject matter of this assurance, or any part thereof, without prejudice to this assurance, the charges whereof the capital stock and funds of the said Company shall bear in proportion to the sum hereby assured. And it is declared and agreed, that corn, fish, salt, fruit, flour, and seed, shall be and are war- ranted free from average unless general, or the ship be stranded ; and that sugar, tobacco, hemp, flax, hides, and skins, shall be and are warranted free from average under five pounds per centum ; that all other goods, also the ship and freight, shall be and are warranted free from average under three pounds per centum, unless general, or the ship be stranded. Provided nevertheless, that the capital stock and funds of the said Company shall alone be liable, according to the provisions of the deed of settlement and the resolutions above, mentioned,' to answer and make good all claims and demands whatsoever, under or by virtue of this policy ; and that no proprietor of the said Company, his or her heirs, execu- tors, or administrators, shall be in anywise subject or liable to any claims or demands, nor be in anywise charged by reason of this policy beyond the amount of his or her share or shares in the capital stock of the said Company, it being one of the original or fundamental principles of the said Company, that the responsibility of the individual proprietors shall, in all cases, be limited to their respective shares in the said capital stock. In Witness whereof. We have hereunto set our hands and seals in London, the tenth day of January, 1834. Sealed and delivered'} A. B. (l. s.) in the presence of $ C. D. (l. s.) E. F. III. Insurance (Fire). Insurance against fire is a contract of indemnity, by which the insurer, in consideration of a certain premium received by him, either in a gross sum or by annual payments, undertakes to indemnify the insured against all loss or damage he may sustain in his houses or other buildings, stock, goods, and merchandise, by fire, during a specified period. Insurances against fire are hardly ever made by individuals, but almost always by joint stock com- panies, of which there are several in all the considerable towns throughout the empire. Of these, the Sun, the Phoenix, the British, &c. insure at their own risk and for their own profit : but there are others, which are called contribution societies, in which every person insured becomes a member or proprietor, and participates in the profit or loss of the concern. The Hand in Hand, Westminster, &c. are of this description. The conditions on which the different offices insure are contained in their proposals, which are printed on the back of every policy ; and it is in most instances expressly conditioned, that they undertake to pay the loss, not exceeding the sum insured, " according to the exact tenor of their printed proposals.'' Nothing can be recovered from the insurers, in the event of loss, unless the party insuring had an interest or property in the thing insured at the time when the insurance was effected, and when the loss happened. It often occurs that no one office will insure to the full amount required by an individual who has a large property ; and in such a case the party, to cover his whole interest, is obliged to insure at different offices. But, in order to prevent the frauds that might be practised by insuring the full value in various offices, there is, in the proposals issued by all the companies, an article which declares, that persons insuring must give notice of any other insurance made elsewhere upon the same houses or goods, that the same may be specified and allowed by indorsement on the policy, in order that each office may bear its rateable proportion of any loss that may happen ; and unless such notice be given of each in- surance to the office where another insurance is made on the same effects, the insurance made without such notice will be void. Any trustee, mortgagee, reversioner, factor, or agent, has sufficient interest in the goods under his custody, to effect a policy of insurance, provided the nature of such property be distinctly specified at the time of executing such policy. Most of the offices except in their proposals against making good any loss occasioned by " invasion," " foreign enemy," " civil commotions," &c. ; and under this condition the Sun Fire Office was exonerated from the loss occasioned by the disgraceful proceedings of the mob in 1780. One of the principal conditions in the proposals has reference to the proof of loss. The Sun Fire Office — (see post), and most other offices, make it a condition, that the individual claiming shall " procure a certificate, under the hands of the minister and churchwardens, and some other respectable inhabitants of the parish or place, not concerned or interested in such loss, importing that they are well acquainted with the character and circumstances of the person or persons insured or claiming; and do know, or verily believe, that he, she, or they, really, and by misfortune, without any fraud or evil practice, have sustained by such fire the loss or damage, as his, her, or their loss, to the value therein mentioned." This condition has given rise to a great deal of discussion in the courts ; but it has been finally decided, that the procuring of the certificate is a condition precedent to the payment of any loss, and that its being wronirfully refused ivill not excuse the want of it. The risk commences in general from the signing of the policy, unless there be some other time specified. Policies of insurance may be annual, or for a term of years at an annual premium ; and it is usual for the office, by way of indulgence, to allow fifteen days after each year for the payment of the premium for the next year in succession ; and provided" the premium be paid within that time, the insured is considered as within the protection of the office. A policy of insurance is not in its nature assignable, nor can it be transferred without the express con- sent of the office. When, however, any person dies, his interest remains in his executors or adminis- trators respectively, who succeed or become entitled to the property, provided such representatives respectively procure their right to be indorsed on the policy. (For further details, see Marshall on Insurance, book iv. ; Park on Insurance, c. 23.) Insurances are generally divided into common, hazardous, and doubly hazardous. The distinguishing characteristics of these may be learned from the subjoined proposals of the Sun Fire Office. The charge for insuring property of the first description is now usually Is. M. per cent, the second 2s. firf., and the third 4s. 6d. These charges are exclusive of the duty payable to government, of Is. on the policy, and 3s. per cent, on the sum in the policy. We subjoin a copy of a policy of insurance on a house valued at 1,000/., and furniture, plate, books, &c. in the same, valued also at 1,000/., executed by the Sun Fire Office, and of the proposals indorsed on the same. The latter corres'pond in most particulars with those issued by the other offices. INSURANCE (FIRE). 705 Received, for the insurance of the property undermentioned, from Xmas 18^, to Xmas 1834. j£" s. d. Policy . - - 0 0 0 Premium - - 1 10 0 Duty - - - 3 0 0 ^£•4 10 0 SUN FIRE OFFICE. To be paid annually at Xmaa. Premium Duty - £ s. d. - 1 10 0 -300 ^ 10 0 NO. 550. Whereas A.B. Esq. of No. Street, has paid the sum of one pound ten shillings to the Society of the Sun Fire Office in London, and has agreed to pay or cause to be paid, to them, at their said office, the sum of one pound ten shillings on the ^fjth of December, 1833, and the like sum of one pound ten shiUings yearly on theS.Oth day of December during tlie continuance of this policy, for insurance from loss or damage by fire, on his now dwelling house only, situate as aforesaid, brick, one thousand pounds j household goods, wearing apparel, printed books, and jilate therein only, one thousand pounds. " Now, KNOW YE, That, from the date of these presents, and so long as the said A.B. shall duly pay, or cause to be paid, the said sum of one pound ten shillings at the times and place aforesaid ; and the trustees or acting members of the said Society, for the time being, shall agree to accept the same ; the stock and fund of the said Society shall be subject and liable to pay to the said A. B., his executors, administrators, and assigns, all such his damage and loss which he, the said A. 15., shall suffer by fire, not exceeding upon each head of insurance, the sum or sums above-mentioned, amounting in the whole to no more than two thousand pounds, according to the exact tenor of their printed proposals, endorsed on thi3 policy, and of an act of parliament, of the 55th of George the Third, for charging a duty on persons whose property shall be insui-ed against loss by fire.- In Witness whereof, we (three of the trustees or acting members for the said Society) have hereunto set our hands and seals, the 24th day of December, 1833. C. D, (L. s.) Signed and sealed (being stamped E. F. (l. s.) according to act of parliament) G. H. (l. s.) in the presence of J. K. " N. B. — The interest in this policy may be transferred by indorsement, made and entered at the office, it the trustees or acting members approve thereof, but not otherwise." (indorsement on the policy.) tmf SUN FIRE OFFICK This office insures £u;ainst loss or damage by fire, in Great Britain and Ireland, all descriptions of buildings, including mills and manufactories, and goods, wares, and merchandise, in the same ; ships in harbour, or in dock ; craft on navigable rivers and canals, and the goods laden on the same ; wagons travelling the roads, and their contents ; and farming stock of all descriptions, upon the following terms £ind conditions :— Common Insurances. 1. Buildings covered with slates, tiles, or metals, and built on all sides with brick or stone, or separated by party-walls of brick or stone, and wherein no hazardous trade or manufacture is carried on, or hazardous goods deposited. 2. Qoods in buildings as above described, such as household floods, "pi ate, jewels in private use, apparel, and printed books ; iquors in private use, merchandise, stock and utensils in trade, not hazardous, and farming stock. At Is. 6d. per cent, per annum, with certain exceptions. Hazardous Insurances. 1. Buildings of timber or plaster, or not wholly separated by partition-walls of brick or stone, or not covered with slates, tiles, or metals, and thatched barns and out-houses having no chimney, nor adjoining to any building having a chimney ; and buildings falling under the description of .common insu- rance, but in which some hazardous trade or manufacture is carried on, such as brewers (without a steam-engine), bread and biscuit bakers (not sea biscuit bakers), bottlers and packers of wine, spirits, or beer ; chemists (without a laboratory), inn-holders, maltsters (who make pale malt only), oilmen, soap-boilers, stable-keepers, and certain others ; or in which hazardous goods are deposited, as the stock and uten- sils in the above trades; and, also, tallow, pitch, tar, hemp, flax, rosin, and turpentine ; hay, straw, and all manner of fodder and com unthrashed ; apothecaries' stock, and oil ; and wine and spirituous liquors as merchandise. 2. Ships and craft, with their contents (lime barges, with their contents, alone excepted). At 2i. 6d. per cent per annum, with certain exceptions. DouIJy Hazardous Insurances. 1. Buildings.— All thatched buildings having chimneys, or communicating with, or adjoining to, buildings having one, although no hazardous trade shall be carried on, nor hazardous goods deposited therein : and all hazardous buildings, in which hazardous goods are deposited, or hazardous trades carried on. 2. Goods All hazardous goods deposited in hazardous buildings, and in thatched buildings having no chimney, nor adjoining to any building having a chimney. 3. Trades— and their stock and utensils, such as maltsters (who make brown malt), 'and certain others ; also china, glass, and earthenware, saltpetre, and wagons with their contents. At 4s. 6d. per cent, per annum, with certain exceptions. Farming stock on any part of a farm may be insured under general policies, without the average clause, at Is. 6J. per cent., provided it be insured to a fair average value. T^iis office will not be subject to any loss on hay or com, occasioned by its own natural heating, but the loss of any other projierty in consequence of such fire will be made good; as will losses by fire from lightning. Insurances may also be made by special agreement on the following risks, and on others of a similar description, not men- tioned under the 2d and ."^d heads of insurance, viz. on mills cf all kinds, and the stock and utensils in them; also on buildings, containing kiln, steajn-engine, stove, or oven, used in the process of any manufacture, and the stock therein ; sugar refiners, sea biscuit bakers, distillers, varnish makers, chemists' laboratories, theatres, coach painters, colour manu- facturers, vamishers, musical instrument makers, refiners of saltpetre, spermaceti, wax, and oil, barge and boat builders, carpenters, cabinet makers, coach makers, coopers, cork burners, floor-cloth painters, japanners, lampblack makers, letter-press printers, machine makers, melters of tallow and of rough fat, candle makers, cart-grease makers, rope and sail makers, ship chandlers, hemp and flax dressers, oil leather dressers, medals, curiosities, pictures, prints, drawings, statuary work, spinners of cotton, fiax, lint, and wool, throughout all the operations attending the manufacturing of these materials, from the raw state into thread for the weaver, and such other risks as, by reason of the nature of the trade, the narrowness of the situation, or other dangerous circumstances, may increase the hazard thereof : all which special hazards must be- inserted in the policy, to render the same valid and in force. N. B.— Gunpowder, and buildings in which it is made, cannot be insured on any temis ; neither does this office insure writings of any kind, books of accounts, ready money, bonds, bills, or any other securities for money. N. B.-By an act of the 55th of Geo. 3. a duty of 3^. per annum is to be levied on every 100/. of property insured against fire. N. B.— Persons may insure for more years than one, and in such cases there will be a discount allowed of 5 per cent, per annum, compound interest, on the preniiuut and duty for every year except the first. Conditions. Art. I Any person desirous of effecting insurances upon buildings or goods must furnish the office, or its agents, with a particular description thereof, and of the process of manufac- ture carried on therein ; and if tliere be any omission or mis- representation in describing the building or goods, or process of manufacture, whereby the same may he charged at a different rate of premium than they otherwise would be, this oflice will not be responsible in case of any loss or damage. And if any alteration be made in the state of the buildings or goods, or process of manufacture, after such insurance shall have been eff»?cted, then the insured shall give due notice thereof, in writing, to the office or its agents, or in default of such notice, such insurance sliall become void, and no benefit be derived therefrom. Art. II -AH policies shall be signed and sealed by three or more trustees or acting members ; and no receints are to be taken for any premiums of ii'.surance, but such as are printed and issued from the office, and witnesseparel, plate, prists^ 706 INSURANCE (FIRE). jewels and trinkets in private nse, stock in trade, Roods in trust, or on commission, may be insured in one policy. Alt. V'l Persons insured by this olfice shall receive no beneBt from their policies, it the same houses, or goods, iVc. are insured in any other office, unless such insurance, and the amount thereof, be first specified and allowed by indorsement on the policy, in which ca,se this office will pay its rateable pro- portion on any loss or damage. Art. VXI. — When any person dies, the policy and interest therein shall continue to the heir, executor, or administrator, respectively, to whom the right of the proiierty insured shall b3loni;, provided, before any new payment be made, such heir, executor, or administrator, do procure his or her right to be indorsed on the policy at the said office, or the premium to be paid in the name of the said heir, executor, or administrator. Art. VIII — Persons changing; their liabitations or ware- houses may preserve the benefit of their policies, if the nature and circumstance of such policy be not altered ; but such insurance will be of no force till such removal or alleraiion is allowed at the office, by indorsement on the policy. Art. IX — Noloss or damage will be ^aid on fire "happening by any invasion, foreign enemy, civil commotion, or any military or usurped power whatever. Art. X.— Persons msured sustaining any loss or damage by fire are forthwith to give notice thereof at the office ; and, as soon as possible afterwards^ deliver in as particular an account of their loss or damage as the nature of the case will admit of, and make proof of the same by their oath or affirmation, accord- ing to the form practised in the said office, and by their books of accounts, or such other proper vouchers as shall be reasonably recjuired, and procure a certificate under the hands of the minister and churchwardens, and serme other respectable in- halniants ot the pati^h and place, not concerned or interestert sn sucli lo:,s, miporting tnat they are well acquainted with the charu' ter and circumstances of the person or persons insured or claiming ; and do know, or verily believe, that he, she, or they, really, and by misfortune, without any fraud or evif pracUce, havu sustained by such fire the loss or damage, as his, lier, or their loss, to the value therein mentioned. And, till the affi- davit and certificate of such the insured's loss shall be made and produced, the loss money shall not be payable. And, if there appear any fraud or false swearing, or that the fire shall have happened by the procurement, or wilful act, mt ans, or contrivance of the insured or claimants, fie, she, or they shall be excluded from all benefit from their policies. And in case any diff erence shall arise between the office and the insured, touching any loss or damage, such difference shall be submitted to the judgment and determination of arbitrators indifferently chosen, whose award in writing shall be conclusive and binding Oil all parties. N. B — In every case of loss the Company reserves tlie right of re instatement in preference to the jiayment of claims, if it sliould judge the former course to be more expedient ; but when any loss is settled and adjusted, the insured will receive immediate payment for the same, without any deduction or discount; and will not be liable to any covenants or calls for contribution to make good losses. To encourage the removal of good^, in cases of fire, this ofSce will allow the reasonable charges attending tlie same, and make good tlie suff erer's loss, whetlier destroyed, lost, oc damaged,, by such removal. Insitrance of Mills, ^-c— We subjoin for the information of such of our readers as maybe interested i« the insurance of mills, the following statements, put forth by the Leeds and Yorkshire Assurance Company. CLASSIFICATION OF MILLS. Class I — Fire Proof. Mills built entirely of stone or brick : the floors laid upon stone or brick arches, resting upon stone, brick, or iron pillars.and consisting of stone flags, tiles, cement, or plaster ; the frame-work of the windows and roof of iron, the roof covered with slates, tiles, or metal; the staircase de- tached, constructed of solid masonry or brick-work, without any mixture of wood or timber, and having no communication with the mill but at the several landings ; the openings for upright sliafts or machinery (if any) to be boxed off with iron or stone. Class II — Fire Proof. Mills of which the construction is in all respects the same as Wass I. except that the floors do not rest upan stone or brick arches, but consist of stone flags laid upon iron beams and joists. Class 111 — Mills constructed as Classes I. and II. but having the stone floors resting upon timber beams and joists, and the frame-work of the windows and roof of wood. Class IV. — Mills built of stone or brick, and having one or moie of the upper floors constructed of stone flags laid upon iron or wood beams, on which floors the dangerous processes are carried on ; the staircase of stone,, and detached. Class v.— Mills constructed of stone or brick; having the floors, except the ground floor, of wood, planked and jointed with iron ; the staircase of stone, being detached or on the outside. Class VI^MiUs constructed of stone or brick ; having the floors, except the ground floor, of wood ; the staircase cX stone, being detached or on the outside. Class VII — Mills constructed of stone or brick; having the stairs and floors of wood ; the stairs being open to the building. N.B — In all the classes it is understood that the mill does not adjoin any other mill or extra-hazardous building ; that the heating is by steam, and that the boilers^ and firing places are in a separate building, not endangering the mill. Scale of Premiums. Class I. It. III. IV. V. VI. VII. Build- ing. 0 7 0 9 0 19. 14 0 17 0 0 0 Machi- nery and Stock. Woollen Mills. Build- ing. Machi- nery and I Stock. '"K- Machi- nery and Stock. Build- ing. L. s. d. It. «. dJL. a. d. \L. 0 10 0 0 0 12 0 0 0 14 0 0 0 15 0 ;o 0 17 0 0 0 19 0 !o 12 0 10 0 9 0 11 0 12 0 14 0 15 0 17 1 0 0 iO 5 0 0 7 0 0 9 0 0 11 0 0 12 0 |0 14 0 0 16 0 16 0 0 18 8 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 3 0 0 -* 0 0 0 0 0 !o 10 0 Machi- nery and Stock. Build- ing. L. s. d. 0 6 0 0 7 0 0 8 0 0 9 0 0 10 0 0 II 0 0 12 0 L. s. d. 0 4 0 0 5 0 0 6 0 0 7 0 0 8 0 0 9 0 0 10 0 MacJvi- nery and Stock. 0 10 0 11 0 12 0 13 Worsted and Silk Mills. Build- ing. Machi- nery and Stock. s. d. 5 0 5 6 6 0 6 6 7 0 7 6 8 6 Remarks.— The premiums affixed in the above scale are on the supposition that 3-4ths of the value of the building or stock are given in for insurance. If only half the value is given in, the premium will be 1 -3d more ; if only l-4th, the premium will be 2-3ds more ; and so on. Buildings, machinery, and stock, may however be insured for any sum or sums, subject to the average clause; or machinery and stock may be insured by rooms. The introduction of stoves or fires, for heating, in lieu of steam, w ill add to classes I V. and VI. Is. 6d. premium. 1 VII. - - 2i. premium. When mills are more than 2 miles distant from any of the company's, or other public engine stations, or have not engines belonging to them, reported in good order, and properly served, there must be added to classes I. and II. 6rf. premium. I V. and VI. 1*. 6d. premium. III. and IV. Is. premium. | VII. - - 2j. premium. In corn mills, the working of every additional pai^^of stones beyond 4, will add 6d. to the above premiums. A kiln adjoining and communicating for the drying of oats or other grain, will add 2s. to the above premiums. Wind corn mills, built of brick or stone, and having the roof of wood, will come under Class Vil. Amount of Property insured. — Duty. — Insurance against fire, though practised in France, Holland, and some other countries, is not general any where except in Great Britain. It has been known amongst us for a century and a half, and is now very widely extended. It appears from the official accounts, that the f^ross duty received on policies of insurance against fire in the United Kingdom, in 1832, amounted to 83fi,096/. ; whioh, as the duty is 3a. per cent., shows that the property insured was valued at the immense sum of 557,397,533/. I But notwithstanding the magnitude of this sum, it is still true that most buildings are not insured up to their full value; even in towns, many are not insured at all ; and in the country it is far from being customary to insure farm buildings or barn-yards. It is difficult to imagine that this can be owing to any thing other than the exorbitance of the duty. On common risks the duty is no less than 200 per cent, upon the premium ; or, in other words, if a person pay to an insurance office 15s. for insuring 1,()()0/. worth of property, he must at the same time pay a duty of 30.v. to government! On hazardous and doubly hazardous risks, the duty varies from about 120 to 75 and 80 per cent, upon the premium. Such a duty is in the last degree oppressive and impolitic. There cannot, in fact, be the slightest doubt that, were it reduced, as it ought to be, to one third its present amount, the business of insurance would be very much extended ; and as it could not be extended without an increase of security, and without lessening the injurious consequences arising from the c.tsualties to which property is exposed, the reduction of the duty would be productive of the best consequences in a pubHc point of viewj while the increase of business would prevent the revenue from being materially dimini.slicd. During last session (1833), the duty on the insurance of farming stock was repealed. But the relief thence arising is immaterial ; and the increase is, besides, higlily objectionable in point of jirinciple, inasmuch as there is no ground whatever for exempting farming stock from duty in preference to any other description of stock. A duty on insurance is not, in itself, objectionable. We do not wish to see it reiicaled, but to have it effectually reduced. Were it fixed at per cent, it would hardly be felt as u burden i while the revenue would suffer little or nothing from tlie measure. INSURANCE (LIFE). 707 Amount of Dufy on Fire Insurances paid by the different London Offices, during eacli of tlie Ten Years ending witii 1835. Offices 1826. 1827. 1828. 1829. 18.30. 1831. 1832. 1833. 18.34. 1835. L. L. L. It. /,. /,. I.. L. I.. L. 17,740 19,095 19, 166 20,1 75 20,715 20, 1 4 7 20,428 2 1 ,034 22,602 20,898 19,522 20,199 20,700 20,783 21,010 21,288 21 ,.398 22,098 Hr^ih " - - 15,274 15,464 16,'^93 15,812 15,819 15,614 15,395 10,428 \7,473 r tv . " I 40,6SO 47,413 4 1,8 i2 4 1,172 48/>'l'9 48,507 44,2.32 40 471 42,317 ( i lol)e - " - 24',1 17 26ll'(i'1 25,367 25,566 26,162 26,597 27,198 27,.321 2 7 1.355' 28',366 Guardian 28,370 29,063 29,681 .30,595 31,077 31,885 31,528 31,916 .32,114 .32,475 Hand-in-Hand - 11,701 1 1,975 1 1 ,5S9 10,960 10,793 10,950 1 1,166 Imperial 28;965 28,334 28,647 28;5'lO 'z7,0Sl 28)2.30 28,231 27,154 27,020 27,379 I-oniloii - 7,411 7,077 7,262 7,485 8,019 7,953 8,125 8,477 9,490 10,173 Palladium 3,810 4,721 5,028 5,378 1,377 discontin. Phoenix r,'.),'j'ji 60,482 62,839 05,619 68,875 69,.?90 75,076 73,368 72,821 73,1.57 Protector - 21,752 35,273 46,446 54,287 56,081 59,789 59,182 57,858 56,676 .54 ,.366 Hojal Exchange 48,106 38,034 49,416 49,786 51,891 54,586 51,824 .55,716 55,266 57,973 Sun 107,172 111,521 114,205 118,856 120,619 124,030 124,1'^7 124,681 127,470 129,112 Union 15,(ifK'i 15,705 16,412 16,285 15,714 15,8.33 15,315 16,1.33 16,370 17,.334 West minster 14,554 14,359 14,264 15,461 14,777 15,116 1 5, 1 1 1 15,126 15,531 10,312 Albion 13,053 12,869 diiicontin. Total 479,096 492,941 513,868 529,411 5.34,428 ,')50,562 .554,988 519,886 .550,394 562,303 Amount of Duty on Fire Insurance paid by the different Country Offices in England, during each of the Eight Years ending with 18 j5. Offices. 1828. 1829. 1830. 1831. 1832. 18.33. 1834. 1835. L. L. L. L. L. L. Bath Sun - . ., . 1,620 1,628 1,583 1,512 1,592 1,567 1,568 1,363 Berks, Gloucester, &c. (_discon.) 2,395 2,477 2,601 614 Birmingham - - - 0,126 0,186 6,593 7,016 7,049 7,004 7,042 7,070 Bristol - . . - 3,836 3,903 3,953 3,977 .3,751 .3,722 3,653 3,644 Bristol (Crown) ... 1,914 1,882 1,919 1,866 1,862 1,772 1,853 1,751 Bristol (Union) 2,490 2,188 2,500 2,581 2,567 2,566 2,552 2,400 Essex Economic - - - 2,852 2,925 5,136 .3,163 .3,061 2,821 2,5!i5 2,056 5,437 Essex and Suffolk 6,279 6,444 6,407 0,490 0,501 5,753 5,.356 Hertford, Cambridgp, &c. {discon.) - 4,671 4,866 5,429 3,383 Hants, Sussex, and Dorset 2,640 2,689 2,792 2,833 2,687 2^598 2,598 2,534 Kent 9,0.-!5 9,279 10,726 10,662 10,650 9,978 10,290 10,142 Leeds and Yorkshire ... 6,377 6,728 6,977 7,821 8,068 8,158 }<,966 9,517 Manchester - - . - 16,178 16,703 16,787 17,350 17,532 17,726 18,318 18,654 Newcastle-upon-Tyne - - - 4,755 4,94S 5,093 5,229 5,126 ••V2,093 5,108 5,165 1,094 1,.3.30 1,430 1,293 1,294 1,374 1. Norwich Equitable 3,428 3,491 2,316 2,8.38 .3,0 iO discontinue Norwich Union ... 61,916 61,186 02,385 08,.356 60,889 01,345 59,826 61,863 Readinf; - ... 112 108 131 150 182 196 20ii 207 Salamander ... 4,640 4,800 4,937 5,307 5,324 5,105 6,021 4,973 Salop - - - Sheffield 2,616 2,637 2,800 2,811 2,878 2,737 2,612 2,751 1,716 1,804 1,922 2,065 2,067 1,952 2,056 2,144 Shields (North and South) 706 743 727 719 737 761 7.58 729 Suffolk (East) 5,530 5,639 5,787 6,277 6,2 1 3 5,415 5,117 5,221 Suffolk (West) .... 5,989 6,120 0,332 6,961 6,950 6,199 5,781 5,868 West of England 22,531 23,858 25, 1« 25,683 26,601 27,415 27,128 27,733 Yorkshire - - - - 2,947 3,231 3,936 4,734 5,461 5,558 5,992 6,741 Total - 183,389 186,763 191,049 20 i, 761 198,207 184,097 185,686 190,499 * For two quarters only. The Hope, Eagle, Albion, Beacon, British Commerciid, Palladium, Surrey, Sussex, and Southwark, Brighton, Old Bath, Gloucestershire, Canterbury, Berks, Gloucester and Provincial, Hertford, Cambridge, and Country, and others, (in all 22 offices, chiefly those lately established,) have discontinued their fire insurance business. IV. Insurance (Life). That part of the business of life insurance which consists of granting annuities upon lives, is treated of under Interest and Annuities ; so that we have only to treat, in this place, of the insurance of sums payable at the death of the insurers or their nominees. Suppose an individual of a given age wishes to insure lOOZ. payable at his death, the single premium, or the series of annual premiums, he ought to pay an office for such insurance, must plainly depend on the expectation of life of such individual, and on the rate of interest or nett profit which the insurers may make by investing the premiums. With respect to the first of these conditions, or the ex-pectation qf life, it is usual in estimating it to liave recourse to Tables framed from the mortality observed to take place in particular cities or districts, as in Northampton, Carlisle, &c. — (See Interest and Annuities.) But though the actual decrement and expectation of life among an average population, at every year of their lives, were accurately determined, it is doubted whether it would form a fair basis for an insurance office to proceed ujjon. The general opinion seems to be, that insured lives are decidedly above the average ; for insurance offices invariably profess to act on the principle of rejecting bad lives or of making tlicm pay a proportional increase of premium ; and it may, besides, it is said, be fairly presumed that persons insuring their lives are of a superior class, and are not, generally speaking, engaged in those manual and laborious occupations that are esteemed most injurious to health. But, on the other hand, the friends of parties whose lives are supposed to be bad, and the parties themselves, are most anxious they should be insured. It is also far from being an uncommon practice, for certain individuals to prevail on'persons whom they happen to know, or believe to be bad lives, to insure ; and then to get a legal assignment of the policy in their favour, on their giving the " men of straw " a bonus for their share in the fraud. At all events, there can be no question tliat large numbers of such lives are perpetually offered for insurance ; and every individual conversant with the business knows that, in despite of all precautions, policies are very frequently effected upon them. Mr. Milne, on whose judgment every reliance may be placed, states distinctly that " all the caution and selection which the offices in general can exercise, is necessary to keep the lives insured up to the average goodness of the bulk of the population." — {Ency. Brit, new ed. art. Annuities.) Since the competition among the different offices became so very keen as it 4ias been of late years, there are but few lives so bad that they will not be taken by one office or another ; and we doubt, were the results of their experience made public, whether it would be found that there is much foundation for the opinion as to the superiority of insured lives. With respect to the second condition in valuing an insurance, or the rate at which the interest of money may be estimated, it is impossible (o arrive at any thing like accurate conclusions. At an average,- perhaps, transactions in life insurance may extend over a period of 30 years from the time when they are entered into ; and in such a lengthened term the greatest changes niav take place in the rate of profit and the rate of interest. Mr. Finlaison, of the National Debt (Office, appears to thhik that 4i per cent, may be taken as the true aver.ige rate in this country ; and that 4^ is a rate at which no loss need ba 2 Z 2 708 INSURANCE (LIFE). apprehended —(Par/. Paper, No. 2S4. Sess. 1829.) But this is not a ])oint on which (as Mr. Finlaison seems to suppose) previoers, and if of the same date, according to the priority in itheir numbers, as shall be sufficient to compUte the number to 6,000 ; and that the persons holding those policies shall thenceforward be con- sidered as entitled to such additions as shall be thereafter made in respect of all payments made subsequent to the olst of the preceding December, and, under the same restrictions, to the same privileges of attending the general courts, and being eligible to the office of director. Provided that nothing hereby ordered shall he construed to authorise an addition to the sum assured by anv poUcv, upon which policy the number of payments required In that 'respect by the present by-laws of the Society shall not have been niade. N. B. — Those by-laws require that 6 annual payments at the least shall have been made before any addition to a claim can take place ; and when such payments shall have be«n made, the party will be qualified to be received, in his turn, into the number of persons entitled to additions as aforesaid. European. — The profits derived by this Company are dis- tributed amongst the several persons connected witfi the esta- • This work of Mr. Babbage contains a good deal of useful information, intermixed, however, with not a few errors and mis-statements. It was most ably reviewed in an aiticle in the yoth Numl)cr of the Jidinburgh llcvicw. 2Z 3 710 INSURANCE (LIFE). blishment, according to the contingency or certainty of their | Palladium. — A general inrestigation of the affairs of the contract. Society is to take pl ice every 7th year, when 4-5ths of the Life insurers derive an immediate benefit by the reduction 1 declared profit of the life department will be appropriated by of the premiums generally taken, with the prospect of a liberal J way of bonus or addition, to be placed to the credit of the addition to their policies, or a further reduction of the pre- policies then in force for the whole term of life, upon the most mium, in 10 years. equitable principles of division. Guardian. — Persons assured for the whole term of life will | Rock. — That the said bonus shall bo short of the acitual be entitled at the end of every 7 years to participate in the j surplus profits at the time of making the same, by the sum of profits of the Company, after a deduction of such sum per | a.iniun, for the guaranty of the capital, as the directors may think reasonable; the extent of which is, however, limited by ! the deed of settlement. I I'he share of the jirofits to be so allowed to the insured, may either he added to the amount of their respective policies, or the value thereof be a])plied in reduction of the premiums hereafter to be payable on sui-h policies, provided such oiition be declared in writing within ,~ calendar months next after the dividend shall have been declared ; but if such option be not I declared, such share of profits will be added to the amount of 1 policies. I Hope. — Every person effecting a policy of assurance at this office, is entitled to a participation in the profits equally with [ le Company, after a moderate deduction for i . . . the guaranty and the expenses of management. j w hich will be added every 7 years to the respective polii Imperial. — Upon every policy effected for the whole term of j United Empire. — Persons etfiscting assurances for the wno'e life, the assured will participate in the profit* of the Company, continuance of life will, at the end of the first 5 years, and of by having periodical additions made to the sums insured to the i every subsequent 5 years, be entitled to participate in whatever amount of &-3d parts of such clear gains and j)ro(its. nett surplus profits it may be declared by the directors expe- Law Life At stated periods, the surplus of the fund arising 1 dient to divide. from the premiums of assurance, and their accumulation be- Two-fifths of the aforesaid profits will be divided amongst yond what may be thought necessary to answer the expe: ted the said assured, in proportion to the premiums they may re- surplus profits at the i 5,000/. at least. That the bonus so declared shall be divided into 3 equal parts. That one of the said parts shall be added to and consolidated with the subscription capital stock. (This is the proprietors, fund.) That the remaining ^--Ids be allotted to the policies in the manner described in tha deed. That the sum to which any person assured by the Company may become entitled under any such distribution, shall be paid by the Company without interest, at the time when the sum assured by the policy shall become jiayable, and not before. f/»toii.— Those who assure with this Company vrill partici- the proprietors of the Company, after a moderate deduction for j pate with the proprietors in the profits of the estabhshmeni. claims ui>on the Society, will be ascertained ; and as 1; portion of the savings as may be deemed consistent with the secarity of the institution, will be divided between the pro- prietors and the assuved in the following manner: — l-5th will be transferred to the proprietors' guaranty fund ; and re- versionary sums, equivalent to the remaining 4-5ths, will be added to the policies of those who shall have been 3 years assured for the whole term of life. London Life Association — The distinguishing principle of this Society is, that the "benefits resulting from its transactions shall be enjoyed by the members during life, so as to render life assurance" as easy to the assured, as a due regard to security will admit. Medical and Clerical. — Persons assured for the whole term of life will be entitled to share with the oviginal jiroprietors the general profits of the business, in proportion to the amount of their respective assurances. Norwich Union. — The whole of the surplus premiums is added at stated periods to thi policies of the members, in pro- portion to the sums they have respectively contributed. In order to hinder t!ae growth of gambling transactions upon life insurance, it was judiciously enacted, by Stat. 14 Geo. 3. c 48., that spectively have paid, and will, at their option, be eitlier added to the amount of their policies, or applied in reduction of their future premiums. University — -As it is intended that the capital advanced shall be repaid to the shareholder, with a bonus of 100/. per cent., 1-lOth of the profits, when ascertained by a valuation of all existing risks, will every 5 years be applied to form a fund for that purpose. The remaining 9-lOihs of the profits to be divided between the assured and the shareholder, in the proportion of 8 jiarts to the former and 1 to the latter. The profif or bonus to the assured to be given either by a diminution of the rate of premium, or by an increase of "the amount of policy, at the o)ition of the party, M'estminster — By a regulation taking eti'ect from the 9th of May, 1S3'2, this Society makes a positive addition of 10 per cent, every lOth ^ear to all sums insured on sing e lives, for the whole term of lite, by policies issued after that date. life or lives of any person or persons, or other event or events, without insertinjr in such policy or jmlicies, Ike name or names the person or persons interested therein, orfbr what use, benefit. or on whose account, such policy is so made or underwrote. Sect. 2. In all cases where the insured has an interest in such life No insurance shall be made by any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate, on the life or lives of any person or per- sons, or any other event or events whatsoever, where the per- son or persons, for whose use or benefit, or on whose account, such policy or policies shall be made, shall have no interest, or by way of gaining or wagering ; and that every insurance made contrary to the true intent and meaning of this act, shail be null and void to all intents and purposes whatsoever. — Sect. 1. It shall not be lawful to make any policy or policies on the A creditor has an insurable interest in the life of his debtor ; but it was decided, in a case which arose out of a policy on the life of the late Mr. Pitt, that if, after the death of a debtor whose life is insured by a creditor; and before any action is brought on the policy, the debt be paid, no action will lie. All insurance offices either insert in their policies or refer in them to a declaration signed by the insured, setting forth his age, or the age of the party upon whom he is making an insurance ; whether he has or has not had the small-pox, gout, &c. ; " that he is not afflicted with any disorder that tends to the shortening of life ;" that this declaration is to be the basis of the contract between him and the society ; and that, if there be any untrue averment in it, all the monies paid to the society upon account of the insurance shall be forfeited to them. — (See Form, post.) The condition as to the party not being afflicted with any disorder that tends to the shortening of life is vague, and has given rise to a good deal of discussion. But it is now settled that this condition is suffi- ciently complied with, if the insured be in a reasonably good state of health ; and though he may be afflicted with some disease, yet, if it can be shown that this disease does not tend to shorten life, and'was not, iu fact, the cause of the party's death, vhe insurer will not be exonerated : " Such a warranty," said Lord Mansfield, " can never mean, that a man has not in him the seeds of some disorder. We are all born with the seeds of mortality in us. The only question is, whether the insured was in a reasonably good state of ticalth, and such a life as ought to be insured on common terms." — (See MarshaU on Insur- ance, book iii. ; Park on Inswance, c. 22.) Policies of life insurance must be on stamped paper, the duty being as follows : — viz. "Where the sum in the policy shall not amount to 500/. - XI. ■Where it shall amount to 500/. and not to 1,000/. — — 1,000/. - 3,000/. — — 5,000/. _. .0,000/. — — 6,000/. and upwards "We subjoin a statement of the terms and conditions on which the Sun Life Assurance and Equitable Societies transact business, and a copy of one of the policies of the former upon the life of a person aged 30, insuring his own life for 1,000/. The conditions of most of the other societies are similar, and may be learned by any one, on applying either at the head offices in town, or at their agents' in the country. The premiums demanded by the principal offices are exhibited in the annexed Table. Sun Life An assurance for a term of years, or for the whole continuance of life, is a contract on the part of the office to continue the assurance during that term, on the payment of a certain annual i)remium, but the assured may clrop it, when- ever the end is answered for which the assurance was made. 'I'he person whose life is projiosed for assurance, is recpiired to appear either before the managers at the office in London, or before an agent in the country; in default of which, the non-appearance fine must be paid when the assurance is effected ; whicli, when the term is I year, is 10*. for every 10:1/. assured. When the term exceeds 1 year, but does not exceed 7 years, it is l.')*. for every 100/. And when the term exceeds 7 years, the fine is 1 per cent. Iteti ri-nce to be made to 2 persons of repute, to ascertai i llie identity of the p.-raon jippearuig. Any premium remaining unpnid more than 15 days after (he time siipulated in the policv, such policy becomes void; but the defaulter producing satisfactory proof to the managers, of the health of the person on whose life the assurance was made, and paying the said iiremium within 3 calendar months, togcllur with the additional sum of 10*. upon every lOVU. assmoil by such policy, then such policy is revived, and con- tinues in force. Condiliom of Assurance made hy Persons on their own Live*. The ass\irance to be void, if the person w hose life is assured shall depart beyoiul the limits of Kurope; shall die upon the seas (except in any whole-decked vessel or steam-boat in pass- ing between any one part of the United Kingdom of (Jreat Diitui'i and Ireland, including; tlie islaniU of (iucrn&ey, Jersey INSURANCE (LIFE). 711 Aldernpy, and Sark, and any other nart thereof; or in jiassing between any port of the said United Kinndoin, and any port on the continent of Kiirope between llamburKhand Bordeaux, both inclusive); or shall enter into or engajje in any military or naval service whatsoever, without the previous consent of the Society ; or shall die by suicrde, duelhnK, or the hands of justice : or shall not be, at the time th» assurance is made, in good health. Conditions qf Assurance made by Persons on the Lives of others. The party On whose behalf the assurani-e is made, must be Interested in the life of the other to the full amount assured thereon. The assurance to be void, if the nerson whose life is assured shall depart beyond the limits of Europe; shall die upon the seas (except in any wl\ole-decked vessel or steam-boat in pass- ing between any one part of the United Kingdom of (jreat Britain and Ireland, including the islands of Guernsey,. Jersey, Alderney, and Sark, and any other part thereof; or in jiassing between any port in the said United Kingdom, and ;iny jiort on the continent of Kurope between Hamburgh and Borcleaux, both inclusive) ; or shall enter into or engage in any military or naval service whatsoever, without the previous consent of the Society ; or shall not be, at the time the assuraiice is made, in good health. Assurances on the lives of persons engaged in the army or navy, or going beyond the limits of Europe, may be made by special zi^^ment. All claims are paid within Z months after certificates (according to the required forms) of the death and burial of the deceased are approved by the managers. Form of a Proposal for Assurance. Name, and rank or profession, of the life to be assured. Present residence. Place of birth. Date of birth. Age next birthday. Sum. Term. Reference to a medical practitioner, toT ascertain the present and ordinary ( state of health of the person whose C life is proposed to be assured. j Hjis he ever had gout or asthma, or any fit or fits ? Has he ever been aflflicted Vith rupture ? Has he ever exhibited any symptom of consumption of the lungs ? Is he afflicted with any disorder tending to shorten life ? Has he had the small pox or the cow-pox ? Whether the person whose life is proposed to be assured, in- tends to appear at the office ? In whose name or behalf the policy is.desired ? Date of proposal. Annual notices! to be sent to J Form <\f Declaration to he nuiik and tif;iud fiv or on behalf ( life ; and this declaration is to be the basis of the contract be- tween me and the Society; and if any untrue averment is contained in this declaration, in setting forth my age, slate of liealth, profession, occupation, oi circumstances, then all mo- nies which shall have been paid to the said Society, iijion ac- count of the assurance so made by me, shall be forfeited. Dated the day of 18 . Form qf Declaration to lie made and sif^ned bjj or on liehalfofa Person mho proposes to make an Assurance on the LiJ'e Table op Premiums. The following tabular statement shows the premiums demanded by the principal Life Insurance Socie- ties for insuring 100/. at every ditFerent age from 15 to 60, for the whole term of life. Affe. Alliance and Sun. Amicable. Asylum. British Commer- cial. Crown. Economic. Eqmtable. Eagle. European araian Male. Female. L. «. d. t. ». d. L. s. rf. L. s. d. i. «. d. L. s. d. Z,. 3. d. L. s. rf. L. s. d. i. «. d. Z.. «. d. 15 1 12 8 I 15 6 1 7 9 1 10 0 15 9 1 10 8 1 18 7 1 18 9 1 13 7 1 16 2' 16 I 13 6 1 16 6 1 8 6 1 11 0 } 16 7 1 11 5 1 19 8 1 19 7 1 14 5 17 1 14 3 1 17 6 9 3 1 12 0 1 17 6 1 12 3 2 0 8 2 0 5 _ 1 15 4 1 18 1 18 1 15 1 1 18 6 I 10 1 1 13 0 18 3 1 13 0 2 1 8 2 1 4 _ _ 1 16 2 1 19 2 19 1 16 0 19 6 1 10 11 1 14 0 1 19 1 13 10 2 2 8 2 2 3 1 17 1 2 0 1 20 1 16 11 2 0 6 11 9 1 15 0 1 19 11 1 14 7 2 3 7 2 3 2 1 12 7 1 18 1 2 10 21 1 17 11 2 1 6 I 12 7 1 16 0 2 0 10 1 15 5 2 4 6 2 4 2 1 13 5 1 19 0 2 1 10 22 18 11 2 2 6 1 13 6 1 17 0 2 1 9 1 16 3 2 5 4 2 5 3 1 14 4 1 19 11 2 2 8 23 2 0 1 2 3 6 1 14 5 I 18 0 2 2 9 1 17 2 2 6 3 2 6 4 1 15 4 2 0 10 2 3 6 24 2 1 3 2 4 6 1 15 6 1 19 0 2 3 9 1 18 1 2 7 1 2 7 5 1 16 5 2 1 10 2 4 6 25 2 2 6 2 5 6 16 5 2 0 0 2 4 10 1 19 0 2 8 1 2 8 7 1 1 7 6 2 2 9 2 5 4 26 2 3 9 2 6 6 5 17 6 2 1 0 2 5 10 2 0 0 2 9 2 9 9 1 18 8 2 3 9 2 6 4 27 2 5 2 2 7 6 1 18 6 2 2 0 2 6 11 2 1 0 2 10 1 2 11 0 1 19 9 2 4 m S 7 4 28 2 6 7 2 8 6 19 8 2 3 0 2 8 2 2 0 2 11 1 2 12 3 2 0 9 ^? 2 8 4 29 2 7 11 2 9 6 2 0 10 2 4 0 2 9 2 2 3 1 2 12 3 2 13 7 2 1 8 9 C 11 2 9 6 30 2 9 2 2 10 6 2 2 0 2 5 0 2 10 4 2 4 3 2 13 5 2 15 0 2 2 6 9 « 1 2 10 7 31 2 10 6 2 11 6 2 3 3 2 6 0 2 1 1 6 2 5 5 2 14 7 2 16 6 2 3 4 2 9 3 2 11 10 32 2 11 10 2 12 6 4 6 2 7 0 2 12 9 2 6 8 2 15 9 2 18 0 2 3 10 2 10 6 2 13 0 33 2 13 4 2 14 0 2 5 10 2 8 0 2 14 0 2 8 0 2 17 2 19 9 2 4 4 2 11 10 2 14 4 34 2 14 U 2 15 6 2 7 3 2 9 6 2 16 4 2 9 5 2 18 6 3 1 6 2 4 10 2 13 2 2 15 8 35 2 16 8 2 17 0 2 8 9 2 1 1 0 2 16 9 2 10 1 1 2 19 lo 3 3 4 2 6 6 2 14 7 2 17 0 36 2 18 5 2 18 6 2 10 3 2 13 6 2 18 2 2 12 6 3 1 4 3 5 5 2 6 2 2 16 0 2 18 6 37 3 0 4 3 0 0 2 11 10 2 16 0 2 19 10 2 14 2 3 2 10 3 ¥ 7 2 7 0 2 17 6 3 0 0 3 2 4 3 1 6 2 J3 6 2 16 6 3 2 2 16 11 3 4 6 3 9 10 2 7 10 2 19 1 3 1 7 39 3 4 5 3 3 0 2 15 3 2 18 0 3 2 10 2 17 9 3 6 2 3 12 4 2 8 10 3 0 9 3 3 3 40 3 6 6 3 5 0 2 17 3 0 0 3 4 7 2 19 9 3 7 11 3 15 0 2 9 10 3 2 6 3 6 0 41 3 8 7 3 7 6 2 19 0 3 2 0 3 6 5 3 1 10 3 9 9 3 17 9 2 10 11 3 4 3 3 6 9 42 3 10 9 3 10 0 3 0 3 4 0 3 8 4 3 4 1 3 11 8 4 1 0 2 12 0 3 6 3 3 8 8 43 3 12 11 3 12 6 3 3 2 3 6 0 3 10 6 3 6 6 3 13 8 4 4 4 2 13 3 3 8 3 3 10 8 44 3 15 3 3 15 6 3 5 4 3 8 0 3 12 8 3 9 0 3 15 9 4 7 11 2 14 7 3 10 5 3 12 8 45 3 17 8 3 18 6 3 7 9 3 10 0 3 15 0 3 11 9 3 17 11 4 11 8 2 16 0 3 12 7 3 14 11 46 4 0 5 4 6 3 10 3 3 12 0 17 6 3 14 7 4 0 2 4 15 9 2 L7 6 3 15 0 3 17 3 47 4 3 3 4 5 0 3 12 11 3 14 6 4 0 1 3 17 8 4 2 7 6 0 0 2 19 1 5 17 6 3 19 8 48 4 6 6 4 9 0 3 15 9 3 17 0 4 2 11 4 0 11 4 6 1 5 4 6 3 0 9 4 0 0 4 2 4 49 4 10 2 4 12 6 3 18 9 3 19 6 4 6 10 4 4 4 4 7 10 5 9 6 3 2 6 4 2 8 4 5 1 60 4 14 2 4 16 6 4 2 0 4 6 0 4 8 11 4 8 0 4 10 8 5 14 7 3 4 4 4 5 6 4 8 0 51 4 18 9 5 0 0 4 5 5 4 10 0 4 12 1 4 11 11 4 13 6 6 0 3 6 3 4 8 6 4 11 0 52 5 3 6 5 4 6 4 9 2 4 13 2 4 15 3 4 16 1 4 16 5 6 6 4 3 8 4 4 11 7 4 14 2 63 5 8 7 5 8 6 4 13 2 4 15 6 4 18 6 5 0 6 4 19 7 6 12 9 3 10 8 4 15 0 4 17 6 54 5 14 1 5 13 0 4 17 7 5 1 0 5 1 11 5 5 3 5 2 10 6 19 9 3 13 0 4 18 7 5 0 11 55 5 19 11 5 18 0 5 2 3 5 6 0 5 5 7 5 10 3 5 6 4 7 7 2 3 15 8 5 2 6 5 4 8 56 6 6 4 6 3 0 5 7 4 5 9 6 5 9 6 5 15 7 6 10 1 7 15 1 3 18 6 5 6 8 5 8 7 57 6 13 2 6 8 6 5 12 9 5 13 2 5 13 6 6 1 3 5 14 0 8 3 6 4 1 7 5 11 2 6 12 10 68 7 0 5 6 14 0 5 18 5 5 18 0 5 18 0 6 7 4 5 18 2 8 12 7 5 4 0 5 16 8 6 17 4 59 7 7 9 7 0 0 6 4 5 6 2 4 6 2 4 6 13 9 6 2 8 9 2 4 4 8 7 6 0 7 6 2 2 60 7 14 11 7 6 6 6 10 9 6 7 2 6 7 2 7 0 7 6 7 4 9 13 0 4 12 4 6 5 8 6 7 2 Age. London, Bircliin Lane. London, Life for Members. Norwich. Pelican. Promoter. United Empire. University. West of England. Scottish Widows' Fund. Scottish Union. L. t. d. L. d. L. s. L. s. d. L. s. d. i. s. d. L. rf. L. s. d. L. s. d. L. s. d. 15 1 14 9 11 11 1 7 11 1 14 10 1 16 8 1 14 9 1 16 6 1 11 6 16 117 '1 1 15 9 1 12 9 1 8 8 1 16 9 1 17 9 1 15 9 1 17 6 1 12 5 17 1 18 1 1 16 9 1 13 6 9 6 1 16 9 18 8 1 16 8 1 18 6 1 13 6 18 1 19 0 1 17 8 1 14 4 1 10 1 1 17 8 1 19 7 1 17 6 1 19 7 1 14 7 19 1 19 11 1 18 6 15 3 10 11 1 -18 7 2 0 7 1 18 6 2 0 7 1 15 8 20 2 0 9 1 19 6 16 1 1 11 8 1 19 6 2 1 5 1 19 3 2 1 6 1 16 9 21 2 1 5 2 4 6 2 0 6 1 16 10 1 12 6 2 0 5 2 2 4 2 0 0 2 2 5 1 17 9 22 23 2 2 0 2 6 6 2 1 3 1 17 7 13 6 2 1 3 2 3 2 0 10 2 3 3 1 18 10 2 2 7 2 6 6 2 2 0 1 18 4 1 14 4 2 2 1 2 4 0 2 1 3 2 4 1 1 19 10 24 2 3 1 2 7 0 2 2 9 19 2 1 15 5 2 3 0 2 4 9 2 2 6 2 4 11 2 0 10 25 2 3 8 2 8 0 2 3 8 2 0 1 1 16 5 2 3 11 2 5 9 2 .3 3 2 5 10 2 1 10 26 2 4 3 2 9 0 2 4 8 2 1 3 17 6 2 4 11 2 6 8 2 4 0 2 6 10 2 2 10 27 2 6 1 2 10 0 2 5 8 2 2 7 1 18 8 2 6 11 2 7 7 2 5 0 2 7 10 2 3 10 28 2 5 11 2 11 0 2 6 8 2 3 11 1 19 11 2 7 0 2 8 7 2 6 0 2 8 11 2 4 11 29 2 6 10 2 12 6 2 7 9 2 5 2 2 1 2 « 1 2 9 8 2 7 0 2 10 0 2 6 1 30 2 7 10 2 13 6 2 8 10 2 6 4 2 2 2 2 9 2 2 10 9 2 8 0 2 11 2 7 3 31 2 8 10 2 14 6 2 10 0 2 7 7 2 3 3 2 10 4 2 11 11 2 9 0 2 12 3 2 8 5 32 2 9 11 2 16 0 2 11 1 2 8 10 2 4 5 2 11 6 2 13 0 2 10 3 2 13 6 2 9 9 33 2 11 1 2 17 0 2 12 3 2 10 3 2 6 8 2 12 9 2 14 3 2 11 3 2 14 9 2 11 1 34 2 12 4 2 18 6 2 13 6 2 11 9 2 7 2 14 1 2 15 6 2 12 9 2 15 1 2 12 6 35 2 13 8 3 0 0 2 14 10 2 13 5 2 8 7 2 15 6 2 16 11 2 1.3 10 2 17 6 2 13 10 36 2 15 1 3 1 6 2 16 2 2 15 1 2 10 1 2 16 11 2 18 4 2 15 3 2 19 0 2 16 4 37 2 16 8 3 3 0 2 17 6 2 16 10 2 11 8 2 18 4 2 19 9 2 16 8 3 0 6 2 16 11 38 2 18 2 3 4 6 2 19 0 2 18 9 2 13 6 2 19 11 3 1 4 2 18 0 3 2 7 2 18 6 39 2 19 11 3 6 0 3 0 6 3 0 6 2 15 2 3 1 6 3 2 11 2 19 6 3 3 9 3 0 2 40 3 1 8 3 8 0 3 2 0 3 2 8 2 17 0 3 3 2 3 4 7 3 1 3 3 6 6 3 1 11 41 3 3 6 3 10 0 3 3 6 3 5 2 2 13 10 3 4 10 3 6 4 3 2 10 3 7 3 3 3 9 42 3 6 6 3 12 0 3 5 2 3 7 8 3 0 8 3 6 8 3 8 1 3 4 6 3 9 3 3 5 8 43 3 7 8 3 14 0 3 7 0 3 10 4 3 2 6 3 8 8 3 10 0 3 6 4 3 11 3 3 7 8 44 3 10 0 3 16 0 3 9 0 3 13 3 4 6 3 10 8 3 12 0 3 8 3 3 13 4 3 9 8 45 3 12 6 3 18 0 3 11 0 3 16 3 6 7 3 12 10 3 14 1 3 10 3 3 16 6 3 11 10 46 3 15 2 4 0 0 3 13 8 3 18 8 3 8 11 3 16 3 3 16 2 3 12 2 3 17 9 3 14 1 47 48 3 18 2 4 2 6 3 IG 3 4 1 6 3 11 5 3 17 9 3 IS 6 3 14 6 4 0 3 3 16 6 4 16 4 6 0 3 19 6 4 4 8 3 14 2 4 0 7 4 1 4 3 16 9 4 2 9 3 19 0 49 4 4 10 4 8 0 4 2 9 4 8 2 3 17 3 4 3 6 4 4 4 3 19 3 4 5 6 4 1 7 50 4 8 6 4 11 0 4 6 0 4 12 2 4 0 4 6 6 4 7 6 4 1 8 4 8 4 4 4 3 51 4 12 3 4 14 0 4 9 8 4 16 7 4 4 7 4 9 9 4 10 9 4 4 3 4 11 2 4 8 1 52 4 16 1 4 17 0 4 13 3 5 1 3 4 8 8 4 13 0 4 14 1 4 6 9 4 14 2 4 12 2 63 5 0 1 5 0 6 4 17 0 5 6 4 4 13 1 4 16 5 4 17 8 4 9 9 4 17 4 4 16 5 54 5 4 2 5 6 0 5 1 0 5 11 7 4 17 10 6 0 6 6 1 4 4 12 9 5 0 8 6 0 11 55 5 8 4 6 9 6 6 5 3 17 4 5 2 9 5 4 6 6 5 4 4 16 9 6 4 2 6 6 9 56 5 12 8 5 14 0 5 9 6 6 3 7 5 8 4 6 8 6 9 7 4 19 0 5 7 5 ID 9 67 5 17 2 19 0 6 13 6 6 10 4 14 2 5 12 6 5 14 0 6 2 6 5 11 11 6 16 1 58 6 1 10 6 4 0 5 17 6 6 17 6 0 4 6 17 0 18 2 5 0 6 5 16 6 19 69 6 6 10 6 9 6 6 2 6 7 4 6 6 6 7 6 1 9 6 2 8 5 10 6 6 0 7 6 7 10 i f,0 6 12 2 15 0 6 7 3 7 1 1 7 6 12 10 6 7 0 6 7 4 6 14 9 6 6 4 6 14 3 INSURANCE (LIFE). 713 The following offices require the same premiums as ihe Equitable ; viz. Atlas, Globe, Imperial, I^aw Life, London Life Association (for persons not members), ralladium. Provident, llock, Iloyal Exchang»', Union, Westminster. The following are the premiums demanded by the Sun Life Assurance Society, for insurances on joint lives and survivorships. Joint Lives. — A Table of Annual Premiums payable during the Joint Continuance of Two Lives, for assuring One Hundred Pounds, to be paid as soon as either of the Two ihail drop. day. Age next Uirihday. Annual Premium. A ge next Birth- day. Age next Birthday.. Annual Premium. Age next Birth- day. Age next Birthday. Annual I'reinjuiri. 10 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 £ S. d. 2 7 5 2 110 2 14 6 2 19 4 3 5 3 3 11 11 4 1 1 4 11 5 5 7 2 6 12 5 8 6 11 20 35 40 45 50 55 60 £ s. d. 3 17 3 4 6 1 4 16 1 5 117 6 16 8 8 11 1 35 45 50 60 £ s. d. 5 7 5 6 1 11 7 6 5 9 0 6 40 40 45 50 55 60 5 5 8 5 13 10 6 7 9 7 11 8 9 5 5 . 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 3 9 6 3 14 10 4 0 11 4 9 6 4 19 3 5 14 7 6 19 7 8 13 1] 45 45 50 55 60 6 1 0 6 13 11 7 16 11 9 9 8 15 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 b5 60 2 14 5 2 17 9 3 2 5 3 8 3 3 14 9 4 3 10 4 14 0 5 9 8 6 14 11 8 9 6 SO 30 35 40 45 50 55 GO 3 19 10 4 5 6 4 13 10 5 3 2 5 18 3 7 3 1 8 17 5 50 SO 55 60 7 5 6 8 7 4 9 18 11 55 55 60 9 8 2 10 18 11 20 20 25 30 3 0 11 3 5 4 3 10 11 60 60 12 8 10 35 40 4 10 9 4 18 6 Survivorship. — A Table of Annual Premiums payable during the Joint Continuance of Two Lives for assuring One Hundred Pounds, to be paid ai the Decease of One Person, A., provided another, B., be then living. Arc of A., the l.ife to he as- sured. Age of B., the Life agninst which the As- surance is to be made. Annual Premium. Age of A., the Life to lie as- sured. Age of B., the Life against which the As- surance is to be made. Annual Premium. Age of A., the Life to be as- sured. Age of B., Ihe Life against which the As- surance is to be made. Annual Premium. 10 10 20 SO 40 50 60 70 80 £ S. d. 1 3 9 1 4 7 1 2 10 1 1 6 1 0 0 0 18 5 0 16 11 0 15 7 30 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 £ s. d. 2 2 5 2 2 1 1 19 11 1 18 6 1 15 0 1 12 2 1 9 10 1 7 4 50 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 £ s. d. 4 7 2 4 7 0 4 3 3 4 1 7 3 12 9 3 1 6 2 11 4 2 3 2 20 10 1 9 11 40 10 2 19 7 60 10 7 8 6 20 1 10 6 20 2 19 6 20 7 8 5 30 1 8 10 SO 2 15 4 SO 7 5 3 40 1 6 7 40 2 12 10 40 7 4 11 50 1 4 7 50 2 6 2 50 6 17 5 60 1 2 8 60 2 0 6 60 6 4 5 70 1 0 9 70 1 16 3 70 5 8 8 80 0 19 3 80 1 13 6 80 4 14 4 From the specimens of premiums in the two preceding Tables, the reader will easily judge of the pro- portional premiums for any combination of two ages not inserted in them. Instead of a gross sum payable at the decease of A. provided R. be then living, a reversionary annuity on the remainder of the life of B after the decease of A. may be insured by the payment of an annual premium during the joint continuance of the two lives ; which annual premium may be learnt by appli- cation at the office. Equitable Ass?irance Society. — The following is the Decliiriition required to /« made and si^tied in the Office, by or on tlie Behalf of a Person * rvho proposes to make an Assurance on his or her own Life. being desirous of becoming a member of the Society for Equi- table Assurances on Lives and Survivorships, and intending to make assurance in the sum ot upon and for the con- tinuance of my own life, and having perused and considered that * clause of the deed of settlement of the said Society which requires a declaration in writing of the age, state of health, and other circumstances attending the person whose life shall be proposed to be assured, do hereby declare and set forth, Thnt my ave does not exceed ; that I have had the small-pox; , j ^"J? have h.id the gout ; and that I am not afflicted with any disorder vfhich tends to the shortening of life ; and 1 do hereby agree that this declaration be the basis of the contract between the said Society and me, and that if any untrue aver- ment is conulned in this declaration, all monies which shall intents and purposes whatsoever. have been paid to the Society upon account of the assurance made in consequence thereof, shall be forfeited. Dated the day of in the year of our Lord * The Clause trhich is referred to tn the Declaration. That every person desirous of making .issurance with the So- ciety, shall sign or execute a declaration in writing (in the pre- sence f.f one credible witness, who shall attest the same), setting forth the age, state of health, profession, occupation, and other circumstances attending the person or persons whose life or lives shall be proposed to be assured ; which declaration shall be the basis if the contract between the said Society and the person desiring to make assurance with them ; in which declar- ation it any artful, false, or firaudulent repre>entat ion shzUl be used, and the same shall at any time thereafter be discovered, from thenceforth the sums which shall have been paid to the Society on account of any assurance so fraudulently obtained, shall lie forfeitetl to the use of the Society ; and all claims to be made on that behalf shall cease, determine, and be void, to ail 714< INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. Weekly Court qf Dl- Name and profession of the life to be assured. Place and date of birth. Place of residence. Age. Sum. Term. By whom made. I'o give reference to two f persons of good repute, [one, if pos- A Table of Annual Premiums payable during the Continuance of Two Joint Lives for assuring Oi Hundred Pounds, to be paid when either of the Lives shall drop. sible, of the medical profession,) to ascertain the present and general state of health of the life to be assured. If had the small-pox. If vaccinated. If afTlicterl with the gout. It ever ruptured . t Parties who do not appear befori the Court of Directors are required to give a reference to 3 persons for an account of the present and general state of their health. [Age. Age. Jt s. a. Age. Age. s. a. Age. Age. J S. if. Age. Age. £ s. d. Age. Age. £ s. d. 10 10 2 17 1 15 35 4 3 I 20 67 9 13 9 30 60 7 15 0 45 4-5 6 7 4 15 3 1 1 40 4 10 4 25 2.5 4 0 10 67 9 18 1 50 6 17 9 20 3 5 7 45 4 19 5 30 4 5 0 35 4 19 0 55 7 11 0 25 3 9 3 50 5 11 3 35 4 10 3 50 5 5 6 60 8 9 6 1 30 3 13 9 55 6 6 1 40 4 17 4 45 5 18 10 67 10 11 35 3 19 6 60 7 6 0 45 5 6 2 50 6 5 0 50 50 7 7 8 40 4 6 10 67 9 9 5 50 5 17 10 55 6 19 2 B5 8 0 3 45 4 15 11 20 20 3 13 11 55 6 12 6 60 7 18 6 60 8 18 2 50 5 7 10 25 3 17 5 60 7 12 5 67 10 1 2 67 10 IS 10 55 6 2 8 30 4 1 9 67 9 15 y 40 .40 5 11 9 55 55 8 12 2 60 7 2 9 35 4 7 3 30 30 4 8 11 45 5 19 9 60 9 9 0 67 9 6 3 40 4 14 6 35 4 14 1 50 6 10 8 67 60 11 8 5 15 15 3 5 0 45 5 3 6 40 5 0 11 55 7 4 5 60 10 4 9 20 3 9 6 50 5 15 4 45 5 9 6 60 8 3 4 67 12 2 1 25 3 13 1 55 6 10 2 50 6 1 0 67 10 5 6 67 67 13 15 8 30 3 17 6 60 ' 7 10 2 55 6 15 5 An addition of 22 per cent, computed upon the premium, is charged upon military persons ; and an addition of eleven per cent, on officers on half-pay, officers in the militia, fencibles, and the like levies • also on persons not having had the small-pox, or having had the gout. ' Persons preferring the payment of a gross sum or single premium upon an assurance for any certain term, are chargeable in a due proportion to the annual premium for such term. Every person making any assurance with the Society, pays .55. in the name of entrance money ; and if the sum assured exceeds 100/., the entrance money is charged after the rate of 5s. for every 100/. But if the person upon whose life an assurance is proposed, does not appear before the directors, the entrance money is charged after the rate of \l. for every 100/. The following are the premiums demanded by the Equitable Society for insuring 100/., or an equivalent annuity on the contingency of one life's surviving the other : — Ages. Premium. Annuity equivalent to \00l. to be i)aid from the Death of the I-ife assured, during the Ile- mainder of the other Life. Life to be assured. Life against which the Assurance ib to be made. 10 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 £ S. d. 1 8 6 1 9 1 1 8 3 1 7 8 1 6 11 1 6 0 1 4 11 1 3 4 £ S. d. 5 14 6 6 14 10 7 14 11 9 5 6 11 13 0 15 13 5 23 13 0 40 10 8 20 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 1 16 6 1 17 0 1 15 9 1 14 8 1 13 6 1 12 1 1 10 6 1 8 3 5 6 11 6 4 1 7 0 6 8 4 11 10 1 9 13 0 7 18 12 8 30 9 6 30 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 2 5 5 2 6 0 2 4 6 2 2 9 2 0 11 1 18 10 1 16 7 1 13 9 5 5 8 6 2 9 6 19 6 8 3 8 10 0 6 13 0 0 18 12 10 30 9 3 40 10 20 30 40 2 19 2 2 19 10 2 18 2 2 15 11 5 3 6 5 19 9 6 16 8 8 1 0 Ages. Annuity equivalent to 100/. to be p.iid from Life against Premium. the Death o f the Life Life to be which the assured, durmg the Re- assured. Assurance is mainder of the other to be made. Life. £ S. d. £ S. d. 6 1 40 50 2 12 10 9 16 60 2 9 4 12 14 3 70 2 5 11 18 5 6 80 2 1 10 29 19 10 50 10 4 0 11 5 1 4 20 4 1 10 5 16 2 SO 4 0 1 6 12 2 40 3 17 10 7 16 9 50 3 13 10 9 12 8 60 3 7 7 12 6 8 70 3 1 6 17 28 11 5 80 2 15 0 12 6 60 10 5 16 9 4 19 3 20 5 18 1 5 12 10 30 5 16 3 6 7 7 40 5 14 0 7 10 10 50 5 10 7 9 8 0 60 5 2 4 12 5 6 70 4 9 10 17 5 8 80 3 17 11 27 19 10 10 8 I 0 4 17 8 20 8 2 9 5 10 5 30 8 0 10 6 4 0 40 7 18 7 7 5 5 50 7 15 6 9 0 6 60 7 8 8 12 0 3 70 6 10 8 17 1 8 80 5 8 9 27 5 11 It is stated by Mr. Morgan, in his Account of the Equitable Society already referred to, that the number of insurances in that institution for terms of years does not much exceed utifl hundredth part of those for the whole period of life ; and that the business of the office at present is almost wholly confined to the assuranc^e of persons on their own lives — those on the lives of others, whether lor terms or for continu- ance, being, in consequence of the commission money allowed to agents and attorneys, engrossed by the new oliices. — {Account of the Equitable Societf/, p. 53.) INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. Interest is the sum paid by the borrower of a sum of money, or of any sort of valuable produce, to the lender, for its use. The rate of interest, supposing the security for and facility of re-possessing the prin- cipal, or sum lent, to be equal, must obviously depend on what may be made by the employment of capital in industrious undertakings, or on the rate of profit. Where INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. 715 profits are high, as in the United States, interest is also high ; and where tliey are com- paratively low, as in Holland and England, interest is proportionally low. In fact, the rate of interest is nothing more than the nett profit on capital : whatever returns are oh- tained by the borrower, beyond the interest he has agreed to pay, really accrue to him on account of risk, trouble, or skill, or of advantages of situation and connection. But besides fluctuations in the rate of interest caused by the varying productiveness of industry, the rate of interest on each particular loan must, of course, vary according to the supposed solvency of the borrowers, or the degree of risk supposed to be incurred by the lender, of either not recovering payment at all, or not recovering it at the stipu- lated term. No person of sound mind would lend on the personal security of an indi- vidual of doubtful character and solvency, and on mortgage over a valuable estate, at the same rate of interest. Wherever there is risk, it must be compensated to the lender by a higher premium or interest. And yet, obvious as this principle may appear, all governments have interfered with the adjustment of the terms of loans ; some to prohibit interest altogether, and others to fix certain rates which it should be deemed legal to charge, and illegal to exceed. The prejudice against taking interest seems to have principally originated in a mistaken view of some enactments of the Mosaical law — (see Michaelis on the Laws of Moses, vol. ii. pp. 327 — 353. Eng. ed.), and, a statement of Aristotle, to the effect that, as money did not produce money, no return could be equitably claimed by the lender ! But whatever may have been the origin of this prejudice, it was formerly universal in Christendom ; and is still supported by law in all Mohammedan countries. The famous reformer, Calvin, was one of the first who saw and exposed the absurdity of such notions — (see an extract from one of his epistles in Mcculloch's Political Economy, 2d ed. p. 510.); and the abuses caused by the prohibition, and the growing conviction of its impolicy, soon after led to its relaxation. In 1554, a statute was passed, authorising lenders to charge 10 per cent, interest. In 1624, the legal rate was reduced to 8 per cent. ; and in the reign of Queen Anne it was further reduced to 5 per cent., at which it still continues. It is enacted, by the statute (12 Ann. c. 16.) making this reduction, that " all persons who shall receive, by means of any corrupt bargain, loan, exchange, chevizance, or in- terest of any wares, merchandise, or other thing whatever, or by any deceitful way or means, or by any covin, engine, or deceitful conveyance for the forbearing or giving day of payment, for one whole year for their money or other thing, above the sum of 51. foi 100/. for a year, shall forfeit for every such oflTence, the treble value of the monies, oi other things, so lent, bargained," &c. It is needless to waste the reader's time by entering into any lengthened arguments to show the inexpediency and mischievous effect of such interferences. This lias been done over and over again. It is plainly in no respect more desiiable to limit the rate of in- terest, than it would be to limit the rate of insurance, or the prices of commodities. And though it were desirable, it cannot be accomplished. The real eflfect of all legislative enactments having such an object in view, is to increase, not diminish, the rate of interest. When the rate fixed by law is less than the market or customary rate, lenders and bor- rowers are obliged to resort to circuitous devices to evade the law ; and as these devices are always attended with more or less trouble and risk, the rate of interest is projjor- tionally enhanced. During the late war it was not uncommon for a person to be paying 10 or 12 per cent, for a loan, which, had there been no usury laws, he might have got for 6 or 7 per cent. Neither is it by any means uncommon, when the rate fixed by law is more than the market rate, for borrowers to be obliged to pay more than they really stipulated for. It is singular that an enactment which contradicts the most obvious principles, and has been repeatedly condemned by committees of the legislature, should still be allowed to preserve a place in the statute book. Distinction of Simple and Compound Interest. — When a loan is made, it is usual to stipulate that the interest upon it should be regularly paid at the end of every year, half year, &c. A loan of this sort is said to be at simple interest. It is of the essence of such loan, that no part of the interest accruing upon it should be added to tlie principal to form a new principal ; and though payment of the interest were not made when it becomes due, the lender would not be entitled to cliarge interest upon such unpaid interest. Thus, suppose 100/. were lent at simple interest at 5 per cent., jiayableat the end of each year; the lender would, at the end of 3 or 4 years, supposing him to have received no previous payments, be entitled to \5l. or 20/., and no more. Sometimes, however, money or capital is invested so that the interest is not paid at the periods when it becomes due, but is progressively added to the principal ; so that at every term a new principal is formed, consisting of the original principal, and the successive accumulations of interest upon interest. Money invested in this way is said to be placed at compound interest. It appears not unreasonable, that when a borrower does not pay the interest he has contractetl for, at the period when it is due, he should pay interest upon such interest. This, however, is not allowed by the law of England ; nor is it allowed to make a loan at compound interest. But this rule is often evaded, by taking a new obligation for the principal with the interest included, Avhen the latter becomes due. Investments at compound interest are also very frequent. Thus, if an individual buy into the funds, and regularly buy fresh stock with the dividends, the capital will increase at compound interest ; and so in any similar case. Calculation of Interest. — Interest is estimated at so much per cent, per annum, or by dividing the principal into 100 equal parts, and specifying how many of these parts are paid yearly for its use. Tlius, .5 per cent., or 5 parts out of 100, means that 51. are paid for the use of ICQ/, for a year, IQl. for the use ot "iOOl., and 2/. 105. for the use of 50/. for the same period, and so on. 716 INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. Suppose, now, that it is required to find the interest of 210/. 13s. for 3^ years at 4 per cent, simple interest. In this case we must Hrst divide the principal, 210/. 13s. into 100 parts, 4 of which will be the interest for 1 year ; and this being multiplied by 3| will give the interest lor 3i years. But instead of first dividing by 100, and then multiplying by 4, the result will be the same, and the process more expedi- tious, if we first multiply by 4, and then divide by 100. Thus, _ 210 13 principal. 4 rate per cent. L. s. ,1. 1,00) 8,42 12 ( 8 8 C4 1 year's interest. 20 51 ^'1*9 25 5 6| 3 years' interest. 14 3 ^ a year's interest. 6,21 — 1 i. 29 9 9| Shears' interest. It is almost superfluous to observe, that the same result would have been obtained by multiplyinj? the product of the principal and rate by the number of years, and then dividing by 100. Hence, to find the interest of any sum at any rate per cent, for a year, multiply the sum by the rate per cent., and divide the product by 100. To find the interest of any sum for a number of years, multiply its interest for one year by the number of years ; or, without calculating its interest for one year, multiply the principal by the rate per cent, and that product by the number of years, and divide tiie last product by 100. When the interest of any sum is required for a number of days, they must be treated as fractional parts of a year ; that is, we must multiply the interest of a year by them, and divide by 365. Suppose that it is required to find the interest of 210/. for 4 years 7 months and 25 days, at 44 per cent — Principal Rate per cent. .210 4i Interest for 4 years = L. 37 8000 6 months = J of 1 year = 4-7250 1 month = > of 6 months = •7875 25 days " = -6472 i.43 19*. 2irf, Interest for 1 year The interest for 25 days is - — '-^^ = '6172 ; that is, it is equal to the interest for a year multiplied by the fraction division by 100 is performed by cutting off two figures to the right. Many attempts have been made to contrive more expeditious processes than the above for calculating interest. The following is the best : — Suppose it were required to find the interest upon 172/. for 107 days at 5 per cent. This forms what is called in arithmetical books a double rule of three question, and would be stated as follows : — £ Days, £ £ Day I. 100 X 365 : 5 : : 172 X 107 : 2/. 10s. ^d. the interest required. Hence, to find the interest of any sum for any number of days at any rate per cent., multiply the sum by the number of days, and the product by the rate, and divide by 36,500 (365 X 100); the quotient is the interest required. When the rate is 5 per cent., or l-20th of the principal, all that is required is to divide the product of the sum multiplied by the days by 7,300 (365, the days in a year, multiplied by 20). Five per cent, interest being found by this extremely simple process, it is usual in practice to calculate 4 per cent, interest by deducting l-5th ; 3 per cent, by deducting 2-5ths ; 2| per cent, by dividing by 2; 2 per cent by taking the half of 4, and so on. In calculating interest upon accounts current, it is requisite to state the number of days between each receipt, or payment, and the date (commonly the 31st of December) to which the account current is made up. Thus, 172/. paid on the 15th of September, bearing interest to the 31st of December, 107 days. The amount of such interest may, then, be calculated as now explained, or by the aid of Tables. The reader will find, in the article Bookkeeping (p. 161.) an example of interest on an account current computed as above, without referring to Tables. The 30th of June is, after the 31st of December, the most usual date to which accounts current are made up, and interest calculated. In West India houses, the 30th of April is the common date, because at that season the old crop of produce is generally sold off, atid the new begins to arrive. It is of great importance, in calculating interest on accounts current, to be able readily to find the number of days from any day in any one month to%any day in any other month. This may be done with the utmost ease by means of the following Table : — Table for ascertaining the Number of Days from any one Day in the Year to any other Day. 10 41 12 I 43 13 llT 70 101 77.102 129 160 130, Til 131 1 162 132'Tg3 1.33 Uil 'i34i'lC5 74 1 105 75" Too 135^ 16(i Tsfi'ifi? ISS 219 189 220 355 17 537| 19 538 "20" 340 22 282 313 283, 314 341 23 342ri4~ 345 27 346"2S" 25G 2Sfi|317j 2.07 287 318: 258| 288 319 25!) 280 .320 319 31 3.'.0 [ICS .301 211 242 212. 243 272 302 ^ 303 i 304 1 INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. 717 By tliis Tabic may be readily ascertained tlie number of days from any Riven day in the year to another. For instance, from the 1st of January to the 14th of August (first and last days included], there aie 5i2rt days. To find the tuimber, look tlown the column headed January, to Number 14, and then look along in a parallel line to tlie column headed August, you find Si2(), the number required. To find the number of days between any otiier two given days, when they are both after the 1st ot January, the number opposite the 1st day must, of coinse, be^leducted fiom that opposite to the second. Thus, to find the number of days between the 13th of March and the I'Jih of August, deduct from 231, the number in the Table oi)i)()site to I'J and under August, 72, the number opposite to 13 and under March, and the remainder, 151), is the number required, last day included. In leap years, one must be added to the number after the 2Hth of February. For the mode of calculating discount, or of finding tlie present values of sums due at some future date, at simple interest, see Discount. In counting-houses, Interest Tables are very frequently made use of. Such publications havcv in consequence, become very numerous. Most of them have some peculiar recommendation; and are selected according to the object in view. When interest, instead of being simple, is compo(md, the first year's or term's interest must be found, and being added to the original principal, makes the princii)al upon which interest is to be calculated for the second year or term ; and the second year's or term's interest being added to this last principal, makes that upon which interest is to be calculated for the third year or term ; and so on for any number of years. But when the number of years is considerable, this process becomes exceedingly cumbersome and tedious, and to facilitate it Tables have been constructc-^ ^ ^ — 3-325/., or 3Z. 6s. 8d. The annual premium may, however, be derived directly from the value of an annuity on the life, without first calculating the total present value of the assurance. — (See Mr. Milne's Treatise on Annuities, or the art. Annuities in the new edition of the Ency. Britannica.) In order to exhibit the foundations on which Tables of life annuities and insurance have been founded in this and other countries, we have given, in No. V. of the following Tables, the rate of mortality that has been observed to take place among 1,000 children born together, or the numbers alive at the end of each year, till the whole become ex- tinct, in England, France, Sweden, Bic, according to the most celebrated authorities.* The rate of mortality at Carlisle, represented in this Table, is less than that observed any where else : the rates which approach nearest to it are those deduced from the observations already referred to, of M. Deparcieux, and those of M. Kersseboom, on the nominees of life annuities in Holland. In order to calculate from this Table the chance which a person of any given age has of attaining to any higher age, we have only to divide the number of persons alive at such higher age, given in that column of the Table selected to decide the question, by the number of persons alive at the given age, and the fraction resulting is the chance • Thegreater part of this Table was originally published by Dr. Hutton in his 'Mathematical Dictionari/, art. Life Annuities. Mr. Baily inserted it with additions in his work on Annuities j and it was published, with tne column for Carlisle added, in the Report of the Committee of the House qf Cotmnons on Friendly Societies. 720 INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. We have added, byway of supplement to this Table, Mr. Finlaison's Table (No. VI.) of the rate of mortality among 1,000 children born together, according to the decrement of life observed to take place among the nominees in government tontines and life annui- ties in this country, distinguishing males from females. The rate of mortality which this Table exhibits is decidedly less than that given in the Carlisle Table ; but the lives in the latter are the average of the population, while those in the former are all picked. The nominees in tontines are uniformly chosen among the healthiest individuals ; and none but those who consider their lives as good ever buy an annuity. Still, however, the Table is very curious ; and it sets the superiority of female life in a very striking point of view. Tables VII. and VIII. give the expectation of life, according to the mortality observed at Northampton and Carlisle ; the former by Dr. Price, and the latter by Mr. Milne. The next Table, No. IX., extracted from the Second Report of the Committee of the House of Commons on Friendly Societies, gives a comparative view of the results of some of the most celebrated Tables of mortality, in relation to the rate of mortality, the expectation of life, the value of an annuity, &c. The coincidence between the results deduced from M. Deparcieux's Table, and that for Carlisle, is very striking. And to render the information on these subjects laid before the reader as complete as the nature of this work will admit, we have given Tables (Nos. X. — XV. ) of the value of an annuity of IZ. on a single life, at every age, and at 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 per cent., according to the Northampton and Carlisle Tables ; we have also given Tables of the value of an annuity of \l. on 2 equal lives, and on 2 lives differing by 5 years, at 3, 4, 5, and 6 per cent., according to the same Tables. It is but seldom, therefore, ihat our readers will require to resort to any other work for the means of solving the questions that usually occur in practice with regard to annuities ; and there are not many works in which they will find so good a collection of Tables. — "We subjoin one or two examples of the mode of using the Tables of life annuities. Suppose it were required, what ought a person, aged 45, to give, to secure an annuity of 50/. a year for life, interest at 4 per cent., according to the Carlisle Table? In Table No. XI., under 4 per cent., and opposite 45, is 14*104, the value of an annuity of IZ., which being multiplied by 50, gives 705*2, or 705Z. 4s., the value re- quired. According to the Northampton Table, the annuity would only have been worth 614Z. 3s. The value of an annuity on 2 lives of the same age, or on 2 lives differing by 5 years, may be found in precisely the same way. Some questions in reversionary life annuities admit of an equally easy solution. Thus, suppose it is required to find the present value of A.'s interest in an estate worth lOOZ. a year, falling to him at the death of B., aged 40, interest 4 per cent., according to the Carlisle Table? The value of the perpetuity of lOOZ. a year, interest 4 per cent., is 2,500Z. ; and the value of an annuity of lOOZ. on a person aged 40, interest at 4 per cent., is 1,507Z. 8s., which deducted from 2,500Z. leaves 992Z. 12s., the present value required. A person, aged 30, wishes to purchase an annuity of 50Z. for his wife, aged 25, pro- vided she survive him ; what ought he to pay for it, interest at 4 per cent, according to the Carlisle Table? The value of an annuity of IZ. on a life aged 30 is 16*852; from which subtracting the value of an annuity of IZ. on 2 joint lives of 25 and 30, 14-339, the difference, 2-513 X 50 = 125-650, or 125Z. 13s., the sum required. For the solution of the more complex cases of survivorship, which do not often occur in practice, recourse may be had to the directions in Mr. Milne's Treatise on Annuitiesy and other works of that description. To attempt explaining them here would lead us into details quite inconsistent with the objects of this work. INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. 721 Tables op Inteiiest and ANNtuxins. I. Table showing the Amount of j£*l improved at Compound Interest, at 2i, 3, per Cent, at the End of every Year, from 1 to 70. ^, 4, 5, and 6 2| per Cent. 3 per Cent. 3^ per Cent 1-02500,000 ■05062,500 07689,062 10381,289 13140,821 15969,342 18868,575 21840,290 1-24886,297 28008,454 ■31208,666 34488,882 37851,104 41297,382 44829,817 48450,562 52161,826 55965,872 59865,019 63861,644 ■67958,185 ^2157,140 1- 76461,068 80872,595 85394,410 90029,270 94780,002 99649,502 04640,739 2- 09756,758 2-15000,677 2 20375,694 2-25885,086 2-31532,213 2-37320,519 2-43253,532 2-49334,870 2-55568,242 2-61957,448 2-68506,384 2-75219,043 2-82(,99,520 2-89152,008 2- 96382,808 3 03790,328 311385,086 3- 19169.713 3-27148;956 3-35327,680 3-43710,872 3-52303,644 3-61111,235 3-70139,016 3-79392,491 3-88877,303 3- 98599,236 4- 08564,217 4-18778,322 4-29247,780 4-39978,975 4-50978,419 4-62252,910 4-73809,233 4- 85654,464 4 97795,826 5- 10240.721 5-22996,739 5-3607 1,6<>8 5-49473,449 5-63210,286 1 03000,000 1-06090,000 1-09272,700 1-12550,881 1-15927,407 l-19405,2.-30 1-22987,387 1-26677,008 1-30477,318 1-34391,638 1-38423,387 1-42576,089 1-46853,371 1-51258,972 1-55796,742 1-60470,644 1-65284,763 1-70243,306 175350,605 1-80611,123 1-86029,457 1-91610,341 1- 97358,651 2- 03279,411 2-09377,793 2-15659,127 2-22128,901 2-28792,768 2-35656,551 2-42726,247 2-50000,035 2-57508,276 2-65233,524 2-73190,530 2-81386,245 2-89827,833 2- 98522,668 3- 07478,348 3-16702,698 3-26203,779 3-46069,589 3-56451,677 3-67145,227 3-78159,584 3- 89504,372 401189,503 413225,188 4- 25621,944 4-38390,602 4-51542,320 4-&%88,590 4-79041,247 4- 93412,485 5- 08214,859 5-23461,305 5-39165,144 5-55340,098 5-72000,301 5- 89160,310 6- 06835,120 6-25040,173 6-43791,379 6-63105,120 6- 82998,273 7- 03488,222 7-24592,868 7-46330,654 7-68720,574 7-91782,191 4 per 1 03500,000 1-07122,500 1-10871,787 1-14752,300 1-18768,631 1-22925,533 1-27227,926 1-31680,904 1-36289,735 1-41059,876 1-45996,972 1-51106,866 1-56395,606 1-61869,452 1-67534,883 1-73398,604 1-79467,555 1-85748,920 1-92250,132 1- 98978,866 2- 05943,147 2-13151,158 2-20611,448 2-28332,849 2-36324,498 2-44595,856 2-53166,711 2 62017,696 2-71187,798 2-80679,570 2- 90503,148 3- 00670,759 3-11194,235 3-22086,033 3-33359,045 3 45026,611 3-57102,543 3-69601,132 3-82537,171 3- 95925,972 4- 09783,381 4-24125,799 4-38970,202 4-54334,160 4-70235,855 4- 86694,110 5- 03728,404 5-21358,898 5-39606,459 5-58492,686 5- 78039,930 5 98271,327 6- 19210,824 6-40883,202 6-63314,114 6- 86530,108 7- 10558,662 7-35428,215 7-61168,203 7- 87809,090 8- 15382,408 8 •439-20,793 8- 73458,020 9- 04029,051 9-35670,068 9-68418,520 10-02313,168 10-37394,129 10- 73702,924 11- 11282,51:6 Cent. 4^ per Cent. 5 per Cent. 6 per Cent 1-040(X),000 1-08160,000 1-I248(vl00 1 -1(5985,856 l-2i6fi5,29e 1-26531,902 1-31593,178 1-36856,905 1-42331,181 1-48024,428 1-53945,406 1-60103,222 1-66507,351 1-73167,645 1-80094,351 1- 87298,125 1 94790,050 2- 02581,652 2-10684,918 2-19112,314 2-27876,807 2-36991,879 2-46471,555 2-56330,417 2-66583,633 2-77246,979 2-88336,858 2- 99870,332 3 11865,145 3- 24339,751 3-37313,341 3-50805,875 3-64838,110 3-79431,634 3- 94608,899 4- 10393,255 4-26808,986 4-43881,345 4-61636,599 4-80102,063 4- 99306,145 5- 19278,391 5-40049,527 5-61651,508 5- 84117,568 6- 07482,271 6-31781,562 6-57052,824 6- 83334,937 7- 10668,335 7-39095,068 7- 68658,871 7 99405,226 8- 31381,435 8-64636,692 8- 99222,160 9- 35191,046 9-72598,688 1011502,636 10-51962,741 10- 94041,251 11- 37802,901 11- 83315,017 12- 30647,617 12- 79873,522 13- 31068,463 13- 84311,201 14 39683,649 14- 97270,995 15- 57161,835 1-04500,(X)0 1 09202,500 1-14116,612 1-19251,860 1-24618,194 1-30226,012 1-36086,183 1-42210,061 1-48609,514 1-55296,942 1-62285,305 1-69588,143 1-77219,610 1-85194,492 1- 93528,244 2- 02237,015 2-11337,681 2-20847,877 2-30786,031 2-41171,402 2-52024,116 2-63365,201 2-75216,635 2- 87601,383 3- 00543,446 3-14067,901 3-28200,956 3-42969,999 3-58403,649 3-74531,813 3- 91385,745 4- 08998,104 4-27403,018 4-46636,154 4-66734,781 4- 87737,846 5- 09686,049 5-32621,921 5-56589,908 5- 81636,454 607810,094 6- 35161,548 6-63743,818 6- 93612,290 7- 24824,843 7-57441,961 7- 91526,849 8- 27145,557 8- 64367,107 9 03263,627 9- 43910,490 9-86386,463 10-30773,853 10- 77158,677 11- 25630,817 11- 76284,204 12- 29216,993 12- 84531,758 13- 42335,687 14- 02740,793 14- 65864,129 15- 31828,014 16- 00760,275 16-72794,487 17 48070,239 18- 26733,400 19- 08936,403 19- M838,541 20- 84606,276 21- 78413,558 050(X),000 10250,000 15762,500 21550,625 27528,156 34(j09,564 40710,042 4774.5,544 55132,822 628^9,463 1-71033,936 1-79585,633 1-88564,914 1- 97993,160 2- 07892,818 2 18287,409 2-29201,832 2 40661,923 2-52695,020 2-65329,771 2-78596,259 2- 92526,072 3- 07152,376 3-22509,994 3-38635,494 3-55567,269 3-73345,632 3- 92012,914 4- 11613,560 4-32194,238 4-53803,949 4- 76494,147 5- 00318,854 5-25334,797 5- 51601,537 5 79181,614 608140,694 6- 38547,729 6-70475,115 7 03998,871 7-39198,815 7- 76158,755 8- 14966,693' 8-15715,028 8- 98500,779 9- 43425,818 9-90597,109 10-40126,965 10-92133,313 10-46739,978 12- 04076,977 12 64280,826 13- 27494,868 13- 93869,611 14- 63563,092 15- 36741,246 16- 13578,308 16- 94257,224 17- 78970,085 18- 67918,589 19- 61314,519 20- 59380,245 21- 62349,257 22 70466,720 23-83990,056 25- 03 189,-559 26- 2&U9,036 27- 59766,488 28- 97754,813 3042642,553 1-06000,000 1-12360,(X)0 1-19101,600 1-26247,696 1-33822,558 1-41851,911 1-50363,026 1-59384,807 1-68947,896 1-79084,770 1- 89829,856 2- 01219,647 213292,826 2-26090,396 2 396-35,819 2 54035,168 2-69277,279 2- 85433,915 3- 02559,950 3-20713,547 3-39956,360 3-60353,742 3- 81974,966 4- 04893,464 4-29187,072 4-54938,296 4- 82234,594 5- 11168,670 5 41838,790 5- 74349,117 6- 08810,064 6-45338,668 6- 84058,988 7- 25102,528 7 68608.679 8- 14725,200 8- 63606,712 9- 15425,235 9-70350,749 10 28571,791 10- 90286,101 11- 55703,267 12- 25045,463 12- 98548,191 13- 76461,083 14- .59048,748 15- 46591,673 16- 39387,173 17- 37750,403 18- 42015,427 19- 52.")36,3.53 20- 69688,534 21- 95869,846 23- 25502,037 24- 65032,169 26- 12934,089 27- 69710,134 29-35892,742 31- 12046,307 i 32- 98769,085 i 34-96695,230 I 37-06496,£« I 39-28886,761 i 41-646l9,<-67 44-14497,165 46-79366,994 49-60129,014 52-57736,755 .55-732(0,960 59015S3,018 3 A 722 INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. II. Table showing the Present Value of .^"1 receivable at the End of any given Year, from 1 to 70 reckoning Compound Interest at 2|, 3, 3i, 4, 4^, 5, and 6 per Cent, 2|- per Cent 0-97500,976 •95181,440 •92859,941 •90595,064 •88385,429 •80229,687 •84126,524 •82074,657 •80072,836 •78119,840 •76214,478 •74355,589 •72542,038 •70772,720 •69046,556 •67362,493 •65719,.506 •64116,594 •62552,772 •61027,094 •59538,629 •58086,467 •56669,724 •55287,535 •53939,059 •52623,472 •51339,973 •50087,778 •48866,125 •47674,269 •46511,481 •45377.055 •44270,298 •43190,534 •42137,107 •41109,372 •40106,705 •39128,492 •38174,139 •37243,062 •36334,095 •35448,483 •34583,886 •33740,376 •32917,440 •32114,576 ■31331,294 ■30567,116 •29821,576 •29094,221 •28384,606 •27692,298 •27016,876 •26357,928 •25715,052 •25087,855 •24475,957 •23878,982 •23290 508 •22728,359 •22174,009 •21633,179 •21105,541 •20590,771 •20088,557 •19598,593 •19120,578 •18654,223 •18190,242 ■ •17755,358 3 per Cent 97087,379 94259,591 91514,166 88848,705 86260,878 83748,426 81309,151 78940,923 76641,673 74409,391 72242,126 701,37988 68095,134 66111,781 64186,195 62316,094 60501,645 58739,401 57028,003 55367,575 53754,928 52189,250 50669,175 49193,374 47760,556 46309,473 45018,900 43707,075 42434,030 41198,070 39998,714 38833,703 37702,025 36604,490 35538,340 34503,243 33498,294 32522,015 31575,355 30655,084 29762,800 28895,922 28054,-294 27237,178 26443,862 25673,652 24925,877 24199,880 23495,029 22810,708 22146,318 21501,280 20875,029 20207,019 19076,717 19103,609 18547,193 18006,984 17482,508 10973,309 16478,941 15998,972 15532.982 15080,505 14641,325 14214,879 13800,853 13398,887 13008,628 12629,730 per Cent. 90018,357 93351,070 90194,270 87144,223 84197,317 81350,064 78599,096 75941,156 73373,097 70891,881 68494,571 60178,330 63940,415 61778,179 59689,062 57670,591 55720,378 53836,114 52015,509 50256,588 48557,090 46915,003 45328,503 43795,713 42314,699 40883,767 39501,224 38165,434 36874,815 35627,841 34423,035 33258,971 32134,271 31047,605 29997,686 28983,272 28003,161 27056,194 26141,250 25257,247 24403,137 23577,910 22780,590 22010,231 21265,924 20546,787 19851,908 19180,645 18532,024 17905,337 17299,843 10714,824 10149,589 15603,407 15075,814 14500,004 14073,433 13597,520 13137,701 12093,431 12204,184 11849,453 11448,747 11001,591 10687,528 10320,114 09970,922 09039,538 09313,503 08998,012 4 per Cent, 0-96153,846 •92455,621 •88899,636 •85480,419 •82192,711 •79031,453 •75991,781 •73009,020 •70258,074 •67550,417 •64958,093 •62459,705 ■00057,409 •57747,508 •55520,450 •53390,818 •51337,325 •49302,812 •47404,242 •45638,695 •43883,360 •42195,539 •40572,633 •39012,147 •37511,680 ■30008,923 •34681,657 •33347,747 ■32005,141 ■30831,867 ■29646,026 •28505,794 •27409,417 •20355,209 •25341,547 •24366,872 ■■23429,085 •22528,543 •2100-2,001 •20828,904 •20027,792 ■ 19257,493 ■18516,820 •17804,635 •17119,841 •16461,386 •15828,256 •15219,476 •14634,112 •14071,262 •13530,059 •13009.672 •12509,300 •12028,173 •11505,551 •11120,722 •10093,002 •10281,733 •09880,282 ■09506,040 •09140,423 •08788,868 •08450,835 •08125,803 •07813,272 •07512,760 •07223,809 •00945,970 ■06678,818 •06421,940 4^ per Cent. 0-95693,780 •91572,995 •87029,000 •83850,134 •80245,105 •70789,574 •73482,840 •70318,513 •07290,443 •64392,768 •61619,874 •58966,386 •50427,104 •53997,280 •51072,044 •49440,932. •47317,639 •45280,037 •43330,179 •39678,743 •37970,089 •36335,013 •34770,347 •33273,000 ■31840,248 •30469,137 ■29157,069 ■27901,502 ■26700,001 •255.50,241 ■24449,991 •23397,121 •22389,589 •21425,444 •20502,817 •19619,921 •18775,044 •17960,549 •17192,870 •10452,507 •1-5744,026 ■15066,054 •14417,276 •13796,437 •13202,332 •12033,810 •12089,771 •11509,158 •11070,905 •10594,225 •10138,014 •09701,449 •09283,683 •08883,907 •08501,347 •08135,260 •07784,938 •07449,701 •07128,901 •00821,915 •065-28,148 •06247,032 •05978,021 •05720,594 •05474,253 •05238,519 •05012,937 •04797,0«9 •04590,497 5 per Cent. 95238,095 90702,948 86383,700 82270,247 78352,016 74621,540 71068,133 07083,936 64460,892 61391,325 58407,929 55083,742 53032.135 50500,795 48101,710 45811,152 43629,609 41552,005 39573,396 37088,948 35894,236 34184,987 32557,131 31006,791 29530,277 28124,073 20784,83^ 25509,364, 24294,632 23137,74.^ 22035,947 20980,617 19987,254 19035,480 18129,029 17205,741 10443,503 15000,530 14914,797 14204,56f 13528,160 12883,962 12270,440 11686,133 11129,651 10599,008 10094,921 09014,211 09150,391 08720,373 08305,117 07909,635 07532,980 07174,272 06832,640 06507,276 06197,406 05902,291 05621,230 05353,552 05098,621 04855,830 04624,600 04404,381 04194,648 03994,903 03804,670 03623,495 03450,948 03280,617 INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. 723 HI, Table showing the Amount of an Annuiw of £1 per Annum, improved at Compound Interest, at 2i, 3, 3J, 4, 4i, 5, and 6 per Cent., at the end of each Year, Irom 1 to 70. Years.' o per L/Cnt. 1 1-00000,000 1-00000,000 2 2-02500,000 2-03000,000 3 3-07562,500 3-09090,000 4 4- 15251, .562 4-18362,700 5 5-25632,852 5-30913,-581 6 6-38773,673 6-46840,988 7 7-51743,015 7-66246,218 8 8-736Il,.5')-00066,109 20- 29049,381 20-57052,542 20- 84108,736 21- 10249,987 21-35507,234 21-59910,371 21- 83488,281 22- 06268,870 22-28279,102 22-49545,026 22-70091,812 22- 89943,780 23- 09124,425 23-27656,449 23-45561,787 23-62861,630 23-79576,454 23- 95726,043 24- 11329,510 24-26405,323 24-40971,327 24-55044,760 24-68642,281 24-81779,981 24- 1)4473,412 25- 06737,596 25-18587,049 25-30035,796 25-41097,388 25-51784,916 25-62111,030 25-72087,951 25-81727,489 25-91041,053 26 00039,664 0-96153,846 1 -88609,467 2- 77509,103 3- 62989,522 4- 45182,233 5- 24213,686 600205,467 6- 73274,488 7- 43533,161 8- 11089,578 8- 76047,671 9- 38507,376 9-98564,785 10- 56312,293 11- 11838,744 11- 65229,561 12- 16566,886 12- 65929,698 13- 13393,940 13- 59032,635 14- 02915,995 14-45111,534 14- 85684,167 15- 24696,314 15-62207,995 15- 98276,918 16- 32958,575 16-66306,322 16- 98371,464 17- 29203,330 17-58849,356 17- 87355,150 18- 14764,567 18-41119,776 18-66461,323 18- 90828,199 19- 14257,880 19-36786,424 19-58448,484 19-79277,389 19- 99305,181 20- 18562,674 20-37079,494 20-54884,129 20- 72003,970 20 88465,356 21- 04293,612 21-19513,088 21-34147,200 21-48218,462 21-61748,521 21-74758,193 21-87267,493 21- 99295,667 22- 10861,218 22-21981,940 22-32674.943 22-42956,676 22-52842,957 22-62348,997 22-71489,421 22-80278,289 22-88729,124 22- ai854,927 23 04668,199 23- 12180,959 23-19404,768 23-26350,739 23-33029,-556 23-39451,497 per Cent. 5 per Cent, 0 95693,780 1- ^266,775 2- 74896,435 3- 58752,570 4- 38997,674 5- 15787,248 5- 89270,094 6- 59588,607 7- 26879,049 7- 91271,818 8- 52891,692 9- 11858,078 9-68285,242 10-22282,528 10- 73954,573 11- 23401,505 11- 70719,143 12- 15999,180 12 59329,359 13- 00793,645 13-40472,388 13- 78442,476 14- 14777,489 14-49547,837 14- 82820,896 1514661, 145 15- 45130,282 15- 74287,351 16- 02188,853 16-28888,854 16-54439,095 16- 78889,086 17 02286,207 17- 24675,796 17-46101,240 17-66604,058 17- 86223,979 18- 04999,023 18-22965,572 18 40158,442 18-56610,949 18-72354,976 18- 87421,029 19- 01838,306 19-15634,742 19-28837,074 19-41470,884 19-53560,655 19-65129,813 19-76200,778 19-86795,003 19- 96933,017 20- 06634,466 20-15918,149 £0-24802,057 20-33303,404 20-41438,664 20-49223,602 20-56673,303 20-63802,204 20-70624,119 20-77152,267 20-83399,2P8 20-89377,319 20- 95097,913 21- 00.572,165 210.'5810,685 21-10823,622 21-15620,691 21-20211,187 0- 95238,095 1- 85941,043 272324,803 3- 54595,050 4- 32947,667 5- 07569,207 5- 78637,340 6- 46321,276 7- 10782,167 7- 72173,493 8- 30641,422 8- 86325,164 9- 39357,299 9-89864,094 10-37965,804 10- 8.'r776,956 11- 27405,625 11- 68958,690 12- 08532,086 12-46221,034 12- 82115,271 13- 16300,258 13-48857,388 13- 79864,179 14- 09394,457 14-/7518,530 14-64303,362 14- 89812,726 15- 14107,358 15-37245,103 15-59281,050 15- 80267,667 16- 00254,921 1619290,401 16-37419,429 16-54685,171 16-71128,734 16- 86789,271 17 01704,067 17- 15908,636 17-29436,796 17-42320,758 17-54591,198 17-66277,331 17-77406,982 17-88006,650 17- 98101,571 18- 07715,782 18-16872,173 18-25592,546 18-33897,663 18-41807,298 18-49340,284 18-56514,556 18-63347,196 18-69854,473 18-76051,879 18-819.54,170 18-87'>75,400 18-92928,953 18- 98027,574 19 02886,404 19- 07508,003 19-11912,384 19-16107,033 19-20101,936 19-23906,606 19-27530,101 19-30981,048 19-34267,665 6 per Cent. 0- 94339,623 1- 83339,267 2- 67301,195 3- 46510,561 4- 21286,378 4- 91732,432 5- 58238,144 6- 20979,381 6- 801fi),227 7- 36008,705 7- 88687,457 8- 38384,393 8- 85268,295 9- 29498,392 971224,^98 10-10589,526 10-47725,968 10- 82760,3.47 11 15811,648 11- 46992,121 11- 76407,661 12- 04158,171 12-30337,897 12-55035,752 12- 78335,615 13- 00316,618 13-21053,413 13-40616,428 13-59072,101 13-76483,115 13- 92908,599 14- 08404,338 14-23022,961 14-36814,114 14-49824,636 14-62098,713 14-73678,031 14 84601,916 14- 94907,468 15- 04629,687 15-13801,591 15-22454,331 15-30617,294 15-38318,202 15-45583,209 15-52436,990 15-58902,821 15-65002,661 15-70757,227 . 15-76186,063 ' 15-81307,607 15-86139,252 15-90697,407 15-94997,554 15- 99054,296 16- 02881,412 1606491,898 16-09898,017 16-13lll,.3;36 16-16142,770 16-19002,613 16-21700,579 16-24245,829 16-26647,008 16-28912,272 16-31049,313 16-33065,390 16-34967,349 16-36761,650 16-38454,387 INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. 725 V. Table of Mortality; showing the Number ol Persons alive at the End of every Year, from 1 to K>0 Years of Age, out of 1,000 born together, in the different I'laces, and according to the Authorities un dermentioned. England. France. 1 Sweden" Vienna. Berlin. — Swit/cr land. Silesia. Holland. i if c o ■a .2 13 S • -•1 1 Breslaw. < . . 11 Beysham Carlisle. c g ^ M i: 3 5 Oh If ■« > Northa Depar Annuita B §• '5 (2 1 '1 Kerss: 1 Life An 1 ' 680 743 84G 745 731 708 — 780 — — • 542 T^nn 633 81 1 769 804 2 548 625 778 709 632 672 730 471 528 76.5 638 7 at the age of 65 - -J Of 100,000 persons aged^ 65, there would be alive > at the age of SO - -J Expectation of life at the 1 age of 25 - years J Expectation of life at the? age of 65 - years 3 Value of an annuity on^ a life aged 25, interest > being at 4 per cent. -J Value of an annuity on^ a life aged 65, interest > being at 4 per cent. -J Value of a deferred an. nuity commencing 65, to a life now aged 25 interest at 4 per cent in-T atf 25, f ;. -J the First Swedish Tables, as published by Dr. Price; for both Sexes. 34,286 28,738 30-85 10-88 15-438 £ 7761 £ 0-55424 By Mr. De- parcieux's Tal)le, founded on the Mortality in the French Tontines, prior to 1745. 43,137 23,704 34-58 10-10 £ 16-839 £ 7-328 £ 0-65842 51,033 29,837. 37-17 11-25 £ 17-420 £ 8 -039 £ 0-85452 By Mr. Milne's Table, founded on the Mortality observed at Carlisle. 51,335 31,577 37-86 11-79 17-645 .^•8-307 £ 0-88823 By Mr. Griffith Davies's Table, founded on the Expe- rience ot the EquhWible Life Insur- ance Office. 49,330 37,267 37-45 12-35 £ 17-494 ^8-635 £ 0-88723 By Mr. Finlaison's Table, founded on the Experience of the Govern- ment Life Annuities. According 1 According to his First to his Second] Investiga- I Investiga- tion, as men- tion, as men- tioned in his tioned in Evidence his Evidence in 1.S25. in 1827. 53,470 38,655 38-35 12-81 .£•17-534 £ 8-896 £ 0-99078 53,950 37,355 38-52 12-50 ;£ri7-634 ^8751 £ 0-98334 Note. — In all the Tables above mentioned, it is to be observed that the mortality is deduced from an equal, or nearly equal, number of each sex ; with the single exception of Mr. Davies's Table, founded on the experience of the Equitable, in which office, from the practical objects of life insurance, it is evident the male sex must have composed the vast majority of lives subjected to mortality. But as it is agreed on all hands that the duration of life among females exceeds that of males, it follows that the results of Mr. Davies's Table fall materially short of what they would have been, if the facts on which he has reasoned had comprehended an equal number of each sex. The Tables have not, in all cases, been computed at ^ per cent., the rate allowed by government. S A 4 728 INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. X. Table showing the Value op an Annuity on a Single Life, according to the Northampton Table of Mortality. Age. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. Age. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. Age. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent*| 1 16-021 13 465 11-563 33 16-343 14-347 12740 65 8-304 7761 7-488 7-276 7-034 2 18 599 15-633 13-420 34 16-142 14-195 12-623 66 7-994 3 19-575 16-462 14-135 35 15-938 14-039 12-502 67 7-682 7-211 6787 4 20-210 17-010 14-613 36 15-729 13-880 12-377 68 7-367 6-930 6-536 5 20-473 17-248 14-827 37 15-515 13716 12-249 69 7-051 6-647 6-281 6 20-727 17-482 15041 38 15-298 13-548 12-116 70 6734 6-361 6-023 7 20-853 17-611 15-166 39 15-075 13-375 11-979 71 6-418 6 075 5764 8 20-885 17-662 15 226 40 14-848 13-197 11-837 72 6-103 5-790 5-504 9 20-812 17-625 15-210 41 14-620 13-018 11-695 73 5794 5-507 5-245 10 20-663 17-523 15139 42 14-391 12-838 11-551 74 5-491 5-230 4-990 11 20-480 17-393 15043 43 14-162 12-657 11-407 75 5-199 4-962 4-744 12 20-283 17-251 14-937 44 13-929 12-472 11-258 76 4-925 4710 4-511 13 20-081 17-103 14-826 45 13-692 12-283 11-105 77 4-652 4-457 4-277 14 19-872 16 950 14-710 46 13-450- 12-089 10-947 78 4-372 4-197 4-035 15 19-657 16-791 14-588 47 13-203 11-890 10-784 79 4-077 3-921 3-776 16 19-435 16-625 14-460 48 12-951 11-685 10-616 80 3718 3-643 3-515 17 19-2-18 16-462 14-334 49 12-693 11-475 10-443 81 3-499 3-377 3-263 18 19-013 16-309 14-217 50 12-436 11-264 10-269 82 3-229 3-122 3-020 19 18-820 16-167 14-108 51 12-183 11-057 10-097 83 2-982 2-887 2-797 20 18-638 16-033 14-007 52 11-930 10-849 9-925 84 2-793 2708 2-627 21 18-470 15-912 13-917 53 11-674 10-6.37 9-478 85 2-620 2-543 2-471 22 18311 15-797 13*833 54 11 414 10-421 9 567 86 2 461 2-393 2-328 23 18-148 15 680 13746 55 11-150 10-201 9-382 87 2-312 2-251 2-193 24 17-983 15-560 13-658 56 10-882 9-977 9193 88 2-185 2-131 2-080 27 17-814 15-438 13-567 57 10-611 • 9-749 8-999 89 2-015 1-967 1-924 26 17-642 15S12 13-473 58 10-337 9-516 8-801 90 1794 1-758 1723 27 28 17-467 15-184 13-377 59 10-058 9-280 8-599 91 1-501 1-474 1-447 17-289 15-053 13-278 60 9-777 9-039 8-392 92 1-190 1-171 1-153 29 17-107 14-918 13-177 61 9-493 8795 8-181 93 0-839 0-827 0-816 30 16-922 14-781 13-072 62 9-205 8-547 7-966 94 0-536 0-530 0-524 31 16-732 14-639 12-965 63 8-910 8-291 7-742 95 0-242 0-240 0-238 32 16-540 14-495 12-854 64 8-611 8-030 7-514 96 0-000 0-000 0-000 XL Table sho-wing the Value of an Annuity on a Single Life, according to the Carlisle Table 01 Mortality. 20- 085 21- 501 22- 683 23- 285 23-693 23-846 23-867 23-801 23-677 23-512 23-327 23-143 22-957 22769 22-582 22-404 22-232 22-058 21-879 21-694 21-504 21-304 21-098 20-885 20-665 20-442 20-212 19-981 19761 19-556 19-348 19-134 18-910 18-675 18-433 16- 556 17- 728 18717 19-233 19-592 19-747 19-790 19-766 19-693 19-585 19-460 19-336 19-210 19-082 18- 956 18-837 18723 18-608 18-488 18-363 18-233 18-095 17-951 17-801 17-645 17 -486 17 -.320 17-154 16-997 16-8.'52 16-705 16-552 16-390 16-219 16 041 13- 995 14- 983' 15- 824 16- 271 16-590 16735 16-790 16786 16742 16-669 16-581 16-494 16-406 16-316 16-227 16-144 16-066 15-987 15-904 15-817 15-726 15-628 15-525 15-417 15-303 15-187 15-065 14-942 14-827 14723 14-617 U-506 14-387 14-260 14127 Age. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. Age. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. 36 18-183 15-856 13-987 70 7-123 6709 6-336 37 17-928 15-666 13-843 71 6-737 6-358 6-015 38 17-669 15-471 13-695 72 6-373 6-026 5711 39 17-405 15-272 13-542 73 6-044 5725 5-435 40 17-143 15-074 13-390 74 5-752 5-458 5-190 41 16-890 14-883 13-245 75 5-512 5-239 4-989 42 16-640 14-694 13-101 76 5-277 5-024 4-792 43 16-389 14-505 12-957 77 5-059 4-825 4-609 44 16-130 14-S08 12-806 78- 4-838 4-622 4-422 45 15-863 14-104 12-648 79 4-592 4-394 4-210 46 15-585 13-889 12-480 80 4-365 4-183 4-015 47 15-294 13-662 12-301 81 4-119 3-953 3799 48 14-986 13-419 12-107 82 3-898 3746 3-606 49 14-554 13-153 11-892 83 3-672 3-534 3-406 50 14-303 12-869 11-660 84 3-454 3-329 3-211 51 13-S32 12-566 11-410 85 3-229 3-115 3-009 52 13-558 12-258 ll-UA 86 3-033 2-928 2-830 53 13-180 11-945 10-892 87 2-873 2776 2-685 54 12798 11-627 10-624 88 2776 2-683 2-597 55 12-408 n-300 10-347 89 2-665 2-577 2-495 56 12-014 10-966 10-063 90 2-499 2-416 2-339 57 11-614 10-625 9771 91 2-481 2-398 2-321 58 11-218 10-286 9-478 92 2-577 2-492 2-412 59 10-841 9-963 9-199 93 2-687 2-600 2-518 60 10-491 9-663 8-940 94 2-736 2-650 2-569 61 10-180 9-398 8712 95 2-757 2-674 2-596 62 9-875 9-137 8-487 96 2-704 2-628 2-555 63 9-567 8-872 8-258 97 2-559 2-492 2-428 64 9-246 8-593 8-016 98 2-388 2-332 2-278 65 8-917 8-307 7-765 99 2-131 2-067 2-045 66 8-578 8-010 7-503 100 1-683 1-653 1-624 67 8-228 7700 7-227 101 1-228 1-210 1-192 68, 7-869 7-380 6-941 102 0-771 0-762 0-753 69 7-499 7-049 6-643 103 0-324 0-321 0-317 INTEREST AND ANNUITIES. 729 XIL Table showing the Value of an Annuity on the joint Con riNnANCK of Two Lives or EyuAL Ages, according to the Northampton Table of Mortality. 1 Ases. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. ■Ages. 3 per Cent. 4 \>CT Cent. 5 per Cent. Ages. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. .5 per Cent. 1 & 1 9-490 8-252 7-287 33 & 33 12-079 - 10-902 9'919 65 & 65 5 -471 5-201 ■" — 4-960 2 — o 12-789 1 1-107 9-793 34 — 34 11-902 10-759 9-801 66 — 66 5-231 4-982 4-759 3 — 3 14191 12-325 10-862 35 — 35 11-722 10-612 9 -680 67 — 67 4 989 4-7(X) 4-555 4 — 4 15-181 13-185 11-621 36 — 36 11-539 ]0"4<)2 9-555 68 — 68 4-747 4 537 4 -34s 5 — 5 15638 13-591 1 1 -984 37 — 37 1 1-351 10-307 9-427 69 — 69 4-504 4-312 4140 6 — 6 16099 14-005 12-358 38 — 38 11 -160 10-149 9 294 70 — 70 4 -261 4 -087 3-930 7^ 7 16 375 14-224 12-596 39 — 39 10-9f)4 9-986 9-158 71 — 71 4 020 3-8Ci2 3-719 8 — 8 16510 14-399 12-731 40 — 40 10-764 9-8i^0 9-OI6 72 — 72 3 -781 3-639 3-510 9 — 9 16483 14-396 12-744 41 — 41 10-;")(i5 9-654 8-87(i 73 — 73 3*548 3-421 3-304 lo- 10 16339 14-277 12-669 42 — 42 10-369 9-491 8 -737 74 — 74 3-324 3211 3-105 ll— 11 16-142 14-133 12-546 43 — 43 10-175 9-326 8-599 75 — 75 3114 3-015 2-917 12 — 12 15 926 13966 12-411 44 — 44 9-977 9-I6I 8-457 76 — 76 2926 2-833 2*750 13 — 13 15-702 13 789 12-2ii8 45 — 45 9-776 8 990 8-312 77 — 77 2-741 2-656 2-583 14- 14 15470 13-604 12-118 46 — 46 9-571 8-815 8-162 . 78 — 78 2-550 2-470 2-410 1 15 — 15 15-229 13411 II-96O 47 — 47 9-362 8-637 8-008 79 — 79 2-338 2-271 2-217 ! 16- 16 14-979 13-212 ir793 48 — 48 9-149 8-453 7 849 80 — 80 2-122 2-068 2-018 1 17- 17 14-737 13-019 1 1 -630 49 — 49 8-9.5O 8-266 7-686 81 — 81 1917 1-809 1-827 1 18 — 18 14-516 12-841 11-483 50 — 50 8-714 8-080 7-522 82 — 82 r719 1681 l-64>2 1 1Q 19 14316 12-679 11-351 51 — 51 8-507 7-900 7-366 83 83 r538 1-510 1-472 20 — 20. 14'133 12-535 11 -232 52 — 52 8-304 7-723 7-213 84 84 1-416 1-387 1-357 21- 21 13974 12-409 irisi 53 — 53 8-098 7-544 7 '056 85 85 1-309 1-339 1-256 22 — 22 13-830 12-293 11-042 54 — 54 7-891 7-362 6-897 86 86 1-218 1195 1-171 1 23 — 23 13-683 12-179 10-951 55 — 55 7-681 7-179 6-735 87 87 1-141 1-124 1-098 24 — 24 13-534 12-062 10-858 56 — 56 7-470 6-993 6-571 88 88 1-103 l-05t) 1-063 25 — 25 13-383 11-944 10-764 57 — 57 7-256 6-805 6-404 89 89 1-036 1-015 1-001 26 — 26 13-230 11-822 10-667 58 — 58 7-041 6-614 6-234 90 90 0-938 0-922 0-909 27 — 27 13074 11-699 10-567 59—59 6-826 6-421 6-062 91 91 0-769 0-756 0-748 28 — 28 12-915 11-573 10-466 60 — 60 6-606 6-226 5-888 92 92 0-591 0-583 0-576 29 — 29 12-754 11-445 10-362 61—61 6-386 6-030 5-712 93 93 0-369 0-365 0-361 30 — 30 12-589 11-313 10-255 62 — 62 6-166 5-831 5 533 94 94 0-203 0-201 0-199 31 — 31 12-422 11-179 10-146 63 — 63 5-938 5-626 5-347 95 95 0-060 0-oeo 0-059 32 — 32 12-252 11-042 10-034 64 — 64 5-709 5-417 5-158 96 96 0-000 0-000 0-000 KlIL Table showing the Value of an Annuity on the joint Continuance of Two Lives of equai Ages, according to the Carlisle Table of Mortality. Ages. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. Ages 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. Ages. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. 1& 1 14-079 11-924 10-299 36 & 36 14-477 12-919 11-627 70 & 70 4-556 4-367 4-191 2 — 2 16-155 13-671 11-793 37 — 37 14-231 12-724 11-470 71 — 71 4-217 4 050 3-S93 3 — 3 18-030 15-260 13-162 38 — 58 13-981 12-525 11-309 72 — 72 3-904 3-631 3-755 3-615 4 — 4 19 065 16-147 13 932 39 — 39 13-727 12-322 11-144 73 — 73 3-497 3-371 5 — 5 19-815 16-801 14-507 40 — 40 13-481 12-125 10-984 74 — 74 3 400 3-279 316,5 6 — 6 20-156 17-112 14789 41 — 41 13-254 11-945 10-839 75 — 75 3-231 3-119 3-015 7 — 7 20-280 17-242 14-917 42 — 42 13 036 11-772 10-701 76 — 76 3-068 2-966 2-870 8 — 8 20-261 17-251 14-942 43 — 43 12-822 11-602 10-566 77 — 77 2-927 2-833 2744 9 — 9 20-146 17-179 14-898 44 — 44 12-600 11426 10-425 78 — 78 2-784 2-698 2-617 lo- 10 19-963 17049 14-803 45 — 45 12-371 11-243 10-278 79 — 79 2-610 2-533 2-460 ll— 11 19-748 16-891 14-684 46 — 46 12-128 11-047 10-119 80 — 80 2 459 2-390 2-324 12 — 12 19-538 16737 14-568 47 — 47 11-870 10-837 9-947 81 — 81 2-283 2-222 2-163 13 — 13 19-327 16-582 14-450 48 — 48 11-591 10-607 9756 82 — 82 2-135 2 079 2-027 14 — 14 19-115 16-425 14-331 49 — 49 11-279 10-345 9-535 ■83 — 83 1-978 1-929 1-882 15 — 15 18-908 16-272 14-215 50 — 50 10-942 10-059 9-291 84 — 84 1-82.5 1782 1741 16 — 16 18719 16-134 14-112 51 — 51 10-579 9-748 9023 85 — 85 1-657 1-619 1-583 17 — 17 18-542 16-007 14-018 52 — 52 10-215 9-434 8-751 86 — 86 1-509 1-476 1-444 18 — 18 18-365 15-880 13 925 53 — 53 9-849 9-117 8-474 87 — 87 1-389 1-359 1-331 19 — 19 18-182 15748 13-827 54 — 54 9-480 8796 8-192 88 — 88 1-328 1-301 1-275 20 — 20 17-993 15-610 13-724 55 — 55 9-103 8-465 7-900 89 — 89 1-248 1-223 1-199 21 — 21 17-797 15-466 13-616 56 — 56 8-721 8-128 7-600 90 — 90 1-088 1066 1-045 22 — 22 17-588 15-310 13-497 57 — 57 8-334 7783 7-293 91- 91 1-050 1-028 1-007 2.3 — 23 n-m 15-148 13-372 58- 58 7-954 7-444 6-988 92 — 92 1-120 1-C96 1-073 24 — 24 17-148 14-978 13-240 59 — 59 7-605 7-131 6705 93 — 93 1-226 1-199 1-173 2.5 — 25 16-916 14-800 13-101 60 — 60 7-295 6-854 6 456 94 — 94 1-302 1-273 1-245 26 — 26 16-681 14-620 12-960 61 — 61 7-044 6-630 6-257 95 — 95 1-383 1-353 1-323 27 — 27 16-437 14-431 12-811 62 — 62 6-804 6-417 6-067 96 — 96 1-424 1-394 1-364 28 — 28 16-196 14-244 12663 63 — 63 6-563 6-202 5-875 97 — 97 1-395 1-366 1-339 i 29 — 29 15-976 14075 12-530 64 — 64 6-308 5 974 5-669 98 — 9S 1-375 1-349 1-323 30- 30 15-784 13-930 12-419 65 — 65 6-047 5-738 5-456 99 — 99 1-294 1-272 1-251 1 31- 31 15-591 13-784 12-308 66 — 66 5774 5-490 5-230 100 — 100 0-991 0-976 0-962 32 — 32 15-392 13-632 12-191 67- 67 5-486 5-3.28 4-990 101 — 101 0 687 0-679 0-670 33 — 33 15-180 13-469 12-064 68 — 68 5-188 4954 4737 102 — 102 0387 0-383 0-379 34 — 34 14-954 13-294 11-926 i 69 — 4-877 4-666 4-471 103 — 106 0-108 0-107 0-106 35 — 35 14720 13111 11-780 730 INTEREST ANT) ANNUITIES. XIV. Table showing the Value of an Annuity on the Joint Continuance of Two Lives, when the Diffeu- ENCB OF Age is Five Years, according to the Northampton Table of Mortality, Ages. 3 er Cent. 4 er Cent! 5 er Cent. Ages. 3 ler Cent! 4 Cent. Cmt. Ages. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. < X Of Q 12-346 10-741 9-479 32 & 37 11-775 10-659 9-716 62 & 67 5-503 5-285 1 2 J 14-461 12-581 11-100 33 28 11-591 10-508 9-591 63 — 68 5-265 5-017 4-786 3 8 15-300 13-319 11-755 34 11-404 10-354 9 46 J 64 — 69 5-025 4-798 4-585 4 9 15-809 13-775 12-165 35 4Q 11-213- 10-196 9331 65 — 70 4782 4-573 4-378 5 10 15-974 13-933 12-315 36 42 11-021 10-037 9 198 66 — 71 4-540 4-349 4-169 g 21 16-110 14-068 12-447 37 42 10-828 9-877 9-062 67 — 72 4-298 4-124 3-96O J 12 16137 14111 12-498 38 42 10-634 9-716 8-927 68 — 73 4-059 3-901 3-752 8 13 16-089 14-089 12-492 39 44 10 437 9-550 8787 69 — 74 3-825 3 683 3-347 g 14 15-957 13 992 12-421 40 45 10-235 9-381 8-643 70 — 75 3-599 3-471 3-347 15 15-762 13-841 12-302 42 4g 10-033 9-210 8 -497 71 — 76 3-386 3-270 3259 ll — 16 15-538 13-664 12158 42 47 9-829 9-037 8-350 72 — 77 3-175 3-070 2-971 22 27 15-308 13-480 12-009 43 48 9-623 8-862 8-200 40 — /8 2-963 2-869 2-780- 1Q I'i — 18 15086 13-303 11-864 44 4g 9414 8 683 8-046 74 — 79 2-743 2-659 2-580 1 24 29 14-870 13-130 11-723 45 50 9-204 8-503 7-891 40 80 2-526 2-448 2-381 25 20 14-660 12-961 11-585 46 52 8-997 8-326 7-737 76 — 81 2-325 2-258 2-195 2g 21 14-457 12-799 11-452 47 52 8-790 8147 7-582 77 — 82 2-131 2-077 2-013 27 22 14265 12-646 11-327 48 53 8-579 7-965 7-424 10 83 1-947 1-899 1-838 28 23 14-082 12-500 11-209 49 54 8-366 7-780 7-262 79 — 84 1-792 1 751 1-750 19 — 24 13-908 12-361 11-096 50 — 55 8-151 7 593 7-098 80 — 85 1-645 1-608 1-573 20 — 25 13-741 12-229 10-989 51 — 56 7-910 ■ 7-409 6-936 81 — 86 1-510 1-478 1-447 21 — 26 13-584 12-105 10-890 52 — 57 7-730 7-225 6-774 82 — 87 1-385 1-356 1-329 22 — 27 13-4:33 11-987 10-796 53 — 58 7-518 7-039 6-609 83 — 88 1-284 1-259 1-235 23- 28 13-280 11-866 10-699 54 — 59 7-304 6-850 6-442 84 — 89 1-187 1 11 t 1-145 24 — 29 13-124 11-743 10-600 55 — 60 7-088 6-659 6272 85 — 90 1-074 1-054 1-038 25 — 30 12-966 11-618 10-499 56 — 61 6-870 6-465 6100 86 — 91 0-921 0-902 0-892 2fi — 31 12-805 11-489 10-396 57 — 62 6-651 6 270 5-925 87 — 92 0-755 0-738 0-734 27 — 32 12-641 11-359 10-289 58 — 63 6-427 6-070 5-744 88 — 93 0-561 0-554 0-547 28 — 33 12-474 11-225 10-181 59 — 64 6-201 5-867 5-561 89 — 94 0-377 0-373 0-369 29 — 34 12-304 11-088 , 10-069 60 -65 5-970 5-658 5-372 90 — 95 0-179 0-177 0-175 SO — 35 12-131 10948 9 954 61 -66 5-737 5-447 5-180 91 — 96 0-000 0-000 0-000 31 — 36 1 11-955 10-805 9-837 XV. Table showing the Value of an Annuity on the Joint Continuance of Two Lives, when the Dif FERENCE OF Age IS FivE Years, according to the Carlisle Table of Mortality. Ages. 1 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. Ages. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. Ages. 3 per Cent. 4 per Cent. 5 per Cent. 1 & 6 16-828 14-269 12-331 34 & 39 14-290 12-773 11-508 67 & 72 4-580 4-386 4-207 2 — 7 18-087 15-341 13-258 35 — 40 14-048 12-581 11-354 68 — 73 4-297 4-123 3-961 3 — 8 19-100 16-214 14-019 36 — 41 13-812 12-394 11-204 69 — 74 4 035* 4-878 3-731 4 — 9 19-584 16-644 14-402 37 — 42 13-579 12-209 11-056 70- 75 3-804 3-661 3-528 5 — 10 19-874 16-913 14-649 38 — 43 13-346 12-024 10-907 71 — 76 3-568 3-439 3-319 6 — 11 19-935 16-989 14-731 39 — 44 13-107 11-833 10-753 72- 77 3-353 3-237 3-127 7 — 12 19-889 16-975 14736 40 — 45 12-868 11-641 10-598 73 — 78 3-152 3-047 2-948 8 — 13 19-771 16-900 14-689 41 —46 12-630 11-450 10-444 74 — 79 2-952 2-857 2767 9 — 14 19-606 16-785 14-606 42 — 47 12-389 11-256 10-287 75 — 80 2-790 . 2-704 2-623 iO — 15 19-410 16-643 14-500 43 — 48 12-139 11-053 10-121 76 — 81 2-618 2-540 2-467 . 11 — 16 19-208 16-495 14-389 44 — 49 11-868 10-830 9-937 77 — 82 2 471 2-400 2-353 12 — 17 19014 16-354 14-284 45 — 50 11-580 10-591 9-737 78 — 83 2-318 2-255 2-194 13- 18 •18-820 16-213 14-178 46 — 51 11-271 10-332 9 -51 9 79 — 84 2-155 2-099 2-045 14 — 19 18-622 16-068 14-069 47 — 52 10-955 10-065 9-292 80 — 85 1-993 1-943 1-895 15 — 20 18-423 15-922 13-959 48 — 53 10-628 9-787 9 054 81 — 86 1-834 1-790 1-747 16 — 21 18-230 15-781 13-853 49 — 54 10-284 9-492 8-799 82 — 87 1-704 1-664 1-626 1 17 — 22 18-036 15 639 13-746 50 — 55 9-924 9-181 8-528 83 — 88 1-606 1-569 1-535 ! 18 — 23 17-838 15-493 13-636 51—56 9-550 8-855 8-242 84 — 89 1-496 1-464 1-433 19 — 24 17-633 15-341 13-520 52 — 57 9172 8-524 7-950 85 — 90 1-835 1-307 1-279 1 20 — 25 17-421 15-182 13-398 53 — 58 8797 8-194 7-657 86 — 91 1-255 1-229 1-203 1 21 — 26 17-204 15-019 13-272 54 — 59 8-439 7-876 7-375 87 — 92 1-245 1-218 1-192 ! 22 — 27 16-977 14-846 13-137 55 — 60 8-098 7-574 7-106 88 — 93 1-272 1-245 1-219 i 23 — 28 16747 14-670 13-000 56 — 61 7788 7-299 6-860 89 — 94 1-266 1-240 1-214 j 24 — 29 16-524 14-500 12-867 57 — 62 •7-480 7-025 6-615 90 — 95 1-217 1191 1-167 1 25 — 30 16-311 14-339 12742 58 — 63 7-175 6-752 6-370 91 — 96 1-210 1-185 1-161 26- 31 16-097 14-176 12-615 .59 — 64 6-875 6-482 6-127 92 — 97 1-230 1-205 1-181 27 — 32 15-875 14-006 12-482 60 — 65 6-589 6-225 5-89 93 — 98 1-262 1-238 1-215 28- 33 15-648 13-830 12-344 61 — 66 6-323 5 986 5-678 94 — 99 1-234 1-212 1-191 29 — 34 15-424 13-657 12-206 62 — 67 6-054 5-743 5-458 95 — 100 1-072 1-055 l-0.'38 30 — 35 15-209 13-491 12-078 63 — 68 5 779 5-493 5-230 96 — 101 0-851 0-839 0-828 31 — 36 14-989 13 321 11-944 64 — 69 5-490 5-229 4-988 97 — 102 0-568 0-562 0-555 32 — 37 14764 13-146 11-806 65 — 70 5-193 4-956 4737 98 — 103 0-254 0-2.^2 0-249 33 — 38 14-531 12-964 11-661 66 — 71 4-882 4-667 4-469 The Northampton Table (Na VII.), by under-rating the duration of life, was a very advantageous guide for the insurance offices to go by in insuring lives; but to whatever extent it miglit be beneficial to them in this respect, it became equally injurious when they adoi)ted it as a guide in selling annuities. And yet, singular as it may seem, some of the insurance offices granted annuities on the same terms that they insured lives ; not perceiving that, if they gained by the latter transaction, they must obviously lose by the former. Government al.so continued for a lengthened period to sell annuities according to the Northampton Tables, and without making any distinction between male and female lives ! A glance at the Tables of M. Dei>arcicux ought to have satisfied them that they were proceeding on entirely false principles. But, in despite even of the admonitions of some of the most skilful mathematicians, this system was persevered in till within these few years ! We understand that the loss thence arising to the public may be moderately estimated at 2,000,000/. sterling. Nor will this appear a largo sum to those who recollect that, supposing interest to be 4 per cent., there is a diff'orencc of no less than 91/. Is. in the value of an annuity of 50A for life, to a person aged 45, between the Northampton and Carlisle Tables. INVOICE. — IONIAN ISLANDS. 731 INVOICE, an account of goods or merchandise sent by merchants to Ihcir cor- respondents at home or abroad, in whicli the peculiar marks of each package, with other particulars, arc set forth. — (Sec example, ante, p. 149.) IONIAN ISLANDS, the name given to tlie islands of Corfu, Paxo, Santa Maura, Ithaca, Cephalonia, Zante, Cerigo, and their dependent islets. With the exception of Cerigo, which lies opposite to the south-eastern extremity of the Morea, the rest lie pretty contiguous, along the western coasts of Epirus and Greece ; the most northerly point of Corfu being in lat. 39° 48' 15" N., and the most southerly point of Zante (Cape Kieri, on which there is a light-house) being in lat. 37° 38' 35 ' N. Kapsali, the port of Cerigo, is in lat. 36° 7' 30" N., Ion. 23^" E. The area and present population of the different islands may be estimated as follows : — Islands. Area in Square Miles, 15 to a Degree. Population. Corfu - - Cephalonia . . - Zante ... . . Santa Maura - . - - Ithaca and Calamos - - - . Cerigo and Cerigotto ' • » - » Paxo and Antipaxo - - . > Totals 10-76 16-20 5-60 5-25 3- 32 4- 50 1-90 59,839 56,589 35,422 18,108 9,387 8,550 4,953 47-12* 192,848 Soil and Climate. — These are very various — Zante is the most fruitful. It consists principally of an extensive plain, occupied by plantations of currants, and having an air of luxuriant fertility and richness. Its climate is comparatively equal and fine, but it is very subject to earthquakes. Corfu and Cephalonia are more rugged and less fruitful than Zante ; and the former from its vicinity to the snowy mountains of Epirus, and the latter from the Black Mountain (the Mount ^Enos of antiquity) in its interior, are exposed in winter to greatand sudden variations of temperature. In Januiiry, 1833, the cold was more rigorous than usual, the frost damaging to a great extent the oranges and vines of these islands and those of Santa Maura. The latter is, in the hot season, exceedingly unhealthy, — a consequence of the vapours arising from the marshes, and the shallow seas to the N.E. Cerigo is rocky and sterile ; it is subject to continued gales, and the currents seldom permit its waters to remain unruffled. History, Government, S(c. — These islands have undergone many vicissitudes. Corfu, the ancient Cor- cyra, was famous in antiquity for its naval power, and for the contest between it and its mother state Corinth, which eventually terminated in the Peloponnesian war. Ithaca, the kingdom of Ulysses ; Cephalonia, sometimes called Dulichium, from the name; of one of its cities; Zante, or Zacyntlius; Santa Maura, known to the ancients by the names of Leucas or Leucadia, celebrated for its promontory, surmounted by a temple of Apollo, whence Sappho precipitated herself into the ocean ; and Cerigo, or Cythera, the birth-place of Helen, and sacred to Venus ; — have all acquired an immortality of renown. But, on com. paring their present with their former state, we may well exclaim, — Heu quantum hcsc Niobe, Niobe distabat ah ilia ! — After innumerable revolutions, they fell, about 350 years ago, under the dominion of Venice. Since the downfall of that republic, they have had several protectors, or rather masters, being successively under the dominion of the Russians, the French, and the English. By the treaty of Paris, in 1815, they were formed into a sort of semi-independent state. They enjoy an internal government of their own, under the protection of Great Britain ; a Lord High Commissioner, appointed by the king of England, having charge of the foreign relations, and of the internal, maritime, and sanitary police. His Majesty's com- mander-in-chief has the custody of the fortresses, and the disposal of the forces. It is stipulated in the treaty of Paris, that the islands may be called upon for the pay and subsistence of 3,000 men, as well as for the repair of their fortresses occupied by the British troops. The executive government is vested in a president nominated by the commissioner, and a senate of 5 members (1 for each of the larger islands of Corfu, Cephalonia, Zante, and Santa Maura, and 1 representing collectively the smaller ones of Ithaca, Cerigo, and Paxo, by each of which he is elected in rotation). The senators are elected at the com- mencement of every quinquennial parliament (subject to a negative from the commissioner) from a legislative chamber of 40 members, themselves elected by the constituencies of the difierent islands, for 5 years. The senate and legislative assembly, together with the commissioner, are thus the supreme authority : they are, when united, termed the Parliament, and, as such, pass, amend, and repeal laws, in the mode prescribed by the constitution of 1817. Besides the general government, there is in each island a local administration, composed of a regent, named by the senate, and from 2 to 5 municipal officers elected by their fellow citizens. The State of Society, in these islands, is far from being good, and was formerlv.he most depraved ima- ginable. The people, when they were placed under the regis of England, were at once lazy, ignorant, superstitious, cowardly, and bloodthirsty. Their vices may, we believe, be, in a great degree, ascribed to the government and religion established amongst them. The latter consisted of little more than a series of fasts and puerile observances; while the former was both weak and corrupt. The Venetians appointed to situations of power and emolument belonged mostly to noble but decayed f:imilies, and looked upon their offices merely as means by which they might repair their shattered fortunes. Hence the grossest corruption pervaded every department. There was no crime for which impunity might not be purchased. Justice, in fact, was openly bought and sold ; and suits were decided, not according to the principles of law or equity, but by the irresistible influence of faction or of gold. In consequence, the islands became a prey to all the vices that afflict and degrade a corrupt and semi-barbarous society. Sandys, one of the best English travellers who ever visited the Levant, having touched at Zante in 1610, expresses himself with respect to the inhabitants as follows : — " In habite they imitate the Italians, but transcend them in their revenges, and infinitely less civil. They will threaten to kill a merchant that will not buy their commodities ; and make more conscience to breake a last than commit a murther. He is weary of his life that hath a difference with any of them, and will walke abroad after daylight But cowardice is joined with their crueltie, who dare doe nothing but sodainly upon advantage ; and are ever privately armed. They are encouraged to villainies by the remissnesseof their laws. The labourers do go into the fields with swords and partizans, as if in an enemie's countrey ; bringing home their oils and wines in hogskins, the inside turned out."— (p. 7. ed. 1637.) • This is equal to 1001-3 Englirh square miles of 69-15 to the degree. 732 IONIAN ISLANDS. If the Zantiotes did hot deteriorate during the next 2 centuries, which, indeed, was hardly pos- sible, they certainly did not improve. Dr. Holland, by whom they were visited in 1812, fells us that he heard, " on sure authority, that the number of assassinations in Zante has been more than 1 for each day of the year, though the population was only WfiOO I {Travels in the Ionian Isles, &c. 4to ed. p. 23.) Matters were, if not quite so bad, very little better in the other islands. In Cephalonia, the inhabitants were divided into factions, entertaining the most implacable animosities, and waging a war of extermination against each other. A little vigour on the part of their rulers would have served to suppress their mur- derous contestR But this was not an object they wished to attain : on the contrary, their selfish and crooked policy made them seek to strengthen their own, power by fomenting the dissensions that prevailed amongst their subjects. — {Bellin, Descriptmi du Golfe de Venise, p. 165.) Considering the state of so- ciety at home, we need not wonder that the Cephalonians, who were distinguished among the islanders for activity and enterprise, were much addicted to emigration. The Venetians attempted to check its pre- valence; but, as they neglected the only means by which it could be prevented, — the establishment of security and good order at home, — their efforts were wholly unsuccessful. The islanders did not, however, satisfy themselves with attempting to stab and prey upon each other. They were much addicted to piracy, particularly the inhabitants of Santa Maura and Cerigo ; and it has been alleged that the Venetian government participated in the profits of this public robbery, which, at all events, they took little pains to suppress. A long series of years will be required to eradicate vices so deeply rooted, and to effect that thorough change in the habits and morals of the people that is so indispensable. The power and influence of the British government has already, however, had a very decided effect : assassination has become com. paratively unknown ; pirac> has been suppressed ; and a spirit of industry, sincerity, and fair dealing is beginning to manifest itself. The present generation of nobles possess a superior degree of information, and a knowledge of the true interests of their country, which, if not all that could be wished, was, at least, unknown to their fathers. It is not easy to exaggerate the difficulties with which Sir Thomas Maitland had to struggle during the first years of the British government. He was opposed by every means that feudal rancour, corruption, and duplicity could throw in his way. Those accustomed to the treachery, shuffling, and jobbing of the Venetian and Russo-Turkish governments, and the intrigues of the French, could neither appreciate nor understand the plain, straightforward course natural to British officers. These difficulties have, however, materially diminished ; and it is to bo hoped that the influence of our example, and of that education now pretty generally diffused, will gradually accomplish the re- generation of the islanders. Manufactures, <^c.— These islands possess few manufactures properly so termed. The wives of the villaTii, or peasants, spin and weave a coarse kind of woollen cloth, sufficient in great part for the use of their fa- mines. A little soap is made at Corfu and Zante. The latter manufactures a considerable quantity of silk gros-de-Naples and handkerchiefs; the art of dyeing is, however, too httle studied, and the esta- blishments are on too small a scale. The peasantry, in general, are lazy, vain, delighting in display, and very superstitious. Those of Zante and Cephalonia are more industrious than the Corfiotcs ; in the first, particularly, their superior condition is probably to be ascribed, in part at least, to the nobles residing more on their estates in the country, and contributing, by their example, to stimulate industry. In Corfu, the taste for the city life, which prevailed in the time of the Venetian government, still operates to a great degree. The Corfiote proprietor resides but little in his villa; his land is neglected, while he continues in the practice of his forefathers, who preferred watching opportunities at the seat of a corrupt govern, ment, to improving their fortunes by the more legitimate means of honourable exertion and attention to their patrimony. In this respect, however, a material change for the better has taken place during the last 20 years. Imports of Grain, S(C. — Great part of the land is held under short tenures, on the metayer system, the tenant paying half the produce to the landlord. Owing to.the nature of the soil, and the superior attention given to the culture of olives and currants, the staple products of the islands, most part of the grain and cattle required for their consumption is imported. The hard wheat of Odessa is preferred, and about 800,000 dollars may be annually sent to the Black Sea in payment. The imports of wheat in 1826 wer- 178,288 moggi, or about 891,440 bushels. The parliament, in March, ISSS, repealed the duties on the in. troduction of corn ; and the grain monopoly of Corfu, which had been established in favour of govern- ment, in order to provide against the possibility of a general or partial scarcity, was then also suffered to expire. These 2 sources of revenue, while they existed, did not probably produce less than 20,000/. annually. Cattle. — They are similarly dependent upon Greece and Turkey for supplies of butcher's meat ; a small number only of sheep and goats being bred in the islands. Oxen, whether for agriculture or the slaughter- house, are brought from Turkey, to the annual amount of more than 90,000 dollars. The beef eaten by the troops is 6 weeks or 2 months walking down from the Danube, and the provinces that skirt it, to the shores of Epirus, where they remain in pasture until fit for the table. Exports. — The staple exports from these islands are oil, currants, valonia, wine, soap, and salt. The first is produced in great abundance in Corfu and Paxo, and in a less quantity in Zante, Santa Maura, and Cephalonia. Corfu has, in fact, the appearance of a continuous olive wood ; a consequence, partly, of the extraordinary encouragement formerly given to the culture of the plant by the Venetians. Although there is a harvest every year, the great crop ijs properly biennial ; the tree generally reposing for a year after its effort. (In France and Piedmont the period of inactivity is of 2 and 3 years.) During 5 or 6 months, from October till April, the country, particularly in Corfu, presents an animated appearance, persons of all ages being busily employed in picking up the fruit. It is calculated that the islands produce, one year with another, about 95,000 barrels, of 18 gallons each, and that of this quantity 80,0(X) are exported, prin- cipally to Trieste. The average price may be about \l. lis. per barrel. Under the old Venetian system, the oil could only be carried to Trieste. An ad valorem duty of 191 per cent., payable on the export, pro- duces upon an average 28,000/. annually. The quality might be much improved by a little more care in the manufacture, the trees being generally finer than in any other country. Currants, originally introduced from the Morea, are grown in the isles of Zante, Cephalonia, and Ithaca, but principally in the first. The plant is a vine of small size and delicate nature, the cultivation 'of which re(juires much care. Six or 7 years elapse af^er a plantation has been niade, before it yields a crop. In the beginning of October, the earth about the roots of the plant is loosened, and gathered up in small heaps, away from the vine, which is pruned in March ; after which the ground is again laid down smooth arouna the plant, which grows low, and is supi)orted by sticks. The crops are liable to injury in spring from the blight called the " brina," and rainy weather at the harvest season produces great mischief. The cur- rants are gathered towards Sep;embcr, and, after being carel\illy picked, are thrown singly upon a stone floor, exposed to the sun in the open air. The drying process may occupy a fortnight or longer, if the weather be not favourable. A heavy shower or thunderstorm (no unfrequent occurrence at that season) not only interrupts it, but sometimes causes fermentation. The fruit is then only fit to be given to animals. Should it escape these risks, it is deposited in magazines called " scranlie," until a ])urchaser casts up. The " sffragltcnie," or warehouse keeper, delivers to the depositor a paper acknowledging the receipt of the quantity delivered, which passes currently in exchange fVoin hand to hand till the time of export. Under the old Venetian government, the liberty of traffic in this produce was exceedingly restricted. In Zante,'.') persons chosen out of the council of nobles assembled in presence of the provcditorc, regulated what should BC the price ; and those who wished to purchase were under the necessity of declaring to the govern. IONIAN ISLANDS. 733 ment the quantity they desired. This system was called the " collcgcttoy * The export duties consisted of an original duty of 9 per cent, ad valorem; a dazw Jisso, or fixed duty of about 4a-. 4. 935 12 2,504 12 2,478 15 11 Total erpenditure - 157,954 8i The Ionian republic affords, perhaps, the only example of a state expending nearly a Jonrtli part of its revenue on public works and fortresses. Without, however, questioning the importance of the objects for which so heavy an expense has been incurred, we are inclined to think that the industry and prosperity of the islands would be far more likely to be advanced by the eflectual reduction of the duties on the ex- portation of oil and currants than by any, even the most judicious outlay of the revenue derived from them. The tovrn is but indifferently built. Population about 17,000, exclusive of the military. The fortifications are very strong, both towards the sea and the land. The canal has deep water throughout ; its navigation, which is a little difficult, has been much facilitated by the erection of a light-house on the rock of Tignoso in the northern entrance, where the chamiel is less than a mile in width ; and by the mooring of a floating light oSF PmU. — The principal ports in the Ionian republic are Corfii and Zante in the islands of the same name, and .Argostoli in Cephalonia. The city and port of Corfu lie on the east side of the island, on the canal or channel between it and the op- posite continent, which is here about 5 miles wide. The cita- del, which projects into the sea. is furnished with a light-house, 240feet high ; the l«ter being in lat. 39" 37' N., Ion. 1 9" 56' E. * A bill for reviving this mstitution, brought in by a Zantiote member, passed the legislative assembly in May, 1833 ; but the senate threw it out, trusting that the enactments mentioned in this article would suffice to relieve the grower from the usurious oppression of the currant speculator. 7345 IPECACUANHA. — IRON. Point Leschlmo, in the southern entrance. Ships anchor be- tween the small but well fortified island of Vido and the city, in from 12 to 17 fathoms water. The port, or rather {^If, of Argostoli in Cephalonia lies on the south-west side of the island. Cape Aji, forming its south- western extremitj', is in lat. 38° 8' 40" N., Ion. 20" 23' 30" E. Cape San Nicolo, forming the other extremity, is about 4| miles from Cape A ji ; and between them, witliin about Ih mile of the latter, is' the small islet of Guardiani, on which is a light- nouse. From this island the gulf stretches N. J W. from 7 to 8 miles inland. The town of Argostoli lies on the west side of a haven on the east side of the gulf formed by Point Statura. The situation is low and rather unhealthy. When visited by Dr. Holland, its population did not exceed 4,000. Its appear- ance and police, particularly the latter, have been much im- proved since its occupation by tlie English. There is deep »vater and good anchorage ground in most parts of the gulf. The best entrance is between Cape San Nicolo and Gucirdiani, keeping rather more than a mile to the eastward of the latter, on account of a reef that extends N.E. and S.W. from it nearly that distance. The port and city of Zante are situated on the eastern side of the island, in lat. 37" 47' N., Ion. 20° 64' 42" E. The city, the largest in the Ionian Islands, extends along the shore for nearly 1^ mile, but it is no where above 300 yards in breadth, except where it ascends the hill on which the citadel is erected. The style of building is chiefly Italian ; and the interior of the city displays every where great neatness, and even a certain degree of magnificence. Population estimated by Dr. Holland at from 16,000 to 18,000. It has a mole or jetty of considerable utility, at the extremity of whith a light-house is erected ; and a lazaretto, situated a little to the soufh-west. The harbour is capacious. Ships anchor opposite the town at from 500 to 1,000 yards' distance, in from 12 to 15 fathoms, availing themselves of the protection of the mole when the wind is from the N.E. When our troops took possession of Zante, in 1810, the fortifications were found to be in very bad repair ; but immense sums have since been expended upon their im- provement and extension. Trade with England. — This is but of very limited extent ; a consequence, principally, of the enormous duty on currants. During the year 1831, we imported from the Ionian Islands 162,303 cwt. currants, 22^ tons fustic, 251 cwt. flax, 100,242 gallons olive oil, 7,461 cwt. valonia, and 898 gallons wine. The real or declared value of the arliclts of British produce and manufacture exported to them during the same year, amounted to only 50,883<. The total value of the imports from all countries in 1831 is estimated at 510,753/., and that of the exports at 248,058Z. But a considerable part of the imports is not destined for the consumption of the islands, but is sent thither merely as to a convenient entrepot, being intended for the supply of the con- tiguous provinces of Greece and Turkey. The amount of ex- ports depends materially on the circumstance whether the year be one in which there is, or is not, a crop of olives. Shipping. — The entries (in tons) for 1826, the last year for which we have seen any detailed statement, were as follows : — Flags. Tons. Flags. Tons. Ionian 169,371 Papal 11,856 Britiih - - 27,116 Sardinian 9,753 Austrian 92,541 Turkish - 5,421 Russian 3,869 Greek 7,620 French 2,908 All other - - 3,393 Neapolitan 13,179 Total 347,027 Money. — Accounts are kept in sterling money. Spanish doubloons pass at 3*. 6d., Spanish dollars at 4*. 4d., and Ve- netian dollars at 4*. Exchange with Enghu^d at J. per dollar. Weights. — The pound, peso groaso, or great weight of 12oz. = 7,384 grains Troy ; 94-8 lbs. = 100 lbs. avoirdupois. The pound, peso sottile, or small weight, used for precious metals and drugs, is l-3d lighter than the foregoing ; 12 oz. peso sottile corresponding to 8 oz. peso grosso. The oke, used in the southern islands, weighs about 18,900 grains Troy, or 27/10 lbs. avoirdupois. The Levant cantar, or quintal, should contain 44 okes. The migliajo (1,000 lbs.), for currants, in Zante, is 1 per cent. lighter tlian for other articles. Measures of Lmgth. — The Venetian foot of 12 onu^ = 13| inches English. Passo = 5 A'enetian feet. Braccio, for cloths, &c. = 27 3/16 inches English. Do. for silks = 25 3/8 Land is measured by the misura or 1/8 of a moggio, or bacile ; 400 square jtassi being 1 misura, or bacile, about 3/10 of an acre English. Vineyards are measured by the zappada ; 3 zappade (a com- puted day's work) being 1 misura. Fire-wood is measured by the square passo, usually, however, only 2 feet thick, this depending on the quality of the wood. Stone is measured by the patso cube. Measures of Capacity Corn. Corfu and Paxo : Moggio of 8 misure, about 5 Win- chester bushels. Cephalonia : Bacile should contain SO lbs. peso grosso, best quality wheat. Zante : Bacile should contain 72 lbs. peso grosso, best qua- lity wheat. Santa Maura : Cado, of 8 crivelli, 4 = 3 mog. ; 1 cado = 3| bushels English. Ithaca : 5 Bacile = 1 moggio. Cerigo : Child, the meaisure of Constantinople, = 1 bushel English. Wine. — Corfu and Paxo : 32 quartucci = 1 jar, and 4 javs = 1 barrel = 18 English wine gallons.- Cephalonia and Ithaca: 2 quartucci = 1 boccale; 12 boc- cali = 1 seochio ; 6 secchio = 1 barrel = 18 English wine gallons. Zante: 13 1/3 quartucci = 1 lire; 40 quartucci = 1 jar ; 3 jars = 1 barrel = 17 5/8 English wine gallons. Santa Maura : 22 quartucci = 1 stamno ; 6 stamni = 1 barrel = 18 English wine gallons. Cerigo : 2 agosten = 1 boccia ; 30 boccie = 1 barrel = 18 English wine gallons. Oil — Corfu and Paxo : 4 quartucci = 1 miltro ; 6 miltri = 1 jar ; 4 jars = 1 barrel = 18 English wine gallons. Cephalonia : 9 pagliazzi = 1 barrel = 18 Eng. wine galls. Zante : 9 Ure, or 3 jars of 46 qu. each = 1 barrel = 17 5/8 English wine gallons. Santa Maura : 7" stamni = 1 barrel = 18 Eng. wine galls. Ithaca: 13 pagliazzi =1 — =18 Cerigo : 24 bozze = 1 — =14 0/5 Salt. — Centinajo, about 4,000 lbs. Venetian peso grosso. Lime. — Corfu, measure of 4 English cubic feet. In compiling this article, we have consulted, besides the works referred to above, the Voyage Historique, Pittoresmte, Sfc., by Saint Sauveur, — a diffuse but valuable work, 'rhe account of Zante, in the last volume (tomeiii. pp. 101—278.),, is particularly good. We have also looked into the Voyage en Grecc of Scrofani, 3 tomes, Paris, 1^01 ; the Archives du Com~ merce ; the Papers laid before the Finance Committee, (Sec. But by far the most important part of the information we have been able to lay before the reader has been derived from manuscript notes obligingly communicated by Lord King, late secretjury to the British government in these islands. IPECACUANHA (Fr. Ipecacuanha; Ger. Amerikanische hrechwurzel ; It. Ipe^ coicanna ; Port. Cipo de camaras, Ipecacuanha ; Sp. Ipecacuana, Raiz de oro), the root of i\ perennial plant ( Cephaelis ipecacuanha') growing in Brazil and other parts of South America. It is, from its colour, usually denominated white, grey, or ash-coloured, and brown. Little of the first variety is found in the shops. The grey and brown varieties are brought to this country in bales from Rio Janeiro. Both are in short, wrinkled, variously bent and contorted pieces, which break with a resinous fracture. The grey is about the thickness of a small quill, full of knots and deep circular fissures, that nearly reach down to a white, woody, vascular cord that runs through the heart of each piece ; the external part is compact, brittle, and looks smooth : the brown is smaller, more wrinkled, of a blackish brown colour on the outside, and whitish within : the white is woody, and has no wrinkles. The entire root is inodorous ; but the powder has a faint, disagreeable odour. The taste is bitter, sub-acrid, and extremely nauseous. In choosing ipecacuanha, the larger roots, which are compact and break with a resinous fracture, having a whitish grey, somewhat semi-transparent, appearance in the outside of the cor- tical part, with a pale straw-coloured medullary fibre, are to be preferred. When pounded, ipecacuanha forms the mildest and safest emetic in the whole materia medica. Though probably employed in America frorp time immemorial, it was not introduced into Europe till the time of Louis XIV., when one Grenier, a French merchant, brought 150 lbs. of it from Spain, with which trials were made at the Hotel Dieu. Helvetius first made known its use in dysentery, for which Louis XIV. munificently rewarded him by a douceur of 1,000/. sterling. — ( Thomson's Dispensatory ; Thomson^s CheiMstry.) IRON (Dan. Jem; Du. Yzer ; Fr. Per; Ger. Eisen ; It. Ferro ; Lat. Ferrum, Mars ; Pol. Zelazo ; Por. Ferro ; Rus. Scheleso ; Sp. Ilierro ; Sw. Jem ; Gr. 2i'5rjpos ; Sans. Loha ; Arab. Iledeed ; Pers. Ahu7t), the most abundant and most useful of all the metals. It is of a bluish white colour ; and, when polished, has n great deal of IRON. 735 brilliancy. It has a styptic taste, and emits a smell when rubbed. Its hardness exceeds that of most other metals ; and it may be rendered harder than most bodies by being converted into steel. Its specific gravity varies from 7-6 to 7-8. It is attracted by the magnet or loadstone, and is itself the substance wliich constitutes the loadstone. But when iron is perfectly pure, it retains the magnetic virtue for a very short time. It is malleable in every temperature, and its malleability increases in proportion as the tem- perature augments ; but it cannot be hammered out nearly as thin as gold or silver, or even as copper. Its ductility is, however, more perfect ; for it may be drawn out into wire as fine at least as a human hair. Its tenacity is such, that an iron wire 0*078 of an inch in diameter, is capable of supporting 549*25 lbs. avoirdupois without breaking. Historical Notice. — Iron, though the most common, is the most difficult of all the metals to obtain in a state lit for use ; and the discovery of the method of working it seems to have been posterior to the use of gold, silver, and copper. We are wiiolly ignorant of the steps by wliich men were led to practise the processes required to fuse it and render it malleable. It is certain, however, that it was prepared in ancient Egypt, and some other corntries, at a very remote epoch ; but it was very little used in Greece till after the Trojan war. — (See the admirable work of M. Goguet on the Origin of Laws, Arts, S[C., vol. i. p. 140.) Species of Iron. — There are many varieties ot iron, which artists distinguish by particular names ; but all of them may be reduced under one or other ut the 3 following classes : cast or pig iron, wrought or soft iron, and steel. 1. Cast or pig iron is the name given to this metal when first extracted from its ores. The ores from which iron is usually obtained are composed of oxide of iron and clay. Ttie object of the manufacturer is to reduce the oxide to the metallic state, and to separate all the clay with which it is combined. This IS effected by a peculiar process ; and the iron, being exposed to a strong heat in furnaces, and melted, runs out into moulds prepared for its reception, and obtains the name of cast or pig iron. The cast iron thus obtained is distinguished by manufacturers into different varieties, from its colour and other qualities. Of these the following are the most remarkable : — a. White cast iron, which is extremely hard and brittle, and appears to be composed of a congeries of small crystals. It can neither be filed, bored, nor bent, and is very apt to break when suddenly heated or cooled. b. Grey or mottled cast iron, so called from the inequality of its colour. Its texture is granulated. It is much softer and less brittle than the last variety; and may be cut, bored, and turned on the lathe. Cannons are made of it. c. Black cast iron is the most unequal in its texture; the most fusible, and least cohesive, of the three. 2. Wrought or soft iron is prepared from cast iron by a process termed a refinement or finery. The wrought iron manufactured in Sweden is reckoned the finest in the world. 3. Steel consists of pieces of wrought iron hardened by a peculiar process. The Swedish iron imported into this country is mostly used in the manufacture of steel. — (See Steel.) — {Thomson's Chemistry.) Uses of Iron. — To enumerate the various uses of iron would require a lengthened dissertation. No' one, who reflects for a moment on the subject, can doubt that its discovery and employment in the shape of tools and engines has been of the utmost importance to man ; and has done more, perhaps, than any thing else, to accelerate his advance in the career of improvement. Mr. Locke has the following striking ob- servations on this subject : — " Of what consequence tlie discovery of one natural body, and its proper- ties, may be to human life, the whole great continent of America is a convincing instance; whose igno- rance in useful arts, and want of the greatest part of the conveniences of life, in a country that abounded with all sorts of natural plenty, I think may be attributed to their ignorance of what was to be found in a very ordinary, despicable stone — I mean the mineral of iron. And whatever we tliink of our parts or improvements in this part of the world, where knowledge and plenty seem to vie with each other ; yet, to any one that will seriously reflect upon it, I sujjpose it will appear past doubt, that, were the use of iron lost among us, we should in a few ages be unavoidably reduced to the wants and ignorance of the ancient savag^ Americans, whose natural endowments and provisions came no way short of those of the most flourishing and polite nations ; so that he who first made use of that one contemptible mineral, may be truly styled the father of arts and author of plenty." — {Essay on the Understanding, book iv. c. 12.) Manufacture of Iron in Great Britain. — Iron mines have been wrought in this country from a very early period. Those of the Forest of Dean, in Gloucestershire, are known to have existed in the year 1066. In consequence of the great consumption of timber which they occasioned, they were restrained by act of parliament in 1581. Soon after this, Edward Lord Dudley invented the process'of smelting iron ore with pit-coal instead of wood fuel; and it is impossible, perhaps, to point out an instance of another in- vention that has proved more advantageous. The patent which his Lordship had obtained in 1619, was exempted from the operation of the act of 1623 y-\ Jac. 1. c. 23.), setting aside monopolies : but though in its consequences it has proved of immense value to the country, the works of the inventor were destroyed by an ignorant rabble, and he was well nigh ruined by his efforts to introduce and perfect his process ; nor was it till about a century after, that it was brought into general use In the early part of last century, well-founded complaints were repeatedly made of the waste and destruction of woods caused by the smelting of iron ; and the dearth and scarcity of fuel that was thus occasioned, led, about 1740, to the general adoption of Lord Dudley's process for using pit-coal, which was found to be in every respect superior to that previously in use. — {Report of Com7nittee of the House of Commojis on Patents, p. 168. &c.) From this period, the progress of the manufacture has exceeded the most sangunie expectations. In 1740, the quantity of pig iron manufactured in England and W^ales amounted to about 17,000 tons, produced by 59 furnaces. The quantities manufactured at the undermentioned epochs, in Great Britain, have been as follows : — 1750 - 22,000 tons. 11806 - Si50,000 tons, produced by 169 furnaces. 1788 . - 68,000 — produced by 85 furnaces. 1820 - - 400,000 — unknown. 1796 - 125,000 — — 121 — I (See next page.) The extraordinary increase that has taken place in the production of iron since 1823, is principally to ascribed to the high prices of 1824, 1825, and 1826, when pig iron met with a ready sale at from 9/."to isl- and 13/. a ton. But, in consequence partly of the failure oi postponement of most of the projects as to rail-roads, &c , that were then on foot, and partly of the vast additional supplies which the extension of the manufacture threw on the market, the iwice fell in 1828 to from 51. to 71. a ton : and continued gra. dually to decline, till in 1832 it was only worth 4/. 15^. So heavy a fall had the effect of introducing the severest economy into every department of the manufacture. In despite, however, of all the saving that could be effected in this way, many of the manufacturers were involvctl in much distress, and the production of iron is believed to have been considerably diminished. This, coupled with the increasing demand for iron, naturally led to a reaction. Prices began to rise early in 1833 ; and the advance has been such, that at present (January, 1834), pig iron fetches 6L a ton, and the manufacture is in a state of great activity. 736 IRON. The following statements as to the number of furnaces and the quantity of iron produced in the different districts where the manufacture is carried on, in 1823, 1825, 1828, and 1830, appeared originally in the Bh-ynin'rham Journal. — We have been assured that their accuracy may be depended upon. Districts. Number of Furnaces. Tons of Iron produced. 1823. 1825. 1828. 1830. Total. Total. In Blast. scT SO 36 22 17 14 8 {: : 2 Out. 27 27 12 8 ,5 6 1= Total. In Blast. Out. Total. 1823. 1825. 1 1828. 1830. South Wales - • - Staffordshire Shropshire - - - Yorkshire Scotland • - Derbyshire - - - North Wales Forest of Dean Various • - - Ireland . . - Total 72 84 38 22 13 1^20 109 108 49 34 2,'j 19 100 120 48 34 25 IS 19 89 95 31 17 18 14 12 1 25; 123 17 48 171 27 8 27 4! IS 182,323 133,590 73,418 27,311 24,500 14,038 12,000 2,379 230,412 182,156 89,596 39,104 33,540 22,672 17,736 3,000 279,512 219,492 81,224 32,968 37,700 22,360 25,768 2,600 1,560 277,643 212,604 • 73,418 27,926 37,500 17,999 23,000 5,327 277 374 1 2.59 103 367 278 90 576 469,561 618,236,703,184 678,417 About 3-lOths of the total quantity of iron produced are used as cast iron, being consumed prin- cipally in Great Britain and Ireland ; the exports, not exceeding 12,000 tons, go chiefly to the United States and British North America. The other 7-lOths are converted into wrought iron, being formed into bars, bolts, rods, &c. The exports of the different sorts of iron amount at present to about 145 000 tons, which, at 8/. lOs. a ton, would be worth 1,232,500/. ' The increase of the iron manufacture has not only led to its exportation in very large quantities, but has reduced our imports of foreign iron for home consumption from about 34,000 tons, which'they amounted to at an average of the 5 years ending with 1805, to about 18,000 or 20,000 tons, consisting principallv of Swedish iron, which is subsequently manufactured into steel. The following is An Account ot the British Iron (including unwrought Steel) exported from Great Britain in the Year 1835.— Quarters of a Hundred Weight and Pounds are omittedin the printing of this Table, but they are taken into account in the summing up. Wrought, viz. Of all Un- wrought Steel. Countries to which ex- ported. Bar Iron. Bolt and Rod Iron. Pig Iron. Cast Iron. Iron Wire. Anchors and Hoop Nails. other Sorts (ex- cept Ord- Grapnels. nance) Tons. cTvt. Tons. crvt. Tons. crvt. Tons. crvt. Tns.ct. Tons. crvt. Tons, crvt. Tns. crvt. Tons. crvt. Tns. crvt. Russia - - - 71 12 53 13 6 6 3 3 60 0 13 7 10 10 23 5 46 9 Sweden - - 25 0 0 6 53 9 0 9 1 17 0 6 1 11 15 8 2 6 Norway . . . - 17 0 36 5 2 11 0 3 4 11 27 16 0 8 55 19 3 14 Denmark . . - 1,270 19 294 6 921 10 10 12 1 10 47 2 361 1 0 19 301 15 1 1 Prussia . ^ . 168 15 284 6 170 6 5 15 159 17 1 16 3 3 Germany - - Holland - - - 5,223 5 1,815 814 4 131 17 172* 11 48 " 6 1,255 2 101 14 1,056 4 91 12 5,317 1 808 2 2,982 15 738 15 76 14 186 17 3,258 15 7 13 1,996 4 117 9 Belgium - - - - France - . - - 15 16 38 0 1,897 10 28 13 105 0 29 7 12 10 0 2 68 15 101 19 2,178 17 210 6 10,324 IS7 6 261 14 545 9 1 6 856 7 259 6 Portugal, Azores, &c. - Spain, and the Canaries - 3,724 13 1,527 17 92 0 214 5 108 2 1,351 14 123 1 - 333 1 3 7 139 13 111 145 0 59 18 19 15 30 18 1,308 14 20 0 196 17 8 12 Gibraltar Italy . . - - Malta 527 2 13 0 9 3 4 15 55 17 289 3 10 17 149 17 1 13 7,962 5 1,985 3 'eio' 0 118 7 28 18 83 19 821 6 0 3 948 17 11 10 268 7 71 11 0 11 3 1 56 3 26 12 36 10 The Ionian Islands • 306 3 31 5 5 2 6 5 10 1 39 12 Turkey and Cont. Greece 6,072 3 1,586 0 64 9 21 1 111 7 120 18 300 9 453 13 2 13 Morea and Greek islands 601 11 49 13 1 4 26 505 7 5 0 26 0 8 8 0 3 Asia - - 17,306 14 3,032 19 "816 10 8*16 10 1,133 5 571 13 3,212 0 105 11 Africa .... 3,046 7 131 10 420 0 1,928 4 1 14 147 9 298 2 139 1 1,137 19 2 8 British colonies, N. Amer. 4,789 18 322 0 607 2 1,422 17 9 19 209 19 554 7 1,107 5 1,959 7 118 1 British West Indies 811 15 36 8 81 0 1,251 17 1 1 36 18 925 6 1,130 16 1,911 15 4 8 Foreign West Indies 1,132 0 101 19 20 0 756 19 1 17 14 1 291 13 400 10 373 8 4 14 United States of America 29,124 3 386 4 12,687 0 3,386 17 62 13 68 6 333 19 339 11 3,534 14 1,886 6 Brazil - - - - Mexico and S.America - 2,047 3 195 2 90 0 851 12 0 5 194 10 621 11 616 17 784 7 17 16 1,SG0 4 84 10 10 0 410 IS 0 15 4 100 18 160 6 348 3 8 6 Guernsey, Jersey, &c. - 374 16 93 9 383 19 397 11 0 10 98 1 51 70 7 337 19 7 5 Total - - 94,383 16 13,331 2 33,073 2 1 2,604 i 540 17 2,316 19 15,!157 01 ."'.179 19 20,182 19 2,810 2 Prices of Hardvjarr. —We noticed, under the article Hardware (which see), the extraordinary fall which has taken place in the price of that description of goods since the peace. Since that article was printed we have obtained from Mr. William Weston, accountant, Birmingham, the following Table of the prices of hardware articles, on which, we believe, every reliance may be placed. Articles. 1818. 1824. 1828. 1832. 1834. Per L. d. L. d. L. d. L. s. rf. L. s. d. Anvils cwt. 1 3 0 1 0 0 0 16 0 0 12 9 0 14 0 Awls, polished . gross 0 2 6 0 2 0 0 1 6 0 1 0 0 1 3 Bed screws, 6 inch 0 18 0 0 15 0 0 6 0 0 4 9 0 6 0 Bolts for doors, do. . dozen 0 6 0 0 5 0 0 2 3 0 1 6 0 1 6 Braces for carjjenters, 12 bits Bits, tinned, fiir bridles set 0 9 0 0 6 3 0 4 2 0 2 10 0 3 2 . dozen 0 3 0 0 5 0 0 3 0 2 3 0 2 3 Buttons for coats . gross 0 4 6 0 4 6 0 3 0 0 2 0 0 2 0 for waistcoats 0 2 0 0 2 0 0 1 2 0 0 7 0 0 7 Currycombs, 6 barred . dozen 0 2 9 0 2 6 0 1 5 0 0 11 0 1 0 Candlesticks, brass, 6 inch pair 0 2 11 0 2 0 0 1 7 0 I 2 0 0 Commode knobs, brass, 2 inch - dozen 0 4 0 0 3 6 0 1 6 0 2 0 1 4 Frving pans - - Hinges, cast butts, 6 inch cwt. 1 3 0 1 1 0 0 18 0 0 18 0 0 16 6 - dozen 0 0 10 0 0 I' 0 0 0 0 I' 0 0 4 Shoe hammers 0 6 9 0 3 0 3 0 2 0 2 5 Latches for doors, bright thumbs . Locks for doors, iron rims, 6 inch 0 2 3 0 2 2 0 1 0 0 0 9 0 0 8 1 18 0 12 0 0 15 0 0 13 6 0 9 0 for guns, single rollers each 0 6 0 0 5 2 0 1 10 0 1 6 0 Plated stirrups - - - pair 0 4 6 0 3 9 0 1 6 0 1 0 0 0 8 Sad irons and other castings cwt. 1 2 6 1 0 0 0 14 0 0 11 0 0 10 0 Shove) and tongs, fire-irons - pair 0 1 0 0 0 0 9 0 0 0 0 7 Tinned table spoons - gross 0 17 0 15 0 0 10 0 0 6 0 6 0 Trace chains - - - cwt. 1 8 0 1 5 0 0 19 6 0 13 6 0 18 6 Vices for blacksmiths 1 10 0 1 8 0 1 2 0 0 17 0 0 18 6 .Japanned tea trays, 30 inch e.ich 0 4 f) 0 3 6 0 2 0 0 1 0 1 4 Iron wire. No. 6. - - bundle 0 16 0 0 13 0 0 9 0 0 6 0 0 a 6 ilr«88 wire lb. 0 1 10 0 1 4 0 1 0 0 0 9 0 0 H I IRON- WOOD. — IVORY. 737 In 1767, the iron exported from Great Britain amounted to only 11,000 tons. At an average of the 3 years ending witii 1806, the exports amounted to 28,000 tons ; being Ic^ than ajifth part of their amount in 1832. Supposing the total quantity of pig iron produced in Great Britain in 1833 to have amounted to 670,000 tons, and to have been worth at an average 11. a ton, its total value will have been 4,f,!K),WJ0/. ; and the additional labour expended in fonning the pig iron into bar iron, that is, into bars, bolts, rods, &c., may probably have added about 1,250,000^. more to its value ; making it wortli in all about 5,940,000/. IRON-WOOD (Ger. Eisenholz ; Du. Yserhout ; Fr. Bois defer ; It. Legno di ferro ; Sp. Palo hierro ; Lat. Sideroxylon, Lignum ferreum), a species of w^ood of a reddisli cast, so called on account of its corroding as that metal does, and its being remarkably hard and ponderous, — even more so than ebony. The tree which produces it grows prin- cipally in the West India islands, and is likewise very common in South America, and in some parts of Asia, especially about Siam. ISINGLASS (Ger. Hausenhlase, Haushlase ; Fr. Colle de poisson, Carloch ; It. Cola di pesce ; Rus. Klei riihiii, Karluk), one of the purest and finest of the animal glues. It is a product, the preparation of which is almost peculiar to Russia. It is made of the air-bladders and sounds of diflferent kinds of fish which are found in the large rivers that fall into the North Sea and the Caspian. That prepared from the sturgeon is generally esteemed the best ; next to that the beluga ; but isinglass is also prepared from sterlets, shad, and barbel, though not so good. The best is usually rolled in little ringlets ; the second sort is laid together like the leaves of a book ; and the common sort is dried without any care. When fine, it is of a white colour, semi-transparent, and dry. It dissolves readily in boiling water, and is used extensively in cookery. It is ako used for stiffening silk, making sticking plaster, &c. The imports, in 1831 and 1832, amounted, at an average, to 1,984|^ cwt. a year. The price varies at present (January, 1834) from 5s. to 14s. 6d. per lb. — (See Thomsoyi's Chemistry ; and Tooke's View of Ritssia, 2d ed. vol. iii. p. 343. ) ISLE OF MAN. See Man,Jsle of. JUICE OF LEMONS, LIMES, or ORANGES. The 9th section of the act 6 Geo. 4. c. 111. is as follows: — " For ascertaining the degrees of specific gravity or strength, according to which the duty on the juice of lemons, limes, and oranges shall be paid, it is enacted, that the degrees of such specific gravity or strength shall be ascer- tained by a glass citrometer, which shall be graduated in degrees in such manner, that distilled water being assumed as unity at the temperature of 60° by Fahrenheit's ther- mometer, every degree of the scale of such citrometer shall be denoted by a variation of -jg^ parts of the specific gravity of such water." JUNIPER BERRIES. See Berries. IVORY, the name given to the teeth or tusks of the elephant, and of the walrus or sea-horse. Each male elephant come to maturity has 2 tusks. These are hollow at the root, tapering, and of various sizes, depending principally on the age of the animal. Colour externally yellowish, brownish, and sometimes dark, internally white. The best are large, straight, and light-coloured, without flaws ; not very hollow in the stump, but solid and thick. The most esteemed come from Africa, being of a closer texture, and less liable to turn yellow, than those from the East Indies. The trade in London thus divide them : — First sort, weighing 70 lbs. or upwards ; second sort, weighing 56 lbs. to 60 lbs. ; third sort, weighing 38 lbs to 56 lbs. ; fourth sort, weighing 28 lbs. to 37 lbs. ; fifth sort, weighing 18 lbs. to 27 lbs. All under 18 lbs. are called scriveUocs, and are of the least value. In purchasing elephants' teeth, those that are very crooked, hollow, and broken at the ends, or cracked and decayed in the inside, should be rejected ; and care taken that lead or any other substance has not been poured into the hollow. The freight is rated at 16 cwt. to the ton. — {Milbur7i's Orient. Com.) Supply of Ivory. — The imports of elephants' teeth, in 1831 and 1832, were, at an average, 4,130 cwt., of which 2,950 cwt. were retained for consumption. The medium weight of a tusk may be taken at about 60 lbs. ; so that the yearly imports of 1831 and 1832 may be taken at 7,709 tusks; a fact which supposes the destruction of at least 3,854 male elephants ! But, supposing the tusks could only be obtained by killin"- the animal, the destruction would really be a good deal greater, and would most probablv, indeed, amount to 4,500 or 5,000 elephants. Occasionally, however, tusks are acci- dentally broken, one lost in this way being replaced by a new one ; and a good many are, also, obtained from elephants that have died in the natural way. Still it is sufHcieiitlv obvious, that the supply from the sources now alluded to cannot be very laro-e ; and if to the quantity of ivory required for Great Britain, we add that required for the other countries of Europe, America, and Asia, the slaughter of elephants must, after every reasonable deduction is made, appear immense ; and it may well excite surprise, that the breed of this noble animal has not been more diminished. The western and eastern coasts of Africa, the Cape of Good Hope, Ceylon, India, and the countries to the east- ward of the Straits of Malacca, are the great marts whence supplies of ivory are de- rived. The imports from Western Africa into Great Britain, in 1831, amounted to 2,575 cwt. ; the Cape only furnished 1 98 cwt. The imports during the same year from India, Ceylon and other Eastern countries, were 2,173 cwt. — {Varl. Paper. No. 550. 738 KELP. Sess. 1833.) The Chinese market is principally supplied with ivory from Malacca, Siam, and Sumatra. • The chief consumption of ivory in England is in the manufacture of handles for knives ; but it is also extensively used in the manufacture of musical and mathematical instruments, chess-men, billiard-balls, plates for miniatures, toys, &c. Ivory articles are said to be manufactured to a greater extent, and with better success, at Dieppe, than in any other place in Europe. But the preparation of this beautiful material is much better understood by the Chinese than by any other people. No European artist has hitherto succeeded in cutting concentric balls after the manner of the Chinese : and their boxes, chess-men, and other ivory articles, are all far superior to any that are to be met with any where else. Historical Notice. — It is a curious fact, that the people of all Asiatic countries in which the elephant is found, have always had the art of taming the animal and applying it to useful purposes, but that no such art has ever been possessed by any native African nation. Is this owing to any difference between the Asiatic and African elephants, or to the inferior sagacity of the African people ? We incline to think that the latter is the true hypothesis. Alexander the Great is believed to have been the first European who employed elephants in war. It appears pretty certain, that the elephants made use of by the Carthaginians were mostly, if not wholly, brought from India ; and that they were managed by Indian leaders. Some of the latter were captm^ed by the Romans, in the great victory gained by Metellus over Asdrubal. — (See, on this curious subject, two very learned and valuable notes in the Ancient Universal History, 8vo ed. vol. xvii. p. 529. and p. 549. Buffon's Article on the Elephant is a splendid piece of composition.) The price per cwt., duty (1/. per cwt.) included, of elephants' teeth in the London market, in December, 1833, was — £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. £ s. d. l6t, 79 to 90 lbs. - - 29 0 0 to 31 0 0 5th, 18 to 27 lbs. - - 18 0 0 to 21 0 0 2d, 56 — 60 — - . 25 0 0 — 23 0 0 Scrivelloes - - 1* 0 0 — 35 0 0 3d, 38 — 55 — - . 23 0 0 — 26 0 0 Sea horse teeth - 000—500 4th, 28 — 37— • - . 20 0 0 — 24 0 0 K. KELP. A substance composed of different materials, of which the fossil or mineral alkali, or, as it is commonly termed, soda, is the chief This ingredient renders it useful in the composition of soap, in the manufacture of alum, and in the formation of crown and bottle glass. It is formed of marine plants ; which, being cut from the rocks with a hook, are collected and dried on the beach to a certain extent ; they are afterwards put into kilns prepared for the purpose, the heat of which is sufficient to bring the plants into a state of semifusion. They are then strongly stirred with iron rakes ; and when cool, condense into a dark blue or whitish mass, very hard and solid. Plants about 3 years old yield the largest quantity of kelp. The best kelp has an acrid caustic taste, a sulphurous odour, is compact, and of a dark blue greenish colour. It yields about 5 per cent, of its weight of soda. — (^Barry's Orkney's Islands, p. 377. ; Thomson's Dispensatory. ) The manufacture of kelp is, or rather was, principally carried on in the Western Islands, and on the western shores of Scotland, where it was introduced from Ireland, about the middle of last century. Towards the end of the late war, the kelp shores of the island of North Uist let for 7,00W. a year. It has been calculated that the quantity of kelp annually manufactured in the Hebrides only, exclusive of the mainland and of the Orkney and Shetland isles, amounted, at the period referred to, to about 6,000 tons a year • and that the total quantity made in Scotland and its adjacent isles amounted to about 20,000 tons. At soine periods during the war, it sold for 20A a ton ; but at an average of the 23 years ending with 1822, the price was 10/. 9.v. Id. — (Art. Scotland, Edinburgh Encyclop Trade of Konigsherg. — Being situated on a navigable river of considerable in>- portance, Konigsberg has a large command of internal navigation, and is the principal emporium of a large extent of country. Wheat, rye, and other species of grain, are the chief articles of export. The wheat is somewhat similar to that of Dantzic, but of inferior quality, being larger in the berry, and thicker skinned. The rye is thin, and also the barley, with few exceptions, and light. Peas are of a remarkably large quality. Oats are common feed, with a slight admixture of tares ; but as these last answer in some degree the purpose of beans, the value of the oats is rather enhanced than other- wise by the circumstance. More tares are shipped here than from any other port in the Baltic. , The prices of all sorts of grain are usually lower at Konigsberg than at the neighbouring Prussian ports. Hemp, flax, linseed, yarn, and bristles, are largely ex- ported ; with smaller quantities of wool, ashes, feathers, wax, hides and skins, &c. The bristles are the best in the Baltic. Timber, deals, and staves, are as good as at Memel, but are rather scarce. The imports are coffee, sugar, cotton stuffs and yarn, hardware, dye woods, spices, tobacco, coals, rum, &c. Salt is a government monopoly j any person being allowed to import it, but he must either sell it to government at a price fixed by them, or export it again. Money, Weights, and Measures, same as at Dantzic ^ which see. Account of the Exports of the different Species of Grain from Konigsberg during each of the Fourteen Years ending with 1831. Wheat - ■ Rye Barley Oats Peas Beans Tare* - Linseed, hempj and rapeseed Malt Total 1818. Lasts. 3,129 8,4<29 4,425 3,859 2,953 1819. Lasts. 7,360 2,952 1,513 1,991 136 439 2,497 18,148 1820. 1821. 1822. 1823. 1824. 1825. 1826. 1827 Lasts. 2,861 6,769 818 5,565 1,210 41 Lasts. Lasts. 1,559 591 459 100 292 aoo 7,612 Lasts. 428 1,030 320 1,257 1,711 3,0 298 1,566 412 Lasts. 816 657 1,531 593 712 716 Lasts. 1,483 692 901 5,321 863 Lasts. 3,754 7,228 2,322 8,480 503 56 318 2,884 1828. Lasts. 9,543 12,920 1,M6 1,368 919 607 829. 1830. 1831 Lasts. 7,698 8,154 2,272 3,660 422 Lasts . 7,50/ 25,420 1,687 8,3)0 2,360 r 99 L 141 Lasts 7,565 16,900 98S 4,092 1,506 134 326 1,884 843153,395 Exclusive of corn, the quantities of the principal articles exported from Konigsberg m 1830 and 1831 ere — were Articles. 1830. 1831. Articles. 1830. 1831. Ashes Bristles Feathers Flax and flax codilla Hemp and hemp codilla - lbs. - stone 82,170 167,997 13,860 75,230 60,276 107.811 15,411 35,900 9,473 Hides and skins Linseed cakes Wax Wool Yarn, Lith. and Erml. - lbs. - stone - lbs. bundles 53,707 31,955 ' 8,000 17,523 31,830 23,760 118,668 9,000 Arrivals in 1831. — In 1831, there entered the port of Konigsberg (Pillau) 704 ships, of the burden of 43,928 tons. In 1832, 43 British ships, of the burden of 3,592 tons, cleared out. Prices free on board of the principal Articles of Export from Konigsberg, 1st of June, 1832. Wheat, old, mixed hiffh mixed old, inferior kind new, best mixed high mixed new inferior red, rr and best red Rye, old and new Barley, large small Oats Peas, white, new grey Beans Tares Llngeed, crushing sowing Prime Cost in Prussian Currency. 450 500 380 _ 430 2-)0 _ 260 190 — 200 176 _ 185 110 _ 130 240 — 270 240 _ 270 210 _ 2.30 150 _ 170 Per barrel. 13i_ U 19 — 21 Free on board in Sterling Money. L. s. d. L. t. d. Per quarter. 2 3 8 - 2 8 4 1 16 10 _ 2 1 3 12 9 — 158 0 19 0 — 0 19 6 0 17 2 — 0 18 6 6 — 0 13 4 8 — 167 8-167 1 0 10 — 1 2 9 0 15 3 — 0 17 2 Per liarrel. 1 11 6 — 1 12 10 10 0-120 0 11 1 3 1 3 Hemp, clean cut Lagen Flax, Druana, crown. No. 1. Podolia, crown. No. 1. Ashes, calcined crown Yam, Lith. 12-20 lbs. 20-40 lbs. 40—60 lbs. Prime Cost in Prussian Currency. Sil. gr. Perst.of35lb. 11* lO.J to lU 111 Per 3301b: 70 Per/6. 65gr.-72gr. Per bundle. 6 L. ». d. L. s. ii\ Per ion. 39 5 0 I 35 18 0 to 37 10 0, 32 11 0 — 34 6 0 36 2 0 - 39 f Free on board in SterUng Money, Per bundle, 0 6 8 0 6 3 0 6 9 — 0 6 10 The above prices in sterling money, free on Ijoard, are calculated at the exdiange of 205 s, gr., and at the proportion of lOJ Imp. qrs. per last