OF THE U N I VERS ITY Of ILLINOIS PRESENTED E>Y THE ESTATE OF DR. AND MRS. S. M. WYLIE 1950 817 Xr8 \8>o4 y.15 I Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. University of Illinois Library INAUGURATION OF WASHINGTON, ON THE BALCONY OF THE OLD CITY HALL, NEW YORK. FKONTiSFiEcE-Irviug, Vol. Fi.leeu—see p. 115. THE WORKS OF WASHINGTON IRVING LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON PART FOUR WITH FRONTISPIECE NEW YORK P. F. COLLIER & SON MCMIV 15 V(1 /? of v<\£' LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON PART FOUR A#,*. * -r-C qiT05r4/!W^ > “ CONTENTS P.4 AT FOURTH [CONTINUED] CHAPTER XXXI. Discontents of the Army at Newburg—Memorial of the Officers to Congress—Anonymous Papers circulated in the Camp—Meeting of Officers called—Address of Washington—Resolutions in Con¬ sequence—Letters of Washington to the President—His Opinion of the Anonymous Addresses and their Author . . . .19 CHAPTER XXXII. News of Peace—Letter of Washington in Behalf of the Army— Cessation of Hostilities proclaimed—Order of the Cincinnati formed—Letter of Washington to the State Governors—Mutiny in the Pennsylvania Line—Letter of Washington on the Subject —Tour to the Northern Posts.31 CHAPTER XXXIII. The Army to be discharged—Parting Address of Washington— Evacuation of New York—Parting Scene of Washington with his Officers at New York—Washington resigns his Commission to Congress—Retires to Mount Vernon.44 CHAPTER XXXIV. Washington at Mount Vernon—A Soldier’s Repose—Plans of Do¬ mestic Life—Kind Offer of the Council of Pennsylvania—His- ( 3 ) 4 Gontepts torical Applications—News of Jacob Van Braam—Opening of Spring—Agricultural Life resumed—Recollections of the Fair¬ faxes—Meeting of the Order of Cincinnati—Tour of Washing¬ ton and Dr. Craik to the West—Ideas of Internal Improvement —Parting with Lafayette.54 CHAPTER XXXV. Scheme of Inland Navigation—Shares of Stock offered to Washing¬ ton—Declined—Rural Improvements—The Tax of Letter-writ¬ ing—The Tax of Sitting for Likenesses—Ornamental Gardening —Management of the Estate—Domestic Life—Visit of Mr. Wat¬ son—Reverential Awe inspired by Washington—Irksome to him—Instances of his Festive Gayety—Of his Laughing—Pas¬ sion for Hunting revived—Death of Gen. Greene—His Char¬ acter—Washington’s Regrets and Encomiums—Letters to the French Noblemen.67 CHAPTER XXXVI. Washington doubts the Solidity of the Confederation—Correspond¬ ence with John Jay on the Subject—Plan of a Convention of all the States to revise the Federal System—Washington heads the Virginia Delegation—Insurrection in Massachusetts—The Con¬ vention—A Federal Constitution organized—Ratified . . .87 CHAPTER XXXVII. Washington talked of for the Presidency—His Letters on the Subject expressing his Reluctance—His Election—His Prog¬ ress to the Seat of Government—His Reception at New York— The Inauguration.. . . 108 ^or}tei)t8 5 PART FIFTH CHAPTER I. The New Government—Domestic and Foreign Relations—Washing¬ ton’s anxious Position—Its Difficulties—Without Cabinet or Constitutional Advisers—John Jay—Hamilton—His efficient Support of the Constitution and Theoretic Doubts—James Madison—Knox—His Characteristics ...... 121 CHAPTER II. Washington’s Privacy beset with Visits of Compliment—Queries as to the proper Line of Conduct in his Presidential Intercourse— Opinions of Adams and Hamilton—Jefferson as to the Authors of the Minor Forms and Ceremonies—His whimsical Anecdote of the first Levee—Inaugural Ball.127 CHAPTER III. Journey of Mrs. Washington to New York—Honors paid her in her Progress—Receptions at the Seat of Government—The President’s Equipage.. . 133 CHAPTER IV. Alarming Illness of the President—The Senate rejects one of his Nominations—His sensitive Vindication of it—Death of his Mother—Her Character—The Executive Departments insti¬ tuted—Selection of Officers for the Treasury and War De¬ partments—Hamilton instructed to report a Financial Plan at the next Session of Congress—Arrangement of the Judiciary Department—Edmund Randolph—Adjournment of Congress— Its Character, by Fisher Ames .... ... 138 6 tepts CHAPTER V. The Department of State still without a Head—Sketch of Jeffer¬ son’s Character and Opinions—Deeply immersed in French Poli¬ tics at Paris—Gouverneur Morris abroad—Contrast of his and Jefferson’s Views on the French Crisis—News of the French Revolution in America—Popular Excitement—Washington’s cautious Opinion on the Subject—Hamilton’s apprehensive View—Jefferson offered a Place in the Cabinet as Secretary of State.14-o CHAPTER VI. Washington’s Journey through the Eastern States—John Hancock —Clashing between the Civil and Municipal Authorities on the President’s Entry into Boston—A Contest of Etiquette—Wash¬ ington’s Account of his Entry—His Reception—A new Punc¬ tilio— Address of the Cincinnati Society — Return to New York.156 ft CHAPTER VII. Col. John Trumbull—Message to Washington from Lafayette—Jef¬ ferson’s Embarkation for America—Washington forwards his Commission as Secretary of State—His Acceptance . . .162 CHAPTER VIII. Reassembling of Congress—Financial Condition of the Country—Its Debt at Home and Abroad—Debts of the States—Hamilton’s Report—Opposition to it—Dr. Stuart’s warning Letter to Wash¬ ington—His Reply—Jefferson’s arrival at the Seat of Gov¬ ernment—New York at that Period—Jefferson apprehends Monarchial Designs.166 * CHAPTER IX. The Assumption of the State Debts discussed—Washington in Favor —A Majority of Two against it—Hamilton’s Appeal to Jeffer REMOTE b iw V Vv _ son on the Subject—The latter arranges for a Compromise—His Account of it—Adjustment about the Saat of Government—As¬ sumption carried—Treaty of Peace with the Creeks—Cavilings about Presidential Etiquette—Washington’s Defense—Adjourn¬ ment of Congress—Fancied Harmony of the Cabinet—Jefferson suspects Hamilton of Finesse in procuring his Agency in the Assumption.176 CHAPTER X. Lafayette at the Head of the Revolution in France—His Letter to Washington—Gouverneur Morris’s Opinion of his Position— Washington’s dubious and anxious Views—Presented by La¬ fayette with the Key of the Bastile—Visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon.183 CHAPTER XI. Frontier Difficulties with the Indians—General Harmer’s Expedi¬ tion against them—Ambuscade of Col. Hardin’s Detachment— Escape of Capt. Armstrong—A second Detachment of Col. Hardin compelled to retreat—Washington’s long Anxiety at8 CHAPTER XXVIII. Washington recalled to the Seat of Government—Conduct of Ran¬ dolph brought in Question—Treaty signed—Resignation of Ran¬ dolph—His Correspondence with Washington—Unlimited Dis¬ closure permitted—Appearance of his Vindication—Pickering transferred to the Department of State—McHenry appointed Secretary of War—Arrival of George Washington Lafayette . 324 CHAPTER XXIX. Meeting of Congress—Washington’s Official Summary of the Events of the Year—Cordial Response of the Senate—Partial Demur of the House—Washington’s Position and Feelings with regard to England, as shown by himself—Mr. Adet pre¬ sents the Colors of France—The Treaty returned—Proceedings thereupon—Thomas Pinckney resigns as Minister at London— Rufus King appointed in his place—Washington’s View of the Political Campaign—Jefferson’s Fears of an Attempt to sow Dissension between him and Washington—Mr. Monroe recalled, and C. C. Pinckney appointed in his Stead—Re£. Jtful Policy of France.334 CHAPTER XXX. Washington’s Farewell Address—Meets the two Houses of Congress for the last Time—His Speech—Replies of the Senate and House —Mr. Giles—Andrew Jackson—Offensive Publication of the French Minister—John Adams declared President—Washing¬ ton’s Letter to Knox on the Eve of his Retirement—The Spuri¬ ous Letters—His Farewell Dinner—John Adams takes the Oath of Office—Greetings of Washington at the close of the Ceremony.347 CHAPTER XXXI. Washington at Mount Vernon—Influx of strange Faces—Lawrence Lewis—Miss Nelly Custis—Washington’s Counsel in Love Mat ters—A Romantic Episode—Return of George Washington La¬ fayette .. . 358 ^ORtepts 13 CHAPTER XXXII. Parting Address of the French Directory to Mr. Monroe—The new American Minister ordered to leave the Republic—Congress con¬ vened—Measures of Defense recommended—Washington’s Com cern—Appointment of three Envoys Extraordinary—Doubts their Success—Hears of an old Companion in Arms—The three Ministers and Talleyrand—Their degrading Treatment—Threat¬ ened War with France—Washington appointed Commander-in- chief—Arranges for three Major-Generals—Knox aggrieved . 361 CHAPTER XXXIII. Washington taxed anew with the Cares of Office—Correspondence with Lafayette—A Marriage at Mount Vernon—Appointment of a Minister to the French Republic—Washington’s Surprise— His Activity on his Estate—Political Anxieties—Concern about the Army.383 CHAPTER XXXIV. Washington digests a Plan for the Management of his Estate—His views in regard to a Military Academy—Letter to Hamilton— His Last Hours—The Funeral—The Will—Its Provisions in re¬ gard to his Slaves—Proceedings of Congress on his Death—Con¬ clusion . .... 390 APPENDIX. I. Portraits of Washington.403 II. Washington’s Farewell Address.433 III. Proceedings of Congress in consequence of the Death of Wash¬ ington .459 IV. Washington’s Will.465 LIFE OF WASHINGTON LIFE OF WASHINGTON PART FOURTH (i CONTINUED) CHAPTER THIRTY-ONE Discontents of the Army at Newburg—Memorial of the Officers to Congress—Anonymous Papers circulated in the Camp—Meeting of Officers called—Address of Washington—Resolutions in Con¬ sequence—Letters of Washington to the President—His Opinion of the Anonymous Addresses and their Author The anxious fears of Washington, in regard to what might take place on the approaching reduction of the army, were in some degree realized. After the meeting with the French army at Verplanck’s Point, he had drawn up his forces to his former encampment at Newburg, where he established his headquarters for the winter. In the leisure and idleness of a winter camp the discontents of the army had time to ferment. The arrearages of pay became a topic of constant and angry comment, as well as the question whether the resolution of Congress, granting half pay to officers who should serve to the end of the war, would be carried into effect. Whence were the funds to arise for such half pay? The national treasury was empty; the States were slow to tax themselves; the resource of foreign loans was nearly exhausted. The articles of confederation re¬ quired the concurrence of nine States to any act appropriate ( 19 ) 20 Worlds of U/asl?ir)<$tOQ Iruir^ ing public money. There had never been nine States in favor of the half-pay establishment; was it probable that as many would concur in applying any scanty funds that might accrue, and which would be imperiously demanded for many other purposes, to the payment of claims known to be un¬ popular, and to the support of men, who, the necessity for their services being at an end, might be regarded as drones in the community? The result of these boding conferences was a memorial to Congress in December, from the officers in camp, on behalf of the army, representing the hardships of the case, and pro¬ posing that a specific sum should be granted them for the money actually due, and as a commutation for half pay. Three officers were deputed to present the memorial to Con¬ gress, and watch over and promote its success. The memorial gave rise to animated and long discussions in Congress. Some members were for admitting the claims as founded on engagements entered into by the nation; oth¬ ers were for referring them to the respective States of the claimants. The winter passed away without any definite measures on the subject. On the tenth day of March, 1783, an anonymous paper was circulated through the camp, calling a meeting at eleven o’clock the next day, of the general and field-officers, of an officer from each company, and a delegate from the medical staff, to consider a letter just received from their representa¬ tives in Philadelphia, and what measures, if any, should be adopted to obtain that redress of grievances which they seemed to have solicited in vain. On the following morning an anonymous address to the officers of the army was privately put in circulation. It pro¬ fessed to be from a fellow-soldier, who had shared in their Cife of U/asfyip^top *51 toils and mingled in their dangers, and who till very lately had believed in the justice of his country. “After a pursuit of seven long years,” observed he, “the object for which we set out is at length brought within our reach. Yes, my friends, that suffering courage of yours was active once; it has conducted the United States of America through a doubtful and bloody war; it has placed her in the chair of independency, and peace returns to bless —whom? a country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish your worth, and reward your services? a country courting your return to private life, with tears of gratitude and smiles of admiration, longing to divide with you that independency which your gallantry has given, and those riches which your wounds have preserved? Is this the case? or is it rather a country that tramples upon your rights, disdains your cries, and insults your distresses? Have you not more than once suggested your wishes, and made known your wants to Con¬ gress—wants and wishes which gratitude and policy should have anticipated, rather than evaded? And have you not lately, in the meek language of entreating memorials, begged from their justice what you could no longer expect from their favor? How have you been answered? Let the letter, which you are called to consider to-morrow, make reply! “If this, then, be your treatment, while the swords you wear are necessary for the defense of America, what have you to expect from peace, when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by division; when those very swords, the instruments and companions of your glory, shall be taken from your sides and no remaining mark of military distinc¬ tion left but your wants, infirmities and scars? Can you then consent to be the only sufferers by this Revolution, and, retiring from the field, grow old in povery, wretched- 22 U/or^s of U/as^irj^toi) Iruir>$ ness and contempt? Can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent in honor? If you can, go, and carry with you the jest of tories, and the scorn of whigs; the ridicule, and, what is worse, the pity of the world! Go, starve and be forgotten! But if your spirits should revolt at this; if you have sense enough to discover, and spirit sufficient to oppose tyranny, under whatever garb it may assume, whether it be the plain coat of republican' ism, or the splendid robe ©f royalty; if you have yet learned to discriminate between a people and a cause, between men and principles; awake, attend to your situation, and redress yourselves! If the present moment be lost, ©very future effort is in vain; and your threats then will be as empty as your entreaties now. “I would advise you, therefore, to come to some final opinion upon what you can bear, and what you will suffer. If your determination be in any proportion to your wrongs, carry your appeal from the justice to the fears of govern¬ ment. Change the milk-and-water style of your last memo¬ rial. Assume a bolder tone, decent, but lively, spirited and determined; and suspect the man who would advise to more moderation and longer forbearance. Let two or three men, who can feel as well as write, be appointed to draw up your last remonstrance, for I would no longer give it the suing, soft, unsuccessful epithet of memorial. Let it represent in language, that will neither dishonor you by its rudeness, nor betray you by its fears, what has been promised by Con¬ gress, and what has been performed; how long and how pa¬ tiently you have suffered; how little you have asked, and how much of that little has been denied. Tell them that, though you were the first, and would wish to be the last, to Cife of U/a8^ip<^tor> 23 encounter danger, though despair itself can never drive you into dishonor, it may drive you from the field; that the wound, often irritated and never healed, may at length be¬ come incurable; and that the slightest mark of indignity from Congress now, must operate like the grave, and part you forever; that, in any political event, the army has its alternative. If peace, that nothing shall separate you from your arms but death; if war, that courting the auspices, and inviting the direction of your illustrious leader, you will re¬ tire to some unsettled country, smile in your turn, and ‘mock when their fear cometh on.’ But let it represent, also, that should they comply with the request of your late memorial, it would make you more happy and them more respecta¬ ble; that, while war should continue, you would follow their standard into the field; and when it came to an end you would withdraw into the shade of private life, and give the world another subject of wonder and ap¬ plause; an army victorious over its enemies, victorious over itself.” This bold and eloquent, but dangerous appeal, founded as it was upon the wrongs and sufferings of a gallant army and the shameful want of sympathy in tardy legislators, called for the full exercise of Washington’s characteristic firmness, caution and discrimination. In general orders he noticed the anonymous paper, but expressed his confidence that the good sense of officers would prevent them from pay¬ ing attention to such an irregular invitation; which he repro¬ bated as disorderly. With a view to counteract its effects, he requested a like meeting of officers on the 15th instant, to hear the report of the committee deputed to Congress. “After mature deliberation,” added he, “they will devise what further measures ought to be adopted as most rational 24 Works of Wasbio^tor} Iruii^^ and best calculated to obtain the just and important object in view.” On the following day another anonymous address was circulated, written in a more moderate tone, but to the same purport with the first, and affecting to construe the general orders into an approbation of the object sought; only chang¬ ing the day appointed for the meeting. “Till now,” it ob¬ served, “the commander-in-chief has regarded the steps you have taken for redress with good wishes alone; his ostensible silence has authorized your meetings, and his private opinion sanctified your claims. Had he disliked the object in view would not the same sense of duty which forbade you from meeting on. the third day of the week have forbidden you from meeting on the seventh? Is not the same subject held up to your view? and has it not passed the seal of office, and taken all the solemnity of an order? This will give system to your proceedings and stability to your resolves,” etc., etc. On Saturday, the 15th of March, the meeting took place. Washington had previously sent for the officers, one by one, in private, and enlarged on the loss of character to the whole army that would result from intemperate resolutions. At the meeting, General Gates was called to the chair. Wash¬ ington rose and apologized for appearing there, which he had not intended to do when he issued the order directing the assemblage. The diligence, however, which had been used in circulating anonymous writings rendered it necessary he should give his sentiments to the army on the nature and tendency of them. He had taken this opportunity to do so, and had committed his thoughts to writing, which, with the indulgence of his brother officers, he would take the liberty of reading to them. Cife of U/asf?ir?<$tor) 25 He then proceeded to read a forcible and feeling address, pointing out the irregularity and impropriety of the recent anonymous summons, and the dangerous nature of the anonymous address; a production, as he observed, ad¬ dressed more to the feelings and passions than to the judg¬ ment ; drawn with great art, calculated to impress the mind with an idea of premeditated injustice in the sovereign power of the United States, and to rouse all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such a belief. On these principles he had opposed the irregular and hasty meeting appointed in the anonymous summons, not from a disinclination to afford officers every opportunity, consistent with their own honor and the dignity of the army, to make known their grievances. “If my conduct hereto¬ fore,” said he, “has not evinced to you that I have been a faithful friend to the army, my declaration of it at this time would be equally unavailing and improper. But as I was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common country; as I have never left your side one moment, but when called from you on public duty; as I have been the constant companion and witness of your distresses, and not among the last to feel and acknowledge your merits; as I have ever considered my own military reputation as insepa¬ rably connected with that of the army; as my heart has ever expanded with joy when I have heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it; it can scarcely be supposed at this last stage of the war that I am indifferent to its inter¬ ests. . . . “For myself,” observes he, in another part of his ad¬ dress, “a recollection of the cheerful assistance and prompt obedience I have experienced from you under every vicissi- Vol. XV.—* * * 2 26 U/orks of U/asfyip^tor) Iruii?$ tude of fortune, and the sincere affection I feel for an army X have so long had the honor to command, will oblige me to declare in this public and solemn manner that for the attain¬ ment of complete justice for all your toils and dangers, and the gratification of every wish, so far as may be done con¬ sistently with the great duty I owe my country and those powers we are bound to respect, you may fully command my services to the utmost extent of my abilities. “"While I give you these assurances, and pledge myself in the most unequivocal manner to exert whatever abilities I am possessed of in your favor, let me entreat you, gentle¬ men, on your part, not to take any measures which, viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained; let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress; that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions which were published to you two days ago; and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you, in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretenses, to overturn the liberties of our coun¬ try; and who wickedly attempts to open the flood-gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood. By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes; you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are com- Cife of lI/asbii?<$toi? 27 pelled to resort from open force to secret artifice; you will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind — ‘Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining. ’ ” After he had concluded the address, he observed, that as a corroborating testimony of the good disposition in Congress toward the army, he would communicate to them a letter re¬ ceived from a worthy member of that body, who on all occa¬ sions had approved himself their fast friend. He produced an able letter from the Hon. Joseph Jones, which, while it pointed out the difficulties and embarrassments of Congress, held up very forcibly the idea that the army would, at all events, be generously dealt with. Major Shaw, who was present, and from whose memoir we note this scene, relates that "Washington, after reading the first paragraph of the letter, made a short pause, took out his spectacles, and begged the indulgence of his audience while he put them on, observing at the same time that he had groivn gray in their service , and now found himself growing blind. “There was something,” adds Shaw, “so natural, so unaffected, in this appeal, as rendered it superior to the most studied oratory; it forced its way to the heart, and you might see sensibility moisten every eye.” “Happy for America,” continues Major Shaw, “that she has a patriot army, and equally so that Washington is its leader. I rejoice in the opportunity I have had of seeing this great man in a variety of situations—calm and intrepid 28 U/or^s of U/asI?ip<$tor) Iruip<$ when the battle raged; patient and persevering under the pressure of misfortune; moderate and possessing himself in the full career of victory. Great as these qualifications de¬ servedly render him, he never appeared to me more truly so than at the assembly we have been speaking of. On other occasions he has been supported by the exertions of an army and the countenance of his friends; but on this he stood sin¬ gle and alone. There was no saying where the passions of an army which were not a little inflamed might lead; but it was generally allowed that further forbearance was danger¬ ous, and moderation had ceased to be a virtue. Under these circumstances he appeared, not at the head of his troops, but, as it were, in opposition to them; and for a dreadful moment the interests of the army and its general seemed to be in competition! He spoke—every doubt was dispelled, and the tide of patriotism rolled again in its wonted course. Illustrious man! What he says of the army may with equal justice be applied to his own character—‘Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfec¬ tion to which human nature is capable of attaining.’ ” * The moment Washington retired from the assemblage, a resolution was moved by the warm-hearted Knox, seconded by General Putnam, and passed unanimously, assuring him that the officers reciprocated his affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the human heart is capable. Then followed resolutions declaring that no circumstances of distress or danger should induce a conduct calculated to sully the reputation and glory acquired at the price of their blood and eight years’ faithful services; that they continued to have an unshaken confidence in the justice of Congress and * Quincy’s Memoir of Major Shaw, p. 104. Cife of U/asf?ir}$top 29 their country; and that the commander-in-chief should be requested to write to the President of Congress, earnestly entreating a speedy decision on the late address forwarded by a committee of the army. A letter was accordingly written by Washington, breath¬ ing that generous, yet well-tempered spirit, with which he ever pleaded the cause of the army. ‘ ‘ The result of the proceedings of the grand convention of officers,” said he, “which I have the honor of inclosing to your Excellency for the inspection of Congress, will, I flat¬ ter myself, be considered as the last glorious proof of patriot¬ ism which could have been given by men who aspired to the distinction of a patriot army, and will not only confirm their claim to the justice, but will increase their title to the grati¬ tude of their country. “Having seen the proceedings on the part of the army terminate with perfect unanimity, and in a manner entirely consonant to my wishes; being impressed with the liveliest sentiments of affection for those who have so long, so pa¬ tiently and so cheerfully suffered and fought under my im¬ mediate direction; having, from motives of justice, duty and gratitude, spontaneously offered myself as an advocate for their rights; and having been requested to write to your Excellency, earnestly entreating the most speedy decision of Congress upon the subjects of the late address from the army to that honorable body; it only remains for me to perform the task I have assumed, and to intercede on their behalf, as I now do, that the sovereign power will be pleased to verify the predictions I have pronounced, and the con¬ fidence the army have reposed in the justice of their country.” After referring to former representations made by him 30 ll/or^s of U/asbir^oq Irvii)<$ to Congress, on the subject of a half pay to be granted to officers for life, he adds: “If, besides the simple payment of their wages, a further compensation is not due to the sufferings and sacrifices of the officers, then have I been mis¬ taken indeed. If the whole army have not merited what¬ ever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not, in the event, perform everything which has been requested in the late memorial to Congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope that has been ex¬ cited, void of foundation. And if, as has been suggested for the purpose of inflaming their passions, ‘the officers of the army are to be the only sufferers by the Revolution; if, retiring from the field, they are to grow old in poverty, wretchedness and contempt; if they are to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity which has hitherto been spent in honor;* then shall I have learned what ingratitude is, then shall I have realized a tale which will imbitter every moment of my future life. But I am under no such apprehensions. A country, rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude.” This letter to the President was accompanied by other letters to members of Congress; all making similar direct and eloquent appeals. The subject was again taken up in Congress, nine States concurred in a resolution commuting the half pay into a sum equal to five years’ whole pay; and the whole matter, at one moment so fraught with danger to the republic, through the temperate wisdom of Washington was happily adjusted. The anonymous addresses to the army, which were con¬ sidered at the time so insidious and inflammatory, and which Cife of U/a8f?ip<$toQ 31 certainly were ill-judged and dangerous, have since been avowed by General John Armstrong, a man who had sus¬ tained with great credit to himself various eminent posts un¬ der our government. At the time of writing them he was a young man, aid-de-camp to General Gates, and he did it at the request of a number of his fellow-officers, indignant at the neglect of their just claims by Congress, and in the be¬ lief that the tardy movements of that body required the spur and the lash. Washington, in a letter dated 23d January, 1797, says, “I have since had sufficient reason for believing that the object of the author was just, honorable and friendly to the country, though the means suggested by him were certainly liable to much misunderstanding and abuse.” CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO News of Peace—Letter of Washington in Behalf of the Army— Cessation of Hostilities proclaimed—Order of the Cincinnati formed—Letter of Washington to the State Governors—Mutiny in the Pennsylvania Line—Letter of Washington on the Subject —Tour to the Northern Posts At length arrived the wished-for news of peace. A gen¬ eral treaty had been signed at Paris on the 20tli of January. An armed vessel, the “Triumph,” belonging to the Count d’Estaing’s squadron, arrived at Philadelphia from Cadiz, on the 23d of March, bringing a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette to the President of Congress, communicating the intelligence. In a few days Sir Guy Carleton informed Washington by letter that he was ordered to proclaim a cessation of hostilities by sea and jUdcL 32 U/or^s of U/asl>ir>^toi7 IruiQ<$ A similar proclamation, issued by Congress, was received by Washington on the 17th of April. Being unaccompanied by any instructions respecting the discharge of the part of the army with him, should the measure be deemed neces¬ sary, he found himself in a perplexing situation. The accounts of peace received at different times had raised an expectation in the minds of those of his troops that had engaged “for the war,” that a speedy discharge must be the consequence of the proclamation. Most of them could not distinguish between a proclamation of a cessation of hos¬ tilities and a definitive declaration of peace, and might con¬ sider any further claim on their military services an act of injustice. It was becoming difficult to enforce the discipline necessary to the coherence of an army. W ashington repre¬ sented these circumstances in a letter to the president, and earnestly entreated a prompt determination on the part of Congress as to what was to be the period of the services of these men, and how he was to act respecting their discharge. One suggestion of his letter is expressive of his strong sympathy with the patriot soldier, and his knowledge of what formed a matter of pride with the poor fellows who had served and suffered under him. He urged that, in dis¬ charging those who had been engaged “for the war,” the non-commissioned officers and soldiers should be allowed to take with them, as their own property, and as a gratuity, their arms and accouterments. “This act,” observes he, “would raise pleasing sensations in the minds of these worthy and faithful men, who, from their early engag¬ ing in the war at moderate bounties, and from their patient continuance under innumerable distresses, have not only deserved nobly of their country, but have obtained an hon¬ orable distinction over those who, with shorter terms, have Cife of U/a8t?ri}$toi) 33 gained large pecuniary rewards. This, at a comparatively small expense, would be deemed an honorable testimonial from Congress of the regard they bear to these distinguished worthies, and the sense they have of their suffering virtues and services. . . . “These constant companions of their toils, preserved with sacred attention, would be handed down from the present possessors to their children, as honorary badges of bravery and military merit; and would probably be brought forth on some future occasion, with pride and exultation, to be im¬ proved with the same military ardor and emulation in the hands of posterity, as they have been used by their fore¬ fathers in the present establishment and foundation of our national independence and glory.’* This letter dispatched, he notified in general orders that the cessation of hostilities should be proclaimed at noon on the following day, and read in the evening at the head of every regiment and corps of the army, “after which,” adds he, “the chaplains with the several brigades will render thanks to Almighty God for all His mercies, particularly for His overruling the wrath of man to His own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease among the nations.” Having noticed that this auspicious day, the 19th of April completed the eighth year of the war, and was the anni¬ versary of the eventful conflict at Lexington, he went on in general orders to impress upon the army a proper idea of the dignified part they were called upon to act. “The generous task for which we first flew to arms being accomplished; the liberties of our country being fully ac¬ knowledged and firmly secured, and the characters of those who have persevered through every extremity of hardship, suffering and danger, being immortalized by the illustrious 34 U/orks of U/asl?ii}<$l:oi) Iruir?<$ appellation of the patriot army , nothing now remains but for the actors of this mighty scene to preserve a perfect, un¬ varying consistency of character, through the very last act, to close the drama with applause, and to retire from the military theater with the same approbation of angels and men which has crowned all their former virtuous actions.” The letter which he had written to the president produced a resolution in Congress, that the service of the men engaged in the war did not expire until the ratification of the defini¬ tive articles of peace; but that the commander-in-chief might grant furloughs to such as he thought proper, and that they should be allowed to take their arms with them. Washington availed himself freely of this permission: furloughs were granted without stint; the men set out singly or in small parties for their rustic homes, and the danger and inconvenience were avoided of disbanding large masses, at a time, of unpaid soldiery. Now and then were to be seen three or four in a group, bound probably to the same neighborhood, beguiling the way with camp jokes and camp stories. The war-worn soldier was always kindly received at the farmhouses along the road, where he might shoulder his gun and fight over his battles. The men thus dismissed on furlough were never called upon to rejoin the army. Once at home, they sank into domestic life; their weapons were hung up over their fireplaces—military trophies of the Revolution to be prized by future generations. In the meantime Sir Guy Carleton was making prepara¬ tions for the evacuation of the city of New York. The mo¬ ment he had received the royal order for the cessation of hostilities, he had written for all the shipping that could be procured from Europe and the West Indies. As early as the 27th of April a fleet had sailed for different parts of Cife of U/asfyip^tor? 35 Nova Scotia, carrying off about seven thousand persons, with all their effects. A great part of these were troops, but many were royalists and refugees, exiled by the laws of the United States. They looked forward with a dreary eye to their voyage, “bound,” as one of them said, “to a coun¬ try where there were nine months of winter and three months of cold weather every year.” On the 6th of May a personal conference took place be¬ tween Washington and Sir Guy at Orangetown, about the transfer of posts in the United States, held by the British troops, and the delivery of all property stipulated by the treaty to be given up to the Americans. On the 8th of May, Egbert Benson, William S. Smith and Daniel Parker were commissioned by Congress to inspect and superintend at New York the embarkation of persons and property, in ful¬ fillment of the seventh article of the provisional treaty. While sadness and despair prevailed among the tories and refugees in New York, the officers in the patriot camp on the Hudson were not without gloomy feelings at the thought of their approaching separation from each other. Eight years of dangers and hardships, shared in common and nobly sus¬ tained, had welded their hearts together, and made it hard to rend them asunder. Prompted by such feelings, General Knox, ever noted for generous impulses, suggested, as a mode of perpetuating the friendships thus formed and keep¬ ing alive the brotherhood of the camp, the formation of a society composed of the officers of the army. The sugges¬ tion met with universal concurrence, and the hearty appro¬ bation of Washington. Meetings were held, at which the Baron Steuben, as senior officer, presided. A plan was drafted by a commit-, tee composed of Generals Knox, Hand, and Huntingdon, 36 U/or^s of U/asl?ir}<$toi) Iruir)<$ and Captain Shaw, and the society was organized at a meet¬ ing held on the 13th of May, at the baron’s quarters in the old Yerplanck House, near Fishkill. By its formula, the officers of the American army in the most solemn mf ner combined themselves into one society of friends to endure as long as they should endure, or any of their eldest male posterity, and in failure thereof, their collateral branches who might be judged worthy of being its supporters and members. In memory of the illustrious Ro¬ man, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, who retired from war to the peaceful duties of the citizen, it was to be called “The Society of the Cincinnati.” The objects proposed by it were to preserve inviolate the rights and liberties for which they had contended; to promote and cherish national honor and union between the States; to maintain brotherly kindness to¬ ward each other, and extend relief to such officers and their families as might stand in need of it. In order to obtain funds for the purpose, each officer was to contribute one month’s pay, the interest only to be appro¬ priated to the relief of the unfortunate. The general society, for the sake of frequent communications, was to be divided into State societies, and these again into districts. The gen¬ eral society was to meet annually on the first Monday in May, the State societies on each 4tli of July, the districts as often as should be agreed on by the State society. The society was to have an insignia called “The Order of the Cincinnati.” It was to be a golden American eagle bearing on its breast emblematical devices; this was to be suspended by a deep-blue ribbon two inches wide, edged with white; significative of the union of America with France. Individuals of the respective States, distinguished for Cife of U/asbffi<$tor) 37 patriotism and talents, might be admitted as honorary mem¬ bers for life; their numbers never to exceed a ratio of one to four. The French ministers who had officiated at Phila¬ delphia, and the French admirals, generals,, and colonels, who had served in the United States, wemj to be presented with the insignia of the order, and invited to become mem¬ bers. Washington was chosen unanimously to officiate as presi¬ dent of it, until the first general meeting, to be held in May, 1784. On the 8th of June, Washington addressed a letter to the governors of the several States on the subject of the dissolu¬ tion of the army. The opening of it breathes that aspiration after the serene quiet of private life, which had been his dream of happiness throughout the storms and trials of his anxious career, but the full fruition of which he was never to realize. ‘‘The great object,” said he, “for which I had the honor to hold an appointment in the service of my country being accomplished, 1 am now preparing to return to that domestic retirement which, it is well known, I left with the greatest reluctance; a retirement for which I have never ceased to sigh, through a long and painful absence, and in which (remote from the noise and trouble of the world) I medi¬ tate to pass the remainder of life in a state of undisturbed repose.” His letter then described the enviable condition of the citizens of America. “Sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with all the necessaries and conveniences of life; and acknowledged possessors of ‘absolute freedom and independency.’ This is the time,” 38 U/orks of U/as^ip^top IrvfQ$ said he, “of their political probation; this is the moment when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them; this is the moment to establish or ruin their national char¬ acter forever. This is the favorable moment to give such a tone to the federal government as will enable it to answer the ends of its institution; or this may be the moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihilating the cement of the confederation, and exposing us to become the sport of European politics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own interested purposes. “With this conviction of the importance of the present crisis, silence in me would be a crime. I will therefore speak the language of freedom and sincerity without disguise. “I am aware, however,” continues he modestly, “that those who differ from me in political sentiment may perhaps remark that I am stepping out of the proper line of my duty, and may possibly ascribe to arrogance or ostentation what I know is the result of the purest intention. But the recti¬ tude of my own heart, which disdains such unworthy mo¬ tives; the part I have hitherto acted in life; the determina¬ tion I have formed of not taking any share in public business hereafter; the ardent desire I feel, and shall continue to manifest, of quietly enjoying, in private life, after all the toils of war, the benefits of a wise and liberal government; will, I flatter myself, sooner or later convince my country¬ men that I could have no sinister views in delivering with so little reserve the opinions contained in this address.” He then proceeded ably and eloquently to discuss what he considered the four things essential to the well-being, and even the existence, of the United States as an independent power. Cife of U/asf?ii?<$toi} 39 First. An indissoluble union of the States under one federal head, and a perfect acquiescence of the several States in the full exercise of the prerogative vested in such a head by the constitution. Second. A sacred regard to public justice in discharging debts and fulfilling contracts made by Congress for the pur¬ pose of carrying on the war. Third. The adoption of a proper peace establishment; in which care should be taken to place the militia throughout the Union on a regular, uniform, and efficient footing. “The militia of this country,” said he, “must be considered as the palladium of our security, and the first effectual resort in cases of hostility. It is essential, therefore, that the same system should pervade the whole; that the formation and discipline of the militia of the continent should be absolutely uniform, and that the same species of arms, accouterments, and military apparatus should be introduced in every part of the United States.” And Fourth. A disposition among the people of the United States to forget local prejudices and policies; to make mutual concessions, and to sacrifice individual advantages to the interests of the community. These four things Washington pronounced the pillars on which the glorious character must be supported. “Liberty is the basis, and whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attempt it, will merit the bitterest execration and the severest punishment which can be inflicted by his injured country.” We forbear to go into the ample and admirable reasoning with which he expatiates on these heads, and, above all, enforces the sacred inviolability of the Union; they have 40 U/or^s of U/asfyir^tor? Irvir?^ become familiar with every American mind, and ought to govern every American heart. Nor will we dwell upon his touching appeal on the subject of the half pay and commuta¬ tion promised to the army, and which began to be considered in the odious light of a pension. “That provision,” said he, “should be viewed as it really was—a reasonable compensa¬ tion offered by Congress, at a time when they had nothing else to give to the officers of the army for services then to be performed. It was the only means to prevent a total dere¬ liction of the service. It was a part of their hire. I may be allowed to say it was the price of their blood and of your independency; it is therefore more than a common debt, it is a debt of honor.” Although we have touched upon but a part of this ad¬ mirable letter, we cannot omit its affecting close, addressed as it was to each individual governor. “I have thus freely declared what I wished to make known, before I surrendered up my public trust, to those who committed it to me. The task is now accomplished. I now bid adieu to your Excellency, as the chief magistrate of your State, at the same time I bid a last farewell to the cares of office and all the employments of public life. “It remains, then, to be my final and only request, that your Excellency will communicate these sentiments to your Legislature at their next meeting, and that they may be con¬ sidered the legacy of one who has ardently wished, on all occasions, to be useful to his country, and who, even in the shade of retirement, will not fail to implore the Divine benediction on it. “I now make it my earnest prayer that God would have you, and the State over which you preside, in His holy pro¬ tection; that He would incline the hearts of the citizens to Cife of U/asl?ii)<$tOQ 41 cultivate a spirit of subordination and obedience to govern¬ ment, to entertain a brotherly affection and love for one another, for their fellow-citizens of the United States at large, and particularly for brethren who have served in the field; and finally, that He would most graciously be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility, and pacific temper of mind, which are the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed religion, and without whose example in those things we can never hope to be a happy nation.’* While the patriot army, encamped under the eye of "Wash¬ ington, bore their hardships and privations without flinching, or returned quietly to their homes with, as yet, no actual reward but the weapons with which they had vindicated their country’s cause; about eighty newly recruited soldiers of the Pennsylvania line, stationed at Lancaster, suddenly mutinied and set off in a body for Philadelphia, to demand redress of fancied grievances from the Legislature of the State. Arriving at that city, they were joined by about two hundred comrades from the barracks, and proceeded on the 2d of June with beat of drum and fixed bayonets to the State House, where Congress and the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania were in session. Placing sentinels at every door to prevent egress, they sent in a written message to the president and council, threat¬ ening military violence if their demands were not complied with in the course of twenty minutes. Though these menaces were directed against the State government. Congress felt itself outraged by being thus surrounded and blockaded for several hours by an armed soldiery. Fearing lest the State of Pennsylvania might not be able to furnish adequate protection, it adjourned to meet 42 U/or^s of U/as^ip^top trvlp$ within a few days at Princeton; sending information, in the meantime, to Washington of this mutinous outbreak. The latter immediately detached General Howe with fifteen hundred men to quell the mutiny and punish the offenders; at the same time, in a letter to the President of Congress, he expressed his indignation and distress at seeing a handful of men, “contemptible in numbers and equally so in point of service, and not worthy to be called soldiers,” insulting the sovereign authority of the Union and that of their own State. He vindicated the army at large, how¬ ever, from the stain the behavior of these men might cast upon it. These were mere recruits, soldiers of a day, who had not borne the heat and burden of the war, and had in reality few hardships to complain of. He contrasted their conduct with that of the soldiers recently furloughed—vet¬ erans, who had patiently endured hunger, nakedness, and cold; who had suffered and bled without a murmur, and who had retired, in perfect good order, to their homes, with¬ out a settlement of their accounts or a farthing of money in their pockets. While he gave vent to this indignation and scorn, roused by the “arrogance and folly and wicked¬ ness of the mutineers,” he declared that he could not suffi¬ ciently admire the fidelity, bravery, and patriotism of the rest of the army. Fortunately, before the troops under General Howe reached Philadelphia, the mutiny had been suppressed with¬ out bloodshed. Several of the mutineers were tried by a court-martial, two were condemned to death, but ultimately pardoned, and four received corporal punishment. Washington now found his situation at headquarters irk« some; there was little to do, and he was liable to be inces¬ santly teased with applications and demands which he had Cife of U/asfiir^toi} 43 neither the means nor power to satisfy. He resolved, there- fore, to while away part of the time that must intervene before the arrival of the definitive treaty, by making a tour to the northern and western parts of the State, and visiting the places which had been the theater of important military transactions. He had another object in view; he desired to facilitate as far as in his power the operations which would be necessary for occupying, as soon as evacuated by the British troops, the posts ceded by the treaty of peace. Governor Clinton accompanied him on the expedition. They set out by water from Newburg, ascended the Hudson to Albany, visited Saratoga and the scene of Burgoyne’s surrender, embarked on Lake George, where light boats had been provided for them, traversed that beautiful lake so full of historic interest, proceeded to Ticonderoga and Crown Point; and after reconnoitering those eventful posts, returned to Schenectady, whence they proceeded up the valley of the Mohawk River, “to have a view,” writes Washington, “of that tract of country which is so much celebrated for the fertility of its soil and the beauty of its situation.” Having reached Fort Schuyler, formerly Fort Stanwix, they crossed over to Wood Creek, which empties into Oneida Lake, and affords the water communication with Ontario. They then traversed the country to the head of the eastern branch of the Susquehanna, and viewed Lake Otsego and the portage between that lake and the Mohawk River. Washington returned to headquarters at Newburg on the 5th of August, after a tour of at least seven hundred and fifty miles, performed in nineteen days, and for the most part on horseback. In a letter to the Chevalier de Chastellux, written two or three months afterward, and giving a sketch of his tour through what was, as yet, an 44 U/orKs of U/asl?ir)<$tor} Iruii}<$ unstudied wilderness, he writes: “Prompted by these actual observations, I could not help taking a more extensive view of the vast inland navigation of these United States from maps and the information of others; and could not but be struck with the immense extent and importance of it, and with the goodness of that Providence which has dealt its favors to us with so profuse a hand; would to God we may have wisdom enough to improve them. I shall not rest contented till I have explored the western country and trav¬ ersed those lines, or a great part of them, which have given bounds to a new empire.” The vast advantages of internal communication between the Hudson and the great lakes, which dawned upon Washington’s mind in the course of this tour, have since been realized in that grand artery of national wealth, the Erie Canal. CHAPTER THIRTY-THREE The Army to be discharged—Parting Address of Washington— Evacuation of New York—Parting Scene of Washington with his Officers at New York—Washington resigns his Commission to Congress—Retires to Mount Vernon By a proclamation of Congress, dated 18th of October, all officers and soldiers absent on furlough were discharged from further service; and all others who had engaged to serve during the war were to be discharged from and after the 3d of November. A small force only, composed of those who had enlisted for a definite time, were to be retained in service until the peace establishment should be organized In general orders of November 2d, Washington, after adverting to this proclamation, adds: “It only remains for Cifc of U/a8l?ii}<$tor) 45 the commander-in-chief to address himself once more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the United States, however widely dispersed the individuals who compose them may be, and to bid them an affectionate and a long fare¬ well.” He then goes on to make them one of those paternal addresses which so eminently characterize his relationship with his army, so different from that of any other com¬ mander. He takes a brief view of the glorious struggle from which they had just emerged; the unpromising circum¬ stances under which they had undertaken it, and the signal interposition of Providence in behalf of their feeble condi¬ tion ; the unparalleled perseverance of the American armies for eight long years, through almost every possible suffering and discouragement; a perseverance which he justly pro¬ nounces to be little short of a standing miracle. Adverting then to the enlarged prospects of happiness opened by the confirmation of national independence and sovereignty, and the ample and profitable employments held out in a Republic so happily circumstanced, he exhorts them to maintain the strongest attachment to the union, and to carry with them into civil society the most conciliatory dis¬ positions; proving themselves not less virtuous and useful as citizens than they had been victorious as soldiers; feeling- assured that the private virtues of economy, prudence and industry would not be less amiable in civil life, than the more splendid qualities of valor, perseverance and enterprise were in the field. After a warm expression of thanks to the officers and men for the assistance he had received from every class, and in every instance, he adds: “To the various branches of the army the General takes 46 U/orks of U/as^ir><$top Irulr}$ this last and solemn opportunity of professing his invariable attachment and friendship. He wishes more than bare pro¬ fessions were in his power; that he was really able to be useful to them all in future life. He flatters himself, how¬ ever, they will do him the justice to believe, that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him has been done. “And being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave in a short time of the military char¬ acter, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, he can only offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of Heaven’s favors, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the Divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others. With these wishes, and this benediction, the commander- in-chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him will be closed forever.” There was a straightforward simplicity in Washington’s addresses to his army; they were so void of tumid phrases or rhetorical embellishments; the counsels given in them were so sound and practicable; the feelings expressed in them so kind and benevolent; and so perfectly in accordance with his character and conduct, that they always had an irresistible effect on the rudest and roughest hearts. A person who was present at the breaking up of the army, and whom we have had frequent occasion to cite, observes, on the conduct of the troops, “The advice of their beloved commander-in-chief, and the resolves of Congress to pay and compensate them in such manner as the ability of the United States would permit, operated to keep them Cife of U/asfyir^tor? 47 quiet and prevent tumult, but no description would be ade¬ quate to the painful circumstances of the parting scene. Both officers and soldiers, long unaccustomed to the affairs of private life, turned loose on the world to starve, and to become the prey to vulture speculators. Never can that melancholy day be forgotten when friends, companions for seven long years in joy and in sorrow, were torn asunder without the hope of ever meeting again, and with prospects of a miserable subsistence in future.” * Notwithstanding every exertion had been made for the evacuation of New York, such was the number of persons and the quantity of effects of all kinds to be conveyed away, that the month of November was far advanced before it could be completed. Sir Guy Carleton had given notice to W ashington of the time he supposed the different posts would be vacated, that the Americans might be prepared to take possession of them. In consequence of this notice, General George Clinton, at that time Governor of New York, had summoned the members of the State council to convene at Eastchester on the 21st of November, for the purpose of establishing civil government in the districts hitherto occupied by the British; and a detachment of troops was marched from West Point to be ready to take possession of the posts as they were vacated. On the 21st the British troops w4re drawn in from the oft-disputed post of King’s Bridge and from M‘Gowan’s Pass, also from the various posts on the eastern part of Long Island. Paul us Hook was relinquished on the following day, and the afternoon of the 25th of November was ap¬ pointed by Sir Guy for the evacuation of the city and the opposite village of Brooklyn. * Thacher, p. 421. 48 U/orks of U/asbii)$toi) Iruir><$ Washington, in the meantime, had taken his station at Harlem, accompanied by Governor Clinton, who, in virtue of his office, was to take charge of the city. They found there General Knox with the detachment from West Point. Sir Guy Carleton had intimated a wish that Washington would be at hand to take immediate possession of the city, and prevent all outrage, as he had been informed of a plot to plunder the place whenever the king’s troops should be withdrawn. He had engaged, also, that the guards of the redoubts on the East River, covering the upper part of the town, should be the first to be withdrawn, and that an officer should be sent to give Washington’s advanced guard information of their retiring. Although W ashington doubted the existence of any such plot as that which had been reported to the British com¬ mander, yet he took precautions accordingly. On the morn¬ ing of the 25th the American troops, composed of dragoons, light-infantry, and artillery, moved from Harlem to the Bowery at the upper part of the city. There they remained until the troops in that quarter were withdrawn, when they marched into the city and took possession, the British em¬ barking from the lower parts. A formal entry then took place of the military and civil authorities. General Washington and Governor Clinton, with their suites, on horseback, led the procession, escorted by a troop of Westchester cavalry. Then came the lieu¬ tenant-governor and members of the council, General Knox and the officers of the army, the speaker of the Assembly, and a large number of citizens on horseback and on foot. An American lady, who was at that time very young and had resided during the latter part of the war in the city, has given us an account of the striking contrast be- Cife of U/asf?ir}$toi) 49 tween the American and British troops “We had been accustomed for a long time,” said she, “to military display- in all the finish and finery of garrison life; the troops just leaving us were as if equipped for show, and with their scarlet uniforms and burnished arms made a brilliant dis¬ play; the troops that marched in, on the contrary, were ill-clad and weather-beaten, and made a forlorn appearance; but then they were our troops, and as I looked at them, and thought upon all they had done and suffered for us, my heart and eyes were full, and I admired and gloried in them the more, because they were weather-beaten and forlorn.” The city was now a scene of public festivity and rejoicing. The governor gave banquets to the French embassador, the commander-in-chief, the military and civil officers, and a large number of the most eminent citizens, and at night the public were entertained by splendid fireworks. In the course of a few days Washington prepared to depart for Annapolis, where Congress was assembling, with the intention of asking'leave to resign his command. A barge was in waiting about noon on the 4th of December at Whitehall ferry to convey him across the Hudson to Paulua Hook. The principal officers of the army assembled at Fraunces* Tavern in the neighborhood of the ferry, to take a final leave of him. On entering the room, and finding himself surrounded by his old companions in arms, who had shared with him so many scenes of hardship, difficulty, and danger, his agitated feelings overcame his usual self-com¬ mand. Filling a glass of wine, and turning upon them his benignant but saddened countenance, “With a heart full of love and gratitude,” said he, “I now take leave of you, most devoutly wishing that your latter days may be as prosperous Vol. XV.— : ** *3 50 U/or^s of U/a8^ir>^tor> IruiQ$ and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable. ” Having drunk this farewell benediction, he added with emotion, “I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged if each of you will come and take me by the hand.” General Knox, who was nearest, was the first to advance. Washington, affected even to tears, grasped his hand and gave him a brother’s embrace. In the same affectionate manner he took leave severally of the rest. Not a word was spoken. The deep feeling and manly tenderness of these veterans in the parting moment could find no utter¬ ance in words. Silent and solemn they followed their loved commander as he left the room, passed through a corps of light-infantry, and proceeded on foot to Whitehall ferry. Having entered the barge, he turned to them, took off his hat and waved a silent adieu. They replied in the same manner, and having watched the barge until the intervening point of the Battery shut it from sight, returned, still solemn and silent, to the place where they had assembled. * On his way to Annapolis, Washington stopped for a few days at Philadelphia, where, with his usual exactness in matters of business, he adjusted with the Comptroller of the Treasury his accounts from the commencement of the war down to the 13th of the actual month of December. These were all in his own handwriting, and kept in the cleanest and most accurate manner, each entry being accompanied by a statement of the occasion and object of the charge. The gross amount was about fourteen thousand five hun- * Marshall’s Life of Washington. Cife of U/asf?ir)$toi? 51 dred pounds sterling; in which were included moneys ex¬ pended for secret intelligence and service, and in various in¬ cidental charges. All this, it must be noted, was an account of money actually expended in the progress of the war; not for arrearage of pay; for it will be recollected Washington accepted no pay. Indeed, on the final adjustment of his accounts, he found himself a considerable loser, having fre¬ quently, in the hurry of business, neglected to credit him¬ self with sums drawn from his private purse in moments of exigency. The schedule of his public account furnishes not the least among the many noble and impressive lessons taught by his character and example. It stands a touchstone of honesty in office, and a lasting rebuke on that lavish expenditure of the public money, too often heedlessly, if not willfully, in¬ dulged by military commanders. In passing through New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, the scenes of his anxious and precarious cam¬ paigns, Washington was everywhere hailed with enthusi¬ asm by the people, and greeted with addresses by Legisla¬ tive assemblies, and learned and religious institutions. He accepted them all with that modesty inherent in his nature; little thinking that this present popularity was but the early outbreaking of a fame that was to go on widening and deep¬ ening from generation to generation, and extending over the whole civilized world. Being arrived at Annapolis, he addressed a letter to the President of Congress, on the 20th of December, requesting to know in what manner it would be most proper to offer his resignation; whether in writing or at an audience. The lat¬ ter mode was adopted, and the Hall of Congress appointed for the ceremonial. U - nf ILL 52 U/orl^s of U/as^ip^tOQ Irvir?$ A letter from Washington to the Baron Steuben, written on the 23d, concludes as follows; “This is the last letter I shall write while I continue in the service of my country. The hour of my resignation is fixed at twelve to-day, after which I shall become a private citizen on the banks of the » Potomac.” At twelve o’clock the gallery, and a great part of the floor of the Hall of Congress, were filled with ladies, with public functionaries of the State, and with general officers. The members ot Congress were seated and covered, as repre¬ sentatives of the sovereignty of the Union. The gentlemen present as spectators were standing and uncovered. Washington entered, conducted by the secretary of Con¬ gress, and took his seat in a chair appointed for him. After a brief pause the president (General Mifflin) informed him that “the United States in Congress assembled were pre¬ pared to receive his communication.” Washington then rose, and, in a dignified and impressive manner, delivered a short address. “The great events,” said he, “on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, I now have the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before them to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indul¬ gence of retiring from the service of my country.” After expressing his obligations to the army in general, and acknowledging the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the confidential officers who had been attached to his person, and composed his family during the war, and whom he especially recommended to the favor of Congress, he continued: “I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last sol- Cife of U/asf?ir)<$tor) 53 emn act of my official life by commending tlie interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God; and those who have the superintendence of them to His holy keeping. “Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theater of action; and, bidding an affection- ate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have long acted, I here offer my commission and take my leave of all the employments of public life.” “Few tragedies ever drew so many tears from so many beautiful eyes,” says a writer who was present, “as the moving manner in which his Excellency took his final leave of Congress.” * Having delivered his commission into the hands of the president, the latter, in reply to his address, bore testimony to the patriotism with which he had answered to the call of bis country, and defended its invaded rights before it had formed alliances, and while it was without funds or a government to support him; to the wisdom and fortitude with which he had conducted the great. military contest, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power through all disasters and changes. “You may retire,” added he, “from the theater of action with the blessings of your fellow-citizens; but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command; it will continue to animate remotest ages.” The very next morning Washington left Annapolis, and hastened to his beloved Mount Vernon, where he arrived the same day, on Christmas-eve, in a frame of mind suited to enjoy the sacred and genial festival, “The scene is at last closed,” said he in a letter to Gov- * Editor of the Maryland Gazette. 54 U/orks of U/as^iQ^tOf) Iruip$ ernor Clinton; “I feel myself eased of a load of public care. I hope to spend the remainder of my days iii cultivating the affections of good men and in the practice of the domestic virtues.” CHAPTER THIRTY-FOUR Washington at Mount Vernon—A Soldier’s Repose—Plans of Do¬ mestic Life—Kind Offer of the Council of Pennsylvania—His¬ torical Applications—News of Jacob Van Braam—Opening of Spring—Agricultural Life resumed—Recollections of the Fair¬ faxes—Meeting of the Order of Cincinnati—Tour of Washing¬ ton and Dr. Craik to the West—Ideas of Internal Improvement —Parting with Lafayette For some time after his return to Mount Yernon, Wash¬ ington was in a manner locked up by the ice and snow of an uncommonly rigorous winter, so that social intercourse was interrupted, and he could not even pay a visit of duty and affection to his aged mother at Fredericksburg. But it was enough for him at present that he was at length at home at Mount Yernon. Yet the habitudes of the camp still haunted him; he could hardly realize that he was free from military duties; on waking in the morning he almost expected to hear the drum going its stirring rounds and beating the reveille. “Strange as it may seem,” writes he to General Knox, “it is nevertheless true that it was not until very lately I could get the better of my usual custom of ruminating, as soon as I waked in the morning, on the business of the ensu¬ ing day; and of my surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my mind, that I was no longer a public man, nor had anything to do with public transactions. I feel now, however, as I conceive a weary traveler must do, who, after treading many a weary step, with a heavy burden on his Cife of U/asl?iQ$toi} 55 shoulders, is eased of the latter, having reached the haven to which all the former were directed, and from his house¬ top is looking back, and tracing, with an eager eye, the meanders by which he escaped the quicksands and mires which lay in his way; and into which none but the all- powerful Guide and Dispenser of human events could have prevented his falling.” And in a letter to Lafayette he writes: “Free from the bustle of a camp and the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of fame; the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries—as if this globe was insufficient for us all; and the courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his prince in hopes of catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception. 1 have not only retired from all pub¬ lic employments, but I am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk and tread the paths of pri¬ vate life with heartfelt satisfaction. Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all; and this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, I will move gently down the stream of life until I sleep with my fathers.” And subsequently in a letter to the Marchioness de La¬ fayette, inviting her to America to see the country, “young, rude, and uncultivated as it is,” for the liberties of which her husband had fought, bled, and acquired much glory, and where everybody admired and loved him, he adds: “I am now enjoying domestic ease under the shadow of my own vine and my own fig-tree, in a small villa, with the imple¬ ments of husbandry and lambkins about me. . . . Come, then, let me entreat you, and call my cottage your own; for 5(3 U/or^g of U/ag^ipcJtoi) Iruir><^ your doors do not open to you with more readiness than mine would. You will see the plain manner in which we live, and meet with rustic civility; and you shall taste the sim¬ plicity of rural life. It will diversify the scene, and may give you a higher relish for the gayeties of the court when you return to Versailles.” During the winter storms he anticipates the time when the return of the sun will enable him to welcome his friends and companions in arms to partake of his hospitality; and lays down his unpretending plan of receiving the curious visitors who are likely to throng in upon him. “My manner of living,” writes he to a friend, “is plain, and I do not mean to be put out of it. A glass of wine and a bit of mutton are always ready; and such as will be content to partake of them are always welcome. Those who expect more will be disap¬ pointed.” Some degree of economy was necessary, for his financial concerns had suffered during the war, and the products of his estate had fallen off during his long absence. In the meantime the supreme council of Pennsylvania, properly appreciating the disinterestedness of his conduct, and aware that popular love and popular curiosity would attract crowds of visitors to Mount Vernon, and subject him to extraordinary expenses, had instructed their delegates in Congress to call the attention of that body to these circum¬ stances, with a view to produce some national reward for his eminent services. Before acting upon these instructions, the delegates were instructed to send a copy of them to Wash¬ ington for his approbation. He received the documents while buried in accounts and calculations, and when, had he been of a mercenary disposi¬ tion, the offered intervention in his favor would have seemed Cife of U/as^iQ^tOQ 57 most seasonable; but he at once most gratefully and respect¬ fully declined it, jealously maintaining the satisfaction of having served his country at the sacrifice of his private in¬ terests. Applications began to be made to him by persons desir¬ ous of writing the history of the Revolution for access to the public papers in his possession. He excused himself from submitting to their inspection those relative to the occur¬ rences and transactions of his late command until Congress should see fit to open their archives to the historian. His old friend, Dr. Craik, made a similar application to Washington in behalf of a person who purposed to write his memoirs. He replied that any memoir of his life distinct and unconnected with the general history of the war would rather hurt his feelings than flatter his pride, while he could not furnish the papers and information connected with it without subjecting himself to the imputation of vanity, add¬ ing: “I had rather leave it to posterity to think and say what they please of me than, by any act of mine, to have vanity or ostentation imputed to me.” It was a curious circumstance that, scarce had Washing¬ ton retired from the bustle of arms and hung up his sword at Mount Yernon, when he received a letter from the worthy who had first taught him the use of that sword in these very halls. In a word, Jacob Van Braam, his early teacher of the sword exercise, his fellow campaigner and unlucky in¬ terpreter in the affair of the Great Meadows, turned up once more. His letter gave a glance over the current of his life. It would appear that after the close of the French war he had been allowed half pay in consideration of his services and misadventures; and, in process of time, had married and settled on a farm in Wales with his wife and wife’s 58 U/orl^s of H/as^iQ^tOQ Iruir)<$ mother. He had carried with him to England a strong feel¬ ing in favor of America, and on the breaking out of the Revolution had been very free, and, as he seemed to think, eloquent and effective, in speaking in all companies and at country meetings against the American war. Suddenly, as if to stop his mouth, he received orders from Lord Amherst, then commander-in-chief, to join his regiment (the 60th), in which he was appointed eldest captain in the 3d battalion. In vain he pleaded his rural occupations; his farm cultivated at so much cost, for which he was in debt, and which must go to ruin should he abandon it so abruptly. No excuse was admitted—he must embark and sail for East Florida, or lose his half pay. He accordingly sailed for St. Augustine in the beginning of 1776, with a couple of hundred recruits picked up in London, resolving to sell out of the army on the first opportunity. By a series of cross-purposes he was prevented from doing so until 1779, having in the interim made a campaign in Georgia. “He quitted the service,” he adds, “with as much pleasure as ever a young man entered it.” He then returned to England and took up his residence in Devonshire, but his invincible propensity to talk against the ministry made his residence there uncomfortable. His next move, therefore, was to the old fertile province of Or- leannois, in France, where he was still living near Male- sherbes, apparently at his ease, enjoying the friendship of the distinguished personage of that name, and better versed, it is to be hoped, in the French language than when he offi¬ ciated as interpreter in the capitulation at the Great Mead¬ ows. The worthy major appeared to contemplate with joy and pride the eminence to which his early pupil in the sword exercise had attained. Cife of U/asI?ii)$toi} 59 “Give me leave, sir, before I conclude,” writes he, “to pour out the sentiments of my soul in congratulations for your successes in the American contest; and in wishing you a long life to enjoy the blessing of a great people whom you have been the chief instrument in freeing from bondage.” So disappears from the scene one of the earliest person- ages of our history. As spring advanced, Mount Vernon, as had been antici¬ pated, began to attract numerous visitors. They were re¬ ceived in the frank, unpretending style Washington had de termined upon. It was truly edifying to behold how easily and contentedly he subsided from the authoritative com¬ mander-in-chief of armies into the quiet country gentleman. There was nothing awkward or violent in the transition. He seemed to be in his natural element. Mrs. W ashington, too, who had presided with quiet dignity at headquarters, and cheered the wintry gloom of Valley Forge with her presence, presided with equal amenity and grace at the sim¬ ple board of Mount Vernon. She had a cheerful good sense that always made her an agreeable companion, and was an excellent manager. She has been remarked for an inveter¬ ate habit of knitting. It had been acquired, or at least fos¬ tered, in the wintry encampments of the Revolution, where she used to set an example to her lady visitors by diligently plying her needles, knitting stockings for the poor destitute soldiery. In entering upon the outdoor management of his estate, Washington was but doing in person what he had long been doing through others. He had never virtually ceased to be the agriculturist. Throughout all his campaigns he had kept himself informed of the course of rural affairs at Mount Vernon. By means of maps, on which every field was laid U/orKs of U/a8l?ir}$tor) IruiQ$ t>0 down and numbered, he was enabled to give directions for their several cultivation, and receive accounts of their sev¬ eral crops. No hurry of affairs prevented a correspondence with his overseer or agent, and he exacted weekly reports. Thus his rural were interwoven with his military cares; the agriculturist was mingled with the soldier; and those strong sympathies with the honest cultivators of the soil, and that paternal care of their interests to be noted throughout his military career, may be ascribed, in a great measure, to the sweetening influences of Mount Vernon. Yet as spring re¬ turned, and he resumed his rides about the beautiful neigh¬ borhood of this haven of his hopes, he must have been mourn¬ fully sensible, now and then, of the changes which time and events had effected there. ' The Fairfaxes, the kind friends of his boyhood and social companions of his riper years, were no longer at hand to share his pleasures and lighten his cares. There were no more hunting dinners at Bel voir. He paid a sad visit to that happy resort of his youth, and contemplated with a mourn¬ ful eye its charred ruins, and the desolation of its once orna¬ mented grounds. George William Fairfax, its former pos¬ sessor, was in England; his political principles had detained him there during the war, and part of his property had been sequestered; still, though an exile, he continued in heart a friend to America, his hand had been open to relieve the dis¬ tresses of Americans in England, and he had kept up a cor¬ dial correspondence with Washington. Old Lord Fairfax, the Nimrod of Greenway Court, Wash¬ ington’s early friend and patron, with whom he had first learned to follow the hounds, had lived on in a green old age at his sylvan retreat in the beautiful valley of the Shenan¬ doah; popular with his neighbors and unmolested by the Cifc of U/asl?ii 7 8 U/or^s of U/asl?ii)^tor> Iruir)<$ Henry Lee, recently chosen President of Congress, he urged it upon his attention; suggesting that the western waters should be explored, their navigable capabilities ascertained, and that a complete map should be made of the country; that in all grants of land by the United States there should be a reserve made for special sale of all mines, mineral and salt springs; that a medium price should be adopted for the western lands sufficient to prevent monopoly, but not to dis¬ courage useful settlers. He had a salutary horror of “land jobbers” and “roaming speculators,” prowling about the country like wolves; marking and surveying valuable spots to the great disquiet of the Indian tribes. “The spirit of emigration is great,” said he; “people have got impatient, and though you cannot stop the road, it is yet in your power to mark the way; a little while and you will not be able to do either.” In the latter part of December he was at Annapolis, at the request of the Assembly of Virginia, to arrange matters with the Assembly of Maryland respecting the communica¬ tion between the Potomac and the western waters. Through his indefatigable exertions two companies were formed under the patronage of the governments of these States, for open¬ ing the navigation of the Potomac and James Rivers, and he was appointed president of both. By a unanimous vote of the Assembly of Virginia, fifty shares in the Potomac, and one hundred in the James River company, were appro¬ priated for his benefit, to the end that, while the great works he had promoted would remain monuments of his glory, they might also be monuments of the gratitude of his country. % The aggregate amount of these shares was about forty thousand dollars. Washington was exceedingly embarrassed by the appro- Cife of U/a 6 l?iQ<$tor 7 69 priation. To decline so noble and unequivocal a testimonial of the good opinion and good will of his countrymen might be construed into disrespect, yet he wished to be perfectly free to exercise his judgment and express his opinions in the matter, without being liable to the least suspicion of inter¬ ested motives. It had been his fixed determination, also, when he surrendered his military command, never to hold any other office under government to which emolument might become a necessary appendage. From this resolu¬ tion his mind had never swerved. "While, however, he declined to receive the proffered shares for his own benefit, he intimated a disposition to receive them in trust, to be applied to the use of some object or institution of a public nature. His wishes were complied with, and the shares were ultimately appropriated by him to institutions devoted to public education. Yet, though the love for his country would thus interfere with his love for his home, the dream of rural retirement at Mount Yernon still went on. “The more I am acquainted with agricultural affairs,” he says, in a letter to a friend in England, “the better I am pleased with them; insomuch that I can nowhere find so much satisfaction as in those innocent and useful pursuits. While indulging these feelings, I am led to reflect, how much more delightful to an undebauched mind is the task of making improvements on the earth, than all the vain¬ glory that can be acquired from ravaging it by the most uninterrupted career of conquest. “How pitiful, in this age of reason and religion, is that false ambition which desolates the world with fire and sword for the purpose of conquest and fame, compared to the milder virtues of making our neighbors and our fellow-men 70 Worlds of WastyqqtOT) Iruffiq as happy as their frail convictions and perishable natures will permit them to be.” He had a congenial correspondent in his quondam brother- soldier, Governor Clinton of Hew York, whose spear, like his own, had been turned into a pruning-hook. “Whenever the season is proper and an opportunity offers,” writes he to the governor, “I shall be glad to re¬ ceive the balsam trees or others which you may think curious and exotic with us, as I am endeavoring to improve the grounds about my house in this way.” He recommends to the governor’s care certain grapevines of the choicest kinds for the table, which an uncle of the Chevalier de Luzerne had engaged to send from France, and which must be about to arrive at Hew York. He is literally going to sit under his own vine and his own fig-tree, and devote himself to the quiet pleasures of rural life. At the opening of the year (1785) the entries in his diary show him diligently employed in preparations to improve his groves and shrubbery. On the 10th of January he notes that the white thorn is full in berry. On the 20th he begins to clear the pine groves of undergrowth. In February he transplants ivy under the walls of the garden to which it still clings. In March he is planting hemlock trees, that most beautiful species of American ever¬ green, numbers of which had been brought hither from Occoquan. In April he is sowing holly berries in drills, some adjoining a green-brier hedge on the north side of the garden gate; others in a semi-circle on the lawn. Many of the holly bushes thus produced are still flourishing about the place in full vigor. He had learned the policy, not suffi¬ ciently adopted in our country, of clothing his ornamented grounds as much as possible with evergreens, which resist Cife of U/asbip^toi) 71 the rigors of our winter, and keep up a cheering verdure throughout the year. Of the trees fitted for shade in pasture land he notes the locust, maple, black mulberry, black wal¬ nut, black gum, dogwood, and sassafras, none of which, he observes, materially injure the grass beneath them. Is then for once a soldier’s dream realized? Is he in per¬ fect enjoyment of that seclusion from the world and its dis¬ tractions which he had so often pictured to himself amid the hardships and turmoils of the camp? Alas, no! The “post,” that “herald of a noisy world,” invades his quiet and loads his table with letters, until correspondence becomes an intolerable burden. He looks in despair at the daily accumulating mass of unanswered letters. “Many mistakenly think,” writes he, “that I am retired to ease, and to that kind of tranquillity which would grow tiresome for want of employment; but at no period of my life, not in the eight years I served the public, have I been obliged to write so much myself, as I have done since my retirement.”* Again—“It is not the letters from my friends which give me trouble, or add aught to my perplexity. It is references to old matters, with which I have nothing to do; applications which often cannot be complied with; inquiries which would require the pen of a historian to satisfy; letters of compliment as unmeaning perhaps as they are troublesome, but which must be attended to; and the commonplace business which employs my pen and my time often disagreeably. These, with company, deprive me of exercise, and, unless I can obtain relief, must be productive of disagreeable consequences.” From much of this drudgery of the pen he was subse- * Letter to Richard Henry Lee. 72 U/ori^8 of U/asl?ir}$tor) Iruii}<$ quently relieved by Mr. Tobias Lear, a young gentleman of New Hampshire, a graduate of Harvard College, who acted as his private secretary, and at the same time took charge of the instruction of the two children of the late Mr. Parke Custis, whom Washington had adopted.. There was another tax imposed by his celebrity upon his time and patience. Applications were continually made to him to sit for his likeness. The following is his sportive reply to Mr. Francis Hopkinson, who applied in behalf of Mr. Pine: “ * In for a penny in for a pound,' is an old adage. I am so hackneyed to the touches of the painters’ pencil that I am altogether at their beck, and sit Tike Patience on a monument,’ while they are delineating the lines of my face. It is a proof, among many others, of what habit and custom can accomplish. At first 1 was impatient at the request, and as restive under the operation as a colt is under the saddle. The next time I submitted very reluctantly, but with less flouncing. Now no dray-horse moves more readily to his thill than I to the painter’s chair. It may easily be con¬ ceived, therefore, that I yield a ready obedience to your request, and to the views of Mr. Pine.” It was not long after this that M. Houdon, an artist of great merit, chosen by Mr. Jefferson and Dr. Franklin, arrived from Paris to make a study of Washington for a statue, for the Legislature of Virginia. He remained a fort¬ night at Mount Vernon, and having formed his model, took it with him to Paris, where he produced that excellent statue and likeness to be seen in the State House in Richmond, Virginia. Being now in some measure relieved from the labors of the pen, Washington had more time to devote to his plan Cife of U/asl?ir}<$t:or) 73 for ornamental cultivation of the grounds about liis dwelling. We find in his diary noted down with curious exactness each day’s labor and the share he took in it; his frequent rides to the Mill Swamp; the Dogue Creek; the “Plantation of the Neck,” and other places along the Potomac in quest of young elms, ash trees, white thorn, crab-apples, maples, mulberries, willows, and lilacs; 'the winding walks which he lays out, and the trees and shrubs which he plants along them. Now he sows acorns and buck-eye nuts brought by himself from the Monongahela; now he opens vistas through the Pine Grove, commanding distant views through the woodlands; and now he twines round his columns scarlet honeysuckles, which his gardener tells him will blow all the summer. His careworn spirit freshens up in these employments. With him Mount Vernon is a kind of idyl. The transient glow of poetical feeling which once visited his bosom, when in boyhood he rhymed beneath its groves, seems about to return once more; and we please ourselves with noting^ among the trees set out by him, a group of young horse- chestnuts from Westmoreland, his native county, the haunt of his schoolboy days; which had been sent to him by Colonel Lee (Light-horse Harry), the son of his “Low¬ land Beauty.” A diagram of the plan in which he had laid out his grounds still remains among his papers at Mount Vernon; the places are marked on it for particular trees and shrubs. Some of those trees and shrubs are still to be found in the places thus assigned to them. In the present neglected state of Mount Vernon, its walks are overgrown, and vegetation runs wild; but it is deeply interesting still to find traces of Vol. XV.—* * * 4 74 Xl/or^s of U/asl?iQ<$toi} Iruir?<$ no man who so carefully guarded against the discoursing of himself or of his acts, or of anything that pertained to him; and it has occasionally occurred to me when in his company, that, if a stranger to his person were present, he would never have known from anything said by him that he was conscious of having distinguished himself in the eye of the world.” An anecdote is told of Washington’s conduct while com¬ mander-in-chief, illustrative of his benignant attention to others and his freedom from all assumption. While the army was encamped at Morristown he one day attended a religious meeting where divine service was to be celebrated in the open air. A chair had been set out for his use. J ust before the service commenced, a woman with a child in her arms approached. All the seats were occupied. Washing¬ ton immediately rose, placed her in the chair which had been assigned to him and remained standing during the whole service.* The reverential awe which his deeds and elevated posi¬ tion threw around him was often a source of annoyance to him in private life; especially when he perceived its effect upon the young and gay. We have been told of a case in point, when he made his appearance at a private ball where all were enjoying themselves with the utmost glee. The moment he entered the room the buoyant mirth was checked; the dance lost its animation; every face was grave; every tongue was silent. He remained for a time, endeavoring to engage in conversation with some of the young people and to break the spell; finding it in vain, he retired sadly to the company of the elders in an adjoining room, express- * MS. notes of the Rev. Joseph F. Tuttle. Cife of U/asbip^top 79 ing his regret that his presence should operate as such a damper. After a little while light laughter and happy voices again resounded from the ballroom; upon which he rose cautiously , approached on tiptoe the door, which was ajar, and there stood for some time a delighted spectator of the youthful revelry. Washington, in fact, though habitually grave and thought¬ ful, was of a social disposition and loved cheerful society. He was fond of the dance; and it was the boast of many ancient dames in our day, who had been belles in the time of the Revolution, that they had danced minuets with him, or had him for a partner in contra-dances. There were balls in camp, in some of the dark times of the Revolution. “We had a little dance at my quarters,” writes General Greene from Middlebrook, in March, 1779. “His Excellency and Mrs. Greene danced upward of three hours without once sitting down. Upon the whole, we had a pretty little frisk. ” * A letter of Colonel Tench Tilghman, one of Washington’s aides-de-camp, gives an instance of the general’s festive gay- ety when, in the above year, the army was cantoned near Morristown. A large company, of which the General and Mrs. Washington, General and Mrs. Greene, and Mr. and Mrs. Olney were part, dined with Colonel and Mrs. Biddle. Some little time after the ladies had retired from table, Mr. Olney followed them into the next room. A clamor was raised against him as a deserter, and it was resolved that a party should be sent to demand him, and that if the ladies refused to give him up he should be brought by force. Washington humored the joke and offered to head the party. He led it with great formality to the door of the * Greene to Colonel W adsworth. MS. 80 U/or^s of U/a8l?ii)$tor) Iruir)<$ drawing-room and sent in a summons. The ladies refused to give up the deserter. An attempt was made to capture him. The ladies came to the rescue. There was a melee, in the course of which his Excellency seems to have had a passage at arms with Mrs. Olney. The ladies were victori¬ ous, as they always ought to be, says the gallant Tilghman.* Mr. Olney wrote to Colonel Tilghman, begging him to refute the scandal. The latter gave a true statement of the affair, declaring that the whole was done in jest, and that in the mock-contest Mrs. Olney had made use of no expressions unbecoming a lady of her good breeding, or such as were taken the least amiss by the general. More than one instance is told of Washington’s being surprised into hearty fits of laughter, even during the war. We have recorded one produced by the sudden appearance of old General Putnam on horseback, with a female prisoner en croupe. The following is another which occurred at the camp at Morristown. Washington had purchased a young horse of great spirit and power. A braggadocio of the army, vain of his horsemanship, asked the privilege of breaking it. Washington gave his consent, and with some of his officers attended to see the horse receive his first lesson. After much preparation, the pretender to equitation mounted into the saddle and was making a great display of his science, when the horse suddenly planted his forefeet, threw up his heels, and gave the unlucky Gambado a somerset over his head. Washington, a thorough horseman, and quick to per- * This sportive occurrence gave rise to a piece of camp scandal. It was reported at a distance that Mrs. Olney had been in a violent rage, and had told Washington that, “if he did not let go her hand she would tear his eyes out, and that, though he was a general, he was but a man.” Cife of U/asl^ip^tor) 81 ceive the ludicrous in these matters, was so convulsed with laughter that, we are told, the tears ran down his cheeks. * Still another instance is given, which occurred at the re¬ turn of peace, when he was sailing in a boat on the Hudson, and was so overcome by the drollery of a story told by Ma¬ jor Fairlie of New York, of facetious memory, that he fell back in the boat in a paroxysm of laughter. In that fit of laughter it was sagely presumed that he threw off the bur¬ den of care which had been weighing down his spirits throughout the war. He certainly relaxed much of his thoughtful gravity of demeanor when he had no longer the anxieties of a general . command to harass him. The late Judge Brooke, who had served as an officer in the legion of Light-horse Harry, used to tell of having frequently met Washington on his visits to Fredericksburg after the Revolu¬ tionary war, and how “hilarious’’ the general was on those occasions with “Jack Willis and other friends of his young days,” laughing heartily at the comic songs which were sung at table. Colonel Henry Lee, too, who used to be a favored guest at Mount Vernon, does not seem to have been much under the influence of that “reverential awe” which Washington is said to have inspired, if we may judge from the following anecdote. Washington one day at table mentioned his being in want of carriage horses, and asked Lee if he knew where he could get a pair. “I have a fine pair, general,” replied Lee, “but you can¬ not get them.” “Why not?” “Because you will never- pay more than half price for anything, and I must have full price for my horses.” * Notes of the Rev. Mr. Tuttle. MS. H2 U/or^s of U/as^ir^troi? Iruii 7 <$ The bantering reply set Mrs. Washington laughing, and her parrot, perched beside her, joined in the laugh. The general took this familiar assault upon his dignity in great good part. “Ah, Lee, you are a funny fellow,” said he— “see, that bird is laughing at you.” * Hearty laughter, however, was rare with Washington. The sudden explosions we hear of were the result of some sudden and ludicrous surprise. His general habit was a calm seriousness, easily softening into a benevolent smile. In some few of his familiar letters yet preserved, and not relating to business, there is occasionally a vein of pleasantry and even of humor; but almost invariably they treat of mat¬ ters of too grave import to admit of anything of the kind. It is to be deeply regretted that most of his family letters have been purposely destroyed. NOTE Another instance is on record of one of Washington’s fits of laughter which occurred in subsequent years. Judge Mar¬ shall and Judge Washington, a relative of the general, were on their way on horseback to visit Mount Vernon, attended by a black servant who had charge of a large portmanteau containing their clothes. As they passed through a wood on the skirts of the Mount Vernon grounds they were tempted to make a hasty toilet beneath its shade, being covered with .dust from the state of the roads. Dismount¬ ing, they threw off their dusty garments, while the servant took down the portmanteau. As he opened it, out flew cakes of Windsor soap and fancy articles of all kinds. The man by mistake had changed their portmanteau at the last stopping place for one which resembled it belonging to a Scotch ped- ¥ Communicated to us in a letter from a son of Colonel Lee. Cife of U/asl?ii)<$toi) 83 dler. The consternation of the negro, and their own dis¬ mantled state, struck them so ludicrously as to produce loud and repeated bursts of laughter. Washington, who hap¬ pened to be out upon his grounds, was attracted by the noise, and so overcome by the strange plight of his friends and the whimsicality of the whole scene that he is said to have actually rolled on the grass with laughter.—See Life of Judge J. Smith. The passion for hunting had revived with Washington on returning to his old hunting-grounds; but he had no hounds. His kennel had been broken up when he went to the wars, and the dogs given away, and it was not easy to replace them. After a time he received several hounds from France, sent out by Lafayette and other of the French officers, and once more sallied forth to renew his ancient sport. The French hounds, however, proved indifferent; he was out with them repeatedly, putting other hounds with them bor¬ rowed from gentlemen of the neighborhood. They im¬ proved, after a while, but were never stanch, and caused him frequent disappointments. Probably he was not as stanch himself as formerly; an interval of several years may have blunted his keenness, if we may judge from the following entry in his diary: “Out after breakfast with my hounds; found a fox and ran him, sometimes hard, and sometimes at cold; hunting from 11 till near 2—when I came home and left the hunts¬ men with them, who followed in the same manner two hours or more, and then took the dogs off without killing.” He appears at one time to have had an idea of stocking part of his estate with deer. In a letter to his friend, Georg© William Fairfax, in England, a letter expressive of kind rec¬ ollections of former companionship, he says: “Though envy 84 U/orKs of \I/asl?io<$tor) Iruir)<$ is no part of my composition, yet the picture you have drawn of your present habitation and mode of living is enough to create a strong desire in me to be a participator of the tran¬ quillity and rural amusements you have described. I am getting into the latter as fast as I can, being determined to make the remainder of my life easy, let the world or the affairs of it go as they may. I am not a little obliged to you for contributing to this, by procuring me a buck and doe of the best English deer; but if you have not already been at this trouble, I would, my good sir, now wish to relieve you from it, as Mr. Ogle, of Maryland, has been so obliging as to present me six fawns from his park of English deer at Bellair. With these, and tolerable care, I shall soon have a full stock for my small paddock.* While Washington was thus calmly enjoying himself, came a letter from Henry Lee, who was now in Congress, conveying a mournful piece of intelligence: “Your friend and second, the patriot and noble Greene, is no more. Uni¬ versal grief reigns here.” Greene died on the 18th of June, at his estate of Mulberry Grove, on Savannah River, pre¬ sented to him by the State of Georgia. His last illness was brief; caused by a stroke of the sun; he was but forty-four years of age. The news of his death struck heavily on Washington’s heart, to whom, in the most arduous trials of the Revolu¬ tion, he had been a second self. He had taken Washington as his model, and possessed naturally many of his great * George William Fairfax resided in Bath, where he died on the 3d of April, 1787, in the sixty-third year of his age. Though his income was greatly reduced by the confiscation of his property in Virginia, he contributed generously dur¬ ing the Revolutionary war to the relief of American prisoners. —Sparks’ Washington’s Writings, v. ii., p. 53. Cife of U/asI?ii)<$tor) 85 qualities. Like him he was sound in judgment; persever¬ ing in the midst of discouragements; calm and self-possessed in time of danger; heedful of the safety of others; heedless of his own. Like him he was modest and unpretending, and like him he had a perfect command of temper. He had Washington's habits of early rising, and close and methodical dispatch of business, “never suffering the day to crowd upon the morrow.” In private intercourse he was frank, noble, candid and intelligent; in the hurry of busi¬ ness he was free from petulance, and had, we are told, “a winning blandness of manner that won the affections of his officers.” His campaigns in the Carolinas showed him to be a worthy disciple of Washington, keeping the war alive by his own persevering hope and inexhaustible energy, and, as it were, fighting almost without weapons. His great con¬ test of generalship with the veteran Cornwallis has insured for him a lasting renown. “He was a great and good man!” was Washington’s comprehensive eulogy on him; and in a letter to Lafayette he writes: “Greene’s death is an event which has given such general concern, and is so much regretted by his nu¬ merous friends, that I can scarce persuade myself to touch upon it, even so far as to say that in him you lost a man who affectionately regarded and was a sincere admirer of you. Other deaths pressed upon Washington’s sensibility about * We are happy to learn that a complete collection of the correspondence of General Greene is about to be published by his worthy and highly cultivated grandson, George Wash¬ ington Greene. It is a work that, like Sparks’ Writings of Washington, should form a part of every American library. 86 U/or^s of U/asl?ii)$toi) Irvip$ the same time. That of General McDougall, who had served his country faithfully through the war, and since with equal fidelity in Congress. That, too, of Colonel Tench Tilghman, for a long time one of Washington’s aides-de-camp, and “who left,” writes he, “as fair a reputation as ever be¬ longed to a human character.” “Thus,” adds he, “some of the pillars of the Revolution fall. Others are mouldering by insensible degrees. May our country never want props to support the glorious fabric.” In his correspondence, about this time, with several of the French noblemen who had been his associates in arms, his letters breathe the spirit of peace which was natural to him; for war with him had only been a matter of patriotism and public duty. To the Marquis de la Rouerie, who had so bravely but modestly fought under the title of Colonel Armand, he writes: “I never expect to draw my sword again. I can scarcely conceive the cause that would in¬ duce me to do it. My time is now occupied by rural amuse¬ ments, in which I have great satisfaction; and my first wish is (although it is against the profession of arms, and would clip the wings of some of our young soldiers who are soaring after glory) to see the whole world in peace, and the inhab¬ itants of it as one band of brothers, striving who should con¬ tribute most to the happiness of mankind.” So, also, in a letter to Count Rochambeau, dated July ol, 1786: “It must give pleasure,” writes he, “to the friends of humanity, even in this distant section of the globe, to find that the clouds which threatened to burst in a storm of war on Europe have dissipated and left a still brighter horizon. . . . As the rage of conquest, which in times of barbarity stimulated nations to blood, has in a great measure ceased; as the objects which formerly gave birth to wars are daily Cife of U/asl?ii)<$toi) 87 diminishing, and as mankind are becoming more enlight¬ ened and humanized, I cannot but flatter myself with the pleasing prospect that a more liberal policy and more pacific systems will take place among them. To indulge this idea affords a soothing consolation to a philanthropic mind; in¬ somuch that, although it should be found an illusion, one would hardly wish to be divested of an error so grateful in itself and so innocent in its consequences.” And in another letter: “It is thus, you see, my dear count, in retirement upon my farm I speculate upon the fate of nations, amusing myself with innocent reveries that man¬ kind will one day grow happier and better.” How easily may the wisest of men be deceived in their speculations as to the future, especially when founded on the idea of the perfectibility of human nature. These halcyon dreams of universal peace were indulged on the very eve, as it were, of the French Revolution, which was to deluge the world in blood, and when the rage for conquest was to have unbounded scope under the belligerent sway of Napoleon. CHAPTER THIRTY-SIX Washington doubts the Solidity of the Confederation—Correspond¬ ence with John Jay on the Subject—Plan of a Convention of all the States to revise the Federal System—Washington heads the Virginia Delegation—Insurrection in Massachusetts—The Con¬ vention—A Federal Constitution organized—Ratified From his quiet retreat of Mount Vernon, Washington, though ostensibly withdrawn from public affairs, was watch¬ ing with intense solicitude the working together of the sev¬ eral parts in the great political confederacy; anxious to 88 U/orl^s of U/asl?ii)$toi) Iruffi$ know whether the thirteen distinct States, under the present organization, could form a sufficiently efficient general gov¬ ernment. He was daily becoming more and more doubtful of the solidity of the fabric he had assisted to raise. The form of confederation which had bound the States together and met the public exigencies during the Revolution, when there was a pressure of external danger, was daily proving more and more incompetent to the purposes of a national government. Congress had devised a system of credit to provide for the national expenditure and the extinction of the national debts, which amounted to something more than forty millions of dollars. The system experienced neglect from some States and opposition from others, each consult¬ ing its local interests and prejudices, instead of the interests and obligations of the whole. In like manner treaty stipula¬ tions, which bound the good faith of the whole, were slighted, if not violated, by individual States, apparently unconscious that they must each share in the discredit thus brought upon the national name. In a letter to James Warren, who had formerly been President of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress, Wash¬ ington writes: “The confederation appears to me to be little more than a shadow without the substance, and Congress a nugatory body; their ordinances being little attended to. To me it is a solecism in politics; indeed, it is one of the most extraordinary things in nature that we should confederate as a nation, and yet be afraid to give the rulers of that na¬ tion (who are creatures of our own making, appointed for a limited and short duration, and who are amenable for every action and may be recalled at any moment, and are subject to all the evils which they may be instrumental in produc¬ ing) sufficient powers to order and direct the affairs of the Cife of U/a 8 ^ir)<$toi 7 89 same. By such policy as this the wheels of government are clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that high expecta¬ tion which was entertained of us by the wondering world, are turned into astonishment; and from the high ground on which we stood we are descending into the vale of confusion and darkness.” * Not long previous to the writing of this letter Washing¬ ton had been visited at Mount Vernon by commissioners, who had been appointed by the Legislatures of Virginia and Maryland to form a compact relative to the navigation of the rivers Potomac and Pocomoke, and of part of the Chesa¬ peake Bay, and who had met at Alexandria for the purpose. During their visit at Mount Vernon the policy of maintain¬ ing a naval force on the Chesapeake, and of establishing a tariff of duties on imports to which the laws of both States should conform was discussed, and it was agreed that the commissioners should propose to the governments of their respective States the appointment of other commissioners, with powers to make conjoint arrangements for the above purposes; to which the assent of Congress was to be solicited. The idea of conjoint arrangements between States thus suggested in the quiet councils of Mount Vernon was a step in the right direction, and will be found to lead to important results. From a letter, written two or three months subsequently, we gather some of the ideas on national policy which were occupying Washington’s mind. “I have ever been a friend to adequate powers in Congress, without which it is evident to me we never shall establish a national character, or be considered as on a respectable footing by the powers of Eu- * Sparks, ix. 139. 90 ll/or^s of U/asl?ir)$toi) Iruir)$ rope. We are either a united people under one head and for federal purposes, or we are thirteen independent sovereign¬ ties, eternally counteracting each other. If the former, whatever such a majority of the States as the constitution points out, conceives to be for the benefit of the whole, should, in my humble opinion, be submitted to by the mi¬ nority. I can foresee no evil greater than disunion; than those unreasonable jealousies (I say unreasonable, because I would have a proper jealousy always awake, and the United States on the watch to prevent individual States from infracting the constitution with impunity) which are contin¬ ually poisoning our minds and filling them with imaginary evils jor the prevention of real ones.” * An earnest correspondence took place some months sub¬ sequently between Washington and the illustrious patriot, John Jay, at that time Secretary of Foreign Affairs, wherein the signs of the times were feelingly discussed. “Our affairs,” writes Jay, “seem to lead to some crisis, something that I cannot foresee or conjecture. I am uneasy and apprehensive, more so than during the war. Then we had a fixed object, and though the means and time of obtain¬ ing it were problematical, yet I did firmly believe that we should ultimately succeed, because I did firmly believe that justice was with us. The case is now altered. We are go¬ ing and doing wrong, and therefore I look forward to evils and calamities, but without being able to guess at the instru¬ ment, nature, or measure of them. . . . What I most fear is that the better kind of people, by which I mean the people who are orderly and industrious, who are content with their situations and not uneasy in their circumstances, will be led * See Letter to James McHenry. Sparks, ix. 121. Cife of U/as^ip^tOQ 91 by the insecurity of property, the loss of public faith and rectitude, to consider the charms of liberty as imaginary and delusive. A state of uncertainty and fluctuation must dis¬ gust and alarm.” Washington, in reply, coincided in opin¬ ion that public affairs were drawing rapidly to a crisis, and he acknowledged the event to be equally beyond his fore¬ sight. “We have errors,” said he, “to correct. We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in form¬ ing our confederation. * Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good without the intervention of co¬ ercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a na¬ tion without lodging, somewhere, a power which will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the State governments extends over the several States. To be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the people without injuring themselves in an equal or greater propor¬ tion? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents? By the rotation of appointments must they not mingle frequently with the mass of the citi¬ zens? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were not possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popu¬ larity and future election? We must take human nature as we find it; perfection falls not to the share of mortals. “What then is to be done? things cannot go on in the same strain forever. It is much to be feared, as you ob¬ serve, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with 92 U/orl^s of U/astyir^tor? Iruiq<$ these circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme to another. ... I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchial form of government without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking, thence acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous! What a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and fallacious! Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend. “Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet, hav¬ ing happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and hav¬ ing been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on the sea of troubles. “Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opin¬ ions would have much weight in the minds of my country¬ men. They have been neglected, though given as a last legacy, in a most solemn manner. I then, perhaps, had some claims to public attention. I consider myself as hav¬ ing none at present.” His anxiety on this subject was quickened by accounts of discontents and commotions in the Eastern States pro¬ duced by the pressure of the times, the public and private indebtedness, and the imposition of heavy taxes at a moment of financial embarrassment. General Knox, now Secretary of War, who had been sent by Congress to Massachusetts to inquire into these troubles, thus writes about the insurgents: “Their creed is Cife of U/asfyir)<$tor) 93 that the property of the United States has been protected from the confiscation of Britain by the joint exertions of all, and therefore ought to be the common property of all , and he that attempts opposition to this creed is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from off the face of the earth.” Again: “They are determined to annihilate all debts, public and private, and have agrarian laws, which are easily effected by the means of unfunded paper, which shall be a tender in all cases whatever.” In reply to Colonel Henry Lee in Congress, who had addressed several letters to him on the subject, "Washington writes: “You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is to be found, or, if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for the disorders. Influence is not government. Let us have a government by which our lives, liberties and properties will be secured, or let us know the worst at once. There is a call for decision. Know precisely what the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, redress them, if possible; or acknowledge the justice of them and your inability to do it at the moment. If they have not, employ the force of government against them at once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad and wants support. To delay one or other of these expedients is to exasperate on the one hand, or to give confidence on the other. . . . Let the reins of government, then, be braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the constitution be reprehended. If * defective, let it be amended; but not suffered to be trampled upon while it has an existence.” A letter to him from his former aid-de-camp, Colonel Humphreys, dated Hew Haven, November 1st, says: “The 94 U/orKs of U/asfyii}<$toi} Iruip$ troubles in Massachusetts still continue. Government is prostrated in the dust, and it is much to be feared that there is not energy enough in that State to re-establish the civil powers. The leaders of the mob, whose fortunes and meas¬ ures are desperate, are strengthening themselves daily; and it is expected that they will soon take possession of the Con¬ tinental magazine at Springfield, in which there are from ten to fifteen thousand stand of arms in excellent order. “A general want of compliance with the requisitions of Congress for money seems to prognosticate that we are rapidly advancing to a crisis. Congress, I am told, are seriously alarmed and hardly know which way to turn or what to expect. Indeed, my dear General, nothing but a good Providence can extricate us from the present convul¬ sion. “In case of civil discord I have already told you it was seriously my opinion that you could not remain neuter, and that you would be obliged, in self-defense, to take one part or the other, or withdraw from the continent. Y our friends are of the same opinion.” Close upon the receipt of this letter came intelligence that the insurgents of Massachusetts, far from being satisfied with the redress which had been offered by their general court, were still acting in open violation of law and government; and that the chief magistrate had been obliged to call upon the militia of the State to support the constitution. “What, gracious God! is man,” writes Washington, “that there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct. It was but the other day that we were shed¬ ding our blood to obtain the constitutions under which we now live; constitutions of our own choice and making; and now we are unsheating the sword to overturn them. The Cife of U/a8^iQ^tor> 95 thing is so unaccountable that I hardly know how to realize it, or to persuade myself that I am not under the illusion of a dream. ’ ’ His letters to Knox show the trouble of his mind. “I feel, my dear General Knox, infinitely more than I can express to you, for the disorders which have arisen in these States. Good God! who, besides a tory, could have foreseen, or a Briton predicted them? I do assure you that, even at this moment, when I reflect upon the present prospect of our affairs, it seems to me to be like the vision of a dream. . . After what I have seen, or rather what I have heard, 1 shall be surprised at nothing; for if, three years since, any person had told me that there would have been such a for¬ midable rebellion as exists at this day against the laws and constitution of our own making, I should have thought him a bedlamite, a fit subject for a madhouse. . . In regret¬ ting, which I have often done with the keenest sorrow, the death of our much lamented friend, General Greene, I have accompanied it of late with a query, whether he would not have preferred such an exit to the scenes which, it is more than probable, many of his compatriots may live to be¬ moan. ’ ’ To James Madison, also, he writes in the same strain, “How melancholy is the reflection that in so short a time we should have made such large strides toward fulfilling the predictions of our transatlantic foes! ‘Leave them to themselves, and their government will soon dissolve.’ Will not the wise and good strive hard to avert this evil? Or will their supineness suffer ignorance and the arts of self-interested and designing, disaffected and desperate char¬ acters to involve this great country in wretchedness and contempt? What stronger evidence can be given of the U/orl^s of U/asbffi^tor) Iruir><$ 9G want of energy in our government than these disorders? If there is not power in it to check them, what security has a man for life, liberty or property? To you, I am sure, I need not add aught on the subject. The consequences of a lax or inefficient government are too obvious to be dwelt upon. Thirteen sovereignties pulling against each other, and all tugging at the federal head, will soon bring ruin on the whole; whereas, a liberal and energetic constitution, well checked and well watched, to prevent encroachments, might restore us to that degree of respectability and consequence to which we had the fairest prospect of attaining.” Thus Washington, even though in retirement, was almost unconsciously exercising a powerful influence on national affairs; no longer the soldier, he was now becoming the statesman. The opinions and counsels given in his letters were widely effective. The leading expedient for federal organization, mooted in his conferences with the commis¬ sioners of Maryland and Virginia, during their visit to Mount Vernon in the previous year, had been extended and ripened in legislative assemblies, and ended in a plan of a convention composed of delegates from all the States, to meet in Phila¬ delphia for the sole and express purpose of revising the fed¬ eral system and correcting its defects; the proceedings of the convention to be subsequently reported to Congress and the several Legislatures for approval and confirmation. Washington was unanimously put at the head of the Virginia delegation; but for some time objected to accept the nomination. He feared to be charged with inconsistency in again appearing in a public situation after his declared resolution to the contrary. “It will have also,” said he, “a tendency to sweep me back into the tide of public affairs, when retirement and ease are so much desired by me, and Cife of U/asfyip^tor) 97 so essentially necessary.” * Besides, he had just avowed his intention of resigning the presidency of the Cincinnati Society, which was to hold its triennial meeting in May, in Philadel¬ phia, and he could not appear at the same time and place on any other occasion without giving offense to his worthy com¬ panions in arms, the late officers of the American army. These considerations were strenuously combated, for the weight and influence of his name and counsel were felt to be all-important in giving dignity to the delegation. Two things contributed to bring him to a favorable decision: First, an insinuation that the opponents of the convention were mon¬ archists, who wished the distractions of the country should continue until a monarchial government might be resorted to as an ark of safety. The other was the insurrection in Massachusetts. Having made up his mind to serve as a delegate to the convention, he went into a course of preparatory reading on the history and principles of ancient and modern confeder¬ acies. An abstract of the general principles of each, with notes of their vices or defects, exists in his own handwriting among his papers; though it is doubted by a judicious com¬ mentator f whether it was originally drawn up by him, as several works are cited which are written in languages that he did not understand. Before the time arrived for the meeting of the convention, which was the second Monday in May, his mind was relieved from one source of poignant solicitude by learning that the insurrection in Massachusetts had been suppressed with but * Letter to Edmund Randolph, Governor of Virginia, t Mr. Sparks. For this interesting document see Writ¬ ings of Washington, vol. ix., Appendix, No. iv. Vol. XV.— 5 ** *5 98 U/orl^s of U/asfyir)<$tor) Iruii 7 <$ little bloodshed, and that the principals had fled to Canada. He doubted, however, the policy of the Legislature of that State in disfranchising a large number of its citizens for their rebellious conduct, thinking more lenient measures might have produced as good an effect without entirely alienating the affections of the people from the government, besides depriving some of them of the means of gaining a livelihood. On the 9th of May, Washington set out in his carriage from Mount Vernon to attend the convention. At Chester, where he arrived on the 13th, he was met by General Mifflin, now speaker of the Pennsylvania Assembly, Generals Knox and Varnum, Colonel Humphreys and other personages of note. At Gray’s Ferry the city light-horse were in attendance, by whom he was escorted to Phila¬ delphia. It was not until the 25th of May that a sufficient number of delegates were assembled .to form a quorum; when they proceeded to organize a body, and by a unanimous vote Washington was called up to the chair as President. The following anecdote is recorded by Mr. Leigh Pierce, who was a delegate from Georgia. When the convention first opened there were a number of propositions brought for¬ ward as great leading principles of the new government to be established. A copy of them was given to each member, with an injunction of profound secrecy. One morning a member, by accident, dropped his copy of the propositions. It was luckily picked up by General Mifflin and handed to General Washington, who put it in his pocket. After the debates of the day were over, and the question for adjourn¬ ment was called for, Washington rose, and, previous to putting the question, addressed the committee as follows: 4 ‘Gentlemen, I am sorry to find that some one member of Cife of U/as!?ir}<$i:or} 09 this body has been so neglectful of the secrets of the conven¬ tion as to drop in the State House a copy of their proceedings, which, by accident, was picked up and delivered to me this morning. I must entreat gentlemen to be more careful, lest our transactions get into the newspapers and disturb the public repose by premature speculations. I know not whose paper it is, but there it is (throwing it down on the table); let him who owns it take it.” At the same time he bowed, took his hat, and left the room with a dignity so severe that every person seemed alarmed. “For my part I was extremely so,” adds Mr. Pierce, “for, putting my hand in my pocket, I missed my copy of the same paper; but, advancing to the table, my fears soon dissipated. I found it to be in the hand¬ writing of another person.” Mr. Pierce found his copy at his lodgings, in the pocket of a coat which he had changed that morning. No person ever ventured to claim the anonymous paper. We forbear to go into the voluminous proceedings of this memorable convention, which occupied from four to seven hours each day for four months; and in which every point was the subject of able and scrupulous discussion by the best talent and noblest spirits of the country. W ashington felt restrained by his situation as president from taking a part in the debates, but his well-known opinions influenced the whole. The result was the formation of the Constitution of the United States, which (with some amendments made in after years) still exists. As the members on the last day of the session were sign¬ ing the engrossed constitution, Dr. Franklin, looking toward the President’s chair, at the back of which a sun was painted, observed to those persons next to him, “I have often and often, in the course of the session, and the vicissitudes of my 100 U/orl^s of U/as^ip^top Iruii?$ hopes and fears as to its issue, looked at that sun behind the President, without being able to tell whether it was rising or setting; at length I have the happiness to know it is a rising and not a setting sun.” * “The business being closed,” says Washington in his diary (Sept. 17), “the members adjourned to the city tavern, dined together, and took a cordial leave of each other. After which I returned to my lodgings, did some business with, and received the papers from, the secretary of the conven¬ tion, and retired to meditate on the momentous work which had been executed.” “It appears to me little short of a miracle,” writes he to Lafayette, “that the delegates from so many States, different from each other, as you know, in their manners, circumstances and prejudices, should unite in forming a system of national government so little liable to well-founded objections. Nor am I such an enthusiastic, partial, or un- discriminating admirer of it as not to perceive it is tinctured with some real, though not radical defects. With regard to the two great points, the pivots upon which the whole machine must move, my creed is simply: First, that the gen¬ eral government is not invested with more powers than are indispensably necessary to perform the functions of a good government; and, consequently, that no objection ought to be made against the quantity of power delegated to it. “Secondly, that these powers, as the appointment of all rulers will forever arise from, and at short, stated intervals recur to, the free suffrages of the people, are so distributed among the legislative, executive and judicial branches into which the general government is arranged that it can never * The Madison Papers, iii. 1624. Cife of U/a8f?ri}<$tor) 101 be in danger of degenerating into a monarchy, an oligarchy, an aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form, so long as there shall remain any virtue in the body of the people. “It will at least be a recommendation to the proposed constitution that it is provided with more checks and bar¬ riers against the introduction of tyranny, and those of a nature less liable to be surmounted, than any government hitherto instituted among mortals. “We are not to expect perfection in this world; but man¬ kind, in modern times, have apparently made some progress in the science of government. Should that which is now offered to the people of America be found, on experiment, less perfect than it can be made, a constitutional door is left open to its amelioration.” The constitution thus formed was forwarded to Congress, and thence transmitted to the State Legislatures, each of which submitted it to a State convention composed of dele¬ gates chosen for that express purpose by the people. The ratification of the instrument by nine States was necessary to carry it into effect; and as the several State conventions would assemble at different times, nearly a year must elapse before the decisions of the requisite number could be obtained. During this time Washington resumed his retired life at Mount Yernon, seldom riding, as he says, beyond the limits of his own farm, but kept informed by his numerous corre¬ spondents, such as James Madison, John Jay, and Generals Knox, Lincoln and Armstrong, of the progress of the consti- t tution through its various ordeals, and of the strenuous oppo¬ sition which it met with in different quarters, both in debate and through the press. A diversity of opinions and inclina¬ tions on the subject had been expected by him. “The vari- 102 ll/ori^s of U/as^iQ^torj Iruir><$ ous passions and motives by which men are influenced, ” said he, “are concomitants of fallibility, and ingrafted into our nature. ’ ; Still he never had a doubt that it would ultimately be adopted; and, in fact, the national decision in its favor was more fully and strongly pronounced than even he had anticipated. His feelings on learning the result were expressed with that solemn and religious faith in the protection of Heaven manifested by him in all the trials and vicissitudes through which his country had passed. “We may,” said he, “with a kind of pious and grateful exultation, trace the finger of Providence through those dark and mysterious events which first induced the States to appoint a general convention, and then led them, one after another, by such steps as were best calculated to effect the object, into an adoption of the system recommended by the general convention; thereby, in all humar^ probability, laying a lasting foundation for tran¬ quillity and happiness, when we had but too much reason to fear that confusion and misery were coming rapidly upon us.” * The testimonials of ratification having been received by Congress from a sufficient number of States, an act was passed by that body on the 13th of September, appointing the first Wednesday in January, 1789, for the people of the United States to choose electors of a President according to the Constitution, and the first Wednesday in the month ©f February following for the electors to meet and make a choice. The meeting of the government was to be on the first Wednesday in March, and in the city of New York. * Letter to Jonathan Trumbull, 20th July, 1788. Cife of U/asfyii^toi) 103 CHAPTER THIRTY-SEVEN Washington talked of for the Presidency—His Letters on the Subject expressing his Reluctance—His Election—His Prog¬ ress to the Seat of Government—His Reception at New York— The Inauguration The adoption of the Federal Constitution was another epoch in the life of Washington. Before the official forms of an election could be carried into operation, a unanimous sentiment throughout the Union pronounced him the nation’s choice to fill the presidential chair. He looked forward to the possibility of his election with characteristic modesty and unfeigned reluctance, as his letters to his confidential friends bear witness. “It has no fascinating allurements for me,” writes he to Lafayette. “At my time of life and under my circumstances, the increasing infirmities of nature and the growing love of retirement do not permit me to entertain a wish beyond living and dying an honest man on my own farm. Let those follow the pursuits of ambition and fame who have a keener relish for them, or who may have more years in store for the enjoyment.” Colonel Henry Lee had written to him warmly and elo¬ quently on the subject. “My anxiety is extreme that the new government may have an auspicious beginning. To effect this and to perpetuate a nation formed under your auspices, it is certain that again you will be called forth. The same principles of devotion to the good of mankind 104 ' U/orKs of U/a8bir}<$top Iruir)^ which have invariably governed your conduct will no doubt continue to rule your mind, however opposite their conse- quences may be to your repose and happiness. If the same success should attend your efforts on this important occasion which has distinguished you hitherto, then to be sure you will have spent a life which Providence rarely, if ever, gave to the lot of one man. It is my belief, it is my anxious hope, that this will be the case.” “The event to which you allude may never happen,” replies Washington. “This consideration alone would super¬ sede the expediency of announcing any definitive and irrevo¬ cable resolution. You are among the small number of those who know my invincible attachment to domestic life, and that my sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of it solely until my final hour. But the world would be neither so well instructed, nor so candidly disposed as to believe me uninfluenced by sinister motives in case any circumstance should render a deviation from the line of conduct I had prescribed to myself indispensable. “Should my unfeigned reluctance to accept the office be overcome by a deference for the reasons and opinions of my friends, might I not, after the declarations I have made (and Heaven knows they were made in the sincerity of my heart), in the judgment of the impartial world and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not with rash¬ ness and ambition? Nay, further, would there not be some apparent foundation for the two former charges? Now jus¬ tice to myself and tranquillity of conscience require that I should act a part, if not above imputation, at least capable of vindication. Nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputation. Though I prize as I ought the good opinion of my fellow citizens, yet, if I know myself, I would not Cife of U/asl7iQ($toi> 105 seek popularity at the expense of one social duty or moral virtue. “While doing what my conscience informed me was right as it respected my God, my country and myself, I should despise all the party clamor and unjust censure which must he expected from some whose personal enmity might be oc¬ casioned by their hostility to the government. I am con¬ scious that I fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach. And certain I am, whensoever I shall be convinced the good of my country requires my reputation to be put in risk, re- t gard for my own fame will not come in competition with an object of so much magnitude. “If I declined the task, it would lie upon quite another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increasing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my de¬ cided predilection for the character of a private citizen, yet it would be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance; but a belief that some other person, who had less pretense and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself.” In a letter to Colonel Alexander Hamilton he writes: “In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as I have been taught to expect I might, and perhaps must ere long, be called upon to make a decision. You will, I am well assured, believe the assertion, though I have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me, that, if I should 106 U/orks of U/ag^fi><$tor> Iruii?$ receive tlie appointment, and if I should be prevailed upon to accept it, the acceptance would be attended with more diffidence and reluctance than ever I experienced before in my life. It would be, however, with a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in hopes that, at a convenient and early period, my services might be dispensed with, and that I might be permitted once more to retire, to pass an unclouded evening, after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity.” To Lafayette he declares that his difficulties increase and multiply as he draws toward the period when, according to common belief, it will be necessary for him to give a defini¬ tive answer as to the office in question. “Should circumstances render it in a manner inevitably necessary to be in the affirmative,” writes he, “I shall as¬ sume the task with the most unfeigned reluctance and with a real diffidence, for which I shall probably receive no credit from the world. If I know my own heart, nothing short of a conviction of duty will induce me again to take an active part in public affairs; and, in that case, if I can form a plan for my own conduct, my endeavors shall be unremittingly exerted, even at the hazard of former fame or present popu¬ larity, to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit; and to estab¬ lish a general system of policy which if pursued will insure permanent felicity to the commonwealth. I think I see a path, clear and direct as a ray of light, which leads to the attainment of that object. Nothing but harmony, honesty, industry and frugality are necessary to make us a great and happy people. Happily the present posture of affairs, and the prevailing disposition of my countrymen, promise to co* Cife of U/asl?ir}<$t:or? 107 operate in establishing those four great and essential pillars of public felicity.” The election took place at the appointed time, and it was soon ascertained that Washington was chosen President for the term of four years from the 4th of March. By this time the arguments and entreaties of his friends and his own con¬ victions of public expediency had determined him to accept; and he made preparations to depart for the seat of govern¬ ment as soon as he should receive official notice of his elec¬ tion. Among other duties he paid a visit to his mother at Fredericksburg; it was a painful because likely to be a final one, for she was afflicted with a malady which it was evi¬ dent must soon terminate her life. Their parting was affec¬ tionate but solemn; she had always been reserved and mod¬ erate in expressing herself in regard to the successes of her son; but it must have been a serene satisfaction at the close of her life to see him elevated by his virtues to the highest honor of his country. From a delay in forming a quorum of Congress the votes of the electoral college were not counted until early in April, when they were found to be unanimous in favor of Wash¬ ington. “The delay,” said he in a letter to General Knox, “may be compared to a reprieve; for in confidence I tell you (with the world it would obtain little credit) that my move¬ ments to the chair of government will be accompanied by feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution; so unwilling am I, in the evening of a life nearly consumed with public cares, to quit a peaceful abode for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of political skill, abilities and inclination which are necessary to manage the helm. I am sensible that I am embarking the voice of the people and a good name of my own on this 108 U/or^s of \I/asl?ii}<$tor) Iruir><$ voyage; but what returns will be made for them Heaven alone can foretell. Integrity and firmness are all I can promise. These, be the voyage long or short, shall never forsake me, although I may be deserted by all men; for of the consolations which are to be derived from these, under any circumstances, the world cannot deprive me.” At length, on the 14th of April, he received a letter from the President of Congress duly notifying him of his election; and he prepared to set out immediately for New York, the seat of government. An entry in his diary, dated the 16th, says: “About ten o’clock I bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life and to domestic felicity; and with a mind op¬ pressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York with the best disposition to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expectations.” At the first stage of his journey a trial of his tenderest feelings awaited him in a public dinner given him at Alex¬ andria, by his neighbors and personal friends, among whom he had lived in the constant interchange of kind offices, and who were so aware of the practical beneficence of his private character. A deep feeling of regret mingled with their fes¬ tivity. The mayor, who presided, and spoke the sentiments of the people of Alexandria, deplored in his departure the loss of the first and best of their citizens, the ornament of the aged, the model of the young, the improver of their agri¬ culture, the friend of their commerce, the protector of their infant academy, the benefactor of their poor—but “go,” added he, “and make a grateful people happy, who will be doubly grateful when they contemplate this new sacrifice for their interests.” Washington was too deeply affected for many words in Cife of U/as^iQ^tor> 109 reply. “Just after having bade adieu to my domestic con¬ nections,” said he, “this tender proof of your friendship is but too well calculated to awaken still further my sensibil¬ ity, and increase my regret at parting from the enjoyments of private life. All that now remains for me is to commit myself and you to the care of that beneficent Being who, on a former occasion, happily brought us together after a long and distressing separation. Perhaps the same gracious Providence will again indulge me. But words fail me. Unutterable sensations must, then, be left to more expres¬ sive silence, while from an aching heart I bid all my affec¬ tionate friends and kind neighbors farewell!” His progress to the seat of government was a continual ovation. The ringing of bells and roaring of cannonry pro¬ claimed his course through the country. The old and young, women and children, thronged the highways to bless and welcome him. Deputations of the most respectable inhabi¬ tants from the principal places came forth to meet and escort him. At Baltimore, on his arrival and departure, his car¬ riage was attended by-a numerous cavalcade of citizens, and he was saluted by the thunder of artillery. At the frontier of Pennsylvania he was met by his for¬ mer companion in arms, Mifflin, now governor of the State, who, with Judge Peters and a civil and military escort, was waiting to receive him. Washington had hoped to be spared all military parade, but found it was not to be evaded. At Chester, where he stopped to breakfast, there were prepara¬ tions for a public entry into Philadelphia. Cavalry had as¬ sembled from the surrounding country; a superb white horse was led out for Washington to mount, and a grand proces¬ sion set forward, with General St. Clair of revolutionary notoriety at its head. It gathered numbers as it advanced; 110 U/or^s of U/asl?ir)$tOQ Iruii)$ passed under triumphal arches entwined with laurel, and entered Philadelphia amid the shouts of the multitude. A day of public festivity succeeded, ended by a display of fireworks. Washington’s reply to the congratulations of the mayor at a great civic banquet spoke the genuine feel¬ ings of his modest nature, amid these testimonials of a world’s applause. “When I contemplate the interposition of Providence, as it was visibly manifested in guiding us through the Revolution, in preparing us for the reception of the general government, and in conciliating the good will of the people of America toward one another after its adoption, I feel myself oppressed and almost overwhelmed with a sense of divine munificence. I feel that nothing is due to my per¬ sonal agency in all those wonderful and complicated events, except what can be attributed to an honest zeal for the good of my country.” We question whether any of these testimonials of a na¬ tion’s gratitude affected Washington more sensibly than those he received at Trenton. It was on a sunny afternoon when he arrived on the banks of the Delaware, where, twelve years before, he had crossed in darkness and storm, through clouds of snow and drifts of floating ice, on his daring at¬ tempt to strike a blow at a triumphant enemy. Here at present all was peace and sunshine, the broad river flowed placidly along, and crowds awaited him on the Opposite bank, to hail him with love and transport. We will not dwell on the joyous ceremonials with which he was welcomed, but there was one too peculiar to be omitted. The reader may remember Washington’s gloomy night on the banks of the Assunpink, which flows through Trenton; the camp fires of Cornwallis in front of him; the Delaware full of floating ice in the rear; and his sudden re- Cife of U/a8l?ir}<$tor} 111 solve on that midnight retreat which turned the fortunes of the campaign. On the bridge crossing that eventful stream the ladies of Trenton had caused a triumphal arch to be erected. It was entwined with evergreens and laurels, and bore the inscription, “The defender of the mothers will be the protector of the daughters.” At this bridge the matrons of the city were assembled to pay him reverence; and as he passed under the arch a number of young girls, dressed in white and crowned with garlands, strewed flowers before him, singing an ode expressive of their love and gratitude. Never was ovation more graceful, touching and sincere; and Washington, tenderly affected, declared that the impression of it on his heart could never be effaced. His whole progress through New Jersey must have af¬ forded a similar contrast to his weary marchings to and fro, harassed by doubts and perplexities, with bale fires blazing on its hills instead of festive illuminations, and when the ringing of bells and booming of cannon, now so joyous, were the signals of invasion and maraud. In respect to his recep¬ tion in New York Washington had signified, in a letter to Governor Clinton, that none could be so congenial to his feelings as a quiet entry devoid of ceremony; but his modest wishes were not complied with. At Elizabethtown Point a committee of both Houses of Congress, with various civic functionaries, waited by appointment to receive him. He embarked on board of a splendid barge constructed for the occasion. It was manned by thirteen branch pilots, masters of vessels, in white uniforms, and commanded by Commo¬ dore Nicholson. Other barges, fancifully decorated, fol¬ lowed, having on board the heads of departments and other public officers, and several distinguished citizens. As they passed through the strait between the Jerseys 112 U/or^s of U/a 6 fyii)<$toi 7 Iruip<$ and Staten Island, called the Kills, other boats decorated with flags fell in their wake, until the whole, forming a nautical procession, swept up the broad and beautiful bay of New York to the sound of instrumental music. On board of two vessels were parties of ladies and gentlemen who sang congratulatory odes as Washington’s barge approached. The ships at anchor in the harbor, dressed in colors, fired salutes as it passed. One alone, the “Galveston,” a Span¬ ish man-of-war, displayed no signs of gratulation until the barge of the general was nearly abreast; when suddenly, as if by magic, the yards were manned, the ship burst forth, as it were, into a full array of flags and signals, and thun¬ dered a salute of thirteen guns. He approached the landing place of Murray’s Wharf amid the ringing of bells, the roaring of cannonry and the shouting of multitudes collected on every pier-head. On landing he was received by Governor Clinton. General Knox, too, who had taken such an affectionate leave of him on his retirement from military life, was there to wel¬ come him in his civil capacity. Other of his fellow-soldiers of the Revolution were likewise there, mingled with the civic dignitaries. At this juncture an officer stepped up and re¬ quested Washington’s orders, announcing himself as com¬ manding his guard. Washington desired him to proceed according to the directions he might have received in the present arrangements, but that for the future the affection of his fellow-citizens was all the guard he wanted. Carpets had been spread to a carriage prepared to convey him to his destined residence, but he preferred to walk. He was attended by a long civil and military train. In the streets through which he passed the houses were decorated with flags, silken banners, garlands of flowers and ever- Cife of U/asbffi^toi) 113 greens, and bore his name in every form of ornament. The streets were crowded with people, so that it was with diffi¬ culty a passage could be made by the city officers. Wash¬ ington frequently bowed to the multitude as he passed, tak¬ ing off his hat to the ladies, who thronged every window, waving their handkerchiefs, throwing flowers before him, and many of them shedding tears of enthusiasm. That day he dined with his old friend, Governor Clinton,' who had invited a numerous company of public functionaries and foreign diplomatists to meet him, and in the evening the city was brilliantly illuminated. Would the reader know the effect upon Washington’s mind at this triumphant entry into New York? It was to depress rather than to excite him. Modestly diffident of his abilities to cope with the new duties on which he was enter¬ ing, he was overwhelmed by what he regarded as proofs of public expectation. Noting in his diary the events of the day, he writes: “The display of boats which attended and joined us on this occasion, some with vocal and some with instrumental music on board; the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon and the loud acclamations of the people which rent the skies, as I passed along the wharfs, filled my mind with sensations as painful (considering the reverse of this scene, which may be the case after all my labors to do good) as they are pleasing.” The inauguration was delayed for several days, in which a question arose as to the form or title by which the Presi¬ dent-elect was to be addressed; and a committee in both Houses was appointed to report upon the subject. The question was started without Washington’s privity and contrary to his desire; as he feared that any title might awaken the sensitive jealousy of republicans at a moment 114 U/orks of U/asl?ii}$tOQ Iruii}$ when it was all-important to conciliate public good will to the new form of government. It was a relief to him, there¬ fore, when it was finally resolved that the address should be simply, “the President of the United States,’’ without any addition of title; a judicious form which has remained to the present day. The inauguration took place on the 30th of April. At nine o’clock in the morning there were religious services in all the churches, and prayers put up for the blessing of Heaven on the new government. At twelve o’clock the city troops paraded before Washington’s door, and soon after the committees of Congress and the heads of departments came in their carriages. At half-past twelve the procession moved forward, preceded by the troops; next came the committees and heads of departments in their carriages; then Washing¬ ton in a coach of state, his aid-de-camp, Colonel Humphreys, and his secretary, Mr. Lear, in his own carriage. The for¬ eign ministers and a long train of citizens brought up the rear. About two hundred yards before reaching the hall Wash¬ ington and his suite alighted from their carriages and passed through the troops, who were drawn up on each side, into the hall and senate chamber, where the Vice-President, the Senate, and House of Representatives were assembled. The Vice-President, John Adams, recently inaugurated, advanced and conducted Washington to a chair of state at the upper end of the room. A solemn silence prevailed; when the Vice-President rose and informed him that all things were prepared for him to take the oath of office required by the constitution. The oath was to be administered by the Chancellor of the State of New York, in a balcony in front of the Senate cham- Cife of U/asfyiQ^toi} 115 ber, and in full view of an immense multitude occupying the street, the windows and even roofs of the adjacent houses. The balcony formed a kind of open recess, with lofty col¬ umns supporting the roof. In the center was a table with a covering of crimson velvet, upon which lay a superbly bound Bible on a crimson velvet cushion. This was all the paraphernalia for the august scene. All eyes were fixed upon the balcony, when, at the appointed hour, Washington made his appearance, accom¬ panied by various public functionaries and members of the Senate and House of Representatives. He was clad in a full suit of dark-brown cloth, of Ameri¬ can manufacture, with a steel-hilted dress sword, white silk stockings and silver shoe-buckles. His hair was dressed and powdered in the fashion of the day, and worn in a bag and solitaire. His entrance on the balcony was hailed by universal shouts. He was evidently moved by this demonstration of public affection. Advancing to the front of the bal¬ cony, he laid his hand upon his heart, bowed several times, and then retreated to an armchair near the table. The popu¬ lace appeared to understand that the scene had overcome him, and were hushed at once into a profound silence. After a few moments Washington rose and again came forward. John Adams, the Vice-President, stood on his right; on his left the Chancellor of the State, Robert R. Livingston; somewhat in the rear were Roger Sherman, Alexander Hamilton, Generals Knox, St. Clair, the Baron Steuben and others. The chancellor advanced to administer the oath pre¬ scribed by the constitution* and Mr. Otis % the secretary of the Senate, held up the Bible on its crimson cushion. 116 U/or^8 of U/asbffi<$tor) Iruffi$ The oath was read slowly and distinctly; Washington at the same time laying his hand on the open Bible. When it was concluded he replied, solemnly, “I swear—so help me God!” Mr. Otis would have raised the Bible to his lips, but he bowed down reverently and kissed it. The chancellor now stepped forward, waved his hand and exclaimed, “Long live George Washington, President of the United States!” At this moment a flag was displayed on the cupola of the hall; on which signal there was a general discharge of artillery on the battery. All the bells in the city rang out a joyful peal, and the multitude rent the air with acclamations. Washington again bowed to the people and returned into the Senate chamber, where he delivered, to both Houses of Congress, his inaugural address, characterized by his usual modesty, moderation and good sense, but uttered with a voice deep, slightly tremulous, and so low as to demand close attention in the listeners. After this he proceeded with the whole assemblage on foot to St. Paul’s Church, where prayers suited to the occasion were read by Dr. Prevost, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in New York, who had been appointed by the Senate one of the chaplains of Congress. So closed the ceremonies of the inauguration. The whole day was one of sincere rejoicing, and in the evening there were brilliant illuminations and fireworks. We have been accustomed to look to AVashington’s pri¬ vate letters for the sentiments of his heart. Those written to several of his friends immediately after his inauguration show how little he was excited by his official elevation. “I greatly fear,” writes he, “that my countrymen will expect too much of me. I fear, if the issue of public measures should not correspond with their sanguine expectations, they Cife of U/asl?iQ<$tor? 117 will turn the extravagant, and I might almost say undue, praises which they are heaping upon me at this moment into equally extravagant, though I will fondly hope unmerited, censures. ’ ’ Little was his modest spirit aware that the praises so du¬ biously received were but the opening notes of a theme that was to increase from age to age, to pervade all lands and endure throughout all generations. In the parts here concluded we have endeavored to nar¬ rate faithfully the career of Washington from childhood, through his early surveying expeditions in the wilderness, his diplomatic mission to the French posts on the frontier, his campaigns in the French war, his arduous trials as com¬ mander-in-chief throughout the Revolution, the noble sim¬ plicity of his life in retirement, until we have shown him elevated to the Presidential chair, by no effort of his own, in a manner against his wishes, by the unanimous vote of a grateful country. The plan of our work has necessarily carried us widely into the campaigns of the Revolution, even where Washing¬ ton was not present in person; for his spirit pervaded and directed the whole, and a general knowledge of the whole is necessary to appreciate the sagacity, forecast, enduring for¬ titude and comprehensive wisdom with which he conducted it. He himself has signified to one who aspired to write his biography that any memoirs of his life distinct and uncon¬ nected with the history of the war would be unsatisfactory. In treating of the Revolution, we have endeavored to do jus¬ tice to what we consider its most striking characteristic; the greatness of the object and the scantiness of the means. We 118 U/orl^g of U/asbir^top Iruip$ have endeavored to keep in view the prevailing poverty of resources, the scandalous neglects, the squalid miseries of all kinds with which its champions had to contend in their ex¬ peditions through trackless wildernesses or thinly peopled regions; beneath scorching suns or inclement skies; their wintry marches to be traced by bloody footprints on snow and ice; their desolate wintry encampments, rendered still more desolate by nakedness and famine. It was in the patience and fortitude with which these ills were sustained by a half-disciplined yeomanry, voluntary exiles from their homes, destitute of all the * 4 pomp and circumstance” of war to excite them, and animated solely by their patriot* ism, that we read the noblest and most affecting character¬ istics of that great struggle for human rights. They do wrong to its moral grandeur who seek by commonplace ex¬ aggeration to give a melodramatic effect and false glare to its military operations, and to place its greatest triumphs in the conflicts of the field. Lafayette showed a true sense of the nature of the struggle w^hen Napoleon, accustomed to effect ambitious purposes by hundreds of thousands of troops, and tens of thousands of slain, sneered at the scanty ar¬ mies of the American Revolution and its “boasted allies.” “Sire,” was the admirable and comprehensive reply, “it was the grandest of causes won by skirmishes of sentinels and outposts.” In regard to the character and conduct of Washington, we have endeavored to place his deeds in the clearest light, and left them to speak for themselves, generally avoiding comment or eulogium. We have quoted his own words and writings largely, to explain his feelings and motives, and give the true key to his policy; for never did a man leave a more truthful mirror of his heart and mind, and a more Cife of U/ast?ii}<$tor) 119 thorough exponent of his conduct, than he has left in his copious correspondence. There his character is to be found in all its majestic simplicity, its massive grandeur, and quiet, colossal strength. He was no hero of romance; there was nothing of romantic heroism in his nature. As a warrior he was incapable of fear, but made no merit of defying danger. He fought for a cause, but not for personal renown. Gladly, when he had won the cause, he hung up his sword never again to take it down. Glory, that blatant word, which haunts some military minds like the bray of the trumpet, formed no part of his aspirations. To act justly was his instinct, to promote the public weal his constant effort, to deserve the “affections of good men” his ambition. With such qualifications for the pure exercise of sound judgment and comprehensive wisdom, he ascended the Presidential chair. There for the present we leave him. So far our work is complete, comprehending the whole military life of Wash¬ ington, and his agency in public affairs up to the formation of our constitution. How well we have executed it we leave to the public to determine; hoping to find it, as heretofore, far more easily satisfied with the result of our labors than we are ourselves. Should the measure of health and good spirits with which a kind Providence has blessed us beyond the usual term of literary labor be still continued, we may go on, and, in another volume, give the Presidential career and closing life of Washington. In the meantime, having found a resting-place in our task, we stay our hands, lay by our pen, and seek that relaxation and repose which gathering years require. W. I, Sunnyside, 1857. 120 U/orKs of U/as^ir 7 <$top Iruii)$ PART FIFTH PREFACE The present part completes a work to which the author had long looked forward as the crowning effort of his literary- career. The idea of writing a life of Washington entered at an early day into his mind. It was especially pressed upon his attention nearly thirty years ago while he was in Europe, by a proposition of the late Mr. Archibald Con¬ stable, the eminent publisher of Edinburgh, and he resolved to undertake it as soon as he should return to the United States, and be within reach of the necessary documents. Various circumstances occurred to prevent him from carry¬ ing this resolution into prompt effect. It remained, how¬ ever, a cherished purpose of his heart, which he has at length, though somewhat tardily, accomplished. The manuscript for the present volume was nearly ready for the press some months since, but the author, by applying himself too closely in his eagerness to finish it, brought on a nervous indisposition, which unfitted him for a time for the irksome but indispensable task of revision. In this he has been kindly assisted by his nephew, Pierre Munro Irving, who had pre viously aided him in the course of his necessary researches, and who now carefully collated the manuscript with the works, letters, and inedited documents from which the facts had been derived. He has likewise had the kind¬ ness to superintend the printing of the volume, and the cor¬ rection of the proof sheets. Thus aided, the author is enabled to lay the volume before the public. Cife of U/a8l?ii7$tor) 121 How far this, the last labor of his pen, may meet with general acceptation is with him a matter of hope rather than of confidence. He is conscious of his own shortcomings and of the splendid achievements of oratory of which the char¬ acter of Washington has recently been made the theme. Grateful, however, for the kindly disposition which has greeted each successive volume, and with a profound sense of the indulgence he has experienced from the public through a long literary career, now extending through more than half a century, he resigns his last volume to its fate, with a feel¬ ing of satisfaction that he has at length reached the close of his task, and with the comforting assurance that it has been with him a labor of love, and as such to a certain degree carried with it its own reward. Washington Irving. CHAPTER ONE The New Government—Domestic and Foreign Relations—Washing¬ ton’s anxious Position—Its Difficulties—Without Cabinet or Constitutional Advisers—John Jay—Hamilton—His efficient Support of the Constitution and Theoretic Doubts—James Madison—Knox—His Characteristics The eyes of the world were upon Washington at the commencement of his administration. He had won laurels in the field; would they continue to flourish in the cabinet? His position was surrounded by difficulties. Inexperienced in the duties of civil administration, he was to inaugurate a new and untried system of government, composed of States and people, as yet a mere experiment, to which some looked forward with buoyant confidence—many with doubt and apprehension. He had, moreover, a high-spirited people to manage, in Vol. XV.—* * *6 122 U/or^s of U/as^ip^toi> Iruip$ whom a jealous passion for freedom and independence had been strengthened by war, and who might bear with impa¬ tience even the restraints of self-imposed government. The constitution which he was to inaugurate had met with ve¬ hement opposition when under discussion in the general and State governments. Only three States, New Jersey, Dela¬ ware and Georgia, had accepted it unanimously. Several of the most important States had adopted it by a mere ma¬ jority; five of them under an expressed expectation of speci¬ fied amendments or modifications; while two States, Rhode Island and North Carolina, still stood aloof. It is true, the irritation produced by the conflict of opin¬ ions in the general and State conventions had, in a great measure, subsided; but circumstances might occur to inflame it anew. A diversity of opinions still existed concerning the new government. Some feared that it would have too little control over the individual States; that the political connec¬ tion would prove too weak to preserve order and prevent civil strife; others that it would be too strong for their sepa¬ rate independence, and would tend toward consolidation and despotism. The very extent of the country he was called upon to govern, ten times larger than that of any previous republic, must have pressed with weight upon Washington’s mind. It presented to the Atlantic a front of fifteen hundred miles, divided into individual States, differing in the forms of their local governments, differing from each other in interests, in territorial magnitudes, in amount of population, in manners, soils, climates and productions, and the characteristics of their several peoples. Beyond the Alleghanies extended regions almost bound¬ less, as yet for the most part wild and uncultivated, the Cife of U/asfyir^tor) 123 asylum of roving Indians and restless, discontented white men. Vast tracts, however, were rapidly being peopled, and would soon be portioned into sections requiring local governments. The great natural outlet for the exportation of the products of this region of inexhaustible fertility was the Mississippi; but Spain opposed a barrier to the free navi¬ gation of this river. Here was peculiar cause of solicitude. Before leaving Mount Vernon Washington had heard that the hardy yeomanry of the far West were becoming impatient of this barrier, and indignant at the apparent indifference of Congress to their prayers for its removal. He had heard, moreover, that British emissaries were fostering these dis¬ contents, sowing the seeds of disaffection, and offering assist¬ ance to the Western people to seize on the city of New Orleans and fortify the mouth of the Mississippi; while, on the other hand, the Spanish authorities at New Orleans were represented as intriguing to effect a separation of the Western territory from the Union, with a view or hope of attaching it to the dominion of Spain. Great Britain, too, was giving grounds for territorial solicitude in these distant quarters by retaining possession of the Western posts, the surrender of which had been stipulated by treaty. Her plea was that debts due to British subjects, for which by the same treaty the United States were bound, remained unpaid. This, the Americans alleged, was a mere pretext; the real object of their retention being the monopoly of the fur trade; and to the mischievous influ¬ ence exercised by these posts over the Indian tribes was attributed much of the hostile disposition manifested by the latter along the Western frontier. While these brooding causes of anxiety existed at home the foreign commerce of the Union was on a most unsatis- i24 U/or^8 of U/asbffi^toi) Iruip<$ factory footing, and required prompt and thorough attention. It was subject to maraud, even by the corsairs of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, who captured American merchant vessels and carried their crews into slavery; no treaty having yet been made with any of the Barbary powers excepting Morocco. To complete the perplexities which beset the new govern¬ ment the finances of the country were in a lamentable state. There was no money in the treasury. The efforts of the former government to pay or fund its debts had failed; there was a universal state of indebtedness, foreign and domestic, and public credit was prostrate. Such was the condition of affairs when Washington en¬ tered upon his new field of action. He was painfully aware of the difficulties and dangers of an undertaking in which past history and past experience afforded no precedents. “I walk, as it were, on untrodden ground,” said he; “so many untoward circumstances may intervene in such a new and critical situation that I shall feel an insuperable diffi¬ dence in my own abilities. 1 feel, in the execution of my arduous office, how much I shall stand in need of the countenance and aid of every friend to myself, of every friend to the Revolution, and of every lover of good government.” * As yet he was without the support of constitutional ad¬ visers, the departments under the new government not being organized; he could turn with confidence, however, for counsel in an emergency to John Jay, who still remained at the head of affairs, where he had been placed in 1784. He was sure of sympathy also in his old comrade, General Knox, * Letter to Edward Rutledge. Cife of U/asI?ir>^toi) 125 who continued to officiate as Secretary of War; while the affairs of the treasury were managed by a board, consisting of Samuel Osgood, Walter Livingston and Arthur Lee. Among the personal friends not in office, to whom Wash¬ ington felt that he could safely have recourse for aid in initiating the new government, was Alexander Hamilton. It is true many had their doubts of his sincere adhesion to it. In the convention in Philadelphia he had held up the British constitution as a model to be approached, as nearly as possible, by blending some of the advantages of monarchy with the republican form. The form finally adopted was too low toned for him; he feared it might prove feeble and inefficient; but he voted for it as the best attainable, advo¬ cated it in the State convention in New York, and in a series of essays, collectively known as the “Federalist,’’ written conjunctively with Madison and Jay; and it was mainly through his efforts as a speaker and a writer that the con¬ stitution was ultimately accepted. Still many considered him at heart a monarchist, and suspected him of being secretly bent upon bringing the existing government to the monarehial form. In this they did him injustice. He still continued, it is true, to doubt whether the republican theory would admit of a vigorous execution of the laws, but was clear that it ought to be adhered to as long as there was any chance for its success. “The idea of a perfect equality of political rights among the citizens, exclusive of all permanent or hereditary distinctions,” had not hitherto, he thought, from an imperfect structure of the government, had a fair trial, and “was of a nature to engage the good wishes of every good man, whatever might be his theoretic doubts;” the endeavor, therefore, in his opinion, ought to be to give U/or^s of U/a8t?ii>$tor) Iruir>$ 126 it “a better chance of success by a government more capable of energy and order.” * Washington, who knew and appreciated Hamilton’s char¬ acter, had implicit confidence in his sincerity, and felt assured that he would loyally aid in carrying into effect the constitu¬ tion as adopted. It was a great satisfaction to Washington, on looking round for reliable advisers at this moment, to see James Madison among the members of Congress—Madison, who had been with him in the convention, who had labored in the “Federalist,” and whose talents as a speaker and calm, dispassionate reasoner, whose extensive information and legislative experience, destined him to be a leader in the House. Highly appreciating his intellectual and mortal worth, Washington would often turn to him for counsel. “I am troublesome,” would he say, “but you must excuse me; ascribe it to friendship and confidence.” Knox, of whose sure sympathies we have spoken, was in strong contrast with the cool statesman just mentioned. His mind was ardent and active, his imagination vivid, as was his language. He had abandoned the military garb, but still maintained his soldier-like air. He was large in person, above the middle stature, with a full face, radiant and benignant, bespeaking his open, buoyant, generous nature. He had a sonorous voice, and sometimes talked rather grandly, flourishing his cane to give effect to his periods, t He was cordially appreciated by Washington, who had experienced his prompt and efficient talent in time of war, had considered him one of the ablest officers of the * Hamilton’s Writings, iv. 273. t See Sullivan’s Letters on Public Characters, p. 84. Cife of U/aslpiQ^toij 127 Revolution, and now looked to him as an energetic man of business, capable of giving practical advice in time of peace, and cherished for him that strong feeling of ancient companionship in toil and danger which bound the veterans of the Revolution firmly to each other. CHAPTER TWO Washington’s Privacy beset with Visits of Compliment—Queries as to the proper Line of Conduct in his Presidential Intercourse— Opinions of Adams and Hamilton—Jefferson as to the Authors of the Minor Forms and Ceremonies—His whimsioal Anecdote of the first Levee—Inaugural Ball The moment the inauguration was over, Washington was made to perceive that he was no longer master of him¬ self or of his home. “By the time I had done breakfast,” writes he, “and thence till dinner, and afterward till bed¬ time, 1 could not get rid of the ceremony of one visit before I had to attend to another. In a word, I had no leisure to read or to answer the dispatches that were pouring in upon me from all quarters.” How was he to be protected from these intrusions? In his former capacity as commander-in-chief of the armies his headquarters had been guarded by sentinels and military etiquette; but what was to guard the privacy of a popular chief magistrate? What, too, were to be the forms and ceremonials to be adopted in the presidential mansion that would maintain the dignity of his station, allow him time for the perform¬ ance of its official duties, and yet be in harmony with the 128 U/orKs of U/asbffi^toi) Iruffi^ temper and feelings of the people and the prevalent notions ©f equality and republican simplicity? The conflict of opinions that had already occurred as to the form and title by which the President was to be addressed had made him aware that every step at the outset of his career would be subject to scrutiny, perhaps cavil, and might hereafter be cited as a precedent. Looking around, there¬ fore, upon the able men at hand, such as Adams, Hamilton, Jay, Madison, he propounded to them a series of questions as to a line of conduct proper for him to observe. In regard to visitors, for instance, would not one day in the week be sufficient for visits of compliment, and one hour every morning (at eight o’clock, for example) for visits on business? Might he make social visits to acquaintances and public characters, not as President, but as private individual? And then as to his table—under the preceding form of govern¬ ment the presidents of Congress had been accustomed to give dinners twice a week to large parties of both sexes, and invitations had been so indiscriminate that every one who could get introduced to the president conceived he had a right to be invited to his board. The table was, therefore, always crowded, and with a mixed company; yet, as it was in the nature of things impracticable to invite everybody, as many offenses were given as if no table had been kept. Washington was resolved not to give general entertain¬ ments of this kind, but in his series of questions he asked whether he might not invite, informally or otherwise, six, eight or ten official characters, including in rotation the members of both Houses of Congress, to dine with him on the days fixed for receiving company without exciting clamors in the rest of the community. Cife of WastyvqtOT) 129 Adams, in his reply, talked of chamberlains, aides-de- camp, masters of ceremony, and evinced a high idea of the presidential office and the state with which it ought to be maintained. “The office,’* writes he, “by its legal authority defined in the constitution has no equal in the world except¬ ing those only which are held by crowned heads; nor is the royal authority in all cases to be compared to it. The royal office in Poland is a mere shadow in comparison with it. The Dogeship in Venice, and the Stadtholdership in Holland are not so much—neither dignity nor authority can be sup¬ ported in human minds, collected into nations or any great numbers, without a splendor and majesty in some degree proportioned to them. The sending and receiving embas¬ sadors is one of the most splendid and important prerogatives of sovereigns, absolute or limited, and this in our constitution is wholly in the President. If the state and pomp essential to this great department are not in a good degree preserved, it will be in vain for America to hope for consideration with foreign powers.” * According to Mr. Adams, two days in a week would be required for the receipt of visits of compliment. Persons desiring an interview with the President should make appli¬ cation through the Minister of State. In every case the name, quality or business of the visitor should be communi¬ cated to a chamberlain or gentleman in waiting, who should judge whom to admit and whom to exclude. The time for receiving visits ought to be limited, as, for example, from eight to nine or ten o’clock, lest the whole morning be taken up. The President might invite what official character, members of Congress, strangers or citizens of distinction * Life and Works of John Adams, vol. viii., p. 493. 130 U/or^s of U/a8l?ii)<$toi} IruiQ$ he pleased, in small parties without exciting clamors; but this should always be done without formality. His private life should be at his own discretion, as to giving or receiving informal visits among friends and acquaintances; but in his official character he should have no intercourse with society but upon public business, or at his levees. Adams, in the conclusion of his reply, ingenuously confessed that his long residence abroad might have impressed him with views of things incompatible with the present temper and feelings of his fellow-citizens; and Jefferson seems to have been heartily of the same opinion, for speaking of Adams in his “Anas,” he observes that “the glare of royalty and nobility, during his mission to England, had made him believe their fascination a necessary ingredient in government.” * Ham¬ ilton, in his reply, while he considered it a primary object for the public good that the dignity of the presidential office should be supported, advised that care should be taken to avoid so high a tone in the demeanor of the occupant as to shock the prevalent notions of equality. The President, he thought, should hold a levee at a fixed time once a week, remain half an hour, converse cursorily ©n different subjects with such persons as invited his atten¬ tion, and then retire. He should accept no invitations, give formal entertain¬ ments twice, or at most four times in the year; if twice, on the anniversaries of the Declaration of Independence and of his inauguration; if four times, the anniversary of the treaty of alliance with France and that of the definitive treaty with Great Britain to be added. The President on levee days to give informal invitations * Jefferson’s Works, ix. 97. Cife of U/asl?i[}$t:oi} 131 to family dinners; not more than six or eight to be asked at a time, and the civility to be confined essentially to mem¬ bers of the legislature, and other official characters—the President never to remain long at table. The heads of departments should, of course, have access to the President on business. Foreign ministers of some descriptions should also be entitled to it. “In Europe, 1 am informed,” writes Hamilton, “embassadors only have direct access to the chief magistrate. Something very near what prevails there would, in my opinion, be right. The distinc¬ tion of rank between diplomatic characters requires attention, and the door of access ought not to be too wide to that class of persons. I have thought that the members of the Senate should also have a right of individual access on matters relative to the public administration. In England and France peers of the realm have this right. We have none such in this country, but I believe it will be satisfactory to the people to know that there is some body of men in the state who have a right of continual communication with the President. It will be considered a safeguard against secret combinations to deceive him.” * The reason alleged by Hamilton for giving the Senate this privilege, and not the Representatives, was, that in the constitution “the Senate are coupled with the President in certain executive functions, treaties and appointments. This makes them in a degree his constitutional counselors, and gives them a peculiar claim to the right of access.” These are the only written replies that we have before us of Washington’s advisers on this subject. Colonel Humphreys, formerly one of Washington’s aides- * Hamilton’s Works, vol. iv., p. 3. 132 U/or^s of U/a8f?ii}<$toQ Iruii?<$ de-camp, and recently secretary of Jefferson’s legation at Paris, was at present an inmate in the presidential mansion. General Knox was frequently there; to these Jefferson assures us, on Washington’s authority, was assigned the task of considering and prescribing the minor forms and ceremonies, the etiquette, in fact, to be observed on public occasions. Some of the forms proposed by them, he adds, were adopted. Others were so highly strained that Wash¬ ington absolutely rejected them. Knox was no favorite with Jefferson, who had no sympathies with the veteran soldier, and styles him “a man of parade,” and Humphreys he appears to think captivated by the ceremonials of foreign courts. He gives a whimsical account, which he had at second or third hand, of the first levee. An ante-chamber and presence-room were provided, and when those who were to pay their court were assembled the President set out, preceded by Humphreys. After passing through the ante- * chamber the door of the inner room was thrown open, and Humphreys entered first, calling out with a loud voice, “The President of the United States.” The President was so much disconcerted with it that he did not recover in the whole time of the levee, and, when the company were gone, he said to Humphreys, “Well, you have taken me in once, but, by-, you shall never take me in a second time. ” This anecdote is to be taken with caution, for Jefferson was disposed to receive any report that placed the forms adopted in a disparaging point of view. He gives in his Ana a still more whimsical account on the authority of “a Mr. Brown,” of the ceremonials at an inauguration ball at which Washington and Mrs. Washing¬ ton presided in almost regal style. As it has been proved to be entirely incorrect, we have not deemed it worthy an Cife of U/asl?io<$toi) 133 insertion. A splendid ball was in fact given at the Assembly Rooms, and another by the French Minister, the Count de Moustier, at both of which Washington was present and danced; but Mrs. Washington was not at either of them, not being yet arrived, and on neither occasion were any mock regal ceremonies observed. Washington was the last man that would have tolerated anything of the kind. Our next chapter will show the almost casual manner in which the simple formalities of his republican court originated. CHAPTER THREE Journey of Mrs. Washington to New York—Honors paid her in her Progress—Receptions at the Seat of Government—The President’s Equipage On the 17th of May, Mrs. Washington, accompanied by her grandchildren, Eleanor Custis and George Washington Parke Custis, set out from Mount Vernon in her traveling carriage with a small escort of horse, to join her husband at the seat of government, as she had been accustomed to join him at headquarters in the intervals of his revolutionary campaigns. Throughout the journey she was greeted with public testimonials of respect and affection. As she approached Philadelphia the President of Pennsylvania and other of the State functionaries, with a number of the principal inhabi¬ tants of both sexes, came forth to meet her, and she was attended into the city by a numerous cavalcade, and wel¬ comed with the ringing of bells and firing of cannon. Similar honors were paid her in her progress through 134 U/orks of U/asl?ii}$toi) Irvip$ New Jersey. At Elizabethtown she alighted at the resi¬ dence of Governor Livingston, whither Washington came from New York to meet her. They proceeded thence by water, in the same splendid barge in which the general had been conveyed for his inauguration. It was manned, as on that occasion, by thirteen master pilots, arrayed in white, and had several persons of note on board. There was a salute of thirteen guns as the barge passed the Battery at New York. The landing took place at Peck Slip, not far from the presidential residence, amid the enthusiastic cheers of an immense multitude. On the following day, Washington gave a demi-official dinner, of which Mr. Wingate, a Senator from New Hamp¬ shire, who was present, writes as follows: ‘ ‘ The guests con¬ sisted of the Vice-President, the foreign ministers, the heads of departments, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the Senators from New Hampshire and Georgia, the then most Northern and Southern States. It was the least showy dinner that I ever saw at the President’s table, and the company was not large. As there was no chaplain pres¬ ent, the President himself said a very short grace as he was sitting down. After dinner and dessert were finished, one glass of wine was passed around the table, and no toast. The President rose, and all the company retired to the draw¬ ing-room, from which the guests departed, as every one chose, without ceremony.” On the evening of the following day (Friday, May 29th), Mrs. Washington had a general reception, which was at¬ tended by all that was distinguished in official and fashion¬ able society. Henceforward there were similar receptions every Friday evening, from eight to ten o’clock, to which the families of all persons of respectability, native or foreign, Cife of U/asl?ii}<$toi) 135 had access, without special invitation; and at which the President was always present. These assemblages were as free from ostentation and restraint as the ordinary receptions of polite society; yet the reader will find they were soon sub¬ ject to invidious misrepresentation, and caviled at as “court¬ like levees” and “queenly drawing-rooms.” Besides these public receptions, the presidential family had its private circle of social intimacy; the President, more¬ over, was always ready to receive visits by appointment on public or private business. The sanctity and quiet of Sunday were strictly observed by Washington. He attended church in the morning, and passed the afternoon alone in his closet. No visitors Were admitted, excepting, perhaps, an intimate friend in the even¬ ing, which was spent by him in the bosom of his family. The household establishment was conducted on an ample and dignified scale, but without ostentation, and regulated with characteristic system and exactness. Samuel Fraunces, once landlord of the city tavern in Broad Street, where Washington took leave of the officers of the army in 1783, was now steward of the presidential household. He was required to render a weekly statement of receipts and ex¬ penditures, and warned to guard against waste and extrava¬ gance. “We are happy to inform our readers,” says Fen- no’s Gazette of the day, “that the President is determined to pursue that system of regularity and economy in his household which has always marked his public and private life.” # In regard to the deportment of Washington at this junc¬ ture, we have been informed by one who had opportunities of seeing him that he still retained a military air of command which had become habitual to him. At levees and drawing- 136 U/orl{8 of U/asfyip^toQ Iruip$ rooms he sometimes appeared cold and distant, but this was attributed by those who best knew him to the novelty of his position and his innate diffidence, which seemed to increase with the light which his renown shed about him. Though reserved at times, his reserve had nothing repulsive in it, and in social intercourse, where he was no longer under the eye of critical supervision, soon gave way to soldier-like frankness and cordiality. At all times his courtesy was genuine and benignant, and totally free from that stately condescension sometimes mistaken for politeness. Nothing, we are told, could surpass the noble grace with which he presided at a ceremonial dinner; kindly attentive to all his guests, but particularly attentive to put those at their ease and in a favorable light who appeared to be most diffident. As to Mrs. Washington, those who really knew her at the time speak of her as free from pretension or affectation, undazzled by her position, and discharging its duties with the truthful simplicity and real good-breeding of one accus¬ tomed to preside over a hospitable mansion in the “Ancient Dominion.’* She had her husband’s predilection for private life. In a letter to an intimate she writes: “It is owing to the kindness of our numerous friends in all quarters that my new and unwished-for situation is not indeed a burden to me. When I was much younger, I should probably have enjoyed the innocent gayeties of life as much as most persons of my age; but I had long since placed all the prospects of my future worldly happiness in the still enjoyments of the fireside at Mount Vernon. “I little thought, when the war was finished, that any circumstances could possibly happen which would call the general into public life again. I had anticipated that from Cife of U/asf?ir 7 $toi} 137 that moment we should be suffered to grow old together in solitude and tranquillity. That was the first and dearest wish of my heart. ’ ’ * Much has been said of Washington’s equipages, when at New York, and of his having four, and sometimes six horses before his carriage, with servants and outriders in rich livery. Such style, we would premise, was usual at the time both in England and the colonies, and had been occasionally maintained by the Continental dignitaries and by governors of the several States prior to the adoption of the new constitution. It was still prevalent, we are told, among the wealthy planters of the South, and sometimes adopted by ‘‘merchant princes” and rich individuals at the North. It does not appear, however, that Washington ever indulged in it through ostentation. When he repaired to the Hall of Congress, at his inauguration, he was drawn by a single pair of horses in a chariot presented for the occa¬ sion, on the panels of which were emblazoned the arms of the United States. Besides this modest equipage there was the ample family carriage which had been brought from Virginia. To this four horses were put when the family drove out into the country, the state of the roads in those days requiring it. For the same reason six horses were put to the same vehicle on journeys, and once on a state occasion. If there was anything he was likely to take a pride in, it was horses; he was passionately fond of that noble animal, and mention is occasionally made of four white horses of great beauty which he owned while in New York, f His favorite exercise, when * Quoted in a note to Sparks, p. 422. f For some of these particulars concerning Washington we are indebted to the late William A. Duer, president of 138 U/or^s of U/asbir^top Iruii?$ the weather permitted it, was on horseback, accompanied by one or more of the members of his household, and he was noted always for being admirably mounted and one of the best horsemen of his day. CHAPTER FOUR Alarming Illness of the President—The Senate rejects one of his Nominations—His sensitive Vindication of it—Death of his Mother—Her Character—The Executive Departments insti¬ tuted—Selection of Officers for the Treasury and War De¬ partments—Hamilton instructed to report a Financial Plan at the next Session of Congress—Arrangement of the Judiciary Department—Edmund Randolph—Adjournment of Congress— Its Character, by Fisher Ames * As soon as W ashington could command sufficient leisure to inspect papers and documents, he called unofficially upon the heads of departments to furnish him with such reports in writing as would aid him in gaining a distinct idea of the state of public affairs. For this purpose also he had recourse to the public archives, and proceeded to make notes of the foreign official correspondence from the close of the war un¬ til his inauguration. He was interrupted in his task by a virulent attack of anthrax, which for several days threat- Columbia College, who in his boyhood was frequently in the President’s house, playmate of young Custis, Mrs. Washing¬ ton’s grandson. Washington's Residences in New York .—The first Presi¬ dential residence was at the junction of Pearl and Cherry Streets, Franklin Square. At the end of about a year, the President removed to the house on the west side of Broad¬ way, near Rector Street, afterward known as Bunker’s Man¬ sion House. Both of these buildings have disappeared, in the course of “modern improvements.” Cife of U/asl?ir}$(:or) 139 ened mortification. The knowledge of his perilous condition spread alarm through the community; he, however, re¬ mained unagitated. His medical adviser was Dr. Samuel Bard, of New York, an excellent physician and most esti¬ mable man, who attended him with unremitting assiduity. Being alone one day with the doctor, Washington re¬ garded him steadily, and asked his candid opinion as to the probable result of his case. “Do not flatter me with vain hopes,” said he, with placid firmness; “I am not afraid to die, and therefore can bear the worst.” The doctor ex¬ pressed hope, but owned that he had apprehensions. “Whether to-night or twenty years hence makes no dif¬ ference,” observed Washington. “1 know that I am in the hands of a good Providence.” His sufferings were intense and his recovery was slow. For six weeks he was obliged to lie on his right side; but after a time he had his carriage so contrived that he could extend himself at full length in it and take exercise in the open air. While rendered morbidly sensitive by bodily pain, he suffered deep annoyance from having one of his earliest nominations, that of Benjamin Fishburn, for the place of naval officer of the port of Savannah, rejected by the Senate. If there was anything in which Washington was scrupu¬ lously conscientious, it was in the exercise of the nominating power; scrutinizing the fitness of candidates; their compara¬ tive claims on account of public services and sacrifices, and with regard to the equable distribution of offices among the States; in all which he governed himself solely by consid¬ erations for the public good. He was especially scrupulous where his own friends and connections were concerned. “So far as I know my own mind,” would he say, “I would not 140 U/orl^s of U/as^ir^top Iruip<$ be in the remotest degree influenced in making nominations by motives arising from the ties of family or blood.” He was principally hurt in the present instance by the want of deference on the part of the Senate in assigning no reason for rejecting his nomination of Mr. Fishburn. He acquiesced, however, in the rejection, and forthwith sent in the name of another candidate; but at the same time admin¬ istered a temperate and dignified rebuke. “Whatever may have been the reasons which induced your dissent, ” writes he to the Senate, “I am persuaded that they were such as you deemed sufficient. Permit me to submit to your consid¬ eration, whether, on occasions where the propriety of nomi¬ nations appears questionable to you, it would not be expedi¬ ent to communicate that circumstance to me, and thereby avail yourselves of the information which led me to make them, and which I would with pleasure lay before you. Probably my reasons for nominating Mr. Fishburn may tend to show that such a mode of proceeding, in such cases, might be useful. I will therefore detail them.” He then proceeds to state that Colonel Fishburn had served under his own eye with reputation as an officer and a gentleman; had distinguished himself at the storming of Stony Point; had repeatedly been elected to the Assembly of Georgia as a representative from Chatham County, in which Savannah was situated; had been elected by the officers of the militia of that county lieutenant-colonel of the militia of the district; had been member of the Execu¬ tive Council of the State, and president of the same; had been appointed by the council to an office which he actually held, in the port of Savannah, nearly similar to that for which Washington had nominated him. “It appeared, therefore, to me,” adds Washington, “that Cife of U/a8l?ii)$tor) 141 Mr. Fishburn must have enjoyed the confidence of the mi¬ litia officers in order to have been elected to a military rank —the confidence of the freemen to have been elected to the Assembly—the confidence of the Assembly to have been selected for the Council, and the confidence of the Council to have been appointed collector of the port of Savannah.” "We give this letter in some detail, as relating to the only instance in which a nomination by Washington was rejected. The reasons of the Senate for rejecting it do not appear. They seem to have felt his rebuke, for the nomination last made by him was instantly confirmed. While yet in a state of convalescence, Washington re¬ ceived intelligence of the death of his mother. The event, which took place at Fredericksburg in Virginia, on the 25th of August, was not unexpected; she was eighty-two years of age, and had for some time been sinking under an incur¬ able malady, so that when he last parted with her he had apprehended that it was a final separation. Still he was deeply affected by the intelligence; consoling himself, how¬ ever, with the reflection that “Heaven had spared her to an age beyond which few attain; had favored her with the full enjoyment of her mental faculties, and as much bodily health as usually falls to the lot of fourscore.” Mrs. Mary Washington is represented as a woman of strong plain sense, strict integrity, and an inflexible spirit of command. We have mentioned the exemplary manner in which she, a lone widow, had trained her little flock in their childhood. The deference for her, then instilled into their minds, continued throughout life, and was manifested by Washington when at the height of his power and reputa tion. Eminently practical, she had thwarted his military aspirings when he was about to seek honor in the British 142 U/orl^s of U/as^ir>^tor> Iruip$ navy. During his early and disastrous campaigns on the frontier she would often shake her head and exclaim, “Ah, George had better have stayed at home and cultivated his farm.” Even his ultimate success and renown had never dazzled, however much they may have gratified her. When others congratulated her, and were enthusiastic in his praise, she listened in silence, and would temperately reply that he had been a good son, and she believed he had done his duty as a man. Hitherto the new government had not been properly or¬ ganized, but its several duties had been performed by the officers who had them in charge at the time of Washington’s inauguration. It was not until the 10th of September that laws were passed instituting a department of Foreign Affairs (afterward termed Department of State), a Treasury Depart¬ ment, and a Department of War, and fixing their respective salaries. On the following day, Washington nominated General Knox to the Department of War, the duties of which that officer had hitherto discharged. The post of Secretary of the Treasury was one of far greater importance at the present moment. It was a time of financial exigency. As yet no statistical account of the country had been attempted; its fiscal resources were wholly unknown; its credit was almost annihilated, for it was obliged to borrow money even to pay the interest of its debts. We have already quoted the language held by Washing¬ ton in regard to this state of things before he had assumed the direction of affairs. “My endeavors shall be unremit¬ tingly exerted, even at the hazard of former fame or present popularity, to extricate my country from the embarrassments in which it is entangled through want of credit.” / Cife of U/asIpip^toQ 243 Under all these circumstances, and to carry out these views, he needed an able and zealous coadjutor in the Treas¬ ury Department; one equally solicitous with himself on the points in question, and more prepared upon them by finan¬ cial studies and investigations than he could pretend to be. Such a person he considered Alexander Hamilton, whom he nominated as Secretary of the Treasury, and whose qualifi¬ cations for the office were so well understood by the Senate that his nomination was confirmed on the same day on which it was made. Within a few days after Hamilton’s appointment the House of Representatives (Sept. 21), acting upon the policy so ardently desired by Washington, passed a resolution de¬ claring their opinion of the high importance to the honor and prosperity of the United States that an adequate provis¬ ion should be made for the support of public credit; and in¬ structing the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare a plan for the purpose and report it at their next session. The arrangement of the Judicial Department was one of Washington’s earliest cares. On the 27th of September he wrote unofficially to Edmund Randolph, of Virginia, inform¬ ing him that he had nominated him Attorney-general of the United States, and would be highly gratified with his accept¬ ance of that office. Some old recollections of the camp and of the early days of the Revolution may have been at the bottom of this good-will, for Randolph had joined the army at Cambridge, in 1775, and acted for a time as aid-de-camp to Washington in place of Mifflin. He had since gained ex- perience in legislative business as member of Congress, from 1779 to 1782, Governor of Virginia in 1786, and delegate to the convention in 1787. In the discussions of that celebrated body he had been opposed to a single executive, professing to 144 U/orks of U/asbffi^toq discern in the unity of that power the “foetus of monarchy”; and preferring an executive consisting of three; whereas, in the opinion of others, this plural executive would be “a kind of Cerberus with three heads.” Like Madison, he had dis¬ approved of the equality of suffrage in the Senate, and been, moreover, of opinion that the President should be ineligible to office after a given number of years. Dissatisfied with some of the provisions of the constitu¬ tion as adopted, he had refused to sign it; but had afterward supported it in the State convention of Virginia. As we rec¬ ollect him many years afterward, his appearance and ad¬ dress were dignified and prepossessing; he had an express! va countenance, a beaming eye, and somewhat of the ore ro - tundo in speaking. Randolph promptly accepted the nomi¬ nation, but did not take his seat in the cabinet until some months after Knox and Hamilton. By the judicial system established for the Federal gov¬ ernment, the Supreme Court of the United States was to be composed of a chief-justice and five associate judges. There were to be district courts with a judge in each State, and cir¬ cuit courts held by an associate judge and a district judge. John Jay, of New York, received the appointment of Chief- justice, and in a letter inclosing his commission, Washing¬ ton expressed the singular pleasure he felt in addressing him “as the head of that department which must be considered as the keystone of our political fabric.” Jay’s associate judges were John Rutledge of South Carolina, James Wilson of Pennsylvania, William Cushing of Massachusetts, John Blair of Virginia, and James Iredell of North Carolina. Washington had originally nominated to one of the judgeships his former military secretary, Rob¬ ert Harrison, familiarly known as the old Secretary; but he Cife of U/asl?ii)$toi) 145 preferred the office of Chancellor of Maryland, recently con¬ ferred upon him. On the 29th of September, Congress adjourned to the first Monday in January, after an arduous session, in which many important questions had been discussed, and powers organ¬ ized and distributed. The actual Congress was inferior in eloquence and shining talent to the first Congress of the Kevolution; but it possessed men well fitted for the momen¬ tous work before them; sober, solid, upright and well in¬ formed. An admirable harmony had prevailed between the legislature and the executive, and the utmost decorum had reigned over the public deliberations. Fisher Ames, then a young man, who had acquired a brilliant reputation in Massachusetts by the eloquence with which he had championed the new constitution in the con¬ vention of that important State, and who had recently been elected to Congress, speaks of it in the following terms: “I have never seen an assembly where so little art was used. If they wish to carry a point, it is directly declared and justified. Its merits and defects are plainly stated, not with¬ out sophistry and prejudice, but without management. . . . There is no intrigue, no caucusing, little of clanning to¬ gether, little asperity in debate, or personal bitterness out of file House,” Vol. XV.—* * *? 146 Worlds of U/as^ip^top Iruii)^ CHAPTER FIVE The Department of State still without a Head—Sketch of Jeffer¬ son’s Character and Opinions—Deeply immersed in French Poli¬ tics at Paris—Gouverneur Morris abroad—Contrast of his and Jefferson’s Views on the French Crisis—News of the French Revolution in America—Popular Excitement—Washington’s cautious Opinion on the Subject—Hamilton’s apprehensive View—Jefferson offered a Place in the Cabinet as Secretary of State The cabinet was still incomplete; the Department of For¬ eign Affairs, or rather of State, as it was now called, was yet to be supplied with a head. John Jay would have received the nomination had he not preferred the bench. Washing- » ton next thought of Thomas Jefferson, who had so long filled the post of Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versail¬ les, but had recently solicited and obtained permission to re¬ turn, for a few months, to the United States, for the purpose of placing his children among their friends in their native country, and of arranging his private affairs, which had suffered from his protracted absence. And here we will venture a few particulars concerning this eminent states- man, introductory to the important influence he was to ex¬ ercise on national affairs. His political principles as a democratic republican had Deen avowed at an early date in his draft of the Declaration of Independence, and subsequently in the successful war which he made upon the old cavalier traditions of his native State; its laws of entails and primogeniture, and its church Cife of U/asl?ip^toi) 147 establishment—a war which broke down the hereditary fort¬ unes and hereditary families, and put an end to the heredi¬ tary aristocracy of the Ancient Dominion. Being sent to Paris as minister plenipotentiary a year or two after the peace, he arrived there, as he says, “when the American Revolution seemed to have awakened the thinking part of the French nation from the sleep of despotism in which they had been sunk.” Carrying with him his republican principles and zeal, his house became the resort of Lafayette and others of the French officers who had served in the American Revolution. They were mostly, he said, young men little shackled by habits and prejudices, and had come back with new ideas and new impressions, which began to be disseminated by the press and in conversation. Politics became the theme of all societies, male and female, and a very extensive and zeal¬ ous party was formed which acquired the appellation of the Patriot Party, who, sensible of the abuses of the government under which .they lived, sighed for occasions of reforming it. “This party,” writes Jefferson, “comprehended all the honesty of the kingdom sufficiently at leisure to think, the men of letters, the easy bourgeois, the young nobility, partly from reflection, partly from the mode; for these sentiments became matter of mode, and, as such, united most of the young women to the party.” By this party Jefferson was considered high authority from his republican principles and experience, and his advice was continually sought in the great effort for political reform which was daily growing stronger and stronger. His ab¬ sence in Europe had prevented his taking part in the debates on the new constitution, but he had exercised his influence through his correspondence. “I expressed freely,” writes 148 U/orl^s of U/asfiir^top IruiQ$ he, “in letters to my friends, and most particularly to Mr. Madison and General Washington, my approbations and objections.” * What those approbations and objections were appears by the following citations, which are impor¬ tant to be kept in mind as illustrating his after conduct. “I approved, from the first moment, of the great mass of what is in the new constitution, the consolidation of the gov¬ ernment, the organization into executive, legislative and ju¬ diciary; the subdivision of the legislature, the happy com¬ promise of the interests between the great and little States, by the different manner of voting in the different Houses, the voting by persons instead of States, the qualified nega¬ tive on laws given to the executive, which, however, I should have liked better if associated with the judiciary also, as in New York, and the power of taxation: what I disapproved, from the first moment, was the want of a bill of rights to guard liberty against the legislative as well as against the executive branches of the government; that is to say, to secure freedom of religion, freedom of the press, freedom from monopolies, freedom from unlawful imprisonment, free¬ dom from a permanent military, and a trial by jury in all cases determinable by the laws of the land.” What he greatly objected to was the perpetual re-eligibil¬ ity of the President. “This, I fear,” said he, “will make that an office for life, first, and then hereditary. I was much an enemy to monarchies before I came to Europe, and am ten thousand times more so since I have seen what they are. There is scarcely an evil known in these countries which may not be traced to their king as its source, nor a good which is not derived fom the small fibers of republican- * Autobiography, Works, i. 79. Clfe of U/as^ir>^top 149 ism existing among them. I can further say, with safety, there is not a crowned head in Europe whose talents or mer¬ its would entitle him to be elected a vestryman by the people of any parish in America.” * In short, such a horror had he imbibed of kingly rule that, in a familiar letter to Colonel Humphreys, who had been his secretary of legation, he gives it as the duty of our young Republic “to besiege the throne of heaven with eternal prayers to extirpate from creation this class of human lions, tigers and mammoths, called kings, from whom, let him perish who does not say, ‘Good Lord, deliver us!’ ” Jefferson’s political fervor occasionally tended to exalta¬ tion, but it was genuine. In his excited state he regarded with quick suspicion everything in his own country that ap¬ peared to him to have a regal tendency. His sensitiveness had been awakened by the debates in Congress as to the title to be given to the President, whether or not he should be addressed as His Highness; and had been relieved by the decision that he was to have no title but that of office; viz., President of the United States. “I hope,” said Jefferson, “the terms of Excellency, Honor, Worship, Esquire, forever disappear from among us from that moment. I wish that of Mr. would follow them.” f W ith regard to the re-eligibility of the President, his anx¬ iety was quieted for the present by the elevation of Washing ton to the Presidential chair. “Since the thing [re-eligibil¬ ity] is established,” writes he, “I would wish it not to be altered during the lifetime of our great leader, whose execu¬ tive talents are superior to those, I believe, of any man in * Letter to Washington, May 2, 1788. Works, ii. 375. t Letter to Mr. Carmichael, Works, iii. 88. 150 U/orl^s of U/asl?i 9 $tor> Iruii?$ the world, and who, alone, by the authority of his name, and the confidence reposed in his perfect integrity, is fully qualified to put the new government so under way as to secure it against the efforts of opposition. But, having de¬ rived from our error all the good there was in it, I hope we shall correct it the moment we can no longer have the same name at the helm.” * Jefferson, at the time of which we are speaking, was, as we have shown, deeply immersed in French politics and in¬ terested in the success of the “Patriot Party,” in its efforts to reform the country. His dispatches to government all proved how strongly he was on the side of the people. “He considered a successful reformation in France as insuring a general reformation throughout Europe, and the resurrection to a new life of their people, now ground to dust by the abuses of the governing powers.” Gouverneur Morris, who was at that time in Paris on t private business, gives a different view of the state of things produced by the Patriot party. Morris had arrived in Paris on 3d of February, 1789, furnished by Washington with let¬ ters of introduction to persons in England, France and Hol¬ land. His brilliant talents, ready conversational powers, easy confidence in society, and striking aristocratical appear¬ ance, had given him great currency, especially in the court party and among the ancient nobility; in which direction his tastes most inclined. He had renewed his intimacy with Lafayette, whom he found “full of politics,” but “too re¬ publican for the genius of his country.” In a letter to the French minister, residing in New York, Morris writes on the 23d of February, 1789: “Your nation * Letter to F. Hopkinson, Works, ii. 587. Cife of U/asl?ii}<$toi) 151 is now in a most important crisis, and the great question— shall we hereafter have a constitution, or shall will continue to be law—employs every mind and agitates every heart in France. Even voluptuousness itself rises from its couch of roses and looks anxiously abroad at the busy scene to which nothing can now be indifferent. “Your nobles, your clergy, your people are all in motion for the elections. A spirit which had been dormant for gen • erations starts up and stares about, ignorant of the means of obtaining, but ardently desirous to possess its object—conse¬ quently active, energetic, easily led, but also easily, too easily, misled. Such is the instinctive love of freedom which now grows warm in the bosom of your country.” When the king was constrained by the popular voice to convene the States General at Versailles for the purpose of discussing measures of reform, Jefferson was a constant attendant upon the debates of that body. “I was much acquainted with the leading patriots of the Assembly,” writes he, “being from a country which had successfully passed through similar reform; they were disposed to my acquaintance and had some confidence in me. I urged most strenuously an immediate compromise to secure what the government was now ready to yield, and trust to future occasions for what might still be wanting.” The “leading patriots” here spoken of were chiefly the deputies from Brittany, who, with others, formed an asso¬ ciation called the Breton Club, to watch the matters debated in Parliament and shape the course of affairs. Morris, speaking of Jefferson at this juncture, observes, “He and I differ in our system of politics. He, with all the leaders of liberty here, is desirous of annihilating distinc¬ tions of order. How far such views may be right, respect- 152 U/orl^s of U/asI?ii}$toi? Iruii)$ ing mankind in general, is, I think, extremely problematical. But, with respect to this nation, I am sure it is wrong and cannot eventuate well.” * Jefferson, in a letter to Thomas Paine (July 11), giving some account of the proceedings of the States General, ob¬ serves, “The National Assembly (for that is the name they take) having shown, through every stage of these transac¬ tions, a coolness, wisdom and resolution to set fire to the four corners of the kingdom, and to perish with it them¬ selves rather than to relinquish an iota from their plan of a total change of government, are now in complete and un¬ disputed possession of the Sovereignty. The executive and aristocracy are at their feet; the mass of the nation, the mass of the clergy, and the army are with them; they have prostrated the old government and are now beginning to build one from the foundation.” It was but three days after the date of this letter that the people of Paris rose in their might, plundered the arsenal of the Invalides, furnished themselves with arms, stormed the Bastile; and a national guard, formed of the Bour¬ geoisie, with the tricolored cockade for an emblem and La¬ fayette as commander, took Paris under its protection. Information of these events was given at midnight to the king at Versailles by Rochefoucauld-Liancourt. “It is a revolt,” exclaimed the king. “Sire,” replied Liancourt, li it is a revolution /” Jefferson, in his dispatches to government, spoke with admiration of the conduct of the people throughout the vio¬ lent scenes which accompanied this popular convulsion. ‘There was a severity of honesty observed, of which no * Life of G. Morris, i. 313. Cife of U/asl?ir}$tor) 153 example has been known. Bags of money, offered on vari¬ ous occasions through fear or guilt, have been uniformly refused by the mobs. The churches are now occupied in singing ‘De Profundis’ and ‘Requiems’ for the repose of the souls of the brave and valiant citizens who have sealed, with their blood, the liberty of the nation. ... We cannot sup¬ pose this paroxysm confined to Paris alone; the whole coun¬ try must pass successfully through it, and happy if they get through as soon and as well as Paris has done..” * Gouverneur Morris, writing on the same subject to Wash¬ ington, on the 31st of July, observes: “You may consider the Revolution as complete. The authority of the king and of the nobility is completely subdued; yet I tremble for the constitution. They have all the romantic spirit and all the romantic ideas of government, which, happily for America, we were cured of before it was too late.” The foregoing brief notices of affairs in revolutionary France, and of the feelings with which they were viewed by American statesmen resident there, will be found of ser¬ vice in illustrating subsequent events in the United States. The first news of the Revolution reached America in October, and was hailed by the great mass of the people with enthusiasm. Washington, in reply to his old comrade in arms, the Count de Rochambeau, observes: “I am per¬ suaded I express the sentiments of my fellow-citizens when I offer an earnest prayer that it may terminate in the perma¬ nent honor and happiness of your government and people.” But, in a reply of the same date (13th Oct.) to Gouver¬ neur Morris, he shows that his circumspect and cautious spirit was not to be hurried away by popular excitement. * Letter to John Jay. Jefferson’s Works, iii. 80. 154 U/or^s of U/asl?ir)$tor} Iruir}<$ “The revolution which has been effected in France,’* writes he, “is of so wonderful a nature that the mind can hardly realize the fact. If it ends as our last accounts to the 1st of August predict, that nation will be the most powerful and happy in Europe; but I fear, though it has gone tri¬ umphantly through the first paroxysm, it is not the last it has to encounter before matters are finally settled. In a word, the revolution is of too great a magnitude to be effected in so short a space, and with the loss of so little blood. The mortification of the king, the intrigues of the queen, and the discontent of the princes and noblesse, will foment divisions, if possible, in the National Assembly; and they will, unques¬ tionably, avail themselves of every faux pas in the forma¬ tion of the constitution, if they do not give a more open, active opposition. In addition to these, the licentiousness of the people on one hand, and sanguinary punishments on the other, will alarm the best disposed friends to the meas¬ ure, and contribute not a little to the overthrow of their object. Great temperance, firmness and foresight are neces¬ sary in the movements of that body. To forbear running from one extreme to another is no easy matter: and should this be the case, rocks and shelves, not visible at present, may wreck the vessel and give a higher-toned despotism than the one which existed before.” * Hamilton, too, regarded the recent events in France with a mixture of pleasure and apprehension. In a letter to La¬ fayette he writes: “As a friend to mankind and to liberty, I rejoice in the efforts which you are making to establish it, while I fear much for the final success of the attempts, for the fate of those who are engaged in it, and for the danger 514 Writings of Washington, x. 39. Cife of U/a8l?ir?<$tor) i55 in case of success, of innovations greater than will consist t with the real felicity of your nation. ... I dread disagree¬ ments, among those who are now united, about the nature of your constitution; I dread the vehement character of your people, whom, I fear, you may find it more easy to bring on, than to keep within proper bounds after you have put them in motion. I dread the interested refractoriness of your nobles, who cannot all be gratified, and who may be unwilling to submit to the requisite sacrifices. And I dread the reveries of your philosophic politicians, who appear in the moment to have great influence, and who, being mere speculatists, may aim at more refinement than suits either with human nature or the composition of your nation.” * * The opposite views and feelings of Hamilton and Jeffer¬ son, with regard to the French revolution, are the more interesting, as these eminent statesmen were soon to be brought face to face in the cabinet, the policy of which would be greatly influenced by French affairs; for it was at this time that Washington wrote to Jefferson, offering him the situation of Secretary of State, but forbearing to nominate a successor to his post at the Court of Versailles, until he should be informed of his determination. * Hamilton’s Works, v. 440. are*— 156 U/orks of U/a8^ir)<$tor> Iruip$ CHAPTER SIX * Washington’s Journey through the Eastern States—John Hancock —Clashing between the Civil and Municipal Authorities on the President’s Entry into Boston—A Contest of Etiquette—Wash- ' ington’s Account of his Entry—His Reception—A new Punc¬ tilio-Address of the Cincinnati Society—Return to New York At the time of writing the letter to Jefferson, offering him the Department of State, Washington was on the eve of a journey through the Eastern States, with a view, as he said, to observe the situation of the country, and with a hope of perfectly re-establishing his health, which a series of indispositions had much impaired. Having made all his arrangements, and left the papers appertaining to the office of Foreign Affairs under the temporary superintendence of Mr. Jay, he set out from New York on the 15th of Oc¬ tober, traveling in his carriage with four horses, and accom¬ panied by his official secretary, Major Jackson, and his private secretary, Mr. Lear. Though averse from public parade, he could not but be deeply affected and gratified at every step by the manifestations of a people’s love. Wherever he came, all labor was suspended; business neglected. The bells were rung, the guns were fired; there were civic processions and military parades and triumphal arches, and all classes poured forth to testify, in every pos¬ sible manner, their gratitude and affection for the man whom they hailed as the Father of his country; and well did his noble stature, his dignified demeanor, his matured Cife of U/asl?ii}$toi) 157 m years, and his benevolent aspect, suit that venerable appel¬ lation. On the 22d, just after entering Massachusetts, he was met by an express from the Governor of the State (the Hon. John Hancock), inviting him to make his quarters at his house while he should remain in Boston, and announcing to him that he had issued orders for proper escorts to attend him, and that the troops with the gentlemen of the Council would receive him at Cambridge and wait on him to town. "Washington, in a courteous reply, declined the Gov¬ ernor’s invitation to his residence, having resolved, he said, on leaving New York, to accept of no invitations of the kind while on his journey, through an unwillingness to give trouble to private families. He had accordingly instructed a friend to engage lodgings for him during his stay in Bos¬ ton. He was highly sensible, he observed, of the honors intended him; but, could his wishes prevail, he would desire to visit the metropolis without any parade or extraordinary ceremony. It was never Washington’s good fortune, on occasions of the kind, to have his modest inclinations con¬ sulted; in the present instance they were little in accord with the habits and notions of the Governor, who, accus¬ tomed to fill public stations and preside at public assem¬ blies, which he did with the punctilio of the old school, was strictly observant of everything appertaining to official rank and dignity. Governor Hancock was now about fifty-two years of age, tall and thin, of a commanding deportment and graceful manner, though stooping a little and much afflicted with the gout. He was really hospitable, which his ample wealth enabled him to be, and was no doubt desirous of having Washington as a guest under his roof, but resolved, at all events, to give him a signal reception 158 U/orl{8 of U/asl?rt)$toi) Iruip^ as the guest of the State over which he presided. Now it so happened that the “selectmen,” or municipal authorities of Boston, had also made arrangements for receiving the President in their civic domain, and in so doing had pro¬ ceeded without consulting the Governor; as might have been expected, some clashing of rival plans was the result. In pursuance of the Governor’s arrangement, the militia, with General Brooks at their head, and Mr. Samuel Adams, the Lieutenant-governor, at the head of the Executive Coun¬ cil, met Washington at Cambridge, and escorted him with great ceremony to town. Being arrived at the grand en¬ trance, which is over what is called “The Neck,” the Lieu¬ tenant-governor and the Executive Council were brought to a sudden halt by observing the municipal authorities drawn up in their carriage, in formal array, to pay civic honors to the city’s guest. Here ensued a great question of etiquette. The Executive Council insisted on the right of the Governor, as chief of the State, to receive and wel¬ come its guest, at the entrance of its capital. “He should have met him at the boundary of the State over which he presides,” replied the others; “and there have welcomed him to the hospitalities of the commonwealth. When the President is about to enter the town , it is the delegated right of the municipal authorities thereof to receive and bid him welcome.” The contending parties remained drawn up resolutely in their carriages, while aides-de-camp and marshals were posting to and fro between them, carrying on a kind of diplomatic parley. In the meantime the President, and Major Jackson, his secretary, had mounted on horseback, and were waiting on the Neck to be conducted into the town. The day was un- Cife of U/as^ip^top 159 usually cold and murky. "Washington became chilled and impatient, and when informed of the cause of the detention, “Is there no other avenue into the town?” demanded he of Major Jackson. He was, in fact, on the point of wheeling about, when word was brought that the controversy was over, and that he would be received by the municipal au¬ thorities. We give his own account of the succeeding part of the ceremony. “At the entrance, I was welcomed by the select¬ men in a body. Then following the Lieutenant-governor and Council in the order we came from Cambridge (preceded by the town corps, very handsomely dressed), we passed through the citizens, classed in their different professions, and under their own banners, till we came to the State House.” The streets, the doors, the windows, the housetops were crowded with well-dressed people of both sexes. “He was on horseback,” says an observer, “dressed in his old Conti¬ nental uniform, with his hat off. He did not bow to the spectators as he passed, but sat on his horse with a calm, dignified air. He dismounted at the old State House, now City Hall,* and came out on a temporary balcony at the west end; a long procession passed before him, whose saluta¬ tions he occasionally returned. These and other ceremonials being over, the Lieutenant-governor and Council, accom¬ panied by the Vice-President, conducted W ashington to his lodgings, where they took leave of him.” And now he is doomed to the annoyance of a new question of etiquette. He had previously accepted the invitation of Governor Han¬ cock to an informal dinner, but had expected that that func- * This was written some years ago. 160 tt/or^s of U/a8l?ir}$toi} Iruir)$ tionary would wait upon him as soon as he should arrive; instead of which he received a message from him, pleading that he was too much indisposed to do so. Washington dis¬ trusted the sincerity of the apology. He had been given to understand that the Governor wished to evade paying the first visit, conceiving that, as Governor of a State, and within the bounds of that State, the point of etiquette made it proper that he should receive the first visit, even from the President of the United States. Washington determined to resist this pretension; he therefore excused himself from the informal dinner, and dined at his lodgings, where the Vice-President favored him with his company. The next day the Governor, on consultation with his friends, was persuaded to waive the point of etiquette, and sent “his best respects to the President,” informing him that, if at home and at leisure, he would do himself the honor to visit him in half an hour, intimating that he would have done it sooner had his health permitted, and that it was not without hazard to his health that he did it now. The following was Washington’s reply, the last sentence of which almost savors of irony: “Sunday, 26th October, 1 o’clock. « “The President of the United States presents his best respects to the Governor, and has the honor to inform him that he shall be home till two o’clock. “The President need not express the pleasure it will give him to see the Governor; but at the same time, he most earnestly begs that the Governor will not hazard his health on the occasion.” From Washington’s diary we find that the Governor found strength to pay the litigated visit within the specified Cife of U/asl?ii)$toi) 161 time—though, according to one authority, he went enveloped in red baize, and was borne in the arms of servants into the house.* It does not appear that any harm resulted from the hazard to which the Governor exposed himself. At all events the hydra etiquette was silenced, and everything went on pleas¬ antly and decorously throughout the remainder of Washing¬ ton’s sojourn in Boston. Various addresses were made to him in the course of his visit, but none that reached his heart more directly than that of his old companions in arms, the Cincinnati Society of Massachusetts, who hailed him as “their glorious leader in war, their illustrious example in peace.” “Dear, indeed,” said he, in reply, “is the occasion which restores an intercourse with my associates in prosperous and adverse fortune; and enhanced are the triumphs of peace participated with those whose virtue and valor so largely contributed to procure them. To that virtue and valor your country has confessed her obligations. Be mine the grateful task to add to the testimony of a connection which it was my pride to own in the field, and is now my happiness to acknowledge in the enjoyments of peace and freedom.” After remaining in Boston for a week, feted in the most hospitable manner, he appointed eight o’clock, on Thursday the 29th, for his departure. The appointed time arrived, but not the escort; whereupon, punctual himself, and fear¬ ing, perhaps, to be detained by some new question of eti¬ quette, he departed without them, and was overtaken by them on the road. His journey eastward terminated at Portsmouth, whence * Sullivan’s Letters on Public Characters, p. 15. 162 U/orl{8 of U/asbip^toi) Irufi}$ he turned his face homeward by a middle route through the interior of the country to Hartford, and thence to New York, where he arrived between two and three o’clock on the 13th of November. CHAPTER SEVEN Col. John Trumbull—Message to Washington from Lafayette—Jef¬ ferson’s Embarkation for America—Washington forwards his Commission as Secretary of State—His Acceptance Not long after Washington’s return from his Eastern tour, Colonel John Trumbull, his aid-de-camp in former days, now a historical painter of eminence, arrived from Europe, where he had been successfully prosecuting his art and preparing for his grand pictures, illustrative of our Revolutionary history. At Mr. Jefferson’s house in Paris he had been enabled to sketch from life the portraits of several of the French officers who had been present at the capture of Cornwallis, and were now among the popular agitators of France. He had renewed his military acquaint¬ ance with Lafayette; witnessed the outbreak of the revolu¬ tion ; the storming of the Bastile; and attended the marquis on one occasion, when the latter succeeded in calming the riotous excesses of a mob, principally workmen, in the Fau« bourg St. Antoine. Trumbull brought an especial message from Lafayette. The marquis had been anxious that Washington should know the state of affairs in France, and the progress and prospects of the momentous cause in which he was engaged; but, in the hurry of occupation, had not time to write with the nec¬ essary detail; finding, however, that Trumbull was soon to Cife of U/asl?ir}$toi} 163 depart for the United States, he invited him to breakfast i with him at an early hour and alone, for the express purpose of explaining matters to him frankly and fully, to be com¬ municated by him to Washington, immediately on his arrival in America. We give the colonel’s report of Lafayette’s conversation, as he has recorded it in his autobiography. “You have witnessed the surface of things,” said the marquis; “it is for me to explain the interior. The object which is aimed at by the Duke de Rochefoucauld, M. Con- dorset, myself and some others, who consider ourselves leaders, is to obtain for France a constitution nearly resem¬ bling that of England, which we regard as the most perfect model of government hitherto known. To accomplish this, it is necessary to diminish, very essentially, the power of the king; but our object is to retain the throne, in great majesty, as the first branch of the legislative power, but retrenching its executive power in one point, which, though very impor¬ tant in the British crown, we think is needless here. The peerage of France is already so numerous that we would take from our king the right of creating new peers, except in cases where old families might become extinct. To all this the king (who is one of the best of men, and sincerely desirous for the happiness of his people) most freely and cordially consents. “We wish a House of Peers with powers of legislation similar to that of England, restricted in number to one hun¬ dred members, to be elected by the whole body from among themselves, in the same manner as the Scotch peers are in the British parliament. ... We wish, as the third branch of the legislative body, a House of Representatives, chosen by the great body of the people from among themselves, 164 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir)$toi) Iruir><$ by such a ratio as shall not make the House too numerous; and this branch of our project meets unanimous applause. . . . Unhappily, there is one powerful and wicked man, who, I fear, will destroy this beautiful fabric of human happiness—the Duke of Orleans. He does not, indeed, possess talent to carry into execution a great project, but he possesses immense wealth, and France abounds in market¬ able talents. Every city and town has young men eminent for abilities, particularly in the law—ardent in character, eloquent, ambitious of distinction, but poor. These are the instruments which the duke may command by money, and they will do his bidding. His hatred of the royal family can be satiated only by their ruin; his ambition, probably, leads him to aspire to the throne. “You saw the other day, in the mob, men who were called les Marseillois , les patriots par excellence. You saw them particularly active and audacious in stimulating the discontented artisans and laborers, who composed the great mass of the mob, to acts of violence and ferocity; these men are, in truth, desperadoes, assassins from the south of France, familiar with murder, robbery and every atrocious crime, who have been brought up to Paris by the money of the duke, for the very purpose in which you saw them employed, of mingling in all mobs and exciting the passions of the people to frenzy. “This is the first act of the drama. The second will be to influence the elections, to fill the approaching Assembly with ardent, inexperienced, desperate, ambitious young men, who, instead of proceeding to discuss calmly the details of the plan of which I have given you the general outline, and to carry it quietly into operation, will, under disguise of zeal for the people, and abhorrence of the aristocrats, drive every Cife of U/asl?ii)$tor) 165 measure to extremity, for the purpose of throwing the affairs t of the nation into utter confusion, when the master spirit may accomplish his ultimate purpose.” * Such was the report of affairs in France which Lafayette transmitted by Trumbull to Washington. It was not long after this conversation of the colonel with the marquis that, the sittings of the National Assembly being transferred from Versailles to Paris, the Breton club fixed itself on the site of the convent of Jacobins; threw open its doors to the public, and soon, under the appellation of the “Jacobin Club,” ex¬ ercised the baleful influence in public affairs which Lafayette apprehended. Washington had listened with profound attention to the report rendered by Trumbull. In the course of a subsequent conversation the latter informed him that Mr. Jefferson had embarked for America, and, it was probable, had already landed at Norfolk in Virginia. Washington immediately forwarded to him his commission as Secretary of State, re¬ questing to know his determination on the subject. Jefferson, in reply, expressed himself flattered by the nomination, but dubious of his being equal to its extensive and various duties, while, on the other hand, he felt familiar with the duties of his present office. “But it is not for an individual to choose his path,” said he. “You are to mar¬ shal us as may best be for the public good. . . . Signify to me, by another line, your ultimate wish, and I shall conform to it cordially. If it should be to remain in New York, my chief comfort will be to work under your eye; my only shel¬ ter the authority of your name and the wisdom of measures to be dictated by you and implicitly executed by me.” f * Trumbull’s Autobiography, 151. t Jefferson’s Works, vol. iii., p. 125. 166 U/orKs of U/asl?io<$toi) Irulr>3 Washington, in answer, informed him that he considered the successful administration of the general government an object of almost infinite consequence to the present and fut¬ ure happiness of the citizens of the United States; that he regarded the office of Secretary for the Department of State very important, and that he knew of no person who, in his judgment, could better execute the duties of it than himself.* Jefferson accordingly accepted the nomination, but ob¬ served that the matters which had called him home would probably prevent his setting out for New York before the month of March. CHAPTER EIGHT Reassembling of Congress—Financial Condition of the Country—Its Debt at Home and Abroad—Debts of the States—Hamilton’s Report—Opposition to it—Dr. Stuart’s warning Letter to Wash¬ ington—His Reply—Jefferson’s arrival at the Seat of Gov¬ ernment—New York at that Period—Jefferson apprehends Monarchial Designs Congress reassembled on the 4th of January (1790), but a quorum of the two Houses was not present until the 8th, when the session was opened by Washington in form, with an address delivered before them in the Senate chamber, f * Washington’s Writings, x. 77. t As the degree of state with which the session was opened was subsequently a matter of comment, we extract from Washington’s diary his own account of it, premising that the regulations were devised by General Knox and Colonel Humphreys. “Friday, 8th, according to appointment, at eleven o’clock, I set out for the City Hall on my coach, preceded by Colonel Humphreys and Major Jackson in uniform (on my two white horses), and followed by Messrs. Lear and Nelson in my chariot, and Mr. Lewis, on horseback, following them. In Cife of U/asl?iQ$toi? 167 Among the most important objects suggested in the ad¬ dress for the deliberation of Congress were provisions for na¬ tional defense; provisions for facilitating intercourse with foreign nations, and defraying the expenses of diplomatic agents; laws for the naturalization of foreigners; uniformity in the currency, weights, and measures of the United States; facilities for the advancement of commerce, agriculture, and manufactures; attention to the post-office and post-roads; measures for the promotion of science and literature, and for the support of public credit. This last object was the one which Washington had more immediately at heart. The government was now organized, apparently, to the satisfaction of all parties; but its efficiency would essentially depend on the success of a measure which Washington had pledged himself to institute, and which was yet to be tried; namely, a system of finance adapted to re¬ vive the national credit and place the public debt in a condi¬ tion to be paid off. The credit of the country was at a low ebb. The confederacy, by its articles, had the power of con- their rear was the Chief-justice of the United States and Secretaries of the Treasury and War Departments in their respective carriages and in the order they are named. At the outer door of the Hall, I was met by the doorkeepers of the Senate and House, and conducted to the door of the Sen¬ ate chamber, and passing from thence to the chair through the Senate on the right and House of Representatives on the left, I took my seat. The gentlemen who attended me fol¬ lowed and took their stands behind the Senators; the whole rising as I entered. After being seated, at which time the members of both Houses also sat, I rose (as they also did), and made my speech, delivering one copy to the President of the Senate and another to the Speaker of the House of Rep¬ resentatives—after which, and being a few moments seated, I retired, bowing on each side to the assembly (who stood) as I passed, and descending to the lower hall attended as be¬ fore, I returned with them to my house.” 168 U/orks of U/a8t?ii}$toi? Iruir?<$ tracting debts for a national object, but no control over the means of payment. Thirteen independent legislatures could grant or withhold the means. The government was then a government under governments—the States had more power than Congress. At the close of the war the debt amounted to forty-two millions of dollars; but so little had the country been able to fulfill its engagements, owing to the want of a sovereign legislature having the sole and exclusive power of laying duties upon imports, and thus providing adequate re¬ sources, that the debt had swollen, through arrears of inter¬ est, to upward of fifty-four millions. Of this amount nearly eight millions were due to France, between three and four millions to private lenders in Holland, and about two hun¬ dred and fifty thousand in Spain; making, altogether, nearly twelve millions due abroad. The debt contracted at home amounted to upward of forty-two millions, and was due, originally, to officers and soldiers of the Revolutionary war, who had risked their lives for the cause; farmers who had furnished supplies for the public service, or whose property had been assumed for it; capitalists who, in critical periods of the war, had adventured their fortunes in support of their country’s independence. The domestic debt, therefore, could not have had a more sacred and patriotic origin; but, in th© long delay of national justice, the paper which represented these outstanding claims had sunk to less than a sixth of its nominal value, and the larger portion of it had been parted with at that depreciated rate, either in the course of trade, or to speculative purchasers, who were willing to take the risk of eventual payment, however little their confidence seemed to be warranted, at the time, by the pecuniary con¬ dition and prospects of the country. The debt, when thus transferred, lost its commanding Cife of U/a8l?ii)$tor) 369 appeal to patriotic sympathy; but remained as obligatory in t the eye of justice. In public newspapers, however, and in private circles, the propriety of a discrimination between the assignees and the original holders of the public securities was freely discussed. Besides the foreign and domestic debt of the Federal government, the States, individually, were in¬ volved in liabilities contracted for the common cause, to an aggregate amount of about twenty-five millions of dollars; of which, more than one-half was due from three of them; Massachusetts and South Carolina each owing more than five millions, and Virginia more than three and a half. The reputation and the well-being of the government were, there¬ fore, at stake upon the issue of some plan to retrieve the national credit, and establish it upon a firm and secure foundation. The Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. Hamilton), it will be remembered, had been directed by Congress to prepare such a plan during its recess. In the one thus prepared he as¬ serted, what none were disposed to question, the propriety of paying the foreign debt according to its terms. He as¬ serted, also, the equal validity of the original claims of the American creditors of the government; whether those credit¬ ors were the original holders of its certificates or subsequent purchasers of them at a depreciated value. The idea of any distinction between them, which some were inclined to ad¬ vance, he repudiated as alike unjust, impolitic and impracti¬ cable. He urged, moreover, the assumption, by the general government, of the separate debts of the States, contracted for the common cause, and that a like provision should be made for their payment as for the payment of those of the Union. They were all contracted in the struggle for na¬ tional independence, not for the independence of any par- Vol. XV.— ! ** *8 170 U/or^s of U/a8f?iQ$tor> Irviq$ ticular part. No more money would be required for their discharge as Federal than as State debts. Money could be raised more readily by the Federal government than by the States, and all clashing and jealousy between State and Fed¬ eral debtors would thus be prevented. A reason, also, which, no doubt, had great weight with him, though he did not bring it under consideration in his report, for fear, probably, of offending the jealousy of State sovereignty, dormant, but not extinct, was, that it would tend to unite the States finan¬ cially, as they were united politically, and strengthen the central government by rallying capitalists around it; sub¬ jecting them to its influence, and rendering them agents of its will. He recommended, therefore, that the entire mass of debt be funded; the Union made responsible for it, and taxes imposed for its liquidation. He suggested, moreover, the expediency, for the greater security of the debt and punctuality in the payment of interest, that the domestic creditors submit to an abatement of accruing interest. The plan was reported to the House by Mr. Hamilton, the 14th of January, but did not undergo consideration until the 8th of February, when it was opposed with great ear¬ nestness, especially the point of assuming the State debts, as tending to consolidation, as giving an undue influence to the general government, and as being of doubtful constitutional¬ ity. This financial union of the States was reprobated, not only on the floor of Congress, but in different parts of the Union, as fraught with political evil. The Northern and Eastern States generally favored the plan, as did also South Carolina, but Virginia manifested a determined opposition. The measure, however, passed, in Committee of the Whole, on the 9th of March, by a vote of 31 to 26. The funding of the State debts was supposed to benefit. Cife of U/asl?ii)$toi) 171 materially, the Northern States, in which was the entire t capital of the country; yet, South Carolina voted for the assumption. The fact is, opinions were honestly divided on the subject. The great majority were aiming to do their duty—to do what was right; but their disagreement was the result of real difficulties incident to the intricate and complicated problem with which they had to deal. A letter from Washington’s monitory friend, Dr. Stuart of Virginia (dated March 15th), spoke with alarm of the jeal¬ ous belief growing up in that quarter that the Northern and Eastern States were combining to pursue their own exclusive interests. Many, he observed, who had heretofore been warm supporters of the government, were changing their sentiments, from a conviction of the impracticability of union with States whose interests were so dissimilar. Washington had little sympathy with these sectional jealousies; and the noble language in which he rebukes them cannot be too largely cited. “I am sorry,” he ob¬ serves, “such jealousies as you speak of should be gaining ground and poisoning the minds of the Southern people; but, admit the fact which is alleged as the cause of them, and give it full scope, does it amount to more than was known to every man of information before, at, and since the adoption of the Constitution? Was it not always believed that there are some points which peculiarly interest the Eastern States? And did any one who reads human nature, and more espe¬ cially the character of the eastern people, conceive that they would not pursue them steadily, by a combination of their force? Are there not other points which equally concern the Southern States? If these States are less tenacious of their interest, or if, while the Eastern move in a solid phalanx to effect their views, the Southern are always divided, which 17 2 U/orks of U/asl?ir)($tor> Irvir><$ of the two is most to be blamed? That there is a diversity of interests in the Union, none has denied. That this is the case, also, in every State, is equally certain; and that it even extends to the counties of individual States, can be as readily proved. Instance the southern and northern parts of Vir¬ ginia, the upper and lower parts of South Carolina. Have not the interests of these always been at variance? Witness the county of Fairfax. Have not the interests of the people of that county varied, or the inhabitants been taught to be¬ lieve so? These are well-known truths, and yet it did not follow that separation was to result from the disagreement. “To constitute a dispute there must be two parties. To understand it well, both parties, and all the circumstances, must be fully heard; and, to accommodate differences, tem¬ per and mutual forbearance are requisite. Common danger brought the States into confederacy, and on their union our safety and importance depend. A spirit of accommodation was the basis of the present Constitution. Can it be ex¬ pected, then, that the southern or eastern parts of the em¬ pire will succeed in all their measures? Certainly not. But I will readily grant that more points will be carried by the latter than the former, and for the reason which has been mentioned; namely, that in all great national questions they move in unison, while the others are divided. But I ask again, which is most blameworthy, those who see and will steadily pursue their interest, or those who cannot see, or, seeing, will not act wisely? And I will ask another ques¬ tion, of the highest magnitude in my mind: to wit, if the Eastern and Northern States are dangerous in union, will they be less so in separation? If self-interest is their gov¬ erning principle, will it forsake them, or be restrained by such an event? I hardly think it would. Then, independ- Cife of U/asl?ii)$toi} 173 ently of other considerations, what would Virginia, and such other States as might be inclined to join her, gain by a sepa¬ ration? Would they not, unquestionably, be the weaker party?” At this juncture (March 21st), when Virginian discon¬ tents were daily gaining strength, Mr. Jefferson arrived in New York to undertake the duties of the Department of State. We have shown his strong antipathies, while in Paris, to everything of a monarchial or aristocratical ten¬ dency; he had just been in Virginia, where the forms and ceremonials adopted at the seat of our government were sub¬ jects of cavil and sneer; where it was reported that Wash¬ ington affected a monarchial style in his official intercourse, that he held court-like levees, and Mrs. Washington “queenly drawing-rooms,” at which none but the aristocracy were ad¬ mitted, that the manners of both were haughty, and their personal habits reserved and exclusive. The impressions thus made on Jefferson’s mind received a deeper stamp on his arrival in New York, from con versa tions with his friend Madison, in the course of which the lat¬ ter observed that “the satellites and sycophants which sur¬ rounded Washington had wound up the ceremonials of the government to a pitch of stateliness which nothing but his personal character could have supported, and which no char¬ acter after him could ever maintain.” Thus prepossessed and premonished, Jefferson looked round him with an apprehensive eye, and appears to have seen something to startle him at every turn. We give, from his private correspondence, his own account of his impres¬ sions. “Being fresh from the French revolution, while in its first and pure stage, and, consequently, somewhat whetted up in my own republican principles, I found a state of things 174 U/orl^s of U/asl?iQ$toi) Iruii>$ in the general society of the place which I could not have supposed possible. The revolution I had left, and that we had just gone through in the recent change of our own gov¬ ernment, being the common topics of conversation, I was as¬ tonished to find the general prevalence of monarchial senti¬ ments, insomuch that in maintaining those of republicanism I had always the whole company on my hands, never scarcely finding among them a single co-advocate in that argument, unless some old member of Congress happened to be present. The furthest that any one would go in support of the republi¬ can features of our new government would be to say, ‘the present constitution is well as a beginning, and may be al¬ lowed a fair trial, but it is, in fact, only a stepping-stone to something better.’ ” This picture, given under excitement, and with precon¬ ceived notions, is probably overcharged; but allowing it to be true, we can hardly wonder at it, viewed in connection with the place and times. New York, during the session of Congress, was the gathering place of politicians of every party. The revolution of France had made the forms of government once more the universal topics of conversation, and revived the conflict of opinions on the subject. As yet, the history of the world had furnished no favorable examples of popular government; speculative writers in England had contended that no government more popular than their own was consistent with either internal tranquillity, the suprem • acy of the laws, or a great extent of empire. Our republic was ten times larger than any that had yet existed. Jay, one of the calmest thinkers of the Union, expressed himself dubiously on the subject. “Whether any people could long govern themselves in an equal, uniform, and orderly manner, was a question of Cife of U/asfyip^tor? 175 vital importance to the cause of liberty, but a question which, like others, whose solution depends on facts, could only be determined by experience—now, as yet, there had been very few opportunities of making the experiment. 5 ’ Alexander Hamilton, though pledged and sincerely dis¬ posed to support the republican form, with regard to our country, preferred, theoretically , a monarchial form; and, being frank of speech, and, as Gouverneur Morris writes, “prone to mount his hobby,” may have spoken openly in favor of that form as suitable to France; and as his admirers took their creed from him, opinions of the kind may have been uttered pretty freely at dinner-tables. These, however, which so much surprised and shocked Mr. Jefferson, were probably merely speculative opinions, broached in unguarded hours, with no sinister design, by men who had no thought of paving the way for a monarchy. They made, however, a deep impression on his apprehensive mind, which sank deeper and deeper, until it became a fixed opinion with him, that there was the desire and aim of a large party, of which Hamilton was the leader, to give a regal form to the gov¬ ernment. 176 U/orl^s of U/asfyir^toi) Iruiq$ CHAPTER NINE The Assumption of the State Debts discussed—Washington in Favor —A Majority of Two against it—Hamilton’s Appeal to Jeffer¬ son on the Subject—The latter arranges for a Compromise—His Account of it—Adjustment about the Seat of Government—As¬ sumption carried—Treaty of Peace with the Creeks—Cavilings about Presidential Etiquette—Washington’s Defense—Adjourn¬ ment of Congress—Fancied Harmony of the Cabinet—Jefferson suspects Hamilton of Finesse in procuring his Agency in the Assumption The question of the assumption of the State debts was resumed in Congress on the 29th of March, on a motion to commit, which was carried by a majority of two; the five members from North Carolina (now a State of the Union), who were strongly opposed to assumption, having taken their seats and reversed the position of parties on the ques¬ tion. An angry and intemperate discussion was revived, much to the chagrin of "Washington, who was concerned for the dignity of Congress; and who considered the assumption of the State debts, under proper restrictions and scrutiny into accounts, to be just and reasonable.* On the 12th of April, when the question to commit was taken, there was a majority of two against the assumption. On the 26th the House was discharged, for the present, from proceeding on so much of the report as related to the assumption. Jefferson, who had arrived in New York in the midst of what he terms 4 ‘this bitter and angry contest,” * See letter to David Stuart, Writings x., p. 98. Cffe of U/a8l?ii)<$toi) 177 had taken no concern in it; being, as he says, “a stranger to the ground, a stranger to the actors in it, so long absent as to have lost all familiarity with the subject, and to be unaware of its object.” We give his own account of an earnest effort made by Hamilton, who, he says, was “in despair,” to resuscitate, through his influence, his almost hopeless project. “As 1 was going to the President’s one day, I met him (Hamilton) in the street. He walked me backward and forward before the President’s door for half an hour. He painted pathetically the temper into which the legislature had been wrought; the disgust of those who were called the creditor States; the danger of the secession of their members, and the separation of the States. He observed that the members of the administration ought to act in concert; that though this question was not of my department, yet a common duty should make it a common concern; that the President was the center on which all administrative questions ultimately rested, and that all of us should rally around him, and support, with joint efforts, measures approved by him; and that the question having been lost by a small majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me to the judgment and discretion of some of my friends might effect a change in the vote, and the ma¬ chine of government, now suspended, might be again set into motion. I told him that I was really a stranger to the whole subject; that not having yet informed myself of the system of finance adopted, 1 knew not how far this was a necessary sequence; that undoubtedly, if its rejection en¬ dangered a dissolution of our Union at this incipient stage, 1 should deem that the most unfortunate of all consequences, to avert which all partial and temporary evils should be yielded. I proposed to him, however, to dine with me the 178 ll/or^s of U/asl^ip^top /ruir?^ next day, and I would invite another friend or two, bring them into conference together, and I thought it impossible that reasonable men, consulting together coolly, could fail, by some mutual sacrifices of opinion, to form a compromise which was to save the Union. The discussion took place. I could take no part in it but an exhortatory one, because I was a stranger to the circumstances which should govern it. But it was finally agreed, that whatever importance had been attached to the rejection of this proposition, the pres¬ ervation of the Union, and of concord among the States, was more important, and that, therefore, it would be better that the vote of rejection should be rescinded, to effect which some members should change their votes. But it was ob¬ served that this pill would be peculiarly bitter to the South¬ ern States, and that some concomitant measure should be adopted to sweeten it a little to them. There had before been projects to fix the seat of government either at Phila¬ delphia or at Georgetown on the Potomac; and it was thought that, by giving it to Philadelphia for ten years, and to Georgetown permanently afterward, this might, as an anodyne, calm in some degree the ferment which might be excited by the other measure alone. So two of the Potomac members (White and Lee, but White with a revulsion of stomach almost convulsive) agreed to change their votes, and Hamilton undertook to carry the other point. In doing this, the influence he had established over the eastern members, with the agency of Robert Morris with those of the Middle States, effected his side of the en¬ gagement.” * The decision of Congress was ultimately in favor of as- * Jefferson’s Works, ix. 93, The Anas. Cife of U/a8l?ii)$tOQ 179 sumption, though the form in which it finally passed differed somewhat from the proposition of Hamilton. A specific sum was assumed ($21,500,000), and this was distributed among the States in specific portions. Thus modified, it passed the Senate, July 22d, by the close vote of fourteen to twelve; and the House, July 24th, by thirty-four to twenty-eight, “after having,” says Washington, “been agitated with a warmth and intemperance, with prolixity and threats which, it is to be feared, have lessened the dig¬ nity of Congress and decreased the respect once entertained for it.” The question about the permanent seat of government, which, from the variety of contending interests, had been equally a subject of violent contests, was now compromised. It was agreed that Congress should continue for ten years to hold its sessions at Philadelphia; during which time the pub¬ lic buildings should be erected at some place on the Potomac, to which the government should remove at the expiration of the above term. A territory, ten miles square, selected for the purpose on the confines of Maryland and Virginia, was ceded by those States to the United States, and subse¬ quently designated as the District of Columbia. One of the last acts of the Executive during this session was the conclusion of a treaty of peace and friendship with the Creek nation of Indians, represented at New York by Mr. M‘Gillivray, and thirty of the chiefs and head men. By this treaty (signed August 7th), an extensive territory, claimed by Georgia, was relinquished, greatly to the dis¬ content of that State; being considered by it an unjusti¬ fiable abandonment of its rights and interests. Jefferson, however, lauded the treaty as important, “drawing a line,” said he, “between the Creeks and Georgia, and enabling the 180 U/orl^s of U/asl?ii)$tor) Iruir)<$ government to do, as it will do, justice against either party offending.” In familiar conversations with the President, Jefferson remonstrated frequently and earnestly against the forms and ceremonies prevailing at the seat of government. Washing¬ ton, in reply, gave the explanation which we have stated in a preceding chapter; that they had been adopted at the ad¬ vice of others, and that for himself he was indifferent to all forms. He soon, however, became painfully aware of the ex¬ aggerated notions on the subject prevalent in Virginia. A letter from his friend, Dr. Stuart, informed him that Patrick Henry had scouted the idea of being elected to the Senate; he was too old, he said, to fall into the awkward imitations which were now become fashionable. “From this expres¬ sion,” adds Mr. Stuart, “I suspect the old patriot has heard some extraordinary representations of the etiquette estab¬ lished at your levees.” Another person, whom Dr. Stuart designates as Col. B-, had affirmed “that there was more pomp used there than at St. James’s, where he had been, and that Washington’s bows were more distant and stiff.” These misapprehensions and exaggerations, prevalent in his native State, touched Washington to the quick, and called forth a more sensitive reply than, on such subjects, he was accustomed to make. “That I have not been able,” writes he, “to make bows to the taste of poor Col. B-(who, by the bye, I believe never saw one of them) is to be regretted, especially, too, as, upon those occasions, they were indis¬ criminately bestowed, and the best I was master of. W ould it not have been better to throw the veil of charity over them, ascribing their stiffness to the effects of age, or to the unskillfulness of my teacher, rather than to pride and the dignity of office, which, God knows, has no charms for me? Cife of U/asI?ii)$t:oi) 181 For I can truly say, I had rather be at Mount Yemon with a friend or two about me than to be attended at the seat of government by the officers of state and the representatives of every power in Europe.” ' He then goes on to give a sketch of his levees, and the little ceremony that prevailed there. As to the visits made on those occasions to the presidential mansion, they were op¬ tional, and made without invitation. “Between the hours of three and four, every Tuesday, I am prepared to receive them. Gentlemen, often in great numbers, come and go, chat with each other, and act as they please; a porter shows them into the room and they retire from it when they please, and without ceremony. At their first entrance they salute me, and I them, and as many as I can talk to I do. What pomp there is in all this I am unable to discover. Perhaps it consists in not sitting. To this, two reasons are opposed: first, it is unusual; secondly, which is a more substantial one, because I have no room large enough to contain a third of the chairs which would be sufficient to admit it. “Similar to the above, but of a more sociable kind, are the visits every Friday afternoon to Mrs. Washington, where I always am. These public meetings, and a dinner once a week, to as many as my table will hold, with the references to and from the different departments of state, and other communications with all parts of the Union, are as much, if not more, than I am able to undergo; for I have already had, within less than a year, two severe attacks—the last worse than the first. A third, more than probably, will put me to sleep with my fathers.” Congress adjourned on the 12th of August. Jefferson, commenting on the discord that had prevailed for a time among the members, observes that in the latter part of the 282 U/orl^s of U/as^iQ^toi) IrviQ$ session they had reacquired the harmony which had always distinguished their proceedings before the introduction of the two disagreeable subjects of the Assumption and the Resi¬ dence: “these.’’ said he, “really threatened, at one time, a separation of the legislature sine die.” “It is not foreseen,’’ adds he sanguinely, “that anything so generative of dissension can arise again; and, therefore, the friends of government hope that, that difficulty sur¬ mounted in the States, everything will work well.”* Washington, too, however grieved and disappointed he may have been by the dissensions which had prevailed in Congress, consoled himself by the fancied harmony of his cabinet. Singularly free himself from all jealousy of the talents and popularity of others, and solely actuated by zeal for the public good, he had sought the ablest men to assist him in his arduous task, and supposed them influenced by the same unselfish spirit. In a letter to Lafayette, he writes: “Many of your old acquaintances and friends are concerned with me in the administration of this government. By hav¬ ing Mr. Jefferson at the head of the Department of State, Mr. Jay of the Judiciary, Hamilton of the Treasury, and Knox of War, I feel myself supported by able coadjutors who harmonize extremely well together.” Yet, at this very moment, a lurking spirit of rivalry be¬ tween Jefferson and Hamilton was already existing and daily gaining strength. Jefferson, who, as we have inti¬ mated, already considered Hamilton a monarchist in his principles, regarded all his financial schemes with suspicion, as intended to strengthen the influence of the treasury and make its chief the master of every vote in the legislature, * Jefferson’s Works, iii. 184. Cife of U/asl?ii)$toQ 183 ‘‘which might give to the government the direction suited \ to his political views.” Under these impressions, Jefferson looked back with an angry and resentful eye to the manner in which Hamilton had procured his aid in effecting the measure of assumption. He now regarded it as a finesse by which he had been en¬ trapped, and stigmatized the measure itself as a “fiscal ma¬ neuver, to which he had most ignorantly and innocently been made to hold the candle.” * CHAPTER TEN Lafayette at the Head of the Revolution in France—His Letter to Washington—Gouverneur Morris’s Opinion of his Position— Washington’s dubious and anxious Views—Presented by La¬ fayette with the Key of the Bastile—Visits Rhode Island and Mount Vernon During these early stages of his administration the at¬ tention of Washington was often called off from affairs at home to affairs in France; and to the conspicuous and peril¬ ous part which his friend and disciple, Lafayette, was play¬ ing in the great revolutionary drama. “Your friend, the Marquis de Lafayette,” writes the Marquis de la Luzerne, “finds himself at the head of the revolution; and, indeed, it is a very fortunate circumstance for the State that he is, but very little so for himself. Never has any man been placed in a more critical situation. A good citizen, a faithful subject, he is embarrassed by a thousand difficulties in making many people sensible of what is proper, i who very often feel it not, and who sometimes do not under¬ stand what it is.” * Jefferson’s Works, ix. 92. 184 U/or^s of U/asl?ir}<$toi) Irvir>$ Lafayette, too, amid the perplexities of conducting a revo¬ lution, looked back to the time when, in his early campaigns in America, he had shared Washington’s councils, bivouacked with him on the field of battle, and been benefited by his guardian wisdom in every emergency. “How often, my well-beloved general,” writes he (Janu¬ ary, 1790), “have I regretted your sage councils and friendly support. We have advanced in the career of the revolution without the vessel of State being wrecked against the rocks of aristocracy or faction. In the midst of efforts, always re¬ newing, of the partisans of the past and of the ambitious, we advance toward a tolerable conclusion. At present, that which existed has been destroyed; a new political edifice is forming; without being perfect, it is sufficient to assure lib¬ erty. Thus prepared, the nation will be in a state to elect, in two years, a convention which can correct the faults of the constitution. . . . The result will, I hope, be happy for my country and for humanity. One perceives the germs of liberty in other parts of Europe. I will encourage their de¬ velopment by all the means in my power.” Gouverneur Morris, who is no enthusiast of the revolu¬ tion, regards its progress with a dubious eye. Lafayette, in the previous month of November, had asked his opinion of his situation. “I give it to him,” writes Morris, “sans me- nagement. I tell him that the time approaches when all good men must cling to the throne. That the present king is very valuable on account of his moderation; and if he should possess too great authority, might be persuaded to grant a proper constitution. That the thing called a consti¬ tution, which the Assembly have framed, is good for noth¬ ing. That, as to himself, his personal situation is very deli¬ cate. That he nominally, but not really, commands his Cife of U/a8^ir>^toi> 185 troops. That 1 really cannot understand how he is to estab- \ lisli discipline among them, but, unless he can accomplish that object, he must be ruined sooner or later.” On the 22d of January, 1790, Morris writes to Washing¬ ton, “Our friend, Lafayette, burns with desire to be at the head of an army in Flanders," and drive the Stadtholder into a ditch. He acts now a splendid, but dangerous part. Un¬ luckily, he has given in to measures, as to the constitution, which he does not heartily approve, and heartily approves many things which experience will demonstrate to be in¬ jurious.” * Far removed as Washington was from the theater of po- * litical action, and but little acquainted with many of the mi¬ nute circumstances which might influence important decis¬ ions, he was cautious in hazarding opinions in his replies to his French correspondents. Indeed, the whole revolutionary movement appeared to him so extraordinary in its commence¬ ment, so wonderful in its progress, and so stupendous in its possible consequences, that he declared himself almost lost in the contemplation of it. “Of one thing you may rest per¬ fectly assured,” writes he to the Marquis de la Luzerne, “that nobody is more anxious for the happy issue of that business than I am; as no one can wish more sincerely for the prosperity of the French nation than I do. Nor is it without the most sensible pleasure that I learn that our friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, has, in acting the ardu¬ ous part which has fallen to his share, conducted himself with so much wisdom and apparently with such general satisfaction.” A letter subsequently received from Lafayette gives him two months’ later tidings, extending to the middle of March. * Sparks’ Life of Morris, ii. 86. 186 U/orks of U/as^ip^cop Irv/ip$ “Our revolution pursues its march as happily as is possible* with a nation which, receiving at once all its liberties, is yet subject to confound them with licentiousness. The Assem¬ bly has more of hatred against the ancient system than of experience to organize the new constitutional government; the ministers regret their ancient power, and do not dare to make use of that which they have; in short, as all which ex¬ isted has been destroyed, and replaced by institutions very incomplete, there is ample matter for critiques and calumnies. Add to this, we are attacked by two sorts of enemies; the aristocrats who aim at a counter-revolution, and the factions who would annihilate all authority, perhaps even attempt the life of the members of the reigning branch. These two par¬ ties foment all the troubles. “After having avowed all this, my dear general, I will tell you, with the same frankness, that we have made an ad¬ mirable and almost incredible destruction of all the abuses, of all the prejudices; that all which was not useful to the people, all which did not come from them, has been re¬ trenched; that, in considering the situation, topographical, moral and political of France, we have effected more changes in ten months than the most presumptuous patriots could have hoped, and that the reports about our anarchy, our in¬ ternal troubles, are greatly exaggerated.” In concluding this letter, he writes: “Permit me, my dear general, to offer you a picture representing the Bastile, such as it was some days after I had given orders for its demolition. I make you homage, also, of the principal key of this fortress of despotism. It is a tribute which I owe you, as son to my adopted father, as aid-de-camp to my general, as missionary of liberty to its patriarch.” * * Mem. de Lafayette, t. ii., p. 446. Cife of U/asbir^toi) 187 Thomas Paine was to have been the bearer of the key, i but he forwarded it to Washington from London. “I feel myself happy,” writes he, “in being the person through whom the marquis has conveyed this early trophy of the spoils of despotism, and the first ripe fruits of American principles, transplanted into Europe, to his great master and patron. That the principles of America opened the Bastile is not to be doubted, and, therefore, the key comes to the right place.” Washington received the key with reverence, as “a token of the victory gained by liberty over despotism”; and it is still preserved at Mount Yernon, as a precious historical relic. His affectionate solicitude for the well-being of Lafayette was somewhat relieved by the contents of his letter; but, while his regard for the French nation made him rejoice in the progress of the political reform which he considered es¬ sential to its welfare, he felt a generous solicitude for the personal safety of the youthful monarch, who had befriended America in its time of need. “Happy am I, my good friend,” writes he to the mar¬ quis, “that, amid all the tremendous tempests which have assailed your political ship, you have had address and forti¬ tude enough to steer her hitherto safely through the quick¬ sands and rocks which threatened instant destruction on every side; and that your young king, in all things, seems so well disposed to conform to the wishes of the nation. In such an important, such a hazardous voyage, when every¬ thing dear and sacred is embarked, you know full well my best wishes have never left you for a moment. Yet I will avow that the accounts we received through the English papers, which were sometimes our only channels of infor- 188 U/orl^s of U/a8f?ir)$toi) Iruii)$ mation, caused our fears of failure almost to exceed our expectations of success.” Those fears were not chimerical; for, at the very time he penned this letter, the J acobin club of Paris had already sent forth ramifications throughout France; corresponding clubs were springing up by hundreds in the provinces, and every¬ thing was hurrying forward to a violent catastrophe. Three days after the dispatch of the last-cited letter, and two days after the adjournment of Congress, Washington, accompanied by Mr. Jefferson, departed by water on a visit to Rhode Island, which State had recently acceded to the Union. He was cordially welcomed by the inhabitants, and returned to Hew York, after an absence of ten days, whence he again departed for his beloved Mount Vernon, there to cast off public cares as much as possible, and enjoy the pleasures of the country during the residue of the recess of Congress. CHAPTER ELEVEN Frontier Difficulties with the Indians—General Harmer’s Expedi¬ tion against them—Ambuscade of Col. Hardin’s Detachment— Escape of Capt. Armstrong—A second Detachment of Col. Hardin compelled to retreat—Washington’s long Anxiety as to the Result of the Enterprise—Final Tidings Frequent depredations had of late been made on our frontier settlements by what Washington termed “certain banditti of Indians” from the northwest side of the Ohio. Some of our people had been massacred and others carried into deplorable captivity. Strict justice and equity had always formed the basis of Washington’s dealings with the Indian tribes, and he had Cife of U/asl?ii)<$tor) 189 endeavored to convince them that such was the general policy of our government; but his efforts were often thwarted by the conduct of our own people; the encroach- ments of land speculators and the lawless conduct of our frontiersmen; and jealousies thus excited were fomented by the intrigues of foreign agents. The Indians of the Wabash and the Miami Rivers, who were the present aggressors, were numerous, warlike, and not deficient in discipline. They were well armed also, ob¬ taining weapons and ammunition from the posts which the British still retained within the territories of the United States, contrary to the treaty of peace. Washington had deprecated a war with these savages, whom he considered acting under delusion; but finding all pacific overtures unavailing, and rather productive of more daring atrocities, he felt compelled to resort to it, alike by motives of policy, humanity and justice. An act had been provided for emergencies by which the President was em¬ powered to call out the militia for the protection of the fron¬ tier ; this act he put in force in the interval of Congress; and under it an expedition was set on foot, which began its march on the 30th of September from Fort Washington (which stood on the site of the present city of Cincinnati). Brigadier-gen¬ eral Harmer, a veteran of the Revolution, led the expedition, having under him three hundred and twenty regulars, with militia detachments from Pennsylvania and Virginia (or Kentucky), making in all fourteen hundred and fifty-three men. After a march of seventeen days, they approached the principal village of the Miamis. The Indians did not await an attack, but set fire to the village and fled to the woods. The destruction of the place, with that of large quantities of provisions, was completed. 190 U/orKs of U/asl;ii}$toi) Irvii)$ An Indian trail being discovered, Colonel Hardin, a Con¬ tinental officer who commanded the Kentucky militia, was detached to follow it, at the head of one hundred and fifty of his men, and about thirty regulars, under Captain Arm¬ strong and Ensign Hartshorn. They followed the trail for about six miles, and were crossing a plain covered by thick¬ ets, when suddenly there were volleys of rifles on each side from unseen marksmen, accompanied by the horrid war- whoop. The trail had, in fact, decoyed them into an am¬ bush of seven hundred savages, under the famous warrior Little Turtle. The militia fled, without firing a musket. The savages now turned upon the little handful of regulars, who stood their ground, and made a brave resistance with the bayonet until all were slain, excepting Captain Arm¬ strong, Ensign Hartshorn and five privates. The ensign was saved by falling behind a log, which screened him from his pursuers. Armstrong plunged into a swamp, where he sank up to his neck, and remained for several hours in the night within two hundred yards of the field of action, a spectator of the war-dance of the savages over the slain. The two officers who escaped thus narrowly found their way back to the camp, about six miles distant.* The army, notwithstanding, effected the main purpose of the expedition in laying waste the Indian villages and de¬ stroying their winter’s stock of provisions, after which it commenced its march back to Fort Washington. On the 21st of October, when it was halted about ten miles to the west of Chillicothe, an opportunity was given Colonel Hardin to wipe out the late disgrace of his arms. He was detached with a larger body of militia than before, and sixty regulars, under Major Willys, to seek and bring the savages to action. * Butler’s History of Kentucky, 192. Cife of U/asl?ii)<$toi? 191 The accounts of these Indian wars are very confused. It appears, however, that he had another encounter with Little Turtle and his braves. It was a bloody battle, fought well on both sides. The militia behaved bravely, and lost many men and officers, as did the regulars; Major Willys fell at the commencement of the action. Colonel Hardin was at length compelled to retreat, leaving the dead and wounded in the hands of the enemy. After he had rejoined the main force, the whole expedition made its way back to Fort Wash- ington, on the banks of the Ohio. During all this time Washington had been rusticating at Mount Vernon, in utter ignorance of the events of this expe¬ dition. Week after week elapsed without any tidings of its issue, progress, or even commencement. On the 2d of No¬ vember, he wrote to the Secretary of War (General Knox), expressing his surprise at this lack of information, and his anxiety as to the result of the enterprise, and requesting him to forward any official or other accounts that he might have relating to it. “This matter,” observed he, “favorable or otherwise in the issue, will be required to be laid before Congress, that the motives which induced the expedition may appear.” Nearly another month elapsed; the time for the reassem¬ bling of Congress was at hand, yet Washington was still without the desired information. It was not until the last of November that he received a letter from Governor George Clinton, of New York, communicating particulars of the affair, related to him by Brant, the celebrated Indian chief. “If the information of Captain Brant be true,” wrote Washington in reply, “the issue of the expedition against the Indians will indeed prove unfortunate and disgraceful to the troops who suffered themselves to be ambuscaded.” 192 U/or^s of U/asl?ir}$toi) Iruii)$ CHAPTER TWELVE Congress reassembles at Philadelphia—Residence of Washington at the new Seat of Government—The State Carriage—Hamilton’s Financial Arrangements—Impost and Excise Bill—Passage of a Bill for a National Bank—Jefferson’s Objections—Formation of two Political Parties under Hamilton and Jefferson—Their different Views—Dissatisfaction of Congress at the Report of Harmer’s Expedition—Washington’s Address to the Seneca Chiefs—His Desire to civilize the Savages—Kentucky and Ver¬ mont admitted into the Union—First Congress expires—A new Expedition projected against the Hostile Tribes under General St. Clair—Washington’s Solemn Warning on taking Leave of him Congress reassembled, according to adjournment, on the first Monday in December, at Philadelphia, which was now, for a time, the seat of government. A house belonging to Mr. Robert Morris, the financier, had been hired by Wash¬ ington for his residence, and, at his request, had undergone additions and alterations, in a plain and neat, and not by any means in an extravagant style. His secretary, Mr. Lear, had made every preparation for his arrival and accommodation, and, among other things, had spoken of the rich and elegant style in which the state carriage was fitted up. “I had rather have heard,’ 5 replied Washington, “that my coach was plain and elegant than rich and elegant.” Congress, at its opening, was chiefly occupied in financial arrangements, intended to establish the public credit and pro¬ vide for the expenses of government. According to the state¬ ment of the Secretary of the Treasury, an additional annual Cife of U/asf?ir)<$tor) 193 revenue of eight hundred and twenty-six thousand dollars would be required, principally to meet the additional charges arising from the assumption of the State debts. He proposed to raise it by an increase of the impost on foreign distilled spirits, and a tax by way of excise on spirits distilled at home. An Impost and Excise bill was accordingly introduced into Congress, and met with violent opposition. An attempt was made to strike out the excise, but failed, and the whole bill was finally carried through the House. Mr. Hamilton, in his former Treasury report, had recom¬ mended the establishment of a National Bank; he now, in a special report, urged the policy of the measure. A bill in¬ troduced in conformity with his views was passed in the Senate, but vehemently opposed in the House; partly on con¬ siderations of policy; but chiefly on the ground of constitu¬ tionality. On one side it was denied that the constitution had given to Congress the power of incorporation; on the other side it was insisted that such power was incident to the power vested in Congress for raising money. The question was argued at length, and with great ardor, and after passing the House of Representatives by a major¬ ity of nineteen votes, came before the executive for his ap¬ proval. Washington was fully alive to the magnitude of the question and the interest felt in it by the opposing par¬ ties. The cabinet was divided on it. Jefferson and Ran¬ dolph denied its constitutionality; Hamilton and Knox main¬ tained it. Washington required of each minister the reasons of his opinion in writing; and, after maturely weighing them, gave his sanction to the act, and the bill was carried into effect. The objection of J'efferson to a bank was not merely on constitutional grounds. In his subsequent writings he avows Vol. XV.—*** 9 194 U/orks of U/asl?iQ$toi} IrviQ$ himself opposed to banks, as introducing a paper instead of a cash system—raising up a moneyed aristocracy, and aban¬ doning the public to the discretion of avarice and swindlers. Paper money might have some advantages, but its abuses were inevitable, and by breaking up the measure of value, it made a lottery of all private property. These objections he maintained to his dying day; but he had others, which might have been more cogent with him in the present in¬ stance. He considered the bank as a powerful engine intended by Hamilton to complete the machinery by which the whole action of the legislature was to be placed under the direction of the Treasury, and shaped to further a monarchial system of government. Washington, he affirmed, was not aware of the drift or effect of Hamilton’s schemes. “Unversed in financial projects and calculations and budgets, his approba¬ tion of them was bottomed on his confidence in the man.” Washington, however, was not prone to be swayed in his judgments by blind partiality. When he distrusted his own knowledge in regard to any important measure, he asked the written opinions of those of his council who he thought were better informed, and examined and weighed them, and put them to the test of his almost unfailing sagacity. This was the way he had acted as a general, in his military councils, and he found the same plan efficacious in his cabinet. His confidence in Hamilton’s talents, information and integrity nad led him to seek his counsels; but his approbation of those counsels was bottomed on a careful investigation of them. It was the same in regard to the counsels of Jefferson; they \vere received with great deference, but always deliberately and scrupulously weighed. The opposite policy of these rival statesmen brought them into incessant collision. “Hamilton and myself,” writes Jefferson, “were daily Cife of U/asl?ir}<$toi7 195 pitted in the cabinet like two cocks.” The warm-hearted Knox always sided with his old companion in arms; whose talents he revered. He is often noticed with a disparaging sneer by Jefferson, in consequence. Randolph commonly adhered to the latter. Washington’s calm and massive in¬ tellect overruled any occasional discord. His policy with regard to his constitutional advisers has been happily esti¬ mated by a modern statesman: ‘ ‘ He sought no unit cabinet, according to the set phrase of succeeding times. He asked no suppression of sentiment, no concealment of opinion; he exhibited no mean jealousy of high talent in others. He gathered around him the greatest public men of that day, and some of them to be ranked with the greatest of any day. He did not leave Jefferson and Hamilton without the cab¬ inet, to shake, perhaps, the whole fabric of government in their fierce wars and rivalries, but he took them within, where he himself might arbitrate their disputes as they arose, and turn to the best account for the country their suggestions as they were made.” * In the meantime two political parties were forming throughout the Union, under the adverse standards of these statesmen. Both had the good of the country at heart, but differed as to the policy by which it was to be secured. The Federalists, who looked up to Hamilton as their model, were in favor of strengthening the general gov¬ ernment so as to give it weight and dignity abroad and ef¬ ficiency at home; to guard it against the encroachments of the individual States and a general tendency to anarchy. The other party, known as republicans or democrats, and taking Mr. Jefferson’s view of affairs, saw, in all the meas- * Speech of R M. T. Hunter, of Virginia. 19G U/orks of U/asl?fr)$tor) IruiQ^ ures advocated by the Federalists, an intention to convert the Federal into a great central or consolidated government, preparatory to a change from a republic to a monarchy. The particulars of General Harmer’s expedition against the Indians, when reported to Congress, gave great dissatis¬ faction. The conduct of the troops, in suffering themselves to be surprised, was for some time stigmatized as disgraceful. Further troubles in that quarter were apprehended, for the Miamis were said to be less disheartened by the ravage of their villages than exultant at the successful ambuscades of Little Turtle. Three Seneca chiefs, Cornplanter, Half Town, and Great Tree, being at the seat of government on business of their own nation, offered to visit these belligerent tribes, and persuade them to bury the hatchet. Washington, in a set speech, encouraged them in the undertaking. “By this humane measure,” said he, “you will render these mistaken people a great service, and probably prevent their being swept off the face of the earth. The United States require only that these people should demean themselves peaceably. But they may be assured that the United States are able, and will most certainly punish them severely for all their robberies and murders.” Washington had always been earnest in his desire to civilize the savages, but had little faith in the expedient which had been pursued, of sending their young men to our colleges; the true means, he thought, was to introduce the arts and habits of husbandry among them. In conclud¬ ing his speech to the Seneca chiefs, he observed, “When you return to your country, tell your nation that it is my desire to promote their prosperity by teaching them the use of do¬ mestic animals, and the manner in which the white people Cife of U/asI?ii?<$toi) 197 plow and raise so much corn; and if, upon consideration, it would be agreeable to the nation at large to learn those arts, I will find some means of teaching them at such places within their country as shall be agreed upon.” In the course of the present session, Congress received and granted the applications of Kentucky and Vermont for admission into the Union, the former after August, 1792; the latter immediately. On the 3d of March the term of this first Congress ex¬ pired. Washington, after reciting the various important measures that had been effected, testified to the great har¬ mony and cordiality which had prevailed. In some few instances, he admitted, particularly in passing the law for higher duties on spirituous liquors, and more especially on the subject of the bank, “the line between the southern and eastern interests had appeared more strongly marked than could be wished,” the former against and the latter in favor of those measures, “but the debates,” adds he, “were con¬ ducted with temper and candor.” As the Indians on the northwest side of the Ohio still continued their hostilities, one of the last measures of Con¬ gress had been an act to augment the military establish¬ ments, and to place in the hands of the executive more ample means for the protection of the frontiers. A new expedition against the belligerent tribes had, in consequence, been projected. General St. Clair, actually governor of the territory west of the Ohio, was appointed commander-in¬ chief of the forces to be employed. W ashington had been deeply chagrined by the mortify¬ ing disasters of General Harmer’s expedition to the Wabash, resulting from Indian ambushes. In taking leave of his old military comrade, St. Clair, he wished him success and 198 U/orks of U/asi?ir>^tor> Irvir>$ honor, but gave him a solemn warning. “You have your instructions from the Secretary of War. I had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word—Beware of a surprise! You know how the Indians fight. I repeat it —Beware of a surprise /” With these warning words sounding in his ear, St. Clair departed.* CHAPTER THIRTEEN Washington’s Tour through the Southern States—Letter to La¬ fayette—Gloomy Picture of French Affairs by Gouverneur Morris—His Allusion to Lafayette—Lafayette depicts the Troubles of a Patriot Leader—Washington’s Reply—Jefferson’s ardent Views of the French Revolution—Distrust of John Adams—His Contributions to “Fenno’s Gazette”—Reprint of Paine’s Rights of Man—Flight and Recapture of Louis XVI.— Jefferson communicates the News to Washington—His satisfac¬ tion when the King accepts the Constitution \ In the month of March, Washington set out on a tour through the Southern States; traveling with cne set of horses and making occasional halts. The route projected, and of which he had marked off the halting places, was by Fredericksburg, Richmond, Wilmington (N. C.), and Charleston to Savannah; thence to Augusta, Columbia, and the interior towns of North Carolina and Virginia, comprising a journey of eighteen hundred and eighty-seven miles; all which he accomplished without any interruption from sickness, bad weather, or any untoward accident. “In¬ deed,” writes he, “so highly were we favored that we arrived at each place where I proposed to make any halt on the very day I fixed upon before we set out. The same * Rush’s Washington in Domestic Life, p. 67. Cife of U/asfyip^toi} 199 horses performed the whole tour; and, although much re¬ duced in flesh, kept up their full spirits to the last day.” He returned to Philadelphia on the 6th of July, much pleased with his tour. It had enabled him, he said, to see with his own eyes the situation of the country, and to learn more accurately the disposition of the people than he could have done from any verbal information. He had looked around him, in fact, with a paternal eye, been cheered as usual by continual demonstrations of a nation’s love, and his heart had warmed with the reflection how much of this national happiness had been won by his own patriotic exer¬ tions. “Every day’s experience of the government of the United States,” writes he to David Humphreys, “seems to confirm its establishment, and to render it more popular. A ready acquiescence in the laws made under it shows, in a strong light, the confidence which the people have in their repre¬ sentatives, and in the upright views of those who administer the government. At the time of passing a law imposing a duty on home-made spirits, it was vehemently affirmed by many that such a law could never be executed in the Southern States, particularly in Virginia and South Caro¬ lina. . . . But from the best information I could get on my journey respecting its operations on the minds of the people—and I took some pains to obtain information on this point—-there remains not a doubt but it will be carried into effect, not only without opposition, but with very general approbation, in those very parts where it was foretold that » it never would be submitted to by any one.” “Our public credit,” adds he, “stands on that ground, which, three years ago, it would have been madness to have foretold. The astonishing rapidity with which the newly 200 U/orl^s of U/a8l?ii}$tor) Irufi) Iruip$ 806 CHAPTER FOURTEEN Rural Hours at Mount Vernon—Assembling of Second Congress— Washington’s opening Speech—Two Expeditions organized against the Indians, under Scott and Wilkinson—Their feeble Result—Third Expedition under St. Clair—His disastrous Con¬ test and dismal Retreat—How Washington received the In¬ telligence A few weeks of autumn were passed by Washington at Mount Vernon, with his family, in rural enjoyment, and in instructing a new agent, Mr. Robert Lewis, in the manage¬ ment of his estate; his nephew, Major George A. Washing¬ ton, who ordinarily attended to his landed concerns, being absent among the mountains in quest of health. The second Congress assembled at Philadelphia on the 24th of October, and on the 25th Washington delivered his opening speech. After remarking upon the prosperous situ¬ ation of the country, and the success which had attended its financial measures, he adverted to the offensive operations against the Indians, which government had been compelled to adopt for the protection of the Western frontier. Some of these operations, he observed, had been successful, others were still depending. A brief statement will be sufficient of the successful operations alluded to. To reconcile some of the people of the West to the appointment of General St. Clair as commander-in-chief in that quarter, a local board of war had been formed for the Western country, empowered to act in conjunction with the commanding officer of the United States, in calling out the militia, sending out expe- Cife of U/asbir^top 207 ditions against the Indians, and apportioning scouts through the exposed parts of the district of Kentucky. Under this arrangement, two expeditions had been organ¬ ized in Kentucky against the villages on the Wabash. The first, in May, was led by General Charles Scott, having Gen¬ eral Wilkinson as second in command The second, a vol¬ unteer enterprise, in August, was led by Wilkinson alone. Very little good was effected, or glory gained by either of these expeditions. Indian villages and wigwams were burned, and fields laid waste; some few warriors were killed and prisoners taken, and an immense expense in¬ curred. Of the events of a third enterprise, led by General St. Clair himself, no tidings had been received at the time of Washington’s opening speech; but we will anticipate the official dispatches, and proceed to show how it fared with that veteran soldier, and how far he profited by the impres¬ sive warning which he had received from the President at parting. The troops for his expedition assembled early in Septem¬ ber, in the vicinity of Fort Washington (flow Cincinnati). There were about two thousand regulars, and one thousand militia. The regulars included a corps of artillery and sev¬ eral squadrons of horse. An arduous task was before them. Roads were to be opened through a wilderness; bridges con- structed for the conveyance of artillery and stores, and forts to be built so as to keep up a line of communication between the Wabash and the Ohio, the base of operations. The i troops commenced their march directly north, on the 6th or 7th of September, cutting their way through the woods, and slowly constructing the line of forts. The little army, on the 24th of October, according to the diary of an officer, was re- 208 U/orl^s of U/as^ir>^tor) Irvii)$ spectable in numbers—“upon paper’*—but, adds he, “the absence of the first regiment, and desertions from the mili¬ tia, had very much reduced us. With the residue there was too generally wanting the essential stamina of soldiers. Picked up and recruited from the off-scourings of large towns and cities, enervated by idleness, debauchery, and every species of vice, it was impossible they could have been made competent to the arduous duties of Indian warfare. An extraordinary aversion to service was also conspicuous among them and demonstrated by repeated desertions; in many instances, to the very foe we were to combat. The late period at which they had been brought into the field left no leisure nor opportunity to discipline them. They were, moreover, badly clothed, badly paid, and badly fed. . . . The military stores and arms were sent on in infamous or¬ der. Notwithstanding pointed orders against firing, and a penalty of one hundred lashes, game was so plenty and pre¬ sented such a strong temptation that the militia and the levies were constantly offending, to the great injury of the service and the destruction of all order in the army.” * After placing garrisons in the forts, the general continued his march. It was a forced one with him, for he was so afflicted with the gout that he could not walk, and had to be helped on and off of his horse; but his only chance to keep his little army together was to move on. A number of the Virginia troops had already, on the 27th of October, insisted on their discharges; there was danger that the whole bat¬ talion would follow their example, and the time of the other battalions was nearly up. The plan of the general was to * Diary of Col. Winthrop Sargent, Adjutant-general of the U. S. army during the campaign of 1791. Cife of U/asI?ir)<$tor) 209 push so far into the enemy’s country that such detachments as might be entitled to their discharges would be afraid to return. The army had proceeded six days after leaving Fort Jef¬ ferson, and were drawing near a part of the country where they were likely to meet with Indians, when, on the 30th of October, sixty of the militia deserted in a body; intending to supply themselves by plundering the convoys of provisions which were coming forward in the rear. The 1st United States regiment, under Major Hamtranck, was detached to march back beyond Fort Jefferson, apprehend these desert¬ ers, if possible, and at all events prevent the provisions that might be on the way from being rifled. The force thus de¬ tached consisted of three hundred of the best disciplined men in the service, with experienced officers. Thus reduced to 1,400 effective rank and file, the army continued its march to a point about twenty-nine miles from Fort Jefferson, and ninety-seven from Fort Washington, and fifteen miles south of the Miami villages, where it en¬ camped, November 3d, on a rising ground with a stream forty feet wide in front, running westerly. This stream was mistaken by General St. Clair for the St. Mary, which empties itself into the Miami of the lakes; but it was, in fact, a tributary of the Wabash. A number of new and old Indian camps showed that this had been a place of general resort; and in the bends of the stream were tracks of a party of fifteen, horse and foot; a scouting party most probably, which must have quitted the ground just before the arrival of the army. The troops were encamped in two lines, the right wing composed of Butler, Clarke and Patterson’s battalions, com¬ manded by Major-general Butler, forming the first line; Pat- *10 U/orks of U/a8f?ir>$tor) Iruii?$ terson on the right, and four pieces of artillery on the right of Butler. The left wing, consisting of Beddinger and Gaith¬ er’s battalions, and the second United States regiment, com¬ manded by Colonel Darke, formed the second line; with an interval of about seventy yards, which was all that the ground allowed. The length of the lines was nearly four hundred yards; the rear somewhat more, and the front somewhat less. A troop of horse, commanded by Captain Truman, and a company of riflemen under Captain Faulk¬ ner, were upon the right flank, and Snowden’s troop of horse on the left. The ground descended gradually in front of the encamp¬ ment to the stream, which, at this time, was fordable, and meandered in its course; in some places, one hundred yards distant from the camp, in others not more than twenty-five. The immediate spot of the encampment was very defensible against regular troops; but it was surrounded by close woods, dense thickets, and the trunks of fallen trees, with here and there a ravine, and a small swamp—all the best kind of cover for stealthy Indian warfare. The militia were encamped beyond the stream about a quarter of a mile in the advance, on a high flat; a much more favorable position than that occupied by the main body; and capacious enough to have accommodated the whole, and admitted any extent of lines. It was the intention of St. Clair to throw up a slight work on the following day, and to move on to the attack of the Indian villages as soon as he should be rejoined by Ma¬ jor Hamtranck and the first United States regiment. The plan of this work he concerted in the evening with Major Ferguson of the artillery, a cool, indefatigable, determined man. In the meantime, Colonel Oldham, the commanding Cife of U/asl?ir}<$tor) 211 officer of the militia, was directed to send out two detach¬ ments that evening, to explore the country and gain informa¬ tion concerning the enemy. The militia, however, showed signs of insubordination. They complained of being too much fatigued for the purpose; in short, the service was not, and probably could not be, enforced. Sentinels posted around the camp, about fifty paces distant from each other, formed the principal security. About half an hour before sunrise on the next morning (Nov. 4th), and just after the troops had been dismissed on parade, a horrible sound burst forth from the woods around the militia camp, resembling, says an officer, the jangling of an infinitude of horse bells. It was the direful Indian yell, followed by the sharp reports of the deadly rifle. The mi¬ litia returned a feeble fire and then took to flight, dashing helter-skelter into the other camp. The first line of the Con¬ tinental troops, which was hastily forming, was thrown into disorder. The Indians were close upon the heels of the fly¬ ing militia, and would have entered the camp with them, but the sight of troops drawn up with fixed bayonets to receive them checked their ardor, and they threw themselves be¬ hind logs and bushes at the distance of seventy yards; and immediately commenced an attack upon the first line, which soon was extended to the second. The great weight of the attack was upon the center of each line where the artillery was placed. The artillery, if not well served, was bravely fought; a quantity of canister and some round shot were thrown in the direction whence the Indians fired; but, con¬ cealed as they were, and only seen occasionally as they sprang from one covert to another, it was impossible to di¬ rect the pieces to advantage. The artillerists themselves were exposed to a murderous fire, and every officer, and 212 U/orl^s of U/as^ip^tor) Iruir}<$ more than two-thirds of the men were killed and wounded. Twice the Indians pushed into the camp, delivering their fire and then rushing on with the tomahawk, but each time they were driven back. General Butler had been shot from his horse, and was sitting down to have his wound dressed, when a daring savage, darting into the camp, tomahawked and scalped him. He failed to carry off his trophy, being instantly slain. The veteran St. Clair, who, unable to mount his horse, was borne about on a litter, preserved his coolness in the midst of the peril and disaster, giving his orders with judg¬ ment and self-possession. Seeing to what disadvantage his troops fought with a concealed enemy, he ordered Colonel Darke, with his regiment of regulars, to rouse the Indians from their covert with the bayonet, and turn their left flank. This was executed with great spirit: the enemy were driven three or four hundred yards; but, for want of cavalry or riflemen, the pursuit slackened, and the troops were forced to give back in turn. The savages had now got into the camp by the left flank; again several charges were made, but in vain. Great carnage was suffered from the enemy concealed in the woods; every shot seemed to take effect; all the officers of the second regiment were picked off excepting three. The contest had now endured for more than two hours and a half. The spirits of the troops flagged under the loss of the officers; half of the army was killed, and the situation of the remainder was desperate. There appeared to be no alternative but a retreat. At half-past nine, General St. Clair ordered Colonel Darke, with the second regiment, to make another charge, as if to turn the right wing of the enemy, but, in fact, to re¬ gain the road from which the army was cut off. This object Cifc of U/a8l?ii)$(:or) 2l3 was effected. ‘‘Having collected in one body the greatest part of the troops,” writes one of the officers, “and such of the wounded as could possibly hobble along with us, we pushed out from the left of the rear line, sacrificing our ar¬ tillery and baggage.” Some of the wounded officers were brought off on horses, but several of the disabled men had to be left on the ground. The poor fellows charged their pieces before they were left: and the firing of musketry heard by the troops after they quitted the camp told that their unfortunate comrades were selling their lives dear. It was a disorderly flight. The troops threw away arms, ammunition and accouterments; even the officers, in some instances, divested themselves of their fusees. The general was mounted on a pack horse which could not be pricked out of a walk. Fortunately, the enemy did not pursue above a mile or two, returning, most probably, to plunder the camp. By seven in the evening, the fugitives reached Fort Jef¬ ferson, a distance of twenty-nine miles. Here they met Ma¬ jor Hamtranck with the first regiment; but, as this force was far from sufficient to make up for the losses of the morn¬ ing, the retreat was continued to Fort Washington, where the army arrived on the 8th at noon, shattered and broken - spirited. Many poor fellows fell behind in the retreat, and fancying the savages were upon them, left the road, and some of them were wandering several days, until nearly starved. In this disastrous battle the whole loss of regular troops and levies amounted to five hundred and fifty killed, and two hundred wounded. Out of ninety-five commissioned officers who were on the field, thirty-one were slain and twenty-four wounded. Of the three hundred and nineteen 214 Worlds of U/asbffi^tor) Iruir>^ militia, Colonel Oldham and three other officers were killed and five wounded; and of non-commissioned officers and pri¬ vates, thirty-eight were killed and twenty-nine wounded. Fourteen artificers and ten pack horsemen were also killed, and thirteen wounded. So that, according to Colonel Sar¬ gent’s estimate, the whole loss amounted to six hundred and seventy-seven killed, including thirty women, and two hun¬ dred and seventy-one wounded. Poor St. Clair’s defeat has been paralleled with that of Braddock. No doubt, when he realized the terrible havoc that had been made, he thought sadly of Washington’s part¬ ing words, “Beware of a surprise!” We have a graphic account of the manner in which the intelligence of the disaster was received by Washington, at Philadelphia. Toward the close of a winter’s day in De¬ cember, an officer in uniform dismounted in front of the President’s house, and, giving the bridle to his servant, knocked at the door. He was informed by the porter that the President was at dinner and had company. The officer was not to be denied; he was on public business, he brought dispatches for the President. A servant was sent into the dining-room to communicate the matter to Mr. Lear. The latter left the table and went into the hall, where the officer repeated what he had said to the porter. Mr. Lear, as secre¬ tary of the President, offered to take charge of the dispatches and deliver them at the proper time. The officer replied that he was just arrived from the Western army; his orders were to deliver the dispatches promptly to the President in person; but that he would wait his directions. Mr. Lear returned, and, in a whisper, communicated to the President what had passed. Washington rose from the table and went into the hall, whence he returned in a short time and resumed his Cife of U/asf?iQ<$tOQ 215 seat, apologizing for his absence, but without alluding to the cause of it. One of the company, however, overheard him, as he took his seat, mutter to himself, with an ejaculation of extreme impatience, “I knew it would be so!” Mrs. Washington held her drawing-room that evening. The gentlemen repaired thither from the table. Washing¬ ton appeared there with his usual serenity; speaking courte¬ ously to every lady, as was his custom. By ten o’clock all the company had gone; Mrs. Washington retired soon after, and Washington and his secretary alone remained. The general walked slowly backward and forward for some minutes in silence. As yet there had been no change in his manner. Taking a seat on a sofa by the fire he told Mr. Lear to sit down; the latter had scarce time to notice that he was extremely agitated, when he broke out suddenly: “It’s all over!—St. Clair’s defeated!—routed: the officers nearly all killed, the men by wholesale; the rout complete; too shocking to think of, and a surprise into the bargain! ’ ’ All this was uttered with great vehemence. Then pausing and rising from the sofa, he walked up and down the room in silence, violently agitated, but saying nothing. When near the door he stopped short; stood still for a few mo¬ ments, when there was another terrible explosion of wrath. “Yes,” exclaimed he, “here, on this very spot, I took leave of him; I wished him success and honor. ‘You have your instructions from the Secretary of War,’ said I, ‘I had a strict eye to them, and will add but one word, Beware of a surprise! You know how the Indians fight us. I re¬ peat it, Beware of a surprise!’ He went off with that, my last warning, thrown into his ears. And yet!! To suffer that army to be cut to pieces, hacked, butchered, tomahawked, by a surprise—the very thing 1 guarded him 216 U/orJ^s of U/asl?ii7<$l:or} IrviQ$ Against—Oh God! oh God!” exclaimed he, throwing up his hands, and while his very frame shook with emotion, “he’s worse than a murderer! How can he answer it to his coun¬ try! The blood of the slain is upon him—the curse of wid¬ ows and orphans—the curse of Heaven!” Mr. Lear remained speechless; awed into breathless si¬ lence by the appalling tones in which this torrent of invective was poured forth. The paroxysm passed by. Washington again sat down on the sofa—he was silent—apparently un¬ comfortable, as if conscious of the ungovernable burst of passion which had overcome him. “This must not go be¬ yond this room,” said he at length, in a subdued and altered tone—there was another and a longer pause; then, in a tone quite low: “General St. Clair shall have justice,” said he. “I looked hastily through the dispatches; saw the whole dis¬ aster, but not all the particulars. I will receive him without displeasure; I will hear him without prejudice; he shall have full justice.” * Washington had recovered his equanimity. ‘ ‘ The storm, * ’ we are told, “was over, and no sign of it w~as afterward seen in his conduct or heard in his conversation.” How well he kept his word in regard to General St. Clair will hereafter be shown. * Rush’s Washington in Domestic Life. Cife of U/asl?ii?<$toi) 217 CHAPTER FIFTEEN. The Apportionment Bill—Washington’s Veto—His Concern at the growing Asperities of Congress—Intended Retirement—Jeffer¬ son’s determination to retire at the same Time —Remonstrance of Washington—His Request to Madison to prepare Valedictory —Wayne appointed to succeed St. Clair—Congress adjourns— Washington at Mount Vernon—Suggests Topics for his Fare¬ well Address—Madison’s Draft—Jefferson urges his continu¬ ance In the course of the present session of Congress a bill was introduced for apportioning representatives among the people of the several States, according to the first enu¬ meration. The constitution had provided that the number of repre¬ sentatives should not exceed one for every thirty thousand persons, and the House of Representatives passed a bill allot¬ ting to each State one member for this amount of population. This ratio would leave a fraction, greater or less, in each State. Its operation was unequal, as in some States a large surplus would be unrepresented, and hence, in-one branch of the legislature, the relative power of the State be affected. That, too, was the popular branch, which those who feared a strong executive desired to provide with the counterpoise of as full a representation as possible. To obviate this difficulty the Senate adopted a new prin¬ ciple of apportionment. They assumed the total population of the United States, and not the population of each State, as the basis on which the whole number of representatives Vol. XV.— : ***io 218 ll/orl^s of U/as^ip^toi> Iruiq$ should be ascertained. This aggregate they divided by thirty thousand: the quotient gave one hundred and twenty as the number of representatives; and this number they ap¬ portioned upon the several States according to their popula¬ tion ; allotting to each one member for every thirty thousand, and distributing the residuary members (to make up the one hundred and twenty) among the States having the largest fractions. After an earnest debate, the House concurred, and the bill came before the President for his decision. The sole question was as to its constitutionality; that being admitted, it was unexceptionable. Washington took the opinion of his cabinet. Jefferson and Randolph considered the act at vari¬ ance with the constitution. Knox was undecided. Hamil¬ ton thought the clause of the constitution relating to the sub¬ ject somewhat vague, and was in favor of the construction given to it by the legislature. After weighing the arguments on both sides, and ma¬ turely deliberating, the President made up his mind that the act was unconstitutional. It was the obvious intent of the constitution to apply the ratio of representation according to the separate members of each State, and not to the aggre¬ gate of the population of the United States. How this bill allotted to eight of the States more than one, representative for thirty thousand inhabitants. He accordingly returned the bill with his objections, being the first exercise of the veto power. A new bill was substituted, and passed into a law; giving a representative for every thirty-three thousand to each State. Great heat and asperity were manifested in the discus¬ sions of Congress throughout the present session. Washing¬ ton had observed with pain the political divisions which were Cife of U/asl?iQ$toi} 219 growing up in the country; and was deeply concerned at finding that they were pervading the halls of legislation. The press, too, was contributing its powerful aid to keep up and increase the irritation. Two rival papers existed at the seat of government; one was “Fenno’s Gazette of the United States,” in which John Adams had published his Discourses on Davila; the other was the “National Gazette,” edited by Philip Freneau. Freneau had been editor of the “New York Daily Advertiser,” but had come to Philadelphia in the au¬ tumn of 1791 to occupy the post of translating clerk in Mr. Jefferson’s office, and had almost immediately (Oct. 31) pub¬ lished the first number of his “Gazette.” Notwithstanding his situation in the office of the Secretary of State, Freneau became, and continued to be throughout the session, a viru¬ lent assailant of most of the measures of government; ex¬ cepting such as originated with Mr. Jefferson, or were ap¬ proved by him. Heart-weary by the political strifes and disagreements which were disturbing the country and marring the harmony of his cabinet, the charge of government was becoming in¬ tolerably irksome to Washington; and he longed to be re¬ leased from it, and to be once more master of himself, free to indulge those rural and agricultural tastes which were to give verdure and freshness to his future existence. He had some time before this expressed a determination to retire from public life at the end of his presidential term. But one more year of that term remained to be endured; he was con¬ gratulating himself with the thought, when Mr. Jefferson intimated that it was his intention to retire from office at the same time with himself. Washington was exceedingly discomposed by this deter= mination. Jefferson, in his Anas, assures us that the Presi 220 U/orl^s of U/a8^ip^tor> dent remonstrated with him against it, “in an affectionate tone.” For his own part, he observed, many motives com¬ pelled him to retire. It was only after much pressing that he had consented to take a part in the new government and get it under way. Were he to continue in it longer, it might give room to say that, having tasted the sweets of office, he could not do without them. He observed, moreover, to Jefferson that he really felt himself growing old; that his bodily health was less firm, and his memory, always bad, was becoming worse. The other faculties of his mind, perhaps, might be evincing to others a decay of which he himself might be insensible. This apprehension, he said, particularly oppressed him. His activity, too, had declined; business was consequently more irksome, and the longing for tranquillity and retire¬ ment had become an irresistible passion. For these reasons he felt himself obliged, he said, to retire; yet he should consider it unfortunate if, in so doing, he should bring on the retirement of the great officers of government, which might produce a shock on the public mind of a dangerous consequence. Jefferson, in reply, stated the reluctance with which he himself had entered upon public employment, and the reso¬ lution he had formed on accepting his station in the cabinet, to make the resignation of the President the epoch of his own retirement from labors of which he was heartily tired. He did not believe, however, that any of his brethren in the administration had any idea of retiring; on the contrary, he had perceived, at a late meeting of the trustees of the sink¬ ing fund, that the Secretary of the Treasury had developed the plan he intended to pursue, and that it embraced years in its view. Cife of U/as^ir?<$tor) 221 ashington rejoined that he considered the Treasury Department a limited one, going only to the single object of revenue, while that of the Secretary of State, embracing nearly all the objects of administration, was much more im¬ portant, and the retirement of the officer, therefore, would be more noticed; that though the government had set out with a pretty general good will, yet that symptoms of dis¬ satisfaction had lately shown themselves, far beyond what he could have expected; and to what height these might arise, in case of too great a change in the administration, could not be foreseen. Jefferson availed himself of this opportunity to have a thrust at his political rival. “I told him” (the President), relates he, “that in my opinion there was only a single source of these discontents. Though they had, indeed, appeared to spread themselves over the War Department also, yet I con¬ sidered that as an overflowing only from their real channel, which would never have taken place if they had not first been generated in another department; to wit, that of the Treasury. That a system had there been contrived for del¬ uging the States with paper money instead of gold and sil¬ ver, for withdrawing our citizens from the pursuits of com¬ merce, manufactures, buildings and other branches of useful industry, to occupy themselves and their capitals in a species of gambling, destructive of morality, and which had intro¬ duced its poison into the government itself.” * Mr. Jefferson went on, in the same strain, to comment at large upon the measures of Mr. Hamilton, but records no re¬ ply of importance on the part of Washington, whose object in seeking the conversation had been merely to persuade his * Jefferson’s Works, ix. 102. 222 U/or^s of U/a8t?ir>^tor> Iruir>$ Secretary to remain in the cabinet; and who had no relish for the censorious comments to which it had given rise. Yet with all this political rivalry, Jefferson has left on record his appreciation of the sterling merit of Hamilton. In his Anas he speaks of him as “of acute understanding, disinterested, honest, and honorable in all private transac¬ tions ; amiable in society, and duly valuing virtue in private life. Yet so bewitched and perverted by the British exam¬ ple as to be under thorough conviction that corruption was essential to the government of a nation.’’ In support of this sweeping exception to Mr. Hamilton’s political orthodoxy, Mr. Jefferson gives, in his Anas, a con¬ versation which occurred between that gentleman and Mr. Adams, at his (Mr. Jefferson’s) table, after the cloth was removed. “Conversation,” writes he, “began on other mat¬ ters, and by some circumstance was led to the British consti¬ tution, on which Mr. Adams observed, ‘Purge that constitu¬ tion of its corruption, and give to its popular branch equality of representation, and it would be the most perfect constitu¬ tion ever devised by the wit of man. ’ Hamilton paused and said, ‘Purge it of its corruption, and give to its popular branch equality of representation, and it would become an imprac¬ ticable government; as it stands at present, with all its sup¬ posed defects, it is the most perfect government which ever existed.’ ” * This after-dinner conversation appears to us very loose ground on which to found the opinion continually expressed by Mr. Jefferson, that “Mr. Hamilton was not only a mo¬ narchist, but for a monarchy bottomed on corruption.” Subsequent to Washington’s remonstrance with Mr. Jef- * Jefferson’s Works, vol. ix., p. 96. Cife of U/asfyip^tog 223 ferson above cited, he had confidential conversations with Mr. Madison on the subject of his intended retirement from office at the end of the presidential term, and asked him to think what would be the proper time and mode of announc¬ ing his intention to the public; and intimating a wish that Mr. Madison would prepare for him the announcement. Mr. Madison remonstrated in the most earnest manner against such a resolution, setting forth, in urgent language, the importance to the country of his continuing in the presi¬ dency. Washington listened to his reasoning with profound attention, but still clung to his resolution. In consequence of St. Clair’s disastrous defeat and the increasing pressure of the Indian war, bills had been passed in Congress for increasing the army, by adding three regi¬ ments of infantry and a squadron of cavalry (which addi¬ tional force was to serve for three years, unless sooner dis¬ charged), also for establishing a uniform militia system. The question now came up as to the appointment of an officer to command in the Western frontier. General St. Clair, in a letter to Washington, expressed a wish that a court of inquiry might be instituted to investigate his con¬ duct in the late expedition. “Your desire,” replied Wash¬ ington, March 28 th, “of rectifying any errors of the public opinion relative to your conduct, by an investigation of a court of inquiry, is highly laudable, and would be readily complied with, were the measure practicable. But a total deficiency of officers in actual service, of competent rank to form a legal court for that purpose, precludes the power of gratifying your wishes on this occasion. “The intimation of your wishes to afford your successor all the information of which you are capable, although un¬ necessary for my personal conviction, must be regarded as Worlds of U/aaf?iQ$tor) Iruii?<$ 224 an additional evidence of the goodness of your heart, and of your attachment to your country.” In a letter dated March 31st, St. Clair urged reasons for being permitted to retain his commission “until an opportu¬ nity should be presented, if necessary, of investigating his conduct in every mode presented by law.” These reasons, Washington replied, would be conclusive with him under any other circumstances than the present. “But the establishment of the troops,” observes he, “allows only of one Major-general. You have manifested your in¬ tention of retiring, and the essential interests of the public require that your successor should be immediately appointed, in order to repair to the frontiers. “As the House of Representatives have been pleased to institute an inquiry into the causes of the failure of the late expedition, I should hope an opportunity would thereby be afforded you of explaining your conduct in a manner satis¬ factory to the public and yourself.” St. Clair resigned his commission, and was succeeded in his Western command by General Wayne, the Mad Anthony of the Revolution, still in the vigor of his days, being forty- seven years of age. “He has many good points as an offi¬ cer,” writes Washington, “and it is to be hoped that time, reflection, good advice, and, above all, a due sense of the importance of the trust which is committed to him, will correct his foibles, or cast a shade over them.” * Washington’s first thought was that a decisive expedi¬ tion, conducted by this energetic man of the sword, might retrieve the recent frontier disgrace, and put an end to the persevering hostility of the Indians. In deference, however, * Letter to Governor Lee. Washington’s Writings, x. 248. Cife of U/asfyiQ^toi} 225 to the clamors which had been raised against the war and its expenses, and to meet what appeared to be the prevalent wish of the nation, he reluctantly relinquished his more ener¬ getic policy, and gave into that which advised further nego¬ tiations for peace; though he was far from anticipating a beneficial result. In regard to St. Clair, we will here add that a committee of the House of Representatives ultimately inquired into the cause of the failure of his expedition, and rendered a report in which he was explicitly exculpated. His adjutant-general also (Winthrop Sargent), in his private diary, testifies to St. Clair’s coolness and bravery, though debilitated by illness. Public sentiment, however, remained for a long time adverse to him; but Washington, satisfied with the explanations which had been giverf, continued to honor him with his confidence and friendship. Congress adjourned on the 8th of May, and soon after¬ ward Washington set off on a short visit to Mount Vernon. The season was in all its beauty, and never had this rallying place of his affections appeared to him more attractive. How could he give up the prospect of a speedy return to its genial pursuits and pleasures from the harassing cares and janglings of public life. On the 20th of May, he wrote to Mr. Madison on the subject of their late conversation. “I have not been unmindful,” says he, “of the sentiments ex¬ pressed by you. On the contrary, I have again and again revolved them with thoughtful anxiety, but without being able to dispose my mind to a longer continuation in the office I have now the honor to hold. I, therefore, still look for¬ ward with the fondest and most ardent wishes to spend the remainder of my days, which I cannot expect to be long, in ease and tranquillity.” 226 U/orks of U/asl?ip^tor> Iruip$ I He now renewed the request he had made Mr. Madison, for advice as to the proper time and mode for announcing his intention of retiring, and for assistance in preparing the announcement. “In revolving this subject myself,” writes he, “my judgment has always been embarrassed. On the one hand, a previous declaration to retire not only carries with it the appearance of vanity and self-importance, but it may be construed into a maneuver to be invited to remain; and, on the other hand, to say nothing, implies consent, or, at any rate, would leave the matter in doubt; and to decline afterward, might be deemed as bad and uncandid.” “I would fain carry my request to you further,” adds he. “As the recess [of Congress] may afford you leisure, and, I flatter myself, you have dispositions to oblige me, I will, without apology, desire, if the measure in itself should strike you as proper, or likely to produce public good or pri¬ vate honor, that you would turn your thoughts to a valedic¬ tory address from me to the public.” He then went on to suggest a number of the topics and ideas which the address was to contain; all to be expressed in “plain and modest terms.” But, in the main, he left it to Mr. Madison to determine whether, in the first place, such an address would be proper; if so, what matters it ought to contain, and when it ought to appear; whether at the same time with his [Washington’s] declaration of his intention to retire, or at the close of his career. Madison, in reply, approved of the measure, and advised that the notification and address should appear together, and be promulgated through the press in time to pervade every part of the Union by the beginning of November. With the letter he sent a draft of the address. “You will readily ob¬ serve,” writes he, “that, in executing it, I have aimed at Cife of U/as^iQ^tor) 227 that plainness and modesty of language which you had in view, and which, indeed, are so peculiarly becoming the character and the occasion; and that I had little more to do as to the matter than to follow the just and comprehensive outline which you had sketched. I flatter myself, however, that, in everything which has depended on me, much im¬ provement will be made, before so interesting a paper shall have taken its last form.” * Before concluding his letter, Madison expressed a hope that Washington would reconsider his idea of retiring from office, and that the country might not, at so important a con¬ juncture, be deprived of the inestimable advantage of having him at the head of its councils. On the 23d of May, Jefferson also addressed a long letter to Washington on the same subject. “When you first men¬ tioned to me your purpose of retiring from the government, though I felt all the magnitude of the event, I was in a considerable degree silent. I knew that, to such a mind as yours, persuasion was idle and impertinent; that, before forming your decision, you had weighed all the reasons for* and against the measure, had made up your mind in full view of them, and that there could be little hope of chang¬ ing the result. Pursuing my reflections, too, 1 knew we were some day to try to walk alone, and, if the essay should be made while you should be alive and looking on, we should derive confidence from that circumstance, and resource if it failed. The public mind, too, was then calm and confident, and therefore in a favorable state for making.the experiment. But the public mind is no longer so confident and serene; and that from causes in which you are no ways personally mixed. ’ 9 * Washington’s Writings. Sparks, xii. 382. U/or^s of U/asl?ir}<$tOF? Iruir7<$ >)OQ /V /w O Jefferson now launched out against the public debt and all the evils which he apprehended from the funding system, the ultimate object of all which was, said he, “to prepare the way for a change from the present republican form of government to that of a monarchy, of which the English constitution is to be the model. ” He concluded by pronounc¬ ing the continuance of Washington at the head of affairs to be of the last importance. “The confidence of the whole Union,” writes he, “is cen¬ tered in you. Your being at the helm will be more than an answer to every argument which can be used to alarm and lead the people in any quarter into violence or secession. North and South will hang together, if they have you to hang on; and, if the first corrective of a numerous represen¬ tation should fail in its effect, your presence will give time for trying others not inconsistent with the union and peace of the States. “I am perfectly aware of the oppression under which your present office lays your mind, and of the ardor with which you pant for retirement to domestic life. But there is sometimes an eminence of character on which society has such peculiar claims as to control the predilections of the in¬ dividual for a particular walk of happiness, and restrain him to that alone, arising from the present and future benedic¬ tions of mankind. This seems to be your condition, and the law imposed on you by Providence, in forming your char¬ acter, and fashioning the events on which it was to operate; and it is to motives like these, and not to personal anxieties of mine or others, who have no right to call on you for sacri¬ fices, that I appeal from your former determination and urge a revisal of it, on the ground of change in the aspect of things. Should an honest majority result from the new and Cife of U/a8f?ii)<$tor) 229 enlarged representation, should those acquiesce, whose prin¬ ciples or interests they may control, your wishes for retire¬ ment would be gratified with less danger, as soon as that shall be manifest, without awaiting the completion of the second period of four years. One or two sessions will deter¬ mine the crisis; and I cannot but hope that you can resolve to add one or two more to the many years you have already sacrificed to the good of mankind.” * CHAPTER SIXTEEN Jefferson’s Suspicions—Contemned by Hamilton—Washington’s Expostulation—Complains of the Conduct of Freneau’s Paper ^-Hamilton and Randolph urge him to a Re-election—A war¬ ring Cabinet—Hamilton’s attack on Jefferson—Washington’s healing Admonition—Replies of the two Secretaries—Continued Hostility to the Excise Law—Washington’s Proclamation—Re¬ newed Effort to allay the Discord in his Cabinet The letter of Jefferson was not received by Washington until after his return to Philadelphia, and the purport of it was so painful to him that he deferred from day to day hav¬ ing any conversation with that statesman on the subject. A letter written in the meantime, by Jefferson to Lafayette, shows the predominant suspicion, or rather belief, which had fixed itself in the mind of the former, and was shaping his course of action. “A sect,” writes he, “has shown itself among us, who declare they espoused our constitution not as a good and sufficient thing in itself, but only as a step to an English constitution, the only thing good and sufficient in itself, in * Writings, x. 508. 230 U/or^s of U/asfyip^tOQ Iruip$ their eyes. It is happy for us that these are preachers with¬ out followers, and that our people are firm and constant in their republican purity. Y ou will wonder to be told that it is from the Eastward chiefly that these champions for a king, lords, and commons, come. They get some important associates from New York, and are puffed up by a tribe of Agioteurs which have been hatched in a bed of corruption, made up after the model of their beloved England. Too many of these stock-jobbers and king-jobbers have come into our legislature, or rather, too many of our legislature have become stock-jobbers and king-jobbers. However, the voice of the people is beginning to make itself heard, and will prob¬ ably cleanse their seats at the next election.” * In regard to the suspicions and apprehensions avowed in the above letter, and which apparently were haunting J eff er- son’s mind, Hamilton expressed himself roundly in one of his cabinet papers: “The idea of introducing a monarchy or aristocracy into this country, by employing the influence and force of a gov¬ ernment continually changing hands, toward it, is one of those visionary things that none but madmen could medi¬ tate, and that no wise man will believe. If it could be done at all, which is utterly incredible, it would require a long series of time, certainly beyond the life of any individual, to effect it—who, then, would enter into such a plot? for what purpose of interest or ambition?” And as to the charge of stock-gambling in the legislature, Hamilton indignantly writes: “As far as I know, there is not a member of the legislature who can properly be called a stock-jobber or a paper dealer. There are several of them * Jefferson’s Works, iii. 450. Cife of U/a 8 f?ii 7 <£toi} 231 who were proprietors of public debt, in various ways; some for money lent and property furnished for the use of the public during the war, others for sums received in payment of debts, and it is supposable enough that some of them had been purchasers of the public debt, with intention to hold it as a valuable and convenient property, considering an honor¬ able provision for it as a matter of course. “It is a strange perversion of ideas, and as novel as it is extraordinary, that men should be deemed corrupt and crim¬ inal for becoming proprietors in the funds of their country. Yet, I believe the number of members of Congress is very small who have ever been considerable proprietors in the funds. As to improper speculations on measures depending before Congress, I believe never was any body of men freer from them.”* On the 10th of July, Washington had a conversation « with Jefferson on the subject of the letter he had recently received from him; and endeavored with his usual supervis¬ ing and moderating assiduity to allay the jealousies and sus¬ picions which were disturbing the mind of that ardent poli¬ tician. These, he intimated, had been carried a great deal too far. There might be desires , he said, among a few in the higher walks of life, particularly in the great cities, to change the form of government into a monarchy, but he did not believe there were any designs; and he believed the main body of the people of the Eastern States were as stead¬ ily for republicanism as in the Southern. He now spoke with earnestness about articles in the pub¬ lic papers, especially in the “Gazette” edited by Freneau, the object of which seemed to be to excite opposition to the * Hamilton’s Works, iv. 268. 232 U/orks of U/a8l?ii)$toi) Irvip^ government, and which had actually excited it in Pennsyl¬ vania, in regard to the excise law. “These articles/’ said he, feelingly, “tend to produce a separation of the Union, the most dreadful of calamities; and whatever tends to produce anarchy, tends, of course, to produce a resort to monarchial government. ’ ’ The articles in question had, it is true, been chiefly leveled at the Treasury Department, but "Washington accepted no immunity from attacks pointed at any department of his government; assuming that they were aimed directly at himself. “In condemning the administration of the gov¬ ernment, they condemned me,” said he, “for, if they thought these were measures pursued contrary to my sentiments, they must conceive me too careless to attend to them or too stupid to understand them.” He acknowledged, indeed, that he had signed many acts of which he did not approve in all their parts; but never had he put his hand to one which he did not think eligible, on the whole. As to the bank which had been so much complained of, he observed that, until there was some infallible criterion of reason, a difference of opinion must be tolerated. He did not believe the discontents extended far from the seat of government. He had seen and spoken with many people in Maryland and Virginia in his late journey, and had found them contented and happy. Jefferson’s observations in reply tended, principally, to iterate and enforce what he had already urged in his letter. The two great popular complaints were, he said, that the national debt was unnecessarily increased by the Assump¬ tion, and that it had furnished the means of corrupting both branches of the legislature. In both Houses there was a Cife of U/asf?ii}<$top 233 considerable squadron whose votes were devoted to the paper and stock-jobbing interest. On examining the votes of these men they would be found uniformly for every treasury measure, and as most of these measures had been carried by small majorities, they had been carried by these very votes. It was a cause of just uneasiness, therefore, when we saw a legislature legislating for their own inter¬ ests in opposition to those of the people. “Washington,” observes Jefferson, “said not a word on the corruption of the legislature.” He probably did not feel disposed to contend against what he may have consid¬ ered jealous suspicions and deductions. But he took up the other point and defended the Assumption, arguing, says Jefferson, that it had not increased the debt, for that all of it was honest debt. He justified the excise law, too, as one of the best laws that could be passed, as nobody would pay the tax who did not choose to do it. We give this conversation as noted down by Jefferson in his Anas. It is one of the very few instances we have of Washington’s informal discussions with the members of his cabinet, and it bears the stamp of that judgment, con¬ siderateness, delicacy, and good faith which enabled him to moderate and manage the wayward passions and impulses of able men. Hamilton was equally strenuous with Jefferson in urging upon Washington the policy of a re-election, as it regarded the public good, and wrote to him fully on the subject. It was the opinion of every one, he alleged, with whom he had conversed, that the affairs of the national government were not yet firmly established; that its enemies, generally speak¬ ing, were as inveterate as ever; that their enmity had been 234 U/orks of U/asfpip^tor) Irc/iq$ sharpened by its success and all the resentments which flow from disappointed predictions and mortified vanity; that a general and strenuous effort was making in every State to place the administration of it in the hands of its enemies, as if they were its safest guardians; that the period of the next House of Representatives was likely to prove the crisis of its national character; that if Washington continued in office, nothing materially mischievous was to be apprehended; but, if he should quit, much was to be dreaded; that the same motives which had induced him to accept originally, ought to decide him to continue till matters had assumed a more determinate aspect; that, indeed, it would have been better, as it regarded his own character, that he had never consented to come forward than now to leave the business unfinished and in danger of being undone; that in the event of storms arising there would be an imputation either of want of foresight or want of firmness; and, in fine, that on public and personal accounts, on patriotic and prudential considera¬ tions, the clear path to be pursued by him would be again to obey the voice of his country; which, it was not doubted, would be as earnest and as unanimous as ever. In concluding his letter, Hamilton observes, “The senti¬ ments I have delivered upon this occasion, I can truly say, proceed exclusively from an anxious concern for the public welfare and an affectionate personal attachment.** Mr. Edmund Randolph, also, after a long letter on the “jeopardy of the Union,*’ which seemed to him “at the eve of a crisis,” adds: “The fuel which has been already gath¬ ered for combustion wants no addition. But how awfully might it be increased were the violence, which is now sus¬ pended by a universal submission to your pretensions, let loose by your resignation. Permit me, then, in the fervor Cife of U/as^ip^top 235 of a dutiful and affectionate attachment to you, to beseech you to penetrate the consequences of a dereliction of the reins. The constitution would never have been adopted but from a knowledge that you had once sanctioned it, and an expectation that you would execute it. It is in a state of probation. The most inauspicious struggles are past, but the public deliberations need stability. You alone can give them stability. You suffered yourself to yield when the voice of your country summoned you to the administration. Should a civil war arise, you cannot stay at home. And how much easier will it be to disperse the factions, which are rushing to this catastrophe, than to subdue them after they shall appear in arms? It is the fixed opinion of the world that you surrender nothing incomplete.’’ * Not the cabinet, merely, divided as it was in its political opinions, but all parties, however discordant in other points, concurred in a desire that Washington should continue in office—so truly was he regarded as the choice of the nation. But though the cabinet was united in feeling on this one subject, in other respects its dissensions were increasing in virulence. Hamilton, aggrieved by the attacks made in Freneau’s paper upon his funding and banking system, his duty on home-made spirits, and other points of his financial policy, and upon himself, by holding him up as a monarchist at heart, and considering these attacks as originating in the hostility of Freneau’s patron, Mr. Jefferson, addressed a note signed T. L., to the editor of the “Gazette of the United States,” in which he observed that the editor of the “Na¬ tional Gazette” received a salary from government, adding the significant query—whether this salary was paid him for * Washington’s Writings, x. 514. 236 U/orl^g of U/as^irj^torj Iruii 7 <$ translations or for publications, the design of which was to vilify those to whom the voice of the people had committed the administration of our public affairs, to oppose the meas¬ ures of government, and, by false insinuations, to disturb the public peace? “In common life it is thought ungrateful for a man to bite the hand that puts bread in his mouth; but, if the man is hired to do it, the case is altered.” In another article, dated August 4th, Mr. Hamilton, under the signature of “An American,” gave some partic¬ ulars of the negotiations which ended in the establishment of the “National Gazette,” devoted to the interests of a cer¬ tain party, of which Mr. Jefferson was the head. “An experiment,” said he, “somewhat new in the history of political maneuvers in this country; a newspaper instituted by a public officer, and the editor of it regularly pensioned with the public money in the disposal of that officer. . . . But, it may be asked—is it possible that Mr. Jefferson, the head of a principal department of the government, can be the patron of a paper, the evident object of which is to decry the government and its measures? If he disapproves of the government itself, and thinks it deserving of his opposition, can he reconcile it to his own personal dignity and the prin¬ ciples of probity, to hold an office under it, and employ the means of official influence in that opposition? If he disap¬ proves of the leading measures which have been adopted in the course of his administration, can he reconcile it with the principles of delicacy and propriety to hold a place in that administration, and at the same time to be instrumental in vilifying measures which have been adopted by majorities of both branches of the legislature, and sanctioned by the chief magistrate of the Union?” This attack brought out an affidavit from Mr. Freneau, Cife of U/a8l?ii)$toi) 237 in which he declared that his coming to Philadelphia was his own voluntary act, that, as an editor of a newspaper, he had never been urged, advised, or influenced by Mr. Jefferson, and that not a single line of his “Gazette” was ever directly or indirectly written, dictated or composed for it by the Secretary of State. Washington had noticed this growing feud with excessive pain, and at length found it necessary to interfere and at¬ tempt a reconciliation between the warring parties. In the course of a letter to Jefferson (Aug. 23d), on the subject of Indian hostilities, and the possibility of their being furnished by foreign agents to check, as far as possible, the rapid increase, extension and consequence of the United States, “How unfortunate, then,” observes he, “and how much to be regretted that, while we are encompassed on all sides with armed enemies and insidious friends, internal dissen¬ sions should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. The lat¬ ter, to me, is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two; and without more charity for the opinions and acts of one another in governmental mat¬ ters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be prejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not impractica¬ ble, to manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together; for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine after measures are decided on, one pulls this way and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness and prosperity that ever was presented to man will be lost perhaps forever. “My earnest wish and fondest hope, therefore, is, that 238 U/orKs of U/asI?i 9 $toQ Iruii)$ instead of wounding suspicions and irritating charges, there may be liberal allowances, mutual forbearances, and tem¬ porizing yieldings on all sides. Under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly, and, if possible, more prosper¬ ously. Without them, everything must rub; the wheels of government will clog; our enemies will triumph, and, by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabric we have been erecting.” Admonitions to the same purport were addressed by him to Hamilton. “Having premised these things,” adds he, “I would fain hope that liberal allowances will be made for the political opinions of each other; and, instead of those wounding suspicions and irritating charges, with which some of our gazettes are so strongly impregnated, and which can¬ not fail, if persevered in, of pushing matters to extremity, and thereby tearing the machine asunder, that there may be mutual forbearance and temporizing yielding on all sides. Without these I do not see how the reins of government are to be managed, or how the Union ot the States can be much longer preserved.” . . . “I do not mean to apply this advice to any measures which are passed, or to any particular character. I have given it in the same general terms to other officers of the government. My earnest wish is that balsam may be poured into all the wounds which have been given, to prevent them from gangrening, and from those fatal consequences which the community may sustain if it is withheld.” * Hamilton was prompt and affectionate in his reply, ex¬ pressing sincere regret at the circumstances which had given * Writings, x. 284. Cife of U/asl?ir)$tOQ 239 rise to the uneasy sensations experienced by Washington. “It is my most anxious wish,” writes he, “as far as may depend upon me, to smooth the path of your administration, and to render it prosperous and happy. And if any prospect shall open of healing or terminating the differences which exist, I shall most cheerfully embrace it; though I consider myself as the deeply injured party. The recommendation of such a spirit is worthy of the moderation and wisdom which dictated it.” He then frankly acknowledged that he had had “some instrumentality” in the retaliations which of late had fallen upon certain public characters. “I considered myself compelled to this conduct,” adds he, “by reasons public as well as personal, of the most cogent nature. I know I have been an object of uniform opposition from Mr. Jefferson, from the moment of his coming to the city of New York to enter upon his present office. I know , from the most authentic sources, that I have been the fre¬ quent subject of the most unkind whispers and insinuations from the same quarter. I have long seen a formed party in the legislature under his auspices, bent upon my subver¬ sion. I cannot doubt, from the evidence I possess, that the ‘National Gazette’ was instituted by him for political pur poses, and that one leading object of it has been to render me and all the measures connected with my department as odious as possible. Nevertheless,” proceeds he, “I can truly say that, excepting explanations to confidential friends, I never, directly or indirectly, retaliated or countenanced retaliation till very lately. . . . But when I no longer % doubted that there was a formed party deliberately bent upon the subversion of measures which, in its consequences, would subvert the government; when I saw that the undoing 240 U/orKs of U/asl?ii)$toi} Iruip<$ of the funding system in particular (which, whatever may be the original measures of that system, would prostrate the credit and honor of the nation, and bring the government into contempt with that description of men who are in every society the only firm supporters of government), was an avowed object of the party; and that all possible pains were taken to produce that effect by rendering it odious to the body of the people, I considered it a duty to endeavor to resist the torrent, and, as an effectual means to this end, to draw aside the veil from the principal actors. To this strong impulse, to this decided conviction, I have yielded; and I think events will prove that I have judged rightly. ‘‘Nevertheless, I pledge my hand to you, sir, that, if you shall hereafter form a plan to reunite the members of your administration upon some steady principle of co-operation, I will faithfully concur in executing it during my continu¬ ance in office. And I will not, directly or indirectly, say or do a thing that shall endanger a feud.” Jefferson, too, in a letter of the same date, assured Wash¬ ington that to no one had the dissensions of the cabinet given deeper concern than to himself—to no one equal mortifica¬ tion at being himself a part of them. His own grievances, which led to those dissensions, he traced back to the time when Hamilton, in the spring of 1790, procured his influence to effect a change in the vote on Assumption. “When I embarked in the government,” writes he, “it was with a determination to intermeddle not at all with the legisla¬ ture, and as little as possible with my co-departments. The first and only instance of variance from the former part of my resolution I was duped into by the Secretary of the Treasury, and made a tool for forwarding his schemes, not then sufficiently understood by mej and of all the errors Cife of U/asl?ii)<$toi? 241 of my political life, this has occasioned me the deepest regret. ... If it has been supposed that I have ever intrigued among the members of the legislature to defeat the plans of the Secretary of the Treasury, it is contrary to all truth. . . . That I have utterly, in my private conversations, disapproved of the system of the Secretary of the Treasury, I acknowledge and avow; and this was not merely a specu¬ lative difference. His system flowed from principles adverse to liberty, and was calculated to undermine and demolish the republic by creating an influence of his department over the members of the legislature.” In regard to Freneau’s “Gazette,” Mr. Jefferson abso¬ lutely denied that he had set it up; but admitted that, on its first establishment, and subsequently from time to time, he had furnished the editor with the “Leyden Gazette,” requesting that he would always translate and publish the material intelligence contained in them. “But as to any other direction or indication,” adds he, “of my wish how his press should be conducted, what sort of intelligence he should give, what essays encourage, I can protest, in the presence of Heaven, that I never did, by myself or any other, directly or indirectly, say a syllable, nor attempt any kind of influ¬ ence. I can further protest, in the same awful presence, that I never did, by myself or any other, directly or indi¬ rectly, write, dictate or procure any one sentence or senti¬ ment to be inserted in his or any other gazette , to which my name was not affixed, or that of my office. . . . “Freneau’s proposition to publish a paper having been about the time that the writings of “Publicola” and the “Discourses on Davila” had a good deal excited the public attention, I took it for granted, from Freneau’s character, which had been marked as that of a good whig, that he Vol. XV.—* * * 11 242 U/orl^s of U/a8fyii)$toi> Iruiq$ would give free place to pieces written against the aris¬ tocrat! cal and monarchial principles these papers had in¬ culcated. . . . < 4 As to the merits or demerits of his paper, they certainly concern me not. He and Fenno [editor ot the ‘United States Gazette’] are rivals for the public favor; the one courts them by flattery, the other by censure; and I believe it will be admitted that the one has been as servile as the other severe. But is not the dignity and even decency of government committed, when one of its principal ministers enlists himself as an anonymous writer or paragraphist for either the one or the other of them?” Mr. Jefferson considered himself particularly aggrieved by charges against him in “Fenno’s Gazette,” which he ascribed to the pen of Mr. Hamilton, and intimated the possibility that, after his retirement from office, he might make an appeal to the country, should his own justification or the interests of the Republic require it, subscribing his name to whatever he might write, and using with freedom and truth the facts and names necessary to place the cause in its just form before that tribunal. “To a thorough dis¬ regard of the honors and emoluments of office, I join as great a value for the esteem of my countrymen; and con¬ scious of having merited it by an integrity which cannot be reproached, and by an enthusiastic devotion to their rights and liberty, I will not suffer my retirement to be clouded by the slanders of a man whose history, from the moment at which history can stoop to notice him, is a tissue of mach¬ inations against the liberty of the country which has not only received and given him bread, but heaped its honors on his head.” Washington’s solicitude for harmony in his cabinet had Cife of U/asbffi^tor? I 243 ✓ been rendered more anxious by public disturbances in some parts of the country. The excise law on ardent spirits distilled within the United States, had, from the time of its enactment by Congress, in 1791, met with opposition from the inhabitants of the western counties of Pennsyl¬ vania. It had been modified and rendered less offensive within the present year; but the hostility to it had continued. Combinations were formed to defeat the execution of it, and the revenue officers were riotously opposed in the execution of their duties. Determined to exert all the legal powers with which he was invested to check so daring and unwarrantable a spirit, Washington, on the 15th of September, issued a proclama¬ tion, warning all persons to desist from such unlawful com¬ binations and proceedings, and requiring all courts, magis¬ trates and officers to bring the infractors of the law to justice; copies of which proclamation were sent to the governors of Pennsylvania and of North and South Carolina. On the 18th of October, Washington made one more effort to allay the discord in his cabinet. Finding it im¬ possible for the rival secretaries to concur in any system of politics, he urged them to accommodate their differences by mutual yieldings.. “A measure of this sort,” observed he, “would produce harmony and consequent good in our public councils, and the contrary will inevitably produce confusion and serious mischiefs; and all for what? Because mankind cannot think alike, but would adopt different means to attain the same end. For I will frankly and solemnly declare that I believe the views of both to be pure and well meant, and that experience only will decide with respect to the salutariness of the measures which are the subjects of this dispute. 244 Worlds of lI/a8l?ir?3toi) Irvii}$ “ Why, then, when some of the best citizens of the United States—men of discernment—uniform and tried patriots— who have no sinister views to promote, but are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to be found, some on one side and some on the other of the questions which have caused these agitations—why should either of you be so tenacious of your opinions as to make no allowance for those of the other? . . . “I have a great, a sincere esteem and regard for you both; and ardently wish that some line could be marked out by which both of you could walk. ’ * CHAPTER SEVENTEEN s Washington unanimously re-elected—Opening of Session of Con¬ gress—Topics of the President’s Speech—Abortive attack upon the Secretary of the Treasury—Washington installed for his Second Term It was after a long and painful conflict of feelings that Washington consented to be a candidate for re-election. There was no opposition on the part of the public, and the vote for him in the Electoral College was unanimous. In a letter to a friend, he declared himself gratefully impressed by so distinguished and honorable a testimony of public approbation and confidence. In truth he had been appre¬ hensive of being elected by but a meager majority, which he acknowledged would have been a matter of chagrin. George Clinton, of New York, was held up for the Vice- Presidency, in opposition to John Adams; but the latter was re-elected by a majority of twenty-seven electoral votes. Cife of U/asbffi^tor) 245 But though gratified to find that the hearts of his country¬ men were still with him, it was with no emotion of pleasure that Washington looked forward to another term of public duty, and a prolonged absence from the quiet retirement of Mount Vernon. The session of Congress, which was to close his present term, opened on the fifth of November. The continuance of the Indian war formed a painful topic in the President’s address. Efforts at pacification had as yet been unsuccess¬ ful : two brave officers, Colonel Hardin and Major Truman, who had been sent to negotiate with the savages, had been severally murdered. Vigorous preparations were therefore making for an active prosecution of hostilities, in which Wayne was to take the field. Washington, with benevolent earnestness, dwelt upon the humane system of civilizing the tribes, by inculcating agricultural tastes and habits. The factious and turbulent opposition which had been made in some parts of the country to the collection of duties on spirituous liquors distilled in the United States was like¬ wise adverted to by the President, and a determination ex¬ pressed to assert and maintain the just authority of the laws; trusting in the “full co-operation of the other departments of government, and the zealous support of all good citizens.” In a part of the speech addressed to the House of Repre¬ sentatives, he expressed a strong hope that the state of the national finances was now sufficiently matured to admit of an arrangement for the redemption and discharge of the public debt. “No measure,” said he, “can be more desir¬ able, whether viewed with an eye to its intrinsic importance, or to the general sentiment and wish of the nation.” The address was well received by both Houses, and a disposition expressed to concur with the President’s views 246 U/orl^s of li/a8l?ir^tor> Iruii}$ and wishes. The discussion of the subjects to which he had called their attention soon produced vehement conflicts of opinion in the House, marking the growing virulence of par¬ ties. The Secretary of the Treasury, in reporting, at the request of the House, a plan for the annual reduction of so much of the national debt as the United States had a right to redeem, spoke of the expenses of the Indian war, and the necessity of additional internal taxes. The consideration of the report was parried or evaded, and a motion made to reduce the military establishment. This gave an oppor¬ tunity for sternly criticising the mode in which the Indian war had been conducted; for discussing the comparative merits and cost of regular and militia forces, and for inveigh¬ ing against standing armies, as dangerous to liberty. These discussions, while they elicited much heat, led to no present result, and gave way to an inquiry into the conduct of the Secretary of the Treasury in regard to certain loans, which the President, in conformity to acts of Congress, had author¬ ized him to make; but concerning the management of which he had not furnished detailed reports to the legislature. The subject was opened by Mr. Giles, of Virginia, who moved in the House of Representatives a series of resolutions seek¬ ing information in the matter, and who followed his resolu¬ tions by a speech, charging the Secretary of the Treasury with official misconduct, and intimating that a large balance of public money had not been accounted for. A report of the Secretary gave all the information desired; but the charges against him continued to be urged with great acrimony to the close of the session, when they were signally rejected, not more than sixteen members voting for any one of them. The veneration inspired by the character of Washington, Cife of U/as^ip^top 247 and the persuasion that he would never permit himself to be considered the head of a party, had hitherto shielded him from attack; a little circumstance, however, showed that the rancor of party was beginning to glance at him. On his birthday (Feb. 22) many of the members of Con¬ gress were desirous of waiting on him in testimony of respect as chief magistrate of the Union, and a motion was made to adjourn for half an hour for that purpose. It met with serious opposition as a species of homage—it was set¬ ting up an idol dangerous to liberty—it had a bias toward monarchy! Washington, though he never courted popularity, was attentive to the signs of public opinion, and disposed to be guided by them when right. The time for entering upon his second term of Presidency was at hand. There had been much caviling at the parade attending his first installation. Jefferson especially had pronounced it “not at all in char¬ acter with the simplicity of republican government, and look ing, as if wishfully, to those of European courts.” To guide him on the coming occasion, Washington called the heads of departments together, and desired they would consult with one another, and agree on any changes they might consider for the better, assuring them he would will¬ ingly conform to whatever they should advise. They held such consultation, and ultimately gave their individual opinions in writing, with regard to the time, man¬ ner and place of the President’s taking the oath of office. As they were divided in opinion, and gave no positive advice as to any change, no change was made. On the 4th of March, the oath was publicly administered to Washington by Mr. Justice Cushing, in the Senate Chamber, in presence of the heads of departments, foreign ministers, such members 248 U/or^s of U/asl?ir;M$tor} Iruir)<$ of the House of Representatives as were in town, and as many other spectators as could be accommodated. CHAPTER EIGHTEEN Gouverneur Morris Minister at the French Court—His Representa¬ tions of the State of Affairs—Washington’s Concern for La¬ fayette—Jefferson annoyed at his Forebodings—Overthrow of the French Monarchy—Imprisonment of Lafayette—Jefferson concerned, but not discouraged at the Republican Massacres— Washington shocked—His Letter to the Marchioness Lafayette Early in 1792, Gouverneur Morris had received the appointment of minister plenipotentiary to the French court. His diplomatic correspondence from Paris gave shocking- accounts of the excesses attending the revolution. France he represented as governed by Jacobin clubs. Lafayette, by endeavoring to check their excesses, had completely lost his authority. “Were he to appear just now in Paris, un¬ attended by his army,” writes Morris, “he would be torn to pieces.” Washington received these accounts with deep concern. What was to be the fate of that distracted country —what was to be the fate of his friend! Jefferson was impatient of these gloomy picturings; es¬ pecially when he saw their effect upon Washington’s mind. “The fact is,” writes he, “that Gouverneur Morris, a high¬ flying monarchy man, shutting his eyes and his faith to every fact against his wishes, and believing everything he desires to be true, has kept the President’s mind constantly poisoned with his forebodings.” His forebodings, however, were soon verified. Lafayette addressed from his camp a letter to the Legislative Assembly, Clfe of WastyyqtOT) 249 formally denouncing the conduct of the Jacobin club as violating the declaration of rights and the constitution. His letter was of no avail. On the 20th of June bands from the Faubourg St. Antoine, armed with pikes, and headed by Santerre, marched to the Tuileries, insulted the king in the presence of his family, obliging him to put on the bonnet rouge , the baleful cap of liberty of the revolu¬ tion. Lafayette, still loyal to his sovereign, hastened to Paris, appeared at the bar of the Assembly, and demanded, in the name of the army, the punishment of those who had thus violated the constitution, by insulting in his palace the chief of the executive power. His intervention proved of no avail, and he returned with a sad and foreboding heart to his army. On the 9th of August, Paris was startled by the sound of the fatal tocsin at midnight. On the 10th the chateau of the Tuileries was attacked, and the Swiss guard who defended it were massacred. The king and queen took refuge in the National Assembly, which body decreed the suspension of the king’s authority. It was at once the overthrow of the monarchy, the anni¬ hilation of the constitutional party, and the commencement of the reign of terror. Lafayette, who was the head of the constitutionalists, was involved in their downfall. The Jacobins denounced him in the National Assembly; his arrest was decreed, and emissaries were sent to carry the decree into effect. At first he thought of repairing at once to Paris and facing his accusers, but, on second thoughts, determined to bend before the storm and await the return of more propitious days. Leaving everything in order in his army, which remained encamped at Sedan, he set off with a few trusty friends for 250 U/or^e of U/asf?ir)$tor) Iruii?<$ the Netherlands, to seek an asylum in Holland or the United States; but, with his companions, was detained a prisoner at Rochefort, the first Austrian post. ‘‘Thus his circle is completed,” writes Morris. “He has spent his fortune on a revolution, and is now crushed by the wheel which he put in motion. He lasted longer than I expected.” Washington looked with a sadder eye on this catastrophe of Lafayette’s high-hearted and gallant aspirations, and mourned over the adverse fortunes of his friend. The reign of terror continued. “We have had one week of unchecked murders, in which some thousands have per¬ ished in the city,” writes Morris to Jefferson, on the 10th of September. “It began with between two and three hundred of the clergy, who had been shot because they would not take the oaths prescribed by the law, and which they said were contrary to their conscience.” Thence these executors of speedy justice went to the abbaye , where persons were confined who were at court on the 10th of August. These were dispatched also, and afterward they visited the other prisons. “All those who were confined either on the accusa¬ tion or suspicion of crimes were destroyed.” The accounts of these massacres grieved Mr. Jefferson. They were shocking in themselves, and he feared they might bring great discredit upon the Jacobins of France, whom he considered republican patriots, bent on the establishment of a free constitution. They had acquiesced for a time, said he, in the experiment of retaining a hereditary executive, but finding, if pursued, it would insure the re-establishment of a despotism, they considered it absolutely indispensable to expunge that office. “In the struggle which was necessary, many guilty persons fell without the forms of trial, and with Cife of U/a8t?ip<$toi? 251 them, some innocent. These I deplore as much as anybody, and shall deplore some of them to the day of my death. But I deplore them as I should have done had they fallen in bat¬ tle. It was necessary to use the arm of the people, a ma¬ chine not quite so blind as balls and bombs, but blind to a certain degree. A few of their cordial friends met at their hands the fate of enemies. But time and truth will rescue and embalm their memories, while their posterity will be en¬ joying that very liberty for which they would never have hesitated to offer up their lives. The liberty of the whole earth was depending on the issue of the contest, and was ever such a prize won with so little innocent blood? My own affections have been deeply wounded by some of the martyrs to this cause, but rather than it should have failed, I would have seen half the earth desolated; were there but an Adam and Eve left in every country, and left free, it would be bet¬ ter than as it now is.” * Washington, who contemplated the French revolution with a less sanguine eye than Jefferson, was simply shocked at the atrocities which disgraced it, and at the dangers to be apprehended from an unrestrained populace. A letter which he received from Gouverneur Morris (dated October 23d), placed the condition of the unfortunate Louis XVI., the an¬ cient friend and ally of America, in a light to awaken his benevolent sympathy. “You will have seen,” writes Morris, “that the king is accused of high crimes and misdemeanors; but I verily believe that he wished sincerely for this nation the enjoyment of the utmost degree of liberty which their situation and circumstances will permit. He wished for a good constitution, but, unfortunately, he had not the means * Letter to Mr. Short. Jefferson’s Works, iii. 501. 252 U/orks of U/asl?ir}<$tor} Iruir?$ to obtain it, or, if he had, he was thwarted by those about him. What may be his fate God only knows, but history informs us that the passage of dethroned monarchs is short from the prison to the grave.” Nothing, however, in all the eventful tidings from France, gave Washington greater concern than the catastrophe of his friend Lafayette. His first thoughts prompted the consola¬ tion and assistance of the marohioness. In a letter to her he writes: “If I had words that could convey to you an ade¬ quate idea of my feelings on the present situation of the Mar¬ quis Lafayette, this letter would appear to you in a different garb. The sole object in writing to you now is to inform you that I have deposited in the hands of Mr. Nicholas Van Staphorst of Amsterdam, two thousand three hundred and ten guilders, Holland currency, equal to two hundred guineas, subject to your orders. “This sum is, I am certain, the least I am indebted for services rendered me by the Marquis de Lafayette, of which 1 never yet have received the account. I could add much, but it is best, perhaps, that I should say little on this sub¬ ject. Your goodness will supply my deficiency. “The uncertainty of your situation, after all the inquiries I have made, has occasioned a delay in this address and re¬ mittance; and even now the measure adopted is more the effect of a desire to find where you are than from any knowl¬ edge I have obtained of your residence.” Mme. de Lafayette, in fact, was at that time a prisoner in France, in painful ignorance of her husband’s fate. She had been commanded by the Jacobin committee to repair to Paris about the time of the massacres, but was subsequently permitted to reside at Chavaniac, under the surveillance of the municipality. Cife of U/asfiir^tor) 253 We will anticipate events by adding here that some time afterward, finding her husband was a prisoner in Austria, she obtained permission to leave France, and ultimately, with her two daughters, joined him in his prison at Olmutz. George Washington Lafayette, the son of the general, de¬ termined to seek an asylum in America. In the meantime, the arms of revolutionary France were crowned with great success. “Towns fall before them with¬ out a blow,” writes Gouverneur Morris, “and the declara¬ tion of rights produces an effect equal at least to the trump¬ ets of Joshua. ” But Morris was far from drawing a favorable augury from this success. “We must observe the civil, moral, religious and political institutions,” said he. “These have a steady and lasting effect, and these only. . . . Since I have been in this country, I have seen the worship of many idols, and but little of the true God. I have seen many of those idols broken, and some of them beaten to dust. I have seen the late constitution, in one short year, admired as a stupendous monument of human wisdom, and ridiculed as an egregious production of folly and vice. I wish much, very much, the happiness of this inconstant people. I love them. I feel grateful for their efforts in our cause, and I consider the establishment of a good constitution here as the principal means, under Divine Providence, of extending the blessings of freedom to the many millions of my fellow- men, who groan in bondage on the continent of Europe. But I do not greatly indulge the flattering illusions of hope, because I do not yet perceive that reformation of morals, without which liberty is but an empty sound.” * * Life of Morris, ii. 248. 254 ll/orl^s of U/asl?io<$t:oi} Iruip$ CHAPTER NINETEEN Washington’s Entrance upon his Second Term—Gloomy Auspices— Execution of Louis XVI.—France declares War against Eng¬ land—Belligerent Excitement in America—Proclamation of Neutrality—French Mission to the United States—Genet ar¬ rives in Charleston—His Reception in Philadelphia—Views of Jefferson and Hamilton—Washington’s dispassionate Opinion It was under gloomy auspices, a divided cabinet, and in¬ creasing exasperation of parties, a suspicion of monarchial tendencies, and a threatened abatement of popularity, that W ashington entered upon his second term of Presidency. It was a portentous period in the history of the world, for in a little while came news of that tragical event, the beheading of Louis XVI. It was an event deplored by many of the truest advocates of liberty in America, who, like Washing¬ ton, remembered that unfortunate monarch as the friend of their country in her Revolutionary struggle; but others, zeal¬ ots in the cause of political reform, considered it with com¬ placency, as sealing the downfall of the French monarchy and the establishment of a republic. An event followed hard upon it to shake the quiet of the world. Early in April intelligence was received that France had declared war against England. Popular excitement was now wound up to the highest pitch. What, it was asked, were Americans to do in such a juncture? Could they re¬ main unconcerned spectators of a conflict between their an¬ cient enemy and republican France? Should they fold their arms and look coldly on a war, begun, it is true, by France, Cife of U/a8f?ir)<$tor} 255 but threatening the subversion of the republic, and the re¬ establishment of a monarchial government? Many, in the wild enthusiasm of the moment, would at once have precipitated the country into a war. Fortunately this belligerent impulse was not general, and was checked by the calm, controlling wisdom of Washington. He was at Mount Vernon when he received news of the war, and understood that American vessels were already designated, and some even fitting out to serve in it as privateers. He forthwith dispatched a letter to Jefferson on the subject. “War having actually commenced between France and Great Britain,” writes he, “it behooves the government of this country to use every means in its power to prevent the citizens thereof from embroiling us with either of those powers, by endeavoring to maintain a strict neutrality.” Hastening back to Philadelphia, he held a cabinet coun¬ cil on the 19th of April, to deliberate on the measures proper to be observed by the United States in the present crisis; and to determine upon a general plan of conduct for the Executive. In this council it was unanimously determined that a proclamation should be issued by the President, “forbidding the citizens of the United States to take part in any hostili¬ ties on the seas, and warning them against carrying to the belligerents any articles deemed contraband according to the modern usages of nations, and forbidding all acts and pro¬ ceedings inconsistent with the duties of a friendly nation toward those at war.” It was unanimously agreed also, that should the republic of France send a minister to the United States, he should be received. Ho one at the present day questions the wisdom of Wash- 25V U/orl^s of U/asl?ii 7 <$tor) Irvip^ ington’s proclamation of neutrality. It was our true policy to keep aloof from European war, in which our power would be inefficient, our loss certain. The measure, however, was at variance with the enthusiastic feelings and excited pas¬ sions of a large portion of the citizens. They treated it for a time with some forbearance, out of long-cherished rever¬ ence for Washington’s name; but his popularity, hitherto unlimited, was no proof against the inflamed state of pub¬ lic feeling. The proclamation was stigmatized as a royal edict; a daring assumption of power; an open manifestation of partiality for England and hostility to France. Washington saw that a deadly blow was aimed at his in¬ fluence and his administration, and that both were at hazard; but he was convinced that neutrality was the true national policy, and he resolved to maintain it, whatever might be his immediate loss of popular favor. His resolution was soon put to the test. The French republic had recently appointed Edmond Charles Genet, or “Citizen Genet,” as he was styled, min¬ ister to the United States. He was represented as a young man of good parts, very well educated, and of an ardent temper. He had served in the bureau of Foreign Affairs under the ministry of Vergennes, and been employed in va¬ rious diplomatic situations until the overthrow of the mon¬ archy, when he joined the popular party, became a political zealot, and member of the Jacobin club, and was rewarded with the mission to America. A letter from Gouverneur Morris apprised Mr. Jefferson that the Executive Council had furnished Genet with three hundred blank commissions for privateers, to be given clan¬ destinely to such persons as he might find in America in¬ clined to take them. “They suppose,” writes Morris, “that Cife of U/asl?ir)<$tO ]7 257 the avidity of some adventurers may lead them into meas¬ ures which would involve altercations with Great Britain, and terminate finally in a war.” Genet’s conduct proved the correctness of this informa¬ tion. He had landed at Charleston, South Carolina, from the French frigate the “Ambuscade,” on the 8th of April, a short time before the proclamation of neutrality, and was received with great rejoicing and extravagant demonstra¬ tions of respect. His landing at a port several hundred miles from the seat of government was a singular move for a diplomat; but his object in so doing was soon evident. It is usual for a foreign minister to present his credentials to the government to which he comes, and be received by it in form before he presumes to enter upon the exercise of liis functions. Citizen Genet, however, did not stop for these formalities. Confident in his nature, heated in his zeal, and flushed with the popular warmth of his reception, he could not pause to consider the proprieties of his mission and the delicate responsibilities involved in diplomacy. The con¬ tiguity of Charleston to the "West Indies made it a favor¬ able port for fitting out privateers against the trade of these islands; and during Genet’s short sojourn there he issued commissions for arming and equipping vessels of war for that purpose, and manning them with Americans. In the latter part of April, Genet set out for the North by land. As he proceeded on his journey, the newspapers teemed with accounts of the processions and addresses with which he was greeted, and the festivities which celebrated his arrival at each place. Jefferson, in a letter to Madison written from Philadelphia on the 5th of May, observes with exultation: “The war between France and England seems to be producing an effect not contemplated. All the old 258 U/orl^s of U/as^ip^tor? Iruip$ spirit of 1776, rekindling the newspapers from Boston to Charleston, proves this; and even the monocrat papers are obliged to publish the most furious philippics against Eng¬ land. A French frigate* took a British prize [the ‘Grange’] off the Capes of Delaware the other day, and sent her up here. Upon her coming into sight, thousands and thousands of the yeomanry of the city crowded and covered the wharfs. Never was there such a crowd seen there; and when the Brit¬ ish colors were seen reversed, and the French flying above them, they burst into peals of exultation. I wish we may be able to repress the spirit of the people within the limits of a fair neutrality. ... We expect Genet daily.” A friend of Hamilton writes in a different vein. Speak¬ ing of Genet, he observes: ‘ ‘ He has a good person, a fine ruddy complexion, quite active, and seems always in a bustle, more like a busy man than a man of business. A French¬ man in his manners, he announces himself in all companies as the minister of the republic, etc., talks freely of his com¬ mission, and, like most Europeans, seems to have adopted mistaken notions of the penetration and knowledge of the people of the United States. His system, I think, is to laugh us into the war if he can.” On the 16th of May, Genet arrived at Philadelphia. His belligerent operations at Charleston had already been made a subject of complaint to the government by Mr. Hammond, the British minister; but they produced no abatement in the public enthusiasm. “It was suspected,” writes Jefferson, “that there was not a clear mind in the President’s counsel¬ ors to receive Genet. The citizens, however, determined to receive him. Arrangements were taken for meeting him at * The “Ambuscade.” Cife of U/as^ir><$tor> 259 Gray’s Ferry, in a great body. He escaped that, by arriv¬ ing in town with the letters which brought information that he was on the road.” * On the following day, various societies and a large body of citizens waited upon him with addresses, recalling with gratitude the aid given by France in the achievement of American independence, and extolling and rejoicing in the success of the arms of the French republic. On the same day, before Genet had presented his credentials and been acknowledged by the President, he was invited to a grand republican dinner, “at which,” we are told, “the company united in singing the Marseilles hymn. A deputation of French sailors presented themselves, and were received by the guests with the 'fraternal embrace.’ The table was decorated with the ‘tree of liberty,’ and a red cap, called the cap of liberty, was placed on the head of the minister, and from his traveled in succession from head to head round the table.” f This enthusiasm of the multitude was regarded with in¬ dulgence, if not favor, by Jefferson, as being the efferves¬ cence of the true spirit of liberty; but was deprecated by Hamilton as an infatuation that might “do us much harm, and could do France no good.” A letter, written by him at the time, is worthy of full citation, as embodying the senti¬ ments of that party of which he was the leader. “It cannot be without danger and inconvenience to our interests, to im¬ press on the nations of Europe an idea that we are actuated by the same spirit which has for some time past fatally mis¬ guided the measures of those who conduct the affairs of * Letter to Madison, Works, iii. 562. f Jay’s Life, vol. i., p. 301. ^60 U/orks of U/asl?iQ^tor> Iruir><$ Franc©, and sullied a cause once glorious, and that might have been triumphant. Th© cause of France is compared with that of America during its late revolution. Would to Heaven that the comparison were just! Would to Heaven we could discern, in the mirror of French affairs, the same decorum, the same gravity, the same order, the same dig¬ nity, the same solemnity, which distinguished the cause of the American revolution! Clouds and darkness would not then rest upon the issue as they now do. I own I do not like the comparison. When I contemplate the horrid and systematic massacres of the 2d and 3d of September; when I observe that a Marat and a Robespierre, the notorious’ prompters of those bloody scenes, sit triumphantly in the convention, and take a conspicuous part in its measures— that an attempt to bring the assassins to justice has been obliged to be abandoned—when I see an unfortunate prince, whose reign was a continued demonstration of the goodness and benevolence of his heart, of his attachment to the people of whom he was the monarch, who, though educated in the lap of despotism, had given repeated proofs that he was not the enemy of liberty, brought precipitately and ignominiously to the block without any substantial proof of guilt, as yet disclosed—without even an authentic exhibition of motives, in decent regard to the opinions of mankind; when I find the doctrines of atheism openly advanced in the convention, and heard with loud applauses; when I see the sword of fanati¬ cism extended to force a political creed upon citizens who were invited to submit to the arms of France as the harbing¬ ers of liberty; when I behold the hand of rapacity out¬ stretched to prostrate and ravish the monuments of relig¬ ious worship, erected by those citizens and their ancestors; when I perceive passion, tumult, and violence usurping those Cife of U/asfyir^tor? 261 seats, where reason and cool deliberation ought to preside, I acknowledge that I am glad to believe there is no real resem¬ blance between what was the cause of America and what is the cause of France; that the difference is no less great than that between liberty and licentiousness. I regret whatever has a tendency to confound them, and I feel anxious, as an American, that the ebullitions of inconsiderate men among us may not tend to involve our reputation in the issue.” * Washington, from his elevated and responsible situation, endeavored to look beyond the popular excitement, and re¬ gard the affairs of France with a dispassionate and impartial eye; but he confessed that he saw in the turn they'had lately taken the probability of a terrible confusion, to which he could predict no certain issue: a boundless ocean whence no land was to be seen. He feared less, he said, for the cause of liberty in France from the pressure of foreign enemies, than from the strifes and quarrels of those in whose hands the government was intrusted, who were ready to tear each other to pieces, and would more probably prove the worst foes the country had. v CHAPTER TWENTY Genet presents his Letter of Credence—His Diplomatic Speech— Washington’s Conversation with Jefferson—Capture of the Ship “Grange” and other British Vessels—Question of Restitution— Dissatisfaction of Genet—Demands Release of two American Citizens—Washington’s Sensitiveness to the Attacks of the Press—His unshaken Determination » On the 18th of May, Genet presented his letter of cre¬ dence to the President; by whom, notwithstanding his late * Hamilton’s Works, v. 566. £02 U/orl^s of U/asfyir^tor) Iruii}$ unwarrantable proceedings at Charleston, he was well re¬ ceived ; Washington taking the occasion to express his sin¬ cere regard for the French nation. Jefferson, who, as Secretary of State, was present, had all his warm sympathies in favor of France roused by Ge¬ net’s diplomatic speech. “It was impossible,” writes he to Madison, “for anything to be more affectionate, more magnanimous, than the pur¬ port of Genet’s mission. ‘We wish you to do nothing,’ said he, ‘but what is for your own good, and we will do all in our power to promote it. Cherish your own peace and prosper¬ ity. You have expressed a willingness to enter into a more liberal commerce with us; I bring full powers to form such a treaty, and a preliminary decree of the National Conven¬ tion to lay open our country and its colonies to you, for every purpose of utility, without your participating the burdens of maintaining and defending them. We see in you the only person on earth who can love us sincerely, and merit to be so loved.’ In short, he offers everything, and asks nothing.” “Yet I know the offers will be opposed,” adds Jefferson, “and suspect they will not be accepted. In short, my dear sir, it is impossible for you to conceive what is passing in our conclave; and it is evident that one or two, at least, un¬ der pretense of avoiding war on the one side, have no great antipathy to run foul of it on the other, and to make a part in the confederacy of princes against human liberty.” The “one or two,” in the paragraph above cited, no doubt, imply Hamilton and Knox. Washington again, in conversation, endeavored to coun¬ teract these suspicions which were swaying Jefferson’s mind against his contemporaries. We give Jefferson’s own ac¬ count of the conversation. “He (Washington) observed Cife of U/as^ip^top 263 that, if anybody wanted to change the form of our govern¬ ment into a monarchy, he was sure it was. only a few indi¬ viduals, and that no man in the United States would set his face against it more than himself; but that this was not what he was afraid of; his fears were from another quarter; that there was more danger of anarchy being introduced .” He then adverted to Freneau’s paper and its partisan hos¬ tilities. He despised, he said, all personal attacks upon him¬ self, but obsei ved that there never had been an act of the government which that paper had not abused. “He was evidently sore and warm,” adds Jefferson, “and I took his intention to be that I should interpose in some way with Freneau; perhaps, withdraw his appointment of translating clerk in my office. But I will not do it.” It appears to us rather an ungracious determination on the part of Jefferson to keep this barking cur in his employ, when he found him so annoying to the chief whom he pro¬ fessed, and we believe with sincerity, to revere. Neither are his reasons for so doing satisfactory, savoring, as they do, of those strong political suspicions already noticed. “His (Freneau’s) paper,” observed he, “has saved our constitu¬ tion, which was galloping fast into monarchy, and has been checked by no means so powerfully as by that paper. It is well and universally known that it has been that paper which checked the career of the monocrats; the President, not sensible of the designs of the party, has not, with his usual good sense and sangfroid , looked on the efforts and effects of this free press, and seen that, though some bad things have passed through it to the public, yet the good have preponderated immensely.” * * Works, ix. 143. 264 U/or^8 of U/asbffi^toi} Iruir)<2 Jefferson was mistaken. Washington had regarded the efforts and effects of this free press with his usual good sense; and the injurious influence it exercised in public affairs was presently manifested in the transactions of the government with Genet. The acts of this diplomatic per¬ sonage at Charleston had not been the sole ground of the complaint preferred by the British minister. The capture of the British vessel, the “Grange,” by the frigate “Ambus¬ cade,” formed a graver one. Occurring within our waters, it was a clear usurpation of national sovereignty, and a vio¬ lation of neutral rights. The British minister demanded a restitution of the prize, and the cabinet were unanimously of opinion that restitution should be made; nor was there any difficulty with the French minister on this head; but restitu¬ tion was likewise claimed of other vessels captured on the high seas, and brought into port by the privateers authorized by Genet. In regard to these there was a difference of sen¬ timent in the cabinet. Hamilton and Knox were of opinion that the government should interpose to restore the prizes; it being the duty of a neutral nation to remedy any injury sus¬ tained by armaments fitted out in its ports. Jefferson and Randolph contended that the case should be left to the decis¬ ion of the courts of justice. If the courts adjudged the com¬ missions issued by Genet to be invalid, they would, of course, decide the captures made under them to be void, and the property to remain in the original owners; if, on the other hand, the legal right to the property had been transferred to the captors, they would so decide. Seeing this difference of opinion in the cabinet, Washing¬ ton reserved the point for further deliberation; but directed the Secretary of State to communicate to the ministers of France and Britain the principles in which they concurred; Cife of U/asIpir^tor? 2G5 these being considered as settled. Circular letters, also, were addressed to the governors of several States, requiring their co-operation, with force, if necessary, to carry out the rules agreed upon. Genet took umbrage at these decisions of the government, and expressed his dissatisfaction in a letter, complaining of them as violations of natural right, and subversive of tha existing treaties between the two nations. His letter, though somewhat wanting in strict decorum of language, induced a review of the subject in the cabinet; and he was informed that no reason appeared for changing the system adopted. He was further informed that, in the opinion of the execu¬ tive, the vessels which had been illegally equipped should depart from the ports of the United States. Genet was not disposed to acquiesce in these decisions. He was aware of the grateful feelings of the nation to France: of the popular disposition to go all lengths short of war, in her favor; of the popular idea that republican inter¬ ests were identical on both sides of the Atlantic; that a royal triumph over republicanism in Europe would be followed by a combination to destroy it in this country. He had heard the clamor among the populace, and uttered in Freneau’s “Gazette” and other newspapers against the policy of neu¬ trality ; the people, he thought, were with him, if W ashington was not, and he believed the latter would not dare to risk his popularity in thwarting their enthusiasm. He persisted, therefore, in disregarding the decisions of the government, and spoke of them as a departure from the obligations it owed to France; a cowardly abandonment of friends when danger menaced. Another event added to the irritation of Genet. Two American citizens, whom he had engaged at Charleston, to Vol. XV.— 5 ***12 266 U/or^s of U/asfyiQ^top Iruip<$ cruise in the service of France, were arrested on board of the privateer, conducted to prison, and prosecutions commenced against them. The indignant feelings of Genet were vented in an extraordinary letter to the Secretary of State. When speaking of their arrest, “The crime laid to their charge,” writes he—“the crime which my mind cannot conceive, and which my pen almost refuses to state—is the serving of France, and defending with her children the common glo¬ rious cause of liberty. “Being ignorant of any positive law or treaty which de¬ prives Americans of this privilege, and authorizes officers of police arbitrarily to take mariners in the service of France from on board of their vessels, I call upon your intervention, sir, and that of the President of the United States, in order to obtain the immediate releasement of the above-mentioned officers, who have acquired, by the sentiments animating them, and by the act of their engagement, anterior to any act to the contrary, the right of French citizens, if they have lost that of American citizens.” The lofty and indignant tone of this letter had no effect in shaking the determination of government, or obtaining the release of the prisoners. Washington confesses, how¬ ever, that he was very much harried and perplexed by the “disputes, memorials, and what not,” with which he was pestered, by one or other of the powers at war. It was a sore trial of his equanimity, his impartiality and his discrimi nation, and wore upon his spirits and his health. “The Pres¬ ident is not well,” writes Jefferson to Madison (June 9th); “little lingering fevers have been hanging about him for a week or ten days, and affected his looks most remarkably. He is also extremely affected by the attacks made and kept up on him, in the public papers. I think he feels these Cife of U/asfyii^toi) 267 things more than any other person I ever yet met with. I am sincerely sorry to see them.” Jefferson’s sorrow was hardly in accordance with the resolution expressed by him, to retain Freneau in his office, notwithstanding his incessant attacks upon the President and the measures of his government. Washington might well feel sensitive to these attacks, which Jefferson acknowl¬ edges were the more mischievous, from being planted on popular ground, on the universal love of the people to France and its cause. But he was not to be deterred by personal considerations from the strict line of his duty. He was aware that, in withstanding the public infatuation in re¬ gard to France, he was putting an unparalleled popularity at hazard; but he put it at hazard without hesitation; and, in so doing, set a magnanimous example for his successors in office to endeavor to follow. CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE Washington called to Mount Vernon—The case of the “Little Sarah” comes up in his Absence—Governor Mifflin determined to prevent her Departure—Rage of-Genet—Jefferson urges De¬ tention of the Privateer until the President’s Return—Evasive Assurance of Genet—Distrust of Hamilton and Knox—Wash¬ ington returns to Philadelphia—A Cabinet Council—Its De¬ termination communicated to Genet—The Vessel sails in De¬ fiance of it—Formation of the Democratic Society—The Recall of Genet determined on—The Ribald Lampoon—Washington’s Outburst In the latter part of July, Washington was suddenly called to Mount Vernon by the death of Mr. Whiting, the manager of his estates. During his brief absence from the seat of government occurred the case of the “Little Sarah.” 268 Worlds of U/ast?ir}$tor> Iruiq$ This was a British merchant vessel which had been captured by a French privateer, and brought into Philadelphia, where she had been armed and equipped for privateering; manned with one hundred and twenty men, many of them Ameri¬ cans, and her name changed into that of Jruip$ “But, at least,” cried Genet, “Congress are bound to see that the treaties are observed.” “No,” rejoined Jefferson. “There are very few cases, indeed, arising out of treaties which they can take notice of. The President is to see that treaties are observed. * ’ “If he decides against the treaty,” demanded Genet, “to whom is a nation to appeal?” “The constitution,” replied Jefferson, “has made the President the last appeal.” Genet, perfectly taken aback at finding his own igno¬ rance in the matter, shrugged his shoulders, made a bow, and said, “he would not compliment Mr. Jefferson on such a constitution!” He had now subsided into coolness and good humor, and the subject of the “Little Sarah” being resumed, Jefferson pressed her detention until the President’s return; intimating that her previous departure would be considered a very serious offense. Genet made no promise, but expressed himself very happy to be able to inform Mr. Jefferson that the vessel was not in a state of readiness; she had to change her posi¬ tion that day, he said, and fall down the river, somewhere about the lower end of the town, for the convenience of taking some things on board, and would not depart yet. When Jefferson endeavored to extort an assurance that she would await the President’s return, he evaded a direct committal, intimating, however, by look and gesture, that she would not be gone before that time. “But let me be¬ seech you,” said he, “not to permit any attempt to put men on board of her. She is filled with high-spirited patriots, and they will unquestionably resist. And there is no occa- Cffe of U/asl?ir)$toi? 271 gion, for I tell you she will not be ready to depart for some time.” Jefferson was accordingly impressed with the belief that the privateer would remain in the river until the President should decide on her case, and, on communicating this con¬ viction to the governor, the latter ordered the militia to be dismissed. Hamilton and Knox, on the other hand, were distrustful, and proposed the immediate erection of a battery on Mud Island, with guns mounted to fire at the vessel, and even to sink her, if she attempted to pass. Jefferson, however, refusing to concur in the measure, it was not adopted. The vessel, at that time, was at Gloucester Point, but soon fell down to Chester. Washington arrived at Philadelphia on the 11th of July; when papers requiring “instant attention” were put into his hands. They related to the case of the “Little Sarah,” and were from Jefferson, who, being ill with fever, had retired to his seat in the country. Nothing could ex¬ ceed the displeasure of Washington when he examined these papers. In a letter written to Jefferson, on the spur of the mo¬ ment, he puts these indignant queries: ‘‘ What is to be done in the case of the ‘Little Sarah,’ now at Chester? Is the minister of the French republic to set the acts of this govern' ment at defiance with impunity? And then threaten the executive with an appeal to the people! What must the world think of such conduct, and of the government of the United States in submitting to it? “These are serious questions. Circumstances press for decision, and, as you have had time to consider them (upon me they come unexpectedly), I wish to know your opinion 272 U/orks of U/ast?ir>$tor) Iruip<$ upon them, even before to-morrow, for the vessel may then be gone.” Mr. Jefferson, in a reply of the same date, informed the President of his having received assurance, that day, from Mr. Genet, that the vessel would not be gone before his (the President’s) decision. In consequence of this assurance of the French minister, no immediate measures of a coercive nature were taken with regard to the vessel; but, in a cabinet council held the next day, it was determined to detain in port all privateers which had been equipped within the United States by any of the belligerent powers. No time was lost in communicating this determination to Genet; but, in defiance of it, the vessel sailed on her cruise. It must have been a severe trial of W ashington’s spirit to see his authority thus braved and insulted, and to find that the people, notwithstanding the indignity thus offered to their chief magistrate, sided with the aggressors, and exulted in their open defiance of his neutral policy. About this time a society was formed under the auspices of the French minister and in imitation of the Jacobin clubs of Paris. It was called the Democratic Society, and soon gave rise to others throughout the Union; all taking the French side in the present questions. The term democrat, thenceforward, began to designate an ultra-republican. Fresh mortifications awaited Washington, from the dis¬ tempered state of public sentiment. The trial came on of Gideon Henfield, an American citizen, prosecuted under the advice of the Attorney-general, for having enlisted, at Charleston, on board of a French privateer which had brought prizes into the port of Philadelphia. The populace Cife of U/a8t?ip$toi) 273 took part with Henfield. He had enlisted before the proc¬ lamation of neutrality had been published, and even if he had enlisted at a later date, was he to be punished for en¬ gaging with their ancient ally, France, in the cause of liberty against the royal despots of Europe? His acquittal exposed Washington to the obloquy of having attempted a measure which the laws would not justify. It showed him, more¬ over, the futility of attempts at punishment for infractions of the rules proclaimed for the preservation of neutrality; while the clamorous rejoicing by which the acquittal of Henfield had been celebrated evinced the popular disposition to thwart the line of policy which he considered most calcu¬ lated to promote the public good. Nothing, however, could induce him to swerve from that policy. “I have consolation within,” said he, “that no earthly effort can deprive me of, and that is, that neither ambitious nor interested motives have influenced my conduct. The arrows of malevolence, therefore, however barbed and well-pointed, can never reach the most vulnerable part of me; though, while I am set up as a mark , they will be continually aimed.” * Hitherto Washington had exercised great forbearance toward the French minister, notwithstanding the little re¬ spect shown by the latter to the rights of the United States; but the official communications of Genet were becoming too offensive and insulting to be longer tolerated. Meetings of the heads of departments and the Attorney-general were held at the President’s on the 1st and 2d of August, in which the whole of the official correspondence and conduct of Genet was passed in review; and it was agreed that his recall should be desired. Jefferson recommended that the desire should be * Letter to Governor Lee. Sparks, x. 359. 274 U/or^g of U/as^if 7 ^tor> Iruir^ expressed with great delicacy; the others were for peremptory terms. Knox was for sending him off at once, but this prop¬ osition was generally scouted. In the end it was agreed that a letter should be written to Gouvemeur Morris, giving a statement of the case, with accompanying documents, that he might lay the whole before the executive council of France, and explain the reason for desiring the recall of Mr. Genet. It was proposed that a publication of the whole corre¬ spondence, and a statement of the proceedings, should be made by way of appeal to the people. This produced ani¬ mated debates. Hamilton spoke with great warmth in favor of an appeal. Jefferson opposed it. “Genet,” said he, “will appeal also; it will become a contest between the President and Genet. Anonymous writers will take it up. There will be the same difference of opinion in public as in our cabinet—there will be the same difference in Congress , for it must be laid before them. It would work, therefore, very unpleasantly at home. How would it work abroad?" “Washington, already weary and impatient under the in¬ cessant dissensions of his cabinet, was stung by the sugges¬ tion that he might be held up as in conflict with Genet, and subjected, as he had been, to the ribaldry of the press. At this unlucky moment Knox blundered forth with a specimen of the scandalous libels already in circulation; a pasquinade lately printed, called the Funeral of George "Washington, wherein the President was represented as placed upon the guillotine, a horrible parody on the late decapitation of the French king. “The President,” writes Jefferson, “now burst forth into one of those transports of passion beyond his control; inveighed against the personal abuse which had been bestowed upon him, and defied any man on earth to Cife of U/asl?ii}$toi) 275 produce a single act of his since he had been in the govern¬ ment that had not been done on the purest motives. “He had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of resigning his office, and that was every moment since. In the agony of his heart he declared that he had rather be in his grave than in his present situation; that he had rather be on his farm than to be made emperor of the world—and yet, he said, indignantly, they are charging me with wanting to be a king! “All were silent during this outburst of feeling—a pause ensued—it was difficult to resume the question. Washing¬ ton, however, who had recovered his equanimity, put an end to the difficulty. There was no necessity, he said, for deciding the matter at present; the propositions agreed to, respecting the letter to Mr. Morris, might be put into a train of execution, and, perhaps, events would show whether the appeal would be necessary or not.” * CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO Threatened Dissolution of the Cabinet—Action between the “Am¬ buscade” and “Boston”—Triumphant return of the former to New York—A French Fleet arrives same Day—Excitement of the People—Genet arrives in the midst of it—His enthusiastic Reception—Is informed by Jefferson of the Measures for his Recall—His Rage and Reply—Decline of his Popularity Washington had hitherto been annoyed and perplexed by having to manage a divided cabinet; he was now threat¬ ened with that cabinet’s dissolution. Mr. Hamilton had * Jefferson’s Works, ix. 164. 'Z7Q U/orks of U/as^ii 7 <$tor) Iruii?^ informed him, by letter, that private as well as public rea¬ sons had determined him to retire from office toward the close of the next session; probably with a view to give Congress an opportunity to examine into his conduct. Now came a letter from Mr. Jefferson, dated July 31st, in which he recalled the circumstances which had induced him to post¬ pone for a while his original intention of retiring from office at the close of the first four years of the republic. These circumstances, he observed, had now ceased to such a degree as to leave him free to think again of a day on which to withdraw; “at the close, therefore, of the ensuing month of September, I shall beg leave to retire to scenes of greater tranquillity from those for which I am every day more and more convinced that neither my talents, tone of mind, nor time of life fit me.” Washington was both grieved and embarrassed by this notification. Full of concern, he called upon Jefferson at his country residence near Philadelphia; pictured his deep distress at finding himself, in the present perplexing juncture of affairs, about to be deserted by those of his cabinet on whose counsel he had counted, and whose places he knew not where to find persons competent to supply; and, in his chagrin, again expressed his repentance that he himself had not resigned as he had once meditated. The public mind, he went on to observe, was in an alarm¬ ing state of ferment; political combinations of various kinds were forming; where all this would end he knew not. A new Congress was to assemble, more numerous than the last, perhaps of a different spirit; the first expressions of its sentiments would be important, and it would relieve him considerably if Jefferson would remain in office, if it were only until the end of the session. Cife of U/ast?ir)<$toi 7 m Jefferson, in reply, pleaded an excessive repugnance to public life; and, what seems to have influenced him more sensibly, the actual uneasiness of his position. He was obliged, he said, to move in exactly the circle which he knew to bear him peculiar hatred; “the wealthy aristocrats, the merchants connected closely with England; the newly- created paper fortunes.” Thus surrounded, his words were caught, multiplied, misconstrued, and even fabricated, and spread abroad to his injury. Mr. Jefferson pleaded, moreover, that the opposition of views between Mr. Hamilton and himself was peculiarly un¬ pleasant, and destructive of the necessary harmony. With regard to the republican party he was sure it had not a view which went to the frame of the government; he believed the next Congress would attempt nothing material but to render their own body independent; the maneuvers of Mr. Genet might produce some little embarrassment, but the repub¬ licans would abandon that functionary the moment they knew the nature of his conduct. Washington replied that he believed the views of the republican party to be perfectly pure: “but when men put a machine into motion,” said he, “it is impossible for them to stop it exactly where they would choose, or to say where it will stop. The constitution we have is an excellent one, if we can keep it where it is.” He again adverted to Jefferson’s constant suspicion that there was a party disposed to change the constitution into a monarchial form, declaring that there was not a man in the United States who would set his face more decidedly against such a change than himself. “No rational man in the United States suspects you of any other disposition,” cried Jefferson; “but there does not 278 U/orl^s of U/a&f?iQ<$top Irvipq pass a week in which we cannot prove declarations dropping from the monarchial party that our government is good for nothing; is a milk-and-water thing which cannot support itself; that we must knock it down and set up something with more energy.” “If that is the case,” rejoined Washington, “it is a proof of their insanity, for the republican spirit of the Union is so manifest and so solid that it is astonishing how any one can expect to move it.” We have only Jefferson’s account of this and other inter¬ esting interviews of a confidential nature which he had with the President, and we give them generally almost in his own words, through which, partial as they may have been, we discern Washington’s constant efforts to moderate the grow¬ ing antipathies between the eminent men whom he had sought to assist him in conducting the government. He continued to have the highest opinion of Jefferson’s abilities, his knowledge of foreign affairs, his thorough patriotism; and it was his earnest desire to retain him in his cabinet through the whole of the ensuing session of Congress; before the close of which he trusted the affairs of the country relating to foreign powers, Indian disturbances, and internal policy, would have taken a more decisive, and, it was to be hoped, agreeable form than they then had. A compromise was eventually made, according to which Jefferson was to be allowed a temporary absence in the autumn, and on his return was to continue in office until January. In the meantime Genet had proceeded to Hew York, which very excitable city was just then in a great agitation. The frigate “Ambuscade,” while anchored in the harbor, had been challenged to single combat by the British frigate “Boston,” Captain Courtney, which was cruising off the Cife of U/asf?ir)<$tor) 279 Hook. The challenge was accepted; a severe action ensued; Courtney was killed; and the “Boston,” much damaged, was obliged to stand for Halifax. The “Ambuscade” re- turned triumphant to Hew York, and entered the port amid the enthusiastic cheers of the populace. On the same day, a French fleet of fifteen sail arrived from the Chesapeake and anchored in the Hudson River. The officers and crews were objects of unbounded favor with all who inclined to the French cause. Bompard, the commander of the “Am¬ buscade,” was the hero of the day. Tri-colored cockades and tri-colored ribbons were to be seen on every side, and rude attempts to chant the Marseilles Hymn and the Car¬ magnole resounded through the streets. In the midst of this excitement, the ringing of bells and the firing of cannon announced that Citizen Genet was arrived at Powles Hook Ferry, directly opposite the city. There was an immediate assemblage of the republican party in the fields now called the Park. A committeee was appointed to escort Genet into the city. He entered it amid the almost frantic cheerings of the populace. Addresses were made to him expressing devoted attachment to the French republic, and abjuring all neutrality in regard to its heroic struggle. “The cause of France is the cause of America,” cried the enthusiasts; “it is time to distinguish its friends from its foes.” Genet looked around him. The tri-colored cockade figured in the hats of the shouting multitude; tri-colored ribbons fluttered from the dresses of females in the windows; the French flag was hoisted on the top of the Tontine Coffee * House (the City Exchange), surmounted by the cap of liberty. Can we wonder that what little discretion Genet possessed was completely overborne by this tide of seeming popularity? In the midst of his self-gratulation and complacency, 280 U/or^s of U/a8l?ir><5tor> IruiQ<$ however, he received a letter from Mr. Jefferson (Sept. 15th), acquainting him with the measures taken to procure his recall, and inclosing a copy of the letter written for that purpose to the American minister at Paris. It was added that, out of anxious regard lest the interests of France might suffer, the Executive would, in the meantime, receive his (M. Genet’s) communications in writing, and admit the continuance of his functions so long as they should be re¬ strained within the law as theretofore announced to him, and should be of the tenor usually observed toward inde¬ pendent nations, by the representative of a friendly power residing with them. The letter of the Secretary of State threw Genet into a violent passion, and produced a reply (Sept. 18th), written while he was still in a great heat. In this he attributed his disfavor with the American government to the machinations of “those gentlemen who had so often been represented to him as aristocrats, partisans of monarchy, partisans of Eng¬ land and her constitution, and consequently enemies of the principles which all good Frenchmen had embraced with religious enthusiasm.” “These persons,” he said, “alarmed by the popularity which the zeal of the American people for the cause of France had shed upon her minister; alarmed also by his inflexible and incorruptible attachment to the severe maxims of democracy, were striving to ruin him in his own country, after having united all their efforts to ca¬ lumniate him in the minds of their fellow-citizens.” “These people,” observes he, “instead of a democratic embassador, would prefer a minister of the ancient regime, very complaisant, very gentle, very disposed to pay court to people in office, to conform blindly to everything which flattered their views and projects; above all, to prefer to the Cife of U/asf?ii 7 <$tor) 281 sure and modest society of good farmers, simple citizens, and honest artisans, that of distinguished personages who speculate so patriotically in the public funds, in the lands, and the paper of government.” In his heat, Genet resented the part Mr. Jefferson had taken, notwithstanding their cordial intimacy, in the present matter, although this part had merely been the discharge of an official duty. “Whatever, sir,” writes Genet, “may be the result of the exploit of which you have rendered your¬ self the generous instrument, after having made me believe that you were my friend, after having initiated me in the mysteries which have influenced my hatred against all those who aspire to absolute power, there is an act of justice which the American people, which the French people, which all free people are interested in demanding; it is, that a par¬ ticular inquiry should be made, in the approaching Congress, into the motives which have induced the chief of the execu¬ tive power of the United States to take upon himself to de¬ mand the recall of a public minister, whom the sovereign people of the United States have received fraternally and recognized, before the diplomatic forms had been fulfilled in respect to him at Philadelphia.” The wrongs of which Genet considered himself entitled to complain against the executive commenced before his introduction to that functionary. It was the proclamation of neutrality which first grieved his spirit. “I was ex¬ tremely wounded,” writes he, “that the President of the United States should haste, before knowing what I had to transmit on the part of the French republic, to proclaim sentiments over which decency and friendship should at least have thrown a veil.” He was grieved, moreover, that on his first audience the 282 U/or^s of U/a8^ip^tor> Iruii?$ President had spoken only of the friendship of the United States for France, without uttering a word or expressing a single sentiment in regard to its revolution, although all the towns, all the villages from Charleston to Philadelphia, had made the air resound with their ardent voices for the French republic. And what further grieved his spirit was to observe “that this first magistrate of a free people had decorated his saloon with certain medallions of Capet [mean¬ ing Louis XVI.] and his family, which served in Paris for rallying signs. ’ ’ v We forbear to cite further this angry and ill-judged letter. Unfortunately for Genet’s ephemeral popularity, a rumor got abroad that he had expressed a determination to appeal from the President to the people. This at first was con¬ tradicted, but was ultimately established by a certificate of Chief-justice Jay, and Mr. Rufus King, of the United States Senate, which was published in the papers. The spirit of audacity thus manifested by a foreign minis¬ ter shocked the national pride. Meetings were held in every part of the Union to express the public feeling in the matter. In these meetings the proclamation of neutrality and the system of measures flowing from it were sustained, partly from a conviction of their wisdom and justice, but more from an undiminished affection for the person and character of Washington; for many who did not espouse his views were ready to support him in the exercise of his constitutional functions. The warm partisans of Genet, however, were the more vehement in his support from the temporary ascen¬ dency of the other party. They advocated his right to appeal from the Pesident to the people. The President, they argued, was invested with no sanctity to make such an act criminal. In a republican country the people were the real sovereigns. Cife of U/asbip^toiy 283 \ CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE Neutrality endangered by Great Britain—Her Ill-advised Measures —Detention of Vessels bound for France—Impressment of American Seamen—Persistence in holding the Western Posts —Congress assembles in December—The President’s opening Speech—His Censure of Genet—The Vice-President’s Allusion to it—The Administration in a Minority in the House—Procla¬ mation of Neutrality sustained—Jefferson’s Report—Retires from the Cabinet—His parting Rebuke to Genet—His Char¬ acter of Washington While the neutrality of the United States, so jealously guarded by Washington, was endangered by the intrigues of the French minister, it was put to imminent hazard by ill-advised measures of the British cabinet. There was such a scarcity in France, in consequence of the failure of the crops, that a famine was apprehended. England, availing herself of her naval ascendency, deter¬ mined to increase the distress of her rival by cutting off all her supplies from abroad. In June, 1798, therefore, her cruisers were instructed to detain all vessels bound to France with cargoes of corn, flour, or meal, take them into port, un¬ load them, purchase the cargoes, make a proper allowance for the freight, and then release the vessels; or to allow the masters of them, on a stipulated security, to dispose of their cargoes in a port in amity with England. This measure gave umbrage to all parties in the United States, and brought out an earnest remonstrance from the government, as being a violation of the law of neutrals, and indefensible on any proper construction of the law of nations. 284 U/or^s of U/as^iQ^tor) Iruir}$ Another grievance which helped to swell the tide of re¬ sentment against Great Britain was the frequent impress¬ ment of American seamen, a wrong to which they were particularly exposed from national similarity. To these may be added the persistence of Great Britain in holding the posts to the south of the lakes, which, accord¬ ing to treaty stipulations, ought to have been given up. Washington did not feel himself in a position to press our rights under the treaty with the vigorous hand that some would urge; questions having risen, in some of the State courts, to obstruct the fulfillment of our part of it, which regarded the payment of British debts contracted before the war. The violent partisans of France thought nothing of these shortcomings on our own part, and would have had the forts seized at once; but Washington considered a scrupulous dis¬ charge of our own obligations the necessary preliminary, should so violent a measure be deemed advisable. His pru¬ dent and conscientious conduct in this particular, so in uni¬ son with the impartial justice which governed all his actions, was cited by partisan writers, as indicative of his preference of England to “our ancient ally.” The hostilities of the Indians north of the Ohio, by many attributed to British wiles, still continued. The attempts at an amicable negotiation had proved as fruitless as Washing¬ ton had anticipated. The troops under Wayne had, there¬ fore, taken the field to act offensively; but, from the lateness of the season, had formed a winter camp near the site of the present city of Cincinnati, whence Wayne was to open his campaign in the ensuing spring. Congress assembled on the 2d of December (1793), with various causes of exasperation at work; the intrigues of Cife of U/asfyir)<$tor) 285 Genet and the aggressions of England uniting to aggravate to a degree of infatuation the partiality for France, and ren¬ der imminent the chance of a foreign war. Washington, in his opening speech, after expressing his deep and respectful sense of the renewed testimony of public approbation manifested in his re-election, proceeded to state the measures he had taken, in consequence of the war in Eu¬ rope, to protect the rights and interests of the United States, and maintain peaceful relations with the belligerent parties. Still he pressed upon Congress the necessity of placing the country in a condition of complete defense. “The United States,” said he, “ought not to indulge a persuasion that, contrary to the order of human events, they will forever keep at’a distance those painful appeals to arms with which the history of every nation abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations, which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult we must be able to repel it; if we de¬ sire to secure peace—one of the most powerful instruments of our prosperity—it must be known that we are, at all times, ready for war.” In the spirit of these remarks, he urged measures to increase the amount of arms and ammu¬ nition in the arsenals, and to improve the militia establish¬ ment. One part of his speech conveyed an impressive admoni¬ tion to the House of Representatives: “No pecuniary con¬ sideration is more urgent than the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt; in none can delay be more in¬ jurious, or an economy of time more valuable.” The neces¬ sity of augmenting the public revenue in a degree commen¬ surate with the objects suggested was likewise touched upon. In concluding his speech, he endeavored to impress upon 286 U/or^s of U/asf?ir}<$tor) Iruir)$ his hearers the magnitude of their task, the important inter* ests confided to them, and the conscientiousness that should reign over their deliberations. “Without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of senti¬ ment, its dignity may be lost. But, as the legislative pro¬ ceedings of the United States will never, I trust, be re¬ proached for the want of temper or of candor, so shall not the public happiness languish for the want of my strenuous and warmest co-operation. ’ 9 In a message to both Houses, on the 5th of December, concerning foreign relations, Washington spoke feelingly with regard to those with the representative and executive bodies of France: “It is with extreme concern I have to in¬ form you that the proceedings of the person whom they have unfortunately appointed their minister plenipotentiary here, have breathed nothing of the friendly spirit of the nation which sent him; their tendency, on the contrary, has been to involve us in war abroad, and discord and anarchy at home. So far as his acts, or those of his agents, have threat¬ ened our immediate commitment in the war, or flagrant in¬ sult to the authority of the laws, their effect has been coun¬ teracted by the ordinary cognizance of the laws, and by an exertion of the powers confided to me. Where their danger was not imminent, they have been borne with, from senti¬ ments of regard for his nation; from a sense of their friend¬ ship toward us; from a conviction that they would not suffer us to remain long exposed to the action of a person who has so little respected our mutual dispositions; and I will add from a reliance on the firmness of my fellow-citizens in their principles of peace and order.” John Adams, speaking of this passage of the message. Cife of U/a8l?ii?<$tor) 287 says: “The President has given Genet a bolt of thunder.” He questioned, however, whether Washington would be sup¬ ported in it by the two Houses—“although he stands, at present, as high in the admiration and confidence of the people as ever he did, I expect he will find many bitter and desperate enemies arise in consequence of his just judg¬ ment against Genet.” * In fact, the choice of Speaker showed that there was a majority of ten against the administration in the House of Representatives; yet it was manifest, from the affectionate answer on the 6th, of the two Houses, to Washington’s speech, and the satisfaction expressed at his re-election, that he was not included in the opposition which, from this act, appeared to await his political system. The House did jus¬ tice to the purity and patriotism of the motives which had prompted him again to obey the voice of his country, when called by it to the Presidential chair. “ It is to virtues which have commanded long and universal reverence, and services from which have flowed great and lasting benefits, that the tribute of praise may be paid without the reproach of flat¬ tery ; and it is from the same sources that the fairest antici¬ pations may be derived in favor of the public happiness.” Notwithstanding the popular ferment in favor of France, both Houses seemed to have approved the course pursued by Washington in regard to that country; and as to his procla¬ mation of neutrality, while the House approved of it in guarded terms, the Senate pronounced it a “measure well- timed and wise; manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and calculated to promote it.” Early in the session, Mr. Jefferson, in compliance with a * Letter to Mrs. Adams. Life, vol. i., p. 460. 288 U/orks of U/as^iQ^tor) Iruffi<$ requisition which the House of Representatives had made, Feb. 23, 1791, furnished an able and comprehensive report of the state of trade of the United States with different coun¬ tries; the nature and extent of exports and imports, and the amount of tonnage of the American shipping: specifying, also, the various restrictions and prohibitions by which our commerce was embarrassed, and, in some instances, almost ruined. “Two methods,” he said, “presented themselves, by which these impediments might be removed, modified, or counteracted—friendly arrangement or countervailing legislation. Friendly arrangements were preferable with all who would come into them, and we should carry into such arrangements all the liberality and spirit of accommo¬ dation which the nature of the case would admit. But, * * he adds, “should any nation continue its system of prohibitive duties and regulations, it behooves us to protect our citizens, their commerce and navigation, by counter prohibitions, du¬ ties, and regulations.” To effect this, he suggested a series of legislative measures of a retaliatory kind.* "With this able and elaborate report, Jefferson closed his labors as Secretary of State. His last act was a kind of parting gun to Mr. Genet. This restless functionary had, on the 20th of December, sent to him translations of the in¬ structions given him by the executive council of France; de-, siring that the President would lay them officially before both Houses of Congress, and proposing to transmit, succes¬ sively, other papers to be laid before them in like manner. Jefferson, on the 31st of December, informed Genet that he had laid his letter and its accompaniments before the President. “I have it in charge to observe,” adds he, “that * See Jefferson’s Works, vol. vii. Cife of UfastyqqtOT) 289 your functions as the missionary of a foreign nation here are confined to the transactions of the affairs of your nation with the Executive of the United States; that the communications which are to pass between the executive and legislative branches cannot be a subject for your interference, and that the President must be left to judge for himself what matters his duty or the public good may require him to propose to the deliberations of Congress. I have, therefore, the honor of returning you the copies sent for distribution, and of be¬ ing, with great respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.” Such was Jefferson’s dignified rebuke of the presumptu¬ ous meddling of Genet, and indeed his whole course of offi¬ cial proceedings with that minister, notwithstanding his per¬ sonal intimacy with him and his strong French partialities, is worthy of the highest approbation. Genet, in fact, who had calculated on Jefferson’s friendship, charged him openly with having a language official and a language confidential; but it certainty was creditable to him, as a public functionary in a place of high trust, that, in his official transactions, he could rise superior to individual prejudices and partialities, and consult only the dignity and interests of his country. Washington had been especially sensible of the talents and integrity displayed by Jefferson during the closing year of his secretaryship, and particularly throughout this French perplexity, and had recently made a last attempt, but an un¬ successful one, to persuade him to remain in the cabinet. On the same day with his letter to Genet, Jefferson ad dressed one to Washington, reminding him of his having post¬ poned his retirement from office until the end of the annual year. “That term being now arrived,” writes he, “and my propensities to retirement becoming daily more and more ir- Vol. XV.—* * * 13 290 U/orl^s of U/asl?i[)<$toi) Iruir?<$ resistible, I now take the liberty of resigning the office into your hands. Be pleased to accept it with my sincere thanks for all the indulgences which you have been so good as to exercise toward me in the discharge of its duties. Conscious that my need of them has been great, I have still ever found them greater, without any other claim on my part than a firm pursuit of what has appeared to me to be right, and a thorough disdain of all means which were not as open and honorable as their object was pure. I carry into my retire¬ ment a lively sense of your goodness, and shall continue gratefully to remember it.” The following was Washington’s reply: “Since it has been impossible to prevent you to forego any longer the in¬ dulgence of your desire for private life, the event, however anxious I am to avert it, must be submitted to. “But I cannot suffer you to leave your station without assuring you that the opinion which I had formed of your integrity and talents, and which dictated your original nomi¬ nation, has been confirmed by the fullest experience, and that both have been eminently displayed in the discharge of your duty.” The place thus made vacant in the cabinet was filled by Mr. Edmund Randolph, whose office of Attorney-general was conferred on Mr. William Bradford, of Pennsylvania. No one seemed to throw off the toils of office with more delight than Jefferson; or to betake himself with more devo¬ tion to the simple occupations of rural life. It was his boast, in a letter to a friend, written some time after his return to Monticello, that he had seen no newspaper since he had left Philadelphia, and he believed he should never take another newspaper of any sort. “I think it is Montaigne,” writes he, “who has said that ignorance is the softest pillow on Cife of U/asf>ii}<2toi) 201 which a man can rest his head. I am snre it is true as to everything political, and shall endeavor to estrange myself to everything of that character.” Yet the very next sen¬ tence shows the lurking of the old party feud. “I indulge myself in one political topic only—that is, in declaring to my countrymen the shameless corruption of a portion of the rep¬ resentatives of the first and second Congresses, and their implicit devotion to the treasury .” * We subjoin his comprehensive character of Washington, the result of long observation and cabinet experience, and written in after years, when there was no temptation to insincere eulogy: “His integrity was most pure; his justice the most in¬ flexible I have ever known; no motives of interest or con¬ sanguinity, of friendship or hatred, being able to bias his decision. He was, indeed, in every sense of the word, a wise, a good, and a great man.” CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR Debate on Jefferson’s Report on Commercial Intercourse—A Naval Force proposed for the Protection of Commerce against Pirat¬ ical Cruisers—Further Instances of the Audacity of Genet—His Recall—Arrival of his Successor—Irritation excited by British Captures of American Vessels—Preparations for Defense—Em¬ bargo—Intense Excitement at “British Spoliations’’—Partisans of France in the ascendant—A Chance for Accommodating Difficulties—Jefferson’s Hopes of Reconciliation—The War Cry uppermost—Washington determines to send a Special Envoy to the British Government—Jefferson’s Letter to Tench Coxe Public affairs were becoming more and more compli¬ cated, and events in Europe were full of gloomy portent. * Letter to E. Randolph. Works, iv. 103. 292 U/or^s of U/asfyii)<$tor) Iruir?<$ “The news of this evening,” writes John Adams to his wife, on the 9th of January, “is that the queen of France is no more. When will savages be satisfied with blood? No pros¬ pect of peace in Europe, therefore none of internal harmony in America. We cannot well be in a more disagreeable situ¬ ation than we are with all Europe, with all Indians, and with all Barbary rovers. Nearly one half of the continent is in constant opposition to the other, and the President’s situa¬ tion, which is highly responsible, is very distressing.” Adams speaks of having had two hours’ conversation with Washington alone in his cabinet, but intimates that he could not reveal the purport of it, even by a hint; it had satisfied him, however, of Washington’s earnest desire to do right; his close application to discover it, and his deliberate and comprehensive view of our affairs with all the world. “The anti-federalists and the Frenchified zealots,” adds Adams, “have nothing now to do that I can conceive of but to ruin his character, destroy his peace, and injure his health. He supports all their attacks with firmness, and his health appears to be very good.” * The report of Mr. Jefferson on commercial intercourse was soon taken up in the House, in a committee of the whole. A series of resolutions based on it, and relating to the privileges and restrictions of the commerce of the United States, were introduced by Mr. Madison, and became the subject of a warm and acrimonious debate. The report up¬ held the policy of turning the course of trade from England to France, by discriminations in favor of the latter; and the resolutions were to the same purport. The idea was to op¬ pose commercial resistance to commercial injury; to enforce * Life of John Adams, vol. i., p. 461. Cife of U/asf?ir}<$tor} 293 a perfect commercial equality by retaliating impositions, as¬ suming that the commercial system of Great Britain was hostile to the United States—a position strongly denied by some of the debaters. Though the subject was, or might seem to be, of a purely commercial nature, it was inevitably mixed up with political considerations, according as a favorable inclination to Eng¬ land or France was apprehended. The debate waxed warm as- it proceeded, with a strong infusion of bitterness. Fisher Ames stigmatized the resolutions as having French stamped upon the very face of them. Whereupon Colonel Parker, of Virginia, wished that there were a stamp on the forehead of every one to designate whether he were for France or Eng¬ land. For himself, he would not be silent and hear that na¬ tion abused to whom America was indebted for her rank as a nation. There was a burst of applause in the gallery; but the indecorum was rebuked by the galleries being cleared. The debate, which had commenced on the 13th of Janu¬ ary (1794), was protracted to the 3d of February, when the question being taken on the first resolution, it was carried by a majority of only five, so nearly were parties divided. The further consideration of the remaining resolutions was post¬ poned to March, when it was resumed, but, in consequence of the new complexion of affairs, was suspended without a decision. The next legislative movement was also productive of a warm debate, though connected with a subject which ap¬ pealed to the sympathies of the whole nation. Algerine cor¬ sairs had captured eleven American merchant vessels, and upward of one hundred prisoners, and the regency mani¬ fested a disposition for further outrages. A bill was intro¬ duced into Congress proposing a force of six frigates to pro- 294 U/or^s of U/asl?ii)$tor) Irvip$ tect the commerce of the United States against the cruisers of this piratical power. The bill met with strenuous opposi¬ tion. The force would require time to prepare it; and would then be insufficient. It might be laying the foundation of a large permanent navy and a great public debt. It would be cheaper to purchase the friendship of Algiers with money, as was done by other nations of superior maritime force, or to purchase the protection of those nations. It seems hardly credible at the present day that such policy could have been urged before an American Congress, without provoking a burst of scorn and indignation; yet it was heard without any emotion of the kind; and, though the bill was eventually passed by both Houses, it was but by a small majority. It received the hearty assent of the President. In the course of this session, fresh instances had come be¬ fore the government of the mischievous activity and audac¬ ity of Genet; showing that, not content with compromising the neutrality of the United States at sea, he was attempting to endanger it by land. From documents received, it ap¬ peared that in November he had sent emissaries to Ken¬ tucky, to enroll American citizens in an expedition against New Orleans and the Spanish possessions; furnishing them with blank commissions for the purpose.* It was an enter¬ prise in which the adventurous people of that State were ready enough to embark, through enthusiasm for the French nation and impatience at the delay of Spain to open the navi¬ gation of the Mississippi. Another expedition was to pro¬ ceed against the Floridas; men for the purpose to be enlisted at the South, to rendezvous in Georgia, and to be aided by a body of Indians and by a French fleet, should one arrive on the coast. * American State Papers, ii. 36. Clfe of U/asl?i9^tOQ 29o A proclamation from Governor Moultrie checked all such enlistments in South Carolina, but brought forth a letter from Genet to Mr. Jefferson, denying that he had endeavored to raise an armed force in that State for the service of the re¬ public: “At the same time,” adds he, “I am too frank to conceal from you that, authorized by the French nation to deliver brevets to such of your fellow-citizens who feel ani¬ mated by a desire to serve the fairest of causes, I have ac¬ corded them to several brave republicans of South Carolina, whose intention appeared to me to be, in expatriating them¬ selves, to go among the tribes of independent Indians, an¬ cient friends and allies of France, to inflict, if they could, in concert with them, the harm to Spaniards and Englishmen which the governments of those two nations had the base¬ ness to do for a long time to your fellow citizens, under the name of these savages, the same as they have done recently under that of the Algerines.” Documents relating to these transactions were communi¬ cated to Congress by Washington early in January. But, though the expedition set on foot in South Carolina had been checked, it was subsequently reported that the one in Ken¬ tucky against Louisiana was still in progress and about to descend the Ohio. These schemes showed such determined purpose, on the part of Genet, to undermine the peace of the United States, that Washington, without waiting a reply to the demand for his recall, resolved to keep no further terms with that head¬ long diplomat. The dignity, possibly the safety of the United States, depended upon immediate measures. In a cabinet council it was determined to supersede Ge¬ net’s diplomatic functions, deprive him of the consequent privileges, and arrest his person; a message to Congress, 296 U/orl^s of U/as^ip^tor) Iruir)<$ avowing such determination, was prepared, but at this crit¬ ical juncture came dispatches from Gouverneur Morris, an¬ nouncing Genet’s recall. The French minister of foreign affairs had, in fact, repro¬ bated the conduct of Genet as unauthorized by his instruc¬ tions and deserving of punishment, and Mr. Fauchet, secre¬ tary of the executive council, was appointed to succeed him. Mr. Fauchet arrived in the United States in February. About this time vigilance was required to guard against wrongs from an opposite quarter. We have noticed the or¬ ders issued by Great Britain to her cruisers in June, 1793, and the resentment thereby excited in the United States. On the 6th of the following month of November, she had given them additional instructions to detain all vessels laden with the produce of any colony belonging to France, or carrying supplies to any such colony, and to bring them, with their cargoes, to British ports, for adjudication in the British courts of admiralty. Captures of American vessels were taking place in con¬ sequence of these orders, and heightening public irritation. They were considered indicative of determined hostility on the part of Great Britain, and they produced measures in Congress preparatory to an apprehended state of war. An embargo was laid, prohibiting all trade from the United States to any foreign place for the space of thirty days, and vigorous preparations for defense were adopted with but little opposition. On the 27th of March, resolutions were moved that all debts due to British subjects be sequestered and paid into the treasury, as a fund to indemnify citizens of the United States for depredations sustained from British cruisers, and that all intercourse with Great Britain be interdicted until she Cife of U/asfyip^toQ 29? had made compensation for these injuries, and until she should make surrender of the Western posts. The popular excitement was intense. Meetings were held on the subject of British spoliations. “Peace or war” was the absorbing question. The partisans of France were now in the ascendent. It was scouted as pusillanimous any longer to hold terms with England. “No doubt,” said they, “she despises the proclamation of neutrality, as an evidence of timidity; every motive of self-respect calls on the people of the United States to show a proper spirit.” It was suggested that those who were in favor of resisting British aggressions should mount the tri-colored cockade; and forthwith it was mounted by many; while a democratic society was formed to correspond with the one at Philadel¬ phia, and aid in giving effect to these popular sentiments. While the public mind was in this inflammable state, Washington received advices from Mr. Pinckney, the Amer¬ ican minister in London, informing him that the British ministry had issued instructions to the commanders of armed vessels, revoking those of the 6th of November, 1793. Lord Grenville, also, in conversation with Mr. Pinckney, had explained the real motives for that order, showing that, however oppressive in its execution, it had not been intended for the special vexation of American commerce. Washington laid Pinckney’s letter before Congress on the 4th of April. It had its effects on both parties; federalists saw in it a chance of accommodating difficulties, and, there¬ fore, opposed all measures calculated to irritate; the other party did not press their belligerent propositions to any immediate decision, but showed no solicitude to avoid a rupture. Jefferson, though reputed to be the head of the French ll/or^s of U/asl?ir?<$t:or) Iruii?^ 293 party, avowed in a letter to Madison his hope that war would not result, but that justice would be obtained in a peaceable way; * and he repeats the hope in a subsequent letter. “My countrymen,” writes he, “are groaning under the insuits of Great Britain. I hope some means will turn up of recon¬ ciling our faith and honor with peace. I confess to you, I have seen enough of one war never to wish to see another.” f “ ’Tis as great an error,” writes Hamilton, at the same time, “for a nation to overrate as to underrate itself. Pre¬ sumption is as great a fault as timidity. ’Tis our error to overrate ourselves and underrate Great Britain; we forget how little we can annoy, how much we may be annoyed. ’ ’ X The war cry, however, is too obvious a means of popular excitement to be readily given up. Busy partisans saw that the feeling of the populace was belligerent, and every means were taken by the press and the democratic societies to exas¬ perate this feeling; according to them the crisis called, not for moderation, but for decision, for energy. Still to adhere to a neutral position would argue tameness—cowardice! Washington, however, was too morally brave to be clamored out of his wise moderation by such taunts. He resolved to prevent a war, if possible, by an appeal to British justice, to be made through a special envoy, who should represent to the British government the injuries we had sustained from it in various ways, and should urge indemnification. The measure was decried by the party favorable to France, as an undue advance to the British government; but they were still more hostile to it when it was rumored * Jefferson’s Works, vol. iv., p. 102. t lb., vol. iv., p. 104. Letter to John Adams. 1 Hamilton’s Works, iv. 528. Cife of U/asl?iQ<$tor} 299 that Hamilton was to be chosen for the mission. A member of the House of Representatives addressed a strong letter to the President, deprecating the mission, but especially the reputed choice of the envoy. James Monroe, also, at that time a member of the Senate, remonstrated against the nomination of Hamilton, as injurious to the public interest, and to the interest of Washington himself, and offered to explain his reasons to the latter in a private interview. Washington declined the interview, but requested Mr. Monroe, if possessed of any facts which would disqualify Mr. Hamilton for the mission, to communicate them to him in writing. “Colonel Hamilton and others have been mentioned,” adds he, “but no one is yet absolutely decided upon in my mind. But as much will depend, among other things, upon the abilities of the person sent, and his knowledge of the affairs of this country, and as I alone am responsible for a proper nomination, it certainly behooves me to name such a one as, in my judgment, combines the requisites for a mis¬ sion so peculiarly interesting to the peace and happiness of this country.” Hamilton, however, aware of the “collateral obstacles” which existed with respect to himself, had resolved to advise Washington to drop him from the consideration, and to fix upon another character; and recommended John Jay, the Chief-justice of the United States, as the man whom it would be advisable to send. “I think,” writes he, “the business would have the best chance possible in his hands, t and I flatter myself that his mission would issue in a man¬ ner that would produce the most important good to the nation.” * * Hamilton’s Works, vol. iv., p. 531. 300 U/orl^s of U/asOio^tor) Iruir)^ Mr. Jay was the person ultimately chosen. Washington, in his message, thus nominating an additional envoy to Great Britain, expressed undiminished confidence in the minister actually in London. “But a mission like this,” observes he, “while it corresponds with the solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for a friendly adjust¬ ment of our complaints and a reluctance to hostility. Going immediately from the United States, such an envoy will carry with him a full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility of our country, and will thus be taught to vindi¬ cate our rights with firmness, and to cultivate peace with sincerity.” The nomination was approved by a majority of ten Senators. By this sudden and decisive measure Washington sought to stay the precipitate impulses of public passion; to give time to put the country into a complete state of defense, and to provide such other measures as might be necessary if negotiation, in a reasonable time, should prove unsuccessful.* Notwithstanding the nomination of the envoy, the resolu¬ tion to cut off all intercourse with Great Britain passed the House of Representatives, and was only lost in the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice-President, which was given, according to general belief, “not from a disinclination to the ulterior expedience of the measure, but from a desire,” pre¬ viously, “to try the effect of negotiation,” f While Washington was thus endeavoring to steer the vessel of State amid the surges and blasts which were threat¬ ening on every side, Jefferson, who had hauled out of the * Letter to Edmund Randolph. Writings, x. 403. f Washington to Tobias Lear. Idem., 401. Cife of U/asfyip^tor} soi storm, writes serenely from his retirement at Monticello, to his friend Tench Coxe, at Paris: “Your letters give a comfortable view of French affairs, and later events seem to confirm it. Over the foreign powers 1 am convinced they will triumph completely, and I cannot but hope that that triumph, and the consequent disgrace of the invading tyrants, is destined, in order of events, to kindle the wrath of Europe against those who have dared to embroil them in such wickedness, and to bring, at length, kings, nobles and priests to the scaffolds which they have been so long deluging with human blood. I am still warm when¬ ever I think of these scoundrels, though I do it as seldom as I can, preferring infinitely to contemplate the tranquil growth of my lucerne and potatoes. I have so completely withdrawn myself from these spectacles of usurpation and misrule, that I do not take a single newspaper, nor read one a month; and I feel myself infinitely the happier for it.”* CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE James Monroe appointed Minister to France in place of Gouverneur Morris recalled—His Reception—Pennsylvania Insurrection— Proclamation of Washington—Perseverance of the Insurgents —Second Proclamation—The President proceeds against them —General Morgan—Lawrence Lewis—Washington arranges a Plan of Military Operations—Returns to Philadelphia, leav¬ ing Lee in Command—Submission of the Insurgents—The Presi¬ dent’s Letter on the Subject to Jay, Minister at London The French government having so promptly complied with the wishes of the American government in recalling * Works, iv. 104. 803 U/or^s of U/as^ip^top Iruip$ Citizen Genet, requested, as an act of reciprocity, the recall of Gouverneur Morris, whose political sympathies were con¬ sidered highly aristocratical. The request was granted accordingly, but Washington, in a letter to Morris, notify¬ ing him of his being superseded, assured him of his own undiminished confidence and friendship. James Monroe, who was appointed in his place, arrived at Paris in a moment of great reaction. Robespierre had terminated his bloody career on the scaffold, and the reign of terror was at an end. The new minister from the United States was received in public by the Convention. The senti¬ ments expressed by Monroe, on delivering his credentials, were so completely in unison with the feelings of the moment that the President of the Convention embraced him with emotion, and it was decreed that the American and French flags should be entwined and hung up in the hall of the Convention, in sign of the union and friendship of the two republics. Chiming in with the popular impulse, Monroe presented the American flag to the Convention, on the part of his country. It was received with enthusiasm, and a decree was passed that the national flag of France should be trans¬ mitted, in return, to the government of the United States. Washington, in the meantime, was becoming painfully aware that censorious eyes at home were keeping a watch upon his administration, and censorious tongues and pens were ready to cavil at every measure. “The affairs of this country cannot go wrong ,’ 9 writes he ironically to Gouver¬ neur Morris; “there are so many ivatchful guardians of them , and such infallible guides, that no one is at a loss for a director at every turn.” This is almost the only instance of irony to be found in Cife of U/a&l?iQ<$toi} 303 bis usually plain, direct correspondence, and to us is mourn¬ fully suggestive of that soreness and weariness of heart with which he saw his conscientious policy misunderstood or mis¬ represented, and himself becoming an object of party hostility. Within three weeks after the date of this letter, an insur¬ rection broke out in the western part of Pennsylvania on account of the excise law. We have already mentioned the riotous opposition this law had experienced. Bills of indict¬ ment had been found against some of the rioters. The marshal, when on the way to serve the processes issued by the court, was fired upon by armed men, and narrowly es¬ caped with his life. He was subsequently seized and com¬ pelled to renounce the exercise of his official duties. The house of General Nevil, inspector of the revenue, was assailed, but the assailants were repulsed. They assem¬ bled in greater numbers; the magistrates and militia officers shrank from interfering, lest it should provoke a general insurrection; a few regular soldiers were obtained from the garrison at Fort Pitt. There was a parley. The insurgents demanded that the inspector and his papers should be given up; and the soldiers march out of the house and ground their arms. The demand being refused, the house was attacked, the outhouses set on fire, and the garrison was compelled to surrender. The marshal and inspector finally escaped out of the country; descended the Ohio, and, by a circuitous route, found their way to the seat of government; bringing a lamentable tale of their misadventures. Washington deprecated the result of these outrageous proceedings. “If the laws are to be so trampled upon with impunity,” said he, “and a minority, a small one, too, is to dictate to the majority, there is an end put, at one stroke, to republican government.” 304 U/or^s of U/asi?ir}<$toi 7 Iruir?<$ It was intimated that the insurgent district could bring seven thousand men into the field. Delay would only swell the growing disaffection. On the 7th of August Washing¬ ton issued a proclamation, warning the insurgents to dis¬ perse, and declaring that if tranquillity were not restored before the 1st of September, force would be employed to compel submission to the laws. To show that this was not an empty threat, he, on the same day, made a requisition on the governors of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia for militia to compose an army of twelve thousand men; afterward augmented to fifteen thousand. In a letter to the Governor of Virginia (Light-horse Harry Lee), he says: “I consider this insurrection as the first formidable fruit of the Democratic Societies, brought forth, I believe, too prematurely for their own views, which may contribute to the annihilation of them. “That these societies were instituted by the artful and designing members (many of their body, I have no doubt, mean well, but know little of the real plan), primarily to sow among the people the seeds of jealousy and distrust of the government, by destroying all confidence in the administra¬ tion of it, and that these doctrines have been budding and blowing ever since, is not new to any one who is acquainted with the character of their leaders, and has been attentive to their maneuvers. I early gave it as my opinion to the confidential characters around me, that if these societies were not counteracted (not by prosecutions, the ready way to make them grow stronger), or did not fall into disesteem from the knowledge of their origin, and the views with which they had been instituted by their father, Genet, for purposes well known to the government, they would shake the govern¬ ment to its foundation.” Cife of U/asbffi^toi) 305 • The insurgents manifesting a disposition to persevere in their rebellious conduct, the President issued a second proclamation on the 25th of September, describing in forcible terms the perverse and obstinate spirit with which the lenient propositions of government had been met, and declaring his fixed purpose to reduce the refractory to obedience. Shortly after this he left Philadelphia for Carlisle, to join the army, then on its march to suppress the insurrection in the western part of Pennsylvania. Just as Washington was leaving Philadelphia, a letter was put into his hands from Major-general Morgan. The proclamation had roused the spirit of that Revolutionary veteran. He was on his way, he wrote, to join the expedi¬ tion against the insurgents, having command of a division of the Virginia militia, of which General Lee was com- mander-in-chief. Washington replied from Carlisle to his old companion in arms: “Although I regret the occasion which has called you into the field, I rejoice to hear you are there; and it is probable I may meet you at Port Cumberland, whither I shall proceed as soon as I see the troops at this rendezvous in condition to advance. At that place, or at Bedford, my ulterior resolution must be taken, either to advance with the troops into the insurgent counties of this State, or to return to Philadelphia for the purpose of meeting Congress the 3d of next month. “Imperious circumstances alone can justify my absence from the seat of government, while Congress are in session; but if these, from the disposition of the people in the refrac¬ tory counties, and the state of the information I expect to receive at the advanced posts, should appear to exist, the less must yield to the greater duties of my office, and I 306 U/or^s of U/asl?ii)<$tOQ Iruip$ shall cross the mountains with the troops; if not, I shall place the command of the combined force under the orders of Governor Lee of Virginia, and repair to the seat of government.’* We will here note that Lawrence Lewis, a son of Wash¬ ington’s sister, Mrs. Fielding Lewis, having caught the spirit of arms, accompanied Morgan as aid-de-camp, on this expe¬ dition. The prompt zeal with which he volunteered into the service of his country was, doubtless, highly satisfactory to his uncle, with whom, it will be seen, he was a great favorite. On the 9th of October Washington writes from Carlisle to the Secretary of State: “The insurgents are alarmed, but not yet brought to their proper senses. Every means is devised by them and their friends and associates, to induce a belief that there is no necessity for troops crossing the mountains; although we have information, at the same time, that part of the people there are obliged to embody them¬ selves, to repel the insults of another part.” On the 10th, the Pennsylvania troops set out from Car¬ lisle for their rendezvous at Bedford, and Washington pro¬ ceeded to Williamsport, thence to go on to Fort Cumberland, the rendezvous of the Virginia and Maryland troops. He arrived at the latter place on the 16th of October, and found a respectable force assembled from those States, and learned that fifteen hundred more from Virginia were at hand. All accounts agreed that the insurgents were greatly alarmed at the serious appearance of things. “I believe,” writes Washington, “the eyes of all the well-disposed people of this country will soon be opened, and that they will clearly see the tendency, if not the design, of the leader of the self- created societies. As far as I have heard them spoken of, it is with strong reprobation.” Cife of U/asl?ir}<$toi) 307 At Bedford he arranged matters and settled a plan of military operations. The Governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania were at the head of the troops of their respective States, but Governor Lee was to have the general command. This done, Washington prepared to shape his course for Philadelphia—“but not,” says he indignantly, “because the impertinence of Mr. Bache, or his correspon¬ dent, has undertaken to pronounce that I cannot, constitu¬ tionally, command the army, while Congress is in session.” In a letter to Governor Lee, on leaving him in command, he conveyed to the army the very high sense he entertained “of the enlightened and patriotic zeal for the constitution and the laws which had led them cheerfully to quit their families, homes, and the comforts of private life, to under¬ take, and thus far to perform, a long and fatiguing march, and to encounter and endure the hardships and privations of a military life.” “No citizen of the United States,” observes he, “can ever be engaged in a service more important to their country. It is nothing less than to consolidate and to preserve the blessings of that revolution which, at much expense of blood and treasure, constituted us a free and independent nation.” His parting admonition is—“that every officer and soldier will constantly bear in mind, that he comes to support the laws, and that it would be peculiarly unbecoming in him to be, in any way, the infractor of them; that the essential principles of a free government confine the province of the military, when called forth on such occasions, to these two objects: first, to combat and subdue all who may be found in arms in opposition to the national will and authority; secondly, to aid and support the civil magistrates in bringing offenders to justice. The dispensation of this justice belongs 308 U/orKs of U/a8t?ir)$tor) Iruffi^ to the civil magistrates; and let it ever be our pride and our glory to leave the sacred deposit there inviolate.” Washington pushed on for Philadelphia through deep roads and a three days’ rain, and arrived there about the last of October. Governor Lee marched with the troops in two divisions, amounting to fifteen thousand men, into the western counties of Pennsylvania. This great military array extinguished at once the kindling elements of a civil war, by making resistance desperate. At the approach of so over¬ whelming a force the insurgents laid down their arms, and gave assurance of submission, and craved the clemency of government. It was extended to them. A few were tried for treason, but were not convicted; but as some spirit of discontent was still manifest, Major-general Morgan was stationed with a detachment for the winter, in the disaffected region. The paternal care with which Washington watched, at all times, over the welfare of the country, was manifested in a letter to General Hamilton, who had remained with the army. “Press the governors to be pointed in ordering the officers under their respective commands to march back with their respective corps; and to see that the inhabitants meet with no disgraceful insults or injuries from them.” It must have been a proud satisfaction to Washington to have put down, without an effusion of blood, an insur¬ rection which, at one time, threatened such serious con¬ sequences. In a letter to Mr. Jay, who had recently gone minister to England, he writes: “The insurrection in the western counties of this State will be represented differently, according to the wishes of some and the prejudices of others, who may exhibit it as an evidence of what has been pre¬ dicted, ‘that we are unable to govern ourselves.’ Under Cife of U/asl?iQ<$tor) 309 this view of the subject, I am happy in giving it to you as the general opinion, that this event, having happened at the time it did, was fortunate, although it will be attended with considerable expense. ’ ’ After expressing his opinion that the “self-created so¬ cieties’ * who were laboring to effect some revolution in the government were the fomenters of these western disturbances, he adds: “It has afforded an occasion for the people of this country to shi/w their abhorrence of the result and their attachment to the constitution and the laws; for I believe that five times the number of militia that was required would have come forward, if it had been necessary, in support of them. “The spirit which blazed out on this occasion, as soon as the object was fully understood and the lenient measures of the government were made known to the people, deserves to be communicated. There are instances of general officers going at the head of a single troop, and of light companies; of field officers, when they came to the place of rendezvous, and found no command for them in that grade, turning into the ranks and proceeding as private soldiers, under their own captains; and of numbers, possessing the first fortunes in the country, standing in the ranks as private men, and marching day by day, with their knapsacks and haversacks at their backs, sleeping on straw with a single blanket in a soldier’s tent, during the frosty nights which we have had, by way of example to others. Nay, more, many young Quakers, of the first families, character, and property, not discouraged by the elders, have turned into the ranks and marched with the troops. “These things have terrified the insurgents, who had no conception that such a spirit prevailed; but while the thunder 310 U/or^s of U/asl?ii><$t 09 Iruir><$ only rumbled at a distance, were boasting of their strength and wishing for and threatening the militia by turns; inti¬ mating that the arms they should take from them would soon become a magazine in their hands.’’ CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX Washington’s Denunciation of Self-created Societies—Not relished by Congress—Campaign of General Wayne—Hamilton reports a Plan for the Redemption of the Public Debt—And retires from his Post as Secretary of the Treasury—Is succeeded by Oliver Wolcott—Resignation of Knox—Succeeded by Timothy Pickering—Close of the Session In his speech on the opening of Congress (November 19th), Washington, in adverting to the insurrection in West¬ ern Pennsylvania, did not hesitate to denounce “certain self- created societies” as “fomenters of it.” After detailing its commencement and progress, he observes: “While there is cause to lament that occurrences of this nature should have disgraced the name or interrupted the tranquillity of any part of our community, or should have diverted to a new application any portion of the public resources, there are not wanting real and substantial consolations for the misfortune. It has demonstrated that our prosperity rests on solid foundations; by furnishing an additional proof that my fellow-citizens understand the true principles of govern¬ ment and liberty; that they feel their inseparable union; that, notwithstanding all the devices which have been used to sway them from their interest and duty, they are now as ready to maintain the authority of the laws against licentious invasions, as they were to defend their rights against usurpa¬ tion. It has been a spectacle, displaying to the highest ad- Cife of U/asbffi^tOQ 311 vantage the value of republican government, to behold the most and least wealthy of our citizens standing in the same ranks as private soldiers; pre-eminently distinguished by being the army of the constitution; undeterred by a march of three hundred miles over rugged mountains, by the ap¬ proach of an inclement season, or by any other discourage¬ ment. Nor ought I to omit to acknowledge the efficacious and patriotic co-operation which I have experienced from the chief magistrates of the States to which my requisitions have been addressed. “To every description, indeed, of citizens, let praise be given; but let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depository of American happiness, the Constitution of the United States. Let them cherish it, too, for the sake of those who, from every clime, are daily seek¬ ing a dwelling in our land. And when, in the calm mo¬ ments of reflection, they shall have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has not been fomented by combinations of men, who, careless of consequences, and disregarding the unerring truth, that those who arouse cannot always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated from ignorance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government. ’ ’ This denunciation of the “self-created societies’’ was a bold step, by which he was sure to incur their resentment. It was not relished by some members of the Senate, but the majority gave it their approval. In the House, where the opposition party was most powerful, this passage of the Presi¬ dent’s speech gave rise to much altercation, and finally, the majority showed their disapprobation by passing it over in silence in the address voted in reply. 312 U/orks of U/asf?ir;<$toi) Iruii}$ The “self-created societies,” however, which had sprung up in various parts of the Union, had received their death¬ blow; they soon became odious in the public eye, and grad¬ ually disappeared; following the fate of the Jacobin clubs in France. It was with great satisfaction that Washington had been able to announce favorable intelligence of the campaign of General Wayne against the hostile Indians west of the Ohio. That brave commander had conducted it with a judgment and prudence little compatible with the hare-brained appella¬ tion he had acquired by his rash exploits during the Revolu¬ tion. Leaving his winter encampment on the Ohio in the spring (of 1794), he had advanced cautiously into the wild country west of it; skirmishing with bands of lurking sav¬ ages, as he advanced, and establishing posts to keep up com¬ munication and secure the transmission of supplies. It was not until the 8th of August that he arrived at the junction of the rivers Au Glaize and Miami, in a fertile and populous region, where the Western Indians had their most important villages. Here he threw up some works, which he named Fort Defiance. Being strengthened by eleven hundred mounted volunteers from Kentucky, his force exceeded that of the savage warriors who had collected to oppose him, which scarcely amounted to two thousand men. These, however, were strongly encamped in the vicinity of Fort Miami, a British post, about thirty miles distant, and far within the limits of the United States, and seemed prepared to give battle, expecting, possibly, to be aided by the British garrison. Wayne’s men were eager for a fight, but he, remembering the instructions of government, restrained his fighting propensities. In a letter to his old comrade Knox, Secretary of War, he writes: “Though now prepared to Cife of U/asf?ii)$tor) 313 strike, I have thought proper to make the enemy a last overture of peace, nor am I without hopes that they will listen to it.” His overture was ineffectual; or rather the reply he received was such as to leave him in doubt of the intentions of the enemy. He advanced, therefore, with the precautions he had hitherto observed, hoping to be met in the course of his march by deputies on peaceful missions. On the 20th, being arrived near to the enemy’s position, his advanced guard was fired upon by an ambush of the enemy concealed in a thicket, and was compelled to retreat. The general now ordered an attack of horse and foot upon the enemy’s position; the Indians were roused from their lair with the point of the bayonet; driven, fighting, for more than two miles, through thick woods, and pursued with great slaughter, until within gunshot of the British fort. “"We remained,” writes the general, “three days and nights on the banks of the Miami, in front of the field of battle, during which time all the houses and corn were consumed, or otherwise destroyed, for a considerable distance both above and below Fort Miami; and we were within pistol- shot of the garrison of that place, who were compelled to remain quiet spectators of this general devastation and con¬ flagration.” It was trusted that this decisive battle, and the wide ravages of villages and fields of corn with which it was suc¬ ceeded, would bring the Indians to their senses, and compel them to solicit the peace which they had so repeatedly rejected. In his official address to Congress, W ashington had urged the adoption of some definite plan for the redemption of the public debt. A plan was reported by Mr. Hamilton, 20th Vol. XY.- ; ***14 314 U/orl^g of U/asf?ir)<$tor) Iruir><^ January, 1795, which he had digested and prepared on the basis of the actual revenues, for the further support of public credit. The report embraced a comprehensive view of the system which he had pursued, and made some recommen¬ dations, which after much debate were adopted. So closed Mr. Hamilton’s labors as Secretary of the Treasury. He had long meditated a retirement from his post, the pay of which was inadequate to the support of his family, but had postponed it, first, on account of the accusations brought against him in the second Congress, and of which he awaited the investigation; secondly, in consequence of events which rendered the prospect of a con¬ tinuance of peace precarious. But these reasons no longer operating, he gave notice, on his return from the Western country, that on the last day of the ensuing month of January he should give in his resignation. He did so, and received the following note from Washington on the subject: “After so long an experience of your public services, I am naturally led, at this moment of your departure from office (which it ✓ has always been my wish to prevent), to review them. In every relation which you have borne to me, I have found that my confidence in your talents, exertions and integrity has been well placed. I the more freely render this testi¬ mony of my approbation, because I speak from opportunities of information which cannot deceive me, and which furnish satisfactory proof of your title to public regard. “My most earnest wishes for your happiness will attend you in your retirement, and you may assure yourself of the sincere esteem, regard and friendship of, dear sir, your affectionate,” etc.* * Writings, xi. 1G. Cife of U/as^ii^toi} 315 Hamilton’s reply manifests liis sense of the kindness of this letter. “As often as I may recall the vexations I have endured,” writes he, “your approbation will be a great and precious consolation. It was not without a struggle that I yielded to the very urgent motives which impelled me to relinquish a station in which I could hope to be in any degree instrumental in promoting the success of an administration under your direction. . . . Whatever may be my destina¬ tion hereafter, I entreat you to be persuaded (not the less from my having been sparing in professions) that I shall never cease to render a just tribute to those eminent and excellent qualities which have been already productive of so many blessings to your country; that you will always have my fervent wishes for your public and personal felicity, and that it will be my pride to cultivate a continuance of that esteem, regard and friendship of which you do me the honor to assure me. With true respect and affectionate attachment, I have the honor to be,” etc.* Hamilton was succeeded in office by Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut, a man of judgment and ability, who had served as Comptroller, and was familiar with the duties of the office. Knox likewise had given in his resignation at the close of the month of December. “After having served my coun¬ try nearly twenty years,” writes he to Washington, “the greatest portion of which under your immediate auspices, it is with extreme reluctance that I find myself constrained to withdraw from so honorable a station. But the natural and powerful claims of a numerous family will no longer permit me to neglect their essential interests. In whatever situation I shall be, I shall recollect your confidence and i * Writings, xi. 16 . ll/or^s of H/a 8 ^ip<$fcoi 7 Iruir)<$ 316 kindness with all the fervor and purity of affection of which a grateful heart is susceptible.’’ “I cannot suffer you,” replies Washington, “to close your public service, without uniting with the satisfaction which must arise in your own mind from a conscious recti¬ tude, my most perfect persuasion that you have deserved well of your country. “My personal knowledge of your exertions, while it authorizes me to hold this language, justifies the sincere friendship which I have ever borne for you, and which will accompany you in every situation of life; being with affec¬ tionate regard, always yours,” etc. There was always a kindly warmth in Washington’s expressions toward the buoyant General Knox. Knox was succeeded in the War Department by Colonel Timothy Pick¬ ering, at that time Postmaster-general. The session of Congress closed on the 3d of March, 1795. CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN Washington’s Anxiety about the Progress of the Negotiation with England—Jay’s Treaty arrives for Ratification—Predisposition to condemn—Return of Jay—Adet succeeds Fauchet as Minis¬ ter from France—The Treaty laid before the Senate—Ratified with a Qualification—A Novel Question—Popular Discontent— Abstract of the Treaty published—Violent Opposition to it— Washington resolved to Ratify—His Resolution suspended— Goes to Mount Vernon—Reply to an Address from Boston —Increasing Clamor Washington had watched the progress of the mission of Mr. Jay to England with an anxious eye. He was aware that he had exposed his popularity to imminent hazard, by Cife of U/asbii?$tOQ 317 making an advance toward a negotiation with that power; but what was of still greater moment with him, he was aware that the peace and happiness of his country were at stake on the result of that mission. It was, moreover, a mission of great delicacy, from the many intricate and diffi¬ cult points to be discussed, and the various and mutual grounds of complaint to be adjusted. Mr. Jay, in a letter dated August 5, 1794, had informed him confidentially that the ministry were prepared to settle the matters in dispute upon just and liberal terms; still, what those terms, which they conceived to be just and liberal, might prove, when they came to be closely dis¬ cussed, no one could prognosticate. Washington hardly permitted himself to hope for the complete success of the mission. To “give and take,” he presumed would be the result. In the meantime there were so many hot heads and impetuous spirits at home to be man¬ aged and restrained, that he was anxious the negotiation might assume a decisive form and be brought to a speedy close. He was perplexed too, by what, under existing cir¬ cumstances, appeared piratical conduct, on the part of Ber¬ mudan privateers persisting in capturing American vessels. At length, on the 7th of March, 1795, four days after the close of the session of Congress, a treaty arrived which had been negotiated by Mr. Jay, and signed by the minis¬ ters of the two nations on the 19th of ^November, and was sent out for ratification. In a letter to Washington, which accompanied the treaty, Mr. Jay wrote: “To do more was impossible. I ought not to conceal from you that the confidence reposed in your personal character was visible and useful throughout the negotiation.” 818 Worlds of U/a8l?ii}$tor} Irvip$ Washington immediately made the treaty a close study; some of the provisions were perfectly satisfactory; of others, he did not approve; on the whole, he considered it a matter, to use his own expression, of “give and take,” and believing the advantages to outweigh the objections, and that, as Mr. Jay alleged, it was the best treaty attainable, he made up his mind to ratify it, should it be approved by the Senate. As a system of predetermined hostility to the treaty, how¬ ever, was already manifested, and efforts were made to awaken popular jealousy concerning it, Washington kept its provisions secret, that the public mind might not be pre¬ occupied on the subject. In the course of a few days, how¬ ever, enough leaked out to be seized upon by the opposition press to excite public distrust, though not enough to convey a distinct idea of the merits of the instrument. In fact, the people were predisposed to condemn, because vexed that any overtures had been made toward a negotiation, such over¬ tures having been stigmatized as cowardly and degrading. If it had been necessary to send a minister to England, said they, it should have been to make a downright demand of reparation for wrongs inflicted on our commerce, and the immediate surrender of the Western posts. In the meantime Jay arrived, on the 28 th of May, and found that during his absence in Europe he had been elected / governor of the State of New York; an honorable election, the result of no effort nor intrigue, but of the public sense entertained by his native State of his pure and exalted merit. He, in consequence, resigned the office of Chief- justice of the United States. In the course of this month arrived Mr. Adet, who had been appointed by the French government to succeed Mr. Fauchet as minister to the United States. He brought with Cife of U/asl?iQ<$tor) 319 him the colors of France which the Convention had instructed him to present as a testimonial of friendship, in return for the American flag which had been presented by Mr. Monroe. The presentation of the colors was postponed by him for the present. The Senate was convened by Washington on the 8th of June, and the treaty of Mr. Jay was laid before it, with its accompanying documents. The session was with closed doors, discussions were long and arduous, and the treaty underwent a scrutinizing examination. The twelfth article met with especial objections. This article provided for a direct trade between the United States and the British West India Islands, in American vessels not exceeding seventy tons burden, conveying the produce of the States or of the Islands; but it prohibited the exportation of molasses, sugar, coffee, cocoa, or cotton, in American vessels, either from the United States or the Islands, to any part of the world. Under this article it was a restricted intercourse, but Mr. Jay considered the admis¬ sion, even of small vessels, to the trade of these islands, an important advantage to the commerce of the United States. He had not sufficiently adverted to the fact that, among the prohibited articles, cotton was also a product of the Southern States. Its cultivation had been but recently introduced there; so that when he sailed for Europe hardly sufficient had been raised for domestic consumption, and at the time of signing the treaty very little, if any, had been exported. Still it was now becoming an important staple of the South, and hence the objection of the Senate to this article of the treaty. On the 24th of June, two-thirds of the Senate, the constitutional majority, voted for the ratification of the treaty; stipulating, however, that an article be added sus- 320 U/orKs of U/as^iQ<$toi) Iruir}<$ pending so much of the twelfth article as respected the West India trade, and that the President be requested to open, without delay, further negotiation on this head. Here was a novel case to be determined. Could the Senate be considered to have ratified the treaty before the insertion of this new article? Was the act complete and final, so as to render it unnecessary to refer it back to that body? Could the President put his final seal upon an act before it was complete? After much reflection, Washington was satisfied of the propriety of ratifying the treaty with the qualification imposed by the Senate. In the meantime the popular discontent which had been excited concerning the treaty was daily increasing. The secrecy which had been maintained with regard to its pro¬ visions was wrested into a cause of offense. Republics should have no secrets. The Senate should not have deliberated on the treaty with closed doors. Such was the irritable condition of the public mind when, on the 29th of June, a Senator of the United States (Mr. Mason of Virginia) sent an abstract of the treaty to be pub¬ lished in a leading opposition paper in Philadelphia. The whole country was immediately in a blaze. Besides the opposition party, a portion of the Cabinet was against the ratification. Of course it received but a faltering sup¬ port, while the attack upon it was vehement and sustained. The assailants seemed determined to carry their point by storm. Meetings to oppose the ratification were held in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore and Charleston. The smaller towns throughout the Union followed their example. In New York, a copy of the treaty was burned before the governor’s house. In Philadelphia, it was sus¬ pended on a pole, carried about the streets, and finally burned Cife of U/asl?ii)$toi) 321 in front of the British minister’s house, amid the shoutings of the populace. The whole country seemed determined, by prompt and clamorous manifestations of dissatisfaction, to make Washington give way. He saw their purpose; he was aware of the odious points of view on which the treaty might justly be placed; his own opinion was not particularly favorable to it; but he was convinced that it was better to ratify it, in the manner the Senate had ad rised, and with the reservation already men¬ tioned, than to suffer matters to remain in their present un¬ settled and precarious state. Before he could act upon this conviction a new difficulty arose to suspend his resolution. News came that the order of the British government of the 8th of June, 1793, for the seizure of provisions in vessels going to French ports, was renewed. Washington instantly directed that a strong memorial should be drawn up against this order; as it seemed to favor a construction of the treaty which he was determined to resist. While this memorial was in course of preparation he was called off to Mount Vernon. On his way thither, though little was said to him on the subject of the treaty, he found, he says, from indirect discourses, that endeavors were making to place it in all the odious points of view of which it was susceptible, and in some which it would not admit. The proceedings and resolves of town meetings, also, savoring as he thought of party prejudice, were forwarded to him by express, and added to his disquiet. “Party dis¬ putes are now carried to such a length,” writes he, “and truth is so enveloped in mist and false representation, that it is extremely difficult to know through what channel to seek it. This difficulty, to one who is of no party, and 322 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir}<$tor) Iruii)<$ whose sole wish is to pursue with undeviating steps a path which would lead this country to respectability, wealth, and happiness, is exceedingly to be lamented. But such, for wise purposes it is presumed, is the turbulence of human passions in party disputes, when victory more than truth is the palm contended for, that ‘the post of honor is a private station .’ ” * The opposition made to the treaty from meetings in different parts of the Union gave him the most serious uneasiness, from the effect it might have on the relations with France and England. His reply (July 28 th) to an address from the selectmen of Boston, contains the spirit of his replies to other addresses of the kind, and shows the principles which influenced him in regard to the treaty: “In every act of my administration,” said he, “I have sought the happiness of my fellow-citizens. My system for the attainment of this object has uniformly been to overlook all personal, local and partial considerations; to contemplate the United States as one great whole; to confide that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflec¬ tion; and to consult only the substantial and permanent interests of our country. Nor have I departed from this line of conduct, on the occasion which has produced the resolutions contained in your letter. “Without a predilection for my own judgment I have weighed with attention every argument which has at any time been brought into view. But the constitution is the guide which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the President the power of making treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate. It was, doubtless, supposed that * Writings, xi. 40. Cife of U/asl?ip($Cor> 323 these two branches of government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign rela¬ tions will always depend; that they ought not to substitute for their own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well- informed investigation. “Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of executing the duty before me. To the high responsibility of it, I freely submit, and you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known as the grounds of my proced¬ ure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for the many in¬ stances of approbation from my country, I cannot otherwise deserve it than by obeying the dictates of my conscience.” * The violence of the opposition increased. Washington perceived that the prejudices against the treaty were more extensive than was generally imagined. “How should it be otherwise,” said he, “when no stone has been left unturned that could impress on the minds of the people the most ar¬ rant misrepresentation of facts; that their rights have not only been neglected, but absolutely sold; that there are no reciprocal advantages in the treaty; that the benefits are all on the side of Great Britain; and what seems to have had more weight with them than all the rest, and to have been most pressed, that the treaty is made with the design to op¬ press the French, in open violation of our treaty with that nation; and contrary, too, to every principle of gratitude and sound policy.” Never, during his administration, had he seen a crisis, in his judgment, so pregnant with interesting events, nor one * Writings. Sparks, xi. 42. 324 U/or^s of U/asl?ii 7 $tor> Irvir>$ from which, whether viewed on one side or the other, more was to be apprehended. If the treaty were ratified, the partisans of the French, 44 or rather,” said he, “of war and confusion,” would excite them to hostility; if not ratified, there was no foreseeing the consequences as it respected Great Britain. It was a crisis, he said, that most eminently called upon the administration to be wise and temperate, as well as firm. The public clamor continued, and induced a reiterated examination of the sub¬ ject; but did not shake his purpose. “ There is but one sti'aight course ,” said he, “and that is to seek truth and pursue it steadily .” * CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT Washington recalled to the Seat of Government—Conduct of Ran¬ dolph brought in Question—Treaty signed—Resignation of Ran¬ dolph—His Correspondence with Washington—Unlimited Dis¬ closure permitted—Appearance of his Vindication—Pickering transferred to the Department of State—McHenry appointed Secretary of War—Arrival of George Washington Lafayette The difficult and intricate questions pressing upon the attention of government left Washington little mood to en¬ joy the retirement of Mount Vernon, being constantly in doubt whether his presence in Philadelphia were not neces¬ sary. In his letters to Randolph, he requested to be kept continually advised on this head. “While I am in office I shall never suffer private convenience to interfere with what I conceive to be my official duty.”—“I do not require more than a day’s notice to repair to the seat of government.” * See Letters to Edmund Randolph. Writings, xi., pp. 45 - 51 . Cife of U/asfyii)$tog 325 His promptness was soon put to the test. Early in Au¬ gust came a mysterious letter, dated July 31, from Mr. Pick ering, the Secretary of W ar. “On the subject of the treaty,” writes Pickering, “I con¬ fess I feel extreme solicitude, and for a special reason , which can be communicated to you only in person. I entreat, there¬ fore, that you will return with all convenient speed to the seat of government. In the meanwhile, for the reason above referred to, I pray you to decide on no important political measure, in whatever form it may be presented to you. Mr. Wolcott and I (Mr. Bradford concurring) waited on Mr. Randolph, and urged his writing to request your return. He wrote in our presence, but we concluded a letter from one of us also expedient. With the utmost sincerity I sub¬ scribe myself yours and my country’s friend. This letter is for your own eye alone.” The receipt of this enigmatical letter induced Washing¬ ton to cut short his sojourn at Mount Vernon, and hasten to Philadelphia. He arrived there on the 11th of August; and on the same day received a solution of the mystery. A dis¬ patch written by Fauchet, the French minister, to his gov¬ ernment, in the preceding month of November, was placed in Washington’s hands, with a translation of it made by Mr. Pickering. The dispatch had been found on board of a French privateer, captured by a British frigate, and had been transmitted to the ministry. Lord Grenville, finding it contained passages relating to the intercourse of Mr. Ran¬ dolph, the American Secretary of State, with Mr. Fauchet, had sent it to Mr. Hammond, the British minister in Phila¬ delphia. He had put it into the hands of Mr. Wolcott, the Secretary of the Treasury, who had shown it to the Secretary of War and the Attorney-general; and the contents had been 326 U/orKs of U/asi?ii}^tOQ ]ruir?$ any advantage in your vindication. I grant this permission, inasmuch as the extract alluded to manifestly tends to im¬ press on the public an opinion that something was passed between us, which you should disclose with reluctance, from motives of delicacy with respect to me. . . . That public will judge, when it comes to see your vindication, how far and how proper it has been for you to publish private and confidential communications which oftentimes have been written in a hurry, and sometimes without even copies be¬ ing taken; and it will, I hope, appreciate my motives, even if it should condemn my prudence, in allowing you the un¬ limited license herein contained.” The mprit of this unlimited license will be properly un¬ derstood when it is known that at this time Washington was becoming more and more the object of the malignant attacks of the press. The ratification of the treaty had opened the vials of party wrath against him. “His military and polit¬ ical character,” we are told, “was attacked with equal vio¬ lence, and it was averred that he was totally destitute of merit, either as a soldier or a statesman. He was charged with having violated the constitution, in negotiating a treaty without the previous advice of the Senate, and that he had embraced within that treaty subjects belonging exclusively to the legislature, for which an impeachment was publicly suggested. Nay more, it was asserted that he had drawn from the treasury, for his private use, more than the salary annexed to his office.” * This last charge, so incompatible with the whole char¬ acter and conduct of Washington, was fully refuted by the late Secretary of the Treasury, who explained that the Presi- * See Marshall’s Washington, vol. ii., p. 370. Cife of U/asfyii^top 331 dent never himself touched any part of the compensation at¬ tached to his office, but that the whole was received and dis¬ bursed by the gentleman who superintended the expenses of his household. That the expenses at some times exceeded, and at other times fell short of the quarter’s allowance; but that the aggregate fell within the allowance for the year. At this time the General Assembly of Maryland made a unanimous resolution to the following effect: that “observ¬ ing with deep concern a series of efforts, by indirect insinua • tion or open invective, to detach from the first magistrate of the Union the well-earned confidence of his fellow-citizens; they think it their duty to declare, and they do hereby de¬ clare, their unabated reliance on the integrity , judgment and patriotism of the President of the United States.” In a reply to the Governor of Maryland, "W ashington ob¬ served: “At anytime the expression of such a sentiment would have been considered as highly honorable and flatter¬ ing. At the present, when the voice of malignancy is so high-toned, and no attempts are left unessayed to destroy all confidence in the constituted authorities of this country, it is peculiarly grateful to my sensibility. . . . “I have long since resolved, for the present time at least, to let my calumniators proceed without any notice being taken of their invectives by myself, or by any others, with my participation or knowledge. Their views, I daresay, are readily perceived by all the enlightened and well-disposed part of the community; and by the records of my adminis¬ tration, and not by the voice of faction, I expect to be acquitted or condemned hereafter.” The vindication which Mr. Randolph had been preparing appeared in December. In this he gave a narrative of the principal events relating to the case, his correspondence with 332 U/or^s of U/as^ip^toi) Irvip<$ the President, and the whole of the French minister’s letter. He endeavored to explain those parts of the letter which had brought the purity of his conduct in question; but, as has been observed, “he had a difficult task to perform, as he was obliged to prove a negative, and to explain vague expressions and insinuations connected with his name in Fauchet’s let¬ ter.” * Fauchet himself furnished the best vindication in his cer¬ tificate above mentioned; but it is difficult to reconcile his certificate with the language of his official letter to his gov¬ ernment. We are rather inclined to attribute to miscon¬ ceptions and hasty inferences of the French minister the construction put by him, in his letter, on the conversation he had held with Mr. Randolph. The latter injured his cause by the imbittered feelings manifested in his vindication, and the asperity with which he spoke of Washington there and elsewhere. He deeply regretted it in after life, and in a letter to the Hon. Bushrod Washington, written in 1810, he says: “I do not retain the smallest degree of that feeling which roused me fifteen years ago against some individuals. ... If I could now present myself before your venerated uncle, it would be my pride to confess my contrition that I suffered my irritation, let the cause be what it might, to use some of those expressions re¬ specting him which, at this moment of indifference to the ideas of the world, I wish to recall, as being inconsistent with my subsequent conviction. My life will, I hope, be sufficiently extended for the recording of my sincere opinion of his virtues and merit, in a style which is not the result of a mind merely debilitated by misfortune, but of that * Note of Mr. Sparks. Washington’s Writings, xi. 90. Cife of U/asfyip^toi) 333 Christian philosophy on which alone I depend for inward tranquillity.” * After a considerable interval from the resignation of Ran¬ dolph, Colonel Pickering was transferred to the Department of State, and Mr. James McHenry was appointed Secretary of War. The office of Attorney-general becoming vacant by the death of Mr. Bradford, was offered to Mr. Charles Lee, of Virginia, and accepted by him on the last day of November. ♦ During the late agitations, George Washington Lafayette, the son of the general, had arrived at Boston under the name of Motier, accompanied by his tutor, M. Frestel, and had written to Washington apprising him of his arrival. It was an embarrassing moment to Washington. The letter excited his deepest sensibility, bringing with it recollections of La¬ fayette^ merits, services and sufferings, and of their past friendship, and he resolved to become “father, friend, pro¬ tector and supporter” to his son. But he must proceed with caution; on account of his own official character as Execu¬ tive of the United States, and of the position of Lafayette in regard to the French government. Caution, also, was nec¬ essary, not to endanger the situation of the young man him¬ self, and of his mother and friends whom he had left behind. Philadelphia would not be an advisable residence for him at present, until it was seen what opinions would be excited by his arrival; as Washington would for some time be absent from the seat of government, while all the foreign function¬ aries were residing there, particularly those of his own na¬ tion. Washington suggested, therefore, that he should enter * Marshall’s Life of Washington, 2d edition, vol. ii., note xx. 334 U/or^g of U/as^if^tor) Irvir?<$ for the present as a student at the University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and engaged to pay all the expenses for the residence there of himself and his tutor. These and other suggestions were made in a private and confidential letter to Mr. George Cabot, of Boston, Senator of the United States, whose kind services he enlisted in the matter. It was subsequently thought best that young Lafayette should proceed to New York, and remain in retirement, at the country house of a friend in its vicinity, pursuing his studies with his tutor, until "Washington should direct otherwise. CHAPTER TWENTY-NINE Meeting of Congress—Washington’s Official Summary of the Events of the Year—Cordial Response of the Senate—Partial Demur of the House—Washington’s Position and Feelings with regard to England, as shown by himself—Mr. Adet pre¬ sents the Colors of France—The Treaty returned—Proceedings thereupon—Thomas Pinckney resigns as Minister at London— Rufus King appointed in his place—Washington’s View of the Political Campaign—Jefferson’s Fears of an Attempt to sow Dissension between him and Washington—Mr. Monroe recalled, and C. C. Pinckney appointed in his Stead—Resentful Policy of France In his speech at the opening of the session of Congress in December, Washington presented a cheerful summary of the events of the year. ‘ ‘ I trust I do not deceive myself, ’ ’ said he, “while I indulge the persuasion that I have never met you at any period when, more than at present, the situation of our public affairs has afforded just cause for mutual con¬ gratulation, and for inviting you to join with me in profound gratitude to the Author of all good, for the numerous and extraordinary blessings we enjoy.” Cife of U/asl?ii}$t 09 335 And first he announced that a treaty had been concluded provisionally, by General Wayne, with the Indians north¬ west of the Ohio, by which the termination of the long, ex¬ pensive and distressing war with those tribes was placed at the option of the United States. “In the adjustment of the terms,” said he, “the satisfaction of the Indians was deemed an object worthy no less of the policy than of the liberality of the United States, as the necessary basis of durable tran¬ quillity. This object, it is believed, has been fully attained. The articles agreed upon will immediately be laid before the Senate, for their consideration.” * A letter from the Emperor of Morocco, recognizing a treaty which had been made with his deceased father, in¬ sured the continuance of peace with that power. The terms of a treaty with the Dey and regency of Al¬ giers had been adjusted in a manner to authorize the ex¬ pectation of a speedy peace in that quarter, and the liberation of a number of American citizens from a long and grievous captivity. A speedy and satisfactory conclusion was anticipated of a negotiation with the court of Madrid, “which would lay the foundation of lasting harmony with a power whose friendship,” said Washington, “we have uniformly and sincerely desired to cherish.” Adverting to the treaty with Great Britain and its con¬ ditional ratification, the result on the part of his Britannic Majesty was yet unknown, but when ascertained would im¬ mediately be placed before Congress. * These preliminary articles were confirmed by a defini¬ tive treaty concluded on the 7th of August. Wayne received high testimonials of approbation both from Congress and the President, and made a kind of triumphal entry into Phila¬ delphia amid the enthusiastic acclamations of the people. 336 U/or^s of \lfas\)ir)$toT) Iruii}<$ “In regard to internal affairs, every part of the Union gave indications of rapid and various improvement. With burdens so light as scarcely to be perceived; with resources fully adequate to present exigencies; with governments founded on the genuine principles of rational liberty; and with mild and wholesome laws, was it too much to say that our country exhibited a spectacle of national happiness never surpassed, if ever before equaled?” In regard to the late insurrection: “The misled,” observed he, “have abandoned their errors, and pay the respect to our constitution and laws which is due from good citizens to the public authorities. These circumstances have induced me to pardon generally the offenders here referred to, and to extend forgiveness to those who had been adjudged to capital punishment.” After recommending several objects to the attention of both Houses, he concludes by advising temperate discussion and mutual forbearance wherever there was a difference of opinion; advice sage and salutary on all occasions, but par¬ ticularly called for by the excited temper of the times. There was, as usual, a cordial answer from the Senate; but, in the present House of Representatives, as in the last one, the opposition were in the majority. In the response reported by a committee, one clause expressing undiminished confidence in the chief magistrate was demurred to; some members affirmed that, with them, it had been considerably diminished by a late transaction. After a warm altercation, to avoid a direct vote, the response was recommitted, and the clause objected to modified. The following is the form adopted: “ In contemplating that spectacle of national happi¬ ness which our country exhibits, and of which you, sir, have been pleased to make an interesting summary, permit us to Cife of U/asl?ir>^tor> 337 acknowledge and declare the very great share which your % zealous and faithful services have contributed to it, and to express the affectionate attachment which we feel for your character.” The feelings and position of Washington with regard to England at this juncture, may be judged from a letter dated December 22d, to Gouverneur Morris, then in London, and who was in occasional communication with Lord Gren¬ ville. Washington gives a detail of the various causes of complaint against the British government which were rank¬ ling in the minds of the American people, and which Morris was to mention, unofficially, should he converse with Lord Grenville on the subject. “I give you these details,” writes he, “as evidences of the impolitic conduct of the British gov¬ ernment toward these United States; that it may be seen how difficult it has been for the Executive, under such an accumulation of irritating circumstances, to maintain the ground of neutrality which had been taken; and at a time when the remembrance of the aid we have received from France in the Revolution was fresh in every mind, and while the partisans of that country were continually con¬ trasting the affections of that people with the unfriendly disposition of the British government. And that, too, while their own sufferings, during the war with the latter, had not been forgotten. “It is well known that peace has been (to borrow a mod¬ ern phrase) the order of the day with me, since the disturb¬ ances in Europe first commenced. My policy has been, and will continue to be, while I have the honor to remain in the administration, to maintain friendly terms with, but be inde¬ pendent of, all the nations of the earth; to share in the broils of none; to fulfill our own engagements; to supply the wants Vol. XV.—* * * 15 338 U/or^s of U/asfyir)$toi} Iruii}$ and be carriers for them all. . . . Nothing short of self- respect, and that justice which is essential to a national / character, ought to involve us in war. «••••••• “By a firm adherence to these principles, and to the neutral policy which has been adopted, I have brought on myself a torrent of abuse in the factious papers of this country, and from the enmity of the discontented of all de¬ scriptions. But having no sinister objects in view, I shall not be diverted from my course by these, nor any attempts which are, or shall be, made to withdraw the confidence of my constituents from me. I have nothing to ask; and, dis¬ charging my duty, I have nothing to fear from invective. The acts of my administration will appear when I am no more, and the intelligent and candid part of mankind will not condemn my conduct without recurring to them.” The first day of January, being “a day of general joy and congratulation,” had been appointed by Washington to receive the colors of France sent out by the Committee of Safety. On that day they were presented by Mr. Adet with an address, representing, in glowing language, the position of France, “struggling not only for her own liberty, but for that of the human race. Assimilated to, or rather identified with, free people by the form of her government, she saw in them only friends and brothers. Long accus¬ tomed to regard the American people as her most faithful allies, she sought to draw closer the ties already formed in the fields of America, under the auspices of victory, over the ruins of tyranny.” Washington received the colors with lively sensibility and a brief reply, expressive of the deep solicitude and high ad¬ miration produced by the events of the French struggle, and Cife of U/asl/iQ^tOQ 339 his joy that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years had issued in the formation of a constitu¬ tion designed to give permanency to the great object contended for. In February the treaty with Great Britain, as modified by the advice of the Senate, came back ratified by the king of Great Britain, and on the last of the month a proclama¬ tion was issued by the President, declaring it to be the supreme law of the land. The opposition in the House of Representatives were offended that Washington should issue this proclamation before the sense of that body had been taken on the subject, and denied the power of the President and Senate to com¬ plete a treaty without its sanction. They were bent on defeating it by refusing to pass the laws necessary to carry it into effect; and, as a preliminary, passed a resolution requesting the President to lay before the House the instruc¬ tion to Mr. Jay, and the correspondence and other documents relative to the treaty. Washington, believing that these papers could not be constitutionally demanded, resolved, he said, from the first moment, and from the fullest conviction of his mind, to resist the principle , which was evidently intended to be established by the call of the House; he only deliberated on the manner in which this could be done with the least bad consequences. After mature deliberation and with the assistance of the heads of departments and the Attorney-general, he prepared and sent in to the House an answer to their request. In this he dwelt upon the necessity of caution and secrecy in foreign negotiations, as one cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the President, with the advice and con- 340 U/or^s of U/asbip^toi) Iruip^ sent of the Senate, the principle on which that body was formed confining it to a small number of members. To admit a right in the House of Representatives to demand and have all the papers respecting a foreign ne¬ gotiation would, he observed, be to establish a dangerous precedent. “It did not occur to him,” he added, “that the inspection of the papers called for could be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the House of Representatives, except that of an impeachment, which the resolution had not ex¬ pressed. He had no disposition to withhold any information which the duty of his station would permit, or the public good should require to be disclosed; and, in fact, all the papers affecting the negotiation with Great Britain had been laid before the Senate, when the treaty itself had been com¬ municated for their consideration and advice.” After various further remarks, he concludes: “As, there¬ fore, it is perfectly clear to my understanding that the assent of the House of Representatives is not necessary to the va¬ lidity of a treaty; as the treaty with Great Britain exhibits itself in all the objects requiring legislative provision; and on these the papers called for can throw no light; and as it is essential to the due administration of the government that the boundaries fixed by the constitution between the different departments should be observed, a just regard to the constitution and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbid a compliance with your request. ’ * A resolution to make provision for carrying the treaty into effect gave rise to an animated and protracted debate. Meanwhile, the whole country became agitated on the sub¬ ject; meetings were held throughout the United States, and Cife of U/asl?ii}<$toi) 341 it soon became apparent that the popular feeling was with the minority in the House of Representatives, who favored the making of the necessary appropriations. The public will prevailed, and, on the last day of April, the resolution was passed, though by a close vote of fifty-one to forty-eight. For some months past, Mr. Thomas Pinckney had been solicitous to be relieved from his post of Minister Plenipoten¬ tiary at London, but the doubtful issue of the above dispute, and the difficulty of finding a fit substitute for him, had caused delay in the matter; for, as Mr. Hamilton observed: ‘ c The importance, to our security and commerce, of a good understanding with Great Britain, rendered it very impor¬ tant that a man able, and not disagreeable to that govern¬ ment, should be there.” Such a man at length presented in Mr. Rufus King, of Hew York. He had vindicated the treaty with his pen in part of a series of papers signed Camil- lus; he had defended it by his manly and brilliant eloquence in the Senate; he was now about to quit his seat in that body. Hamilton, who knew him well, struck off his char¬ acter admirably in a letter to the President. “Mr. King,” writes he, “is a remarkably well-informed man, a very judicious one, a man of address, a man of fortune and econ¬ omy, whose situation affords just grounds of confidence; a man of unimpeachable probity where he is known, a firm friend of the government, a supporter of the measures of the President; a man who cannot but feel that he has strong pretensions to confidence and trust.” Mr. King was nominated to the Senate on the 19th of May, and his nomination was confirmed. On the 1st of June, this session of Congress terminated. On the 12th of that month Washington, in a letter to Colonel Humphreys, then in Portugal, speaks of the recent 342 U/orks of U/asl^ip^top Iruip<$ political campaign: “The gazettes will give you a pretty good idea of the state of politics and parties in this country, and will show you, at the same time, if Bache’s ‘Aurora’ is among them, in what manner I am attacked for perse¬ vering steadily in measures which, to me, appear necessary to preserve us, during the conflicts of belligerent powers, in a state of tranquillity. But these attacks, unjust and un¬ pleasant as they are, will occasion no change in my conduct, nor will they produce any other effect in my mind than to increase the solicitude which long since has taken fast hold of my heart, to enjoy, in the shades of retirement, the consolation of believing that I have rendered to my country every service to which my abilities were competent—not from pecuniary or ambitious motives, nor from a desire to provide for any men, further than their intrinsic merit entitled them, and surely not with a view of bringing my own relations into office. Malignity, therefore, may dart its shafts, but no earthly power can deprive me of the satis¬ faction of knowing that I have not, in the whole course of my administration, committed an intentional error.” On the same day (June 12th) Jefferson, writing from his retirement at Monticello, to Mr. Monroe in Paris, showed himself sensitive to the influence of Washington’s great popularity in countervailing party schemes. “Congress have risen,” writes he. “You will have seen by their proceedings the truth of what I always observed to you, that one man outweighs them all in the influence over the people, who have supported his judgment against their own and that of their representatives. Republicanism must lie on its oars, resign the vessel to its pilot, and themselves to what course he thinks best for them.” In Bache’s “Aurora” of June 9, an anonymous article Cife of U/asfyir^toi} 343 had appeared, disclosing queries propounded by Washington, in strict confidence, to the members of the cabinet, in 1793, as to the conduct to be observed in reference to England and France. As soon as Jefferson saw this article he wrote to Washington (June 19th), disclaiming his having had any concern in that breach of official trust. “I have formerly mentioned to you,” observed he, “that from a very early period of my life I had laid it down as a rule of conduct never to write a word for the public papers. From this I have never departed in a single instance.” Jefferson further intimates a suspicion that a third party had been endeavoring to sow tares between him and W ash- ington, by representing him (Jefferson) as still engaged in the bustle of politics, and in turbulence and intrigue against the government. This drew forth a noble reply from Washington. “If I had entertained any suspicion before,” writes he, “that the queries, which have been published in Bache’s paper, proceeded from you, the assurances you have given me of the contrary would have removed them; but the truth is, I harbored none. . . . “As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would not be frank, candid or friendly to conceal that your conduct has been represented as derogating from that opinion I had conceived you entertained of me; that to your particular friends and connections you have described, and they have denounced me as a person under a dangerous influence; and that, if I would listen more to some other opinions, all would be well. My answer invariably has been that I had never discovered anything in the conduct of Mr. Jefferson to raise suspicions in my mind of his insincerity; that, if he would retrace my public conduct while he was in the administra- 344 U/orks of U/asbir^too Iruir><$ tion, abundant proofs would occur to him that truth and right decisions were the sole object of my pursuit; that there were as many instances within his own knowledge of my having decided against as in favor of the opinions of the person evidently alluded to; and, moreover, that I was no believer in the infallibility of the politics or measures of any man living. In short, that I was no party man myself, and that the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them. “To this I may add, and very truly, that, until within the last year or two, I had no conception that parties would or even could go the length I have been witness to; nor did I believe until lately that it was within the bounds of proba¬ bility, hardly within those of possibility, that, while I was using my utmost exertions to establish a national character of our own, independent, as far as our obligations and justice would permit, of every nation of the earth, and wished, by steering a steady course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a desolating war, I should be accused of being the enemy of one nation, and subject to the influence of another; and, to prove it, that every act of my administra¬ tion would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made, by giving one side only of a subject, and that, too, in such exaggerated and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero, a notorious defaulter, or even to a common pickpocket. But enough of this; I have already gone further in the-expression of my feelings than I intended.” Shortly after the recess of Congress another change was made in the foreign diplomacy. Mr. Monroe, when sent envoy to France, had been es¬ pecially instructed to explain the views and conduct of the Cife of U/asfyir^toi} 345 United States in forming the treaty with England; and he had been amply furnished with documents for the purpose. From his own letters, however, it appeared that he had omitted to use them. Whether this rose from undue attach¬ ment to France, from mistaken notions of American inter¬ ests, or from real dislike to the treaty, the result was the very evil he had been instructed to prevent. The French government misconceived the views and conduct of the United States, suspected their policy in regard to Great Britain, and when aware that the House of Representatives would execute the treaty made by Jay, became bitter in their resentment. Symptoms of this appeared in the cap¬ ture of an American merchantman by a French privateer. Under these circumstances it was deemed expedient by Washington and his cabinet to recall Mr. Monroe, and appoint another American citizen in his stead. The person chosen was Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina, elder brother of the late minister to London. Directly after this appointment, which took place in July, dispatches were received from Mr. Monroe, com¬ municating complaints which had been addressed to him, against the American government, by M. de la Croix, French minister of exterior relations, and his reply to the same. His reply, though it failed to change the policy of the French Directory, was deemed able and satisfactory by the Executive. Somewhat later came a letter from Mr. Monroe, written on the 24th, by which it appeared that the long and confidential letter written by Washington on De¬ cember 22d, and cited in a previous page of this chapter, had, by some chance, got into the hands of the French Directory, and “produced an ill effect.’’ In a reply to Monroe, dated August 25th, Washington 346 U/orks of U/aslpio^top Iruip<$ acknowledged tlie authenticity of the letter, “but I deny ,’ 9 added he, “that there is anything contained in it that the French government could take exception to, unless the ex¬ pression of an ardent wish that the United States might remain at peace with all the world, taking no part in the disputes of any part of it, should have produced this effect. I also gave it as my opinion that the sentiments of the mass of the citizens of his country were in unison with mine.” And in conclusion, he observes: “My conduct in public and private life, as it relates to the important struggle in which the latter nation [France] is engaged, has been uni¬ form from the commencement of it, and may be summed up in a few words. I have always wished well to the French revolution; that I have always given it as my decided opin¬ ion that no nation had a right to intermeddle in the internal concerns of another; that every one had a right to form and adopt whatever government they liked best to live under themselves; and that, if this country could, consistently with its engagements, maintain a strict neutrality, and thereby preserve peace, it was bound to do so by motives of policy, interest, and every other consideration that ought to actuate a people situated as we are, already deeply in debt and in a convalescent state from the struggle we have been engaged in ourselves. “On these principles I have steadily and uniformly pro¬ ceeded, bidding defiance to calumnies calculated to sow the seeds of distrust in the French nation, and to excite their belief of an influence possessed by Great Britain in the coun¬ cils of this country, than which nothing is more unfounded and injurious.” * * For the entire letter see Washington’s Writings, xi. 164. Cife of U/as^ip<$tor 7 347 Still the resentful policy of the French continued, and, in October, they issued an arret ordering the seizure of British property found on board of American vessels, and of provisions bound for England—a direct violation of their treaty with the United States. CHAPTER THIRTY Washington’s Farewell Address—Meets the two Houses of Congress for the last Time—His Speech—Replies of the Senate and House —Mr. Giles—Andrew Jackson—Offensive Publication of the French Minister—John Adams declared President—Washing¬ ton’s Letter to Knox on the Eve of his Retirement—The Spuri¬ ous Letters—His Farewell Dinner—John Adams takes the Oath of Office—Greetings of Washington at the close of the Ceremony The period for the presidential election was drawing near, and great anxiety began to be felt that Washington would consent to stand for a third term. No one, it was agreed, had greater claim to the enjoyment of retirement, in consid¬ eration of public services rendered; but it was thought the affairs of the country would be in a very precarious condi¬ tion should he retire before the wars of Europe were brought to a close. Washington, however, had made up his mind irrevocably on the subject, and resolved to announce, in a farewell address, his intention of retiring. Such an instrument, it will be recollected, had been prepared for him from his own notes, by Mr. Madison, when he had thought of retiring at the end of his first term. As he was no longer in confi¬ dential intimacy with Mr. Madison, he turned to Mr. Ham¬ ilton as his adviser and coadjutor, and appears to have 348 U/orl^s of U/asJ?io$tor) Iruir><$ consulted him on the subject early in the present year; for, in a letter dated New York, May 10th, Hamilton writes: “When last in Philadelphia, you mentioned to me your wish that I should re-dress a certain paper which you had pre¬ pared. As it is important that a thing of this kind should he done with great care and at much leisure, touched and retouched, I submit a wish that, as soon as you have given it the body you mean it to have, it may be sent to me.” The paper was accordingly sent on the 15th of May, in its rough state, altered in one part since Hamilton had seen it. “If you should think it best to throw the whole into a different form,” writes Washington, “let me request, not¬ withstanding, that my draft may be returned to me (along with yours), with such amendments and corrections as to render it as perfect as the formation is susceptible of; cur¬ tailed if too verbose, and relieved of all tautology not neces¬ sary to enforce the ideas in the original or quoted part. My wish is, that the whole may appear in a plain style; and be handed to the public in an honest, unaffected, simple garb.” We forbear to go into the vexed question concerning this address; how much of it is founded on Washington’s origi¬ nal “notes and heads of topics”; how much was elaborated by Madison, and how much is due to Hamilton’s recasting and revision. The whole came under the supervision of Washington; and the instrument, as submitted to the press, was in his handwriting, with many ultimate corrections and alterations. Washington had no pride of authorship; his ob¬ ject always was to effect the purpose in hand, and for that he occasionally invoked assistance, to insure a plain and clear exposition of his thoughts and intentions. The address cer¬ tainly breathes his spirit throughout, is in perfect accordance Cife of \I/asl>ir)<$toi> 349 with his words and actions, and, “in an honest, unaffected, simple garb,” embodies the system of policy on which he had acted throughout his administration. It was published in September, in a Philadelphia paper called the “Daily Ad¬ vertiser.” * The publication of the address produced a great sensa¬ tion. Several of the State Legislatures ordered it to be put on their journals. “The President’s declining to be again elected,” writes the elder Wolcott, “constitutes a most important epoch in our national affairs. The country meet the event with re¬ luctance, but they do not feel that they can make any claim for the further services of a man who has conducted their armies through a successful war; has so largely contributed to establish a national government; has so long presided over our councils and directed the public administration, and in the most advantageous manner settled all national differ¬ ences ; and who can leave the administration where nothing but our folly and internal discord can render the country otherwise than happy.” The address acted as a notice to hush the acrimonious abuse of him which the opposition was pouring forth, under the idea that he would be a candidate for a renomination. “It will serve as a signal, like the dropping of a hat, for the party racers to start,” writes Fisher Ames, “and I expect a great deal of noise, whipping and spurring.” Congress formed a quorum on the 5th day of December, the first day of the session which succeeded the publication of the Farewell Address. On the 7th, Washington met the two Houses of Congress for the last time. * The reader will find the entire address in the Appendix to this volume. 350 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir}$toi) Irvir><$ In his speech he recommended an institution for .the im¬ provement of agriculture, a military academy, a national university, and a gradual increase of the navy. The dis¬ putes with France were made the subject of the following remarks: “While in our external relations some serious in¬ conveniences and embarrassments have been overcome and others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret I men¬ tion that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our trade has suffered and is suffering extensive injuries in the West Indies from the cruisers and agents of the French Republic; and communications have been received from its minister here which indicate the dan¬ ger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its author¬ ity; and which are in other respects far from agreeable. It has been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conform¬ ity with that of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly understanding with that Republic. This wish remains unabated; and I shall persevere in the en¬ deavor to fulfill it to the utmost extent of what shall be con¬ sistent with a just and indispensable regard to the rights and honor of our country; nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation that a spirit of justice, candor and friendship, on the part of the Republic, will eventually insure success. “In pursuing this course, however, I cannot forget what is due to the character of our government and nation; or to a full and entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self-respect, and fortitude of my countrymen.” In concluding his address he observes, “The situation in which I now stand for the last time in the midst of the rep¬ resentatives of the people of the United States, naturally re¬ calls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced, and I cannot omit the occasion Cife of U/asl?ip<$toi} 351 to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Su¬ preme Ruler of the universe and Sovereign Arbiter of na¬ tions, that His providential care may be still extended to the * United States; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be per¬ petual.” The Senate, in their reply to the address, after concur¬ ring in its views of the national prosperity, as resulting from the excellence of the constitutional system and the wisdom of the legislative provisions, added that they would be deficient in gratitude and justice did they not attribute a great portion of these advantages to the virtue, firmness and talents of his administration, conspicuously dis¬ played in the most trying times, and on the most critical occasions. Recalling his arduous services, civil and military, as well during the struggles of the Revolution as in the convulsive period of a later date, their warmest affections and anxious regards would accompany him in his approaching retire¬ ment. “The most effectual consolation that can offer for the loss we are about to sustain arises from the animating reflection that the influence of your example will extend to your suc¬ cessors, and the United States thus continue to enjoy an able, upright, and energetic administration.” The reply of the House, after premising attention to the various subjects recommended to their consideration in the address, concluded by a warm expression of gratitude and admiration, inspired by the virtues and services of the Presi¬ dent, by his wisdom, firmness, moderation and magnanim 352 U/orl^s of U/as^iQ<$tor) Iruir>$ ity; and testifying to the deep regret with which they con¬ templated his intended retirement from office. “May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to which your name will ever be so dear,” added they. “May your own virtue and a nation’s prayers obtain the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days, and the choic¬ est of future blessings. For our country’s sake, and for the sake of republican liberty, it is our earnest wish that your example may be the guide of your successors; and thus, after being the ornament and safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our descendants.” Objections, however, were made to some parts of the re- ply by Mr. Giles, of Virginia. He was for expunging such parts as eulogized the present administration, spoke of the wisdom and firmness of Washington, and regretted his retir¬ ing from office. He disapproved, he said, of the measures of the administration with respect to foreign relations; he believed its want of wisdom and firmness had conducted the nation to a crisis threatening greater calamity than any that had before occurred. He did not regret the President’s re¬ tiring from office. He believed the government of the United States was founded on the broad basis of the people, that they were competent to their own government, and the re¬ maining of no man in office was necessary to the success of that government. The people would truly be in a calamitous situation if one man were essential to the existence of the government. He was convinced that the United States pro¬ duces a thousand citizens capable of .filling the Presidential chair, and he would trust to the discernment of the people for a proper choice. Though the voice of all America should declare the President’s retiring as a calamity, he could not join in the declaration, because he did not conceive it a mis- Cife of U/asl?i 9 <$toi) 353 fortune. He hoped the President would be happy in his retirement, and he hoped he would retire.* Twelve members voted for expunging those parts of the reply to which Mr. Giles had objected. Among the names of these members we find that of Andrew Jackson, a young man, twenty-nine years of age, as yet unknown to fame, and who had recently taken his seat as delegate from the newly admitted State of Tennessee. The vote in favor of the whole reply, however, was overwhelming. The reverence and affection expressed for him in both Houses of Congress, and their regret at his intended retire¬ ment, were in unison with testimonials from various State Legislatures and other public bodies, which were continually # arriving since the publication of his Farewell Address. During the actual session of Congress, Washington en¬ deavored to prevent the misunderstandings, which were in danger of being augmented between the United States and the French government. In the preceding month of Novem¬ bers, Mr. Adet, the French minister, had addressed a letter to the Secretary of State, recapitulating the complaints against the government of the United States made by his predecessors and himself, denouncing the insidious procla¬ mation of neutrality and the wrongs growing out of it, and using language calculated to inflame the partisans of France: a copy of which letter had been sent to the press for publica¬ tion. One of the immediate objects he had in view, in tim¬ ing the publication, was supposed by Washington to be to produce an effect on the Presidential election; his ultimate object, to establish such an influence in the country as to * See Mr. Giles’ speech, as reported in the “Aurora’* newspaper. 354 U/or^s of U/asl?ir}$toi> IruiQ<$ sway the government and control its measures. Early in January, 1797, therefore, Washington requested Mr. Picker¬ ing, the Secretary of State, to address a letter to Mr. Pinck¬ ney, United States minister to France, stating all the com¬ plaints alleged by the French minister against the government, examining and reviewing the same, and accompanying the statement with a collection of letters and papers relating to the transactions therein adverted to. “From a desire,” writes he, “that the statements be full, fair, calm, and argumentative, without asperity or anything more irritating in the comments than the narration of facts, which expose unfounded charges and assertions, does itself produce, I have wished that the letter to Mr. Pinckney may be revised over and over again. Much depends upon it, as it relates to ourselves, and in the eyes of the world, what¬ ever may be the effect as it respects the governing powers of France.” The letter to Mr. Pinckney, with its accompanying doc¬ uments, was laid before Congress on the 19th of January (1797), to be transmitted to that minister. “The immediate object of his mission,” says Washington in a special mes¬ sage, “was to make that government such explanations of the principles and conduct of our own, as, by manifesting our good faith, might remove all jealousy and discontent, and maintain that harmony and good understanding with the French Republic which it has been my constant solici¬ tude to preserve. A government which required only a knowledge of the truth to justify its measures could but be anxious to have this fully and frankly displayed.” In the month of February the votes taken at the recent election were opened and counted in Congress; when Mr. Adams, having the highest number, was declared President, Cife of U/asfyir^toi? 355 and Mr. Jefferson, having the next number, Vice-President; their term of four years to commence on the 4th of March next ensuing. Washington now began to count the days and hours that intervened between him and his retirement. On the day preceding it, he writes to his old fellow-soldier and political coadjutor, Henry Knox: “To the wearied traveler, who sees a resting-place, and is bending his body to lean thereon, I now compare myself; but to be suffered to do this in peace is too much to be endured by some. To misrepresent my motives, to reprobate my politics, and to weaken the confi¬ dence which has been reposed in my administration, are ob¬ jects which cannot be relinquished by those who will be sat¬ isfied with nothing short of a change in our political system. The consolation, however, which results from conscious rec¬ titude, and the approving voice of my country, unequivocally expressed by its representatives, deprive their sting of its poison, and place in the same point of view both the weak¬ ness and malignity of their efforts. “Although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet I am not without my regrets at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates whom I love, and among these, be assured, you are one. . . The remainder of my life, which in the course of nature cannot be long, will be occupied in rural amuse¬ ments ; and though I shall seclude myself as much as pos¬ sible from the noisy and bustling world, none would, more than myself, be regaled by the company of those I esteem, at Mount Vernon; more than twenty miles from which, after I arrive there, it is not likely that I shall ever be.” On the morning of the 3d of March, the last day of his 356 U/or^s of U/asfyir)<$tor> Iruip$ official career, Washington addressed a letter to the Secre¬ tary of State on the subject of the spurious letters, heretofore mentioned,* first published by the British in 1776, and sub¬ sequently republished during his administration, by some of his political enemies. He had suffered every attack on his executive conduct to pass unnoticed while he remained in public life, but conceived it a justice due to his character solemnly to pronounce those letters a base forgery, and he desired that the present letter might be “deposited in the office of the Department of State, as a testimony to the truth to the present generation and to posterity.” On the same day he gave a kind of farewell dinner to the foreign ministers and their wives, Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Mr. Jefferson, and other conspicuous personages of both sexes. “During the dinner much hilarity prevailed,” says Bishop "White, who was present. When the cloth was removed Washington filled his glass: “Ladies and gentlemen,” said he, “this is the last time I shall drink your health as a public man; I do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness.” The gayety of the company was checked in an instant; all felt the importance of this leave-taking; Mrs. Liston, the wife of the British minister, was so much affected that tears streamed down her cheeks. On the 4th of March, an immense crowd had gathered about Congress Hall. At eleven o’clock, Mr. Jefferson took the oath as Vice-President in the presence of the Senate; and proceeded with that body to the Chamber of the House of Representatives, which was densely crowded, many ladies occupying chairs ceded to them by members. After a time, Washington entered amid enthusiastic cheers * Life of Washington, vol. iii., 8vo, pp. 360, 361. Cife of U/as^ii 7 <$tot> 357 and acclamations, and the waving of handkerchiefs. Mr. Adams soon followed and was likewise well received, but not with like enthusiasm. Having taken the oath of office, Mr. Adams, in his inaugural address, spoke of his predeces¬ sor as one “who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance and fortitude, had merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity.’ ’ At the close of the ceremony, as Washington moved to¬ ward the door to retire, there was a rush from the gallery to the corridor that threatened the loss of life or limb, so eager were the throng to catch a last look of one who had so long been the object of public veneration. When Washington was in the street he waved his hat in return for the cheers of the multitude, his countenance radiant with benignity, his gray hairs streaming in the wind. The crowd followed him to his door; there, turning round, his countenance assumed a grave and almost melancholy expression, his eyes were bathed in tears, his emotions were too great for utterance, and only by gestures could he indicate his thanks and con¬ vey his farewell blessing.* In the evening a splendid banquet was given to him by the principal inhabitants of Philadelphia in the Amphithea¬ ter, which was decorated with emblematical paintings. All the heads of departments, the foreign ministers, several offi¬ cers of the late army, and various persons of note were pres¬ ent. Among the paintings, one represented the home of his heart, the home to which he was about to hasten—Mount Vernon. * From personal recollections of William A. Duer, late President of Columbia College. 358 U/or^s of U/asffio^tOQ Iruii}$ CHAPTER THIRTY-ONE Washington at Mount Vernon—Influx of strange Faces-—Lawrence Lewis—Miss Nelly Custis—Washington’s Counsel in Love Mat¬ ters—A Romantic Episode—Return of George Washington La¬ fayette His official career being terminated, Washington set off for Mount Vernon, accompanied by Mrs. Washington, her granddaughter, Miss Nelly Custis, and George Washington Lafayette, with his preceptors. Of the enthusiastic devotion manifested toward him wherever he passed he takes the following brief and char¬ acteristic notice: “The attentions we met with on our jour¬ ney were very flattering, and to some, whose minds are dif¬ ferently formed from mine, would have been highly relished; but I avoided, in every instance where I had any previous notice of the intention, and could, by earnest entreaties, prevail, all parade and escorts.” He is at length at Mount Vernon, that haven of repose to which he had so often turned a wishful eye throughout his agitated and anxious life, and where he trusted to pass quietly and serenely the remainder of his days. He finds himself, however, “in the situation of a new beginner; almost every¬ thing about him required considerable repairs, and a house is immediately to be built for the reception and safe keeping of his military, civil, and private papers.” “In a word,” writes he, “I am already surrounded by joiners, masons and painters, and such is my anxiety to be out of their hands Cife of U/asl?ii}<$tOQ 359 that I have scarcely a room to put a friend into, or to sit in myself, without the music of hammers and the odoriferous scent of paint.” Still he is at Mount Vernon, and as the spring opens, the rural beauties of the country exert their sweetening influ¬ ence. In a letter to his friend Oliver Wolcott, who, as Sec¬ retary of the Treasury, was still acting on “the great thea¬ ter,” he adverts but briefly to public affairs. “For myself,” adds he, exultingly, “having turned aside from the broad walks of political into the narrow paths of private life, I shall leave it with those whose duty it is to consider subjects of this sort, and, as every good citizen ought to do, conform to whatsoever the ruling powers shall decide. To make and sell a little flour annually, to repair houses going fast to ruin, to build one for the security of my papers of a public nature, and to amuse myself in agricultural and rural pursuits, will constitute employment for the few years I have to remain on this terrestrial globe. If, also, I could now and then meet the friends I esteem, it would fill the measure and add zest to my enjoyments; but, if ever this happens, it must be under my own vine and fig-tree, as I do not think it probable that I shall go beyond twenty miles from them. ’ ’ And again, to another friend he indulges in pleasant anticipations: “Retired from noise myself and the respon¬ sibility attached to public employment, my hours will glide smoothly on. My best wishes, however, for the prosperity of our country will always have the first place in my thoughts; while to repair buildings and to cultivate my farms, which require close attention, will occupy the few years, perhaps days, I may be a sojourner here, as I am now in the sixty-fifth year of my peregrination through life.” * * Letter to William Heath., Writings, xi. 199. 360 U/or^s of U/asl?ir}<$tor) Iruii?$ A letter to his friend James McHenry. Secretary of War, furnishes a picture of his everyday life. “I am indebted to you,” writes he, “for several unacknowledged letters; but never mind that; go on as if you had answers. You are at the source of information, and can find many things to re¬ late, while I have nothing to say that could either inform or amuse a Secretary of W ar in Philadelphia. I might tell him that I begin my diurnal course with the sun; that, if my hirelings are not in their places at that time, I send them messages of sorrow for their indisposition; that, having put these wheels in motion, I examine the state of things further; that the more they are probed the deeper I find the wounds which my buildings have sustained, by an absence and neg¬ lect of eight years; that, by the time I have accomplished these matters, breakfast (a little after seven o’clock, about the time I presume you are taking leave of Mrs. McHenry) is ready; that, this being over, I mount my horse and ride round my farms, which employs me until it is time to dress for dinner, at which I rarely miss seeing strange faces, come, as they say, out of respect to me. Pray, would not the word curiosity answer as well? And how different this from hav¬ ing a few social friends at a cheerful board! The usual time of sitting at table, a walk, and tea bring me within the dawn of candle light; previous to which, if not prevented by com¬ pany, I resolve that, as soon as the glimmering taper sup¬ plies the place of the great luminary, I will retire to my writing table and acknowledge the letters I have received; but when the lights are brought I feel tired and disinclined to engage in this work, conceiving that the next night will do as well. The next night comes, and with it the same causes for postponement, and so on. Having given you the history of a day, it will serve for a year, and, I am per- Cife of \JJastyT)$tor) 361 suaded, you will not require a second edition of it. But it may strike you that in this detail no mention is made of any portion of time allotted for reading. The remark would be just, for I have not looked into a book since I came home; nor shall I be able to do it until I have discharged my work¬ men ; probably not before the nights grow longer, when pos¬ sibly I may be looking in Doomsday Book.” In his solitary rides about Mount Yernon and its wood¬ lands, fond and melancholy thoughts would occasionally sad¬ den the landscape as his mind reverted to past times and early associates. In a letter to Mrs. S. Fairfax, now in England, he writes: “It is a matter of sore regret when I cast my eyes toward Belvoir, which I often do, to reflect that the former inhabitants of it, with whom we lived in such harmony and friendship, no longer reside there, and the ruins only can be viewed as the mementos of former pleasures.” The influx of strange faces alluded to in the letter to Mr. McHenry soon became overwhelming, and Washington felt the necessity of having some one at hand to relieve him from a part of the self-imposed duties of Virginia hospitality. With this view he bethought him of his nephew Law¬ rence Lewis, the same who had gained favor with him by volunteering in the Western expedition, and accompanying General Morgan as aid-de-camp. He accordingly addressed a letter to him in which he writes: “Whenever it is conven¬ ient to you to make this place your home, I shall be glad to see you. ... As both your aunt and I are in the decline of life, and regular in our habits, especially in our hours of rising and going to bed, I require some person (fit and prop¬ er) to ease me of the trouble of entertaining company, par¬ ticularly of nights, as it is my inclination to retire (and Vol. XV.—’***16 362 U/orl^s of U/asl^ip^top Iruii)<$ unless prevented by very particular company, I always do retire) either to bed or to my study soon after candle light. In taking those duties (which hospitality obliges one to be¬ stow on company) off my hands, it would render me a very acceptable service. ,, * In consequence of this invitation, Lawrence thencefor¬ ward became an occasional inmate at Mount Vernon. The place at this time possessed attractions for gay as well as grave, and was often enlivened by young company. One great attraction was Miss Nelly Custis, Mrs. "Washington’s granddaughter, who, with her brother George W. P. Custis, had been adopted by the general at their father’s death, when they were quite children, and brought up by him with the most affectionate care. He was fond of children, especially girls; as to boys, with all his spirit of command, he found them at times somewhat ungovernable. I can govern men, would he say, but I cannot govern boys. Miss Nelly had grown up under the special eye of her grandmother, to whom she was devotedly attached, and who was particular in en¬ forcing her observance of all her lessons, as well as instruct¬ ing her in the arts of housekeeping. She was a great favor¬ ite with the general; whom, as we have before observed, she delighted with her gay whims and sprightly sallies, often overcoming his habitual gravity, and surprising him into a hearty laugh. She was now maturing into a lovely and attractive wo¬ man, and the attention she received began to awaken some solicitude in the general’s mind. This is evinced in a half sportive letter of advice written to her during a temporary absence from Mount Vernon, when she was about to make * MS. Letter. Cife of U/as^ip^tor) 363 her first appearance at a ball at Georgetown. It is curious as a specimen of Washington’s counsel in love matters. It would appear that Miss Nelly, to allay his solicitude, had already, in her correspondence, professed “a perfect apathy toward the youth of the present day, and a determination never to give herself a moment’s uneasiness on account of any of them.” Washington doubted the firmness and con¬ stancy of her resolves. “Men and women,” writes he, “feel the same inclination toward each other now that they always have done, and which they will continue to do, until there is a new order of things; and you, as others have done, may find that the passions of your sex are easier raised than al¬ layed. Do not, therefore, boast too soon, nor too strongly of your insensibility. . . . Love is said to be an involuntary passion, and it is, therefore, contended that it cannot be re¬ sisted. This is true in part only, for, like all things else, when nourished and supplied plentifully with aliment, it is rapid in its progress; but let these be withdrawn, and it may be stifled in its birth, or much stinted in its growth. . . . Although we cannot avoid first impressions, we may as¬ suredly place them under guard. . . . When the fire is be¬ ginning to kindle and your heart growing warm, propound these questions to it. Who is this invader? Have I a com¬ petent knowledge of him? Is he a man of good character? A man of sense? For, be assured, a sensible woman can never be happy with a fool. What has been his walk in life? ... Is his fortune sufficient to maintain me in the manner I have been accustomed to live, and as my sisters do live? And is he one to whom my friends can have no reasonable objection? If all these interrogatories can be satisfactorily answered, there will remain but one more to be asked; that, however, is an important one. Have I suffi* 364 U/orl^s of U/asf?ii}<$toi) Irvir>$ cient ground to conclude that his affections are engaged by me? Without this the heart of sensibility will struggle against a passion that is not reciprocated.” * The sage counsels of Washington, and the susceptible feelings of Miss Nelly, were soon brought to the test by the residence of Lawrence Lewis at Mount Vernon. A strong attachment for her grew up on his part, or perhaps already existed, and was strengthened by daily intercourse. It was favorably viewed by his uncle. Whether it was fully recip¬ rocated was uncertain. A formidable rival to Lewis ap¬ peared in the person of young Carroll of Carrollton, who had just returned from Europe, adorned with the graces of foreign travel, and whose suit was countenanced by Mrs. Washington. These were among the poetic days of Mount Vernon, when its halls echoed to the tread of lovers. They were halcyon days with Miss Nelly, as she herself declared, in after years, to a lady, from whom we have the story: “1 was young and romantic then,” said she, “and fond of wan¬ dering alone by moonlight in the woods of Mount Vernon. Grandmamma thought it wrong and unsafe, and scolded and coaxed me into a promise that I would not wander in the woods again unaccompanied. But I was missing one evening, and was brought home from the interdicted woods to the drawing-room, where the general was walking up and down with his hands behind him, as was his wont. Grand¬ mamma, seated in her great armchair, opened a severe re¬ proof. ’* Poor Miss Nelly was reminded of her promise and taxed with her delinquency. She knew that she had done wrong —admitted her fault, and essayed no excuse; but, when MS. Letter. Cife of U/asf?ir)<2tor) 365 there was a slight pause, moved to retire from the room. She was just shutting the door when she overheard the gen¬ eral attempting, in a low voice, to intercede in her behalf. “My dear,” observed he, “I would say no more—perhaps she was not alone.” His intercession stopped Miss Felly in her retreat. She re-opened the door and advanced up to the general with a firm step. “Sir,” said she, “you brought me up to speak the truth, and when I told grandmamma I was alone, I hope you believed I was alone.” The general made one of his most magnanimous bows. “My child,” replied he, “1 beg your pardon/* We will anticipate dates, and observe that the romantic episode of Miss Felly Custis terminated to the general’s satisfaction; she became the happy wife of Lawrence Lewis, as will be recorded in a future page. Early in the autumn, Washington had been relieved from his constant solicitude about the fortunes of Lafayette. Let¬ ters received by George W. Lafayette from friends in Ham¬ burg informed the youth that his father and family had been liberated from Olmutz and were on their way to Paris, with the intention of embarking for America. George was dis¬ posed to sail for France immediately, eager to embrace his parents and sisters in the first moments of their release. Washington urged him to defer his departure until he should receive letters from the prisoners themselves, lest they should cross the ocean in different directions at the same time, and pass each other, which would be a great shock to both par¬ ties. George, however, was not to be persuaded, and “I could not withhold my assent,” writes Washington, “to the gratification of his wishes, to fly to the arms of those whom he holds most dear.” 366 U/or^s of U/as^ir^^top Iruip<$ George and his tutor, M. Frestel, sailed from New York on the 26th of October. Washington writes from Mount Vernon to Lafayette: “This letter, I hope and expect, will be presented to you by your son, who is highly deserving of such parents as you and your amiable lady. “He can relate, much better than I can describe, my participation in your sufferings, my solicitude for your relief, the measures I adopted, though ineffectual, to facilitate your liberation from an unjust and cruel imprisonment, and the joy I experienced at the news of its accomplishment. I shall hasten, therefore, to congratulate you, and be assured that no one can do it with more cordiality, with more sincerity, or with greater affection on the restoration of that liberty which every act of your life entitles you to the enjoyment of; and I hope I may add, to the uninterrupted possession of your estates, and the confidence of your country.” The account which George W. Lafayette had received of the liberation of the prisoners of Olmutz was premature. It did not take place until the 19th of September, nor was it until the following month of February that the happy meeting took place between George and his family, whom he found residing in the chateau of a relative in Holstein. Cife of U/asl^ip^top 367 CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO Parting Address of the French Directory to Mr. Monroe—The new American Minister ordered to leave the Republic—Congress con¬ vened—Measures of Defense recommended—Washington’s Con¬ cern—Appointment of three Envoys Extraordinary—Doubts their Success—Hears of an old Companion in Arms—The three Ministers and Talleyrand—Their degrading Treatment—Threat¬ ened War with France—Washington appointed Commander-in- chief—Arranges for three Major-Generals—Knox aggrieved Washington had been but a few months at Mount Ver¬ non, when he received intelligence that his successor in office had issued a proclamation for a special session of Congress. He was not long in doubt as to its object. The French gov¬ ernment had declared, on the recall of Mr. Monroe, that it would not receive any new minister plenipotentiary from the United States until that power should have redressed the grievances of which the republic had complained. When Mr. Monroe had his audience of leave, Mr. Barras, the Presi¬ dent of the Directory, addressed him in terms complimentary to himself, but insulting to his country. “The French Re¬ public hopes,” said he, “that the successors of Columbus, of Raleigh, and of Penn, ever proud of their liberty, will never forget that they owe it to France. . . In their wis¬ dom, they will weigh the magnanimous benevolence of the French people with the artful caresses of perfidious designers, who meditate to draw them back to their ancient slavery. Assure, Mr. Minister, the good American people that, like them, we adore liberty; that they will always have our esteem, and that they will find in the French people the 368 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir;$t 09 Iruip$ republican generosity which knows how to accord peace, as it knows how to make its sovereignty respected. “As to you, Mr. Minister Plenipotentiary, you have fought for the principles, you have known the true inter¬ ests of your country. Depart with our regrets. We give up, in you, a representative of America, and we retain the remembrance of the citizen whose personal qualities honor that title.” A few days afterward, when Mr. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney presented himself as successor to Mr. Monroe, the Directory refused to receive him, and followed up the indig¬ nity by ordering him to leave the territories of the republic. Its next step was to declare applicable to American ships the rules in regard to neutrals contained in the treaty which Washington had signed with England. It was in view of these facts and of the captures of Amer¬ ican vessels by French cruisers, that President Adams had issued a proclamation to convene Congress on the 15th of May. In his opening speech, he adverted especially to what had fallen from Mr. Barras in Monroe’s audience of leave. “The speech of the President,” said he, “discloses senti¬ ments more alarming than the refusal of a minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union; and, at the same time, studiously marked with indignities toward the government of the United States. It evinces a disposi¬ tion to separate the people from their government; to per¬ suade them that they have different affections, principles and interests from those of their fellow-citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such at¬ tempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall con¬ vince France and the world that we are not a degraded Cife of U/asl?ii)<$toi 7 369 people, humiliated under a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instrument of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character and interest.” Still he announced his intention to institute a fresh at¬ tempt, by negotiation, to effect an amicable adjustment of differences, on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests and honor of the nation; but in the meantime he recommended to Congress to provide effectual measures of defense. Though personally retired from public life, Washington was too sincere a patriot to be indifferent to public affairs, and felt acutely the unfriendly acts of the French govern¬ ment, so repugnant to our rights and dignity. “The Presi¬ dent’s speech,” writes he, “will, I conceive, draw forth, mediately or immediately, an expression of the public mind; and as it is the right of the people that this should be carried into effect, their sentiments ought to be unequivocally known, that the principles on which the government has acted, and which, from the President’s speech, are likely to be con¬ tinued, may either be changed, or the opposition that is endeavoring to embarrass every measure of the Executive may meet effectual discountenance. Things cannot and ought not to remain any longer in their present disagreeable state. Nor should the idea that the government and the people have different views be suffered any longer to prevail at home or abroad; for it is not only injurious to us, but disgraceful also, that a government constituted as ours is should be administered contrary to their interests, if the fact be so.” * * Letter to Thomas Pinckney. W ritings, xi. 202. 370 U/orl^s of U/asl?ii)$tor) IruiQ^f In pursuance of the policy announced by Mr. Adams, three envoys extraordinary were appointed to the French republic; viz., Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, J ohn Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry; the two former federalists, the latter a democrat. The object of their mission, according to the President, was “to dissipate umbrages, remove prejudices, rectify errors, and adjust all differences by a treaty between the two powers.” Washington doubted an adjustment of the differences. “Candor,” said he, “is not a more conspicuous trait in the character of governments than it is of individuals. It is hardly to be expected, then, that the Directory of France will acknowledge its errors and tread back its steps imme¬ diately. This would announce at once that there has been precipitancy and injustice in the measures they have pur¬ sued; or that they were incapable of judging, and had been deceived by false appearances.” About this time he received a pamphlet on the “Military and Political Situation of France.” It was sent to him by the author, General Dumas, who, in the time of our Revolu- tion, had been an officer in the army of the Count de Ro- chambeau. “Your Excellency,” writes Dumas, “will ob¬ serve in it (the pamphlet) the effect of your lessons.” Then speaking of his old military chief: “General Rochambeau,” adds he, “is still at his country seat near Yendome. He enjoys there tolerably good health considering his great age, and reckons, as well as his military family, among his most dear and glorious remembrances, that of the time we had the honor to serve under your command.” Some time had elapsed since Washington had heard of his old companion in arms, who had experienced some of the melodramatic vicissitudes of the French revolution. After Cife of U/asbip^top 371 the arrest of the king he hap taken anew the oath of the constitution, and commanded the army of the north, having again received the baton of field marshal. Thwarted in his plans by the Minister of War, he had resigned and retired to his estate near Vendome; but during the time of terror had been arrested, conducted to Paris, thrown into the con- ciergerie, and condemned to death. When the car came to convey a number of the victims to the guillotine, he was about to mount it, but the executioner, seeing it full, thrust him back. “Stand back, old marshal,” cried he, roughly, “your turn will come by-and-by.” (Retire toi, vieux mare- chal, ton tour viendra plus tard.) A sudden change in political affairs saved his life, and enabled him to return to his home near Yendome, where he now resided. In a reply to Dumas, which Washington forwarded by the minister plenipotentiary about to depart for France, he sent his cordial remembrances to De Rochambeau.* The three ministers met in Paris on the 4th of October (1797), but were approached by Talleyrand and his agents in a manner which demonstrated that the avenue to justice could only be opened by gold. Their official report f reveals the whole of this dishonorable intrigue. It states that Mr. Pinckney received a visit from Mr. Bellarni, the secret agent * The worthy De Rochambeau survived the storms of the Revolution. In 1803 he was presented to Napoleon, who, pointing to Berthier and other generals who had once served under his orders, said: “Marshal, behold your schol¬ ars.” “The scholars have surpassed their master,” replied the modest veteran. In the following year he received the cross of grand officer of the legion of honor, and a marshal’s pension. He died full of years and honors, in 1807. t American State Papers, vols. iii. and iv. 372 U/ork[8 of U/asf)ir}<$tor> Iruir><$ of Mr. Talleyrand, who assured him that Citizen Talleyrand had the highest esteem for America and the citizens of the United States, and was most anxious for their reconciliation with France. With that view some of the most offensive passages in the speech of President Adams (in May, 1797) must be expunged, and a douceur of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars put at the disposal of Mr. Talle 3 7 rand for the use of the Directory, and a large loan made by America to France. On the 20th of October, the same subject was resumed in the apartments of the plenipotentiary, and, on this occa¬ sion, besides the secret agent, an intimate friend of Talley¬ rand was present. The expunging of the passages in the President’s speech was again insisted on, and it was added that, after that, money was the principal object. “We must have money—a great deal of money!” were his words. At a third conference, October 21st, the sum was fixed at 32,000,000 francs (6,400,000 dollars), as a loan secured on the Dutch contributions , and 250,000 dollars in the form of a douceur to the Diretory. At a subsequent meeting, October 27th, the same secret agent said, “Gentlemen, you mistake the point, you say nothing of the money you are to give—you make no offer of money—on that point you are not explicit .” “We are explicit enough,” replied the American envoys. “We will not give you one farthing; and before coming here, we should have thought such an offer as you now propose would have been regarded as a mortal insult.” On this indignant reply, the wily agent intimated that if they would only pay, by way of fees, just as they would to a lawyer who should plead their case, the sum required for the private use of the Directory, they might remain at Cife of U/asfiip^toi} 373 Paris until they should receive further orders from America as to the loan required for government.* Being inaccessible to any such disgraceful and degrading propositions, the envoys remained several months in Paris unaccredited, and finally returned at separate times, without an official discussion of the object of their mission, f During this residence of the envoys in Paris, the Direc¬ tory, believing the people of the United States would not sus¬ tain their government in a war against France, proceeded to enact a law subjecting to capture and condemnation neu¬ tral vessels and their cargoes, if any portion of the latter was of British fabric or produce, although the entire property might belong to neutrals. As the United States were at this time the great neutral carriers of the world, this iniquitous decree struck at a vital point in their maritime power. J When this act and the degrading treatment of the Amer¬ ican envoys became known, the spirit of the nation was aroused, and war with France seemed inevitable. The crisis was at once brought to Washington’s own door. “You ought to be aware,writes Hamilton to him, May 19, “that in the event of an open rupture with France, the public voice will again call you to command the armies of your country; and though all who are attached to you will, from attachment as well as public considerations, de¬ plore an occasion which should once more tear you from that repose to which you have -so good a right, yet it is the * See Life of Talleyrand, by the Rev. Charles K. McHarg, pp. 161, 162. f Marshall left France April 16, 1798; Gerry on the 26th July. Pinckney, detained by the illness of his daughter, did not arrive in the United States until early in October, t McHarg’s Life of Talleyrand, 160. 874 U/or^s of U/asfiffi^tor) opinion of all those with whom I converse, that you will be compelled to make the sacrifice. All your past labors may demand, to give them efficacy, this further, this very great sacrifice.” The government was resolved upon vigorous measures. Congress, on the 28th of May, authorized Mr. Adams to enlist ten thousand men as a provisional army, to be called by him into actual service, in case of hostilities. Adams was perplexed by the belligerent duties thus sud¬ denly devolved upon him. How should he proceed in form¬ ing an army? Should he call on all the old generals who had figured in the Revolution, or appoint a young set? Mili > tary tactics were changed, and a new kind of enemy was to be met. “If the French come here,” said he, “we will have to march with a quick step and attack, for in that way only they are said to be vulnerable.” These and other questions he propounded to Washington by letter, on the 22d of June. “I must tax you sometimes for advice,” writes he. “We must have your name, if you will in any case permit us to use it. There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army.” And McHenry, the Secretary of War, writes, about the same time: “You see how the storm thickens, and that our vessel will soon require its ancient pilot. Will you—maj we flatter ourselves, that, in a crisis so awful and important, you will—accept the command of all our armies? I hope you will, because you alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that they can be united.” In a reply to the President’s letter, Washington writes, on the 4th of July: “At the epoch of my retirement, an invasion of these States by any European power, or even the probability of such an event happening in my days, was Cife of U/asbffi^top 375 30 far from being contemplated by me, that I had no concep¬ tion that that or any other occurrence would arise in so short a period, which could turn my eyes from the shade of Mount Vernon. ... In case of actual invasion , by a formidable force, I certainly should not intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it.” And in his reply of the same date, to the Secretary of War, he writes: <£ I see, as you do, that clouds are gather¬ ing, and that a storm may ensue; and I find, too, from a variety of hints, that my quiet, under these circumstances, does not promise to be of long continuance. »••••••• “As my whole life has been dedicated to my country in one shape or another, for the poor remains of it, it is not an object to contend for ease and quiet, when all that is valuable is at stake, further than to be satisfied that the sacrifice I should make of these is acceptable and desired by my country.” Before these letters were dispatched he had already been nominated to the Senate (July 3d) commander-in-chief of all the armies raised or to be raised. His nomination was unanimously confirmed on the following day, and it was determined that the Secretary of War should be the bearer of the commission to Mount Vernon, accompanied by a letter from the President. “The reasons and motives,” writes Mr. Adams in his instructions to the Secretary, “which prevailed with me to venture upon such a step as the nomi¬ nation of this great and illustrious character, whose volun¬ tary resignation alone occasioned my introduction to the office I now hold, were too numerous to be detailed in this letter, and are too obvious and important to escape the 376 U/or^s of U/asl?ii}<$toi} Iruii?$ observation of any part of America or Europe. But as it is a movement of great delicacy, it will require all your address to communicate the subject in a manner that shall be unoffensive to his feelings and consistent with all the respect that is due from me to him. “If the General should decline the appointment, all the world will be silent and respectfully assent. If he should accept it, all the world, except the enemies of this country, will rejoice.” Mr. McHenry was instructed to consult Washington - upon the organization of the army, and upon everything relating to it. He was the bearer also of a letter from Ham¬ ilton. “I use the liberty,” writes he, “which my attach¬ ment to you and to the public authorizes, to offer you my opinion that you should not decline the appointment. It is evident that the public satisfaction at it is lively and uni¬ versal. It is not to be doubted that the circumstances will give an additional spring to the public mind, will tend much to unite, and will facilitate the measures which the conjunc¬ tion requires.” It was with a heavy heart that Washington found his dream of repose once more interrupted; but his strong fidelity to duty would not permit him to hesitate. He accepted the commission, however, with the condition that he should not be called into the field until the army was in a situation to require his presence; or it should become indispensable by the urgency of circumstances. “In making this reservation,” added he, in his letter to the President, “I beg it to be understood that I do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and organize the army which you may think I can afford. I take the liberty, also, to mention that I must decline having my acceptance con- Cife of U/a8fyir)$toi) 377 sidered as drawing after it any immediate charge upon the public; or that I can receive any emoluments annexed to the appointment before entering into a situation to incur expense.’* He made another reservation, through the Secretary of War, but did not think proper to embody it in his public letter of acceptance, as that would be communicated to the Senate, which was, that the principal officers in the line and of the staff should be such as he could place confi¬ dence in. As to the question which had perplexed Mr. Adams whether, in forming the army, to call on all the old generals or appoint a new set, “Washington’s idea was that, as the armies about to be raised were commencing de novo> the President had the right to make officers of citizens or soldiers at his discretion, availing himself of the best aid the country afforded. That no officer of the old army, disbanded four¬ teen years before, could expect , much less claim , an appoint¬ ment on any other ground than superior experience, brilliant exploits, and general celebrity founded on merit. It was with such views that, in the arrangements made by him with the Secretary of War, the three major-generals stood, Hamilton, who was to be Inspector-general, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney (not yet returned from Europe), and Knox: in which order he wished their commissions to be dated. The appointment of Hamilton as second in command was desired by the public, on account of his distinguished ability, energy and fidelity. Pickering, in recommending it, writes: “The enemy whom we are now preparing to encounter, veterans in arms, led by able and active officers, and accustomed to victory, must be met by the best blood, talents, energy and experience that our country can pro- 378 U/orl^s of U/asl?iQ<$tor> duce.” Washington, speaking of him to the President, says: “Although Colonel Hamilton has never acted in the character of a general officer, yet his opportunities, as the principal and most confidential aid of the commander-in¬ chief, afforded him the means of viewing everything on a larger scale than those whose attention was confined to divisions or brigades, who know nothing of the correspond¬ ences of the commander-in-chief, or of the various orders to, or transactions with, the general staff of the army. These advantages, and his having served with usefulness in the old Congress, in the general convention, and having filled one of the most important departments of government with acknowledged abilities and integrity, have placed him on high ground, and made him a conspicuous character in the United States and in Europe. . . . “By some he is considered an ambitious man, and, there¬ fore, a dangerous one. That he is ambitious, I shall readily grant, but it is of that laudable kind which prompts a man to excel in whatever he takes in hand. He is enterprising, quick in his perceptions, and his judgment intuitively great —qualities essential to a military character.” Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was placed next in rank, not solely on account of his military qualifications, which were great, but of his popularity and influence in the South¬ ern States, where his connections were numerous and power¬ ful; it being apprehended that, if the French intended an invasion in force, their operations would commence south of Maryland; in which case it would be all important to em¬ bark General Pinckney and his connections heartily in the active scenes that would follow. By this arrangement Hamilton and Pinckney took prece¬ dence of Knox, an officer whom Washington declared he Cife of U/asl?ii?$toi} 379 loved and esteemed; but he trusted the exigencies of the case would reconcile the latter to the position assigned to him. “Viewing things in this light,” writes he to Knox, July 16th, “I would fain hope, as we are forming an army anew, which army, if needful at all, is to fight for everything which ought to be dear and sacred to freemen, that former rank will be forgotten, and, among the fit and chosen characters, the only contention will be who shall be foremost in zeal at this crisis to serve his country, in whatever situation circum¬ stances may place him.” The reply of Knox, written in the glow of the moment, bespoke how deeply his warm impulsive feelings were wounded. “I yesterday received your favor,” writes he, “which I opened with all the delightful sensations of affec¬ tion which I always before experienced upon the receipt of your letters. But I found, on its perusal, a striking instance of that vicissitude of human affairs and friendships which you so justly describe. I read it with astonishment, which, however, subsided in the reflection that few men know them- • selves, and, therefore, that for more than twenty years I have been acting under a perfect delusion. Conscious my¬ self of entertaining for you a sincere, active and invariable friendship, I easily believed it was reciprocal. Kay more, I flattered myself with your esteem and respect in a military point of view. But I find that others, greatly my juniors in rank, have been, upon a scale of comparison, preferred be¬ fore me. Of this, perhaps, the world may also concur with you that I have no just reason to complain. But every in¬ telligent and just principle of society required, either that I should have been previously consulted in an arrangement in which my feelings and happiness have been so much wounded, or that I should not have been dragged forth to 380 Worlds of U/as}?ii?<$tor) Iruir)<$ public view at all, to make the comparison so conspicuously odious.” After continuing in an expostulatory vein, followed by his own views of the probable course of invasion, he adds, toward the close of his letter—“I have received no other no¬ tification of an appointment than what the newspapers an¬ nounce. When it shall please the Secretary of War to give me the information, I shall endeavor to make him a suitable answer. At present, I do not perceive how it can possibly be to any other purport than in the negative.” In conclusion, he writes: 4 c In whatever situation I shall be, I shall always remember with pleasure and gratitude the friendship and confidence with which you have heretofore honored me. “I am, with the highest attachment,” etc. Washington was pained in the extreme at the view taken by General Knox of the arrangement, and at the wound which it had evidently given to his feelings and his pride. In a letter to the President (25th Sept.), he writes: “With respect to General Knox, I can say with truth there is no man in the United States with whom I have been in habits of greater intimacy, no one whom I have loved more sin¬ cerely, nor any for whom I have had a greater friendship. But esteem, love and friendship can have no influence on my mind, when I conceive that the subjugation of our govern¬ ment and independence are the objects aimed at by the ene¬ mies of our peace, and when, possibly, our all is at stake.” In reply to Knox, Washington, although he thought the reasons assigned in his previous letter ought to have been sufficiently explanatory of his motives, went into long details of the circumstances under which the military appointments had been made, and the important considerations which Cife of U/asl?ii}<$tor? 381 dictated them; and showing that it was impossible for him to consult Knox previously to the nomination of the general officers. “I do not know,” writes he, “that these explanations will afford you any satisfaction or produce any change in your determination, but it was just to myself to make them. If there has been any management in the business, it has been concealed from me. I have had no agency therein, nor have I conceived a thought on the subject that has not been disclosed to you with the utmost sincerity and frankness of heart. And now, notwithstanding the insinuations, which are implied in your letter, of the vicissitudes of friendship and the inconstancy of mine, I will pronounce with decision that it ever has been, and, notwithstanding the unkindness of the charge, ever will be, for aught I know to the contrary, warm and sincere.” The genial heart of Knox was somewhat soothed and mollided by the “welcome and much esteemed letter of Washington, in which,” said he, “I recognize fully all the substantial friendship and kindness wdiich I have invariably experienced from you. 5 ’ Still he was tenacious of the point of precedence, and unwilling to serve in a capacity which would compromise his pride. “If an invasion shall take place,” writes he, “I shall deeply regret all circumstances which would insuperably bar my having an active commad in the field. But if such a measure should be my destiny, I shall fervently petition to serve as one of your aides-de-camp, which, with permission, I shall do with all the cordial devo¬ tion and affection of which my soul is capable.” On the 18th of October, Washington learned through the gazettes of the safe arrival of General Pinckney at New York, and was anxious lest there should be a second part 382 U/orl^g of U/asl?ii)$toi) Iruir)<$ of the difficulty created by General "Knox. On the 21st he writes again to Knox, reiterating his wish to have him in the augmented corps as a major-general. 6 ‘We shall have either no war y or a severe contest with France; in either case, if you will allow me to express my opinion, this is the most eligible time for you to come for¬ ward. In the first case, to assist with your counsel and aid in making judicious provisions and arrangements to avert it; in the other case, to share in the glory of defending your country, and, by making all secondary objects yield to that great and primary object, display a mind superior to embar¬ rassing punctilios at so critical a moment as the present. 44 After having expressed these sentiments with the frank¬ ness of undisguised friendship, it is hardly necessary to add that, if you should finally decline the appointment of major- general, there is none to whom I would give a more decided preference as an aid-de-camp, the offer of which is highly flattering, honorable, and grateful to my feelings, and for which I entertain a high sense. But, my dear General Knox, and here again I repeat to you, in the language of candor and friendship, examine well your own mind upon this subject. Do not unite yourself to the suite of a man whom you may consider as the primary cause of what you call a degradation, with unpleasant sensations. This, while it is gnawing upon you, would, if I should come to the knowledge of it, make me unhappy; as my first wish would be that my military family, and the whole army, should consider themselves a band of brothers, willing and ready to die for each other.” Before Knox could have received this letter, he had, on the 23d of October, written to the Secretary of War, declin¬ ing to serve under Hamilton and Pinckney, on the principle Cife of U/asl?ii)<$toi) 383 that “no officer can consent to his own degradation by serv¬ ing in an inferior station.’* General Pinckney, on the con¬ trary, cheerfully accepted his appointment, although placed under Hamilton, who had been of inferior rank to him in the last war. It was with the greatest pleasure he had seen that officer’s name at the head of the list of major-generals, and applauded the discernment which had placed him there. He regretted that General Knox had declined his appointment, and that his feelings should be hurt by being outranked. “If the authority,” adds he, “which appointed me to the rank of second major in the army, will review the arrange¬ ment, and place General Knox before me, I will neither quit the service nor be dissatisfied.” * CHAPTER THIRTY-THREE Washington taxed anew with the Cares of Office—Correspondence with Lafayette—A Marriage at Mount Vernon—Appointment of a Minister to the French Republic—Washington’s Surprise— His Activity on his Estate—Political Anxieties—Concern about the Army Early in November (1798) Washington left his retire¬ ment and repaired to Philadelphia, at the earnest request of the Secretary of War, to meet that public functionary and Major-generals Hamilton and Pinckney, and make arrange¬ ments respecting the forces about to be raised. The Secre¬ tary had prepared a series of questions for their considera¬ tion, and others were suggested by Washington, all bearing upon the organization of the provisional army. Upon these * Letter to the Secretary of War. 384 U/or^s of U/asbir^tor? Iruir)<$ Washington and the two major-generals were closely en¬ gaged for nearly five weeks, at great inconvenience and in a most inclement season. The result of their deliberations * was reduced to form, and communicated to the Secretary in two letters drafted by Hamilton and signed by the command¬ er-in-chief. Not the least irksome of Washington’s task, in his present position, was to wade through volumes of appli¬ cations and recommendations for military appointments; a task which he performed with extreme assiduity, anxious to avoid the influence of favor or prejudice, and sensitively alive to the evil of improper selections. As it was a part of the plan on which he had accepted the command of the army to decline the occupations of the office until circumstances should require his presence in the field, and as the season and weather rendered him impatient to leave Philadelphia, he gave the Secretary of War his views and plans for the charge and direction of military affairs, and then set out once more for Mount Vernon. The cares and concerns of office, however, followed him to his re¬ treat. “It is not the time nor the attention only,” writes he, “which the public duties I am engaged in require, but their bringing upon me applicants, recommenders of appli¬ cants, and seekers of information, none of whom, perhaps, are my acquaintances, with their servants and horses to aid in the consumption of my forage, and what to me is more valuable, my time, that I most regard; for a man in the country, nine miles from any house of entertainment, is differently situated from one in a city, where none of these inconveniences are felt.” In a letter, recently received from Lafayette, the latter spoke feelingly of the pleasure he experienced in conversing incessantly with his son George about Mount Vernon, its dear and venerated inhabitants, of Cife of U/a8fyir)<$tor> 385 the tender obligation, so profoundly felt, which he and his son had contracted toward him who had become a father to both. In the conclusion of his letter, Lafayette writes that, from the information he had received, he was fully persuaded that the French Directory desired to be at peace with the United States. “The aristocratical party,” adds he, “whose hatred of America dates from the commencement of the European revolution, and the English government, which, since the Declaration of Independence, have forgotten and forgiven nothing, will rejoice, I know, at the prospect of a rupture between two nations heretofore united in the cause of liberty, and will endeavor, by all the means in their power, to pre¬ cipitate us into a war. . . . But you are there, my dear general, independent of all parties, venerated by all, and if, as I hope, your information lead you to judge favorably of the disposition of the French government, your influence ought to prevent the breach from widening, and should in¬ sure a noble and durable reconciliation.” In his reply, Dec. 25th, Washington says: “You have expressed a wish worthy of the benevolence of your heart, that I would exert all my endeavors to avert the calamitous effects of a rupture between our countries. Believe me, my dear friend, that no man can deprecate an event of this sort more than 1 should. ... You add, in another place, that the Executive Directory are disposed to an accommodation of all differences. If tney are sincere m this declaration, let them evidence it by actions; for words, unaccompanied there¬ with, will not be much regarded now. I would pledge my¬ self that the government and people of the United States will meet them heart and hand at a fair negotiation; having no wish more ardent than to live in peace with all the world, Vol. XV.— 5 ***17 386 U/orl^s of U/asl^iQ^top Iruir?<$ provided they are suffered to remain undisturbed in their just rights.” “Of the politics of Europe,” adds he, in another part of his letter, “I shall express no opinion, nor make any inquiry who is right or who is wrong. I wish well to all nations and to all men. My politics are plain and simple. I think every nation has a right to establish that form of govern¬ ment under which it conceives it may live most happy; pro¬ vided it infringes no right, or is not dangerous to others; and that no governments ought to interfere with the internal concerns of another, except for the security of what is due to themselves.” "Washington’s national pride, however, had been deeply wounded by the indignities inflicted on his country by the French, and he doubted the propriety of entering into any fresh negotiations with them, unless overtures should be made on their part. As to any symptoms of an accommo¬ dation they might at present evince, he ascribed them to the military measures adopted by the United States, and thought those measures ought not to be relaxed. We have spoken in a preceding chapter of a love affair growing up at Mount Yernon between W ashington’s nephew, Lawrence Lewis, and Miss Nelly Custis. The parties had since become engaged, to the general’s great satisfaction, and their nuptials were celebrated at Mount Yernon on his birthday, the 22d of February (1799). Lawrence had re¬ cently received the commission of major of cavalry in the new army which was forming; and Washington made ar¬ rangements for settling the newly married couple near him on a part of the Mount Yernon lands which he had desig¬ nated in his will to be bequeathed to Miss Nelly. As the year opened, Washington continued to correspond Cife of U/asl?ii}<$toi) 387 with the Secretary of War and General Hamilton on the affairs of the provisional army. The recruiting business went on slowly, with interruptions, and there was delay in furnishing commissions to the officers who had been ap¬ pointed. Washington, who was not in the secrets of the cabinet, was at a loss to account for this apparent torpor. “If the augmented force,” writes he to Hamilton, “was not intended as an in terrorem measure, the delay in recruiting it is unaccountable, and baffles all conjecture on reasonable grounds.” The fact was that the military measures taken in Ameri¬ can had really produced an effect on French policy. Efforts had been made by M. Talleyrand, through unofficial persons, to induce an amicable overture on the part of the United States. At length that wily minister had written to the French Secretary of Legation at the Hague, M. Pichon, in¬ timating that whatever plenipotentiary the United States might send to France to put an end to the existing differ¬ ences between the two countries would be undoubtedly re¬ ceived with the respect due to the representative of a free, independent and powerful nation; M. Pichon communi¬ cated a copy of this letter to Mr. William Vans Murray, the American minister in Holland, who forthwith trans¬ mitted it to his government. Mr. Adams caught at the chance for an extrication from his belligerent difficulties, and laid this letter before the Senate on the 18th of Febru¬ ary, at the same time nominating Mr. Murray to be minister plenipotentiary to the French Republic. Washington expressed his extreme surprise when the news of this unexpected event reached him. “But far, very far indeed,” writes he, “was that surprise short of what I experienced the next day, when, by a very intelligent gem 388 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir)<$tor) tleman immediately from Philadelphia, I was informed that there had been no direct overture from the government of France to that of the United States for a negotiation; on the contrary, that M. Talleyrand was playing the same loose and round-about game he had attempted the year before with our envoys; and which, as in that case, might mean anything or nothing, as would subserve his purposes best.” Before the Senate decided on the nomination of Mr. Murray, two other persons were associated with him in the mission, namely, Oliver Ellsworth and Patrick Henry. The three envoys being confirmed, Mr. Murray was instructed by letter to inform the French Minister of Foreign Affairs of the fact, but to apprise him that his associate envoys would not embark for Europe until the Directory had given assurance, through their Minister for Foreign Affairs, that those envoys would be received in proper form and treated with on terms of equality. Mr. Murray was directed at the same time to have no further informal communications with any French agent. Mr. Henry declined to accept his appointment, on account of ill health, and Mr. William Richardson Davie was ulti¬ mately substituted for him. Throughout succeeding months, Washington continued to superintend from a distance the concerns of the army, as his ample and minute correspondence manifests; and he was at the same time earnestly endeavoring to bring the affairs of his rural domain into order. A sixteen years’ absence from home, with short intervals, had, he said, de¬ ranged them considerably, so that it required all the time he could spare from the usual avocations of life to bring them into tune again. It was a period of incessant activity and toil, therefore, both mental and bodily. He was for Cife of U/a8t?ii}<$toi} 389 hours in his study occupied with his pen, and for hours on horseback, riding the rounds of his extensive estate, visiting the various farms, and superintending and directing the works in operation. All this he did with unfailing vigor, though now in his sixty-seventh year. Occasional reports of the sanguinary conflict that was going on in Europe would reach him in the quiet groves of Mount Vernon, and awaken his solicitude. “A more de¬ structive sword,” said he, 4 ‘was never drawn, at least in modern times, than this war has produced. It is time to sheathe it and give peace to mankind.” * Amid this strife and turmoil of the nations, he felt re¬ doubled anxiety about the success of the mission to France. The great successes of the allies combined against that power; the changes in the Directory, and the rapidity with which everything seemed verging toward a restoration of the mon¬ archy, induced some members of the cabinet to advise a suspension of the mission; but Mr. Adams was not to be convinced or persuaded. Having furnished the commis¬ sioners with their instructions, he gave his final order for their departure, and they sailed in a frigate from Rhode Island on the 3d of November. A private letter written by “Washington shortly afterward to the Secretary of War bespeaks his apprehensions: “I have for some time past viewed the political concerns of the United States with an anxious and painful eye. They appear to me to be moving by hasty strides to a crisis; but in what it will result, that Being, who sees, foresees, and directs all things, alone can tell. The vessel is afloat, or very nearly so, and considering myself as a passenger only, I shall trust to the * Letter to William Vans Murray. i>90 U/or^s of U/as^ir>($tOQ Iruip<$ mariners (whose duty it is to watch) to steei it into a safe port.” His latest concern about the army was to give instruc¬ tions for hutting the troops according to an idea originally suggested by Hamilton, and adopted in the Revolutionary war. “Although I had determined to take no charge of any military operations,” writes he, “unless the troops should be called into the field, yet, under the present circumstances, and considering that the advanced season of the year will admit of no delay in providing winter quarters for the troops, I have willingly given my aid in that business, and shall never decline any assistance in my power, when necessary , to promote the good of the service.” * CHAPTER THIRTY-POUR Washington digests a Plan for the Management of his Estate-—His views in regard to a Military Academy—Letter to Hamilton— His Last Hours—The Funeral—The Will—Its Provisions in re¬ gard to his Slaves—Proceedings of Congress on his Death—Con¬ clusion Winter had now set in, with occasional wind and rain and frost, yet Washington still kept up his active round of indoor and outdoor avocations, as his diary records. He was in full health and vigor, dined out occasionally, and had frequent guests at Mount Yernon, and, as usual, was part of every day in the saddle, going the rounds of his estates, and, in his military phraseology, “visiting the out¬ posts.” * Washington’s Writings, xi. 463. Cife of U/as^ip^toi) 391 He had recently walked with his favorite nephew about the grounds, showing the improvements he intended to make, and had especially pointed out the spot where he purposed building a new family vault; the old one being damaged by the roots of trees which had overgrown it and caused it to leak. “This change,” said he, “I shall make the first of all, for I may require it before the rest.” “When I parted from him,” adds the nephew, “he stood on the steps of the front door, where he took leave of myself and another. ... It was a bright frosty morning; he had taken his usual ride, and the clear, healthy flush on his cheek, and his sprightly manner, brought the remark from both of us that we had never seen the General look so well. I have sometimes thought him decidedly the handsomest man I ever saw; and when in a lively mood, so full of pleas¬ antry, so agreeable to all with whom he associated, that I could hardly realize he was the same Washington whose dignity awed all who approached him.” * For some time past Washington had been occupied in digesting a complete system on which his estate was to be managed for several succeeding years; specifying the culti¬ vation of the several farms, with tables designating the rota¬ tions of the crops. It occupied thirty folio pages, and was executed with that clearness and method which character¬ ized all his business papers. This was finished on the 10th of December, and was accompanied by a letter of that date to his manager or steward. It is a valuable document, show¬ ing the soundness and vigor of his intellect at this advanced stage of his existence, and the love of order that reigned throughout his affairs. “My greatest anxiety,” said he on * Paulding’s Life of Washington, vol. ii., p. 196. 392 U/or^s of U/asf?ii 7 <$tor} Iruir)<$ a previous occasion, “is to have all these concerns in such a clear and distinct form, that no reproach may attach itself to me when I have taken my departure for the land of spirits.” * It was evident, however, that, full of health and vigor, he looked forward to his long-cherished hope, the enjoyment of a serene old age in this home of his heart. According to his diary, the morning on which these vo¬ luminous instructions to his steward were dated was clear and calm, but the afternoon was lowering. The next day (11th) he notes that there was wind and rain, and “at night a large circle round the moon.” The morning of the 12th was overcast. That morning he wrote a letter to Hamilton, heartily approving of a plan for a military academy, which the latter had submitted to the Secretary of War. “The establishment of an institution of this kind upon a respectable and extensive basis,” observes he, “has ever been considered by me an object of primary importance to this country; and while I was in the chair of government I omitted no proper opportunity of recom¬ mending it, in my public speeches and otherwise, to the attention of the legislature. But I never undertook to go into a detail of the organization of such an academy, leaving this task to others, whose pursuit in the path of science and attention to the arrangement of such institutions had better qualified them for the execution of it. . . . I sincerely hope that the subject will meet with due attention, and that the reasons for its establishment, which you have clearly pointed out in your letter to the Secretary, will prevail upon the legislature to place it upon a permanent and respectable * Letter to James McHenry. Writings, xi. 407. Cife of U/as^ip^tor) 393 footing.” He closes liis letter with an assurance of “very great esteem and regard,” the last words he was ever to address to Hamilton. About ten o’clock he mounted his horse, and rode out as usual to make the rounds of the estate. The ominous ring round the moon, which he had observed on the preceding night, proved a fatal portent. “About one o’clock,” he notes, “it began to snow, soon after to hail, and then turned to a settled cold rain.” Hav¬ ing on an overcoat, he continued his ride without regarding the weather, and did not return to the house until after three. His secretary approached him with letters to be franked, that they might be taken to the post-office in the evening. Washington franked the letters, but observed that the weather was too bad to send a servant out with them. Mr. Lear perceived that snow was hanging from his hair, and expressed fears that he had got wet; but he replied, “No, his greatcoat had kept him dry.” As dinner had been waiting for him he sat down to table without chang¬ ing his dress. “In the evening,” writes his secretary, “he appeared as well as usual.” On the following morning the snow was three inches deep and still falling, which prevented him from taking his usual ride. He complained of a sore throat, and had evi¬ dently taken cold the day before. In the afternoon the weather cleared up, and he went out on the grounds between the house and the river, to mark some trees which were to be cut down. A hoarseness which had hung about him through the day grew worse toward night, but he made light of it. He was very cheerful in the evening, as he sat in the parlor with Mrs. "Washington and Mr. Lear, amusing him° 394 U/or^s of U/asI?iQ($tor> self witli the papers which had been brought from the post- office. When he met with anything interesting or entertain¬ ing, he would read it aloud as well as his hoarseness would permit, or he listened and made occasional comments while Mr. Lear read the debates of the Virginia assembly. On retiring to bed, Mr. Lear suggested that he should take something to relieve the cold. “No,” replied he, “you know I never take anything for a cold. Let it go as it came.” In the night he was taken extremely ill with ague and difficulty of breathing. Between two and three o’clock in the morning he awoke Mrs. Washington, who would have risen to call a servant; but he would not permit her, lest she should take cold. At daybreak, when the servant woman entered to make a fire, she was sent to call Mr. Lear. He found the general breathing with difficulty, and hardly able to utter a word intelligibly. Washington desired that Dr. Craik, who lived in Alexandria, should be sent for, and that in the meantime Rawlins, one of the overseers, should be summoned, to bleed him before the doctor could arrive. A gargle was prepared for his throat, but whenever he attempted to swallow any of it he was convulsed and almost suffocated. Rawlins made his appearance soon after sun¬ rise, but when the general’s arm was ready for the operation became agitated. “Don’t be afraid,” said the general, as well as he could speak. Rawlins made an incision. “The orifice is not large enough,” said Washington. The blood, however, ran pretty freely and Mrs. Washington, uncertain whether the treatment was proper, and fearful that too much blood might be taken, begged Mr. Lear to stop it. When he was about to untie the string, the general put up his hand to prevent him, and as soon as he could speak, murmured. Cife of U/asl?ir)$toi} 395 “More—more;” but Mrs. Washington’s doubts prevailed, and the bleeding was stopped, after about half a pint of blood had been taken. External applications were now made to the throat, and his feet were bathed in warm water, but without affording any relief. His old friend, Dr. Craik, arrived between eight and nine, and two other physicians, Drs. Dick and Brown, were called in. Various remedies were tried, and additional bleeding, but all of no avail. “About half-past four o’clock,” writes Mr. Lear, “he desired me to call Mrs. Washington to his bedside, when he requested her to go down into his room and take from his desk two wills, which she would find there, and bring them to him, which she did. Upon looking at them, he gave her one, which he observed was useless, as being super¬ seded by the other, and desired her to burn it, which she did, and took the other and put it into her closet. “After this was done, I returned to his bedside and took his hand. He said to me: ‘I find I am going, my breath cannot last long. I believed from the first that the disorder would prove fatal. Do you arrange and record all my late military letters and papers. Arrange my accounts and settle my books, as you know more about them than any one else; and let Mr. Rawlins finish recording my other letters which he has begun. ’ I told him this should be done. He then asked if I recollected anything which it was essen¬ tial for him to do, as he had but a very short time to con¬ tinue with us. I told him that I could recollect nothing; but that I hoped he was not so near his end. He observed, smiling, that he certainly was, and that, as it was the debt which we must all pay, he looked to the event with perfect resignation. ’ ’ 396 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir)<$tor} In/ii}$ In the course of the afternoon he appeared to be in great pain and distress from the difficulty of breathing, and fre¬ quently changed his posture in the bed. Mr. Lear endeav- . ored to raise him and turn him with as much ease as pos¬ sible. “I am afraid I fatigue you too much,” the general would say. Upon being assured to the contrary, “Well,” observed he gratefully, “it is a debt we must pay to each other, and I hope when you want aid of this kind you will find it.” His servant, Christopher, had been in the room during the day, and almost the whole time on his feet. The gen¬ eral noticed it in the afternoon, and kindly told him to sit down. About five o’clock his old friend, Dr. Craik, came again into the room, and approached the bedside. “Doctor,” said the general, ‘ ‘ I die hard, but I am not afraid to go. I be¬ lieved, from my first attack, that I should not survive it— my breath cannot last long.” The doctor pressed his hand in silence, retired from the bedside, and sat by the fire absorbed in grief. Between five and six the other physicians came in, and he was assisted to sit up in his bed. “I feel I am going,” said he; “1 thank you for your attentions, but I pray you to take no more trouble about me; let me go off quietly; I cannot last long.” He lay down again; all retired except¬ ing Dr. Craik. The general continued uneasy and restless, but without complaining, frequently asking what hour it was. Further remedies were tried without avail in the even¬ ing. He took whatever was offered to him, did as he was desired by the physicians, and never uttered sigh or com¬ plaint. Cife of U/aslpip^tor) 397 “About ten o’clock,” writes Mr. Lear, “he made several attempts to speak to me before he could effect it. At length he said, ‘I am .just going. Have me decently buried, and do not let my body be put into the vault in less than three days after I am dead.’ I bowed assent, for I could not speak. He then looked at me again, and said, ‘Do you understand me?’ I replied, ‘Yes.’ ‘ ’Tis well,’ said he. “About ten minutes before he expired (which was be¬ tween ten and eleven o’clock) his breathing became easier. He lay quietly; he withdrew his hand from mine and felt his own pulse. I saw his countenance change. I spoke to Dr. Craik, who sat by the fire. He came to the bedside. The general’s hand fell from his wrist. I took it in mine and pressed it to my bosom. Dr. Craik put his hands over his eyes, and he expired without a struggle or a sigh. “While we were fixed in silent grief, Mrs. Washington, who was seated at the foot of the bed, asked with a firm and collected voice, ‘Is he gone?’ I could not speak, but held up my hand as a signal that he was no more. ‘ ’Tis well,’ said she in the same voice. ‘ All is now over; I shall soon follow him; I have no more trials to pass through.’ ” We add from Mr. Lear’s account a few particulars con- cerning the funeral. The old family vault on the estate had been opened, the rubbish cleared away, and a door made to close the entrance, which before had been closed with brick. The funeral took place on the 18th of December. About eleven o’clock the people of the neighborhood began to assemble. The corporation of Alexandria, with the militia and Free Masons of the place, and eleven pieces of cannon, arrived at a later hour. A schooner was stationed off Mount Vernon to fire minute guns. About three o’clock the pro¬ cession began to move, passing out through the gate at the 398 U/orl^s of U/asbffi^top Iruip$ left wing of the house, proceeding round in front of the lawn and down to the vault, on the right wing of the house; * minute guns being fired at the time. The troops, horse and foot, formed the escort; then came four of the clergy. Then the general’s horse, with his saddle, holsters and pistols, led by two grooms in black. The body was borne by the Free Masons and officers; several members of the family and old friends, among the number Dr. Craik, and some of the Fairfaxes, followed as chief mourners. The corporation of Alexandria and numerous private persons closed the procession. The Rev. Mr. Davis read the funeral service at the vault, and pronounced a short address; after which the Masons performed their ceremonies, and the body was deposited in the vault. Such were the obsequies of Washington, simple and mod¬ est, according to his own wishes; all confined to the grounds of Mount Yernon, which, after forming the poetical dream of his life, had now become his final resting-place. On opening the will which he had handed to Mrs. Wash¬ ington shortly before his death, it was found to have been carefully drawn up by himself in the preceding July; and by an act in conformity with his whole career, one of its first provisions directed the emancipation of his slaves on the decease of his wife. It had long been his earnest wish that the slaves held by him in his own right should receive their freedom during his life, but he had found that it would be attended with insuperable difficulties on account of their intermixture by marriage with the “dower negroes,” whom it was not in his power to manumit under the tenure by which they were held. With provident benignity he also made provision in his will for such as were to receive their freedom under this Cife of U/asfyii)<$toi) 399 devise, but who, from age, bodily infirmities, or infancy, might be unable to support themselves, and he expressly forbade, under any pretense whatsoever, the sale or trans¬ portation out of Virginia, of any slave of whom he might die possessed. Though bora and educated a slaveholder, this was all in consonance with feelings, sentiments and principles which he had long entertained. Tn a letter to Mr. John F. Mercer, in September, 1786, he writes: “I never mean, unless some particular circum¬ stances should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished bylaw.” And eleven years afterward, in August, 1797, he writes to his nephew, Lawrence Lewis, in a letter which we have had in our hands, “I wish from my soul that the Legislature of this State could see the policy of a gradual abolition of slavery. It might prevent much future mis¬ chief.” A deep sorrow spread over the nation on hearing that Washington was no more. Congress, which was in session, immediately adjourned for the day. The next morning it was resolved that the Speaker’s chair be shrouded with black; that the members and officers of the House wear black during the session, and that a joint committee of both Houses be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of doing honor to the memory of the man, “first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens.” Public testimonials of grief and reverence were displayed in every part of the Union. Nor were these sentiments confined to the United States. When the news of Wash¬ ington’s death reached England, Lord Bridport, who had command of a British fleet of nearly sixty sail of the line, 400 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir}$toi) Irvii}^ lying at Torbay, lowered his flag half-mast, every ship following the example; and Bonaparte, First Consul of * France, on announcing his death to the army, ordered that black crape should be suspended from all the standards and flags, throughout the public service, for ten days. In the preceding parts of our work we have traced the career of Washington from early boyhood to his elevation to the Presidential chair. It was an elevation he had neither sought nor wished; for when the independence of his country was achieved, the modest and cherished desire of his heart had been 44 to live and die a private citizen on his own farm”; * and he had shaped out for himself an ideal elysium in his beloved shades of Mount Vernon. But power sought him in his retirement. The weight and influence of his name and character were deemed all essential to complete his work; to set the new government in motion, and conduct it through its first perils and trials. With unfeigned reluc¬ tance he complied with the imperative claims of his country, and accepted the power thus urged upon him: advancing to its exercise with diffidence, and aiming to surround him¬ self with men of the highest talent and information whom he might consult in emergency; but firm and strong in the resolve in all things to act as his conscience told him was 44 right as it respected his God, his country, and himself.” For he knew no divided fidelity, no separate obligation; his most sacred duty to himself was his highest duty to ffis country and his God. In treating of his civil administration in this closing part, we have endeavored to show how truly he adhered to this • Writings, ix., p. 412. Cife of U/asl?ir)<$toi} 401 resolve, and with what inflexible integrity and scrupulous regard to the public weal he discharged his functions. In executing our task, we have not indulged in discussions of temporary questions of controverted policy which agitated the incipient establishment of our government, but have given his words and actions as connected with those ques¬ tions, and as illustrative of his character. In this part, as in those which treat of his military career, we have avoided rhetorical amplification and embellishments, and all gratui¬ tous assumptions, and have sought, by simple and truthful details, to give his character an opportunity of developing itself, and of manifesting those fixed principles and that noble consistency which reigned alike throughout his civil and his military career. The character of "Washington may want some of those poetical elements which dazzle and delight the multitude, but it possessed fewer inequalities, and a rarer union of virtues than perhaps ever fell to the lot of one man. Pru¬ dence, firmness, sagacity, moderation, an overruling judg¬ ment, an immovable justice, courage that never faltered, patience that never wearied, truth that disdained all artifice, magnanimity without alloy. It seems as if Providence had endowed him in a pre-eminent degree with the qualities requisite to fit him for the high destiny he was called upon to fulfill—to conduct a momentous revolution which was to form an era in the history of the world, and to inaugurate a new and untried government, which, to use his own words, was to lay the foundation “for the enjoyment of much purer civil liberty, and greater public happiness, than have hitherto been the portion of mankind.” The fame of Washington stands apart from every other in history; shining with a truer luster and a more benignant 402 U/orl^s of U/asl?ii 7 <$tor) Irurt)$ glory. With us his memory remains a national property, where all sympathies throughout our widely extended and diversified empire meet in unison. Under all dissensions and amid all the storms of party, his precepts and example speak to us from the grave with a paternal appeal; and his name—by all revered—forms a universal tie of brotherhood —a watchword of our Union. “It will be the duty of the historian and the sage of all nations,” writes an eminent British statesman (Lord Brougham), “to let no occasion pass of commemorating this illustrious man; and until time shall be no more will a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom and virtue be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name of Washington.” APPENDIX i PORTRAITS OF WASHINGTON [The following notices of the various representations of Washington, which have been prepared by the publisher for the illustrated edition of this work, are kindly furnished by Mr. H. T. Tucker- MAN, from a volume which he has now in press.] The earliest portraits of Washington are more interest¬ ing, perhaps, as memorials than as works of art; and we can easily imagine that associations endeared them to his old comrades. The dress (blue coat, scarlet facings, and under¬ clothes) of the first portrait, by Peale, and the youthful face, make it suggestive of the first experience of the future com¬ mander, when, exchanging the surveyor’s implements for the colonel’s commission, he bivouacked in the wilderness of Ohio, the leader of a motley band of hunters, provincials, and savages, to confront wily Frenchmen, cut forest roads, and encounter all the perils of Indian ambush, inclement skies, undisciplined followers, famine, and woodland skir¬ mish. It recalls his calm authority and providential escape amid the dismay of Braddock’s defeat, and his pleasant sensation at the first whistling of bullets in the weary march to Fort Necessity. To Charles Wilson Peale we owe this precious relic of the chieftain’s youth. His own career partook of the vicissitudes and was impressed with the spirit of the Revolutionary era; a captain of volunteers at the battles of Trenton and Germantown, and a State representative of Pennsylvania, a favorite pupil of West, an ingenious mocha- (403) 404 Wor\s of U/asl?ir}<$tor) Iroirp<$ nician, and a warrior, he always cherished the instinct and the faculty for art; and even amid the bustle and duties of the camp, never failed to seize auspicious intervals of leisure to depict his brother officers. This portrait was executed in 1772, and is now at Arlington House. The resolution of Congress, by which a portrait by this artist was ordered, was passed before the occupation of Philadelphia. Its progress marks the vicissitudes of the Revolutionary struggle; commenced in the gloomy winter and half-famished encampment at Valley Forge, in 1778, the battles of Trenton, Princeton, and Monmouth intervened before its completion. At the last place Washington sug¬ gested that the view from the window of the farmhouse opposite to which he was sitting would form a desirable background. Peale adopted the idea, and represented Mon¬ mouth Court-house and a party of Hessians under guard, marching out of it. * The picture was finished at Princeton, and Nassau Hall is a prominent object in the background; but Congress adjourned without making an appropriation, and it remained in the artist’s hands. Lafayette desired a copy for the king of France; and Peale executed one in 1779, which was sent to Paris: but the misfortunes of the royal family occasioned its sale, and it became the property of the Count de Menou, who brought it again to this country, and presented it to the National Institute, where it is now preserved. Chapman made two copies at a thousand dollars each; and Dr. Craik, one of the earliest and warmest per¬ sonal friends of Washington, their commissions as officers in the French War having been signed on the same day (1754), declared it a most faithful likeness of him as he appeared in the prime of his life.f * MS. Letter of Titian R. Peale to George Livermore, Esq. f Philadelphia, Feb. 4. — His Excellency General Washington set off from this city to join the army in New Jersey. During the course of his short stay, the only relief he has enjoyed from service since he first entered it, he has Cife of U/asfyiQ<$toi) 405 There is a tradition in the Peale family, honorably rep¬ resented through several generations, by public spirit and artistic gifts, that intelligence of one of the most important triumphs of the American arms was received by Washington in a dispatch he opened while sitting to Wilson Peale for a miniature intended for his wife, who was also present. The scene occurred one fine summer afternoon; and there is something attractive to the fancy in the association of this group quietly occupied in one of the most beautiful of the arts of peace, and in a commemorative act destined to gratify conjugal love and a nation’s pride, with the progress of a war and the announcement of a victory fraught with that nation’s liberty and that leader’s eternal renown. The characteristic traits of Peale’s portraits of Washing¬ ton now at the National Institute and Arlington House, and the era of our history and of Washington’s life they embalm, make them doubly valuable in a series of pictorial illustra¬ tions, each of which, independent of the degree of profes¬ sional skill exhibited, is essential to our W ashingtonian gal¬ lery. Before Trumbull and Stuart had caught from the living man his aspect in maturity and age, the form knit to athletic proportions by self-denial and activity, and clad in the garb of rank and war, and the countenance open with truth and grave with thought, yet rounded with the contour and ruddy with the glow of early manhood, was thus genially deline¬ ated by the hand of a comrade, and in the infancy of native been honored with every mark of esteem, etc. The Council of this State, being desirous of having his picture in full length, requested his sitting for that purpose, which he politely complied with, and a striking likeness was taken by Mr. Peale, of this city. The portrait is to be placed in the council chamber. Don Juan Marrailes, the Minister of France, has ordered five copies, four of which, we hear, are to be sent abroad.—“Penn. Packet,” Feb. 11, 1779. Peale’s first portrait was executed for Colonel Alexander; his last is now in the Bryan Gallery, New York. He painted one in 1776 for John Hancock, and besides that for New Jersey, others for Pennsylvania and Maryland. 406 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir)<$toi) Iruir)<$ art. Of the fourteen portraits by Peale, that exhibiting Washington as a Virginia colonel in the colonial force of Great Britain is the only entire portrait before the Revolution extant.* One was painted for the College of New Jersey, at Princeton, in 1780, to occupy a frame in which the por¬ trait of George the Third had been destroyed by a cannon ball during the battle at that place on the 3d of January, 1777. It still remains in the possession of the College, and was saved fortunately from the fire which a few years ago consumed Nassau Hall. Peale’s last portrait of Washington, executed in 1783, he retained until his death, and two years since it was sold with the rest of the collection known as the 14 Peale Gallery,” at Philadelphia. There is a pencil sketch also by this artist, framed with the wood of the tree in front of the famous Chew’s house, around which centered the battle of Germantown, f A few octogenarians in the city of brotherly love used to speak, not many years since, of a diminutive family, the head of which manifested the sensitive temperament, if not the highest capabilities of artistic genius. This was Robert Edge Pine. He brought to America the earliest cast of the Venus de Medici, which was privately exhibited to the select few—the manners and morals of the Quaker city forbidding its exposure to the common eye. He was considered a superior colorist, and was favorably introduced into society in Philadelphia by his acknowledged sympathy for the American cause, and by a grand project such as was after- * A miniature, said to have been painted in 1757, at the age of twenty-five, has been engraved for Irving’s Wash¬ ington. f 46 The Editor of the ‘Cincinnati Enquirer’ was lately shown a pencil sketch of General Washington, taken from life by Charles Wilson Peale, in the year 1777. It was framed from a part of the elm-tree then standing in front of Chew’s house, on the Germantown battleground, and the frame was made by a son of Dr. Craley, of Revolutionary fame.” Cife of U/asfyir^toi) 407 ward partially realized by Trumbull; that of a series of historical paintings, illustrative of the American Revolution, to embrace original portraits of the leaders, both civil and military, in that achievement, including the statesmen who were chiefly instrumental in framing the constitution and organizing the government. He brought a letter of intro¬ duction to the father of the late Judge Hopkinson, whose portrait he executed, and its vivid tints and correct resem¬ blance still attest to his descendants the ability of the painter. He left behind him in London creditable portraits of George the Second, Garrick, and the Duke of Northumberland. In the intervals of his business as a teacher of drawing and a votary of portraiture in general, he collected, from time to time, a large number of “distinguished heads,” although, as in the case of Ceracchi, the epoch and country were un¬ favorable to his ambitious project; of these portraits the heads of General Gates, Charles Carroll, Baron Steuben, and Washington are the best known and most highly prized. Pine remained three weeks at Mount Yernon, and his por¬ trait bequeaths some features with great accuracy; artists find in it certain merits not discoverable in those of a later date; it has the permanent interest of a representation from life, by a painter of established reputation; yet its tone is cold and its effect unimpressive, beside the more bold and glowing pencil of Stuart. It has repose and dignity. In his letter to Washington, asking his co-operation in the design he meditated, Pine says, “I have been some time at Annapolis, painting the portraits of patriots, legislators, heroes, and beauties, in order to adorn my large picture;” and he seems to have commenced his enterprise with san¬ guine hopes of one day accomplishing his object, which, however, it was reserved for a native artist eventually to complete. That his appeal to Washington was not neglected, however, is evident from an encouraging allusion to Pine and his scheme, in the correspondence of the former. “Mr. Pine,” he says, “has met a favorable reception in this coun¬ try, and may, I conceive, command as much business as he 408 U/orks of U/asfiir^tOQ Iruiq$ pleases. He is now preparing materials for historical repre- sentations of the most important events of the war. ’ ’ * Pine’s picture is in the possession of the Hopkinson family of Phila¬ delphia. The facsimile of Washington’s letter proves that it was taken in 1785. A large copy was purchased at Mont¬ real, in 1817, by the late Henry Brevoort, of New York, and is now in the possession of his son, J. Carson Brevoort, at Bedford, L. I. \ The profile likeness of Washington by Sharpless is a valuable item of the legacy which Art has bequeathed of those noble and benign features; he evidently bestowed upon it his greatest skill, and there is no more correct facial out¬ line of the immortal subject in existence; a disciple of Lavater would probably find it the most available side-view for physiognomical inference; it is remarkably adapted to the burin, and has been once, at least, adequately engraved; it also has the melancholy attraction of being the last portrait of Washington taken from life. One of Canova’s fellow-workmen, in the first years of his artistic life, was a melancholy enthusiast, whose thirst for the ideal was deepened by a morbid tenacity of purpose and sensitiveness of heart—a form of character peculiar in Italy; in its voluptuous phase illustrated by Petrarch, in its stoical by Alfieri, and in its combination of patriotic and tender sentiments by Foscolo’s “Letters of Jacopo Ortis.” The political confusion that reigned in Europe for a time seriously interfered with the pursuit of art; and this was doubtless a great motive with Giuseppe Ceracchi for visiting America; but not less inciting was the triumph of freedom, of which that land had recently become the scene —a triumph that so enlisted the sympathies and fired the imagination of the republican sculptor, that he designed a grand national monument, commemorative of American In- * Sparks’ Writings of Washington, t This portrait is now in the engraver’s hands for the illustrated edition of this work. Cife of U/asl?io<$tor) 409 dependence, and sought the patronage of the newly organ¬ ized government in its behalf. Washington, individually, favored his design, and the model of the proposed work received the warm approval of competent judges; but taste for art, especially for grand monumental statuary, was quite undeveloped on this side of the Atlantic, and the recipient of papal orders found little encouragement in a young re¬ public, too busy in laying the foundation of her civil polity to give much thought to any memorials of her nascent glory. It was, however, but a question of time. His purpose is even now in the process of achievement. Washington’s native State voluntarily undertook the enterprise for which the general government, in its youth, was inadequate; and it was auspiciously reserved.for a native artist, and a single member of the original confederacy, to embody, in a style worthy of more than Italian genius, the grand conception of a representative monument, with Washington in a colossal equestrian statue as the center, and the Virginia patriots and orators of the Revolution grouped around his majestic figure. Cerrachi, however, in aid of his elaborate project, executed the only series of marble portraitures from life of the re¬ nowned founders of the national government; his busts of Hamilton, Jay, Trumbull, and Governor George Clinton, were long the prominent ornaments of the Academy of Fine Arts, in New York; the latter, especially, was remarkable, both in regard to its resemblance to the original and as a work of art. His most important achievement, however, was a bust of Washington, generally considered the most perfect representation of the man and the hero combined, after Stuart’s and Houdon’s masterpieces. It is in the heroic style, with a fillet. The fate of this valuable effigy was singular. It was purchased by the Spanish embassador, as a gift to the Prince of Peace, then at the height of his power at Madrid; before the bust reached Spain, Godoy was exiled, and the minister recalled, who, on his arrival, transferred it, unpacked, to Richard Meade, Esq., of Phila¬ delphia, in whose family it remained until two years ago, Vol. XV.—* * * 18 410 U/orl^s of U/asI?ir)$toi) Iruip$ when, at the administrators’ sale of that gentleman’s fine collection of paintings, it was purchased by Gouverneur Kemble, and can now be seen at his hospitable mansion, on the banks of the Hudson. The zeal of Cerrachi in his cherished purpose is indicated by the assurance he gave Dr. Hugh Williamson—the his¬ torian of North Carolina, and author of the earliest work on the American climate, and one of the first advocates of the canal policy—when inviting him to sit for his bust, that he did not pay him the compliment in order to secure his vote for the national monument, but only to perpetuate the “features of the American Cato.” With characteristic em¬ phasis, the honest doctor declined, on the ground that pos¬ terity would not care for his lineaments; adding that, “if he were capable of being lured into the support of any scheme whatever, against his convictions of right, wood, and not stone, ought to be the material of his image.”* Baffled, as Ceracchi ultimately was, in the realization of hopes inspired alike by his ambition as a sculptor and his love of republican institutions, he carried to Europe the proud distinction of having taken the initiative in giving an endur¬ ing shape to the revered and then unfamiliar features of Washington. He executed two busts, one colossal, a cast of which was long in the New York Academy of Fine Arts. Impoverished, the darling scheme of his life frustrated in America, and his own patriotic hopes crushed by the victories of Bonaparte in Italy, and his rapid advances toward imperial sway, the enthusiastic artist brooded, with intense disap¬ pointment, over the contrast between the fresh and exuberant national life of which he had partaken here, and the vassal- age to which Europe was again reduced. Napoleon and Washington stood revealed, as it were, side by side—the selfish aggrandizement of the one, who trampled on humanity under the prestige of military fame, and the magnanimity of the other, content to be the immaculate agent of a free • Dr. Hosack’s Essays. Cife of U/as^ir^tor? 411 people, after sacrificing all for their welfare. Imbued with the principles and a witness of the self-control which con¬ summated our Revolutionary triumph, Ceracchi beheld, with an impatience that caution only restrained, the steady and unscrupulous encroachment of Bonaparte on all that is sacred in nationality and freedom. Somewhat of the deep indignation and the sacrificial will that nerved the hand of Charlotte Corday, somewhat of the fanaticism that moved the student-assassin of Kotzebue, and, perhaps, a little of the vengeful ire of Ravaillac, at length kindled the Italian blood of the sculptor. He became one of the most deter¬ mined secret conspirators against the now established usurper. The memoirs of the time speak of his “exaggerated notions,” his disdain of life, of the profound gloom that often clouded his soul, of the tears he alternately shed of admiration at the brilliant exploits of the conqueror, and of grief at the wrongs inflicted on the beautiful land of his nativity. “This man,” says one fair chronicler of those exciting times, “has a soul of fire.” A plot, which is stigmatized as nefarious, and, according to rumor, was of the Fieschi stamp, aimed at the life of Bonaparte, when First Consul, was finally dis¬ covered, and Ceracchi became legally compromised as one of those pledged to its execution. He was tried, boldly acknowledged his murderous intention, and was condemned to death. Among his fellow-conspirators were two or three republican artists with whom he had become intimate at Rome; they were arrested at the opera, and daggers found upon their persons: the plot is designated in the annals of the time as the Arena Conspiracy. Ceracchi was a Corsican by birth; and, from an* ardent admirer, thus became the deadly foe of his great countryman; and the gifted artist, the enthusiastic republican, the vindictive patriot, and the sculptor of Washington—perished on the scaffold. His bust gives Washington a Roman look, but has been declared to exhibit more truly the expression of the mouth than any other work. Those of Hamilton and Governor Clinton, by this artist, are deemed, by their respective fam- 412 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir><$toi) Iruii)<$ ilies, as correct as portraits, as they are superior as pieces of statuary. And this is presumptive evidence in favor of the belief that Ceracchi’s attachment to the heroic style did not seriously interfere with the general truth of his por¬ traiture. The design of a statue was, therefore, only realized on the arrival of Houdon. The history of this sculptor is a striking contrast to that of Ceracchi. A native of Versailles, he flourished at an epoch remarkably prolific of original characters in all departments of letters and art. Many of these, especially his own countrymen, have been represented by his chisel. He enjoyed a long and prosperous existence, having survived the taste he initiated, and the friends of his youth, but maintaining a most creditable reputation to his death, which occurred in his eighty-eighth year. He rose to distinction by a new style, which appears to have exhibited, according to the subject, a remarkable simplicity on the one hand, and elaboration on the other. An overestimate of the effect of details marred his more labored creations; but he had a faculty of catching the air, and a taste in generalizing the conception, both of a real and fanciful subject, which manifested unusual genius. There was an individuality about his best works that won attention and established his fame. Of the ideal kind, two were the subjects of much critical remark, though for different reasons. One of them was intended to exhibit the effect of cold—an idea almost too melodramatic and physical for sculpture, but quite in character for a Frenchman, aiming, even in his severe and limited art, at theatrical effect. The other was a statue of Diana—the object of numerous bon mots , first, because it was ordered by Catharine of Russia, who, it was generally thought, had no special affinity with the chaste goddess; and, secondly, on account of the voluptuous character given it by the artist, which procured for his Diana the name of Venus. Houdon’s bust of Voltaire gained him renown at once in this department of his pursuit, and is a memorable example of his success. How various the characters whose Cife of U/asl?ii}<$toi? 413 similitudes are perpetuated by his chisel—Gluck and Buffon, Rousseau and D’Alembert, Mirabeau and Washington! Jefferson, in behalf of the State of Virginia, arranged with Houdon at Paris to undertake the latter commission; and he accompanied Dr. Franklin to the United States. He remained at Mount Vernon long enough to execute a model of Washington’s head, and familiarize himself with every detail of his features and the traits of his natural language; but that implicit fidelity, now evident in the busts of our own leading sculptors, was not then in vogue, and the artists of the day were rather adepts in idealizing than in precise imitation of nature; therefore, the result of Houdon’s labors, though, in general, satisfactory, cannot be used with the mathematical exactitude, as a guide, which greater atten¬ tion to minutiae would have secured. There is a sketch by Stuart indicating some minute errors in the outline of Hou- don’s bust. On leaving, he presented Washington with the bass-relief which used to hang over his chair in the library at Mount Vernon. He completed the statue after his return to Paris, and in the diary of Gouverneur Morris is an entry noting his attendance at the artist’s studio, to stand for the figure of his illustrious friend, whom, before he became corpulent, he is said to have resembled. He alludes to the circumstance as “being the humble employment of a manni¬ kin;” and adds, “this is literally taking the advice of St. Paul to be all things to all men.” The original cast of the head of this statue is still at Mount Vernon, and the statue itself is the cherished ornament of the Capitol at Richmond, and has been declared, by one of Washington’s biographers, to be “as perfect a resemblance, in face and figure, as the art admits”; while, on the other hand, a critic of large and studious observation, who was well acquainted with the appearance of the original, says that, as a likeness, the head is inferior to Ceracchi’s bust. The costume is authentic, that Washington wore as commander-in-chief; it has been assailed with the usual arguments—its want of classical effect, and its undignified style; but less conservative rea- 414 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir}<$t:oi) Iruip$ soners applaud the truth of the drapery, and the work is endeared as a faithful and unique representation of the man —the only one from life, bequeathed by the art of the sculp¬ tor. “Judge Marshall,” says Dr. Sparks in a letter to us, “once told me that the head of Houdon’s statue at Rich- mond, seen at a point somewhat removed toward the side, from the front, presented as perfect a resemblance of the living man as he could conceive possible in marble.” Rembrandt Peale, when quite young, became the com¬ panion of his father’s artistic labors. In compliment to the latter, Washington sat for a likeness to the novice of eigh¬ teen, who says the honor agitated more than it inspired him, and he solicited his father’s intercession and countenance on the memorable occasion. Of the precise value of his original sketch it is difficult to form an accurate opinion, but the mature result of his efforts to produce a portrait of Washington has attained a high and permanent fame. He availed himself of the best remembered points, and always worked with Houdon’s bust before him. This celebrated picture is the favorite portrait of a large number of ama¬ teurs. It is more dark and mellowed in tint, more elabo¬ rately worked up, and, in some respects, more effectively arranged, than any of its predecessors. Inclosed in an oval of well-imitated stone fretwork, vigorous in execution, rich in color, the brow, eyes, and mouth full of character—alto¬ gether it is a striking and impressive delineation. That it was thus originally regarded we may infer from the unani¬ mous resolution of the U. S. Senate, in 1832, appropriating two thousand dollars for its purchase, and from the numer¬ ous copies of the original, in military costume, belonging to the artist, which have been and are still ordered. Rem¬ brandt Peale is said to be the only living artist who ever saw Washington. In the pamphlet which he issued to authenticate the work, we find the cordial testimony to its fidelity and other merits of Lawrence Lewis, the eldest nephew of Washington; of the late venerable John Vaughan, of Bishop White, Rufus King, Charles Carroll, Edward Cife of U/ast?ir}<$toi} 415 Livingston, General Smith, Dr. James Thacher, and Judge Cranch. Chief-justice Marshall says of it: “It is more Washington himself than any portrait I have ever seen;” and Judge Peters explains his approval by declaring, “I judge from its effect on my heart.” Fo artist enjoyed the opportunities of Colonel Trum¬ bull as the portrayer of Washington. As aid-de-camp he was familiar with his appearance in the prime of his life and its most exciting era. At the commencement of the Revolu¬ tionary struggle, this officer was among the most active, and essentially promoted the secure retreat of the American forces, under General Sullivan, from Rhode Island; he, therefore, largely partook of the spirit of those days, came freely under the influence of Washington’s character as it pervaded the camp, and had ample time and occasion to observe the commander-in-chief in his military aspect, and in social intercourse, on horseback, in the field, and at the hospitable board, in the councils of war, when silently medi¬ tating his great work, when oppressed with anxiety, ani¬ mated by hope, or under the influence of those quick and strong feelings he so early learned to subdue. After Trum¬ bull’s resignation, and when far away from the scene of Washington’s glory, he painted his head from recollection, so distinctly was every feature and expression impressed upon his mind. In the autumn of 1789 he returned from Europe, and began his sketches of the chiefs and statesmen of the Revolution, afterward embodied in the pictures that adorn the rotunda of the Capitol, and the originals of which, invaluable for their authenticity, may now be seen in the gallery at Few Haven. Here is preserved the most spirited portrait of Washington that exists—the only reflection of him as a soldier of freedom worthy of the name, drawn from life. The artist’s own account of this work is given in his memoirs: “In 1792 I was again in Philadelphia, and there painted the portrait of General Washington, now placed in 416 U/orl^s of WastyvQtoT) Iruii)$ the gallery at New Haven, the best, certainly, of those that I painted, and the best, in my estimation, which exists in his heroic and military character. The city of Charleston, S. C., instructed Mr. W. R. Smith, one of the representatives of South Carolina, to employ me to paint for them a portrait of the great man, and I undertook it con amore, as the commission was unlimited, meaning to give his military character at the most sublime moment of its exertion—the evening previous to the battle of Trenton, when, viewing the vast superiority of his approaching enemy, the impossi¬ bility of again crossing the Delaware or retreating down the river, he conceives the plan of returning by a night march into the country from which he had been driven, thus cut¬ ting off the enemy’s communication and destroying the depot of stores at Brunswick.” There is a singular felicity in this choice of the moment to represent Washington, for it combines all the most desirable elements of expression characteristic of the man. It is a moment, not of brilliant achievement, but of intrepid conception, when the dignity of thought is united with the sternness of resolve, and the enthusiasm of a daring experiment kindles the habitual mood of self-control into an unwonted glow. As the artist un¬ folded his design to Washington, the memory of that event¬ ful night thrilled him anew; he rehearsed the circumstances, described the scene, and his face was lighted up as the memorable crisis in his country’s fate and his own career was renewed before him. He spoke of the desperate chance, the wild hope, and the hazardous but fixed determination of that hour; and, as the gratified painter declares, “looked the scene.” “The result,” he says, “was, in my own opin¬ ion, eminently successful, and the General was satisfied.” Whether the observer of the present day accedes to the opinion, that he “happily transferred to the canvas the lofty expression of his animated countenance, the resolve to conquer or perish”; whether the picture comes up to his preconceived ideal of the heroic view of Washington or not, he must admit that it combines great apparent fidelity, Cife of U/asf?ii?<$tor> 417 with more spirit and the genius of action, than all other portraits. Although not so familiar as Stuart’s, numerous good copies of Trumbull’s Washington, some from his own, and others by later pencils, have rendered it almost as well known in this country. Contemporaries give it a decided preference; it recalled the leader of the American armies, the man who was “first in the hearts of his countrymen,” ere age relaxed the facial muscles and modified the decisive lines of the mouth; it was associated in their minds with the indignant rebuke at Monmouth, the brilliant surprise at Trenton, and the heroic patience at Valley Forge; it was the Washington of their youth who led the armies of free¬ dom, the modest, the brave, the vigilant and triumphant chief. Ask an elderly Knickerbocker what picture will give you a good idea of Washington, and he will confidently refer you, as the testimony his father has taught him, to Trum¬ bull’s portrait in the City Hall. When Lafayette first beheld a copy of this picture, in a gentleman’s house in Hew Jersey, on his visit to this country, a few years before his death, he uttered an exclamation of delight at its resemblance. An excellent copy, by Vanderlyn, adorns the U. S. House of Representatives, for the figure in which, Geo. B. Rapalye, Esq., a highly respected citizen of Few York, stood with exemplary patience, for many days, wearing a coat, perhaps the first specimen of American broadcloth, that had been worn by Washington. The air of the figure is as manly and elegant, the look as dignified and commanding, and the brow as practical in its molding, as in Stuart’s representa¬ tion of him at a more advanced period; but the face is less round, the profile more aquiline, the complexion has none of the fresh and ruddy hue, and the hair is not yet blanched. It is, altogether, a keener, more active, less thoughtful, but equally graceful and dignified man. He stands in an easy attitude, in full uniform, with his hand on his horse’s neck; and the most careless observer, though ignorant of the sub¬ ject, would recognize, at a glance, the image of a brave man, 418 U/orks of U/asbffi^toi) Iruir)<$ an intelligent officer, and an honorable gentleman. The excellent engraving of Durand has widely disseminated Trumbull’s spirited head of Washington. Although the concurrent testimony of those best fitted to judge give the palm to Trumbull’s portrait, now in the gallery at New Haven, as the most faithful likeness of Washington in his prime, this praise seems to refer rather to the general expression and air than to the details of the face. Trumbull often failed in giving a satisfactory like¬ ness; he never succeeded in rendering the complexion, as is obvious by comparing that of his picture in the New York City Hall with any or all of Stuart’s heads; the former is yellow, and gives the idea of a bilious temperament, while the latter, in every instance, have the florid, ruddy tint which, we are assured, was characteristic of Washington, and indicative of his active habits, constant exposure to the elements, and Saxon blood. The best efforts of Trumbull were his first, careful sketches; he never could elaborate with equal effect; the collection of small, original heads, from which his historical pictures were drawn, are invalu¬ able, as the most authentic resemblances in existence of our Revolutionary heroes. They have a genuine look and a spirited air seldom discoverable in the enlarged copies. “Washington,” says Trumbull, in describing the picture, “is represented standing on elevated ground, on the south side of the creek at Trenton, a little below the stone-bridge and mill. He has a reconnoitering glass in his hand, with which he is supposed to have been examining the strength of the hostile army, pouring into and occupying Trenton, which he has just abandoned at their appearance; and, hav¬ ing ascertained their great superiority, as well in numbers as discipline, he is supposed to have been meditating how to avoid the apparently impending ruin, and to have just formed the plan which he executed during the night. This led to the splendid success at Princeton on the following morning; and, in the estimation of the great Frederick, placed his military character on a level with that of the Cife of U/a8^ip<$top 419 greatest commanders of ancient or modern times. Behind, and near, an attendant holds his horse. Every minute article of dress, down to the buttons and spurs, and the buckles and straps of the horse furniture, were carefully painted from the different objects.” The gentleman who was the medium of this commission to Trumbull, praised his work; but aware of the popular sentiment, declared it not calm and peaceful enough to satisfy those for whom it was intended. With reluctance, the painter asked Washington, overwhelmed as he was with official duty, to sit for another portrait, which represents him in his every-day aspect, and, therefore, better pleased the citizens of Charleston. “Keep this picture,” said Washing¬ ton to the artist, speaking of the first experiment, “and finish it to your own taste.” When the Connecticut State Society of Cincinnati dissolved, a few of the members purchased it as a gift to Yale College. Gilbert Stuart’s most cherished anticipation when he left England for America was that of executing a portrait of Washington. A consummate artist in a branch which his own triumphs had proved could be rendered of the high¬ est interest, he eagerly sought illustrious subjects for his pencil. This enthusiasm was increased, in the present case, by the unsullied fame and the exalted European reputation of the American hero, by the greatest personal admiration of his character, and by the fact that no satisfactory repre¬ sentation existed abroad of a man whose name was identical with more than Roman patriotism and magnanimity. Stuart, by a series of masterly portraits, had established his renown in London, he had mingled in the best society; his vigorous mind was cognizant of all the charms that wit and acumen lend to human intercourse, and he knew the power which genius and will may so readily command. His own nature was more remarkable for strength than refinement; he was eminently fitted to appreciate practical talents and moral energy; the brave truth of nature, rather than her more delicate effects, were grasped and reproduced by his skill; 420 ll/orl^s of U/asbii)<$toi) Iruii)$ he might not have done justice to the ideal contour of Shel¬ ley, or the gentle features of Mary of Scotland, but could have perfectly reflected the dormant thunder of Mirabeau’s countenance, and the argumentative abstraction that knit the brows of Samuel Johnson. He was a votary of truth in her boldest manifestations, and a delineator of character in its normal and sustained elements. The robust, the vener¬ able, the moral picturesque, the mentally characteristic, he seized by intuition; those lines of physiognomy which chan¬ neled by will the map of inward life, which years of consist¬ ent thought and action trace upon the countenance, the hue that, to an observant eye, indicates almost the daily vocation, ' the air suggestive of authority or obedience, firmness or vacillation, the glance of the eye, which is the measure of natural intelligence and the temper of the soul, the expres¬ sion of the mouth that infallibly betrays the disposition, the tint of hair and mold of features, not only attesting the period of life but revealing what that life has been, whether toil¬ some or inert, self-indulgent or adventurous, careworn or pleasurable—these, and such as these records of humanity, Stuart transferred, in vivid colors and most trustworthy out¬ lines, to the canvas. Instinctive, therefore, was his zeal to delineate Washington; a man who, of all the sons of fame, most clearly and emphatically wrote his character in deeds upon the world’s heart, whose traits required no imagination to give them effect and no metaphysical insight to unravel their perplexity, but were brought out by the exigencies of the time in distinct relief, as bold, fresh, and true as the verdure of spring and the lights of the firmament, equally recognized by the humblest peasant and the most gifted philosopher. To trace the history of each of Stuart’s portraits of "W ash¬ ington would prove of curious interest. One of his letters to a relative, dated the second of November, 1794, enables us to fix the period of the earliest experiment. “The object of my journey,” he says, “is only to secure a portrait of the President and finish yours.” One of the succeeding pictures Cife of U/asl?fi)$toi) 421 was bought from the artist’s studio by Mr. Tajdoe, of Yfash- ington, and is, at present, owned by his son, B. Ogle Tayloe, Esq.; another was long in the possession of Madison, and is now in that of Governor E. Coles, of Philadelphia. The full-length, in the Presidential mansion, at the seat of gov¬ ernment, was saved through the foresight and care of the late Mrs. Madison, when the city was taken by the British in the last war. Stuart, however, always denied that this copy was by him. Another portrait of undoubted authen¬ ticity was offered to and declined by Congress, a few years ago, and is owned by a Boston gentleman; and one graced the hospitable dwelling of Samuel Williams, the London banker. For a long period artistic productions on this side of the water were subjects of ridicule. Tudor not inaptly called the New England country meeting-houses 4 ‘wooden lanterns”; almost every town boasted an architectural mon¬ strosity popularly known as somebody’s “folly”; the rows of legs in Trumbull’s picture of the Signing of the Declara¬ tion obtained for it the sarcastic name, generally ascribed to John Randolph, of “the shin piece”; and Stuart’s full- length, originally painted for Lord Lansdowne, with one arm resting on his sword-hilt, and the other extended, was distinguished among artists by the title of the “tea-pot por¬ trait,” from the resemblance of the outline to the handle and spout of that domestic utensil. The feature, usually exaggerated in poor copies, and the least agreeable in the original, is the mouth, resulting from the want of support of those muscles consequent on the loss of teeth, a defect which Stuart vainly attempted to remedy by inserting cotton between the jaw and the lips; and Wilson Peale more per¬ manently, but not less ineffectually, sought to relieve by a set of artificial teeth. We have seen, in western New York, a cabinet head of Washington which bears strong evidence of Stuart’s pencil, and is traced directly by its present owner to his hand, which was purchased of the artist and presented to Mr. Gilbert, a member of Congress from Columbia County, New York, 422 ll/or^s of U/asl?iQ$tor) Iruii)$ a gentleman who held the original in such veneration that he requested, on his death-bed, to have the picture exhibited to his fading gaze, as it was the last object he desired to behold on earth. The remarks of the latter artist indicate what a study he made of his illustrious sitter: “There were,” he said, “features in his face totally different from what he had observed in any other human being; the sockets of the eyes, for instance, were larger than what he ever met with before, and the upper part of the nose broader. All his feat¬ ures were indicative of the strongest passions; yet, like Socrates, his judgment and great self-command made him appear a man of a different cast in the eyes of the world.” The color of his eyes was a light grayish blue, but according to Mr. Custis, Stuart painted them of a deeper blue, saying, “in a hundred years they will have faded to the right color.” While Congress was in session at Philadelphia, in 1794 , Stuart went thither with a letter of introduction to Wash¬ ington from John Jay. He first met his illustrious subject on a reception evening, and was spontaneously accosted by him with a greeting of dignified urbanity. Familiar as was the painter with eminent men, he afterward declared that no human being ever awakened in him the sentiment of reverence to such a degree. For a moment, he lost his self- possession—with him an experience quite unprecedented— and it was not until several interviews that he felt himself enough at home with his sitter to give the requisite concen¬ tration of mind to his work. This was owing not less to the personal impressiveness of Washington—which all who came in contact with him felt and acknowledged—than to the profound respect and deep interest which the long antici¬ pations of the artist had fostered in his own mind. He failed, probably from this cause, in his first experiment. No portrait-painter has left such a reputation for the faculty of eliciting expression by his social tact, as Stuart. He would even defer his task upon any pretext until he suc¬ ceeded in making the sitter, as he said, “look like himself.” To induce a natural, unconscious, and characteristic mood, . Cife of U/asl?ii)$toi} 423 was his initiative step in the execution of a portrait. Innu¬ merable are the anecdotes of his ingenuity and persistence in carrying out this habit. More or less conversant with every topic of general interest, and endowed with rare conversa¬ tional ability and knowledge of character, he seldom failed to excite the ruling passion, magnetize the prominent idiosyn¬ crasy, or awaken the professional interest of the occupant of his throne, whether statesman, farmer, actor, judge, or merchant; and his fund of good stories, narrated with dra¬ matic effect, by enchaining the attention or enlisting the sym¬ pathies, usually made the delighted listener self-oblivious and demonstrative, when, with an alertness and precision like magic, the watchful limner transferred the vital identity of his pre-occupied and fascinated subject, with almost breathing similitude. In "Washington, however, he found a less flexible character upon which to scintillate his wit and open his anecdotical battery. Facility of adaptation seldom accompanies great individuality; and a man whose entire life has been oppressed with responsibility, and in whom the prevalent qualities are conscience and good sense, can scarcely be expected to possess humor and geniality in the same proportion as self-control and reflection. On the professional themes of agriculture and military science, Washington was always ready to converse, if not with enthusiasm, at least in an attentive and intelligent strain; but the artillery of repartee, and the sallies of fancy, made but a slight impression upon his grave and reserved nature. He was deficient in language—far more a man of action than of words—and had been obliged to think too much on .vast interests, to “carry America in his brain,” as one of his eulo¬ gists has aptly said, to readily unbend in colloquial diversion. By degrees, however, the desirable relation was established between himself and the artist, who, of several portraits, justly gave the preference to the Lansdowne picture and the unfinished one now possessed by the Boston Athenseum. They, doubtless, are the most perfect representations of Washington, as he looked at the time they were executed, 424 U/orl^s of U/as^iQ^top Injip<$ and will ever be the standards and resource of subsequent delineators. The latter, supposed by many to have been his original “study,” engaged his attention for months. The freshness of color, the studious modeling of the brow, the mingling of clear purpose and benevolence in the eye, and a thorough nobleness and dignity in the whole head, realize all the most intelligent admirer of the original has imagined —not, indeed, when thinking of him as the intrepid leader of armies, but in the last analysis and complete image of the hero in retirement, in all the consciousness of a sublime career, unimpeachable fidelity to a national trust, and the eternal gratitude of a free people. It is this masterpiece of Stuart that has not only perpetuated, but distributed over the globe the resemblance of Washington. It has been some¬ times lamented that so popular a work does not represent him in the aspect of a successful warrior, or in the flush of youth; but there seems to be a singular harmony between this venerable image—so majestic, benignant, and serene— and the absolute character and peculiar example of W ashing¬ ton, separated from what was purely incidental and contin¬ gent in his life. Self-control, endurance, dauntless courage, loyalty to a just but sometimes desperate cause, hope through the most hopeless crisis, and a tone of feeling the most ex¬ alted, united to habits of candid simplicity, are better embod¬ ied in such a calm, magnanimous, mature image, full of dignity and sweetness, than if portrayed in battle array, or melodramatic attitude. Let such pictures as David’s Napoleon—with prancing steed, flashing eye, and waving sword—represent the mere victor and military genius; but he who spurned a crown, knew no watchword but duty, no goal but freedom and justice, and no reward but the approval of conscience and the gratitude of a country, lives more ap¬ propriately, both to memory and in art, under the aspect of a finished life, crowned with the harvest of honor and peace, and serene in the consummation of disinterested purpose. A letter of Stuart’s which appeared in the New York Cife of U/asl?ii}<$fcor) 425 ‘‘Evening Post,” in 1853,* attested by three gentlemen of Boston, with one from Washington making the appointment for a sitting, proves, the error long current in regard both to the dates and the number of this artist’s original portraits. He there distinctly states that he never executed but three from life, the first of which was so unsatisfactory that he de¬ stroyed it; the second was the picture for Lord Lansdowne; and the third, the one now belonging to the Boston Athenaeum. Of these originals he made twenty-six copies. The finishing touches were put to the one in September, 1795, and to the other, at Philadelphia, in the spring of 1796. This last, it appears by a letter of Mr. Custis, which we have examined, was undertaken against the desire of Washington, and at the earnest solicitation of his wife, who wished a portrait * Extract from article in N. Y. Evening Post , March 15 th, 1853: It may set this question at rest to state that Stuart him¬ self has given an account of all the portraits of Washington that he painted. A gentleman of Philadelphia has in his possession the originals of the following documents. [Edit. Post .]— Sir —I am under promise to Mrs. Bingham, to sit for you to-morrow at nine o’clock, and wishing to know if it be con¬ venient to you that I should do so, and whether it shall be at your own house (as she talked of the State House), I send this note to you to ask information. I am, sir, your obedient servt, GEO. WASHINGTON. Monday Evening, 11th April , 1796. This letter was indorsed in Washington’s handwriting—° “Mr. Stuart, Chestnut Street.” At the foot of the manu¬ script are the following certificates: In looking over my papers to find one that had the signa¬ ture of George Washington, I found this, asking me when he should sit for his portrait, which is now owned by Samuel Williams, of London. I have thought it proper it should be his, especially as he owns the only original painting 1 ever 426 U/orl^s of U/asbip<$tor) Irufi7<$ Adolphe Ulric Wertmuller was a devoted student of art, but his. taste and style were chiefly formed under the in¬ fluence of the old French Academy—and long before the deli¬ cate adherence to nature which now redeems the best modern pictures of French artists had taken the place of a certain artificial excellence and devotion to mere effect. The career of this accomplished painter was marked by singular vicissi¬ tudes—a native of Stockholm, after preparatory studies there, he went to Paris, and remained several years acquiring both fame and fortune by his pencil; the latter, however, was nearly all lost by the financial disasters at the outbreak of the Revolution, and Wertmuller embarked for America, and arrived in Philadelphia in 1794.' He was well received and highly estimated; Washington sat to him;* in 1796 he re¬ turned to Europe, but, after a brief period, the failure of a commercial house in Stockholm, in whose care he had placed his funds, so vexed him that he returned to Philadelphia, where he soon after exhibited his large and beautiful picture of “Danae”—which, while greatly admired for the executive talent it displayed, was too exceptionable a subject to meet with the approbation of the sober citizens, whose sense of propriety was so much more vivid than their enthusiasm for art. Wertmuller soon after married a lady of Swedish de¬ scent, purchased a farm in Delaware County, Penn., and resided there in much comfort and tranquillity, until his death in 1812. His pictures were sold at auction; and a small copy of the “Danae” brought $500; the original, some years after, being purchased in Hew York for three times that sum. In an appreciative notice of him, which appeared soon after his death in a leading literary journal, there is the following just reference to his portrait of Washington: “It has been much praised and frequently copied on the conti¬ nent of Europe; but it has a forced and foreign air, into which the painter seems to have fallen by losing sight of * See notice of Wertmuller in “Analectic Magazine,” 1815. Cife of U/asl?ir)<$t:oi? 429 the noble presence before him, in an attempt after ideal dignity.” * Wertmuller was eminent in his day for miniatures and oil portraits. Our first knowledge of him was derived from the superb picture of Danae, which, for some time, occupied a nook, curtained from observation, in the studio of the late Henry Inman, of New York, and it was exhibited in Wash¬ ington City, thirty years ago. There was fine drawing and rich color in this voluptuous creation—enough to convey a high idea of the skill and grace of the artist. With this picture vividly in the mind, it is difficult to realize that the chaste, subdued portrait of W ashington was from the same hand. It was confidently asserted that Washington invariably noted in his diary his sittings to portrait painters, and that no entry appears in reference to this picture. Its claim to originality was, therefore, questioned. With the impatience of the whole subject, however, that Washington confessed at last, he may have ceased to record what became a penance; and were the picture satisfactory in other respects, we should not be disposed to complain that it was skillfully combined from other portraits. But, in our view, the engraving, at least, has intrinsic faults. It is neither the Washington fa¬ miliar to observation as portrayed, nor to fancy as idealized. There is a self-conscious expression about the mouth, not visi¬ ble in Stuart’s or Trumbull’s heads, and out of character with itself; the eyebrows are raised so as to indicate either a su¬ percilious or a surprised mood, both alien to Washington’s habitual state of mind; it is impossible for the brows to be knit between the eyes, and arched over them at the same time, as in this engraving; the eyes themselves have a star¬ ing look; the animation so much wanted is here obtained at the expense of that serenity which was a normal characteris¬ tic of the man; we miss the modesty, the latent power, the placid strength, so intimately associated with the looks as * “Analectic Magazine.” 430 ll/or^s of \l/a&Y)\r)QtOT) Iruip$ well as the nature of W ashington; the visage is too elon¬ gated; compared with the Athenaeum portrait this picture has a commonplace expression; it does not approach it in moral elevation; we should pass it by in a gallery as the like¬ ness of a gentleman and a brave officer, but not linger over it as the incarnation of disinterested, magnanimous, loyal courage, such as lent a certain unconscious, impressive, and superior aspect to W ashington, and divided him, by an infi¬ nite distance, from the mob of vulgar heroes. The latest and most triumphant attempt to embody and illustrate the features, form, and character of Washington in statuary, was made by the late American sculptor— Thomas Crawford. How well he studied, and how ade¬ quately he reproduced the head of his illustrious subject, may be realized by a careful examination of the noble and impres¬ sive marble bust of Washington from his chisel, now ip the possession of John Ward, Esq., of New York. Essentially, and as far as contour and proportions are concerned, based upon the model of Houdon—this beautiful and majestic effigy is instinct with the character of its subject, so that while sat¬ isfactory in detail as a resemblance caught from nature, it, at the same time, is executed in a spirit perfectly accordant with the traditional impressions and the distinctive ideas whence we derive our ideal of the man, the chieftain, and the patriot; the molding of the brow, the pose of the head, and especially the expression of the mouth, are not less au¬ thentic than effective. But the crowning achievement of this artist is his equestrian statue executed for the State of Virginia, and now the grand trophy and ornament of her Capital. “When on the evening of his arrival, Crawford went to see, for the first time, his Washington in bronze at the Munich foundry, he was surprised at the dusky precincts of the vast area; suddenly torches flashed illumination on the magnificent horse and rider, and simultaneously burst forth from a hundred voices a song of triumph and jubilee; thus the delighted Germans congratulated their gifted brother Cife of U/asfiir^toi) 431 and hailed the sublime work—typical to them of American freedom, patriotism, and genius. The Bavarian king warmly recognized its original merits and consummate effect; the artists would suffer no inferior hands to pack and dispatch it to the seaside; peasants greeted its triumphal progress; the people of Richmond were emulous to share the task of con¬ veying it from the quay to Capitol Hill; mute admiration followed by ecstatic cheers hailed its unveiling, and the most gracious native eloquence inaugurated its erection. We might descant upon the union of majesty and spirit in the figure of Washington, and the vital truth of action in the horse, the air of command and of rectitude, the martial vigor and grace, so instantly felt by the popular heart and so critically praised by the adept in sculpture cognizant of the difficulties to over¬ come, and the impression to be absolutely conveyed by such a work, in order to make it at once true to nature and to character; we might repeat the declaration that no figure, ancient or modern, so entirely illustrates the classical defini¬ tion of oratory, as consisting in action, as the statue of Pat¬ rick Henry, one of the grand accessories of the work—which seems instinct with that memorable utterance, ‘Give me lib¬ erty, or give me death.’ ” , By a singular and affecting coin¬ cidence, the news of Crawford’s death reached the United States simultaneously with the arrival of the ship containing this colossal bronze statue of Washington—his “crowning achievement.” In this work, the first merit is naturalness; although full of equine ardor, the graceful and noble animal is evidently subdued by his rider; calm power is obvious in the man, restrained eagerness in the horse; Washington’s left hand is on the snaffle bridle, which is drawn back; he sits with perfect ease and dignity, the head and face a little turned to the left, as if his attention had just been called in that direction, either in expectancy, or to give an order; he points forward, and a little upward; the figure is erect, the chest thrown forward, the knees pressed to the saddle, the heel nearly beneath the shoulder, and the sole of the foot al¬ most horizontal. The seat is a military and not a hunting 432 U/or^s of U/asl?ir)$tor} Iruii}<$ seat; the horse is recognized, by one acquainted with breeds, as “a charger of Arab blood.” • ••••• •• His hands were large, as became one inured to practical achievement; his forehead was of that square mold that ac“ companies an executive mind, not swelling at the temples, as in the more ideal conformation of poetical men; a calm and benevolent light usually gleamed from his eyes, and they flashed, at times, with valorous purpose or stern indignation; but they were not remarkably large, as in persons of more fluency, and foretold Washington’s natural deficiency in lan¬ guage, proclaiming the man of deeds, not words; neither had they the liquid hue of extreme sensibility, nor the varying light of an unsubdued temperament; their habitual expres¬ sion was self-possessed, serene and thoughtful. There was a singular breadth to the face, invariably preserved by Stuart, but not always by Trumbull, who often gives an aquiline and somewhat elongated visage: no good physiognomist can fail to see in his nose that dilation of the nostril and prominence of the ridge which belong to resolute and spirited characters; the distance between the eyes marks a capacity to measure distances and appreciate form and the relation of space; but these special traits are secondary to the carriage of the body, and the expression of the whole face, in which appear to have blended an unparalleled force of impression. When fully possessed of the details of his remarkable countenance, and inspired by the record of his career, we turn from the descrip¬ tion of those who beheld the man on horseback, at the head of an army, presiding over the national councils, or seated in the drawing-room, to any of the portraits, we feel that no artist ever caught his best look, or transmitted his features when kindled by .that matchless soul. If we compare any selection of engravings with each other, so inferior are the greater part extant, we find such glaring discrepancies that doubts multiply; and we realize that art never did entire justice to the idea, the latent significance, and the absolute character of Washington. There is dignity in Houdon’s Cife of U/asfyir^toi} 433 bust, an effective facial angle in the crayon of Sharpless, and elegance, wisdom, and benignity in Stuart’s head; but what are they, each and all, in contrast with the visage we behold in fancy, and revere in heart? It has been ingeniously remarked that the letters received by an individual indicate his character better than those Le writes, because they sug¬ gest what he elicits from others, and thereby furnish the best key to his scope of mind and temper of soul; on the same principle the likeness drawn, not from the minute descrip¬ tions, but the vivid impressions of those brought into inti¬ mate contact with an illustrious character, are the most re¬ liable materials for his portrait; they reflect the man in the broad mirror of humanity, and are the faithful daguerreotypes which the vital radiance of his nature leaves on the conscious¬ ness of mankind. II WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS [The original MS. of the Farewell Address, in Washington’s handwrit¬ ing, and with his revisions and alterations, having been purchased by James Lenox, Esq., of New York, that gentleman caused a few copies of it, with some illustrative documents, to be printed fc? private distribution. By permission of Mr. Lenox it is here reprinted, with the alterations, and with his explanatory remarks.] PREFACE This reprint of Washington’s Farewell Address to the people of the United States is made from the original manu¬ script recently sold in Philadelphia by the administrators of the late Mr. David C. Claypoole, in whose possession it had been from the date of its first publication. The paper is entirely in the autograph of W ashington: no one acquainted with his handwriting can inspect it and doubt for a moment the statements to that effect made by Mr. Claypoole and Mr. Rawle. Upon examining the manuscript, it was found that, Vol. XV.—* * * 19 434 U/or^s of U/asbip^top Iruip$ in addition to its importance as a historical document, and its value from being in the autograph of W ashington, it was of great interest as a literary curiosity, and threw light upon the disputed question of the authorship of the Address. It clearly shows the process by which that paper was wrought into the form in which it was first given to the public; and notes written on the margin of passages and paragraphs, which have been erased, prove, almost beyond a doubt, that this draft was submitted to the judgment of other persons. Such memoranda was unnecessary either for Washington’s own direction on a subsequent revision, or for the guidance of the printer; but he might very naturally thus note the reasons which had led him to make the alterations before he asked the advice and opinion of his friends. It seems prob¬ able, therefore, that this is the very draft sent to General Hamilton and Chief-justice Jay, as related in the letter of the latter. Some of the alterations, however, were evidently made during the writing of the paper; for in a few instances a part, and even the whole, of a sentence is struck out, which afterward occurs in the body of the address. Mr. Claypoole’s description of the appearance of the manu¬ script is very accurate. There are many alterations, correc¬ tions, and interlineations; and whole sentences and para¬ graphs are sometimes obliterated. All these, howev^y, have been deciphered without much trouble, and carefully noted. It was thought best to leave the text in this edition as it was first printed: only two slight verbal variations were found between the corrected manuscript and the common printed copies. All the interlineations and alterations are inserted in brackets [ ], and where, in any case, words or sentences have been struck out, either with or without cor¬ rections in the text to supply their place, these portions have been deciphered and are printed in notes at the foot of the page. The reader will thus be enabled to perceive at a glance the changes made in the composition of the address; and if the draft made by General Hamilton, and read by him to Mr. Jay, should be published, it will be seen how far Wash- Cife of U/asl?ii}<$tor) 435 ington adopted the modifications and suggestions made by them. When this preface was thus far prepared for the press, an opportunity was afforded, through the kindness of John C. Hamilton, Esq., to examine several letters which passed between Washington and General Hamilton relating to the Address, and also a copy of it in the handwriting of the lat¬ ter. It appears from these communications that the Presi¬ dent, both in sending to him a rough draft of the document, and at subsequent dates, requested him to prepare such an Address as he thought would be appropriate to the occasion; that Washington consulted him particularly, and most mi¬ nutely, on many points connected with it; and that at dif¬ ferent times General Hamilton did forward to the President three drafts of such a paper. The first was sent back to him with suggestions for its correction and enlargement; from the second draft, thus altered and improved, the manuscript now printed may be supposed to have been prepared by Washington, and transmitted for final examination to Gen¬ eral Hamilton and Judge Jay; and with it the third draft was returned to the President, and may probably yet be found among his papers. The copy in the possession of Mr. Hamilton is probably the second of these three drafts: it is very much altered and corrected throughout. In comparing it with that in Wash¬ ington’s autograph, the sentiments are found to be the same, and the words used are very frequently identical. Some of the passages erased in the manuscript are in the draft: three paragraphs, viz., those on pages 50, 51, and 52, have noth¬ ing corresponding to them in the draft; but a space is left in it, evidently for the insertion of additional matter. The com¬ parison of these two papers is exceedingly curious. It is diffi¬ cult to conceive how two persons could express the same ideas in substantially the same language, and yet with much di¬ versity in the construction of the sentences, and the position of the words. L. New York, April 12, 1850. 436 U/or^s of U/asl?ii)<$toi) Irvipqf FAREWELL ADDRESS Friends, and Fellow-Citizens: The period for a new election of a Citizen, to administer the Executive Government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust [*], it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being con¬ sidered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country—and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but [am supported by] f a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire.—I con¬ stantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn.—The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign Nations, and the unanimous advice of * for another term f act under Cife of \I/a8l?ir)<$tor} 437 persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.— I rejoice that the state of yonr concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination in¬ compatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and [am persuaded] * whatever partiality [may be retained] f for my services, [that] f in the present circumstances of our country [you] will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions, [with] § which I first [undertook] || the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good intentions, contributed [toward] % the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, [perhaps] still more in the eyes of others, has [strengthened] * § ** the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome.-—Satisfied that if any circum¬ stances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. [ft] In looking forward to the moment, which is [intended] * that f any portion of you may yet retain f even they § under || accepted to ** not lessened ft May I also have that of knowing in my retreat that the involuntary errors, I have probably committed, have been the sources of no serious or lasting mischief to our country. I may then expect to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoy¬ ment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government; the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, I trust, of our mutual cares, dangers and labors. In the margin opposite this paragraph is the following note in Washington’s Autograph, also erased, “obliterated to avoid the imputation of affected modesty.” 438 U/orks of U/a8bir?$tOQ Iruir}$ to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment [of] * that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country,—for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persever¬ ing, though [in usefulness unequal] f to my zeal.—If bene¬ fits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that [J] under circumstances in which the Passions agitated in every direction were liable to [mislead] § amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicis¬ situdes of fortune often discouraging—in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism [the constancy of your support] was the essential prop of the efforts and [a] || guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to the grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows [^[] that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence—that your union and broth¬ erly affection may be perpetual-—that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained —that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue—that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory [**] of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adop¬ tion of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop.—But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the appre^ * demanded by f unequal in usefulness t the constancy of your support § wander and fluctuate || the IT the only return 1 can henceforth make ** or satisfaction Cife of U/asl^ip^top 439 hension of danger, natural to that solicitude, [urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer] * to your solemn con¬ templation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation [f], and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people.— These will be offered to you with the more freedom as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a depart¬ ing friend, who can [possibly] have no personal motive to bias his counsels.—[Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.] Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.- The Unity of Government which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you.—It is justly so;—for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice of your real independence; [the support] of your tranquillity at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; [J] of your prosperity [§]; of that very Liberty which you so highly prize.—But, as it is easy to fore¬ see, that from [different] || causes, and from different quar¬ ters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth:—as this is the point in your [political] fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most con¬ stantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness;—that you should cher¬ ish [1] a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment [to it, * encouraged by the remembrance of your indulgent re¬ ception of my sentiments on an occasion not dissimilar to the present, urge me to offer f and experience X in every relation § in every shape || various 1 toward it 440 U/orks of XUa&tyi)$tOT) Irvii)<$ accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.] *— For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest.—Citizens [by birth or choice of a common country],! that country has a right to concentrate your affections.—The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation [J] derived from local discrimina¬ tions.—With slight shades of difference, you have the same Religion, Manners, Habits, and political Principles.—You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together.— The Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts—of common dangers, sufferings and successes.— But these considerations, however powerfully they ad¬ dress themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your Interest.— Here every portion of our country finds the most command¬ ing motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. The North in an [unrestrained] § intercourse with the * that you should accustom yourselves to reverence it as the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity, adapt¬ ing constantly your words and actions to that momentous idea; that you should watch for its preservation with jealous anxiety, discountenance whatever may suggest a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and frown upon the first dawning of any attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the several parts. f of a common country by birth or choice. X to be § unfettered Cife of U/asbip^toq 441 South , protected by the equal Laws of a common govern¬ ment, finds in the productions of the latter [*] great addi¬ tional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise—and precious materials of manufacturing industry.—The South , in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North , sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North , it finds its particular navigation envigorated;—and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and in¬ crease the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted.—The East , in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improve¬ ment of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home.— The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest, as one Nation. [Any other] f tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, [whether derived] \ from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign Power, must be in¬ trinsically precarious. [§] [||] While [then] every part of our Country thus [feels] % an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts ** [combined cannot fail to find] in the united mass * many of the peculiar f the J either § liable every moment to be disturbed by the fluctuating combinations of the primary interests of Europe, which must be expected to regulate the conduct of the Nations of which it is composed. || And T finds ** of it 442 ll/orl^s of U/asl?ir>^toi) Irufp$ of means and efforts [*] greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign Nations; and, [what is] f of inestimable value! they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which [so frequently] \ afflict neighboring coun¬ tries not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce; but , which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter.—Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown Military establish¬ ments, which under any form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and which [are to be regarded] § as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty: In this sense it is that your Union ought to be considered as the main prop of your lib¬ erty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to [every] || reflecting and virtuous mind,—[and] T exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of Patriotic desire.—Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it.—To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal.—[We are authorized] ** to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the ex¬ periment. ’Tis well worth a fair and full experiment, [f f ] * cannot fail to find f which is an advantage t inevitably § there is reason to regard |) any T they ** ’Tis natural ft It may not impossibly be found, that the spirit of party, the machinations of foreign powers, "the corruption and ambition of individual citizens are more formidable adversaries to the Unity of our Empire than any inherent difficulties in the scheme. Against these the mounds of national opinion, national sympathy and national jealousy ought to be raised. Cife of U/asbffi^top 443 With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, [affect¬ ing] * all parts of our country [f], while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be [reason] l to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. [§]— In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that [any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by] || Geographical discriminations —Northern and South¬ ern—Atlantic and Western; [whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of * as f have J cause in the effect itself § Besides the more serious causes already hinted as threatening our Union, there is one less dangerous, but sufficiently dangerous to make it prudent to be upon our guard against it. I allude to the petulance of party differ¬ ences of opinion. It is not uncommon to hear the irritations which these excite vent themselves in declarations that the different parts of the United States are ill affected to each other, in menaces that the Union will be dissolved by this or that measure. Intimations like these are as indiscreet as they are intemperate. Though frequently made with levity and without any really evil intention, they have a tendency to produce the consequence which they indicate. They teach the minds of men to consider the Union as pre¬ carious;—as an object to which they ought not to attach their hopes and fortunes;—and thus chill the sentiment in its favor. By alarming the pride of those to whom they are addressed, they set ingenuity at work to depreciate the value of the thing, and to discover reasons of indifference toward it. This is not wise.—It will be much wiser to habituate ourselves to reverence the Union as the palladium of our national happiness; to accommodate constantly our words and actions to that idea, and to discountenance whatever may suggest a suspicion that it can in any event be aban¬ doned. (In the margin opposite this paragraph are the words, “Not important enough.”) || our parties for some time past have been too much characterized by 444 U/orl^s of U/asl?ii)<$toi} Irvii>$ local interests and views. ] * One of the expedients of Party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to mis¬ represent the opinions and aims of other districts.—You can¬ not shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heartburnings which spring from these misrepresentations;— They tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.—The inhabitants of our Western country have lately had a useful lesson on this [head.] f—They have seen, in the negotiation by the Execu¬ tive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the Treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mis¬ sissippi. —They have been witnesses to the formation of two Treaties, that with G. Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign Relations toward confirming their prosperity. —Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were pro¬ cured?—Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their Breth¬ ren, and connect them with Aliens?— * These discriminations,-the mere contrivance of the spirit of Party (always dexterous to seize every handle by which the passions can be wielded, and too skillful not to turn to account the sympathy of neighbourhood), have furnished an argument against the Union as evidence of a real difference of local interests and views; and serve to hazard it by organizing larger districts of country, under the leaders of contending factions; whose rivalships, prejudices and schemes of ambition, rather than the true interests of the Country, will direct the use of their influence. If it be possible to correct this poison in the habit of our body politic, it is worthy the endeavors of the moderate and the good to effect it. t subject Cife of U/asl?ii)<$toi) 445 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Govern¬ ment for the whole is indispensable.—No alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute.— They must inevitably experience the infractions and inter¬ ruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced.— Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Govern¬ ment, better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amend¬ ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. —Respect for its authority, compliance with its Laws, ac¬ quiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the funda¬ mental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government.—But the Constitution which at any time exists, ’till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all.— The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government, presupposes the duty of every indi¬ vidual to obey the established Government. All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all com¬ binations and associations, under whatever plausible char¬ acter, with [the real] design to direct, controul, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency.—They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force—to put [*] in the place of the delegated will of the Nation, the will of a party; —often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community;—and, according to the alternate triumphs of dif- * it 446 U/orks of U/asl?ir)$tor) Irvir>$ ferent parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils and modified by mutual interests. —How¬ ever combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, [*] they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the People, and to usurp for themselves the reins of Government; destroying after¬ ward the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.— Toward the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care [the] f spirit of innovation upon its principles however specious the pretexts.—One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, [and thus to Jj under¬ mine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of Govern¬ ments, as of other human institutions—that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of a Country—that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion:—and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so exterisive as ours, a Government of as much vigour as is consistent with the perfect security of Liberty is indispensable—Liberty itself will find in such a Govern¬ ment, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian.—[It is indeed little else than a name, where t a t to * and purposes Cife of U/asfyir^tor? 447 the Government *s too feeble to withstand the enterprises of fac¬ tion, to confine each member of the Society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.] * I have already intimated to you the danger of Parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on Geographical discriminations. —Let me now take a more com¬ prehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the Spirit of Party, generally. This Spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from [our] f nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the [human] mind.—It exists under different shapes in all Gov¬ ernments, more or less stifled, controuled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rank¬ ness, and it is truly their worst enemy.—[I] The alternate domination of one faction over another, * Owing to you as I do a frank and free disclosure of my heart, I shall not conceal from you the belief I entertain, that your Government as at present constituted is far more likely to prove too feeble than too powerful. f human X In Republics of narrow extent, it is not difficult for those who at any time hold the reins of Power, and com¬ mand the ordinary public favour, to overturn the established [constitution] * in favour of their own aggrandizement.—The same thing may likewise be too often accomplished in such Republics, by partial combinations of men, who though not in office, from birth, riches or other sources of distinction, have extraordinary influence and numerous [adherents.] f— By debauching the Military force, by surprising some com¬ manding citadel, or by some other sudden and unforeseen movement, the fate of the Republic is decided.—But in Re¬ publics of large extent, usurpation can scarcely make its way through these avenues.—The powers and opportunities of resistance of a wide extended and numerous nation, defy the successful efforts of the ordinary Military force, or of any collections which wealth and patronage may call to their aid. —In such Republics, it is safe to assert, that the conflicts of popular factions are the chief, if not the only inlets, of usurpation and Tyranny * order \ retainers 448 U/or^8 of U/a8fyir)<$tor> IruiQ$ sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissen¬ sion, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism.—The disorders and miseries, which result, grad¬ ually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an Individual: and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of Party are sufficient to make it the interest and the duty of a wise People to discourage and restrain it.— It serves always to distract the Public Councils and en¬ feeble the Public administration.—It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms, kindles the ani¬ mosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection.—It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access [to the Govern¬ ment itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country, are subjected to the policy and the will of another.] * There is an opinion that parties in free countries are use¬ ful checks upon the Administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the Spirit of Liberty.—This within cer¬ tain limits is probably true—and in Governments of a Mo¬ narchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party.—But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged.—From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for * through the channels of party passions. It frequently subjects the policy of our own country to the policy of some foreign country, and even enslaves the will of our Govern¬ ment to the will of some foreign Government. Cife of U/as^ip^toi) 449 ©very salutary purpose,—and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it.—A fire not to be quenched; it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, [instead of warming, it should] * consume.— It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves wibhin their respect¬ ive constitutional spheres; avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another.—The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, [f] whatever [the form of government, a real] 1 despotism.—A just esti¬ mate of that love of power, and [§] proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position.—The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by divid¬ ing and distributing it into different depositories, and con¬ stituting each the Guardian of the Public "Weal [against] | invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes.—To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them.—If in the opinion of the People, the dis¬ tribution or modification of the Constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates.—But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the [customary]^ weapon by which free governments are destroyed.—The precedent [**] must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or [transient] ft benefit which the use [t|] can at any time yield.— Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political * it should not only warm, but X forms, a § the T usual and natural ft temporary t under | from ** of its use tt itself 450 U/orl^g of U/asfyip^toi) Iruir>$ prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports. —In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great Pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citi¬ zens.—The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them.—A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity.— Let it simply be asked where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. — Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined edu¬ cation on minds of peculiar structure—reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.— ’Tis substantially true that virtue or morality is a neces¬ sary spring of popular government.—The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of Free Government. —Who that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indiffer¬ ence upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric?— [Promote then as an object of primary importance, insti¬ tutions for the general diffusion of knowledge.—In propor¬ tion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlight¬ ened.]—* * Cultivate industry and frugality, as auxiliaries to good morals and sources of private and public prosperity. —Is there not room to regret that our propensity to expense exceeds our means for it? Is there not more luxury among us and more diffusively, than suits the actual stage of our national progress? Whatever may be the apology for luxury in a country, mature in the Arts which are its ministers, and the cause of national opulence—can it promote the advantage of a young country, almost wholly agricultural, in the infancy of the Arts, and certainly not in the maturity of wealth? (Over this paragraph in the original a piece of paper is wa° fered, on which the passage is written, as printed in the text.) Cife of U/asfyii)<$tor? 451 As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. —One method of preserving it is to use it as [sparingly] * as possibleavoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely dis¬ bursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it—avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by [shunning] f occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of Peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occa¬ sioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your Representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should [co-operate.] J—To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that toward the payment of debts there must be Revenue—that to have Revenue there must be taxes—that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant—that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquies¬ cence in the measures for obtaining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.— Observe good faith and justice toward all Nations. [§J Cultivate peace and harmony with all.—Religion and moral¬ ity enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it?—It will be worthy of a free, enlight¬ ened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a Peo¬ ple always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.— Who can doubt but that in the course of time and things, * little t avoiding J coincide § and cultivate peace and harmony with all, for in public as well as in private transactions, I am persuaded that hon¬ esty will always be found to be the best policy. 452 ll/or^s of U/a8t?ir)$toi) Irvii}<$ the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature.—Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices? In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that [permanent, inveterate] * antipathies against par¬ ticular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded; and that in place of them just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated.—The Nation, which indulges toward another [an] \ habitual hatred or [an] J habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interests.—Antipathy in one Nation against another [§] disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of um¬ brage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.—Hence frequent colli¬ sions, obstinate, envenomed and bloody contests.—The Na^ tion prompted by ill-will and resentment sometimes impels to War the Government, contrary to [the best] || calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the [national] propensity, and adopts through passion what rea¬ son would reject;—at other times it makes the animosity of the Nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives.— The peace, often sometimes perhaps the Liberty, of Nations has been the victim.— So likewise a passionate attachment of one Nation for an¬ other produces a variety of evils.—Sympathy for the favour¬ ite nation facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and * rooted fa J a § begets of course a similar sentiment in that other | its own Cife of U/a8f?ir?<$tor) 453 infusing into one [*] the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification: It leads also to concessions to the favourite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; [f] by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, [J] and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambi¬ tious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favourite Nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the in¬ terests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity -.—gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or fool¬ ish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.— As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly en¬ lightened and independent patriot. —How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils!—Such an attachment of a small and weak, toward a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, [I con¬ jure you to] believe me, [fellow citizens],§ the jealousy of a free people ought to be [constantly] || awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government.—But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it.—Excessive partiality for one foreign na¬ tion and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and * another § my friends, t Istly t 2dly |j incessantly 454 U/orl^s of U/asbip^top Irvii}<$ even second the arts of influence on the other.—Real Patri¬ ots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender • their interests.— The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to Foreign Nations is, [in extending our commercial relations,] to have with them as little Political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with [*] perfect good faith.—Here let us stop.— Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation.—Hence she must be en¬ gaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns.—Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by [f] artificial [ties] J in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, [or] § the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course.—If we remain one People, un¬ der an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve [upon] || to be scrupulously respected. —"When [T] belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will [not] lightly hazard the giving us provocation [* § **]; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest guided by [ft] justice shall counsel.— Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?— Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground?—Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?— ’Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alli- * circumspection indeed, but with f an \ connection § in ] to observe T neither of two ** to throw our weight into the opposite scale If cur Cife of U/asl?ii}$t:oi) 455 ances [* * * § ] with any portion of the foreign world;—so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it—for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to [exist¬ ing] f engagements, ([I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs] J, that honesty is [always] the best policy).—[I repeat it therefore let those engage¬ ments] § be observed in their genuine sense.—But in my opinion it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them.— Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable estab¬ lishments, on a respectably defensive posture, we may safely trust to [temporary] || alliances for extraordinary emer¬ gencies.— Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom¬ mended by policy, humanity and interest.—But even our com¬ mercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand:— neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or prefer¬ ences;—consulting the natural course of things;—diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing;—establishing with Powers so disposed— in order to give to trade a stable course, to define the rights of our Merchants and to enable the Government to support them —conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present cir¬ cumstances and mutual opinion will permit; but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as ex¬ perience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that ’tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours [from] % another,—that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that char¬ acter—that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the con¬ dition of having given equivalents for nominal favours and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more.— * intimate connections f pre-existing X for I hold it to be as true in public as in private transactions § those must | occasional IT at 456 U/orks of U/asbffi^top Iruir)$ There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from Nation to Nation.—’Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my Countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression, I could wish,—that they will controul the usual current of the passions or prevent our Nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of Nations.—But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit; some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to mod ¬ erate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pre¬ tended patriotism, this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.— How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public Records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to You, and to the World.—To myself, the assur¬ ance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe, my Proc¬ lamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan.— Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of Your Rep¬ resentatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me:—uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, [*] I was well satisfied that our coun¬ try, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take a Neutral position.—Having taken it, I determined, as far as should (* and from men disagreeing in their impressions of the origin, progress, and nature of that war,) Cife of 457 depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, persever¬ ance and firmness.— [The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, [it is not necessary] * on this occasion [to detail.] I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by the Belliger¬ ent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.—]f The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every Nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of Peace and Amity toward other Nations. The inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience, -With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that de¬ gree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanely speaking, the command of its own fortunes. * some of them of a delicate nature, would be improperly the subject of explanation. f The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, some of them of a delicate nature, would be improp¬ erly the subject of explanation on this occasion. I will barely observe that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any belligerent Power, has been virtually admitted by all.— This paragraph is then erased from the word “conduct,” and the following sentence interlined, “would be improperly the subject of particular discussion on this occasion. I will barely observe that to me they appear to be warranted by well-established principles of the Laws of Nations as appli¬ cable to the nature of our alliance with France in connection with the circumstances of the War, and the relative situation of the contending Parties.” A piece of paper is afterward wafered over both, on which the paragraph as it stands in the text is written, and on the margin is the following note: “This is the first draft, and it is questionable which of the two is to be preferred.” Vol. XV.—* * * 20 458 U/orl^s of U/asbir><$too Iruir)$ Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration, I am unconscious of intentional error—I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I [may] have committed many errors.—[Whatever they may be 1] * fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate [the evils to which they may tend.] f—I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with in¬ dulgence ; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. [J] Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for [several] § generations;—I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of * I deprecate the evils to which they may tend, and f them l May I without the charge of ostentation add, that neither ambition nor interest has been the impelling cause of my actions—that I have never designedly misused any power confided to me nor hesitated to use one, where I thought it could redound to your benefit? May I without the appear¬ ance of affectation say, that the fortune with which I came into office is not bettered otherwise than by the improvement in the value of property which the quick progress and un¬ common prosperity of our country have produced? May I still further add without breach of delicacy, that I shall re¬ tire without cause for a blush, with no sentiments alien to the force of those vows for the happiness of his country so natural to a citizen who sees in it the native soil of his pro¬ genitors and himself for four generations? On the margin opposite this paragraph is the following note: “This paragraph may have the appearance of self-dis¬ trust and mere vanity.” 8 four Cife of U/asbip^top 459 good Laws under a free Government,—the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers.* Go. Washington. United States, [ 1f7QA 19 th September , $ ' * III PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS IN CONSE¬ QUENCE OF THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON SPEECH OF JOHN MARSHALL TN THE HOUSE OF REPRE¬ SENTATIVES, AND RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE HOUSE, DECEMBER 19TH, 1799 f Mr. Speaker— The melancholy event, which was yesterday announced with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our Wash¬ ington is no more! The hero, the patriot, and the sage of America; the man on whom in times of danger every eye was turned and all hopes were placed, lives now only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people. If, Sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the memory of those whom Heaven has selected as its in¬ struments for dispensing good to man, yet such has been the uncommon worth, and such the extraordinary incidents which * The paragraph beginning with the words, ‘ ‘ May I with¬ out the charge of ostentation add,” having been struck out, the following note is written on the margin of that which is inserted in its place in the text: ‘ ‘ Continuation of the para¬ graph preceding the last ending with the word ‘rest.’ ” f The intelligence of the death of Washington had been received the preceding day, and the House immediately ad¬ journed. The next morning Mr. Marshall addressed tlm speech to the House. 460 U/or^s of U/asfyir^tor) Iruir><$ have marked the life of him whose loss we all deplore, that the whole American nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call with one voice for a public manifestation of that sorrow, which is so deep and so universal. More than any other individual, and as much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide-spreading empire, and to give to the western world in¬ dependence and freedom. Having effected the great object for which he was placed at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the sword into the plowshare, and sink the soldier in the citizen. When the debility of our federal system had become mani¬ fest, and the bonds which connected this vast continent were dissolving, we have seen him the chief of those patriots who formed for us a constitution, which, by preserving the union, will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate those blessings which our Revolution had promised to bestow. In obedience to the general voice of his country, calling him to preside over a great people, we have seen him once more quit the retirement he loved, and, in a season more stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm and wise determination pursue the true interests of the nation, and contribute, more than any other could contribute, to the establishment of that system of policy which will, I trust, yet preserve our peace, our honor, and our independence. Having been twice unanimously chosen the chief magis¬ trate of a free people, we have seen him, at a time when his re-election with universal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare instance of moderation, by with¬ drawing from his station to the peaceful walks of private life. However the public confidence may change, and the pub¬ lic affections fluctuate with respect to others, with respect to him they have, in war and in peace, in public and in private life, been as steady as his own firm mind, and as constant as his own exalted virtues. Let us, then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last tribute of respect and affection to our departed friend. Let the grand council Cife of U/asl?ii?<$toi) 461 of tlie nation display those sentiments which the nation feels. For this purpose I hold in my hand some resolutions, which I take the liberty of offering to the House. Resolved , That this House will wait on the President, in condolence of this mournful event. Resolved , That the Speaker’s chair be shrouded with black, and that the members and officers of the House wear black during the session. Resolved , That a committee, in conjunction with one from the Senate, be appointed to consider on the most suit¬ able manner of paying honor to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens. LETTER FROM THE SENATE TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 23 December , 1799 Sir— The Senate of the United States respectfully take leave to express to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in the death of General George Washington. This event, so distressing to all our fellow-citizens, must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been associated with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit us, Sir, to mingle our tears with yours. On this occasion it is manly to weep. To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity to the world. Our country mourns a father. The Almighty Disposer of human events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with rev¬ erence to Him “who maketh darkness His pavilion.” With patriotic pride we review the life of our Washing¬ ton, and compare him with those of other countries who have been pre-eminent in fame. Ancient and modern times are diminished before him. Greatness and guilt have too often been allied; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his 462 U/orl^s of U/asl?ii)$toi) Irv!p$ virtues. It reproved the intemperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendor of victory. The scene is closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory; he has traveled on to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight of honor; he has de¬ posited it safely, where misfortune cannot tarnish it, where malice cannot blast it. Favored of Heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity. Magnani¬ mous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his brightness. Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God, his glory is consummated. Washington yet lives on earth in his spotless example; his spirit is in Heaven. Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage. Let them teach their children never to forget that the fruits of his labors and his example are their inheritance. THE PRESIDENT’S ANSWER 23 December, 1799 Gentlemen of the Senate— I receive with the most respectful and affectionate senti¬ ments, in this impressive address, the obliging expressions of your regret for the loss our country has sustained in the death of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen. In the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this melancholy event, you will permit me to say that I have seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the scenes of his deepest distress and most trying perplexities. I have also attended him in his highest elevation and most prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and constancy. Among all our original associates in that memorable league of this continent, in 1774, which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in America, he was the only one remain- Cife of U/as^ip<$tor> 463 ing in the general government. Although with a constitu¬ tion more enfeebled than his, at an age when he thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I feel myself alone, be¬ reaved of my last brother, yet I derive a strong consolation from the unanimous disposition which appears in all ages and classes, to mingle their sorrows with mine on this com¬ mon calamity to the world. The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a compari¬ son with those of other countries who have been most cele¬ brated and exalted by fame. The attributes and decorations of royalty could only have served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those super¬ ficial minds, who, believing that character and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. Malice could never blast his honor, and envy made him a singular exception to her universal rule. For himself, he had lived long enough to life and to glory; for his fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous do¬ minion of Providence over the passions of men and the re¬ sults of their actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble resignation. His example is now complete; and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians. John Adams. 464 U/or^s of U/asl?ir}<$tor) Iruii}$ JOINT RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY BOTH HOUSES OP CONGRESS December 23d. Resolved , by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That a marble monument be erected by the United States at the Capitol of the city of Washington, and that the family of General W ashington be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it, and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political life. And be it further resolved , That there be a funeral pro¬ cession from Congress Hall to the German Lutheran Church, in memory of General George Washington, on Thursday, the 26th instant, and that an oration be prepared at the request of Congress, to be delivered before both Houses that day; and that the President of the Senate, and Speaker of the House of Representatives, be desired to request one of the Members of Congress to prepare and deliver the same. And be it further resolved , That it be recommended to the people of the United States to wear crape on their left arm, as mourning, for thirty days. And be it further resolved , That the President of the United States be requested to direct a copy of these resolu¬ tions to be transmitted to Mrs. Washington, assuring her of the profound respect Congress will ever bear for her person and character, of their condolence on the late afflicting dis¬ pensation of Providence; and entreating her assent to the interment of the remains of General Washington in the man¬ ner expressed in the first resolution. Resolved , That the President of the United States be re¬ quested to issue his proclamation, notifying to the people throughout the United States the recommendation contained in the third resolution. December 30th. Resolved , That it be recommended to the people of the United States to assemble, on the twenty- Cife of U/asl?ii)<$toi) 465 second day of February next, in such numbers and manner as may be convenient, publicly to testify their grief for the death of General George Washington, by suitable eulogies, orations, and discourses, or by public prayers. And it is further resolved , That the President be re¬ quested to issue a proclamation for the purpose of carrying the foregoing resolution into effect. IV WASHINGTON'S WILL In the Name of God, Amen: I, George Washington, of Mount Vernon, a citizen of the United States, and lately President of the same, do make, ordain, and declare this instrument, which is written with my own hand, and every page thereof subscribed with my name,* to be my last Will and Testament, revoking all others. Imprimis. —All my debts, of which there are but few, and none of magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily* paid, and the legacies herein after bequeathed are to be dis¬ charged as soon as circumstances will permit, and in the manner directed. Item.—To my dearly beloved wife, Martha Washing¬ ton , I give and bequeath the use, profit, and benefit of my whole estate real and personal, for the term of her natural life, except such parts thereof as are specially disposed of hereafter. My improved lot in the town of Alexandria, situ¬ ated on Pitt and Cameron streets, I give to her and her heirs forever; as I also do my household and kitchen furniture of every sort and kind, with the liquors and groceries which may be on hand at the time of my decease, to be used and disposed of as she may think proper. * In the original manuscript, George Washington’s name was written at the bottom of every page. 466 U/orl^s of U/asbffi^toi} Iruir>$ Item .—Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the slaves whom I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriage with the dower negroes, as to excite the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences to the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held, to manumit them. And whereas, among those who will receive freedom accord¬ ing to this device, there may be some, who, from old age or bodily infirmities, and others who, on account of their in¬ fancy, will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire, that all who come under the first and second de¬ scription, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or, if living, are unable or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years; and in cases where no record can be produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgment of the court, upon its own view of the subject, shall be adequate and final. The negroes thus bound are (by their masters or mistresses) to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupa¬ tion, agreeable to the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphan and other poor children. And I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said Commonwealth, of any slave I may die pos¬ sessed of, under any pretense whatsoever. And I do, more¬ over, most pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon my executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part thereof, be religiously fulfilled at the epoch at which it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects the aged and infirm; seeing that a regular and Ctfe of Urasl?iQ<$toi) 467 permanent fund be established for their support, as long as there are subjects requiring it; not trusting to the uncertain provision to be made by individuals. And to my mulatto man, William , calling himself William Lee , I give imme¬ diate freedom, or, if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which have befallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walking, or of any active employment), to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so; in either case, however, I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars, during his natural life, which shall be inde¬ pendent of the victuals and clothes he has been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative; but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first; and this I give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the Revolutionary war. Item .—To the trustees (governors, or by whatsoever other name they may be designated) of the Academy in the town of Alexandria, I give and bequeath, in trust, four thousand dollars, or in other words, twenty of the shares which I hold in the Bank of Alexandria, toward the support of a free school, established at and annexed to, the said Academy, for the purpose of educating such orphan children, or the chil¬ dren of such other poor and indigent persons, who are unable to accomplish it with their own means, and who, in the judg¬ ment of the trustees of the said seminary, are best entitled to the benefit of this donation. The aforesaid twenty shares I give and bequeath in perpetuity; the dividends only of which are to be drawn for and applied, by the said trustees for the time being, for the uses above mentioned; the stock to remain entire and untouched, unless indications of failure of the said bank should be so apparent, or a discontinuance thereof should render a removal of this fund necessary. In either of these cases, the amount of the stock here devised is to be vested in some other bank or public institution, whereby the interest may with regularity and certainty be drawn and applied as above. And to prevent misconception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that these 468 ll/orl^s of U/asl?ii)$toi) Irvip$ twenty shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, the thou¬ sand pounds given by a missive letter some years ago, in consequence whereof an annuity of fifty pounds has since been paid toward the support of this institution. Item. —Whereas, by a law of the Commonwealth of Vir¬ ginia, enacted in the year 1785, the Legislature thereof was pleased, as an evidence of its approbation of the services I had rendered the public during the Revolution, and partly, I believe, in consideration of my having suggested the vast advantages which the community would derive from the extension of its inland navigation under legislative patron¬ age, to present me with one hundred shares of one hundred dollars each, in the incorporated Company, established for the purpose of extending the navigation of James River from the tide water to the mountains; and also with fifty shares of £100 sterling each, in the corporation of another company, likewise established for the similar purpose of opening the navigation of the River Potomac from the tide water to Fort Cumberland; the aceptance of which, although the offer was highly honorable and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a principle which I had adopted and had never departed from, viz., not to receive pecuniary compensa¬ tion for any services I could render my country in its arduous struggle with Great Britain for its rights, and because I had evaded similar propositions from other States in the Union; adding to this refusal, however, an intimation, that, if it should be the pleasure of the Legislature to permit me to appropriate the said shares to public uses , I would receive them on those terms with due sensibility; and this it having consented to in flattering terms, as will appear by a subse¬ quent law, and sundry resolutions, in the most ample and honorable manner;—I proceed, after this recital, for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare: that, as it has always been a source of serious regret with me, to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education, often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happi- Cife of U/a8l?ir)<$toi) 469 ness of their own; contracting too frequently, not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriendly to republican government, and to the true and genuine lib¬ erties of mankind, which thereafter are rarely overcome; for these reasons it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised on a liberal scale, which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising em¬ pire, thereby to do away local attachments and State preju¬ dices, as far as the nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our national councils. Looking anxiously forward to the accomplishment of so desirable an object as this is (in my estimation), my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the measure than the establishment of a University in a central part of the United States, to which the youths of fortune and talents from all parts thereof may be sent for the completion of their education, in all the branches of polite literature, in arts and sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politics and good government, and, as a matter of infinite importance in my judgment, by associating with each other and forming friendships in juvenile years, be enabled to free themselves in a proper degree from those local preju¬ dices and habitual jealousies which have just been mentioned, and which, when carried to excess, are never-failing sources of disquietude to the public mind, and pregnant of mischiev¬ ous consequences to this country. Under these impressions, so fully dilated, Item .—I give and bequeath, in perpetuity, the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac company (under the aforesaid acts of the Legislature of Virginia), toward the endowment of a University, to be established within the limits of the District of Columbia, under the auspices of the general gov¬ ernment, if that government should incline to extend a foster¬ ing hand toward it; and, until such seminary is established, and the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its support, my further will and desire is, that the profit accruing therefrom shall, whenever the dividends are made, 470 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir}<$toi 7 Iruir?<$ be laid out in purchasing stock in the bank of Columbia, or some other bank, at the discretion of my executors, or by the Treasurer of the United States for the time being under the direction of Congress, provided that honorable body should patronize the measure; and the dividends proceeding from the purchase of such stock are to be vested in more stock, and so on, until a sum adequate to the accomplish¬ ment of the object is obtained; of which I have not the smallest doubt, before many years pass away, even if no aid or encouragement is given by the legislative authority, or from any other source. Item. —The hundred shares which I hold in the James River Company, I have given and now confirm in perpetuity, to and for the use and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy, in the County of Rockbridge in the Commonwealth of Vir¬ ginia. Item. —I release, exonerate, and discharge the estate of my deceased brother, Samuel Washington , from the pay¬ ment of the money which is due to me for the land I sold to Philip Pendleton (lying in the county of Berkeley), who assigned the same to him, the said Samuel , who by agree¬ ment was to pay me therefor. And whereas, by some con¬ tract (the purport of which was never communicated to me) between the said Samuel and his son, Thornton Washing¬ ton , the latter became possessed of the aforesaid land, with¬ out any conveyance having passed from me, either to the said Pendleton , the said Samuel , or the said Thornton , and without any consideration having been made, by which neglect neither the legal nor equitable title has been alien¬ ated; it rests therefore with me to declare my intentions concerning the premises; and these are, to give and bequeath the said land to whomsoever the said Thornton Washington (who is also dead) devised the same, or to his heirs forever, if he died intestate; exonerating the estate of the said Thorn¬ ton , equally with that of the said Samuel , from payment of the purchase money, which, with interest, agreeably to the original contract with the said Pendleton , would amount Cife of \lf asl?ii}<$toi} 471 more than a thousand pounds. And whereas two other sons of my said deceased brother Samuel, namely, George Steptoe Washington, and Lawrence Augustine Washing - ton, were, by the decease of those to whose care they were committed, brought under my protection, and, in conse¬ quence, have occasioned advances on my part for their edu¬ cation at college and other schools, for their board, clothing, and other incidental expenses, to the amount of near five thousand dollars, over and above the sums furnished by their estate, which sum it may be inconvenient for them or their father’s estate to refund; I do for these reasons acquit them and the said estate from the payment thereof, my intention being, that all accounts between them and me, and their father’s estate and me, shall stand balanced. Item. —The balance due to me from the estate of Barthol¬ omew Dandridge , deceased (my wife’s brother), and which amounted on the first day of October, 1795, to four hundred and twenty-five pounds (as will appear by an account ren¬ dered by his deceased son, John Dandridge, who was the acting executor of his father’s will), I release and acquit from the payment thereof. And the negroes, then thirty- three in number, formerly belonging to the said estate, who were taken in execution, sold, and purchased in on my ac¬ count, in the year {blank), and ever since have remained in the possession and to the use of Mary, widow of the said Bartholomew Dandridge, with their increase, it is my will and desire shall continue and be in her possession, without paying hire, or making compensation for the same for the time past, or to come, during her natural life; at the expira¬ tion of which, I direct that all of them who are forty years old and upward shall receive their freedom; and all under that age, and above sixteen, shall serve seven years and no longer; and all under sixteen years shall serve until they are twenty-five years of age, and then be free. And, to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negroes, they are to be taken into the court of the county in which they reside, and the judgment thereof, in this relation, shall 472 U/orl^s of U/asl?ir}<$toi) Iruii}<$ be final and record thereof made, which may be adduced as evidence at any time thereafter if disputes should arise concerning the same. And I further direct, that the heirs of the said Bartholomew Dandridge shall equally share the benefits arising from the services of the said negroes accord¬ ing to the tenor of this device, upon the decease of their mother. Item .—If Charles Carter , who intermarried with my niece Betty Lewis , is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots he had of me in the town of Fredericksburg, it is my will and desire that my executors shall make such conveyances of them as the law requires to render it perfect. Item .—To my nephew, William Augustine Washing¬ ton , and his heirs (if he should conceive them to be objects worth prosecuting), a lot in the town of Manchester (opposite to Richmond), No. 265, drawn on my sole account, and also the tenth of one or two hundred acre lots, and two or three half-acre lots, in the city and vicinity of Richmond, drawn in partnership with nine others, all in the lottery of the de¬ ceased William Byrd , are given; as is also a lot which I purchased of John Hood , conveyed by William Willie and Samuel Gordon , trustees of the said John Hood , num¬ bered 139, in the town of Edinburgh, in the County of Prince George, State of Virginia. Item .—To my nephew, Bushrod Washington,* I give and bequeath all the papers in my possession which relate to my civil and military administration of the affairs of this country. I leave to him also such of my private papers as are worth preserving; and at the decease of my wife, and before, if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and be¬ queath my library of books and pamphlets of every kind. Item .—Having sold lands which I possessed in the State * As General "Washington never had any children, he gave the larger part of his property to his nephews and nieces, and the children of Mrs. Washington’s son by her first marriage. The principal heir was Bushrod Washington, eon of his brother John Augustine Washington. Cife of U/asl?ir}<$toi) 473 of Pennsylvania and part of a tract held in equal right with George Clinton , late governor of New York, in the State of New York, my share of land and interest in the Great Dismal Swamp, and a tract of land which I owned in the County of Gloucester—withholding the legal titles thereto, until the consideration money should be paid—and having moreover leased and conditionally sold (as will appear by the tenor of the said leases) all my lands upon the Great Kenhawa, and a tract upon Difficult Run, in the County of Loudoun, it is my will and direction, that whensoever the contracts are fully and respectively complied with, according to the spirit, true intent, and meaning thereof, on the part of the purchasers, their heirs or assigns, that then, and in that case, conveyances are to be made, agreeable to the terms of the said contracts, and the money arising therefrom, when paid, to be vested in bank stock; the dividends whereof, as of that also which is already vested therein, are to inure to my said wife during her life; but the stock itself is to remain and be subject to the general distribution hereafter directed. Item .—To the Earl of Buchan I recommit the 1 ‘Box made of the Oak that sheltered the great Sir William Wal¬ lace, after the battle of Falkirk,” presented to me by his Lordship, in terms too flattering for me to repeat, with a request “to pass it, on the event of my decease, to the man in my country who should appear to merit it best, upon the same conditions that have induced him to send it tome.” 'Whether easy or not to select the man, who might comport with his Lordship’s opinion in this respect, is not for me to say; but, conceiving that no disposition of this valuable curi¬ osity can be more eligible than the recommitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to the original design of the Gold¬ smiths’ Company of Edinburgh, who presented it to him, and, at his request, consented that it should be transferred to me, I do give and bequeath the same to his Lordship; and, in case of his decease, to his heir, with my grateful thanks for the distinguished honor of presenting it to me, 474 U/orl^s of U/a8bip<$tor) Irvip<$ and more especially for the favorable sentiments with wdiich he accompanied it. Item. —To my brother, Charles Washington, I give and bequeath the gold-headed cane left me by Dr. Franklin in his will. I add nothing to it, because of the ample provision I have made for his issue. To the acquaintances and friends of my juvenile years, Lawrence Washington and Robei't Washington, of Chotanck, I give my other two gold-headed canes, having my arms engraved on them; and to each, as they will be useful where they live, I leave one of the spy¬ glasses, which constituted part of my equipage during the late war. To my compatriot in arms and old and intimate friend, Dr, Craik, I give my bureau (or, as the cabinet¬ makers call it, tambour secretary) and the circular chair, an appendage of my study. To Dr. David Stewart I give my large shaving and dressing table, and my telescope. To the Reverend, now Bryan, Lord Fairfax , I give a Bible, in three large folio volumes, with notes, presented to me by the Right Reverend Thomas Wilson , Bishop of Sodor and Man. To General de Lafayette I give a pair of finely-wrought steel pistols, taken from the enemy in the Revolutionary war. To my sisters-in-law, Hannah Washington and Mil¬ dred Washington, to my friends, Eleanor Stuart, Hannah Washington , of Fairfield, and Elizabeth Washington, of Hayfield, I give each a mourning ring, of the value of one hundred dollars. These bequests are not made for the in¬ trinsic value of them, but as mementos of my esteem and regard. To Tobias Lear I give the use of the farm, which he now holds in virtue of a lease from me to him and his deceased wife (for and during their natural lives), free from rent during his life; at the expiration of which, it is to be disposed of as is hereinafter directed. To Sallie B. Haynie (a distant relation of mine), I give and bequeath three hun¬ dred dollars. To Sarah Green , daughter of the deceased Thomas Bishop, and to Ann Walker , daughter of John Alton , also deceased, I give each one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their fathers to me; each Cife of U/asfiiQ^tor) 475 of whom having lived nearly forty years in my family. To each of my nephews, William Augustine Washington , George Lewis , George Steptoe Washington , Bushrod Washington , and Samuel Washington , I give one of the swords or couteaux, of which I may die possessed; and they are to choose in the order they are named. These swords are accompanied with an injunction not to unsheathe them for the purpose of shedding blood, except it be for self defense or in defense of their country and its rights; and in the latter case to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands to the relinquishment thereof. And now, having gone through these specific devices, with explanations for the more correct understanding of the meaning and design of them, I proceed to the distribution of the more important part of my estate, in manner following: First. —To my nephew, Bushrod Washington , and his heirs (partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased father, while we were bachelors, and he had kindly under¬ taken to superintend my estate during my militarj 7, services in the former war between Great Britain and France, that, if I should fall therein, Mount Yernon, then less extensive in domain than at present, should become his property), I give and bequeath all that part thereof, which is compre¬ hended within the following limits; viz., Beginning at the ford of Dogue Run, near my Mill, and extending along the road, and bounded thereby, as it now goes, and ever has gone, since my recollection of it, to the ford of Little Hunt¬ ing Creek, at the Gum Spring, until it comes to a knoll opposite to an old road which formerly passed through the lower field of Muddy-Hole Farm; at which, on the north side of the said road, are three red or Spanish oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed; thence by a line of trees, to be marked rectangular, to the back line or outer boundary of the tract between Thomas Mason and myself; thence with that line easterly (now double ditching, with a post-and- rail fence thereon) to the run of Little Hunting Creek; thence with that run, which is the boundary between the lands of 476 U/orks of U/asbiq^toq Iruir)$ the late Humphrey Peake and me, to the tide water of the said creek; thence by that water to Potomac River; thence with the river to the mouth of Dogue Creek; and thence with the said Dogue Creek to the place of beginning at the afore¬ said ford; containing upward of four thousand acres, be the same more or less, together with the mansion-house, and all other buildings and improvements thereon. Second. —In consideration of the consanguinity between them and my wife, being as nearly related to her as to my¬ self, as on account of the affection I had for, and the obliga¬ tion I was under to, their father when living, who from his youth had attached himself to my person, and followed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late Revolution, afterward devoting his time to the superintendence of my private concerns for many years, while my public employ¬ ments rendered it impracticable for me to do it myself, there¬ by affording me essential services, and always performing them in a manner the most filial and respectful; for these reasons, I say, I give and bequeath to George Fayette Wash¬ ington, and Lawrence Augustine Washington , and their heirs, my estate east of Little Hunting Creek, lying on the River Potomac, including the farm of three hundred and sixty acres, leased to Tobias Lear , as noticed before, and containing in the whole, by deed, two thousand and twenty- seven acres, be it more or less; which said estate it is my will and desire should be equitably and advantageously divided between them, according to quantity, quality, and other circumstances, when the youngest shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years, by three judicious and dis¬ interested men; one to be chosen by each of the brothers, and the third by these two. In the meantime, if the termina¬ tion of my wife’s interest therein should have ceased, the profits arising therefrom are to be applied for their joint uses and benefit. Third. —And whereas it bas always been my intention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased, to consider the grandchildren of my wife in the same light as I do my Cife of U/a8t?ir><$toi) 477 own relations, and to act a friendly part by them; more espe¬ cially by the two whom we have raised from their earliest infancy, namely, Eleanor Parke Custis and George Wash - ington Parke Custis; and whereas the former of these hath lately intermarried with Laivrence Lewis , a son of my de¬ ceased sister, Betty Levois , by which the inducement to pro¬ vide for them both has been increased; wherefore, I give and bequeath to the said Lawrence Lewis and Eleanor Parke Lewis , his wife, and their heirs, the residue of my Mount Vernon estate, not already devised to my nephew, Bushrod Washington , comprehended within the following description; viz., All the land north of the road leading from the ford of Dogue Run to the Gum Spring as described in the devise of the other part of the tract to Bushrod Wash¬ ington , until it comes to the stone and three red or Spanish oaks on the knoll; thence with the rectangular line to the back line (between Mr. Mason and me); thence with that line westerly along the new double ditch to Dogue Run, by the tumbling dam of my Mill; thence with the said run to the ford aforementioned. To which I add all the land I pos¬ sess west of the said Dogue Run and Dogue Creek, bounded easterly and southerly thereby; together with the mill, dis¬ tillery, and all other houses and improvements on the prem¬ ises, making together about two thousand acres, be it more or less. Fourth. —Actuated by the principle already mentioned, I give and bequeath to George Washington Parke Custis , the grandson of my wife, and my ward, and to his heirs, the tract I hold on Four Mile Run, in the vicinity of Alexandria, containing one thousand two hundred acres, more or less, and my entire square, No. 21, in the city of Washington. Fifth. —All the rest and residue of my estate real and personal, not disposed of in manner aforesaid, in whatsoever consisting, wheresoever lying, and whensoever found (a schedule of which, as far as is recollected, with a reason¬ able estimate of its value, is hereunto annexed), I desire may be sold by my executors at such times, in such manner, and 47$ U/orl^s of U/asl?ii}$toi) Iruii)$ on such credits (if an equal, valid, and satisfactory distribu¬ tion of the specific property cannot be made without), as in their judgment shall be most conducive to the interests of the parties concerned; and the moneys arising therefrom to be divided into twenty-three equal parts, and applied as follows; viz., To William Augustine Washington, Elizabeth Spots- wood , Jane Thornton , and the heirs of Ann Ashton , sons and daughters of my deceased brother, Augustine Wash¬ ington , I give and bequeath four parts; that is, one part to each of them. To Fielding Lewis , George Lewis , Robert Lewis , Howell Lewis , and Betty Carter , sons and daugh - ters of my deceased sister, Betty Lewis , I give and bequeath five other parts; one to each of them. To George Steptoe Washington , Lawrence Augustine Washington , Harriet Parks , and the heirs of Thornton Washington , sons and daughters of my deceased brother, Samuel Washington , I give and bequeath other four parts; one to each of them. To Corbin Washington , and the heirs of Jane Washington , son and daughter of my deceased brother, John Augustine Washington , I give and bequeath two parts; one to each of them. To Samuel Washington , Frances Ball , and Mil¬ dred Hammond , son and daughters of my brother, Charles Washington , I give and bequeath three parts; one part to each of them. And to George Fayette Washington , Charles Augustine Washington , and Maria Washington , sons and daughter of my deceased nephew, George Augustine Wash¬ ington , I give one other part; that is, to each a third of that part. To Elizabeth Parke Law , Martha Parke Peter , and Eleanor Parke Lewis , I give and bequeath three other parts; that is, a part to each of them. And to my nephews, Bush- rod Washington and Lawrence Lewis , and to my ward, the grandson of my wife, I give and bequeath one other part; that is, a third thereof to each of them. And, if it should so happen that any of the persons whose names are here enu¬ merated (unknown to me) should now be dead, or should die before me, that in either of these cases, the heir of such de¬ ceased person shall, notwithstanding, derive all the benefits Cife of U/as^ii)^tor> 479 of the bequest in the same manner as if he or she was act¬ ually living at the time. And, by way of advice, I recom mend it to my executors not to be precipitate in disposing of the landed property (herein directed to be sold), if from tem¬ porary causes the sale thereof should be dull; experience having fully evinced that the price of land, especially above the falls of the river and on the western waters, has been progressively rising, and cannot be long checked in its in¬ creasing value. And I particularly recommend it to such of the legatees (under this clause of my will), as can make it convenient, to take each a share of my stock in the Potomac Company in preference to the amount of what it might sell for; being thoroughly convinced myself that no uses to which the money can be applied will be so productive as the tolls arising from this navigation when in full operation (and thus, from the nature of things, it must be, ere long), and more especially if that of the Shenandoah is added thereto. The family vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, and being improperly situated besides, I desire that a new one of brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the Vineyard Inclosure, on the ground which is marked out; in which my remains, with those of my deceased relations (now in the old vault), and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, may be deposited. And it is my express desire that my corpse may be interred in a private manner, without parade or funeral oration. Lastly, I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved wife, Martha Washington , my nephews, William Augustine Washington , Bushrod Washington , George Steptoe Wash - ington , Samuel Washington , and Lawrence Lewis , and my ward, George Washington Parke Custis (when he shall have arrived at the age of twenty-one years), executrix and executors of this my will and testament; in the construction of which it will be readily perceived that no professional character has been consulted, or has had any agency in the draft; and that, although it has occupied many of my leisure 480 U/orKs of U/asl?ii}$toi} Iruii}$ hours to digest, and to throw it into its present form, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude and incorrect; but, having endeavored to be plain and explicit in all the devises, even at the expense of prolixity, perhaps of tautology, I hope and trust that no disputes will arise concerning them. But if, contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise, from the want of legal expressions, or the usual technical terms, or because too much or too little has been said on any of the devises to be consonant with law, my will and direction expressly is, that all disputes (if unhappily any should arise) shall be decided by three impartial and intelligent men, known for their probity and good understanding, two to be chosen by the disputants, each having the choice of one, and the third by those two; which three men, thus chosen, shall, unfettered by law or legal constructions, declare their sense of the testator’s intention; and such decision is, to all intents and purposes, to be as binding on the parties as if it had been given in the Supreme Court of the United States. In witness of all and of each of the things herein contained, 1 have set my hand and seal, this ninth day of July, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety,* and of the Independence of the United States the twenty-fourth. GEORGE WASHINGTON. It appears that the testator omitted the word “nine.” END OF “LIFE OF WASHINGTON 99 INDEX I .O VOL. —XV*** 21 INDEX A Abercrombie, General— supersedes General Shirley.vol. xii. 228 commander-in-chief.vol. xii. 260 encamped at Lake George. .vol. xii. 265 proceeds against Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 265 falls back.vol. xii. 267 attacks the French works.vol. xii. 267 repulsed by Montcalm.vol. xii. 268 superseded by Major-general Amherst.vol. xii. 283 Abercrombie, Lieutenant-colonel— attacks American batteries.vol. xiv. 599 Ackland, Lady Harriet— with Burgoyne’s army.vol. xiii. 548 during the action.vol. xiii. 556 her distress.„.vol. xiv. 30 seeks her husband. .Vol. xiv. 33 kind treatment of. vol. xiv. 34 subsequent history.(note) vol. xiv. 46 Ackland, Major— commands the Grenadiers. vol. xiv. 26 wounded and taken prisoner.vol. xiv. 26 subsequent history.(note) vol. xiv. 46 Adams, John— birth of American independence.vol. xii. 319 at town meetings.<.vol. xii. 375 on the General Congress.vol. xii. 378 to his wife about Mr. Duche.vol. xii. 380 opposes petition to the king.vol. xii. 421 on the choice of commander-in-chief. vol. xii. 423 proposes Washington as such.vol. xii. 425 on the conduct of Washington.vol. xii. 426 opposes Lee, and urges Ward as second in command.vol. xii. 427 opposed to Lee and Gates.vol. xii. 428 on the act of the Massachusetts General Court.vol. xii. 534 to General Thomas on Schuyler’s unpopularity.vol. xii. 558 picture of festivities at headquarters.vol. xii. 573 on the defense of New York. vol. xii. 592 (483) 484 Ir>dex member of the Board of War and Ordnance.„ vol. xiii. 89 on the Declaration of Independence.vol. xiii. 118 its great importance.vol. xiii. 119 concerning sectional jealousies.vol. xiii. 146 on committee to confer with Lord Howe.vol. xiii. 197 at Washington’s inauguration.vol. xv. 115 on presidential etiquette.vol. xv. 129 distrusts the French Revolution.vol. xv. 204 on the office of Vice-President.vol. xv. 204 his Discourses on Davilla.vol. xv. 204 on the British Constitution.vol. xv. 222 concerning Washington’s judgment of Genet.vol. xv. 287 to his wife on affairs.vol. xv. 292 elected President.vol. xv. 354 inaugural address. vol. xv. 357 convenes Congress.,,.vol. xv. 368 address on French indignities.vol. xv. 368 to Washington, asking advice.vol. xv. 374 on the appointment of Washington as commander-in-chief.vol. xv. 375 nominates minister to France. vol. xv. 387 Adams, Mrs.— to her husband on the appearance of Washington.vol. xii. 464 description of General Lee.vol. xii. 466 account of party at General Mifflin’s.vol. xii. 573 to her husband on the cannonade.vol. xiii. 54 Adams, Samuel— as moderator.vol. xii. 375 proposes Mr. Duche as chaplain.vol. xii. 379 apprised of the movement of troops.vol. xii. 405 irresolute as to commander-in-chief.vol. xii. 423 excepted from proffered pardon.vol. xii. 431 on the united command of Schuyler and Gates.vol. xiii. 139 meets Washington at Cambridge.vol. xv. 158 Adams, Sir Thomas.vol. xii. 311 Adet, Mr.— minister from France.vol. xv. 31» presents the colors of France.vol. xv. 338 complaints against the government of the United States.vol. xv. 353 Agnew, Brigadier-general— in the expedition against Danbury.vol. xiii. 396 killed at Germantown.vol. xiv. 54 Albany, panic at St. Clair’s retreat.vol. xiii. 457 Allen, the fighting parson.,vol. xiii. 510 Allen, Ethan— at the head of the Green Mountain Boys.vol. xii. 416 volunteers in the public cause.vol. xii. 416 described.vol. xii. 417 commands expedition to Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 417 proceeds to Shoreham.vol. xii. 417 Ii>dex 485 arrives at Shoreham.... *. vol. xii. 418 addresses his men.vol. xii. 418 surprises Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 419 expedition against St. John’s.vol. xii. 420 returns to Ticonderoga .vol. xii. 420 rivalry with Arnold. vol. xii. 496 to New York Congress.vol. xii. 497 designs on Canada.vol. xii. 498 to Trumbull.vol. xii. 498 repairs to Congress...vol. xii. 499 repairs to New York Convention. vol. xii. 499 to Trumbull on the invasion of Canada.vol. xii. 502 superseded by Seth Warner...vol. xii. 505 joins as a volunteer.. vol. xii. 505 to Trumbull... vol. xii. 506 sent to reconnoiter. vol. xii. 517 report to Schuyler.vol. xii. 518 recruiting...vol. xii. 518 to Montgomery on Canadian volunteers.vol. xii. 522 meets Major Brown. vol. xii. 522 decides to attack Montreal.vol. xii. 522 taken prisoner. vol. xii. 523 reception by General Prescott.vol. xii. 524 sent to England...vol. xii. 524 to General Prescott.vol. xii. 524 memory of.vol. xii. 525 treatment by the British.vol. xii. 562 exchanged for Colonel Campbell.vol. xiv. 161 visits Valley Forge.vol. xiv. 161 leaves for home.vol. xiv. 161 Allen, Levi— to Washington on the treatment of Ethan Allen.vol. xii. 564 project to effect his release.vol. xii. 564 Allen, William.vol. xiii. 141 Alton, John, Washington’s servant, taken ill. vol. xii. 193 “Ambuscade,” engagement with the “Boston”.vol. xv. 279 Amboy, disaffection of people.vol. xiii. 117 American Colonies— affection for the mother country.vol. xii. 316 resolve not to purchase British fabrics...vol. xii. 320 American Army— besieging Boston, its nature.vol. xii. 439 disposition of its forces.vol. xii. 440 distribution of, before Boston.vol. xii. 482 condition and discipline.vol. xii. 482 spirit of insubordination.vol. xii. 483 camp described.vol. xii. 483 strict discipline.vol. xii. 485 scarcity of powder.vol. xii. 487 486 Ir?dex critical condition...* difficulty of filling up. greatly weakened. lack of equipments. strength in and about New York. retreat from before Quebec. British description of. at New Brunswick. contrasted with the British. marches through Philadelphia. described by a Hessian. approach of winter . destitution of. pass through Philadelphia. discontent of. . memorial to Congress. anonymous address. other anonymous papers. meeting of officers... addressed by Washington. resolutions of meeting. its breaking up described. contrasted with the British. American Militia- fly before the British. cowardice of. signalize themselves. gallant exploits. American Prisoners, treatment of. American Seamen, impressment of. Ames, Fisher— on the first Congress. debate on Jefferson’s report. on Washington’s farewell address. Amesbury, a British spy. Amherst, Major-general— to reduce Louisburg... . embarks..'. arrives at the bay of Gabarus. landing of troops. takes Louisburg. supersedes General Abercrombie. to advance against Ticonderoga and Crown Point...,. embarks for Ticonderoga. repairs the works at Ticonderoga and Crown Point.... consequences of his delay. further delay. again in the field........ arrives at Montreal. ..vol. xii. 488 .vol. xii. 558 ..vol. xii. 584 , .vol. xii. 586 .vol. xiii. 75 .vol. xiii. 82 .vol. xiii. 243 .vol. xiii. 283 .vol. xiii. 361 .vol. xiii. 484 .vol. xiv. 41 .vol. xiv. 92 .vol. xiv. 263 .vol. xiv. 567 .vol. xiv. 623 ..vol. xv. 20 ..vol. xv. 20 . .vol. xv. 24 ..vol. xv. 24 . .vol. xv. 25 ..vol. xv. 28 ..vol. xv. 46 . .vol. xv. 51 .vol. xiii. 205 .vol. xiii. 205 .vol. xiii. 358 .vol. xiii. 359 .vol. xiii. 364 ..vol. xv. 284 ..vol. xv. 145 ..vol. xv. 293 . .vol. xv. 349 .vol. xiii. 425 ..vol. xii. 262 ..vol. xii. 262 ..vol. xii. 263 . .vol. xii. 263 . .vol. xii. 265 ..vol. xii. 283 ..vol. xii. 284 ..vol. xii. 286 ..vol. xii. 286 . .vol. xii. 286 . .vol. xii. 297 ..vol. xii. 297 . .vol. xii. 299 Ir>dex 487 Amherst, Captain, dispatched to England with news of the capture of Louisburg...vol. xii. 265 Anderson, Ephraim— plan for destroying British ships.vol. xiii. 153 entertained by Congress..vol. xiii. 154 to the President of Congress on his progress.vol. xiii. 155 Andre, Major— and the Mischianza..vol. xiv. 158 aid-de-camp to Sir Henry Clinton.... . vol. xiv. 240 correspondence with Arnold.vol. xiv. 356 sketch of his life.vol. xiv. 357 attempted interview with Arnold.vol. xiv. 361 goes on board the “Vulture”.vol. xiv. 362 interview with Arnold. vol. xiv. 363 remains ashore all night .vol. xiv. 364 anxiety to escape. vol. xiv. 364 crosses to Verplanck’s Point.vol. xiv. 366 stopped by patroling party.vol. xiv. 366 approaches the Neutral Ground...vol. xiv. 366 parts with Smith.vol. xiv. 367 stopped by Paulding..vol. xiv. 368 arrested and searched.vol. xiv. 370 taken to North Castle.vol. xiv. 371 sent to Arnold.vol. xiv. 372 brought back. vol. xiv. 372 taken to Lower Salem.vol. xiv. 372 lines to Washington.vol. xiv. 373 amuses himself by sketching.vol. xiv. 374 propensity for caricature.(note) vol. xiv. 374 taken to the Robinson House.vol. xiv. 384 sent to West Point.vol. xiv. 384 conversation with Major Tallmadge.vol. xiv. 385 his fate predicted. vol. xiv. 385 arrives at Tappan.vol. xiv. 388 frank confession.vol. xiv. 391 condemned as a spy. vol. xiv. 391 concerning Sir Henry Clinton.vol. xiv. 392 qualities of. vol. xiv. 392 execution postponed.vol. xiv. 395 affecting appeal to Washington.vol. xiv. 398 nature of his mission... . .vol. xiv. 398 British view of his case.(note) vol. xiv. 400 his execution.vol. xiv. 401 burial. vol. xiv. 402 transferred to Westminster Abbey.vol. xiv. 402 sympathy in behalf of. vol. xiv. 402 Angel, Colonel, in the fight at Springfield.vol. xiv. 322 Annapolis before the Revolution.(note) vol. xii. 812 Anspachers arrive at New York...vol. xiii. 419 488 Ir>dex Arbuthnot, Admiral- arrival with troops...vol. xiv. 258 convoys expedition to South Carolina.vol. xiv. 262 enters Charleston harbor.vol. xiv. 305 passes Fort Moultrie...vol. xiv. 305 squadron scattered by a storm.vol. xiv. 511 encounters the French fleet.vol. xiv. 517 Armstrong, Colonel John, commands expedition against Kit¬ tanning.vol. xii. 240 Armstrong, Major-general— to check the British.vol. xiii. 524 at Brandywine.vol. xiii. 531 posted at the Schuylkill.....vol. xiii. 540 on Washington.(note) vol. xiv. 70 author of anonymous papers.vol. xv. 31 Armstrong, Captain- commands at Verplanck’s Point.vol. xiv. 239 pursues Colonel Coates.vol. xiv. 553 fight at Quimby Creek.vol. xiv. 553 decoyed into an ambush.vol. xv. 190 Armstrong, Major, attention to Mercer...vol. xiii. 350 Arnold, Benedict— arrives at Castleton. vol. xii. 417 proposes the surprisal of Ticonderoga and Crown Point..vol. xii. 417 aspires to the command.vol. xii. 418 serves as volunteer... . vol. xii. 418 desires to command Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 419 is disappointed and protests.vol. xii. 419 commands armed schooner.vol. xii. 420 surprises St. John’s.vol. xii. 420 rivalry with Ethan Allen.vol. xii. 496 opinion of Allen... vol. xii. 496 difficulties with Colonel Hinman. vol. xii. 500 and the committee of inquiry.vol. xii. 500 indignation.vol. xii. 500 sets off for Cambridge. vol. xii. 501 commands the expedition as lieutenant-colonel.vol. xii. 515 sets out for Canada.vol. xii. 516 to Washington, on the expedition.vol. xii. 519 to Washington, on his progress.vol. xii. 527 toils of the expedition.vol. xii. 527 obstacles to the expedition.vol. xii. 527 perseverance. vol. xii. 548 embarks on the Chaudiere.vol. xii. 550 arrives at Point Levi.vol. xii. 550 sudden apparition. vol. xii. 550 at Point Levi.vol. xii. 575 crosses to Wolfe’s Cove.vol. xii. 576 discovered by a boat from the “Lizard”.vol. xii. 577 I pdex 489 Arnold, Benedict—on the Heights of Abraham.vol. xii. 578 obstacles before him.vol. xii. 578 holds a council of war.vol. xii. 578 demands a surrender.vol. xii. 578 retires to Point aux Trembles.vol. xii. 579 joined by Montgomery.vol. xii. 580 leads his division against St. Roque.vol. xiii. 32 wounded.vol. xiii. 33 assisted back to camp.vol. xiii. 35 determination and resources.vol. xiii. 35 gallant resolve...vol. xiii. 35 promoted to brigadier-general.vol. xiii. 79 keeps up the blockade. .vol. xiii. 79 difficulties...vol. xiii. 79 accident.vol. xiii. 80 obtains leave of absence...vol. xiii. 80 at Montreal.vol. xiii. 92 affair at the Cedars..vol. xiii. 92 council of war.vol. xiii. 94 exchange of prisoners.vol. xiii. 94 to Commissioners of Congress.vol. xiii. 94 joins Sullivan.vol. xiii. 105 commands flotilla at Ticonderoga.vol. xiii. 254 at Valcour Island.vol. xiii. 256 his force...vol. xiii. 256 engages the British.vol. xiii. 256 escapes the enemy.vol. xiii. 257 overtaken, brave resistance.vol. xiii. 258 burns his vessels.vol. xiii. 258 arrives at Crown Point.vol. xiii. 259 passed over by Congress...vol. xiii. 394 to Washington on his non-promotion.vol. xiii. 394 reasons for.vol. xiii. 395 hastens to Danbury.vol. xiii. 396 takes post at Ridgefield.vol. xiii. 398 throws up a breastwork.vol. xiii. 398 narrow escape.vol. xiii. 399 presses the enemy hard.vol. xiii. 399 made major-general.vol. xiii. 400 presented with a horse by Congress.vol. xiii. 401 declines the command of the Hudson.vol. xiii. 415 business with Congress.vol. xiii. 415 commands Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 420 volunteers to relieve Fort Schuyler.vol. xiii. 505 encourages Gansevoort..vol. xiii. 515 re-enforced.vol. xiii. 516 to Gates, determination..vol. xiii. 516 success of his stratagem.vol. xiii. 517 selects a camping ground.vol. xiii. 551 490 Ipdex Aknold, Benedict—skirmishes with the enemy.,.vol. xiii. 558 impetuous attack. vol. xiii. 554 quarrel with Gates.vol. xiii. 557 indignant letter to Gates.vol. xiii. 560 tries to goad Gates on.vol. xiv. 23 rushes to the fight.vol. xiv. 27 desperate valor.vol. xiv. 27 storms Burgoyne’s camp.vol. xiv. 28 wounded... .vol. xiv. 28 to take command of Philadelphia.,...vol. xiv. 171 unsettled accounts.vol. xiv. 271 command of Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 272 issues proclamation.voL xiv. 272 style of living...vol. xiv. 273 disputes. vol. xiv. 273 attachment to Miss Shippen.vol. xiv. 274 projects a settlement in New York.vol. xiv. 275 charges against.vol. xiv. 275 sets out for Albany.vol. xiv. 275 address to the public.vol. xiv. 276 appeal to Congress. vol. xiv. 276 exculpated by Congress.vol. xiv. 277 resigns his command.vol. xiv. 277 dissatisfaction with Congress.vol. xiv. 277 to Washington on the court-martial.vol. xiv. 278 marries Miss Shippen.vol. xiv. 278 application for a guard.vol. xiv. 279 tried by court-martial.vol. xiv. 279 sentenced to be reprimanded..vol. xiv. 281 reprimanded by Washington.vol. xiv. 281 projects an expedition.vol. xiv. 283 and the French minister. vol. xiv. 297 applies to rejoin the army.vol. xiv. 298 seeks the command of West Point..vol. xiv. 298 appointed to the command of West Point.vol. xiv. 334 treason of.vol. xiv. 354 correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton.vol. xiv. 354 desperate state of affairs .vol. xiv. 355 takes command of West Point.voL xiv. 356 headquarters at the Robinson House.vol. xiv. 356 carries on secret correspondence with Andre..vol. xiv. 356 scheme of treachery. vol. xiv. 356 attempted interview with Andre.vol. xiv. 360 accompanies Washington.vol. xiv. 361 message to Colonel Robinson.vol. xiv. 362 interview with Andre.vol. xiv. 863 the bargain completed.vol. xiv. 364 returns to headquarters. vol. xiv. 364 arrival of Washington. vol. xiv. 876 rt>dex 491 hears of Andre’s capture.vol. xiv. 877 flight...vol. xiv. 378 escapes to the “Vulture”.vol. xiv. 380 gives up his crew as prisoners of war.vol. xiv. 380 to Washington concerning his wife...'.vol. xiv. 381 certificate in behalf of Andre.vol. xiv. 396 to Washington, threatening retaliation for Andre .vol. xiv. 396 rewarded by the British.vol. xiv. 403 address to the inhabitants of America.vol. xiv. 403 proclamation to the American Army.vol. xiv. 404 letter from his mother.(note) vol. xiv. 408 subsequent fortunes.vol. xiv. 409 commands British detachment...vol. xiv. 448 arrives in the Chesapeake.vol. xiv. 461 buccaneering ravages.vol. xiv. 461 takes post at Portsmouth. .vol. xiv. 463 returns to New York. vol. xiv. 539 commands expedition against New London.vol. xiv. 564 attacks New London.vol. xiv. 564 ravages the town.vol. xiv. 565 Arnold, Mrs., hears of Arnold’s ruin.vol. xiv. 377 interview with Washington.vol. xiv. 383 ordered to leave the State.vol. xiv. 406 her fortunes.vol. xiv. 407 Asgill, Captain Charles.vol. xiv. 615 Asgill, Lady, to the Count de Vergennes.vol. xiv. 616 Assistance, Writs of...vol. xii. 318 Atlee, Colonel, retires before General Grant.vol. xiii. 174 forms an ambush and falls back on Lord Stirling.vol. xiii. 174 taken prisoner.vol. xiii. 178 “Augusta” ship of war burned.vol. xiv. 62 B Babcock, Colonel, to Governor Cooke, on the agitations in New York.vol. xiii. 204 operations of the enemy...vol. xiii. 205 Bache’s Aurora...vol. xv. 342 Baird, Sir James.vol. xiv. 224 Baker, Remember, Ethan Allen’s lieutenant.vol. xiii. 416 Balcarras, Lord, commands light infantry.vol. xiv. 26 defends the intrenchments..vol. xiv. 28 Barbour, Major, carries message to Baron de Yiomenil.vol. xiv. 597 Bard, Dr. Samuel, attends Washington. vol. xv. 138 Barras, Count de, arrives at Boston. .vol. xiv. 528 address to Mr. Monroe.vol. xv. 367 Barren Hill, Lafayette stationed on.vol. xiv. 159 Barton, Colonel, captures General Prescott.vol. xiii. 458 voted a sword and promoted...vol. xiii. 459 Bastile, key of. .vol. xv. 186 492 Ir>dex Batt’s Hill, occupied by General Sullivan.vol. xiv. 207 action at. vol. xiv. 208 Baum, Lieutenant, commands expedition against Bennington.vol. xiii. 506 sets out from camp.vol. xiii. 508 slow march.vol. xiii. 508 intrenches himself.vol. xiii. 509 defeated. .vol. xiii. 512 Baxter, Colonel, at Fort Washington......vol. xiii. 264 killed.vol. xiii. 266 Baylor, Lieutenant-colonel, at Old Tappan.vol. xiv. 218 surprised by Major-general Grey.vol. xiv. 218 Beall, General, to secure Pine’s Bridge.vol. xiii. 242 Beaujeu, Captain de.vol. xii. 208 Bedell, Colonel, in command at the Cedars.vol. xiii. 92 menaced by Captain Forster.vol. xiii. 92 repairs to Montreal for re-enforcements. .vol. xiii. 92 Bedford Pass neglected.vol. xiii. 166 Beeksteak (The) and Tripe Club.vol. xii. 83 Bellarni, M., and the American envoys.vol. xv. 371 Belt of Wampum.vol. xii. 88 Bemis’s Heights fortified. vol. xiii. 551 situation of.vol. xiii. 552 Bennington, expedition against.vol. xiii. 506 situation of. .vol. xiii. 506 people on the alert.vol. xiii. 508 battle of.vol. xiii. 509 second battle.vol. xiii. 511 spoils of victory..vol. xiii. 512 Benson, Egbert, commissioner to New York.vol. xv. 35 Berkshire Committees acquit Schuyler. vol. xiii. 86 Bernard, Gov. Sir Francis, calls upon the General Court to rescind their resolution. vol. xii. 331 Berthier, Marshal.vol. xiv. 534 Beville, General de, reconnoiters.vol. xiv. 535 Bienville, Celeron de, dispatched with 800 men to the Ohio.. .vol. xii. 70 orders the English traders to depart..vol. xii. 71 Biggin’s Bridge secured by the British.vol. xiv. 308 Bird, Colonel, commands attack on Peekskill.vol. xiii. 379 retreat.vol. xiii. 380 Bishop, Washington’s servant. vol. xii. 271 Black (The) Hunter. vol. xii. 171 Black rifle...vol. xii. 171 Black Stock Hill, fight at......vol. xiv. 438 Blair, John, acting governor.vol. xii. 260 judge of Supreme Court.vol. xv. 144 Bland, Colonel, at Brandywine.vol. xiii. 532 Bland, Richard, delegate to the General Congress..vol. xii. 373 Blockade of Boston, a play.vol. xiii. 47 Board of War modified.vol. xiv. 88 Ipdex 493 Bolden (The) Book. «...*».vol. xii. 28 Bompard, Captain, at New York.vol. xv. 279 Bonaparte, on the death of Washington.vol. xv. 400 Bonner, Lieutenant-colonel, slain at Monmonth Court-house., vol. xiv. 184 Bordentown, public store-houses burned.vol. xiv. 148 Boscawen, Admiral, sails for Louisburg.vol. xii. 262 receives vote of praise by Parliament...vol. xii. 265 Boskirk, Lieutenant-colonel, surprises Elizabethtown.vol. xiv. 268 Boston resists payment of duties. .vol. xii. 318 demand for British goods diminished.vol. xii. 318 riot against stamp act. vol. xii. 320 proceedings in regard to stamp act.vol. xii. 326 militia demonstrations. vol. xii. 332 convention held at.vol. xii. 332 arrival of British forces. vol. xii. 332 town meeting against the right of the king to send troops., vol. xii. 332 refuses to quarter the troops.vol. xii. 333 massacre. vol. xii. 344 arrival of tea.;.vol. xii. 361 destruction of tea...vol. xii. 362 passage of the Boston Port Bill.vol. xii. 362 general league recommended at town meeting.vol. xii. 366 Port Bill carried into effect...vol. xii. 366 excitement in.vol. xii. 367 condition of....vol. xii. 368 town meetings.vol. xii. 368 rumored cannonading of.vol. xii. 389 like a place besieged.vol. xii. 397 besieged.vol. xii. 430 arrival of British troops.vol. xii. 430 feeling against the British in.vol. xii. 467 in a state of siege..vol. xii. 488 question of bombardment.vol. xii. 536 preparations in the harbor.vol. xii. 589 destitution and sickness.vol. xiii. 48 opening of bombardment.vol. xiii. 55 British prepare to evacuate.vol. xiii. 61 hurried preparations. vol. xiii. 61 evacuation. vol. xiii. 63 occupied by the Americans.vol. xiii. 65 after the siege.vol. xiii. 65 people of, project expedition against Penobscot.vol. xiv. 251 “Boston” frigate engagement with the “Ambuscade”.vol. xv. 279 Boston massacre.vol. xii. 344 Boston Port Bill.vol. xii. 362 Boston tea party. vol. xii. 362 Botetourt, Lord, Governor of Virginia.vol. xii. 337 his manners.vol. xii. 337 his promptness.vol. xii. 338 494 Ipdex his style and equipage.vol. xii. 858 opening of the session.vol. xii. 338 dissolves the House of Burgesses.vol. xii. 340 conciliatory conduct.vol. xii. 340 his death.vol. xii. 345 Bottle Hill, Americans encamped at.vol. xiii. 357 alarm post. vol. xiv. 236 Boudinot, Elias, to Pres. Wharton.vol. xiv. 91 Bougainville, De, detached to watch Wolfe’s movements.vol. xii. 291 arrives too late.vol. xii. 295 retires. vol. xii. 295 Bouquet, Colonel, stationed at Raystown.vol. xii. 273 attaches an officer and men to Indian scouting parties_vol. xii. 273 halt at Loyal Hannan.vol. xii. 277 sends out a reconnoitering party.vol. xii. 278 Bourlamarque dismantles Ticonderoga and Crown Point.vol. xii. 286 makes a stand at the Isle aux Noix .vol. xii. 286 Braam, Van. (See Van Braam.) Braddock, Major-general Edward, appointed generalissimo of the colonial forces.vol. xii. 160 his character...vol. xii. 160 anecdotes of.vol. xii. 160 lands at Hampton.vol. xii. 162 proceeds to Alexandria.vol. xii. 164 invites Washington to join his staff.vol. xii. 165 holds a council.vol. xii. 167 sets out from Alexandria.vol. xii. 172 commencement of troubles.vol. xii. 172 interview with Franklin.vol. xii. 173 sets off for Will’s Creek...vol. xii. 175 arrives at Fort Cumberland..vol. xii. 176 his discipline.vol. xii. 177 treatment of Indians. vol. xii. 179 to Governor Morris.vol. xii. 180 his impatience and obstinacy.vol. xii. 182 arrival of conveyances.vol. xii. 183 leaves Fort Cumberland.vol. xii. 184 asks the advice of Washington.vol. xii. 185 advances to attack Fort Duquesne...vol. xii. 186 reception of Captain Jack....vol. xii. 187 his delay.vol. xii. 188 solicitude for Washington.vol. xii. 189 continued march.vol. xii. 190 deserted Indian camp.vol. xii. 190 three stragglers shot and scalped .vol. xii. 190 difficulties of the march.vol. xii. 190 precautions.vol. xii. 191 encamps at Thicketty Run .vol. xii. 191 sends scouts to Fort Duquesne.vol. xii. 191 Ir>dex 495 Scarooyadi’s son killed by mistake.vol. xii. 192 admirable conduct.-vol. xii. 192 tardiness of his march..vol. xii. 194 crosses the Monongahela. vol. xii. 196 commencement of the battle .vol. xii. 198 panic of the advance guard. .vol. xii. 198 attempts to rally them.vol. xii. 199 is wounded; his despair.vol. xii. 202 the rout.vol. xii. 202 reach the Great Meadows.vol. xii. 204 his death, dying requests.vol. xii. 204 character. vol. xii. 205 Bradford, William, Attorney-general..vol. xv. 290 death of.vol. xv. 333 Bradstreet, Lieutenant-colonel, secures a sawmill.vol. xii. 267 expedition against Fort Frontenac.vol. xii. 268 captures the fort.vol. xii. 269 Brandywine Creek.,...vol. xiii. 530 Brandywine (battle of the), cannonading commenced.vol. xiii. 532 conflicting reports. vol. xiii. 532 desperate conflict. vol. xiii. 535 description of the retreat.vol. xiii. 539 Brannan, Colonel, joins Marion.vol. xiv. 438 Brant, Mohawk Sachem.vol. xii. 459 at Niagara.vol. xiv. 213 depredations of.vol. xiv. 414 Breed’s Hill.,...vol. xii. 437 to be fortified.vol. xii. 437 fortified. vol. xii. 438 under the enemy’s fire.vol. xii. 441 Breton Club. ..vol. xv. 151 Breyman, Colonel, to the relief of Baum.vol. xiii. 510 arrives and renews the battle.vol. xiii. 512 mortally wounded.vol. xiv. 28 Bridport, Lord, action on death of Washington.vol. xv. 399 British ministry, efforts to suppress smuggling.vol. xii. 318 manufactures, resolutions not to import.vol. xii. 319 officers, their scornful spirit.vol. xii. 442 troops at Boston. vol. xii. 466 attack the coast.vol. xii. 533 plan of operations. vol. xii. 590 officers and their amusements.vol. xiii. 49 move against Dorchester Heights. vol. xiii. 61 postponed by a storm.vol. xiii. 63 retire.vol. xiii. 63 preparations for retreat from Boston.vol. xiii. 65 embarkation from Boston.vol. xiii. 66 designs against New York.vol. xiii. Ill plans for the attack on Long Island.vol. xiii. 174 496 Ir>dex crossing from Long Island.vol. xiii. 304 land at New York.vol. xiii. 304 repulse Americans.vol. xiii. 304 land at Throg’s Neck.vol. xiii. 333 ships move up to Burdett’s Ferry.vol. xiii. 341 cross the Hudson above Fort Lee.vol. xiii. 373 army contrasted with American.vol. xiii. 361 evacuate the Jerseys.vol. xiii. 438 invasion from Canada.vol. xiii. 434 fleet leaves New York.vol. xiii. 465 enters the Delaware.vol. xiii. 467 sails out of the capes.vol. xiii. 467 enters the Chesapeake. vol. xiii. 483 Brodhead, Colonel, expeditions against the Indians.vol. xiv. 337 Bromfield, Major, attack on Fort Griswold.vol. xiv. 565 Brooke, Judge, on Washington’s hilarity.vol. xv. 81 Brooke, General, meets Washington at Cambridge.vol. xv. 158 Brooklyn, defenses of...vol. xiii. 165 Brooks, Lieutenant-general, attacks Burgoyne’s camp.vol. xiv. 35 joins Prescott.vol. xii. 436 Brown, Dr., attends Washington.vol. xv. 394 Brown, Lieutenant, brings flag of truce.vol. xiii. 138 recognition of Washington’s rank.vol. xiii. 138 Brown, Major John, dispatched into Canada.vol. xii. 503 sent to reconnoiter.vol. xii. 517 projects with Allen an attack on Montreal.vol. xii. 533 and Major Livingston take Fort Chamblee.vol. xii. 543 drives Colonel Mac Lean back.vol. xii. 545 successful feint.vol. xiii. 30 Brown, Colonel, surprises Ticonderoga...vol. xiii. 558 threatens Diamond Island.vol. xiii. 561 Brown, Lieutenant-colonel, commands expedition to Augusta.vol. xiv. 311 Brudenell, Mr., accompanies Lady Ackland.vol. xiv. 35 Brunswick troops hired by England.vol. xiii. 78 Buford, Colonel, pursued by Tarleton.vol. xiv. 311 rejects Tarleton’s proposals.vol. xiv. 313 defeated by Tarleton.vol. xiv. 313 Bunker’s Hill to be fortified.vol. xii. 435 position of.vol. xii. 436 works thrown up.vol. xii. 437 advance of General Pigott.vol. xii. 444 effect of the American fire.vol. xii. 445 advance of General Howe.vol. xii. 445 British checked.vol. xii. 445 second attack...vol. xii. 446 British again retreat.vol. xii. 447 spectators. vol. xii. 447 third attack.vol. xii. 448 the Americans driven from the breastwork on the left., .vol. xii. 449 Ipdex 497 British advance with the bayonet.vol. xii. 449 American ammunition exhausted.vol. xii. 449 desperate struggle.vol. xii. 450 American retreat.vol. xii. 450 Stark, Reed, and Knowlton maintain their ground.vol. xii. 449 Putnam endeavors to rally the troops.vol. xii. 450 British take possession.vol. xii. 450 resume.vol. xii. 452 relative merits of the American officers. .vol. xii. 452 occupied by the British. vol. xii. 468 Burgesses (Va.), House of, convened.vol. xii. 115 vote thanks to Washington and his officers.vol. xii. 147 grant £20,000 for the public service.vol. xii. 153 meeting called.vol. xii. 362 Bullitt, Captain, brave conduct.vol. xii. 279 promoted to Major.vol. xii. 281 Burgoyne, General, arrives at Boston...vol. xii. 430 surprise. vol. xii. 431 cannonading at Bunker’s Hill.vol. xii. 447 described. vol. xii. 467 history of. vol. xii. 467 accused by Junius...vol. xii. 468 “The Maid of the Oaks”. .vol. xii. 468 Walpole’s witticisms.vol. xii. 468 “The Heiress” praised by Walpole.vol. xii. 468 correspondence with Lee.vol. xii. 489 proposes an interview with Lee.vol. xii. 489 in Canada.vol. xiii. 562 pursues Sullivan.vol. xiii. 564 reported arrival at Quebec. vol. xiii. 425 plan of campaign. vol. xiii. 433 leaves St. John’s..‘.vol. xiii. 434 on Lake Champlain.vol. xiii. 437 arrives at Crown Point. vol. xiii. 438 advancing. vol. xiii. 441 issues proclamation.vol. xiii. 442 fortifies Mount Hope.-..vol. xiii. 448 pursues the flotilla. vol. xiii. 452 moves toward the Hudson.vol. xiii. 486 reaches Fort Anne.vol. xiii. 486 feeling toward Indians.vol. xiii. 487 murder of Miss McCrea.vol. xiii. 488 at Fort Edward.vol. xiii. 490 difficulties at.vol. xiii. 493 opposite Saratoga.vol. xiii. 508 hears of Baum’s surrender. .vol. xiii. 514 correspondence with Gates. vol. xiii. 520 dubious position.vol. xiii. 546 to Lord Germaine on his prospects.vol. xiii. 547 498 Ii?dex silent preparations...vol. xiii. 550 moves across the Hudson.=.vol. xiii. 551 march of his army..vol. xiii. 551 encamps near Gates.vol. xiii. 553 plan of battle.vol. xiii. 554 attacked by Arnold.vol. xiii. 555 on the situation of the ladies.vol. xiii. 557 critical situation. vol. xiii. 559 news from Clinton.vol. xiii. 559 sends word to Clinton.vol. xiii. 559 harassed by the Americans .vol. xiii. 560 within intrenchments.vol. xiii. 568 movement against Gates.vol. xiv. 25 prepares for battle.vol. xiv. 26 retreats to his camp.vol. xiv. 28 shifts his position.vol. xiv. 30 determines on retreat. vol. xiv. 31 at the burial of General Fraser.vol. xiv. 31 dismal retreat.vol. xiv. 33 concerning Lady Ackland.vol. xiv. 33 reaches Saratoga....vol. xiv. 34 destruction of Schuyler’s property.vol. xiv. 35 calls a council of war.vol. xiv. 39 fortifies his camp.vol. xiv. 39 capitulates.vol. xiv. 40 terms of capitulation. vol. xiv. 40 number of troops.vol. xiv. 40 meeting with Gates...vol. xiv. 41 kind reception by Schuyler.vol. xiv. 46 question of embarkation.vol. xiv. 137 Burke, Judge, denounces the Cincinnati.vol. xv. 61 Burke, Edmund, on the employment of men-of-war as custom¬ house officers. .vol. xii. 321 on the state of affairs in America.vol. xiii. 354 Burr, Aaron, a volunteer.vol. xii. 514 Montgomery’s aid-de-camp.vol. xiii. 28 on the designs of the British.vol. xiii. 27 on a reconnoitering expedition .vol. xiv. 186 Burton, Lieutenant-colonel, ordered to advance.vol. xii. 202 the detachments fall back upon him in confusion.vol. xii. 204 Bush, Crean.vol. xiii. 62 Bushnell’s submarine battery.vol. xiii. 219 Buskirk, Major.vol. xiv. 254 Butler, Colonel, accompanies Wayne.vol. xiv. 455 Butler, General, re-enforces Greene.vol. xiv. 50o at Guilford Court-house....vol. xiv. 499 Butler, Major-general, with General St. Clair...vol. xv. 209 killed.vol. xv. 211 Butler, Lieutenant-colonel, to intercept Colonel Simcoe.vol. xiv. 542 Ipdex 499 Butler, Colonel, at Oriskany.vol. xiii. 503 Butler, Colonel John, commands expedition against Wyo¬ ming.vol. xiv. 214 at Wintermoot’s Fort.vol. xiv. 214 battle of Wyoming.vol. xiv. 214 Butler, Colonel Richard, surprises a party of Hessians.vol. xiv. 223 Butler, Colonel Zebulon, in command of Forty Fort.vol. xiv. 214 battle of Wyoming.vol. xiv. 214 Butlers of Tryon County.vol. xiv. 216 Bryant, Lieutenant, at Throg’s Neck.vol. xiii. 227 Byrd, Colonel.vol. xii. 261 Byrd, Mr., visits the garrison.vol. xiii. 147 Byron, Admiral, arrives at New York.vol. xiv. 223 tries to entrap d’Estaing..vol. xiv. 223 C CADWALAder, Colonel John, commands detachment of vol¬ unteers.vol. xiii. 308 stationed at Bristol.vol. xiii. 308 prevented by the ice.vol. xiii. 308 dilemma.r.vol. xiii. 325 marches to Burlington.vol. xiii. 333 to Washington, advising pursuit.vol. xiii. 335 sends in pursuit of Donop.vol. xiii. 336 at Crosswicks.vol. xiii. 344 CADWALADER, Lambert.vol. xiii. 141 at Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 232 posted in the outer lines.vol. xiii. 262 forced to retreat. vol. xiii. 264 Caldwell, Reverend James, the “rousing gospel preacher”..vol. xiv. 269 his church burned.vol. xiv. 269 his return home.vol. xiv. 318 in the fight at Springfield.vol. xiv. 322 Caldwell, Mrs., killed by the British.vol. xiv. 317 popular excitement.vol. xiv. 819 Callbeck, Mr., taken prisoner.vol. xii. 561 to Washington.-.vol. xii. 561 Calvert, Benedict.vol. xii. 357 Cambridge, assembling of patriots.vol. xii. 383 Camden, battle of.vol. xiv. 346 flight of American militia.vol. xiv. 346 burned by the British.vol. xiv. 548 Campbell, Colonel William, pursues Major Ferguson.vol. xiv. 432 in the battle of King’s Mountain.vol. xiv. 432 at Guilford Court-house. vol. xiv. 499 at Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 586 charges the British.vol. xiv. 586 his death.vol. xiv - 588 Campbell, Colonel, orders a retreat.vol. xiii. 33 500 Ipdex Campbell, Lieutenant-colonel, to attack Fort Montgomery...vol. xiv. 566 checked by the Americans.vol. xiv. 568 killed. vol. xiv. 570 thrown into jail.vol. xiii. 368 appeals to Washington.vol. xiii. 368 exchanged for Ethan Allen.vol. xiv. 160 to surprise New Tappan.vol. xiv. 218 sails for Georgia.vol. xiv. 223 lands his troops.vol. xiv. 224 defeats the Americans.vol. xiv. 224 takes Savannah. vol. xiv. 225 moderate conduct.vol. xiv. 266 detached against Augusta..vol. xiv. 194 Campbell, Lord, wounded at Sullivan’s Island.vol. xiii. 150 Campbell, Major, takes Ethan Allen prisoner.vol. xii. 523 killed. vol. xiv. 600 Canada, campaign against.vol. xii. 248 project of invasion...vol. xii. 497 defenses and disposition.vol. xii. 497 force of the enemy in.vol. xiii. 102 expedition against, projected...vol. xiv. 100 found impracticable.vol. xiv. 117 suspended by Congress.vol. xiv. 121 Lafayette’s scheme against.vol. xiv. 227 Washington’s opposition to.vol. xiv. 227 abandoned.vol. xiv. 228 Cape Breton to be reduced.vol. xii. 262 Caramhe, Lieutenant-governor, apprised of Arnold’s designs..vol. xii. 575 Carleton, Colonel Guy, commands the Grenadiers.vol. xii. 286 commands the battery at the Isle of Orleans.vol. xii. 280 persuades Indians to war against the Americans.vol. xii. 510 amount of forces.vol. xii. 544 embarks for Montreal. vol. xii. 546 attacked by Colonel Warner.vol. xii. 547 retreats to Montreal. vol. xii. 547 flies from Montreal. vol. xii. 552 escapes in disguise.vol. xii. 552 arrives at Quebec.vol. xii. 554 strength of force.voL xii. 586 treatment of Montgomery’s messengers.vol. xiii. 26 captures Dearborn and party.vol. xiii. 35 re-enforced.vol. xiii. 81 makes a sortie. vol. xiii. 81 Americans retreat.vol. xiii. 82 treatment of Americans.vol. xiii. 83 plan of campaign.vol. xiii. 94 armament completed.vol. xiii. 94 takes possession of Crown Point.vol. xiii. 259 return to Canada.vol. xiii. 259 Jr>dex 501 to remain in Canada.vol. xiii. 433 arrives at New York.vol. xiv. 618 to Washington on negotiations for peace.vol. xiv. 630 to Washington on peace.vol. xv. 31 preparation to evacuate New York.vol. xv. 34 interview with Washington.vol. xv. 34 evacuates New York. vol. xv. 47 Carleton, Major, captures Forts Anne and George.vol. xiv. 577 Carlisle, Earl of, commissioner from Great Britain.vol. xiv. 163 state of Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 163 to George Selwyn.vol. xiv. 167 Carnes, Captain, discovers Champe’s escape.vol. xiv. 410 Carpenter, Captain, joins Lord Stirling.vol. xiii. 175 Carrington, Lieutenant, at Quimby’s Creek.vol. xiv. 554 Carroll, of Carrollton, and Miss Custis..*..vol. xv. 364 Caswell, General, on the road to Camden.vol. xiv. 343 at the battle of Camden.vol. xiv. 345 Cedars, affair at. .vol. xiii. 93 Chadd’s Ford.vol. xiii. 531 Chamberlayne, Mr., asks Washington to dinner....vol. xii. 371 Champe, John, scheme to entrap Arnold.vol. xiv. 410 pretended desertion...vol. xiv. 411 enlists in Arnold’s corps.vol. xiv. 413 failure of his plan...vol. xiv. 413 rewarded.vol. xiv. 413 Champlain, Lake, engagement.vol. xiii. 355 killed and wounded.vol. xiii. 359 Chapman, Colonel.vol. xii. 184 Charleston fortified.vol. xiii. 146 joy at General Lee’s arrival.vol. xiii. 146 expedition against.vol. xiv. 363 defenses of...vol. xiv. 387 re-enforced. .vol. xiv. 304 strength of garrison....vol. xiv. 305 summoned to surrender...vol. xiv. 305 British batteries opened on.vol. xiv. 306 capitulates.vol. xiv. 310 loss in the siege.vol. xiv. 310 Charlestown, arsenal sacked.vol. xii. 389 burned.vol. xii. 446 alarm during the play...vol. xiii. 47 Charlestown Neck to be seized by the Americans.vol. xii. 433 reconnoitered.vol. xii. 434 described.vol. xii. 435 Charlottesville, Tarleton enters...vol. xiv. 540 Chastellux, Marquis de, arrives at Newport.vol. xiv. 328 introduced to Washington.vol. xiv. 420 description of his visit.vol. xiv. 535 reconnoissance.vol. xiv. 572 503 Ipdex at Mount "Vernon...vol. xiv. 572 anecdote of Mr. Secretary Nelson....vol. xiv. 593 Chatham, Lord, on the opposition of the colonists to the Mutiny. vol. xii. 331 opinion of the General Congress.:.vol. xii. 383 vain efforts in behalf of America.vol. xii. 402 conciliatory bill.....vol. xii. 404 Chatter ton’s Hill, military position.vol. xiii. 244 attack of the British... .vol. xiii. 242 killed and wounded...vol. xiii. 242 Cheeseman, Captain, before Quebec.vol. xiii. 31 death...vol. xiii. 32 Cherry Valley, atrocities at.vol. xiv. 232 Chesapeake, expedition against. vol. xiv. 241 Chesterfield Court House, British maraud.vol. xiv. 521 Chestnut Hill, British encamped on.vol. xiv. 92 Chestnut Neck, village destroyed by the British.vol. xiv. 220 Chew, Benjamin, mansion of.vol. xiv. 48 Chew’s House, fortified by Musgrave.vol. xiv. 51 Cheyney, Thomas...vol. xiii. 533 Choisy, General M. de, arrives with troops.vol. xiv. 576 crosses York River.vol. xiv. 583 skirmish with Tarleton.....,. . .vol. xiv. 583 Chouin, Major, at the American headquarters.vol. xiv. 198 Church, Dr. Benjamin, treasonable letter.vol. xii. 530 sentence. vol. xii. 531 mitigation of sentence—death. vol. xii. 531 Cincinnati, Society of, formed.....vol. xv. 35 popular jealousy of....vol. xv. 62 modification of its constitution....vol. xv. 62 Cincinnati, Society of Massachusetts, address to Washington..vol. xv. 161 Clark, Colonel, joins Marion..vol. xiv. 438 Clarke, Colonel Elijah, on the retreat.vol. xiv. 428 Clermont, exploit of Col. Washington at.vol. xiv. 444 Cleveland, Colonel, in the battle of King’s Mountain........vol. xiv. 433 Clinton, Charles...vol. xiv. 464 Clinton, George, conferences with Washington.vol. xiii. 89 descent and career...vol. xiii. 89 on the alert for the British...vol. xiii. 123 promptness in raising levies.vol. xiii. 123 sagacious measures...vol. xiii. 124 visits Forts Constitution and Montgomery.....vol. xiii. 125 arrival of re-enforcement.vol. xiii. 125 to Washington on the patriotism of the country people..vol. xiii. 126 precautions against British ships.... .vol. xiii. 133 contemplates descent on Long Island.vol. xiii. 2K1 on military exigencies.....vol. xiii. 244 stationed in the Highlands...vol. xiii. 248 safety of the Hudson..... o a. •o.o..om.mm«»»oh..dimc«i»yoL xiii. 281 Ipdex 503 affair between Generals Lee and Heath. . .vol. xiii. 386 commands the Highlands forts...vol. xiii. 413 promoted.vol. xiii. 413 his patriotism.vol. xiii. 413 to Washington on his defenses.vol. xiii. 413 governor of New York.vol. xiii. 468 on the alert..vol. xiii. 478 at Kingston.vol. xiii. 563 hastens to the Highlands.vol. xiii. 563 prepares for an attack.vol. xiii. 567 escape.vol. xiii. 568 measures to oppose the British.vol. xiii. 571 intercepts a letter from Clinton to Burgoyne.vol. xiii. 573 reaches Kingston too late.vol. xiii. 573 wishes to strengthen the defenses of the Hudson.vol. xiv. 76 finds money for Hamilton. vol. xiv. 79 tour with Washington.vol. xv. 43 summons State council at East Chester.vol. xv. 47 at Harlem.vol. xv. 48 enters New York. vol. xv. 48 receives Washington at New York. vol. xv. 99 Clinton, General James.vol. xiii. 89 Clinton, James, at the Highlands.vol. xiii. 89 descent and career.vol. xiii. 90 appointed to command Forts Montgomery and Consti¬ tution.vol. xiii. 98 the conspiracy in New York. vol. xiii. 108 put on the alert.vol. xiii. 333 in command of Fort Clinton.vol. xiii. 565 narrow escape. vol. xiii. 569 joins Sullivan.vol. xiv. 336 in command of the Northern department.vol. xiv. 415 CLINTON, Sir Henry, arrives at Boston. vol. xii. 430 joins Howe at Bunker’s Hill.vol. xii. 448 described...vol. xii. 467 arrives at New York Harbor.vol. xiii. 40 interview with the mayor.vol. xiii. 40 departure. vol. xiii. 41 expedition to the South. vol. xii. 146 lands at Long Island, S. C. vol. xii. 146 constructs batteries. vol. xii. 147 attempts to cross from Long Island.vol. xii. 148 repulsed in another attempt..vol. xii. 148 arrival at New York.vol. xii. 157 lands on Long Island. vol. xii. 167 atFlatlands.vol. xii. 169 marches from Flatlands.vol. xii. 173 secures the Bedford Pass.vol. xii. 173 jrosses from Long Island. vol. xii. 197 504 Ii?dex Clinton, Sir Henry, advances against White Plains..vol. xii. 239 awaits re-enforcements.vol. xiii. 562 moves up the Hudson. vol. xiii. 564 lands at Verplanck’s Point.vol. xiii. 565 plan of operations.vol. xiii. 565 crosses to Stony Point.vol. xiii. 565 marches round the Dunderberg.vol. xiii. 566 divides his force.vol. xiii. 566 meets with opposition.vol. xiii. 568 letter to Burgoyne intercepted.vol. xiii. 573 project to capture. vol. xiv. 147 plan to entrap Lafayette.vol. xiv. 158 ordered to evacuate Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 163 informs Washington of the arrival of commissioners... .vol. xiv. 165 evacuates Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 170 dilatory movements.vol. xiv. 172 at Allentown.vol. xiv. 172 changes plan of route.vol. xiv. 173 changes the line of march.vol. xiv. 174 encamps near Monmouth Court-house.vol. xiv. 175 battle of Monmouth Court-house.vol. xiv. 180 falls back.vol. xiv. 181 silent retreat.vol. xiv. 183 arrives at Sandy Hook.vol. xiv. 183 arrives at Newport.vol. xiv. 209 returns to New York.vol. xiv. 209 sends troops into the Jerseys and Westchester County...vol. xiv. 217 sets on foot a naval expedition against St. Lucia.....vol. xiv. 223 confined to predatory warfare.vol. xiv. 237 expedition up the Hudson. vol. xiv. 239 takes Stony Point.vol. xiv. 239 captures Fort Lafayette.vol. xiv. 240 returns to New York.vol. xiv. 241 desolating expedition against Connecticut.vol. xiv. 242 capture of Stony Point by Wayne.vol. xiv. 246 hastens up the Hudson.vol. xiv. 248 fortifies and garrisons Stony Point.vol. xiv. 249 returns to Philipsburg.vol. xiv. 249 concentrates his forces at New York. vol. xiv. 258 expedition to South Carolina.vol. xiv. 262 damage during the voyage.vol. xiv. 285 at Tybee Bay.vol. xiv. 285 disembarks at St. John’s Island.vol. xiv. 286 advance to Charleston.vol. xiv. 286 on Charleston Neck.;... .vol. xiv. 287 re-enforced.vol. xiv. 309 fall of Charleston.vol. xiv. 310 sends expeditions into the interior.vol. xiv. 313 garrisons South Carolina.vol. xiv. 314 Ipdex 505 issues a proclamation. vol. xiv. 314 embarks for New York.vol. xiv. 315 arrives at New York.vol. xiv. 321 project against Rhode Island.vol. xiv. 333 changes his plan.vol. xiv. 333 correspondence with Arnold.vol. xiv. 355 releases Arnold’s crew.vol. xiv. 381 to Washington, claiming the release of Andre.vol. xiv. 389 rejects exchange of Arnold for Andre.vol. xiv. 393 sends commission relative to Andre.vol. xiv. 394 detaches Arnold to Virginia.vol. xiv. 438 proceedings on the revolt of Pennsylvania line.vol. xiv. 455 on the destruction of Cornwallis’s baggage.....vol. xiv. 479 to Cornwallis for troops.vol. xiv. 537 hears of the Virginia expedition.vol. xiv. 565 promised relief to Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 580 tardy movements.vol. xiv. 605 refuses to deliver the murderer of Captain Huddy.vol. xiv. 614 recalled at his own request.vol. xiv. 618 Closter Dock, landing of British.vol. xiii. 273 Clough, Major, killed.vol. xiv. 224 Coates, Lieutenant-colonel, at Monk’s Corner.vol. xiv. 551 decamps in silence.vol. xiv. 553 bold stand. .vol. xiv. 553 Cobble Hill fortified by Putnam.vol. xii. 566 Cochran, Major, expedition against the Onondagas.vol. xiv. 236 Cochrane, Major, march from Savannah.;.vol. xiv. 304 Coffin, Major, put to flight.vol. xiv. 586 Colburn, Colonel, watches the enemy.vol. xiii. 550 Colden, Lieutenant-governor, retires into the fort.vol. xii. 327 assailed by the mob.vol. xii. 327 burned in effigy.vol. xii. 327 Cole, Colonel..vol. xii. 228 Collier, Admiral Sir G., convoys expedition to Chesapeake..vol. xiv. 237 expedition up the Hudson.vol. xiv. 239 convoys expedition against Connecticut.vol. xiv. 241 confers with Sir Henry Clinton.vol. xiv. 247 arrives at the Penobscot. .vol. xiv. 252 relieves the fort.vol* xiv. 252 Commissariat, changes in.vol. xiii. 473 Commissioners arrive from Great Britain...vol. xiv. 162 land at Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 162 letter to Congress.vol. xiv. 164 unsuccessful attempts at negotiation.vol. xiv. 165 embark for England.vol. xiv. 165 Committee of Arrangement, appointed by Congress.vol. xiv. 146 report on the sufferings of the army.vol. xiv. 134 Committee of Conference with Lord Howe.vol. xiii. 197 conference.....vol. xiii. 199 Vol. XV.—** * 22 506 Ir?dex Committee of Inquiry visit Arnold.vol. xii. 500 their instructions.vol. xii. 500 Committee of Safety.vol. xii. 397 suspect a design on the magazine at Concord.vol. xii. 406 urge the enlistment of troops..vol. xii. 414 appoint Arnold Colonel.vol. xii. 417 Conciliatory bills sent to America.vol. xiv. 152 effect of.vol. xiv. 155 Concord, military stores collected at.vol. xii. 398 expedition against.vol. xii. 404 alarm of the people.vol. xii. 404 advance of the British.vol. xii. 406 take possession of the town.vol. xii. 407 destroy the stores.vol. xii. 408 British attacked.vol. xii. 408 British retreat harassed by the Americans.vol. xii. 409 Confederacy, ratification of the.vol. xiv. 460 Congress (General) recommended by the Virginia House of Burgesses.vol. xii. 365 first meeting fixed upon.vol. xii. 365 assembled.vol. xii. 377 prayers. vol. xii. 378 rumors that Boston had been cannonaded.vol. xii. 379 opening speeches. vol. xii. 381 declaration of colonial rights.vol. xii. 382 resolutions.vol. xii. 382 state papers.vol. xii. 382 held at New York.vol. xii. 326 denounces the acts of Parliament.vol. xii. 326 address to the king and petition to Parliament.vol. xii. 327 its discussion.vol. xii. 384 masterly state papers......vol. xii. 384 the second general.vol. xii. 421 petition to the king moved.vol. xii. 421 federal union formed.vol. xii. 422 council of twelve..vol. xii. 422 exercise their federated powers.vol. xii. 422 retaliating decree.vol. xii. 423 declare Massachusetts absolved from the crown.vol. xii. 423 adopt the army. vol. xii. 426 elect Washington commander-in-chief.vol. xii. 426 other military appointments.vol. xii. 427 on the English generals.vol. xii. 466 on General Howe.vol. xii. 466 accept Ticonderoga. .vol. xii. 497 determine to invade Canada.vol. xii. 502 committee from, confer with Washington. vol. xii. 535 order formation of a new army.vol. xii. 536 to Schuyler on his proposed resignation.vol. xii. 552 Ir>dex 507 Congress order Schuyler to Try on County.vol. xiii. 37 applaud Schuyler’s conduct.vol. xiii. 38 divide the middle and southern colonies into two depart¬ ments ...vol. xiii. 70 enlistment act.vol. xiii. 88 establish a war office.vol. xiii. 88 declare the United States free and independent..vol. xiii. 118 adopt the Declaration of Independence.vol. xiii. 119 settle dispute between Schuyler and Gates. vol. xiii. 138 action on Lord Howe’s overtures.„.vol. xiii. 196 appoint a committee to confer with Lord Howe.vol. xiii. 197 leave the question of the abandonment of New York to Washington’s discretion.vol. xiii. 201 forbid the destruction of New York.vol. xiii. 202 reorganizes the army.vol. xiii. 215 requests Washington to obstruct the Hudson.vol. xiii. 230 clothes Washington with additional powers.vol. xiii. 307 invests Washington with dictatorial powers..vol. xiii. 335 refuses to comply with Lee’s request....vol. xiii. 366 retaliatory measures.vol. xiii. 866 declines the resignation of Schuyler.vol. xiii. 387 reprimands Schuyler.vol. xiii. 387 makes Arnold Major-general.vol. xiii. 401 vote Arnold a horse.vol. xiii. 401 refuse to admit Gates to the floor.vol. xiii. 411 summon Schuyler and St. Clair.vol. xiii. 471 appoint Gates to the command of the northern depart¬ ment.vol. xiii. 472 proceedings of, at the battle of Brandywine.....vol. xiii. 538 anonymous letter to, against Washington.vol. xiv. 107 refuses to treat with Great Britain. vol. xiv. 153 recommend the pardoning of Tories.vol. xiv. 153 ratifies treaties with France.vol. xiv. 155 reception of the dispatches of the British commissioners.vol. xiv. 165 reply to the commissioners.vol. xiv. 165 refuse to negotiate with Johnstone.vol. xiv. 166 approves the sentence of Lee. vol. xiv. 191 informs Washington of the arrival of the French fleet., .vol. xiv. 197 approve of d’Estaing’s conduct.vol. xiv. 211 approve Lafayette’s Canada scheme.vol. xiv. 227 deterioration of. vol. xiv. 229 vote a gold medal to Major Henry Lee.vol. xiv. 255 financi&l difficulties. vol. xiv. 265 charges against Arnold.vol. xiv. 276 order court-martial on Arnold....vol. xiv. 278 confirms sentence against Arnold.vol. xiv. 280 jealousy of military powers.vol. xiv. 293 appoint a committee to confer with Washington.vol. xiv. 293 appoint Gates to the southern department.vol. xiv. 327 508 Ipdex accepts Greene’s resignation.voL xiv. 335 rewards the captors of Andre.vol. xiv. 402 order a court of inquiry into the conduct of Gates.vol. xiv. 413 new system for the organization and support of the army.vol. xiv. 416 send Colonel Laurens to France.vol. xiv. 449 committee to meet Pennsylvania insurgents.vol. xiv. 455 appoints heads of departments.vol. xiv. 463 rejoicings at the surrender of Yorktown.vol. xiv. 606 resolutions concerning Lafayette.vol. xiv. 611 murder of Captain Huddy.vol. xiv. 614 proclamation concerning peace.vol. xv. 31 resolution concerning the service of the soldiers.vol. xv. 33 threatened by mutineers.vol. xv. 41 discharge of the army.vol. xv. 44 resignation of Washington.vol. xv. 52 its composition.vol. xv. 145 reassembles. vol. xv. 166 assumption of State debts discussed.vol. xv. 176 adopted.vol. xv. 178 discords in .vol. xv. 181 reassembles at Philadelphia.vol. xv. 192 impost and excise bill.vol. xv. 192 assembling of the second.vol. xv. 206 apportionment bill.vol. xv. 217 assembles December, 1793.vol. xv. 284 does justice to Washington.vol. xv. 286 bill to increase naval force.vol. xv. 293 Washington’s denunciation of secret societies.vol. xv. 311 response to Washington. vol. xv. 335 reply to Washington’s last address.vol. xv. 351 authorizes the enlistment of a provisional army.. .vol. xv. 375 Congress (Massachusetts) at Boston...vol. xii. 396 adjourn to Concord.vol. xii. 396 assume supreme authority.vol. xii. 397 remonstrate with Governor Gage. vol. xii. 397 system and order.vol. xii. 398 nominate general officers. vol. xii. 398 Connecticut abets the opposition of Massachusetts.vol. xii. 376 sends volunteers.vol. xii. 414 Legislature of, favor the surprisal of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. vol. xii. 414 committee appointed.*.vol. xii. 415 Massachusetts and Rhode Island fit out armed vessels.. .vol. xii. 530 troops desert.vol. xii. 559 reception at home. vol. xii. 559 troops described by Gray don.vol. xiii. 141 by Washington.vol. xiii. 143 dingy regimentals. .vol. xiii. 143 their composition.vol. xiii. 144 Ii?dex 509 British expedition against. Connecticut Farms sacked by the enemy. Conspiracy in New York.... letter relative to. its ramifications. Constitution of the United States, formation of.. opposition to. Continental Army. (See American Army.) Contrecceur, Captain, surprises the fort. Contributions for the Continental Army.. Convention of Virginia at Williamsburg. at Richmond. for considering and revising the federal system, Conway’s Cabal.. Conway, General, appointed brigadier-general. character of. in Washington’s camp. gallant conduct.. pretensions of.. joins faction opposed to Washington. correspondence with Gates. attempts at explanation ... sends in his resignation. promoted. . to Washington on his letter. remains at Albany. to be appointed to the Canada expedition. Lafayette’s opinion of... downfall of. resignation accepted. fails to get reinstated.. duel of Cadwalader. penitential letter to Washington. subsequent history. Cook, James, in the expedition against Quebec. sounds the river. Copp’s Hill, British battery on. Corbie’s Tavern.. rendezvous of conspirators. Cornplanter, at the seat of government. Cornwallis, Lord, arrival at New York.. lands on Long Island.. advances against Hand. posts for the night at Flatbush. . leaves Flatbush with a rear-guard. crosses the Hudson above Fort Lee.. marches against Washington.. at the Delaware.. gives up the pursuit. vol. xiv. 240 .vol. xiv. 316 ..vol. xiii. 106 . .(note) vol. xiii. 110 .vol. xiii. Ill .vol. xv. 99 ..vol. xv. 122 .vol. xii. 98 .vol. xiv. 327 ....vol. xii. 370 .vol. xii. 370 ..vol. xv. 98 ..vol. xiv. 64 .vol. xiii. 391 ..vol. xiii. 391 .vol. xiii. 526 .vol. xiii. 538 ..vol. xiv. 64 .vol. xiv. 65 .vol. xiv. 68 .vol. xiv. 68 .vol. xiv. 68 ..vol. xiv. 92 .vol. xiv. 113 .vol. xiv. 115 .vol. xiv. 109 .vol. xiv. 110 .vol. xiv. 150 .vol. xiv. 150 ..vol. xiv. 150 . .(note) vol. xiv. 151 . .(note) vol. xiv. 151 . .(note) vol. xiv. 151 .vol. xii. 286 .vol. xii. 291 .vol. xii. 437 ..vol. xiii. 107 .vol. xiii. 107 .vol. xv. 196 .vol. xiii. 156 ..vol. xiii. 167 ..vol. xiii. 167 ..vol. xiii. 167 .. ..vol. xiii. 172 ..vol. xiii. 273 ..vol. xiii. 299 .....vol. xiii. 294 .vol. xiii. 294 510 Ipdex Cornwallis, Lord, at New York.vol. xiii. 808 resumes command in the Jerseys.vol. xiii. 337 approaches the American forces.vol. xiii. 339 enters Trenton.vol. xiii. 339 repulsed by Washington.vol. xiii. 339 alarm at the escape of Washington.vol. xiii. 348 pushes forward to Princeton.vol. xiii. 348 arrives at Brunswick.vol. xiii. 349 irksome position.vol. xiii. 352 to Washington concerning Hessian prisoners.vol. xiii. 354 gains Washington’s rear.vol. xiii. 535 advances to the attack.vol. xiii. 535 marches into Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 538 pursues the Americans.vol. xiv. 53 takes Fort Mercer.vol. xiv. 61 sent into the Jerseys.vol. xiv. 217 in the expedition against South Carolina.vol. xiv. 263 completes the investment of Charleston.vol. xiv. 311 moves against Colonel Buford. vol. xiv. 311 approves of Tarleton’s conduct.vol. xiv. 313 headquarters at Charleston.vol. xiv. 338 at Camden.vol. xiv. 344 amount of force.vol. xiv. 344 sends in pursuit of Sumter.vol. xiv. 347 vigorous measures. vol. xiv. 349 takes post at Charlotte.vol. xiv. 348 returns to South Carolina..vol. xiv. 435 takes post at Winnsborough.vol. xiv. 436 plan for invading North Carolina.vol. xiv. 469 pursues Morgan.vol. xiv. 470 at Ramsour’s Mills. vol. xiv. 479 destroys his baggage.vol. xiv. 479 affair at McGowan’s Ford. vol. xiv. 483 encamped at Salem.vol. xiv. 486 amount of force..vol. xiv. 486 march to the Dan.vol. xiv. 487 retrograde movement..vol. xiv. 491 takes post at Hillsborough. vol. xiv. 491 proclamation.vol. xiv. 491 encamps near Alamance Creek.vol. xiv. 495 attacks the Americans at Wetzell’s Mill..vol. xiv. 496 battle of Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 498 retreats to Cross Creek.vol. xiv. 505 number of troops.vol. xiv. 497 at Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 498 retreats to Wilmington.....vol. xiv. 508 perplexities.vol. xiv. 508 sets off for Virginia.vol. xiv. 511 arrives at Petersburg.vol. xiv. 524 Ir>dex 511 amount of force.vol. xiv. 534 renewed hope.vol. xiv. 535 movement against Lafayettee.vol. xiv. 539 re-enforced.vol. xiv. 539 pursues Lafayette....vol. xiv. 540 retrograde march.vol. xiv. 543 at Williamsburg.vol. xiv. 543 sets out for Portsmouth.vol. xiv. 543 takes post at Yorktown.vol. xiv. 568 feeling of security.vol. xiv. 568 arrival of De Grasse. .vol. xiv. 570 retreat cut off...vol. xiv. 569 to Clinton on promised relief.vol. xiv. 579 draws within the town...vol. xiv. 579 to Clinton, critical situation.vol. xiv. 599 plan of escape..vol. xiv. 600 proposes a capitulation...vol. xiv. 617 capitulates.vol. xiv. 618 humiliation.vol. xiv. 630 treatment by the captors.vol. xiv. 631 sails for New York on parole.vol. xiv. 633 Corresponding Committees.vol. xii. 363 Coryell’s Ferry, Washington at...vol. xiii. 466 Council at Alexandria.vol. xii. 168 Council of Indians at Logstown.,..vol. xii. 90 Courtney, Captain, killed in action. .vol. xv. 378 Cow Boys.vol. xiv. 367 Cowpens, situation of.vol. xiv. 473 battle of...vol. xiv. 475 killed and wounded.vol. xiv. 476 spoils taken...vol. xiv. 476 Cox, Colonel, dispute with General Herkimer.vol. xiii. 497 shot down...vol. xiii. 500 Craigie, Andrew...(note) vol. xii. 474 Craigie House.(note) vol. xii. 474 (Jraik, Dr. James.vol. xii. 151 advises Washington to retire to Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 359 a visitor at Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 303 accompanies Washington. vol. xii. 346 at Mount Vernon..vol. xii. 399 appointed to the Hospital department..vol. xiii. 417 to Washington on his secret enemies.vol. xiv. 105 application to Washington. vol. xv. 56 accompanies Washington.vol. xv. 63 attends Washington.vol. xv. 594 Crawford, Hugh, brings a message from the Miami tribes....vol. xii. 71 Croghan, George, sent from Pennsylvania to treat with the Indians.vol. xii. 73 appointed commissioner.vol. xii. 161 512 Ii)dex his reverses.... to Governor Morris. enlists Indians and hunters. letter. arrives at Braddock’s camp with Indians. dangers and escapes. Croton River. Crown Point, preparations against... to be reduced. expedition against. surprised by Seth Warner. . abandoned. abandoned by the Americans. Cruger, Lieutenant-colonel, commands expedition to the dis¬ trict of Ninety-Six. commands at Ninety-Six........ Custis, John Parke, his estate. Custis, John Parke, Washington’s conduct toward. character and education. in love.. marriage... death of. Custis, George W. P., accompanies Mrs. Washington. Custis, Mrs. Martha, meeting with Washington.. Custis, Miss, death of. Custis, Eleanor, accompanies Mrs. Washington. accompanies Washington. described. halcyon days, anecdote. marries Lawrence Lewis. Cuyler, Yan Yost. in St. Leger’s camp. Currency, derangement of.. depreciation of... Cushing, Mrs., to her husband....... Cushing, Mr. Cushing, William, judge of Supreme Court. administers the oath of office to Washington. .vol. xii. 161 .vol. xii. 170 .vol. xii. 171 ..vol. xii. 171 .vol. xii. 179 .vol. xii. 347 .vol. xiv. 526 .vol. xii. 415 .vol. xii. 261 .vol. xii. 230 .vol. xii. 419 .vol. xiii. 137 vol. xiii. 261 .vol. xiv. 311 vol. xiv. 549 .vol. xii. 301 .vol. xii. 301 .vol. xii. 356 .vol. xii. 356 .vol. xii. 357 .vol. xiv. 609 .vol. xv. 133 vol. xiv. 272 .vol. xiv. 356 .vol. xv. 133 .vol. xv. 358 .vol. xv. 362 .vol. xv. 364 .vol. xv. 386 vol. xiii. 516 vol. xiii. 516 vol. xiv. 265 vol. xiv. 280 .vol. xii. 390 .vol. xii. 423 .vol. xv. 144 .vol. xv. 247 S> Dagworthy, Captain.vol. xii. 225 Dallas, Mr., interview with Genet. vol. xv. 268 Danbury, expedition against. .vol. xiii. 396 destroyed by the British.„vol, xiii. 398 Darke, Colonel, with General St. Clair.,.vol. xv. 209 at St. Clair’s defeat. vol. xv. 211 Dartmouth, Lord, to General Gage.vol. xii. 396 D’Aubry attempts to relieve Port Niagara.vol. xii. 285 is defeated. vol. xii. 285 fi)dex 513 Davidson, John, Indian interpreter.vol. xii. 93 Davidson, General, at McGowan’s Ford.vol. xiv. 482 death of.vol. xiv. 483 Davie, General, and Greene.vol. xiv. 548 Davie, William Richardson, on mission to France.vol. xv. 388 Davis, Reverend Samuel, appreciation of Washington.vol. xii. 220 Dayton, Colonel Elias, takes Johnson Hall...vol. xiii. 95 retires before Knyphausen.vol. xiv. 316 falls in with General Maxwell.vol. xiv. 317 fight at Springfield.vol. xiv. 322 Deane, Mr., and French officers.vol. xiii. 390 Deane, Silas, returns to America...vol. xiv. 196 Dearborn, Captain, captured by General Carleton.vol. xiii. 34 Dearborn, Major, receives Lady Ackland.vol. xiv. 34 De Barras, arrival at the Chesapeake.vol. xiv. 575 noble conduct.vol. xiv. 575 De Berdt, Dennis, on the mission of Lord Howe.vol. xiii. 127 Deborre, General. vol. xiii. 526 resignation...vol. xiii. 538 Debt of the United States. vol. xv. 169 De Buysson, aid-de-camp to DeKalb.vol. xiv. 347 De Fermois, at Ticonderoga. vol. xiii. 435 De Grasse, Count, bound for the Chesapeake.vol. xiv. 560 arrives in the Chesapeake.vol. xiv. 573 urges Lafayette to attack Yorktown...vol. xiv. 574 action with British fleet...vol. xiv. 574 junction with De Barras ..vol. xiv. 576 receives Washington.vol. xiv. 577 arrival of Admiral Digby.vol. xiv. 579 consents to remain.vol. xiv. 579 departure.vol. xiv. 608 De Heister, Lieutenant-general, on Long Island.vol. xiii. 171 reaches Flatbush.vol. xiii. 171 cannonades Colonel Hand.vol. xiii. 175 advances against White Plains...vol. xiii. 239 treatment of Lord Stirling.vol. xiii. 328 De Kalb, Baron, at Philadelphia...vol. xiii. 479 appointed major-general.vol. xiv. 63 appointed to the Canada expedition.vol. xiv. 110 sent to re-enforce Lincoln.vol. xiv. 290 advance retarded...vol. xiv. 341 halts at Deep River.vol. xiv. 341 applications for aid.vol. xiv. 342 meeting with Gates.vol. xiv. 342 at the battle of Camden.vol. xiv. 345 death of.vol. xiv. 347 De La Croix, M., complaints against the American Govern¬ ment .. .vol. xv. 345 Delancey, Lieutenant-governor.vol. xii. 168 614 Ipdex De Lancet, Oliver, recruiting on Long Island ...vol. xiii. 216 Delancey, Colonel, loyalist.vol. xiv. 526 surprises Colonel Greene......vol. xiv. 527 Delaplace, Captain, surprised by Ethan Allen.vol. xii. 418 sent prisoner to Hartford.vol. xii. 419 Delawares, Shawnees, and Mingoes, in council at Logstown.. .vol. xii. 87 De Levi, takes post at Oswegatchie. vol. xii. 285 rallies the French forces . vol. xii. 297 approaches Quebec.vol. xii. 297 lands at Point-au-Tremble.vol. xii. 297 is attacked by Murray...vol. xii. 298 repulses him. vol. xii. 299 opens trenches before Quebec. vol. xii. 299 retreat.vol. xii. 299 Democratic Society, formation of.vol. xv. 273 Democratic Societies, Washington concerning.vol. xv. 310 Democrats, party formed.vol. xv. 195 Denison, Colonel, at the battle of Wyoming...vol. xiv. 214 De Ramsey, commands the garrison at Quebec .vol. xii. 296 D’Estaing, Count, arrival with French fleet.vol. xiv. 196 to Washington, on his arrival.vol. xiv. 196 correspondence with Washington.vol. xiv. 198 plan of operations.vol. xiv. 199 off Point Judith.vol. xiv. 200 opposite Newport.vol. xiv. 200 arrival of Lord Howe’s fleet.vol. xiv. 201 stands out to sea.vol. xiv. 201 maneuvers of the fleets.vol. xiv. 202 return to Newport.vol. xiv. 202 to Sullivan on his intention of proceeding to Boston.vol. xiv. 202 protest of American officers.vol. xiv. 204 proceeds to Boston.vol. xiv. 204 to Congress explanatory of his conduct.vol. xiv. 212 considerate letter from Washington.vol. xiv. 213 sails for the West Indies..vol. xiv. 222 proclamation to the French Canadians.vol. xiv. 223 arrival on the coast of Georgia.vol. xiv. 258 unsuccessful siege of Savannah.vol. xiv. 261 wounaeci.vol. xiv. 261 sails for France.vol. xiv. 262 Destottches, Chevalier, to send ships to the Chesapeake.vol. xiv. 511 encounters the British fleet.vol. xiv. 513 Deuxponts, Count de, wounded.vol. xiv. 598 De Vaudreuil, fortifies himself at Montreal.vol. xii. 299 threatened by General Amherst. vol. xii. 299 capitulates. vol. xii. 300 DICK, Dr., attends Washington....vol. xv. 394 Dickinson, drafts a petition to the king and an address to the people of Canada... ..vol. xii. 384 Ipdex 515 Dickinson, General Philemon, gallant exploit of.vol. xiii. 358 to watch the enemy.vol. xiv. 170 alarm signals.vol. xiv. 225 Dickinson, Major, slain at Monmouth Court-house.vol. xiv. 185 Dieskau, Baron de, takes post at Crown Point.vol. xii. 227 mortally wounded.vol. xii. 229 Digby, Admiral, on negotiations for peace.vol. xiv. 620 Digges, Mr.vol. xii. 311 Dinwiddie, Governor .vol. xii. 90 calls upon the governors of the other provinces to make common cause against the foe.vol. xii. 114 convenes the House of Burgesses.vol. xii. 114 to Washington about Captain Mackay.vol. xii. 136 orders Washington to Will’s Creek.vol. xii. 151 his perplexities.vol. xii. 151 refuses to give up the French prisoners.vol. xii. 153 efforts to secure Indian allies.vol. xii. 162 convenes the Assembly.vol. xii. 217 conduct to Washington. .vol. xii. 218 unsatisfactory relations with Washington. ...vol. xii. 246 his interference with Washington.vol. xii. 246 pique against Washington. vol. xii. 247 ungracious reply to Washington...vol. xii. 250 prejudice against Washington.vol. xii. 257 conduct toward Washington.vol. xii. 257 sails for England. vol. xii. 258 character. vol. xii. 258 Dismal Swamp.vol. xii. 313 Dismal Swamp Company.vol. xii. 313 District of Columbia ceded to the United States.vol. xv. 179 Dobb’s Ferry, British at. vol. xiii. 248 works thrown up.vol. xiv. 334 Donop, Count, at Long Island.vol. xiii. 168 storms the redoubt.vol. xiii. 177 crosses from Long Island.vol. xiii. 205 decoyed by Colonel Griffin.vol. xiii. 331 precipitate retreat.vol. xiii. 331 attacks Fort Mercer.vol. xiv. 60 repulsed.vol. xiv. 61 death of.vol. xiv. 62 Donop’s Yagers surprised. vol. xiv. 221 Dorchester Heights, to be fortified.vol. xii. 435 preparations to occupy.vol. xiii. 50 letters relative to.vol. xiii. 50 fortifications of.vol. xiii. 51 effect on the British. vol. xiii. 54 cannonaded by the British.vol. xiii. 53 Drucour, Chevalier, in command of Louisburg.vol. xii. 264 defense and surrender.vol. xii. 264 516 Ipdex Drummond’s Pond.. ..vol. xii. 314 Duane, Mr., controversy with Gates.vol. xiii. 411 Duche, Mr., chaplain to the General Congress.vol. xii. 378 officiates.vol. xii. 378 effect of prayer.vol. xii. 379 Ducoudray, Monsieur...vol. xiii. 390 Duer, William, to Schuyler...vol. xiii. 470 Dumas, Count Matthew, accompanies Washington.vol. xiv. 375 Washington’s reception by the people.vol. xiv. 375 on the French camp. vol. xiv. 533 to Washington, with pamphlet.....vol. xv. 347 Dunbar, Colonel. vol. xii. 185 his terror.vol. xii. 207 Dundas, Colonel, accompanies Arnold.vol. xiv. 448 commands at Gloucester Point.vol. xiv. 580 foraging.vol. xiv. 583 capitulation of Yorktown.vol. xiv. 603 Dunmore, Earl of, Governor of Virginia.vol. xii. 354 lingers at New York...vol. xii. 354 haughty bearing.vol. xii. 354 friendly relations with Washington.vol. xii. 356 social position.vol. xii. 362 dissolves the House of Burgessea.vol. xii. 363 seizes the military munitions of Virginia.vol. xii. 413 timely concession.....vol. xii. 413 proclaims martial law..vol. xii. 539 exercises martial law.vol. xii. 568 to Howe, proposing a servile war..vol. xii. 581 Washington’s opinion of.vol. xii. 582 Dunmore, Lady, ball in honor of.vol. xii. 363 Duplessis, Captain Mauduit, at Fort Mercer.vol. xiv. 61 attentions to Count Donop.vol. xiv. 62 Duportail, General, urges the evacuation of Charleston.vol. xiv. 309 reconnoiters. vol. xiv. 535 Durham, Bishop of, his state and splendor.vol. xii. 23 Durkee, Captain, joins Putnam.vol. xii. 415 E East India Company, affected by the tax on tea. . ..vol. xii. 361 ships large quantities to the colonies.vol. xii. 361 ships sent back unladen.vol. xii. 362 Easton, James, in the expedition against Ticonderoga..vol. xii. 416 Easton, Colonel, at Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 501 Eaton, General, re-enforces Greene.vol. xiv. 498 at Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 498 Eden, William, commissioner from Great Britain.vol. xiv. 162 disposition toward America.vol. xiv. 162 Edmonson, Captain, in command at Fort Pitt. ....vol. xii. 388 Elizabethtown, Livingston’s account of.vol. xiii. 117 surprised by the British.vol. xiv. 26$ Ipdex 517 Elizabethtown Point, descent of British...vol. xiv. 315 Elliot, Lieutenant-governor, on commission concerning Andre.vol. xiv. 395 Ellsworth, in the mission to France.vol. xv. 387 Emerson, Rev. William, description of American camp.vol. xii. 471 on the labors of the army.vol. xii. 481 discipline in camp.vol. xii. 481 England prepares for military operations in America.vol. xii. 158 plan of campaign. vol. xii. 166 detains vessels bound for France.vol. xv. 283 impressment of American seamen.vol. xv. 283 her infatuation. vol. xii. 403 restrictive policy.vol. xii. 316 English claims to the Ohio Valley.vol. xii. 67 English officers and Indian squaws. .vol. xii. 180 luxurious habits.vol. xii. 184 their baggage and camp equipage.vol. xii. 184 bravery. vol. xii. 200 Enos, Colonel, leaves Arnold with his command.vol. xii. 549 Erskine, General Sir William, on Long Island..vol. xiii. 167 urges a night attack.vol. xiii. 338 in the expedition against Danbury.vol. xiii. 394 drives back the Americans.vol. xiii. 398 Eutaw Springs, battle of.vol. xiv. 587 Evans, Rev. Mr., anecdote of.vol. xiv. 582 Everett, Edward, Washington on Dorchester Heights...vol. xiii. 56 Ewing, Colonel, passage of British ships up the Hudson.vol. xiii. 219 Ewing, General, prevented by the ice... ....vol. xiii. 323 Eyre, Lieutenant-colonel, at New London...vol. xiv. 565 mortally wounded.vol. xiv. 565 F Fairfax, Bryant, fox-hunting...vol. xii. 309 to Washington advising a petition.....vol. xii. 369 to Washington on the resolutions...vol. xii. 369 to Washington in reply. vol. xii. 370 effect of the battle of Lexington.vol. xii. 413 visits Washington. vol. xiv. 153 to Washington on his courtesy.vol. xiv. 153 subsequent history.(note) vol. xiv. 154 Fairfax, Colonel, to Washington .. vol. xii. 234 Fairfax, George William, fox-hunting.vol. xii. 308 departs for England.vol. xii. 307 in England.vol. xv. 62 (note). vol. xv. 84 Fairfax, Thomas Lord, his character and history.vol. xii. 53 his style of living. vol. xii. 56 organizes a troop of horse.vol. xii. 220 calls out the militia to defend Winchester...vol. xii. 221 menaced by Indians.vol. xii. 231 518 Ir?dex decides to remain.vol. xii. 331 occupations, fox hunting.vol. xii. 233 hunting.vol. xii. 333 his last days.vol. xv. 61 Fairfax, William.vol. xii. 55 his counsel to Washington. vol. xii. 137 Fairfield destroyed by the British.vol. xiv. 210 Fair Haven ravaged by the British.vol. xiv. 210 Fairlie, Major, anecdote .vol. xv. 81 Falls of Montmorency.vol. xii. 285 Falmouth destroyed by the British.vol. xii. 532 Faneuil Hall, British troops quartered in.vol. xii. 333 meetings at.vol. xii. 875 Fauchet, M., succeeds Genet.vol. xii. 295 intercepted dispatch. vol. xv. 325 exonerates Randolph. .vol. xv. 328 Faulkner, Captain, with General St. Clair.vol. xv. 210 Fauquier, Francis, appointed to succeed Dinwiddie.vol. xii. 260 Fauquier, Lieutenant-governor, dissolves the assembly.vol. xii. 323 Federalist, The.vol. xv. 126 Federalists spring up.vol. xv. 195 Fellows, General, opposite Saratoga Ford.vol. xiv. 31 opens fire on the British.vol. xiv. 35 Felton, Professor, correction of error.(note) vol. xii. 474 Fenno’s Gazette, Adams’s papers..vol. xv. 2 O 4 Ferguson, Dr. Adam, secretary to commissioners from Great Britain.vol. xiv. 162 Ferguson, Major Patrick, commands expedition to Little Egg Harbor.vol. xiv. 220 massacres American infantry.vol. xiv. 221 march from Savannah. vol. xiv. 304 described.vol. xiv. 305 on violence to women.vol. xiv. 308 detached to North Carolina.vol. xiv. 425 takes post at Gilberttown. vol. xiv. 428 issues an address.vol. xiv. 429 retreats.vol. xiv. 430 takes post on King’s Mountain.vol. xiv. 431 defeated.vol. xiv. 432 Fermois, Brigadier-general, accompanies Gates.vol. xiii. 391 Fersen, Count, to hurry on the French troops.vol. xiv. 577 Fire-ships, sent to destroy Wolfe’s fleet.vol. xii. 287 Fishburn, Benjamin, nomination of.vol. xv. 139 Washington’s reasons for.vol. xv. 139 Fishing in Virginia.vol. xii. 310 Fishing Creek, defeat of Sumter.vol. xiv. 349 Fitzgerald, Colonel, at Princeton.vol. xiii. 322 Flagg, Major, killed.vol. xiv. 526 Fleury, Louis.vol. xiii. 526 Ipdex 519 presented with a horse by Congress.vol. xiii. 538 Col., at Fort Mifflin.vol. xiv. 72 promoted.vol. xiv. 74 inspector.vol. xiv. 157 at the storming of Stony Point. .vol. xiv. 245 Forbes, Brigadier-general, to reduce Fort Duquesne..vol. xii. 263 detained at Philadelphia.vol. xii. 270 respect for Washington.vol. xii. 278 Forbes, Gilbert, conspirator.vol. xiii. 107 paid for arms.vol. xiii. 108 Foreign officers, applicants for admission to the patriot army.vol. xiii. 389 embarrassments about. vol. xiii. 390 Forest, Captain. vol. xiii. 320 Forster, Captain, besieges the Cedars..vol. xiii. 92 captures the post..=.vol. xiii. 93 Fort Anne captured. vol. xiv. 414 Fort Chamblee taken by Majors Brown and Livingston.. .vol. xii. 543 Fort Clinton, its strength.vol. xiii. 562 attack of the British. vol. xiii. 567 captured. vol. xiii. 568 Fort Constitution.vol. xiii. 97 its garrison.vol. xiii. 97, 196 commanded by West Point.vol. xiii. 97 evacuated. vol. xiii. 571 Fort Cumberland...vol. xii. 150 Fort Defiance. vol. xiii. 449 Fort Duquesne, its site. ..vol. xii. 93 completed.....vol. xii. 139 Washington advises a rapid attack...vol. xii. 185 reports of scouts....„.vol. xii. 190 to be reduced. .vol. xii. 260 abandoned by the French...vol. xii. 282 name changed to Fort Pitt. vol. xii. 282 Fort Edward..vol. xii. 228 Fort Frontenac captured.vol. xii. 269 Fort George captured by Carleton.vol. xiv. 414 Fort George at Coram taken .vol. xiv. 424 Fort Griswold taken by the British.vol. xiv. 566 Fort Independence. vol. xiii. 98 abandoned.vol, xiii. 247 Fort Independence, evacuated by the Americans..vol. xiii. 571 evacuated by the British.vol. xiv. 44 Fort Johnson. .vol. xiii. 146 Fort Lafayette, cannonaded.vol. xiv. 239 capitulates.vol. xiv. 239 Fort Lee.vol. xiii. 231 menaced.*.vol. xiii. 262 preparations to abandon...vol. xiii. 271 retreat from.......vol. xiii. 276 520 Ipdex Fort Loudoun. Fort Mercer. garrison of. Washington on importance of. attacked by Count Donop. garrison increased. taken by Cornwallis.. Fort Mifflin. garrison of. repulses naval attack.. garrison increased.. attacked by Howe. evacuated.. Fort Montgomery. its garrison. the chevaux-de-frise. stormed by the British. Fort Moultrie, surrendered. Fort Motte, taken by Marion and Lee. Fort Necessity. capitulation of. . Fort Niagara, besieged. surrenders. Fort Ninety-Six, siege of. Fort Pitt... blockaded by Indians. Fort Schuyler, invested by Colonel St. Leger. its strength and garrison. summoned to surrender. news of relief... expedition against the Onondagas.. Fort Stanwix, invested by Colonel St. Leger. Fort Washington.,. chevaux-de-frise sunk near by. strongly garrisoned. cannonaded at. menaced. question of evacuating. summoned to surrender. amount of garrison. British attack. surrendered. number of prisoners. Fort Watson taken by Lee and Marion. Fort William Henry, attacked by Montcalm. captured and destroyed. Forty Fort, Colonel Zebulon Butler, in command of. Fox, opinion of George Johnstone. Fox-hunting in Virginia. .vol. xii. 243 .vol. xiv. 45 .vol. xiv. 58 .vol. xiv. 59 ..vol. xiv. 59 ..vol. xiv. 72 .vol. xiv. 81 .vol. xiv. 45 ..vol. xiv. 58 .vol. xiv. 61 .vol. xiv. 72 ...vol. xiv. 72 ..vol. xiv. 80 .vol. xiii. 97 .vol. xiii. 97 .vol. xiii. 564 .vol. xiii. 565 .vol. xiv. 310 .vol. xiv. 548 _vol. xii. 136, 142 .vol. xii. 144 .vol. xii. 284 .vol. xii. 284 .vol. xiv. 545 .vol. xii. 283 .vol. xii. 315 .vol. xiii. 494 .vol. xiii. 494 .vol. xiii. 495 .vol. xiii. 495 .vol. xiv. 236 .vol. xiii. 494 .vol. xiii. 99 .vol. xiii. 156 .vol. xiii. 233 .vol. xiii. 235 -.vol. xiii. 246 .vol. xiii. 247 .vol. xiii. 263 .vol. xiii. 263 .vol, xiii. 264 .vol. xiii. 268 (note) vol. xiii. 271 .vol. xiv. 548 .vol. xii. 254 .vol. xii. 255 .vol. xiv. 215 .vol. xiv. 163 .vol. xii. 65 Ipdex 521 Foy, Captain, secretary to Earl of Dunmore.vol. xii. 354 France, treaty with the United States..vol. xiv. 152 ratified by Congress.vol. xiv. 154 rejoicing in United States...vol. xiv. 155 declares war against England.vol. xv. 255 scarcity in. .vol. xv. 283 violates treaty with the United States...vol. xv. 345 indignities toward America.vol. xv. 367 threatened war with.vol. xv. 373 Francis, Colonel.vol. xiii. 451 in St. Clair’s retreat.vol. xiii. 455 falls. vol. xiii. 455 Franklin, Benjamin, arrives at Fredericktown.vol. xii. 173 opinion of Braddock and the expedition .vol. xii. 173 departs for Lancaster. ...vol. xii. 174 sends conveyances to Braddock.vol. xii. 183 observation on Braddock’s defeat.vol. xii. 209 in London, as American agent.vol. xii. 322 before the House of Commons....vol. xii. 329 on committee to confer with Washington. vol. xii. 534 on committee to confer with Lord Howe.vol. xiii. 197 acquaintance with Howe. vol. xiii. 197 to Howe, referring to past acquaintance.vol. xiii. 198 and Lord Howe, anecdote.vol. xiii. 200 exertions for aid from France.vol. xiv. 611 Fraser, General, in the invasion, from Canada.vol. xiii. 434 at Three Mile Point.vol. xiii. 441 in Ticonderoga......vol. xiii. 452 pursues the Americans... vol. xiii. 452 overtakes and attacks St. Clair’s rear-guard.vol. xiii. 455 in the attack on Gates. vol. xiv. 24 commands the advance..vol. xiv. 24 shot down. vol. xiv. 26 dying request.vol. xiv. 29 death. vol. xiv. 29 burial of. vol. xiv. 30 Frazer, General, at Three Rivers.vol. xiii. 109 captures General Thompson. vol. xiii. 110 Frazier, John, an Indian trader.vol. xii. 74 at Turtle Creek. vol. xii. 92 at Venango. vol. xii. 97 Washington with.vol. xii. Ill Fraunces, Samuel, steward of the Presidential household.vol. xv. 35 Freemason’s Tavern, Washington’s headquarters.vol. xiii. 356 French claim the Ohio Valley.vol. xii. 67 prepare for hostilities. vol. xii. 81 launch an armed vessel on Lake Ontario.vol. xii. 81 influence with the Indians increasing......vol. xii. 88 deserters.vol. xii. 93 522 Ir>dex Creek.vol. xii. 93 surprised by Washington.vol. xii. 128 relax their vigilance.vol. xii. 150 bravado.vol. xii. 166, 191 attack Braddock’s advance-guard.vol. xii. 198 defeat Braddock. vol. xii. 202 force engaged.vol. xii. 135, 203 attack General Johnson’s camp.vol. xii. 228 menace Forts Ontario and Oswego. .vol. xii. 250 fire their camp and retreat.vol. xii. 267 defeated by regulars and Indians.vol. xii. 284 during the war.vol. xii. 318 fleet, arrival of.vol. xiv. 196 off Sandy Hook.vol. xiv. 198 off Point Judith.vol. xiv. 201 return to Newport. vol. xiv. 203 scattered by a storm . vol. xiv. 202 arrive at Rhode Island. vol. xiv. 327 sail from Newport.vol. xiv. 514 officers, their camp.vol. xiv. 533 reception of Washington.vol. xiv. 533 troops cross to Stony Point.vol. xiv. 562 move toward Virginia.vol. xiv. 563 pass through Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 568 revolution.vol. xv. 153 Freneau, Philip, edits the “National Gazette”.vol. xv. 218 and Hamilton.vol. xv. 235 Frestel, M., arrives with George Washington Lafayette.vol. xv. 333 departs from New York.vol. xv. 866 Frothingham, Richard, Jr., history of the siege of Bos¬ ton .(note) vol. xii. 452 Fry, Colonel, makes a treaty with the Delawares, Shawnees, and Mingoes, on behalf of Virginia.vol. xii. 87 Fry, Colonel Joshua.vol. xii. 116 death of.vol. xii. 136 G Gabrouski, Count, in the expedition to Fort Montgomery_vol. xiii. 567 his death.vol. xiii. 544-570 Gadsden, Colonel, commands Fort Johnson.vol. xiii. 147 Gadsden, Lieutenant-governor, in Charleston.vol. xiv. 306 Gage, General Thomas. vol. xii. 195 crosses the Monongahela with the advance.vol. xii. 195 wounded.vol. xii. 199 to take command of the siege of Fort Niagara.vol. xii. 284 military commander of Massachusetts.vol. xii. 367 history of.vol. xii. 867 erroneous opinion of Americans.vol. xii. 368 issues a proclamation.vol. xii. 368 Ipdex 523 perplexities. vol. xii. 376 at a loss how to act.vol. xii. 376 on the feeling in Berkshire County.vol. xii. 377 on the General Congress. vol. xii. 378 military measures.vol. xii. 385 orders all munitions of war to Boston.vol. xii. 389 fortifies Boston Neck.vol. xii. 389 to Dartmouth.vol. xii. 389 issues writs for a general election.vol. xii. 397 countermands the writs. vol. xii. 397 enters into explanations with the Assembly ..vol. xii. 398 critical situation.vol. xii. 398 resolves to destroy the magazine at Concord.vol. xii. 406 astonishment.vol. xii. 412 issues a proclamation. .vol. xii. 431 astonishment at the fortifications on Breed’s Hill.». .vol. xii. 439 determines to carry the works..*.vol. xii. 439 calls a council of war. vol. xii. 439 in Boston.vol. xii. 469 correspondence with Washington on treatment of prison¬ ers.vol. xii. 492 connection with the burning of Falmouth.vol. xii. 534 sails for England.vol. xii. 534 to Lord Dartmouth. vol. xii. 535 Gall, Brigadier-general, commands redoubts.vol. xiv. 24 Gambier, Admiral, commands the British fleet.vol. xiv. 211 Gamble, Captain .vol. xiii. 371 Gansevoort, Colonel, commands Fort Schuyler.vol. xiii. 494 sends for succor.vol. xiii. 502 Garth, Brigadier-general, expedition against Connecticut... .vol. xiv. 241 Gates, Horatio, before Fort Duquesne.vol. xii. 176 at Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 413 birth .vol. xii. 399 education. vol. xii. 399 serves under Cornwallis.vol. xii. 399 captain of an independent company of New York.. .vol. xii. 400 in Braddock’s campaign.vol. xii. 400 with General Monckton in the West Indies.vol. xii. 401 at the capture of Martinico.vol. xii. 401 dispatched to London.vol. xii. 401 promotion.vol. xii. 401 sells out on half-pay.vol. xii. 401 emigrates to Virginia.vol. xii. 401 purchases an estate.vol. xii. 401 appearance and manners.vol. xii. 401 receives the news of Lexington.vol. xii. 418 appointed adjutant-general.vol. xii. 428 arrival in camp. vol. xii. 479 services. vol. xii. 479 524 Ir>dex Gates, Horatio, estrangement from Washington ..vol. xii. 479 sent to Congress with Canadian dispatches.vol. xiii. 80 promoted.vol. xiii. 80 appointed to the command in Canada.vol. xiii. 102 question of command with Schuyler.vol. xiii. 135 arrives at Crown Point.vol. xiii. 135 at Ticonderoga.vol. xiii. 136 question of command, settled.vol. xiii. 137 strengthens his works..vol. xiii. 260 in New Jersey with re-enforcements.vol. xiii. 298 joins Washington.vol. xiii. 308 declines to co-operate with Washington.vol. xiii. 313 criticism of Washington.vol. xiii. 313 question of command.vol. xiii. 404 to Mr. Lovell on the command.vol. xiii. 404 petulant letter to Washington.vol. xiii. 407 to Mr. Lovell, charging Washington with sectional par¬ tialities. . vol. xiii. 408 sets out for Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 409 before Congress.vol. xiii. 410 ordered to withdraw.vol. xiii. 411 commands at Ticonderoga.vol. xiii. 382 disappointment...vol. xiii. 382 tendered the office of adjutant-general.vol. xiii. 385 rejects the proposal.vol. xiii. 385 committee appointed to confer with him.vol. xiii. 386 to command at Ticonderoga... vol. xiii. 387 arrives at Albany.vol. xiii. 387 on the alert for a command. vol. xiii. 469 urged for command of Northern Department.vol. xiii. 471 appointed by Congress.vol. xiii. 471 to Washington, in high spirits.vol. xiii. 519 conduct of Schuyler.....vol. xiii. 519 correspondence with Burgoyne.vol. xiii. 520 anecdote.(note) vol. xiii. 521 at Bemis’ Heights.vol. xiii. 560 provokes Arnold.vol. xiii. 565 jealousy of Arnold.vol. xiii. 567 quarrel with Arnold...,.vol. xiii. 567 bides his time.vol. xiv. 24 begins the battle.vol. xiv. 26 plan of attack. .vol. xiv. 26 sends to recall Arnold.vol. xiv. 28 in Burgoyne’s camp. vol. xiv. 31 measures to insure a surrender. vol. xiv. 31 terms of Burgoyne’s capitulation.vol. xiv. 40 number of troops.vol. xiv. 41 humanity and forbearance. .vol. xiv. 41 meeting with Burgoyne.vol. xiv. 41 Ipdex 525 appearance of Ms camp.vol. xiv. 42 elation at Ms success.vol. xiv. 64 disrespect to WasMngton.vol. xiv. 64 indisposition to re-enforce Washington.vol. xiv. 76 president of the Board of War. vol. xiv. 76 in the ascendant.vol. xiv. 88 the Conway letter.vol. xiv. 88 perplexities.vol. xiv. 88 to Washington on the Conway letter.vol. xiv. 89 projects an invasion of Canada.vol. xiv. 109 correspondence with Washington.vol. xiv. 109 at Yorktown. vol. xiv. 110 on Stark.„...vol. xiv. 110 to Washington on the Conway correspondence.vol. xiv. 112 to Washington concerning Conway.vol. xiv. 117 to Wilkinson about the Conway letter.vol. xiv. 123 reconciliation with Wilkinson.vol. xiv. 125 to resume command of the Northern Department.vol. xiv. 148 sent to Danbury..vol. xiv. 217 to command the Southern Department.vol. xiv. 327 meeting with De Kalb.vol. xiv. 342 march to Camden.vol. xiv. 342 amount of force under.vol. xiv. 343 encounters Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 343 council of war. vol. xiv. 344 battle of Camden...vol. xiv. 344 retreats.vol. xiv. 346 proceeds toward Charlotte.vol. xiv. 347 makes a stand at Hillsborough.vol. xiv. 348 to Washington on his defeat.vol. xiv. 350 altered fortunes...vol. xiv. 412 collects his army at Hillsborough.vol. xiv. 439 advances to Charlotte.vol. xiv. 439 sympathizing letter from Washington. .vol. xiv. 440 change of feeling toward Greene.vol. xiv. 441 reception by the General Assembly of Virginia.vol. xiv. 442 presides over committee of officers.vol. xv. 24 Genet, Edmund Charles, minister to the United States.vol. xv. 256 lands at Charleston.vol. xv. 256 issues commissions for privateers.vol. xv. 257 journey to Philadelphia. vol. xv. 257 described.vol. xv. 258 reception at Philadelphia.vol. xv. 258 presents his letter of credence. vol. xv. 261 diplomatic speech.vol. xv. 261 takes umbrage.vol. xv. 264 dissatisfaction with government.vol. xv. 264 demands the release of two Americans.vol. xv. 265 case of the “Little Sarah”.vol. xv. 267 526 li?dex at New York. vol. xv. 278 grievances of.vol. xv. 278 complains of Jefferson. voL xv. 279 appeal to the people.vol. xv. 280 to Jefferson on enlistments.vol. xv. 294 his recall.. .vol. xv. 294 Gentlemen Associators.vol. xii. 239 George II., anecdote.vol. xii. 134 on Lord Howe.voL xiii. 69 Georgia joins the league.vol. xii. 422 expedition against......vol. xiv. 224 reduced to submission.vol. xiv. 224 Gerard, Monsieur, arrival of.vol. xiv. 196 Germaine, Lord George, plan of invasion.vol. xiii. 433 on the surrender of Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 607 Germantown, Washington’s camp at.vol. xiii. 467 situation of.vol. xiv. 47 battle of ..vol. xiv. 50 Wayne’s attack.vol. xiv. 51 Greene’s attack.vol. xiv. 53 panic in the American Army.vol. xiv. 54 loss on both sides.vol. xiv. 54 Washington on.vol. xiv. 55 Captain Heth on. vol. xiv. 55 Wayne on. vol. xiv. 55 effect of... voL xiv. 56 English opinion of. vol. xiv. 58 effect in France.......vol. xiv. 56 effect on the American army.vol. xiv. 56 Gerry, Elbridge, anecdote of Warren...,...vol. xii. 451 suggested to accompany General Lee...vol. xii. 489 envoy to France..... .vol. xv. 369 Gibbon, Lieutenant, leads forlorn hope at Stony Point.vol. xiv. 246 Giles, Mr., moves resolutions concerning Hamilton..vol. xv. 245 speech concerning Washington’s administration..vol. xv. 273 Gimat, Lieutenant-colonel, to lead the advance.vol. xiv. 596 Gist, Christopher, dispatched to explore the Ohio,.vol. xii. 72 threatened by traders... vol. xii. 72 visits the Shawnees on the Scioto.. vol. xii. 74 his reception at Muskingum... vol. xii. 73 arrives at Piqua. vol. xii. 74 forms an alliance with two Miami tribes.vol. xii. 74 is deterred from descending to Great Fails. vol. xii. 75 returns across Kentucky. voi. xii. 75 arrives at his home on the banks of the Yadkin.voL xii. 76 his home has been desolated by Indians, but his family are saved.vol. xii. 76 rejoins them.vol. xii. 76 proceeds to survey the lands of the Ohio Company.voL xii. 78 Irjdex 527 builds 3 fort at Shurtee’s Creek.vol. xii. 88 commences a'settlement near Laurel Hill.vol. xii. 89 accompanies Washington.vol. xii. 92 at Murdering Town.vol. xii. 107 crosses the Alleghany River.vol. xii. 110 hands and feet frozen.vol. xii. 110 joins Washington.vol. xii. 127 sets off as scout.vol. xii. 192 his report. vol. xii. 192 to Washington.vol. xii. 227 to co-operate with Rodney.vol. xiii. 525 skirmishes.vol. xiv. 91 Gloucester Point fortified.vol. xiv. 555 Glover, General, with Massachusetts regiment.vol. xiii. 183 harasses the British.vol. xiii. 232 crosses the Delaware.vol. xiii. 317 to re-enforce Schuyler.vol. xiii. 463 to move to Red Bank.vol. xiv. 81 Gooch, Captain, takes a message to Magaw.vol. xiii. 268 Gouvion, Colonel, reconnoiters the British posts.vol. xiv. 418 Grafton, Duke of, resigns. vol. xii. 316 Graham, Sergeant, employed by Governor Try on.vol. xiii. 108 Granby captured by Lee.vol. xiv. 549 Grant, General, on Long Island.vol. xiii. 167 drives in the picket.vol. xiii. 174 pushes Stirling.vol. xiii. 178 warns Rahl of the attack.vol. xiii. 318 commands expedition against St. Lucia.vol. xiv. 223 commands the right wing. vol. xiv. 49 Grant, Major, foolhardiness...vol. xii. 278 defeated.vol. xii. 278 misrepresentations of America.vol. xii. 404 his braggart speech.vol. xii. 404 GRAVES, Admiral, connection with the burning of Falmouth..vol. xii. 531 arrives at New York.vol. xiv. 332 off the capes of Virginia.vol. xiv. 574 action with De Grasse.vol. xiv. 574 bears away for New York.vol. xiv. 575 Gray’s Elegy, anecdote of Wolfe.vol. xii. 292 Graydon, Alexander, at New York.vol. xiii. 141 characterizes Miffin.vol. xiii. 141 appearance of Maryland troops.vol. xiii. 141 Pennsylvania troops.vol. xiii. 142 Connecticut light horse. vol. xiii. 143 at the American camp.vol. xiii. 430 account of Wayne. vol. xiii. 431 shabby clothing of the troops.vol. xiii. 432 Grayson, Colonel, reconnoitering.vol. xiii. 183 to Lee on crossing the Hudson.vol. xiii. 273 528 Ii)dex Great Britain, aggressive measures toward the United States, .vol. xv. 295 excitement on account of.vol. xv. 295 treaty with, ratified.vol. xv. 326, 338 Great Meadows.vol. xii. 127, 138 affair of the.vol. xii. 139, 142 Great Tree, at the seat of government.vol. xv. 196 Greene, Colonel Christopher, commands Fort Mercer..vol. xiv. 58 repulses Count Donop.vol. xiv. 58 receives thanks of Congress.vol. xiv. 61 surprised by Delancey...vol. xiv. 526 death and history of.vol. xiv. 526 Greene, Nathaniel, appointed brigadier-general.vol. xii. 428 commanding Rhode Island troops.vol. xii. 471 birth and parentage.vol. xii. 471 early education.vol. xii. 471 military taste.vol. xii. 471 addresses Washington.vol. xii. 472 appearance and manner.vol. xii. 472 under Major-general Lee.vol. xii. 482 on the destruction of Falmouth.vol. xii. 534 respect for Franklin.vol. xii. 536 veneration for Washington.vol. xii. 542 sympathizes with Washington.vol. xii. 585 to Henry Ward on the disposition to disband.vol. xii. 586 cheerfulness. vol. xii. 586 stationed on Long Island. vol. xiii. 76 pushes the works.vol. xiii. 100 meets Alexander Hamilton.vol. xiii. 114 becomes acquainted.vol. xiii. 114 at Brooklyn.vol. xiii. 165 illness .vol. xiii. 165 a soldier’s yearnings for home. vol. xiii. 194 relative to abandoning New York. vol. xiii. 201 on the retreat from New York.(note) vol. xiii. 206 to Washington offering aid...vol. xiii. 228 promoted.vol. xiii. 218 attack on the British frigates.vol. xiii. 236 precautions against the enemy.vol. xiii. 247 to Washington against abandoning Fort Washington....vol. xiii. 248 re-enforces Fort Washington..vol. xiii. 250 re-enforces Magaw.vol. xiii. 263 on the movements of Lee...vol. xiii. 293 ardor for the attack on Trenton.vol. xiii. 314 harasses the enemy’s advance.vol. xiii. 333 at Morristown.vol. xiii. 356 dispatched to Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 378 to repair to Red Bank.vol. xiv. 79 inspects the Highland forts. vol. xiii. 413 advances to the relief. vol. xiii. 537 Ii)dex 529 Greene, Nathaniel, desperate conflict.vol. xiii. 537 at the battle of Germantown. vol. xiv. 52 on exploit of Lafayette.vol. xiv. 84 appointed quartermaster-general.vol. xiv. 145 detached to flank the enemy.vol. xiv. 177 repulses the enemy...vol. xiv. 181 detached to the expedition against Rhode Island.vol. xiv. 199 on board of the French fleet. vol. xiv. 199 interview with D’Estaing.vol. xiv. 203 in command at Short Hills...........vol. xiv. 322 fight at Springfield.....vol. xiv. 323 difficulty with Congress. vol. xiv. 335 resignation accepted.vol. xiv. 335 presides over board of general officers.vol. xiv. 390 meets the British commissioners.vol. xiv. 395 ordered to West Point.vol. xiv. 409 appointed to command the Southern army.vol. xiv. 413 arrives at Charlotte. vol. xiv. 440 delicacy to Gates.vol. xiv. 441 to Washington on Gates.vol. xiv. 441 number of troops. vol. xiv. 442 military aphorisms. vol. xiv. 442 state of the country. vol. xiv. 442 reorganizes the army. . vol. xiv. 444 at Cheraw Hills. vol. xiv. 445 to Washington on the state of the army... ..vol. xiv. 446 to Washington on the battle of the Cowpens...vol. xiv. 480 hastens to Morgan’s camp.vol. xiv. 480 to Huger on Cornwallis’s movements....vol. xiv. 481 his Fabian policy.vol xiv. 481 disposition of his troops.vol. xiv. 482 Mrs. Steele, anecdote.vol. xiv. 486 at Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 487 summons a qouncil of war.vol. xiv. 487 amount of force.vol. xiv. 487 pushes for the Dan.vol. xiv. 488 masterly retreat. vol. xiv. 489 crosses the Dan.vol. xiv. 489 to Jefferson on his retreat. vol. xiv. 490 to Washington on the same.vol. xiv. 490 recrosses the Dan...vol. xiv. 493 at Troublesome Creek.vol. xiv. 496 re-enforced. vol. xiv. 496 number of troops.vol. xiv. 498 at Guilford.vol. xiv. 498 disposition of troops.vol. xiv. 499 battle of Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 500 orders a retreat.vol. xiv. 502 to Washington on Cornwallis. vol. xiv. 502 Vol. XV.—* * * 23 530 Ir^dex pursues Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 506 at Deep River.vol. xiv. 506 reduction of force.vol. xiv. 507 change of plans to Washington.vol. xiv. 507 to Lafayette on Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 508 discharges his militia.vol. xiv. 508 sets out for Camden.vol. xiv. 508 at Hobkirk’s Hill. vol. xiv. 548 retreats before Lord Rawdon.vol. xiv. 548 on the Wateree.vol. xiv. 549 gloomy prospects.vol. xiv. 549 before the fortress of Ninety-Six.vol. xiv. 550 retreats across the Saluda.vol. xiv. 550 to Washington on cavalry. .vol. xiv. 551 pursued by Rawdon.vol. xiv. 551 on the Wateree.vol. xiv. 551 to Sumter urging active measures.vol. xiv. 552 from Washington concerning re-enforcements..vol. xiv. 557 on the hills of Santee . vol. xiv. 584 marches against Colonel Stuart.vol. xiv. 584 battle of Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 585 resumes his position.vol. xiv. 591 follows Stuart.vol. xiv. 591 to Washington on the battle of Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 591 Washington in the dance..vol. xv. 78 death of.vol. xv. 84 Green Mountain Boys.vol. xii. 255 fresh corps to be raised.vol. xii. 499 elect Warner lieutenant-colonel.vol. xii. 505 arrival at camp.vol. xii. 519 Greenway Court.vol. xii. 63 menaced by Indians.vol. xii. 232 Gregg, Colonel, in quest of Indians.vol. xii. 232 Grenville, George, advises American taxation.... .vol. xii. 320 dismissed from the Cabinet.vol. xii. 328 explanation of British measures.. .vol. xv. 297 Grey, Major-general Sir Charles, sent to surprise Wayne.... .vol. xiii. 542 presses the American troops. vol. xiv. 53 on a ravaging expedition.vol. xiv. 210 surprises Baylor’s dragoons.vol. xiv. 210 raised to the peerage.vol. xiv. 222 Gridley, Captain Samuel, commands artillery.vol. xii. 436 Gridley, Colonel, commanding artillery.vol. xii. 432 reconnoiters Charlestown Neck.vol. xii. 434 accompanies detachment for Bunker’s Hill.vol. xii. 437 plans fortifications.vol. xii. 437 superintends fortification of Dorchester Heights.vol. xiii. 55 Griffin, Colonel, co-operates with Washington.vol. xiii. 315 decoys Donop.. . .vol. xiii. 330 Ir?dex 531 Griffith, Colonel, joins Washington at New York.vol. xiii. 195 Guilford Court-house, battle of.vol. xiv. 500 after the battle .vol. xiv. 501 loss on both sides.vol. xiv. 502 11 Hackensack, American army at.vol. xiii. 273 Haff, James, confession. vol. xiii. 112 Hale, Colonel, gives way.vol. xiii. 456 death.vol. xiii. 456 Hale, Nathan, sketch of...(note) vol. xiv. 387 Half Town, at the seat of government.vol. xv. 196 Halifax intrenched by Kosciuszko.vol. xiii. 573 Halket, Sir Peter .....vol. xii. 184 Hall, Colonel, at McGowan’s Ford. vol. xiv. 418 Hamilton, Brigadier-general, in the invasion from Canada...vol. xiii. 443 Hamilton, Governor.,.vol. xii. 71 command of Burgoyne’s camp.vol. xiv. 25 Hamilton, Alexander, commands a provincial company.vol. xiii. 114 birth and early days.vol. xiii. 116 education.vol. xiii. 116 addresses a public meeting. vol. xiii. 117 captain of artillery... vol. xiii. 117 acquaintance with General Greene. vol. xiii. 118 brings up the rear in the retreat.vol. xiii. 186 interview with Washington.vol. xiii. 209 at the Raritan. .vol. xiii. 288 on the situation of Cornwallis.vol. xiii. 352 rapid rise.vol. xiii. 432 dispatched to Congress.vol. xiii. 481 mission to Gates.vol. xiv. 65, 74 concludes his mission.vol. xiv. 75 and Putnam’s hobby-horse.vol. xiv. 75 emphatical letter to Putnam. ..vol. xiv. 76 on the reluctance of the troops.vol. xiv. 76 reasons against the abduction of Sir Henry Clinton.vol. xiv. 147 on the decision of council of war.vol. xiv. 172 boards the French fleet.*....vol. xiv. 198 to Washington on the enemy. vol. xiv. 300 breakfasts with Arnold.vol. xiv. 376 learns of Arnold’s treason.vol. xiv. 378 sent in pursuit of Arnold.vol. xiv. 379 return to Washington with letters.vol. xiv. 381 describes interview between Washington and Mrs. Arnold.vol. xiv. 383 account of Andre’s conduct.vol. xiv. 385 at dinner with Chastellux ...vol. xiv. 420 eulogium of Washington.vol. xiv. 464 misunderstanding with Washington.vol. xiv. 465 532 ipdex dislike of the office of aid-de-camp.vol. xiv. 467 ambitious for distinction.vol. xiv. 467 reconciliation with Washington.vol. xiv. 469 leads the advance on the redoubts.vol. xiv. 596 enters the redoubts.vol. xiv. 596 at Washington’s inauguration.vol. xv. 116 and the new constitution...vol. xv. 134 on presidential etiquette. vol. xv. 130 on the French Revolution.vol. xv. 154 report on the national debt.vol. xv. 168 plan for its liquidation.vol. xv. 170 opposition to.vol. xv. 170 monarchial views.vol. xv. 174 conversation with Jefferson.vol. xv. 176 urges a national bank.vol. xv. 193 on the British Constitution. vol. xv. 193 on monarchy and stock gambling. vol. xv. 230 urges Washington to serve another term.vol. xv. 333 attack on Jefferson.vol. xv. 236 to Washington on dissension with Jefferson.vol. xv. 238 on the French Revolution .vol. xv. 259 concerning French prizes.vol. xv. 265 case of the “Little Sarah”.vol. xv. 272 intention to resign.vol. xv. 275 on war with Great Britain.vol. xv. 298 recommends Jay. vol. xv. 299 plan for the redemption of the public debt.vol. xv. 313 sends in his resignation.vol. xv. 314 to Washington on his resignation.vol. xv. 314 on Rufus King.vol. xv. 341 to Washington, his farewell address.vol. xv. 350 to Washington on threatened war with France.vol. xv. 374 to Washington on his apppintment as commander-in¬ chief .,.vol. xv. 376 second in command.vol. xv. 377 Hammond, Mr., British minister, and Genet.vol. xv. 257 Hampton, Colonel.vol. xiii. 540 Hampton, Colonel Henry, to watch Orangeburg.vol. xiv. 551 Hampton, Colonel Wade, at Dorchester.vol. xiv. 551 before Charleston...vol. xiv. 552 at Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 588 rallies the cavalry.vol. xiv. 588 Hamtranck, Major, sent after deserters. vol. xv. 208 Hancock, John, president of the Provincial Congress.vol. xii. 396 apprised of the movements of troops.vol. xii. 405 president of Congress.vol. xii. 422 ambition to be commander-in-chief.vol. xii. 424 mortification.vol. xii. 426 excepted from proffered pardon.vol. xii. 431 Ipdex 533 invites Washington to be his guest....vol. xiii. 87 ordering Gates to the command of the Northern Depart- ment .vol. xiii. 385 invitation to Washington.vol. xv. 157 observance of etiquette...vol. xv. 157 reception of Washington, point of etiquette.vol. xv. 158 waives the point.vol. xv. 160 visit to Washington.vol. xv. 160 Hand, Colonel, retreats before the enemy at Gravesend.vol. xiii. 167 prepared for defense. vol. xiii. 168 watches the central road.vol. xiii. 168 holds the bridge at Throg’s Neck...vol. xiii. 227 intercepts the Hessians.vol. xiii. 346 society of the Cincinnati. vol. xv. 36 Hanging Hock successfully attacked by Sumter.vol. xiv. 341 Harcourt, Colonel, joins Howe.....vol. xiii. 235 captures General Lee.vol. xiii. 303 Hardin, Colonel, scouring the country.vol. xiv. 584 decoyed into an ambush.vol. xv. 189 battle with Indians...vol. xv. 189 HARMER, Brigadier-general, leads an expedition against the Indians.vol. xv. 189 destroys Miami village.,.vol. xv. 189 expedition reported to Congress... .vol. xv. 191 Harnage, Major.vol. xiii. 556 Harrison, Benjamin, delegated to the General Congress.vol. xii. 373 on committee to confer with Washington. vol. xii. 535 on the bombardment of Boston.vol. xii. 536 member of the board of war and ordnance.vol. xiii. 89 Harrison, Colonel Robert H., secretary to Washington.vol. xiii. 356 referee for exchange of prisoners.....vol. xiii. 365 to Congress predicting the enemy’s repulse.vol. xiii. 532 appointment of.vol. xv. 145 Hartshorn, Ensign, decoyed into an ambush...vol. xv. 189 Haslet, Colonel John, joins Lord Stirling’s brigade.vol. xv. 171 statement of.vol. xv. 177 attempt to take Rogers the renegade.vol. xv. 233 publicly thanked.vol. xv. 233 detached to Chatterton’s Hill.vol. xv, 237 killed at Princeton.vol. xv. 345 Haviland, Colonel, crosses Lake Champlain. vol. xii. 299 Hay, Colonel, to Washington, on the protection of the High¬ lands.vol. xiii. 134 Hazard, postmaster, to Gates concerning Lee.vol. xiii. 255 on the Hessians.(note) vol. xiii. 354 Hazelwood, Commodore, in the Delaware.vol. xiv. 58 receives thanks of Congress.vol. xiv. 62 Heath, General, takes command of the Minute Men.vol. xii. 410 brings them to a halt.vol. xii. 411 534 Ipdex appointed Brigadier-general.vol. xii. 428 to fortify Lechmere Point.vol. xii. 566 dispatched to New Nork.vol. xiii. 73 on the discipline of Mifflin’s troops.vol. xiii. 164 preparations to receive the enemy.vol. xiii. 165 retreat from Long Island.vol. xiii. 186 to keep guard on New York Island.vol. xiii. 202 landing of the British at Throg’s Neck.vol. xiii. 226 skillful distribution of his troops.vol. xiii. 226 appearance of the enemy at White Plains....vol. xiii. 239 the two armies at White Plains.vol. xiii. 241 American defenses.vol. xiii. 241 to secure the Highlands. vol. xiii. 242 in command at the Highlands.vol. xiii. 250 described.vol. xiii. 253 refuses to obey Lee.vol. xiii. 280 to Washington for instructions.vol. xiii. 281 refuses to order troops for Lee.vol. xiii. 291 military punctilio.vol. xiii. 291 on the conduct of Lee.vol. xiii. 292 to march into the Jerseys .vol. xiii. 350 advances toward New York.vol. xiii. 350 pompous summons to Fort Independence...vol. xiii. 352 rebuked by Washington.vol. xiii. 352 stationed in the Highlands.vol. xiv. 261 charmed with the French officers.vol. xiv. 330 commands West Point.vol. xiv. 560 Henderson, Lieutenant-colonel, joins Greene.....vol. xiv. 585 at Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 585 severely wounded.vol. xiv. 587 Hendrick, Mohawk warrior, slain.vol. xii. 230 Henfield, Gideon, case of.vol. xv. 272 Henry, Patrick, introduces his resolutions.vol. xii. 322 speech on his resolutions.vol. xii. 322 anecdote. vol. xii. 322 delegate to the General Congress.vol. xii. 373 sets out for Philadelphia.vol. xii. 377 sectional distinctions.vol. xii. 377 speech at the opening of the General Congress.vol. xii. 381 opinion of Washington.vol. xii. 385 speech before the convention at Richmond.vol. xii. 403 letter to, against Washington.vol. xiv. 106 declines appointment.vol. xv. 388 Herkimer, General, commands in Tryon County.vol. xiii. 442 at Oriskany.vol. xiii. 496 dispute with his officers.vol. xiii. 496 attacked by the enemy.vol. xiii. 497 wounded.vol. xiii. 498 death.vol. xiii. 499 Ipdex 536 Herrick, Colonel, at Bennington.vol. xiii. 511 Hertburn, William de, progenitor of the Washingtons.vol. xii. 27 Hessians, hired by England.vol. xiii. 78 in Canada.vol. xiii. 78 arrive in America.vol. xiii. 155 sanguinary fury.vol. xiii. 177 re-enforce Howe.vol. xiii. 284 American opinion of. vol. xiii. 310 stationed at Trenton.vol. xiii. 310 captured by Washington.vol. xiii. 323 treatment.vol. xiii. 329 plunder both sides. vol. xiii. 354 described by Hazard.(note) vol. xiii. 354 tactics.vol. xiii. 511 Heth, Captain, on the battle of Germantown.vol. xiv. 54 to Colonel Lamb, on the same. vol. xiv. 54 Hickey, Thomas, Washington’s body guard.vol. xiii. 108 convicted and hanged...vol. xiii. 108 Highlands, state of defenses.vol. xiii. 502 Hill, Lieutenant-colonel, attacks Colonel Long.vol. xiii. 455 Hinman, Colonel, to re-enforce Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 497 arrives at Ticonderoga..vol. xii. 498 difficulties with Arnold.vol. xii. 499 in command of Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 502 Hitchcock, Colonel, re-enforces Cadwalader.vol. xiii. 307 Hobkirk’s Hill, affair at..vol. xv. 358 Holbourne, Admiral, demonstration against Louisburg.vol. xii. 255 Holmes, Rear-admiral.vol. xii. 290, 291 Hood, Commodore, on the troubles in Boston.vol. xii. 332 to Grenville on the sedition.vol. xii. 341 Hotham, Commodore, convoys expedition against St. Lucia..vol. xiv. 223 Houdon’s bust of Washington.(appendix) vol. xv. 412 takes a model of Washington.—vol. xv. 72 House of Representatives, on the public credit.vol. xv. 143 opposition to Washington.vol. xv. 335 make provision for the treaty.vol. xv. 338 reply to Washington’s last address.vol. xv. 351 Howard, Colonel, under Morgan.vol. xiv. 445 Howard, Major, retreating.vol. xiv. 179 at the battle of the Cowpens.vol. xiv. 476 Howe, Lord, in the expedition against Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 266 dies while leading the van.vol. xii. 266 Howe, Admiral Lord, fondness for business.vol. xiii. 69 character and services.vol. xiii. 69 arrives at New York. vol. xiii. 125 proclamation of.vol. xiii. 126 comes as a mediator.vol. xiii. 127 sends flag of truce.vol. xiii. 127 sends Gen. Sullivan on parole to Congress with overtures, vol. xiii. 196 536 Ir>dex' plan of compromise. .vol. xiii. 196 to Franklin on reunion of Great Britain and America., .vol. xiii. 198 conference with commissioners.vol. xiii. 199 and Franklin, anecdote.vol. xiii. 199 conflagration in New York. vol. xiii. 213 issues proclamation.vol. xiii. 289 to Washington on the treatment of prisoners.vol. xiii. 371 gets his fleet into the Delaware.vol. xiv. 46 at Sandy Hook.vol. xiv. 186 brings his fleet to the relief of R. I. ..vol. xiv. 201 maneuvers of the fleets.vol. xiv. 202 bears away to New York...:.vol. xiv. 202 return to England.vol. xiv. 211 Howe, General Robert, at Savannah.vol. xiv. 224 defeated by the British.vol. xiv. 224 Howe, Major-general, quells mutiny.vol. xiv. 460 dispatched to quell a mutiny.vol. xv. 42 Howe, Sir William, in the expedition against Quebec.vol. xii. 286 ascends the Heights of Abraham.vol. xii. 293 arrives at Boston.vol. xii. 430 lands with troops at Moulton’s Point.vol. xii. 438 reconnoiters the American works.vol. xii. 441 sends for re-enforcements.vol. xii. 441 prepares for the assault.vol. xii. 365 advances against the fence.vol. xii. 365 troops thrown into confusion.vol. xii. 366 makes a feint of attacking the fence.vol. xii. 448 wounded. vol. xii. 448 description of.vol. xii. 466 reproached by Congress.vol. xii. 467 intrenched..vol. xii. 468 measures taken.vol. xii. 538 issues proclamation.vol. xii. 538 to Washington concerning Ethan Allen.vol. xii. 563 measures to repress excesses.vol. xiii. 48 perplexed. vol. xiii. 59 declines attacking Dorchester Heights.vol. xiii. 59 retreat from Boston.vol. xiii. 65 steers for Halifax. vol. xiii. 67 indolent disposition.vol. xiii. 68 arrives at New York.vol. xiii. 113 to his government on the state of affairs. vol. xiii. 113 plans for the battle of Long Island.vol. xiii. 172 accompanies division from Flatlands.vol. xiii. 123 at Throg’s Neck.vol. xiii. 233 lands on Pell’s Point.vol. xiii. 233 at New Rochelle.vol. xiii. 234 postpones the assault.vol. xiii. 242 plan of attack on Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 262 Ir?dex 537 the attack. . .vol. xiii. 263 conduct of the seamen.vol. xiii. 273 hears of the capture of the Hessians.vol. xiii. 336 on the march.vol. xiii. 339 contrasted with Washington. vol. xiii. 361 to Washington concerning Lee.vol. xiii. 365 to Lord Germaine, relative to Lee.vol. xiii. 365 prepares to attack Peekskill. vol. xiii. 379 crosses to the Jerseys.vol. xiii. 420 sallies from Brunswick. vol. xiii. 420 endeavors to draw Washington out.vol. xiii. 423 another attempt.vol. xiii. 425 evacuates the Jerseys.vol. xiii. 426 leaves New York.vol. xiii. 465 enters the Delaware. vol. xiii. 467 sails out of the capes.vol. xiii. 467 lands from the fleet.vol. xiii. 523 issues proclamation.vol. xiii. 525 at Elkton.vol. xiii. 528 battle of Brandywine. vol. xiii. 531 neglects to pursue his advantage.vol. xiii. 539 pushes for Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 543 halts at Germantown. vol. xiii. 545 detaches a force against Billingsport.vol. xiv. 47 headquarters.vol. xiv. 48 constructing redoubts on Province Island.vol. xiv. 71 attacks Fort Mifflin.vol. xiv. 71 expedition against Fort Mercer.vol. xiv. 81 preparing to drive Washington beyond the mountains...vol. xiv. 89 meditates attack on the American camp.vol. xiv. 89 maneuvers.vol. xiv. 90 retires to Philadelphia.,.vol. xiv. 92 excesses of foraging parties. vol. xiv. 147 resignation accepted.vol. xiv. 155 the Mischianza.vol. xiv. 155 Hubbard, Colonel, at Bennington.vol. xiii. 542 Huddy, Captain Joseph, murdered in revenge for Philip White.vol. xiv. 614 Hudson River, defenses of.vol. xiii. 42 strategical position.vol. xiii. 122 defenses.vol. xiii. 208 British ships move up.vol. xiii. 219 new obstructions.;.vol. xiii. 219 opened for the British.vol. xiii. 571 HUGER, Brigadier-general, at Monk’s Corner.vol. xiv. 306 surprised by Tarleton.vol. xiv. 306 in command on the Pedee. vol. xiv. 481 at Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 485, 499 Hughes, Colonel, ordered to impress water-craft...vol. xiii. 184 538 Iqdex Humphreys, Colonel, on preparation for attacking the British posts...vol. xiv. 419 accompanies Washington to Mount Vernon.vol. xiv. 572 to Washington on the troubles in Massachusetts.vol. xv. 93 meets Washington.vol. xv. 98 inauguration of Washington.vol. xv. 114 Humphreys, Colonel, Washington’s first levee, anecdote.vol. xv. 131 Huntingdon, Colonel, hangs on the enemy’s rear.vol. xiii. 399 Huntington, General, to join Vamum.vol. xiv. 81 on the destitution of the troops. vol. xiv. 95 society of the Cincinnati.vol. xiv. 174 Huntington, Major.vol. xiii. 291 I Indian council at Logstown.vol. xii. 90, 93 Indian traders, described.vol. xii. 68 Indian war dance. vol. xii. 60 Indian warfare...vol. xiv. 213 Indians, leave Braddock...vol. xii. 182 outrages of.vol. xii. 231 troubles with.vol. xii. 346 visit Washington at Cambridge.vol. xii. 509 with Burgoyne. .vol. xiii. 486 murder Miss McCrea.vol. xiii. 488 desert Burgoyne .vol. xiii. 490 described by a Hessian.vol. xiii. 507 oblige St. Leger to decamp.vol. xiii. 516 difficulties with.vol. xv. 188 hostilities west of the Ohio.vol. xv. 311 treaty with Wayne...vol. xv. 334 Innes, Colonel, at Winchester.vol. xii. 136 concerning the Indians.vol. xii. 182 Iroquois, stand aloof.vol. xii. 268 Iredell, James, judge of supreme court.vol. xv. 145 Irvine, Colonel, taken prisoner.vol. xiii. 106 Irvine, James, Brigadier-general, taken prisoner.vol. xiv. 90 J JACK, Captain, commands hunters.vol. xii. 171 at Little Meadows. vol. xii. 186 departs with his band.vol. xii. 187 Jackson, Andrew...vol. xv. 353 Jackson, Major, accompanies Washington.vol. xv. 156 Washington’s reception at Boston.vol. xv. 156 Jacobin Club.vol. xv. 165 Jacobs, Captain, Indian sachem.vol. xii. 240 killed.vol. xii. 240 Jameson, Lieutenant-colonel, sends papers found on Andre, to Washington.vol. xiv. 372 informs Arnold of the capture of Andre... -.vol. xiv. 373 iQdex 539 JAY, John, drafts address to the people of Great Britain.vol. xii. 384 and the conspiracy in New York.vol. xiii. 107 to Rutledge.... *..vol. xiii. 227 to Gouverneur Morris, on the defense of New York.vol. xiii. 227 to Rutledge, concerning pee.vol. xiii. 229 on the opposition to Washington.(note) vol. xiv. 130 approves of Arnold’s plan of settlement in New York_vol. xiv. 266 correspondence with Washington.vol. xv. 89 at the head of affairs...vol. xv. 124 appointed Chief-justice.vol. xv. 144 on republicanism.vol. xv. 174 concerning Genet.vol. xv. 282 envoy to Great Britain.. vol. xv. 299 progress of negotiations.vol. xv. 316 his treaty with Great Britain. vol. xv. 316 return to America. vol. xv. 317 elected Governor of New York.vol. xv. 317 Jefferson, Thomas, Arnold’s invasion.vol. xiv. 461 correspondence with Washington.vol. xiv. 463 escapes to Carter’s Mountain. vol. xiv. 540 on Knox and Humphreys.vol. xv. 132 anecdotes related by.vol. xv. 132 sketch of character and opinions.vol. xv. 146 in Paris. ... .vol. xv. 147 opinions on the new Constitution.vol. xv. 148 re-eligibility of the President.....vol. xv. 149 horror of kingly rule.vol. xv. 149 on titles. vol. xv. 149 Washington’s election to the presidency.vol. xv. 149 on French politics.vol. xv. 150 and the leading patriots. vol. xv. 150 to Paine on the National Assembly.vol. xv. 152 on the French Revolution.vol. xv. 152 appointed Secretary of State.vol. xv. 165 arrives at New York.vol. xv. 173 impressions concerning the political tone of society.vol. xv. 174 conversation with Hamilton. vol. xv. 178 remonstrates with Washington on ceremonials..vol. xv. 258 discords in Congress.vol. xv. 182 concerning Hamilton.vol. xv. 182 accompanies Washington to Rhode Island......vol. xv. 193 opposed to a National Bank.vol. xv. 193 rivalry with Hamilton. .vol. xv. 194 spmpathy with the French Revolution..vol. xv. 203 hatred of royalty.vol. xv. 205 intention of retirement.vol. xv. 218 concerning Hamilton.vol. xv. 220 appreciation of Hamilton.vol. xv. 220 conversation between Hamilton and Adams.vol. xy. 221 540 Ipdex urging Washington not to retire.vol. xv. 226 to Lafayette, suspicions.vol. xv. 228 conversation with Washington on political matters.vol. xv. 230 to Washington on dissensions with Hamilton.vol. xv. 240 concerning Gouverneur Morris..vol. xv. 248 on the atrocities of the French Revolution.vol. xv. 250 to Madison on the war between England and France.vol. xv. 258 to Madison on Genet’s speech.vol. xv. 261 conversation with Washington on attacks of the press_vol. xv. 262 on Freneau’s paper.vol. xv. 262 concerning French prizes.*.vol. xv. 265 interview with Genet. vol. xv. 267 relative to Washington’s illness.vol. xv. 265 case of the “Little Sarah”.vol. xv. 267 concerning recall of Genet. vol. xv. 274 intention to resign.\.vol. xv. 275 interview with Washington.vol. xv. 275 to Genet, announcing application for his recall.vol. xv. 279 report on the state of trade.vol. xv. 288 rebuke to Genet.vol. xv. 289 retirement from office.vol. xv. 289 at Monticello.....vol. xv. 290 character of Washington.vol. xv. 291 on war with Great Britain.vol. xv. 298 to Tench Coxe, from Monticello.vol. xv. 300 to Monroe on Washington’s influence.vol. xv. 342 on breach of official trust.vol. xv. 343 elected Vice-President. vol. xv. 355 takes the oath of office.vol. xv. 356 Jeskakake, Shannoah, sachem.vol. xii. 96 Johnson family, power in New York.vol. xii. 458 style of living.vol. xii. 459 adherents.vol. xii. 459 incite the Indians to hostility. .vol. xii. 459 Johnson, Colonel Guy, supports the royal cause.... .vol. xii. 460 fortifies Guy’s Park.vol. xii. 460 holds an Indian council.vol. xii. 461 doubtful intentions.vol. xii. 461 at Montreal. vol. xii. 502 contemplates hostilities.vol. xiii. 95 Johnson, Sir John, supports the royal cause...vol. xii. 459 fortifies the family hall...vol. xii. 459 fortifies Johnson Hall.vol. xiii. 37 prepares for hostilities.vol. xiii. 37 surrenders to General Schuyler.vol. xiii. 38 contemplates hostilities.vol. xiii. 95 retreats among the Indians. vol. xiii. 95 rumored to be in the field.vol. xiii. 96 contemplated inroad of. vol. xiii. 425 I i)dex 541 on his way to attack Fort Schuyler.vol. xiii. 434 depredations .vol. xiv. 414 Johnson, Sir William.vol. xii. 168 expedition against Crown Point.vol. xii. 226 defeats the French.vol. xii. 229 erects Fort William Henry.vol. xii. 229 made baronet and superintendent of Indian affairs.vol. xii. 230 joins Abercrombie.vol. xii. 267 to attack Fort Niagara.vol. xii. 284 conducts the siege...;.vol. xii. 285 captures the fort.vol. xii. 285 before Montreal.vol. xii. 299 influence with the Six Nations.....vol. xii. 315 concern at the difficulties.vol. xii. 459 death. vol. xii. 459 Johnson, of Maryland, nominates Washington commander- in-chief.vol. xii. 420 Johnstone, George, commissioner from Great Britain.vol. xiv. 162 Fox’s opinion of.vol. xiv. 162 on the state of Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 163 attempt to bribe General Reed .vol. xiv. 165 to Robert Morris, attempts at corruption.vol. xiv. 165 Joncaire, Captain.vol. xii. 79 his history.vol. xii. 80 appears at Logstown. vol. xii. 80 addresses the chiefs. vol. xii. 80 writes to the Governor of Pennsylvania. vol. xii. 80 interview with Washington.vol. xii. 95 entertains Washington at supper. vol. xii. 97 his diplomacy with the Indians.vol. xii. 98 Jones, David, Lieutenant, and Miss McCrea.vol. xiii. 486 Jones, Honorable Joseph, letter on army grievances.vol. xv. 27 Jumonville, his death.vol. xii. 129 instructions found upon him.vol. xii. 129 Junius, description of Lord Botetourt.vol. xii. 337 K Kane, Major, letter to, intercepted.vol. xii. 529 Kelly, Major, destroys bridge at Stony Brook.vol. xiii. 348 Kentucky admitted into the Union.vol. xv. 197 Keppel, Commodore, arrives with his squadron.vol. xii. 162 furnishes cannon.vol. xii. 162 Kiashuta, a Seneca sachem.vol. xii. 351 King, Rufus, concerning Genet.vol. xv. 282 character of.vol. xv. 341 minister to Great Britain.vol. xv. 342 King’s Bridge to be fortified.vol. xiii. 44 reconnoitered by Washington.vol. xiii. 98 works at.....vol. xiii. 98 542 Ir>dex fortified camp at.vol. xiii. 208 relinquished by the British.vol. xv. 47 King’s County committee, accusing Schuyler.vol. xiii. 84 disaffected to.vol. xiii. 378 King’s Mountain, situation. vol. xiv. 432 battle of.vol. xiv. 432 its effect.vol. xiv. 434 Kingston burned by the British. vol. xiii. 574 Kingston, Lieutenant, bears a note to Gates.vol. xiv. 39 Kinlock, Captain, takes summons to Colonel Buford.vol. xiv. 312 Kip’s Bay, landing of British...vol. xiii. 205 anecdote of Washington.vol. xiii. 205 Kirkwood at Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 588 Kitchel, Anna.(note) vol. xiv. 266 Kittanning, taken and burned...vol. xii. 240 Knowlton, Captain, joins Putnam.vol. xii. 415 leads a fatigue party...vol. xii. 436 puts up a rampart.vol. xii. 444 repulses General Howe.vol. xii. 446 maintains his position.vol. xii. 449 promoted to major.vol. xii. 482 captures a British guard.vol. xiii. 47 to attack Staten Island.vol. xiii. 154 gallant affair at an outpost.vol. xiii. 210 wounded.vol. xiii. 211 death.vol. xiii. 212 Knox, Henry, offers to obtain artillery and ordnance stores., .vol. xii. 539 account of. vol. xii. 540 instruction.vol. xii. 540 sets off on his errand.vol. xii. 541 to Washington concerning artillery and stores.vol. xii. 588 arrival at camp.vol. xiii. 50 stentorian lungs.vol. xiii. 317 promoted.vol. xiii. 356 sent to Massachusetts.vol. xiii. 374 inspects the forts of the Highlands.vol. xiii. 414 objects to leave Chew’s house garrisoned.vol. xiv. 51 accompanies Washington.vol. xiv. 375 described by Chastellux. vol. xiv. 422 dispatched to the Eastern States.vol. xiv. 455 and Washington, anecdote.vol. xiv. 598 moves patriotic resolutions.vol. xv. 28 suggests the society of the Cincinnati.vol. xv. 36 at Harlem.vol. xv. 47 enters New York.vol. xv. 47 parting with Washington.vol. xv. 49 to Washington concerning Massachusetts insurgents.vol. xv. 92 meets Washington.vol. xv. 98 reception of Washington.vol. xv. 112 Ipdex 543 . at Washington’s inauguration. vol. xv. 115 officiates as Secretary of War..vol. xv. 134 described.vol. xv. 126 presidential etiquette.vol. xv. 133 appointed Secretary of War.vol. xv. 143 in favor of a National Bank.vol. xv. 193 sides with Hamilton.vol. xv. 193 concerning French prizes.vol. xv. 263 case of the “Little Sarah”.vol. xv. 270 concerning recall of Genet...vol. xv. 274 and Washington, anecdote.vol. xv. 274 to Washington, resigning.vol. xv. 312 position assigned to.vol. xv. 377 to Washington on his appointment.vol. xv. 378 to Washington on his reply.vol. xv. 380 Knox, Lieutenant, leads forlorn hope at Stony Point.vol. xiv. 246 Knyphausen, General, re-enforces Howe. vol. xiii. 234 menaces Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 247 at Cecil Court-house.vol. xiii. 529 attempts to cross Chadd’s Ford.vol. xiii. 537 moves with the British vanguard.vol. xiv. 177 sent into Westchester County.vol. xiv. 217 left in the command of New York.vol. xiv. 262 prepares for defense.vol. xiv. 267 sends expeditions against Newark and Elizabethtown., .vol. xiv. 268 plans descent into the Jerseys.vol. xiv. 316 passes through Elizabethtown.vol. xiv. 316 sack of Connecticut Farms.vol. xiv. 318 presses on toward Morristown.vol. xiv. 318 halt before Springfield.vol. xiv. 318 retreat..... vol. xiv. 319 indecision.vol. xiv. 321 assailed for the murder of Mrs. Caldwell.vol. xiv. 321 moves against Springfield.vol. xiv. 323 engages the Americans. vol. xiv. 324 retreat.vol. xiv. 326 KojjciuszKO, Thaddeus, joins the army. vol. xiii. 391 fortifies Bemis’s Heights. .vol. xiii. 391 advances to the Dan...., .vol. xiv. 488 intrenches Halifax.vol. xiv. 491 L Lafayette, George Washington.vol. xv. 253 arrives in America.vol. xv. 332 accompanies Washington.vol. xv. 358 departs from New York.vol. xv. 366 rejoins his family. .vol. xv. 367 Lafayette, Madame de.vol. xv. 230 Lafayette, Marquis de, at Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 479 544 fr?dex Lafayette, Marquis de, offers letters of recommendation....vol. xiii. 480 his appeal.vol. xiii. 480 appointed Major-general.vol. xiii. 480 meets Washington.vol. xiii. 480 description of American army.vol. xiii. 481 modest reply to Washington. vol. xiii. 481 nature of his appointment.vol. xiii. 482 joins Sullivan’s division.vol. xiii. 535 wounded.vol. xiii. 535 on Howe’s neglect. vol. xiii. 540 to Washington, account of skirmish.vol. xiv. 87 appointed to a division.vol. xiv. 87 proceeds to Yorktown. vol. xiv. 109 toasts the commander-in-chief.vol. xiv. 110 sets out for Albany.vol. xiv. 110 to Washington, anticipations.vol. xiv. 110 perplexities.vol. xiv. 119 to Washington on his troubles.vol. xiv. 119 returns to Valley Forge.vol. xiv. 120 keeps watch on Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 158 encamps on Barren Hill.•..vol. xiv. 158 nearly surrounded. vol. xiv. 160 extricates himself.vol. xiv. 160 commands the advance.vol. xiv. 173 resigns command to Lee...vol. xiv. 174 detached to the expedition against Rhode Island.vol. xiv. 199 interview with D’Estaing.vol. xiv. 204 sets out for Boston to see D’Estaing.vol. xiv. 206 returns to the American camp.vol. xiv. 208 brings off the pickets and covering parties...vol. xiv. 208 asks leave of absence...vol. xiv. 226 project for the conquest of Canada. vol. xiv. 226 arrival at Boston.vol. xiv. 294 reaches the American camp.vol. xiv. 294 reception by Congress.vol. xiv. 295 dispatched to the French commanders.vol. xiv. 331 accompanies Washington.vol. xiv. 375 pioposes exchange of Andre for Arnold.vol. xiv. 392 commands the advance guard.vol. xiv. 417 attempted enterprise.vol. xiv. 417 anxious for action.vol. xiv. 417 in the camp of the Pennsylvania mutineers.vol. xiv. 455 in command of detachment.vol. xiv. 512 instructions.vol. xiv. 512 sets out on his march.vol. xiv. 512 further instructions.vol. xiv. 513 forced marches for Virginia.vol. xiv. 515 at the Head of Elk. vol. xiv. 515 arrives at York.vol. xiv. 516 Ipdex 545 marches to join Greene.vol. xiv. saves Richmond. * .vol. xiv. to Washington on Lund Washington’s compromise.vol. xiv. refuses to correspond with Arnold.vol. xiv. retires from before Cornwallis. vol. xiv. assumes the aggressive.vol. xiv. joined by Steuben. vol. xiv. follows Cornwallis.vol. xiv. retreats to Green Springs.vol. xiv. account of his campaign.vol. xiv. to Washington on the embarkation of the British.vol. xiv. measures to cut off Cornwallis’s retreat.vol. xiv. to Washington, urging him to command.vol. xiv. prevails on De Grasse to remain.vol. xiv. to storm a redoubt.vol. xiv. carries the works.vol. xiv. false statement concerning.(note) vol. xiv. concerning Hamilton.vol. xiv. asks leave of absence.vol. xiv. to Congress with news of peace.vol. xv. at Mount Vernon.vol. xv. on the French Revolution. vol. xv. to Washington on the same.vol. xv. to Washington, presenting the key of the Bastile.....vol. xv. on affairs in France.vol. xv. downfall of. vol. xv. prisoner at Rochefort.vol. xv. on his way to Paris.vol. xv. correspondence with Washington. .vol. xv. La Force, accompanies Washington. vol. xii. prowling about the country..vol. xii. Washington’s opinion of.vol. xii. in Washington’s power...vol. xii. kept in prison.vol. xii. his fortunes.vol. xii. Lake of the Dismal Swamp...vol. xii. Lamb, Colonel, arrives before St. John’s with artillery.vol. xii. before Quebec.vol. xii. effective fire from the ice battery.vol. xii. relative to Aaron Burr.vol. xii. in the attack.vol. xii. wounded.vol. xii. assists Arnold......vol. xiii. wounded...vol. xiii. receives Washington at West Point.vol. xiv. Lameth, Chevalier de, wounded in the attack.vol. xiv. LANGDON, President, offers prayers.vol. xii. Langlade, commands the Indians...vol. xiii. Laurens, Colonel, duel with Lee.vol. xiv. 519 521 522 539 539 541 542 542 545 545 559 569 570 562 595 595 596 597 606 31 62 163 184 185 201 248 249 366 384 99 124 127 129 156 156 313 521 159 159 160 164 165 399 399 378 597 436 487 192 546 Ii>dex boards the French fleet....vol. xiv. 199 carries a protest toD’Estaing.vol. xiv. 307 informs Washington of affairs in Charleston.vol. xiv. 38S on Andre’s fate.vol. xiv. 405 special minister to France. vol. xiv. 449 visits the camp of the Pennsylvania mutineers.vol. xiv. 455 arrives from France with the loan.vol. xiv. 567 capitulation of Yorktown.vol. xiv. 603 Laurens, Mr., remits letter to Washington.vol. xiv. 574 Lauzun, Duke de, at Newport.vol. xiv. 330 to join the American army.vol. xiv. 530 skirmish with Tarleton.vol. xiv. 583 Lawrence, Colonel.vol. xii. 164 Lawrence, Colonel John, judge advocate general.vol. xiv. 390 Lawson, General, re-enforces Green....vol. xiv. 497 at Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 499 Lear, Tobias, Washington’s private secretary.vol. xv. 71 on Washington’s character. c . .vol. xv. 74 at the inauguration of Washington...vol. xv. 114 accompanies Washington...vol. xv. 156 Washington’s state coach.vol. xv. 193 concerning St. Clair’s defeat.vol. xv. 314 Washington’s illness...vol. xv. 390 last hours of Washington.vol. xv. 396 Learned, Colonel, receives flag of truce.vol. xiii. 63 Lechmere Point, fortified by Putnam.vol. xii. 566 Ledyard, Colonel William, defense of Fort Griswold.vol. xiv. 565 Lee, Arthur, in the treasury board. vol. xv. 134 Lee, General Charles, at Boston.vol. xii. 389 history.vol. xii. 389 his birth.vol. xii. 390 serves in America. .vol. xii. 391 adopted by the Mohawks.vol. xii. 391 wounded at the battle of Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 391 at the siege of Fort Niagara.vol. xii. 391 joins Amherst at Crown Point. vol. xii. 393 at the surrender of Montreal.vol. xii. 393 in Portugal.vol. xii. 393 brave conduct.vol. xii. 393 opposes the ministry.vol. xii. 393 received by Frederick the Great.vol. xii. 393 at Warsaw.vol. xii. 393 accompanies the Polish embassador to Constantinople...vol. xii. 393 dangers and escapes.vol. xii. 393 again in England.vol. xii. 393 reception.vol. xii. 393 censured by a friend.vol. xii. 393 imbittered against the king and ministers.vol. xii. 393 returns to Poland.vol. xii. 394 /pdex 547 JjEE, General Charles, hopes of active service.vol. xii. 394 major-general in the Polish army.vol. xii. 394 restless life.vol. xii. 394 affair of honor.vol. xii. 394 attacks upon the ministry.vol. xii. 394 advocates the cause of the colonies..vol. xii. 394 visits America.vol. xii. 394 reputation.vol. xii. 394 to Edmund Burke.vol. xii. 394 at Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 397 purchases an estate.vol. xii. 399 cultivates the acquaintance of leading men.vol. xii. 400 efficient in organizing the Maryland militia.vol. xii. 400 manners.vol. xii. 400 fondness for dogs.vol. xii. 400 to Adams.vol. xii. 400 at Philadelphia. vol. xii. 424 appointed Major-general.vol. xii. 426 elected third in command.vol. xii. 426 accepts appointment.vol. xii. 426 sets out from Philadelphia.vol. xii. 427 anecdote.vol. xii. 429 description by Mrs. Adams. . vol. xii. 466 Washington’s miliary counselor.vol. xii. 479 commands left wing.vol. xii. 480 strict discipline.vol. xii. 481 profanity.vol. xii. 481 correspondence with Burgoyne.vol. xii. 488 declines an interview with Burgoyne.vol. xii. 488 on the bombardment of Boston.vol. xii. 536 and Mrs. Adams.vol. xii. 572 to Richard H. Lee, giving his policy.vol. xii. 582 sets out for Rhode Island.vol. xii. 583 test oath.vol. xii. 583 legislative censures.;.vol. xii. 583 to Washington relative to the defense of New York.vol. xii. 590 at New Haven.vol. xii. 592 military notions.vol. xii. 592 reply to New York Committee of Safety.vol. xii. 594 to Washington on recruiting success.vol. xii. 594 on the disposition of New York.vol. xii. 595 arrives at New York.vol. xiii. 39 to Washington on a resolve of Congress.vol. xiii. 39 on the arrival of Sir Henry Clinton.vol. xiii. 39 characteristic menace. vol. xiii. 40 plans of defense. vol. xiii. 41 measures against Tories.vol. xiii. 41 defiance of Governor Tryon and Captain Parker.vol. xiii. 42 removal of cannon.vol. xiii. 42 548 Ipdex Lee, General Charles, strengthens New York.vol. xiii. 43 ordered to Canada.vol. xiii. 43 to Washington on affairs in New York.vol. xiii. 43 contempt for titles.vol. xiii. 44 appointed to command the Southern department.vol. xiii. 69 to Washington on his appointment.vol. xiii. 69 sets out for the South.vol. xiii. 69 opinion of Washington.vol. xiii. 76 to Washington from the South.vol. xiii. 70 to Washington on Clinton’s expedition.....vol. xiii. 146 foils Clinton... .vol. xiii. 146 arrives at Charleston.vol. xiii. 146 to Washington on the condition of Charleston....vol. xiii. 147 encamps on Haddrell’s Point.vol. xiii. 147 describes the attack on Sullivan’s Island.vol. xiii. 148 receives thanks of Congress.vol. xiii. 150 to Washington for cavalry.vol. xiii. 150 expected in camp. vol. xiii. 235 to President of Congress on the designs of the British., .vol. xiii. 225 arrives in camp.vol. xiii. 228 to Gates on the meddling of Congress.vol. xiii. 228 arrives at White Plains.vol. xiii. 231 commands at Northcastle.... vol. xiii. 249 to Washington on his position... vol. xiii. 269 allusion to Greene. vol. xiii. 269 to Reed explaining his projects.vol. xiii. 277 to Bowdoin, plans and schemes.vol. xiii. 277 to Washington on removing troops across the Hudson., .vol. xiii. 279 to Heath on his right to command.vol. xiii. 280 to Reed, disparaging Washington.vol. xiii. 282 to Washington on his delay.vol. xiii. 290 interview with General Heath.vol. xiii. 290 question of authority.vol. xiii. 291 changes his mind.vol. xiii. 291 crosses the Hudson, laggard march....vol. xiii. 291 on military greatness.vol. xiii. 292 at Morristown.vol. xiii. 294 to Congress on his plans.vol. xiii. 294 correspondence with Washington.vol. xiii. 294 to Heath to forward troops.vol. xiii. 295 tardiness of his march.vol. xiii. 295 and the militia.vol. xiii. 297 to Gates, disparaging Washington.vol. xiii. 297 captured by Colonel Harcourt.vol. xiii. 298 effect of his loss.vol. xiii. 298 secret of his conduct......vol. xiii. 299 character of. vol. xiii. 299 treatment of.vol. xiii. 363 to Congress from New York.vol. xiii. 365 Ipdex 549 to Washington on the refusal of Congress.vol. xiii. 365 actual treatment of.vol. xiii. 367 diminished importance.vol. xiii. 373 to Washington on his captivity.vol. xiv. 136 exchanged for General Prescott.vol. xiv. 160 in command of a division.vol. xiv. 168 to Washington on the enemy’s plans.vol. xiv. 168 opposed to attack.vol. xiv. 169 relinquishes the command of the advance to Lafayette..vol. xiv. 174 military punctilio.vol. xiv. 174 commands the advance. vol. xiv. 174 encamps at Englishtown.vol. xiv. 174 advances against the enemy.vol. xiv. 176 maneuver.vol. xiv. 176 retreat.vol. xiv. 176 angry meeting with Washington.vol. xiv. 178 battle of Monmouth Court-house.vol. xiv. 180 conduct.vol. xiv. 180 cause of retreat.vol. xiv. 181 correspondence with Washington. .vol. xiv. 187 charges against.vol. xiv. 189 court-martialed.vol. xiv. 189 concerning Washington.vol. xiv. 189 sentenced.vol. xiv. 191 sentence approved by Congress.vol. xiv. 191 abuse of Washington.vol. xiv. 191 duel with Colonel Lawrence.vol. xiv. 193 retires to his estate.vol. xiv. 193 style of living. vol. xiv. 193 queries political and military.vol. xiv. 193 insolent note to Congress.vol. xiv. 194 dismissed the service.vol. xiv. 194 to Congress, apologetic.vol. xiv. 194 his character.vol. xiv. 195 his death.vol. xiv. 195 his will.vol. xiv. 195 burial.vol. xiv. 195 his manuscript.vol. xiv. 195 to Wayne, applauding his capture of Stony Point.vol. xiv. 348 caution to Gates. vol. xiv. 327 Lee, Charles, Attorney-general.....vol. xv. 332 Lee, Harry, “Light-Horse Harry”.vol. xiii. 527 repulses a surprise.vol. xiv. 135 promoted .vol. xiv. 135 surprises a party of Hessians.vol. xiv. 221 proposes an attack on Paulus Hook.vol. xiv. 253 sets out for Paulus Hook.vol. xiv. 254 surprises the post.vol. xiv. 254 difficult retreat.vol. xiv. 255 550 Ii>dex rewarded with a gold medal by Congress.vol. xiv. 255 joins Washington....vol. xiv. 320 fight at Springfield.vol. xiv. 322 concerning Arnold’s conspiracy.vol. xiv. 410 escape of Champe.vol. xiv. 410 on the reception of Gates by the General Assembly of Virginia.vol. xiv. 442 crosses the Dan.vol. xiv. 493 affair with Pyle’s loyalists.vol. xiv. 493 on Tarleton’s escape.vol. xiv. 494 skirmish with Tarleton.vol. xiv. 497 at Guilford Court-house.:.vol. xiv. 497 joins Marion.vol. xiv. 547 capture of Fort Watson.vol. xiv. 547 capture of Fort Motte. vol. xiv. 548 captures Granby.vol. xiv. 548 exploits of.vol. xiv. 551 pursues Colonel Coates.vol. xiv. 553 detached to operate with Sumter.vol. xiy. 584 at Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 585 anecdote of Washington.vol. xv. 82 communicates the death of Greene.vol. xv. 84 to Washington on the Presidency.vol. xv. 103 commands the army. vol. xv. 303 puts down the insurrection.vol. xv. 307 Lee, Richard Henry, delegate to General Congress.vol. xii. 373 speech before the General Congress.vol. xii. 381 drafts memorial to British colonies.vol. xii. 383 urging Washington’s presence in Virginia.vol. xiv. 534 Legislatures dissolved.vol. xii. 323 Leitch, Major, commands Virginia troops.vol. xiii. 141 joins Knowlton in an attack. .vol. xiii. 211 wounded.vol. xiii. 211 death.vol. xiii. 213 Lempriere’s Point, works thrown up.vol. xiv. 306 Leslie, Captain, killed at Princeton.vol. xiii. 345 Leslie, General, attack on Chatterton’s Hill...—vol. xiii. 240 at Maiden Head. vol. xiii. 338 advancing to re-enforce Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 470 at Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 500 ordered to Portsmouth.vol. xiv. 539 Lewis, Colonel.vol. xii. 353 Lewis, Major Andrew.vol. xii. 219 taken prisoner.Vol. xii. 279 Lewis, Major George, attends on Mercer.vol. xiii. 351 Lewis, Lawrence, aid-de-camp to Morgan ..vol. xv. 305 invited to Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 361 affection for Miss Custis.vol. xv. 363 marries Miss Custis.vol. xv. 391 Ipdex 551 Lewis, Robert, Washington’s agent.vol. xv. 306 Lexington, battle of.vol. xii. 410 loss of Americans and British.vol. xii. 410 Liberty Tree..vol. xii. 376 Light-house Point, surprised by Wolfe.vol. xii. 364 Lincoln, General, contemplates descent on Long Island.vol. xiii. 316 at Bennington.vol. xiii. 479 at Manchester.vol. xiii. 490 to Schuyler on Stark’s victory.vol. xiii. 514 joins Gates.vol. xiii. 560 wounded. vol. xiv. 31 commands the Southern department.vol. xiv. 335 unsuccessful siege of Savannah.vol. xiv. 360 to Washington in his perplexity.vol. xiv. 284 strengthens Charleston. vol. xiv. 286 remains within the city.vol. xiv. 386 to Washington on the unwillingness of troops to remain, vol. xiv. 304 replies to summons to surrender.vol. xiv. 305 in favor of evacuating Charleston.vol. xiv. 308 skirmish with the British.vol. xiv. 532 grand reconnoissance.....vol. xiv. 535 opens the first parallel before Yorktown.vol. xiv. 593 receives the submission of the royal army.vol. xiv. 604 returns north with the army.vol. xiv. 608 Lippencott, Captain, hangs Captain Buddy.vol. xiv. 614 tried and acquitted.vol. xiv. 615 Liston, Mrs., at Washington’s farewell dinner.vol. xv. 356 Little Egg Harbor, expedition against.vol. xiv. 219 Little Meadows. .vol. xii. 123 Braddock’s expedition encamped.vol. xii. 176 “Little Sarah,” case of...vol. xv. 270 Little Turtle, decoys Colonel Hardin into an ambush.vol. xv. 189 “Lively,” ship of war, fires on Breed’s Hill.vol. xii. 438 Livingston, Brockholst, in correspondence with Schuyler....vol. xiii. 548 to Schuyler on the prospect of a battle.vol. xiii. 549 Livingston, Colonel, joins Schuyler.vol. xiii. 518 cannonades the “Vulture”...vol. xiv. 345 Livingston, Henry Brockholst, on the state of affairs at Ticonderoga.vol. xiii. 441 Livingston, Major, and Major Brown take Fort Chamblee....vol. xii. 543 drive Colonel Maclean back...« .vol. xii. 548 Livingston, Peter R..vol. xiii. 222 Livingston, Judge Robert R.vol. xii. 508 suggests Arnold as commander of West Point.vol. xiv. 333 at the inauguration of Washington.vol. xv. 116 Livingston, Walter, in the treasury board..vol. xv. 134 Livingston, William, Brigadier-general.vol. xiii. 117 sends word of the British plans. .. .vol. xiii. 166 to Washington. vol. xiii. 287 552 Ipdex Logstown, council of Indians at. ..vol. xii. 87, 90, 848 London Chronicle, remarks on General Burgoyne.vol. xiii. 47 Long, Colonel, commands the batteaux..vol. xiii. 450 arrives at Fort Anne.vol. xiii. 453 retreats to Fort Edward....vol. xiii. 453 Long Island, battle of.vol. xiii. 164 landing of the British.,.vol. xiii. 167 British occupy Flatbush. vol. xiii. 167 re-enforced by Hessians.vol. xiii. 167 De Heister reaches Flatbush.vol. xiii. 170 plan of the British.vol. xiii. 170 nocturnal march. vol. xiii. 170 occupy the Bedford Pass. vol. xiii. 171 General Grant engages Lord Stirling.vol. xiii. 172 Sir Henry Clinton turns the American left.vol. xiii. 174 Sullivan’s division defeated.vol. xiii. 174 Lord Stirling surrounded. vol. xiii. 176 forbearance of the British.vol. xiii. 176 killed and wounded.vol. xiii. 176 fatal neglect. vol. xiii. 182 retreat from.vol. xiii. 185 described by a witness. vol. xiii. 187 midnight gun.vol. xiii. 187 Long Island tradition.vol. xiii. 189 alarm of the British. vol. xiii. 189 in possession of the British.vol. xiii. 190 Loudoun, Earl of.vol. xii. 228 implied censure of Washington.vol. xii. 247 arrives at Albany.vol. xii. 249 in winter quarters.vol. xii. 250 reception of Washington.vol. xii. 252 sets sail for Halifax.vol. xii. 254 joins Admiral Holbourne at Halifax.vol. xii. 254 returns to New York.vol. xii. 254 relieved from command.vol. xii. 260 Louisburg to be attacked ... ... .vol. xii. 260 another attempt to be made.vol. xii. 262 invested.vol. xii. 262 captured.vol. xii. 263 Lovel, General, commands expedition against Penobscot ....vol. xiv. 251 at first repulsed, but effects a landing.vol. xiv. 251 besieges the fort.vol. xiv. 251 sends for re-enforcements.vol. xiv. 252 disastrous retreat.vol. xiv. 252 Lovell, James, to Gates on the command.vol. xiii. 405 to Gates on his position..vol. xiii. 408 to Gates. vol. xiv. 79 invocation to Gates.vol. xiv. 88 Lowantica Valley.vol. xiii. 357 Ipdex 553 Loyalists in the Revolution...vol. xiii. 216 Luzerne, Chevalier ,de la, visits Washington.vol. xiv. 258 and Arnold.vol. xiv. 300 requests ships to oppose Arnold.vol. xiv. 511 banquet to the officers...vol. xiv. 571 to Washington on the position of Lafayette.vol. xv. 183 Lyman, General.vol. xii. 227 Lynch, Thomas, on committee to confer with Washington... ,vol. xii. 534 on the bombardment of Boston.vol. xii. 534 M McCall, Major, at the battle of the Cowpens.vol. xiv. 474 McCrea, Jane. vol. xiii. 486 murdered by Indians.vol. xiii. 487 its effect. vol. xiii. 487 the story of her murder.(note) vol. xiii. 489 McDougall, General, strengthens Heath’s position.vol. xiii. 228 in command at Chatterton’s Hill.vol. xiii. 239 at Morristown... vol. xiii. 333 commands at Peekskill.vol. xiii. 379 fires the barracks and retires. vol. xiii. 379 commands at Peekskill.vol. xiii. 414 commands in the Highlands. .vol. xiv. 146, 224 joins Gates.vol. xiv. 217 commands at West Point. vol. xiv. 241 death of...vol. xv. 85 McDowell, Colonel, in the battle of King’s Mountain.vol. xiv. 433 McGillivray, represents the Creeks.vol. xv. 179 McGowan’s Ford, affair at.vol. xiv. 483 McGowan’s Pass, relinquished by the British.vol. xv. 47 McHenry, Major James, breakfasts with Arnold.vol. xiv. 376 secretary of war.vol. xv. 332 to Washington on the command of the army.vol. xv. 376 McLane, Captain Allen, brings word of intended attack.vol. xiv. 89 attacks the enemy’s van.vol. xiv. 89 expedition against Paulus Hook. .vol. xiv. 253 McLeod, Captain, attempt to surprise Jefferson.vol. xiv. 540 McPherson, Major, to intercept Simcoe...vol. xiv. 542 skirmish with Captain Shank.vol. xiv. 542 Ma ck ay, Captain.vol. xii. 136 arrives at Washington’s camp. vol. xii. 138 Mackenzie, Captain Robert, to Washington.vol. xii. 385 Maclean, Colonel, and his Highland emigrants.vol. xii. 544 driven back by Majors Brown and Livingston.vol. xii. 547 at Quebec.vol. xii. 576 loyalty.-.....vol. xii. 578 Madison, James, member of Congress.-.vol. xv. 129 ceremonials of the government.vol. xv. 173 remonstrates with Washington on his intention to retire.vol. xv. 222 Vol. XV.—* * * 24 554 Ir>dex prepares a valedictory address for Washington.vol. xv. 286 debate on Jefferson’s report.vol. xv. 292 Magaw, Colonel. .vol. xii. 553 commands Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 233 cannonades the British frigates.vol. xiii. 236 in favor of holding Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 263 refuses to surrender..vol. xiii. 264 disposition for defense..vol. xiii. 264 Majoribanks, Major, at Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 586 falls back.vol. xiv. 588 Malmedy, Colonel, at Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 586 Manchester, British maraud.vol. xiv. 522 Manchester, Duke of, compares the conduct of Clinton and Dunmore.vol. xiii. 43 remarks on siege of Boston.vol. xiii. 67 Manly, Captain, captures munitions of war.vol. xii. 563 Marbois, Barbe.vol. xiv. 258 Marion, Francis, his character.vol. xiv. 436 by names.vol. xiv. 436 pursued by Tarleton.vol. xiv. 436 capture of Fort Watson.vol. xiv. 548 capture of Fort Mott.vol. xiv. 549 attack on Colonel Coates.vol. xiv. 554 controls the lower Santee.vol. xiv. 584 joins Greene. vol. xiv. 585 at Eutaw Springs. vol. xiv. 585 Markoe, Captain, escorts Washington.vol. xii. 453 Marsh, Rev. John, letter relative to plot in New York, .(note) vol. xiii. 110 Marshall, Judge, on Lee’s retreat.vol. xiv. 190 envoy to France.vol. xv. 369 Martha’s Vineyard, ravaged by the British.vol. xiv. 216 Martin, Colonel.vol. xii. 249 Maryland, General Assembly, confidence in Washington.vol. xv. 331 Maryland troops described....vol. xii. 481 sharpshooting.vol. xii. 483 described by Graydon.vol. xiii. 143 MASON, George, friend of Washington.vol. xii. 828 to Washington on non-importation.vol. xii. 336 drafts plan of association for the non-importation and use of British goods subject to duty.vol. xii. 338 Massachusetts, General Court of, advise a Congress.vol. xii. 325 petition the king for relief. vol. xii. 330 urge the other Colonial Legislatures to join for redress..vol. xii. 330 refuses to rescind the resolution.vol. xii. 831 protest against military occupation. .vol. xii. 332 refuses to transact business.vol. xii. 332 transferred to Cambridge.vol. xii. 342 resolution against a standing army.vol. xii. 343 refuses to provide for the troops.vol. xii. 843 Ipdex 555 prorogued...vol. xii. 343 Assembly recommend a General Congress.vol. xii. 305 general election. toI. xii. 397 semi-belligerent state of affairs.vol. xii. 397 Congress of, raises troops.vol. xii. 463 send a deputation to meet Washington.vol. xii. 464 address of welcome to General Lee.vol. xii. 464 number of troops. vol. xii. 469 their destitution.vol. xii. 471 Washington’s apology.vol. xii. 473 liberality.vol. xii. 477 asks for troops.vol. xii. 484 Rhode Island and Connecticut fit out armed vessels.vol. xii. 531 passes an act for fitting out armed vessels.vol. xii. 533 insurrection.vol. xv. 93 quelled.vol. xv. 97 Mathew, General, in the attack on Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 260 expedition against the Chesapeake. vol. xiv. 237 takes Portsmouth.vol. xiv. 237 ravages the neighborhood.vol. xiv. 238 Mathews, Colonel, taken prisoner.vol. xiv. 54 Mathews, John, on committee to confer with Washington... .vol. xiv. 292 Matson’s Ford, Lafayette posted on.vol. xiv. 159 Matthews, David, mayor of New York, apprehended.vol. xiii. 107 detained for trial.vol. xiii. 107 Mawhood, Colonel, at Princeton...vol. xiii. 343 attacks Mercer..vol. xiii. 344 retreats toward Trenton.vol. xiii. 346 Maxwell, General, at Morristown.vol. xiii. 333 commands light troops. ...vol. xiii. 525 skirmish with the British... .vol. xiii. 528 engages the enemy’s vanguard.vol. xiii. 530 sent to the Jerseys. .vol. xiv. 161 ordered to harass the enemy. vol. xiv. 170 Maynards, Judge.vol. xii. 83 Meade, Colonel, Washington’s aid-de-camp.vol. xiii. 356 Mecklenburg, spirit of the inhabitants..vol. xiv. 426 Meigs, Colonel, enterprise against Sag Harbor.vol. xiii. 401 struck while attempting to suppress a mutiny.vol. xiv. 299 Mercer, Captain George, Washington’s aid-de-camp.vol. xii. 226 Mercer, George, declines to act as distributor of stamps.vol. xii. 326 Mercer, Hugh, account of.vol. xii. 175 with Colonel Armstrong.vol. xii. 239 wounded.vol. xii. 240 accompanies Washington on a tour of inspection.vol. xii. 243 a visitor at Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 303 disciplines militia.vol. xii. 399 about marching to Williamsburg.vol. xii. 413 made Brigadier-general. .vol. xiii. 116 556 Ipdex joins the army.vol. xiii. 116 appointed to a command.vol. xiii. 116 on the abandonment of New York.vol. xiii. 251 conversation with Washington on resistance.vol. xiii. 288 leads the advance on Princeton.vol. xiii. 341 encounters Colonel Mawhood.vol. xiii. 343 wounded.vol. xiii. 344 death. vol. xiii. 351 character. vol. xiii. 351 Middleton, Cornet, sent in pursuit of Champe.vol. xiv. 411 Mifflin, General, urges Lee’s appointment as second in com¬ mand.vol. xii. 427 aid-de-camp to Washington.vol. xii. 477 secretary to Washington..vol. xii. 536 suggests a name for the captured mortar.vol. xii. 560 adjutant-general, manners and entertainments.vol. xii. 570 promoted. vol. xiii. 86 encamped near King’s Bridge.vol. xiii. 99 characterized by Gray don....vol. xiii. 141 discipline of his troops.vol. xiii. 164 arrives with troops.vol. xiii. 182 observes movement among the British ships.vol. xiii. 184 premature retreat.vol. xiii. 187 returns to the lines.vol. xiii. 187 retreats in safety.vol. xiii. 187 sent to Philadelphia for aid.vol. xiii. 277 at Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 296 supports the claims of Conway.vol. xiv. 64 opposition to Washington.vol. xiv. 64 member of the Board of War.vol. xiv. 88 to Gates on Conway’s letter.vol. xiv. 102 meets Washington.vol. xv. 98 case of the “Little Sarah”.vol. xv. 267 Miles, Colonel, commands battalion.vol. xii. 141 at Brooklyn.vol. xii. 169 Militia System, its inefficiency.vol. xii. 244 organization of, in Massachusetts.vol. xii. 414 Ministerial Army.....vol. xii. 430 Minute Men, rally under General Heath.vol. xii. 410 form a camp.vol. xii. 412 Mirepoix, Marquis de.vol. xii. 159 Mischianza, in honor of Sir William Howe.vol. xiv. 157 Mississippi, navigation of.vol. xv. 122 Monckton, Brigadier, in the expedition against Quebec.vol. xii. 286 commands battery at Point Levi.vol. xii. 288 wounded.vol. xii. 295 Monckton, Colonel, killed in an attack on Wayne.vol. xiv. 183 burial..vol. xiv. 184 Monk’s Corner, Brigadier-general Huger at.vol. xiv. 306 Irjdex 557 surprised by Tarleton.. . .. Monmouth Court-house, battle of. killed and wounded.. Monro, Colonel, in command of Fort William Henry..., Monroe, J ames, in the advance against Trenton. takes two cannon. remonstrates against Hamilton. minister to France. reception in France. recalled... to Washington on an intercepted letter. address to, by M. Barras. Montcalm, his operations. takes Oswego.. returns in triumph to Montreal. again takes the field. attacks Fort William Henry.,.... captures and destroys it. returns to Canada. prepares his defense.. repulses Abercrombie.. in command of Quebec.. abandons his intrenchments.. sends for re-enforcements. advances against Wolfe.. receives his death wound.. to General Townsend. to De Ramsay. his death. Montgomery, Richard, at the landing before Louisburg appointed Brigadier-general.. at Ticonderoga.. birth and services. .. emigrates to New York and marries. appointed Brigadier-general. appearance and manners.. embarkation for the Isle Aux Noix. invests St. John’s... presses the siege of St. John’s. to Carleton on the treatment of prisoners. takes St. John’s.. treatment of prisoners.. proceeds to Montreal. takes Montreal.. prepares to descend the St. Lawrence. to Schuyler on insubordination of troops. annoyances...... intention to resign. joins Arnold. ,vol. xiv. 307 •vol. xiv. 182 ,vol. xiv. 184 .vol. xii. 254 vol. xiii. 821 vol. xiii. 322 .vol. xv. 299 .vol. xv. 307 .vol. xv. 808 .vol. xv. 345 .vol. xv. 346 .vol. xv. 367 .vol. xii. 250 .vol. xii. 250 .vol. xii. 250 .vol. xii. 255 •vol. xii. 255 ,.vol. xii. 256 .vol. xii. 256 .vol. xii. 267 .vol. xii. 267 .vol. xii. 287 ..vol. xii. 293 .vol. xii. 293 .vol. xii. 294 .vol. xii. 296 .vol. xii. 297 .vol. xii. 297 .vol. xii. 297 .vol. xii. 263 .vol. xii. 264 .vol. xii. 508 .vol. xii. 508 .vol. xii. 508 .vol. xii. 509 .vol. xii. 509 .vol. xii. 510 .vol. xii. 518 .vol. xii. 543 .vol. xii. 544 .vol. xii. 546 •vol. xii. 546 .vol. xii. 547 .vol. xii. 551 .vol. xii. 552 .vol. xii. 553 .vol. xii. 533 .vol. xii. 555 .vol. xii. 586 558 Ipdex arrives before Quebec.vol. xiii. 25 plan of attack.vol. xiii. 25 strength of force.vol. xiii. 26 on Arnold and his troops.vol. xiii. 26 summons Quebec to surrender.vol. xiii. 26 to Carleton.,.vol. xiii. 27 prepares to attack.vol. xiii. 27 efforts to incite the inhabitants.vol. xiii. 28 anecdote.vol. xiii. 28 project of an escalade.vol. xiii. 29 plan of attack.vol. xiii. 29 the attack.vol. xiii. 29 leads his men.vol. xiii. 30 surprises the picket.vol. xiii. 31 death.vol. xiii. 33 burial.vol. xiii. 36 Montgomery, Major, attack on Fort Griswold.vol. xiv. 565 Montour, Andrew, acts as interpreter......vol. xii. 72 accompanies Adjutant Muse.vol. xii. 137 Montreal, capitulates to Amherst. .vol. xii. 298 taken by Montgomery...vol. xii. 551 Montresor, Captain, enters the deserted American works....vol. xiii. 189 deserted American works.vol. xiii. 189 bearer of flag to Washington.vol. xiii. 213 Morgan, Daniel, arrives at camp....vol. xii. 484 in the attack on Quebec.vol. xiii. 32 takes command. vol. xiii. 33 carries two batteries.vol. xiii. 34 hemmed in, brave defense, and surrender.vol. xiii. 34 exchanged. vol. xiii. 215 recommended to the command of a rifle regiment.vol. xiii. 216 mans the lines.vol. xiii. 236 sent to fight the Indians.vol. xiii. 478 attacks the enemy..vol. xiii. 553 effect of his corps on the enemy.vol. xiii. 557 to attack Burgoyne.vol. xiv. 25 harasses the enemy.vol. xiv. 27 to re-enforce Maxwell.vol. xiv. 171 at Charlotte. vol. xiv. 418 detached to South Carolina.vol. xiv. 440 on his way to Ninety-Six. vol. xiv. 471 retreats from Tarleton. vol. xiv. 476 at the Cowpens.vol. xiv. 473 reasons for selecting.vol. xiv. 473 disposition of troops.vol. xiv. 474 battle of the Cowpens.vol. xiv. 474 spoils taken.vol. xiv. 476 pushes for Catawba.vol. xiv. 476 crosses the Catawba.vol. xiv. 477 Ipdex 559 approach of Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 478 pushes for the Yadkin.vol. xiv. 485 correspondence with Washington.vol. xv. 304 left with detachment.vol. xv. 307 Morocco, treaty with.vol. xv. 123 Morris, Captain, wins Miss Phillipse.vol. xii. 230 killed at Sullivan’s Island.vol. xiii. 149 Morris, Governor, appoints commissioners.vol. xii. 162 at Alexandria. vol. xii. 124 to Croghan.vol. xii. 171 Morris, Gouverneur, on Gates.vol. xiii. 520 on Pennsylvania.vol. xiv. 133 on the French crisis.vol. xv. 151 differs from Jefferson.vol. xv. 152 to Washington on the French Revolution.vol. xv. 153 on the same.vol. xv. 184 to Washington on Lafayette. vol. xv. 185 to Washington on affairs in France.vol. xv. 200 minister to France.vol. xv. 248 representation of affairs in France.vol. xv. 249 concerning Lafayette and the Reign of Terror.vol. xv. 250 relative to Louis XVI.vol. xv. 251 on the successes of France.vol. xv. 253 to Jefferson on Genet.vol. xv. 256 recalled.vol. xv. 301 Morris, Robert, sends money to Washington.vol. xiii. 335 patriotic exertions.vol. xiv. 506 entertains Washington.vol. xiv. 542 Morris, Colonel Roger. vol. xiii. 209 Morristown, its position.vol. xiii. 355 sufferings of the American army at.vol. xiv. 263 Mothe, Admiral de Bois de la, arrives at Louisburg.vol. xii. 255 Moulder, Captain, at Princeton. vol. xiii. 344 Moultrie, Colonel William, commands at Sullivan’s Island..vol. xiii. 147 glorious defense.vol. xiii. 151 receives thanks of Congress.vol. xiii. 151 proclamation.vol. xv. 251 Mount Defiance, strategical position.vol. xiii. 137 Mount Hope, fortified by Burgoyne.....vol. xiii. 448 Mount Independence evacuated. vol. xiii. 450 Mount Vernon, named in honor of Admiral Vernon.vol. xii. 44 quiet disturbed.vol. xii. 164 situation of. vol. xii. 301 assumes a military tone.vol. xii. 399 in danger.vol. xii. 548 saved from ravage.vol. xiv. 525 revisited by Washington.vol. xiv. 572 Mow AT, Lieutenant, destroys Falmouth.vol. xii. 532 Moylan, Colonel, and Wilkinson...vol. xiv. 137 560 Ii)dex Muhlenberg, General, near Suffolk.vol. xiv. 517 encounters General Philips.vol. xiv. 521 Mulgrave, Major, to embark.vol. xiii. 59 Murdering town.vol. xii. 107 Murray, Brigadier, with Wolfe.vol. xii. 286 detached to operate against shipping above Quebec.vol. xii. 289 breaks the French center.vol. xii. 295 attacks De Levi. ..vol. xii. 297 is repulsed.vol. xii. 297 retreats into Quebec.vol. xii. 297 desperate condition.vol. xii. 298 arrival of a British fleet.vol. xii. 298 ordered to advance against Montreal.vol. xii. 298 ascends the river.vol. xii. 299 Murray, Mrs., anecdote ..vol. xii. 299 Murray, William Vans, minister to France.vol. xii. 299 Muse, Major, teaches Washington the art of war.vol. xii. 82 arrives in camp.vol. xii. 137 charged with cowardice.vol. xii. 147 obtains grant of land.(note) vol. xii. 353 Musgrave, Colonel, encamped.vol. xiv. 48 takes post in Chew’s House.vol. xiv. 48 Muskingum. vol. xii. 74 Mutiny of American troops...vol. xiv. 298 N Nash, General, killed at Germantown. vol. xiv. 54 National Bank.vol. xv. 193 National Gazette, edited by Philip Freneau.vol. xv. 218 Navigation Laws.vol. xii. 316 Nelson, General Thomas, opposes Arnold.vol. xiv. 462 called on for troops.vol. xiv. 569 another proof.... .vol. xiv. 593 Nelson, Mr. Secretary, anecdote..vol. xiv. 593 Neutral Ground..vol. xiv. 367 Nevil, General, house of, assailed.vol. xv. 302 Newark, surprised by the British.vol. xiv. 268 New Bedford ravaged by the British.vol. xiv. 210 New England resists the project of taxation.vol. xii. 318 continues the disuse of tea.vol. xii. 344 army, its situation.vol. xii. 422 New Hampshire sends volunteers.vol. xii. 414 grants.vol. xii. 416 New Haven taken by the British.vol. xiv. 241 New Jersey, prison ship. vol. xiii. 370 militia turn out with alacrity.vol. xiii. 424 troops, discontent of. vol. xiv. 233 Legislature of, satisfies the troops.vol. xiv. 235 invaded by Knyphausen. vol. xiv. 819 ti>dex 561 evacuated.. vol. xiv. 334 troops, mutiny of.vol. xiv. 459 New London, expedition against.vol. xiv. 564 taken by Arnold.vol. xiv. 565 New Orleans. ...vol. xv. 123 Newport, situation of.vol. xiv. 200 Newtown, battle at.vol. xiv. 236 New York resents the attempt against the independence of the judiciary.vol. xii. 319 proceedings in regard to stamp act.vol. xii. 326 resists the mutiny act.vol. xii. 331 powers of governor and assembly suspended.vol. xii. 332 at the revolution..vol. xii. 457 events in...vol. xii. 495 in a panic at Lee’s approach.vol. xii. 594 adverse influences in.vol. xiii. 38 arrival of Sir Henry Clinton.vol. xiii. 39 its effects.vol. xiii. 40 letters descriptive of.vol. xiii. 66 batteries at.(note) vol. xiii. 87 alarm of conspiracy.vol. xiii. 106 arrival of British troops.vol. xiii. 110 further arrivals.vol. xiii. Ill popular joy at the declaration of independence..vol. xiii. 120 destruction of the statue of George III.vol. xiii. 120 arrival of more ships.vol. xiii. 122 panic of the people.vol. xiii. 123 convention at White Plains.vol. xiii. 124 arrival of Lord Howe .vol. xiii. 127 military measures.vol. xiii. 127 arrival of a hundred sail.vol. xiii. 155 forces collected in and about.vol. xiii. 157 convention order out levies.vol. xiii. 159 panic and distress.vol. xiii. 161 terror of the inhabitants.vol. xiii. 161 question of its destruction.vol. xiii. 191 letters of British officers relative to.vol. xiii. 193 British ships come opposite.vol. xiii. 194 question of abandonment.vol. xiii. 201 left by Congress to the discretion of Washington.vol. xiii. 203 agitations in.vol. xiii. 202 more ships move up the Sound.vol. xiii. 204 evacuated by Putnam.vol. xiii. 206 conflagration in.vol. xiii. 213 ascribed to American incendiaries.vol. xiii. 213 Committee of Safety to Washington on the defense of the Highlands.vol. xiii. 222 in perturbation on account of French fleet.vol. xiv. 197 bay frozen over...vol. xiv. 266 562 Ipdex scarcity of food and fuel.vol. xiv. 200 reduction of, meditated..vol. xiv. 295 to be attacked...vol. xiv. 530 failure of intended attack on.vol. xiv. 532 alarm in.vol. xiv. 613 preparations to evacuate.vol. xv. 34 evacuated.vol. xv. 47 excitement concerning the French war..vol. xv. 255 Niagara, expedition against.vol. xii. 226 rallying place for Indians, Tories, etc.vol. xiv. 213 Nichols, Colonel, at Bennington...vol. xiii. 511 Nicholson, Commodore, reception of Washington at New York.vol. xv. 110 Nicholson, John, Indian interpreter.voL xii. 352 Nicola, Colonel Lewis, extraordinary letter of.vol. xiv. 618 Noailles, Viscount de, capitulation of Yorktown.vol. xiv. 601 Non-importation associations, effect on British commerce.vol. xii. 335 Nooks Hill, attempt to fortify. vol. xiii. 61 North Carolina to be invaded.vol. xiv. 337 the people and country.vol. xiv. 339 North Church used for fuel.vol. xiii. 207 North, Lord, premier.\.vol. xii. 342 repeals duties except on tea.vol. xii. 342 on the right of taxation.vol. xii. 343 bill favoring the export of tea.voL xii. 361 surrender of Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 604 Norwalk devastated by the British...vol. xiv. 238 O Ogden, Captain Aaron, concerning the exchange of Arnold for Andre. ..vol. xiv. 392 Ogden, Colonel Matthias, project to capture Prince William Henry.vol. xiv. 612 O’Hara, General, at the Yadkin. vol. xiv. 486 surrenders the garrison of Yorktown.vol. xiv. 604 Ohio Company, formation of. vol. xii. 68 dispatch Christopher Gist to explore the Ohio.vol. xii. 71 establish a trading company at Will’s Creek.vol. xii. 88 Ohio, expedition to the.vol. xii. 345 Ohio tribes incensed at the French.vol. xii. 88 Oldham, Colonel, with St. Clair.vol. xv. 210 killed.vol. xv. 214 Old South Church, desecration of.vol. xii. 538 Olney, Mrs., and Washington.vol. xv. 79 Onondagas, settlement destroyed by the Americans.vol. xiv. 235 Oriskany, battle of.vol. xiii. 499 killed and wounded.vol. xiii. 500 ORME, Captain Robert, hopes of success..vol. xii. 164 to Washington.vol. xii. 165 Ipdex 563 Osgood, Samuel, in the treasury board...vol. xv. 125 Oswald, secretary to Arnold in the attack on Quebec.yol. xiii. 32 leads forlorn hope.vol. xiii. 34 marches to Danbury.vol. xiii. 394 at Monmouth Court-house.vol. xiv. 180 Otis, James, against writs of assistance.vol. xii. 293 P Paine, Mr..vol. xii. 263 Paine, Thomas.vol. xiii. 237 on Washington’s retreat across the Jerseys...vol. xiii. 306 moral qualities of Washington.vol. xiii. 302 to Washington on the key of the Bastile.vol. xv. 186 Rights of Man reprinted.vol. xv. 205 Palfrey, Colonel William, substitutes an original prayer.vol. xii. 572 Palmer, Edmund, a spy.vol. xiii. 477 Paris, treaty of peace signed at.vol. xv. 31 Paris, Colonel, dispute with Herkimer.vol. xiii. 497 killed by Red Jacket.vol. xiii. 500 Parker, Colonel, debate on Jefferson’s report.vol. xv. 292 Parker, Commodore Hyde, expedition against Georgia.vol. xiv. 223 Parker, Daniel, commissioner to New York.vol. xv. 34 Parker, Sir Peter, attacks Sullivan’s Island.vol. xiii. 147 is repulsed.vol. xiii. 149 burns the “Actseon”.vol. xiii. 150 Parliament taxes America. vol. xii. 318 imposes fresh duties on American imports.vol. xii. 320 extends the mutiny act to America.vol. xii. 331 importuned by British merchants.vol. xii. 382 passes the Boston Port Bill...vol. xii. 363 other acts to the injury of Boston.vol. xii. 363 Parsons, General, sent to Peekskill.vol. xiii. 420 at West Point...vol. xiv. 147 Patterson, Brigadier-general, moves from Savannah.vol. xiv. 304 Patterson, Colonel, interview with Washington.vol. xiii. 129 Paulding, John, and Andre.vol. xiv. 370 Paulus Hook, situation of.vol. xiv. 252 carried by Major Lee.vol. xiv. 254 relinquished by the British. ...vol. xv. 47 Peabody, Nathaniel, on committee to confer with Washing¬ ton...vol. xiv. 292 Peale, Charles Wilson, portrait of Washington—(appendix) vol. xv. 403 Peekskill, attack on.vol. xiii. 379 Pellew, Edward, Lord Exmouth, on Lake Champlain.vol. xiii. 259 Pendleton, Edmund, delegate to the General Congress.vol. xii. 373 sets out for Philadelphia.vol. xii. 377 against Washington as commander-in-chief.vol. xii. 264 Pennsylvania troops described..vol. xii. 483 sharpshooting.....vol. xii. 483 564 Ipdex described by Graydon.„.vol. xiii. 142 Legislature of, remonstrate against the army going into winter quarters.vol. xiv. 93 troops, their grievances.vol. xiv. 451 revolt.vol. xiv. 452 march toward Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 452 at Princeton.vol. xiv. 455 British emissaries, in camp.vol. xiv. 457 accept propositions offered.vol. xiv. 457 mutiny of.vol. xv. 41 Council of, offer to Washington.vol. xv. 56 insurrection in.vol. xv. 302 quelled.vol. xv. 307 Penobscot, bay of, British fort at. .vol. xiv. 250 expedition against. vol. xiv. 250 Percy, Lord, advances to re-enforce Colonel Smith.vol. xii. 409 continues the retreat....vol. xii. 411 conduct of soldiers.....vol. xii. 411 sharp skirmishing.vol. xii. 411 narrow escape.vol. xii. 411 failure of ammunition.vol. xii. 411 to lead the attack against Dorchester Heights.vol. xiii. 59 on Long Island.vol. xiii. 167 leaves Flatlands in Clinton’s division...vol. xiii. 177 attacks the American lines.vol. xiii. 236 to re-enforce Howe. vol. xiii. 242 menaces Fort Washington. .vol. xiii. 246 Peters, Judge, receives Washington.vol. xv. 110 Peters, Richard, secretary to Governor Morris.vol. xii. 170 in camp.....vol. xii. 178 secretary to board of war and ordnance.vol. xiii. 89 Petersburg, ravaged by the British.vol. xiv. 521 Perouney, Chevalier de.vol. xii. 143 Philadelphia during the battle of Brandywine.vol. xiii. 528 strength of the British.vol. xiv. 81 question of attack on.vol. xiv. 84 British defenses.vol. xiv. 85 British army described.vol. xiv. 134 number of British in.... vol. xiv. 166 preparations to evacuate.vol. xiv. 167 evacuated by the British.vol. xiv. 168 Philipse, Miss Mary,.vol. xii. 230 Phillips, General, commands artillery. vol. xiii. 434 fortifies Sugar Hill.vol. xiii. 449 demurs to the expedition against Bennington.vol. xiii. 506 in the attack on Gates.vol, xiv. 24 covers Burgoyne’s retreat.vol. xiv. 27 visits Baroness de Riedesel... .vol. xiv. 39 sails for New York.vol. xiv. 519 Ipdex 565 arrives at Portsmouth.vol. xiv. 519 marauds the country...vol. xiv. 520 regains Petersburg.vol. xiv. 520 death of.vol. xiv. 523 Phipp’s Farm, battery erected on. .vol. xii. 567 et Phoenix ” ship of war sails up the Hudson.vol. xiii. 122 moves up near Port Montgomery.vol. xiii. 131 and “Rose” retreat.vol. xiii. 157 Piankeshas, king of.vol. xii. 75 interview with the French embassadors.vol. xii. 76 Pichon, M., to William Vans Murray.vol. xv. 387 Pickens, General, crosses the Dan..vol. xiv. 493 affair with Pyle’s loyalists.vol. xiv. 494 joins Greene .vol. xiv. 585 at Eutaw Springs...... vol. xiv. 585 PICKERING, Colonel Timothy, with the Essex militia.vol. xii. 411 quartermaster-general.vol. xiv. 335 Secretary of War..vol. xv. 316 to Washington, urging his return.vol. xv. 324 Secretary of State.......vol. xv. 332 recommends Hamilton as second in command.vol. xv. 377 PlEL, Lieutenant, character of Rahl.vol. xiii. 326 account of treatment of Hessian prisoners. ..vol. xiii. 331 Pierce, Leigh, anecdote of Washington.vol. xv. 101 Pigot, General, ascends Breed’s Hill...vol. xii. 444 orders a retreat.vol. xii. 444 Pigott, General Sir Robert, commands at Rhode Island.vol. xiv. 200 amount and disposition of force...vol. xiv. 201 Pilgrims.,.*.vol. xii. 316 Pinckney, Colonel, commands Fort Moultrie.vol. xiv. 288 cannonades the British fleet.vol. xiv. 305 withdraws with part of the garrison from Fort Moultrie .vol. xiv. 305 Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth, minister to France.vol. xv. 345 dismissed by the French Government.vol. xv. 368 envoy to France.vol. xv. 370 appointed Major-general.vol. xv. 378 his acceptance...vol. xv. 384 Pinckney, Thomas, concerning British aggressions.vol. xv. 297 wishes to be relieved.vol. xv. 341 Pine, portrait of Washington.(appendix) vol. xv. 406 Pine’s Bridge...vol. xiii. 242 Piqua, Indian town.vol. xii. 74 Pitcairn, Major, sent forward to Concord.vol. xii. 405 enters Lexington...vol. xii. 406 orders the American yeomanry to disperse.vol. xii. 406 puts them to flight...vol. xii. 406 slain at Bunker’s Hill...vol. xii. 451 PlTT, William,[administration.*.vol. xii. 260 Pittsburg, embryo city. .vol. xii. 346 566 Ipdex Plains of Abraham. vol. xii. 288 taken possession of by Wolfe.vol. xii. 293 battle.vol. xii. 293 victory of the English.vol. xii. 295 Pomeroy, Seth, nominated general officer.vol. xii. 397 appointed Brigadier-general.,,.. .vol. xii. 428 in favor of occupying Charlestown Heights.vol. xii. 430 sharpshooting. vol. xii. 448 attempts to rally the troops.vol. xii. 448 Pontiac’s War.vol. xii. 314 Pontiac and Colonel Croghan.vol. xii. 347 Poor, General, to attack|Burgoyne.vol. xiv. 25 attacks the enemy.vol. xiv. 20 Porterfield, Colonel, commands Virginia troops.vol. xiv. 342 joins Gates.vol. xiv. 344 mortally wounded.vol. xiv. 344 Portraits of Washington. .(appendix) vol. xv. 403 Port Royal Island, landing of Tarleton.vol. xiv. 280 Portsmouth, expedition against.vol. xiv. 510 Posey, Major, at the storming of Stony Point..vol. xiv. 245 Potomac river.vol. xii. 302 Powder, scarcity of.vol. xii. 487 Powell, Brigadier-general, in the invasion from Canada.vol. xiii. 434 Prayers in Washington’s camp.vol. xii. 138 Prescott, Colonel William.vol. xii. 435 to fortify Bunker’s Hill.vol. xii. 435 leaves Cambridge. vol. xii. 430 crosses the Neck.vol. xii. 430 ascends Bunker’s Hill.vol. xii. 438 anxiety. vol. xii. 438 inspires confidence.vol. xii. 438 sends for re-enforcements.vol. xii. 440 tenders the command to Warren.vol. xii. 443 encourages his men.vol. xii. 440 orders a retreat.vol. xii. 448 services at Bunker’s Hill. vol. xii. 450 at Throg’s Neck.vol. xiii. 227 Prescott, General, and Ethan Allen.vol. xii. 524 confined in jail...vol. xii. 564 commands British forces in Rhode Island.vol. xii. 571 exchanged for Lee.vol. xiv. 160 Preston, Major, in command of St. John’s.vol. xii. 521 manful resistance.vol. xii. 543 capitulates.vol. xii. 545 Prevost, Bishop...vol. xv. 117 Prevost, General, ordered to attack Georgia.vol. xiv. 223 takes Sunbury.vol. xiv. 225 arrives at Savannah, and takes command.vol. xiv. 220 Prideaux, Brigadier-general, to attack Port Niagara.vol. xii. 284 Ipdex 567 embarks at Oswego.vol. xii. 284 besieges Fort Niagara..vol. xii. 284 is killed.vol. xii. 285 Prince William Henry, project to capture.vol. xiv. 612 Princeton, British forces assembled at.vol. xiii. 337 action at.vol. xiii. 339 killed and wounded.vol. xiii. 345 Pringle, Captain, conducts British armament on Lake Champlain. vol. xiii. 254 engages Arnold.vol. xiii. 255 draws off for the night.vol. xiii. 256 Prisoners, exchange of. vol. xiii. 363 Province Island, fortified by General Howe.vol. xiv. 71 Pulaski, Count, a volunteer .vol. xiii. 525 obtains a command.vol. xiii. 539 infantry massacred by Ferguson.vol. xiv. 220 PUSAZ, Hugh de, Bishop of Durham, his wealth and retinue., .vol. xii. 29 prepares to join the crusade, but is induced to remain... .vol. xii. 29 Putnam, Captain, dispatched to Cambridge.vol. xii. 442 Putnam, Israel, detached to reconnoiter......vol. xii. 266 at Boston...vol. xii. 389 his history.„.vol. xii. 390 hears of the battle of Lexington.vol. xii. 412 in command of a regiment.vol. xii. 414 appointed Major-general...vol. xii. 427 in command of Connecticut troops.vol. xii. 433 in favor of occupying Charlestown Heights.vol. xii. 435 opinion of American soldiers.vol. xii. 435 joins Prescott. vol. xii. 436 advises fortifying Breed’s Hill.vol. xii. 438 asks for re-enforcements.vol. xii. 441 arrives at the redoubt . voi. xii. 442 words with Prescott.vol. xii. 442 orders a breastwork on Bunker’s Hill.vol. xii. 443 suggests a novel rampart.vol. xii. 444 rallies the re-enforcements.vol. xii. 444 attempts to rally the troops.....vol. xii. 449 a leading spirit at Bunker’s Hill..vol. xii. 451 at Prospect Hill.vol. xii. 470 his merits.vol. xii. 477 complimented by Washington.vol. xii. 481 commands the center.vol. xii. 482 and female prize.vol. xii. 529 christens the captured mortar.vol. xii. 560 takes possession of Cobble Hill.vol. xii. 565 fortifies Lechmere Point.vol. xii. 565 anecdote of.„.vol. xii. 567 treats his men to an exploit.vol. xiii. 47 ready to attack Boston. vol. xiii. 52 568 Ir>dex appointed to command in New York. vol. xiii. 7a military rule. vol. xiii. 73 military devices.vol. xiii. 153 to Gates on the British force.vol. xiii. 154 in command of Long Island.....vol. xiii. 170 crosses to Long Island.vol. xiii. 171 in favor of abandoning New York.vol. xiii. 301 to be stationed in New York.vol. xiii. 303 retreat from New York.vol. xiii. 305 described by Colonel Humphreys.vol. xiii. 307 traditional anecdote.vol. xiii. 308 loss in the retreat.vol. xiii. 308 at McGowan’s Pass.vol. xiii. 309 commands troops in the Jerseys.vol. xiii. 349 takes command of Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 318 ordered to Princeton.vol. xiii. 357 amount of force...vol. xiii. 357 stratagem to conceal his weakness.vol. xiii. 358 to command the Hudson.vol. xiii. 416 on the alert.vol. xiii. 477 to Sir Henry Clinton on Edmund Palmer.vol. xiii. 477 force at Peekskill.vol. xiii. 563 to Clinton, on the designs of the enemy.vol. xiii. 563 to Clinton, on the movements of the enemy..vol. xiii. 564 prepares for an attack.vol. xiii. 565 outmaneuvered by Sir Henry Clinton.vol. xiii. 570 to Washington on the movements of the British.vol. xiii. 571 desires to attack New York.vol. xiv. 75 his “hobby-horse”.vol. xiv. 77 goes to Connecticut on private matters..vol. xiv. 146 near West Point.vol. xiv. 318 at West Point.vol. xiv. 318 commands at Danbury. ....vol. xiv. 335 at Smith’s Clove.vol. xiv. 341 seconds the resolutions of Knox.vol. xv. 38 PUTNAM, Colonel Rufus, directs the works about King’s Bridge.vol. xiii. 99 Ptlb, Colonel, defeated by Lee and Pickens.vol. xiv. 494 dex to Washington, for a discharge of troops.vol. xiii. 145 to Governor Trumbull, explanatory...vol. xiil. 146 Shank, Captain, skirmish with McPherson.vol. xiv. 542 Sharpe, Governor. . .vol. xii. 153 furnishes wagons.vol. xii. 156 Sharpless, portrait of Washington....(appendix) vol. xv. 406 Shaw, Captain, society of the Cincinnati.vol. xv. 35 SHAW, Major, to his father...vol. xiv. 47 Washington and the army.vol. xv. 27 Shee, Colonel....vol. xiii. 141 Shelburne, Major, and detachment captured.vol. xiii. 93 Shelby, Colonel, in the battle of King’s Mountain.vol. xiv. 433 Shenandoah, Valley of. .. .n .vol. xii. 59 ravaged by Indians...vol. xii. 231 Shepard, Colonel, wounded.vol. xiii. 233 Sherman, Roger, member of the board of war and ordnance.vol. xiii. 88 introduces Gates to Congress.vol. xiii. 411 at Washington’s inauguration.vol. xv. 116 Shingis, chief of the Delawares.vol. xii. 93 instigates outrages on the colonists.vol. xii. 224 at Kittanning..vol. xii. 239 blockades Fort Pitt. .....vol. xii. 315 Shippen, Edward.vol. xiv. 273 SHIPPEN, Miss Margaret.....vol. xiv. 273 Shirley, General, expedition against Niagara.vol. xii. 218 referred to on a point of rank..vol. xii. 225 plan of campaign. vol. xii. 227 recalled to England.vol. xii. 166 Shirley, Governor of Massachusetts.vol. xii. 166 Shirley, William, to Governor Morris.vol. xii. 212 Short Hills, Washington posted at.vol. xiv. 817 Shreve, Colonel, retreating. vol. xiv. 137 in the fight at Springfield.vol. xiv. 323 SHtJLDHAM, Admiral.vol. xiii. 61 Silliman, General, rouses the country.vol. xiii. 397 joined by Arnold and Wooster. vol. xiii. 398 Silver Heels, in Braddock’s camp.vol. xiii. 181 SIMCOE, Colonel, accompanies Arnold.vol. xiv. 448 devastates Westham.vol. xiv. 462 deceives Steuben. vol. xiv. 541 ravages. vol. xiv. 542 skirmish with Butler.vol. xiv. 542 SIBEUIL, Captain de, slain.vol. xiv. 598 Skene, Colonel, joins Burgoyne.vol. xiii. 485 suggests an expedition to Bennington..vol. xiii. 493 to accompany the expedition.vol. xiii. 506 Slavery, Washington, concerning.vol. xv. 898 Smallwood, Colonel.vol. xiii. 143 equipment of his battalion.vol. xiii. 143 Ipdex 577 re-enforces Washington...vol. xiii. 144 bravery of his macaronis.... vol. xiii. 180 wounded.vol. xiii. 240 to co-operate with Rodney.vol. xiii. 525 his new militia...vol. xiii. 541 stationed on the Catawba.vol. xiv. 439 Smith, Joshna Hett, delivers Arnold’s letter to Colonel Robin¬ son. ..... .......VOL XIV. 302 takes Andre ashore.vol. xiv. 363 accompanies Andre. . ..vol. xiv. 363 parts with Andre...vol. xiv. 368 sent a prisoner to West Point.vol. xiv. 384 acquitted.....vol. xiv. 403 SMITH, Lieutenant-colonel, commands expedition against Con¬ cord.....vol. xii. 404 sets out on his march.vol. xii. 404 people rising.vol. xii. 405 sends for re-enforcements.vol. xii. 405 sends Major Pitcairn forward... .vol. xii. 405 arrives at Lexington.vol. xii. 406 enters Concord......vol. xii. 408 retreats on Boston.vol. xii. 408 harassed by the Americans.vol. xii. 409 re-enforced by Lord Percy...vol. xii. 409 SMITH, Lieutenant-colonel Samuel, commands Fort Mifflin.. ..vol. xiv. 58 receives thanks of Congress.vol. xiv. 63 on the defense of Fort Mifflin.vol. xiv. 72 disabled.vol. xiv. 73 voted a sword by Congress..vol. xiv. 74 SMITH, Lieutenant, killed while bearing flag.vol. xiv. 51 SMITH, William, the historian, on Gage.vol. xii. 367 SMITH, Chief-justice William, on commission concerning Andre.vol. xiv. 395 Smith, William S., commissioner to New York.vol. xv. 34 Soldiers’ claims....vol. xii. 345 adjusted......(note) vol. xii. 353 South Carolina, invasion of...vol. xiv. 263 condition and population.vol. xiv. 284 symptoms of revolt.vol. xiv. 339 lower part described...vol. xiv. 349 Spain and the Mississippi...vol. xv. 122 Sfecht, Brigadier-general, in command of Burgoyne’s camp.vol. xiv. 24 Spencer, Joseph, appointed Brigadier-general.vol. xii. 428 offended on a question of rank.vol. xii. 476 at Roxbury.vol. xii. 482 at Harlem.vol. xiii. 203 SPICER, Major, at Brandywine.vol. xiii. 533 Spotswood, Colonel Alexander, forms Washington’s guard... vol. xiii. 392 Springfield, N. J., American troops at.vol. xiv. 316 fight at....vol. xiv. 324 Vol. XV.—* * * 25 578 Ipdex burned by the British.vol. xiv. 324 Stamp Act projected. vol. xii. 320 its passage.vol. xii. 322 first opposition to.vol. xii. 323 preparations to enforce it,.vol. xii. 326 popular agitation. vol. xii. 32T repealed.vol. xii. 329 Stanislaus, King, makes General Lee his aid-de-camp.vol. xii. 393 friendship for General Lee.vol. xii. 393 Stanwix, Colonel.vol. xii. 253 Stark, John, carries the alarm.vol. xii. 412 arrives with troops from New Hampshire.vol. xii. 431 to re-enforce Prescott.vol. xii. 439 arrives at Bunker’s Hill.vol. xii. 441 anecdote.vol. xii. 443 repulses General Howe.vol. xii. 444 maintains his position.vol. xii. 447 at Bennington.vol. xiii. 479 appeal to his patriotism.vol. xiii. 503 at Bennington.vol. xiii. 508 serves on his own responsibility.vol. xiii. 508 insubordination.vol. xiii. 510 sallies out and meets the enemy.vol. xiii. 510 attacks Baum.vol. xiii. 510 defeats Baum.vol. xiii. 512 to Lafayette. vol. xiv. 119 forage in Westchester County.vol. xiv. 424 Staten Island, British throwing up works.vol. xiii. 117 treachery of the people. vol. xiii. 117 St. Clair, Colonel, detached to Three Rivers.vol. xiii. 100 takes command at Ticonderoga.vol. xiii. 410 announces the appearance of the enemy.vol. xiii. 428 to Schuyler on Burgoyne’s force.vol. xiii. 437 on desperate state of Ticonderoga. vol. xiii. 439 his garrison.vol. xiii. 439 evacuates Ticonderoga.vol. xiii. 442 calls a council of war. ..vol. xiii. 450 evacuates Ticonderoga, and Mount Independence.vol. xiii. 450 his retreat.vol. xiii. 451 attacked by General Fraser.vol. xiii. 455 reaches Fort Edward.vol. xiii. 457 summoned to Congress.vol. xiii. 471 insinuations against..vol. xiv. 410 sent to re-enforce Greene.vol. xiv. 608 receives Washington.vol. xv. 110 at Washington’s inauguration.vol. xv. 116 commands Indian expedition. vol. xv. 197 cautioned by Washington.vol. xv. 197 his army.vol. xv. 207 Ipdex 579 character and equipment.vol. xv. 207 on his march. vol. xv. 209 desertions.vol. xv. 209 his encampment.vol. xv. 210 surprised by Indians.vol. xy. 212 conduct in the battle. vol. xv. 212 flight of.vol. xv. 212 reach Fort Jefferson.vol. xv. 213 arrives at Fort Washington.vol. xv. 213 asks for a court of inquiry.vol. xv. 223 resigns his commission....vol. xv. 223 exculpated by House of Representatives.vol. xv. 225 St. Clair, Sir John, precedes Braddock. vol. xii. 160 to Governor Morris.vol. xii. 161 engages wagons and horses.vol. xii. 163 his wrath at Fort Cumberland.vol. xii. 169 in the advance to Fort Duquesne. vol. xii. 197 orders Washington to Williamsburg.vol. xii. 271 Steele, Mrs. Elizabeth, and General Greene.vol. xiv. 486 Stephen, Colonel Adam, joins Washington.vol. xii. 118 promoted by Washington.vol. xii. 136 with Washington.vol. xii. 216 at Princeton.vol. xiii. 288 at the battle of Germantown.vol. xiv. 49 dismissed. .vol. xiv. 87 Sterling, Colonel, lands at Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 265 at Princeton. vol. xiii. 288 mortally wounded.vol. xiv. 316 Steuben, Baron, arrival in camp. vol. xiv. 140 his history.vol. xiv. 140 to Washington on his desire to serve America.vol. xiv. 141 proceeds to Congress.vol. xiv. 141 appointed inspector-general.vol. xiv. 142 disciplines the army.vol. xiv. 143 anecdotes of.vol. xiv. 144 character and habits.vol. xiv. 144 effect of his discipline. vol. xiv. 180 to preside over court of inquiry.vol. xiv. 414 commands in Virginia.vol. xiv. 461 opposes Arnold.vol. xiv. 463 at York. vol. xiv. 517 obliged to withdraw. vol. xiv. 518 deceived by Simcoe..vol. xiv. 541 opens second parallel before Yorktown.vol. xiv. 594 society of the Cincinnati.vol. xv. 35 at Washington’s inauguration.vol. xv. 116 Stevens, General, joins Gates.vol. xiv. 344 at the council of war.vol. xiv. 346 at the battle of Camden. vol. xiv. 347 580 Ir?dex takes charge of Morgan’s prisoners. ..vol. xiv. 481 at Guilford Court-house...vol. xiv. 499 orders a retreat.vol. xiv. 500 SteWart, Captain, assists Braddock.vol. xii. 202 accompanies Braddock.vol. xii. 204 Stewart, Colonel, at Monmouth Court-house.vol. xiv. 180 accompanies Wayne.. .vol. xiv. 455 Stewart, Colonel, at Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 501 Stickney, Colonel, at Bennington.vol. xiii. 511 Stirling, Lord, in command at New York.vol. xiii. 73 report on the condition of the Highlands.vol. xiii. 87 moves against General Grant.vol. xiii. 174 holds him in check.vol. xiii. 175 attacks Cornwallis.vol. xiii. 178 surrenders himself.vol. xiii. 179 exchanged.vol. xiii. 215 resolves to entrap Rogers.vol. xiii. 233 to cross at King’s Ferry.vol. xiii. 249 crosses the Hudson.vol. xiii. 251 falls back on Trenton.vol. xiii. 293 at Matouchin Church.vol. xiii. 426 driven in by Cornwallis.vol. xiii. 426 in favor of attacking Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 83 correspondence with Wilkinson on the Conway letter....vol. xiv. 122 appeases the honor of Wilkinson.vol. xiv. 128 at Monmouth Court-house...vol. xiv. 181 encamps at New Bridge.vol. xiv. 254 unsuccessful descent on Staten Island.vol. xiv. 267 retreats to Elizabethtown.vol. xiv. 268 St. John’s, Canada, expedition against .vol. xii. 420 surprised by Arnold.vol. xii. 420 General Schuyler appears before it.vol. xii. 517 invested by Montgomery.....vol. xii. 521 its resistance.vol. xii. 521 capitulates.vol. xii. 523 St. John’s Island, landing of Sir Henry Clinton. .vol. xiv. 286 St. Leger, Colonel, to make a diversion.vol. xiii. 439 invests Fort Schuyler.vol. xiii. 495 summons it to surrender.vol. xiii. 495 tries to intimidate the garrison.vol. xiii. 501 makes regular approaches.vol. xiii. 502 presses the siege. ...vol. xiii. 516 obliged to decamp.vol. xiii. 518 ST. Luc commands Indians.vol. xiii. 486 reputation...vol. xiii. 507 St. Lucia, expedition against.vol. xiv. 223 Stobo, Captain, left as hostage.vol. xii. 145 letter from Fort Duquesne.vol. xii. 151 imprisoned in Quebec...vol. xii. 157 Ipdex 581 his escape.vol. xii. 157 obtains grant of land.(note) vol. xii. 358 Stockwell, Lieutenant, guides Colonel Willett.vol. xiii. 502 Stoddart, Captain, and Wilkinson.vol. xiv. 125 Stonington cannonaded .vol. xii. 528 Stony Point, landing of the British.vol. xiii. 565 being fortified.vol. xiv. 238 taken by the British.vol. xiv. 239 position of.vol. xiv. 244 garrison of...vol. xiv. 244 plan of attack.vol. xiv. 245 stormed by the Americans.vol. xiv. 246 killed and wounded.vol. xiv. 247 conduct of the Americans.vol. xiv. 247 evacuated and destroyed by the Americans.vol. xiv. 248 fortified and garrisoned by the British.vol. xiv. 249 St. Pierre, Chevalier Legardeur de, reception of Washington..vol. xii. 100 gives Washington his reply to Governor Dinwiddie.vol. xii. 103 his reply to Governor Dinwiddie...vol. xii. 113 commands Canadians and Indians.vol. xii. 218 slain.vol. xii. 220 Stringer, Dr., dismissed.vol. xiii. 384 St. Simon, Marquis, lands with troops.vol. xiv. 571 embarks his troops.vol. xiv. 608 Stuart, Colonel, joins Lord Rawdon.vol. xiv. 550 encamps on the Congaree...vol. xiv. 556 moves to Eutaw Springs.. vol. xiv. 586 battle of Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 587 decamps...vol. xiv. 589 retreats to Monk’s Corner.vol. xiv. 590 Stuart, Dr., to Washington on sectional interests.vol. xiv. 171 to Washington on ceremonials...vol. xiv. 180 Stuart, Gilbert, portrait of Washington.... ..(appendix) vol. xv. 415 Sugar Hill commands Ticonderoga.vol. xiii. 448 fortified by the British.vol. xiii. 449 Sugar House.vol. xiii. 372 Sulgrave, “Washington’s Manor” described.vol. xii. 33 Sullivan, General, under Major-general Lee.vol. xii. 482 sent to Portsmouth.vol. xii. 533 dispatched to New York. vol. xiii. 73 dispatched to Canada...vol. xiii. 77 takes command.vol. xiii. 99 to Washington, hopeful.vol. xiii. 100 mistakes the enemy’s force.vol. xiii. 102 to Washington on Thompson’s expedition.vol. xiii. 103 retreats...vol. xiii. 104 joined by Arnold.vol. xiii. 104 embarks for Crown Point.vol. xiii. 105 requests leave of absence.vol. xiii. 137 582 Ipdex tenders his resignation.....vol. xiii. 143 in temporary command..vol. xiii. 165 reconnoiters.vol. xiii. 173 retreats.vol. xiii. 176 taken prisoner..vol. xiii. 176 at Vealtown..vol. xiii. 299 hastens to join Washington.vol. xiii. 301 joins Washington.vol. xiii. 307 ordered to advance and charge..vol. xiii. 318 attacks Trenton.vol. xiii. 318 at Morristown.vol. xiii. 356 behind the Sourland Hills.vol. xiii. 424 to advance to the Highlands..vol. xiii. 430 joins Washington.vol. xiii. 525 attempts to surprise the enemy...vol. xiii. 525 at Brandywine.vol. xiii. 527 at the battle of Germantown.vol. xiv. 48 describes Washington at Germantown.vol. xiv. 53 to attack Rhode Island.vol. xiv. 199 moves from Providence.vol. xiv. 201 occupies abandoned works.vol. xiv. 201 before Newport.vol. xiv. 203 at Honeyman’s Hill.vol. xiv. 203 protest against D’Estaing’s proceeding to Boston.vol. xiv. 204 general protest against the departure of the French fleet, vol. xiv. 205 retreats to Batt’s Hill .vol. xiv. 207 commands expedition against the Indians.vol. xiv. 237 battle at Newtown.vol. xiv. 237 lays the Indian country waste.vol. xiv. 237 thanked by Congress.vol. xiv. 238 retires from the service.vol. xiv. 238 Hamilton’s talent for finance.vol. xiv. 464 Sullivan’s Island fortified.vol. xiii. 146 battle of.vol. xiii. 148 bravery of troops.vol. xiii. 149 British account.vol. xiii. 149 deficiency of powder.vol. xiii. 149 enemy repulsed.vol. xiii. 150 loss of the Americans.vol. xiii. 151 Sumner, General, at Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 586 gives way...vol. xiv. 586 Sumter, Thomas, character and services.vol. xiv. 357 chosen leader...vol. xiv. 357 attacks the British at Rocky Mount.vol. xiv. 358 successful attack on Hanging Rock.vol. xiv. 358 sends to Gates for re-enforcements.vol. xiv. 360 reduces redoubt on the Wateree.. v .vol. xiv. 362 surprised by Tarleton.vol. xiv. 363 again in the field.vol. xiv. 437 Ipdex 583 menaces the British posts.vo3. xiv. 437 fight at Black Stock Hill. vol. xiv. 438 detached to scour the country..vol. xiv. 554 pursues Colonel Coates.vol. xiv. 554 attack on Colonel Coates.vol. xiv. 554 rejoins Greene.vol. xiv. 556 Sutherland, Major, commands at Paulus Hook.vol. xiv. 252 Symonds, Colonel, joins Stark.vol. xiii. 511 T Talbot, Captain, at Fort Mifflin.vol. xiv. 72 wounded. vol. xiv. 73 Talleyrand and the American envoys.vol. xv. 372 amicable overtures. ...vol. xv. 386 Tallmadge, Major, and Andre.vol. xiv. 373 escorts Andre to the Robinson House...vol. xiv. 384 fascinated by Andre.vol. xiv. 385 conversation with Andre.vol. xiv. 385 predicts Andre’s fate.vol. xiv. 386 to Colonel Webb, commiserating Andre.vol. xiv. 393 account of Andre’s execution.vol. xiv. 401 successful exploit.vol. xiv. 424 TANACHARissoN, a Seneca chief. vol. xii. 71 accompanies Washington to the French post..vol. xii. SO letter to Washington.vol. xii. 121 prepares for battle.'.vol. xii. 128 opinion of white men’s warfare...vol. xii. 147 his death.vol. xii. 148 TARLETON, Lieutenant-colonel Banastre, on the expedition to South Carolina.vol. xiv. 283 description of.vol. xiv. 284 obtains horses for his dragoons.vol. xiv. 285 joins General Patterson.vol. xiv. 304 surprises General Huger’s camp.vol. xiv. 308 surprises Americans at Laneau’s Ferry.vol. xiv. 310 pursues Colonel Buford.vol. xiv. 312 butchery at Waxhaw. vol. xiv. 314 his excuse.vol. xiv. 315 pursues Sumter.vol. xiv. 348 surprises Sumter. vol. xiv. 350 in quest of Marion.vol. xiv. 437 fight at Black Stock Hill...vol. xiv. 438 sent in quest of Morgan.vol. xiv. 471 at Pacolet.vol. xiv. 472 battle of the Cowpens.vol. xiv. 478 detached to Beattie’s Ford.vol. xiv. 486 surprise at Tarrant’s Tavern.vol. xiv. 487 recruiting expedition. vol. xiv. 493 recalled to Hillsborough.vol. xiv. 494 584 Ipdex skirmish with Lee.. ....vol. xiv. 500 in Virginia.vol. xiv. 541 skirmish with the French.vol. xiv. 583 Tarrant’s Tavern, militia surprised by Tarleton.vol. xiv. 485 Tash, Colonel, ordered to Fishkill.vol. xiii. 223 Tate, Captain, under Morgan.vol. xiv. 445 Taxation of American colonies.vol. xii. 320 Ten Broeck, General.vol. xiii. 522 arrives on the field.vol. xiv. 26 Ternant, M., inspector.vol. xiv. 144 Tern ay, Chevalier de, to command French fleet.vol. xiv. 295 arrives at Newport.'.vol. xiv. 327 Thayer, commands Fort Mifflin.vol. xiv. 72 evacuates the fort.vol. xiv. 73 Thicketty Run, Braddock encamps at.vol. xii. 191 Thomas, John, appointed brigadier-general.vol. xii. 428 commands the right wing.vol. xii. 434 fortifies Roxbury Neck. ....vol. xii. 470 offended on a question of rank.vol. xii. 476 at Roxbury. .vol. xii. 482 sets out for Dorchester Heights.vol. xiii. 55 re-enforced.vol. xiii. 57 commands in Canada.vol. xiii. 70 promotion.vol.-xiii. 70 headquarters at Albany...vol. xiii. 70 arrives at Quebec.vol. xiii. 80 sends a fire-ship.vol. xiii. 80 prepares to retreat.vol. xiii. 81 at Point Deschambault...vol. xiii. 82 retreats to the mouth of the Sorel.vol. xiii. 99 illness and death.vol. xiii. 99 Thompson, Brigadier-general, dispatched to Canada.vol. xiii. 77 at the mouth of the Sorel.vol. xiii. 100 preparing to retreat..vol. xiii. 100 captured at Three Rivers.vol. xiii. 564 Thompson, Colonel, at Sullivan’s Island...vol. xiii. 150 repulses Sir Henry Clinton.vol. xiii. 150 receives thanks of Congress.vol. xiii. 151 Three Mile Run, skirmish at.vol. xiv. 90 Throg’s Neck, position of.vol. xiii. 227 landing of the British.vol. xiii. 227 Ticonderoga, to be reduced.vol. xii. 260 dismantled.vol. xii. 285 expedition against.vol. xii. 415 surprised by Ethan Allen.vol. xii. 418 strength of garrison.vol. xii. 511 preparations for defense.vol. xiii. 253 threatened.vol. xiii. 425 approach of Burgoyne.vol. xiii. 436 Ipdex 585 thickening alarms.vol. xiii. 438 enemy advancing.vol. xiii. 440 evacuated.vol. xiii. 443 Burgoyne fortifies Mount Hope.vol. xiii. 448 invested.vol. xiii. 448 commanded by Sugar Hill.vol. xiii. 448 evacuated...vol. xiii. 450 effects of evacuation.vol. xiii. 457 surprised by Colonel Brown.vol. xiii. 560 evacuated by the British.vol. xiv. 44 Tilghman, Colonel Tench, on General Lee.vol. xiii. 331 rival generalship. vol. xiii. 344 enemy at Dobb’s Ferry.vol. xiii. 347 to R. R. Livingston, relative to Greene.vol. xiii. 347 Washington’s aid-de-camp.vol. xiii. 356 Washington’s festive gayety.vol. xv. 80 death of...vol. xv. 85 Tilley, M. de, detached to the Chesapeake.vol. xiv. 513 failure of the enterprise.vol. xiv. 513 Townsend, Brigadier, in the expedition to Quebec.vol. xii. 386 sent against Montcalm.vol. xii. 388 in command.vol. xii. 388 advances to meet De Bougainville...vol. xii. 393 and General Lee.vol. xii. 393 Traveling in 1756.vol. xii. 338 Treat, Captain, killed at Fort Mifflin.vol. xiv. 73 Treaty with France. ...vol. xiv. 153 ratified by Congress.vol. xiv. 154 rejoicings in the United States.vol. xiv. 154 with England (Jay’s).vol. xv. 316 debated in the Senate.vol. xv. 318 ratified.vol. xv. 319 public outcry against ..vol. xv. 330 Washington concerning.vol. xv. 315 Trent, Captain William, sent to expostulate with the French.vol. xii. 89 returns home unsuccessful.vol. xii. 90 dispatched to the frontier...vol. xii. 114 his behavior.vol. xii. 119 Trenton, in command of Colonel Rahl...vol. xiii. 309 projected attack on.vol. xiii. 313 alarm at an outpost.vol. xiii. 318 march of American troops.vol. xiii. 318 picket driven in.vol. xiii. 330 the attack.vol. xiii. 331 surrender of the Hessians.vol. xiii. 333 number of prisoners.vol. xiii. 333 Tripuet, Captain, under Morgan.vol. xiv. 433 Troup, Major.vol. xiii. 407 Truman, Captain, with General St. Clair.vol. xv. 310 586 Ipdex Trumbull, Colonel John, portraits of Washington.(appendix) vol. xv. 412 aid-de-camp to Washington.vol. xii. 477 his duties.vol. xii. 477 selects site for a fort. .vol. xiii. 137 arrives from Europe.vol. xv. 162 message from Lafayette to Washington.vol. xv. 163 Trumbull, Jonathan, patriotism.vol. xii. 473 to Washington.vol. xii. 474 asks protection for New London.vol. xii. 483 to Washington on desertion of Connecticut troops,.vol. xii. 556 aids General Lee.vol. xii. 593 concerning Schuyler and Gates.vol. xiii. 139 patriotism of.vol. xiii. 468 Trumbull, Joseph, appointed Commissary-general.vol. xii. 482 to Gates concerning Schuyler.vol. xiii. 139 to Gates concerning Lee.vol. xiii. 226 accusing Schuyler.vol. xiii. 383 resigns.vol. xiii. 474 Tryon, Governor, absent in England.vol. xii. 460 in New York harbor.vol, xii. 460 reception in New York.vol. xii. 461 letter concerning...vol. xiii. 76 in New York Bay.vol. xiii. 76 conspiracy in New York.vol. xiii. 84 offers bounty to recruits.vol. xiii. 107 on colonial loyalty.(note) vol. xiii. 109 conducts an expedition against Danbury.vol. xiii. 394 lands at Canepo Hill.vol. xiii. 394 destroys Danbury. vol. xiii. 395 commences the retreat.vol. xiii. 397 intrenched at Ridgefield. vol. xiii. 398 reaches Canepo Hill.vol. xiii. 398 sends Lord North’s bill to Washington.vol. xiv. 152 commands expedition against Connecticut...vol. xiv. 240 takes New Haven.vol. xiv. 240 destroys Fairfield.vol. xiv. 241 devastates Norwalk. vol. xiv. 241 Tupper, Colonel, attacks the “Rose” and “Phoenix”.vol. xiii. 156 bravery of the Americans.vol. xiii. 157 Turtle Bay cannonaded.vol. xiii. 205 Tuttle, Rev. Joseph F., anecdotes.(note) vol. xiv. 266 SJ United Colonies.vol. xii. 422 V Valley Forge, march to.vol. xiv. 94 disposition of the army.vol. xiv. 94 Ipdex 587 condition of the troops.vol. xiv. 133 described by British historian.vol. xiv. 133 account of American troops.vol. xiv. 159 Van Braam, Jacob, Washington’s fencing master.vol. xii. 82 accompanies Washington as interpreter.vol. xii. 91 made captain.vol. xii. 118 recommended by Washington for promotion.vol. xii. 136 treats with the French.vol. xii. 144 left as hostage.vol. xii. 145 accused of treachery.vol. xii. 146 imprisoned in Quebec.vol. xii. 157 escape and recapture.vol. xii. 157 sent to England. vol. xii. 157 obtains grant of land.vol. xii. 353 to Washington, relating his history.vol. xv. 57 Van Cortlandt, Pierre, to General Lee.vol. xii. 595 patriotic zeal.vol. xiii. 132 family.(note) vol. xiii. 134 joins Schuyler.vol. xiii. 518 Van Dechow, Major, and Colonel Rahl.vol. xiii. 311 mortally wounded.vol. xiii. 324 Van Rensselaer, General, drives back the marauders.vol. xiv. 415 Van Schaick, Colonel.vol. xiii. 442 expedition against the Onondagas.vol. xiv. 236 Van Wart, Isaac, and Andre.vol. xiv. 370 a-nd the death of Andre.vol. xiv. 403 Varick, Colonel, in correspondence with Schuyler.vol. xiii. 548 fears Burgoyne will decamp.vol. xiii. 548 to Schuyler on Burgoyne’s surrender.vol. xiv. 40 Varnum, General.vol. xiii. 429 re-enforces Washington.vol. xiv. 57 at Red Bank.vol. xiv. 72 on the destitution of the troops.vol. xiv. 95 meets Washington.vol. xv. 98 Vaughan, General, to move up the Hudson.vol. xiii. 571 expedition up the Hudson.vol. xiv. 78 Venango.vol. xii. 97 Vergennes, Count de, prediction concerning the American colonies.vol. xii. 299 on the battle of Germantown.vol. xiv. 56 solicits the liberation of Captain Asgill.vol. xiv. 616 Vermont admitted into the Union.vol. xv. 199 Verplanck’s Point, landing of the British.vol. xiii. 565 fort erected on...vol. xiv. 238 588 ipdex Villiers, Captain de, sallies from Fort Duquesne.vol. xii. 142 his account of the affair at Great Meadows.vol. xii. 149 Vincent, Earl St., in the expedition against Quebec.vol. xii. 286 Viomenil, General, the Baron de, embanked.vol. xiv. 514 to storm a redoubt.vol. xiv. 595 carries the redoubt.vol. xiv. 596 Virginia divided into military districts.vol. xii. 82 House of Burgesses convened.vol. xii. 114 vote thanks to Washington and his officers.vol. xii. 146 grant £20,000 for the public service.vol. xii. 154 recruits, their appearance and discipline.vol. xii. 182 troops, effective mode of fighting.vol. xii. 196 Legislature, reform the militia laws.vol. xii. 218 Assembly, vote measures of relief.vol. xii. 235 troops, gallant conduct.vol. xii. 279 aristocratical days.vol. xii. 302 style of living...vol. xii. 303 love of horses.vol. xii. 303 estate, a little empire.vol. xii. 304 Legislature, their proceedings.vol. xii. 336 sympathy with the patriots of New England.vol. xii. 338 address to the king.vol. xii. 339 dissolved by Lord Botetourt.vol. xii. 340 adjourn to a private house..vol. xii. 340 Peyton Randolph, moderator.vol. xii. 340 pledge themselves not to use or import taxed British goods..vol. xii. 340 public discontents.vol. xii. 344 Board of Commissioners.vol. xii. 346 renewed public irritation.vol. xii. 354 Legislature, call the Earl of Dunmore to account.vol. xii. 355 prorogued by the Governor.vol. xii. 355 convened.vol. xii. 355 corresponding committee.vol. xii. 356 aristocracy.vol. xii. 363 Legislature in session...vol. xii. 364 splendid opening.vol. xii. 364 indignation at the Boston Port Bill.vol. xii. 364 protests against obnoxious acts of Parliament.vol. xii. 364 appoint a day of fasting and prayer.vol. xii. 365 dissolved.vol. xii. 365 adjourn to the Raleigh tavern.vol. xii. 365 resolutions.vol. xii. 365 recommend a General Congress.vol, xii. 366 Ipdex 589 meeting called ....vol. xii. 366 military preparations.vol. xii, 397 second convention at Richmond.vol. xii. 402 in combustion.vol. xii. 413 troops described...vol. xii. 483 sharpshooting.vol. xii. 484 General Assembly of, conduct toward Gates.vol. xiv. 442 defenseless state.vol. xiv. 461 Assembly, reception of Washington.vol. xv. 65 appropriation to Washington... vol. xv. 67 W Wadworth, Colonel, resigns.vol. xiv. 265 Wainwood, Mr., intercepts a treasonable letter.vol. xii. 529 Walcott, Colonel, referee for exchange of prisoners.vol. xiii. 365 Waldeckers join General Howe.vol. xiii. 234 Wales, Judge, on the bombardment of Boston.vol. xii. 536 Walker, Captain, interprets for Steuben...vol. xiv. 158 Walker, Thomas, and General Prescott.(note) vol. xii. 565 Wallace, Captain, piratical reputation.vol. xii. 328 harasses Rhode Island.vol. xii. 582 before New York.vol. xiii. 122 Wallace, Sir James, to go up the Hudson.vol. xiii. 571 Walpole, Horace, opinion of Washington.vol. xii. 145 anecdotes of Braddock.vol. xii. 160 satirical remark on Braddock’s delay. vol. xii. 196 on Granville.vol. xii. 321 on Lord Botetourt.vol. xii. 337 and Horatio Gates.vol. xii. 399 on Burgoyne’s plays.vol. xii. 467 concerning General Gage.vol. xii. 535 WALPOLE, Sir Robert, on American taxation.vol. xii. 318 Wando, works thrown up.vol. xiv. 306 Ward, Artemas, nominated general officer.vol. xii. 399 commands American camp.vol. xii. 415 his services.vol. xii. 415 sustained in Congress.vol. xii. 415 appointed major-general.vol. xii. 427 elected second in command..vol. xii. 427 headquarters at Cambridge.vol. xii. 433 disposition of troops.vol. xii. 433 doubts expediency of occupying Charlestown Heights.vol. xii. 435 re-enforces Prescott.vol. xii. 441 commands right wing.vol. xii. 482 590 Ipdex enters Boston.vol. xiii. 65 Ward, Henry, transmits treasonable letter to General Greene.vol. xii. 529 Warner, Seth, Ethan Allen’s lieutenant.vol. xii. 415 in the expedition against Ticonderoga.vol. xii. 416 surprises Crown Point.vol. xii. 418 repairs to Congress.vol. xii. 499 repairs to New York Convention.vol. xii. 499 elected lieutenant-colonel.vol. xii. 505 arrives at camp.vol. xii. 519 detached to intercept relief.vol. xii. 521 attacks General Carleton.... vol. xii. 545 in St. Clair’s retreat.vol. xii. 545 at Manchester.vol. xiii. 509 joins Stark.vol. xiii. 509 arrives at the scene of action.vol. xiii. 512 Warren, Dr. Joseph, member of Committee of Safety.vol. xii. 404 gives the alarm.vol. xii. 404 arrives from Boston.vol. xii. 408 doubts the expediency of occupying Charlestown Heights.vol. xii. 484 arrives at the Heights.vol. xii. 448 noble conduct.vol. xii. 444 declines the command.vol. xii. 444 death...vol. xii. 448 public loss.vol. xii. 450 Washington, modifications of the name.vol. xii. 29 Washington, Augustine, father of George, born.vol. xii. 40 marries Jane Butler, and afterward Mary Ball.vol. xii. 41 his death.vol. xii. 45 Washington, George, genealogy of...vol. xii. 39 birth of.vol. xii. 41 the house of his boyhood.vol. xii. 41 his early education.vol. xii. 42 his martial spirit. vol. xii. 44 school exercises. vol. xii. 46 physical strength.vol. xii. 47 his code of morals and manners.vol. xii. 49 influence of soldiers’ tales.vol. xii. 50 obtains a midshipman’s warrant.vol. xii. 50 relinquished on his mother’s remonstrance, and returns to school.vol. xii. 51 studies and exercises.vol. xii. 51 school-boy passion.vol. xii. 52 Ipdex communication with the French reaches 591 xii. 52 xii. 55 xii. 56 .vol. xii. 58 .vol. xii. 59 xii. 61 xii. 63 xii. 63 xii. 81 xii. 82 xii. 83 xii. 83 .vol. xii. 83 xii. 83 xii. 84 xii. 84 .vol. xii. 86 xii. 90 xii. 90 xii. 91 xii. 91 xii. 91 .vol. xii. 93 xii. 93 .vol. xii. 93 xii. 94 .vol. xii. 94 xii. 96 xii. 96 xii. 98 xii. 98 xii. 98 xii. 99 xii. 99 .vol. xii. 99 .vol. xii. 100 xii. 101 .vol. > xii. 102 xii. 103 xii. 105 xii. 106 xii. 106 592 Ipdex Washington, George, arrives at Murdering Town.vol. xii. 107 engages an Indian guide to Shannopins Town... .vol. xii. 108 treachery of the guide.vol. xii. 109 crosses the Alleghany River, imminent peril.vol. xii. 110 arrives at Frazier’s.vol. xii. 110 appeases the anger of Queen Aliquippa.vol. xii. Ill reaches Williamsburg.vol. xii. Ill his conduct through the expedition.vol. xii. 112 made lieutenant-colonel.vol. xii. 114 on recruiting service.vol. xii. 114 sets out with two companies to the Fork of the Ohio. .vol. xii. 117 toilful march to Wills’ Creek.vol. xii. 118 calls a council of war.vol. xii. 120 writes to Governor Dinwiddie.vol. xii. 120 at Little Meadows.vol. xii. 128 arrives at the Youghiogeny River.vol. xii. 125 remonstrates against the insufficient pay.vol. xii. 125 his motives of action. vol. xii. 125 explores the river in a canoe.vol. xii. 125 letter from the Half-king.vol. xii. 126 rumors of advancing French.vol. xii. 126 takes a position at the Great Meadows.vol. xii. 127 interview with the Half-king.vol. xii. 128 surprises the French.vol. xii. 129 letters to Governor Dinwiddie.vol. xii. 181 expects to be attacked.vol. xii. 133 his military excitement.vol. xii. 133 whistling of bullets.vol. xii. 134 to Croghan for supplies.vol. xii. 135 to Governor Dinwiddie in behalf of Van Braam.vol. xii. 136 to Governor Dinwiddie in reference to Captain Mac- kay’s company.vol. xii. 137 delivers presents to the Indians.vol. xii. 138 receives the name of Connotaucarius.vol. xii. 139 to Governor Dinwiddie about French prisoners....vol. xii. 139 to Governor Dinwiddie concerning Captain Mackay.. ..vol. xii. 141 resumes his march to Redstone Creek.vol. xii. 141 retreats.vol. xii. 142 reaches Great Meadows.vol. xii. 142 strengthens Fort Necessity.vol. xii. 143 deserted by the Indians.vol. xii. 144 attacked by French and Indians.vol. xii. 145 capitulates to the French.vol. xii. 144 destroys military stores. .vol. xii. 145 !i)dex 593 Washington, George, returns to Williamsburg.vol. xii. 146 receives a vote of thanks.vol. xii. 146 to William Fairfax about Croghan and Montour.vol. xii. 147 rejoins his regiment.vol. xii. 149 from Governor Dinwiddie, ordering an advance to Wills’ Creek.vol. xii. 152 his objections to the project.vol. xii. 152 leaves the service.vol. xii. 154 is urged by Governor Sharpe to continue.vol. xii. 155 his reply.vol. xii. 155 visits his mother. vol. xii. 160 takes up his abode at Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 160 his excitement at the military preparations under Braddock.vol. xii. 165 desires to join as a volunteer.vol. xii. 165 is invited to join Braddock’s staff.... vol. xii. 165 accepts the appointment.vol. xii. 165 resists the appeals of his mother.vol. xii. 166 arrives at Braddock’s headquarters.vol. xii. 167 his reception..vol. xii. 167 his predictions.vol. xii. 170 horses disabled.vol. xii. 176 sent for the military chest.vol. xii. 181 notions of frugality outraged by officers of Braddock’s expedition.vol. xii. 185 counsels Braddock. .vol. xii. 185 personal example.vol. xii. 187 his disappointment with their movements.vol. xii. 188 illness.vol. xii. 188 rests at the great crossings of the Youghiogeny.vol. xii. 189 from Captain Morris.vol. xii. 193 rejoins Braddock.vol. xii. 193 cordial reception.vol. xii. 194 delighted with the appearance of the army.vol. xii. 196 in battle.vol. xii. 198 danger and preservation.vol. xii. 200 sent to Colonel Dunbar’s camp for aid. vol. xii. 202 returns with supplies.vol. xii. 203 reads the funeral service over Braddock.vol. xii. 204 Teaches Fort Cumberland.vol. xii. 206 to his mother and brother.vol. xii. 207 at Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 210 to Augustine.vol. xii. 210 prepares for the public safety.vol. xii. 212 594 Irjdex Washington, George, his willingness to serve his country..vol. xii. 212 declines to solicit the command.vol. xii. 212 to his mother.vol. xii. 213 appointed commander-in-chief.vol. xii. 213 popularity among trials and reverses.vol. xii. 214 fixes his headquarters at Winchester.vol. xii. 214 panic at Winchester.vol. xii. 215 his difficulties.vol. xii. 216 “insolence of the people”.vol. xii. 216 increased alarms.vol. xii. 217 ludicrous result.vol. xii. 218 appreciation of Indian aid.vol. xii. 219 disciplines his troops.vol. xii. 224 questions of precedence.vol. xii. 225 sets out for Boston.vol. xii. 227 his equipment.vol. xii. 228 aristocratical order for clothes.vol. xii. 228 the journey.vol. xii. 228 interview with Governor Shirley.vol. xii. 228 disappointment in not being put upon the regular establishment.vol. xii. 229 return to New York.vol. xii. 229 meets Miss Mary Philipse. vol. xii. 229 admiration of her...vol. xii. 230 return to Virginia.vol. xii. 230 repairs to Winchester.vol. xii. 231 inhabitants in dismay.vol. xii. 232 appealed to for protection.vol. xii. 234 to Governor Dinwiddie.vol. xii. 234 attacked by the press.vol. xii. 235 his indignation.vol. xii. 235 opposes the plan of defense devised by Governor Din¬ widdie.vol. xii. 235 plan proposed.vol. xii. 236 recommendations with respect to military laws.vol. xii. 236 superintends the measures taken for frontier security..vol. xii. 243 tour of inspection.vol. xii. 244 the irregulars.vol. xii. 245 cross purposes with Governor Dinwiddie.vol. xii. 246 to Mr. Speaker Robinson.vol. xii. 247 asks permission to visit Philadelphia.vol. xii. 251 to Lord Loudoun in vindication of his conduct.vol. xii. 252 his reception by Lord Loudoun.vol. xii. 253 stationed at Winchester.vol. xii. 254 Ipdex 595 Washington, George, misunderstanding with Dinwiddie.vol. xii. 257 appeal to Dinwiddie.vol. xii. 257 illness.vol. xii. 258 retires to Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 258 state of health.vol. xii. 259 to Colonel Stanwix.vol. xii. 261 improved health. vol. xii. 260 resumes command of Fort Loudoun.vol. xii. 260 satisfaction at the decision to reduce Fort Duquesne.vol. xii. 261 to Colonel Stanwix. vol. xii. 261 to Major Halket.vol. xii. 262 orders out the militia. vol. xii. 271 sets off for Williamsburg.vol. xii. 271 meets Mrs. Martha Custis.vol. xii. 272 is smitten... vol. xii. 272 courtship.vol. xii. 273 engagement.vol. xii. 273 military conference.vol. xii. 273 arrives at Winchester. .vol. xii. 274 ordered to Fort Cumberland. vol. xii. 274 alters the military dress.vol. xii. 274 annoyed by Indians. vol. xii. 275 efficiency of Indian scouts.vol. xii. 275 discountenances a project of Colonel Bouquet.vol. xii. 275 proposed as representative to the House of Burgesses... .vol. xii. 276 elected and chaired.vol. xii. 276 hears of Amherst’s success. vol. xii. 276 to Colonel Bouquet.vol. xii. 277 remonstrates against opening a new road.vol. xii. 277 ordered to Raystown.vol. xii. 278 to Governor Fauquier.vol. xii. 282 given command of a division.vol. xii. 283 arrives before Fort Duquesne.vol. xii. 284 occupies the ruins of Fort Duquesne.vol. xii. 284 resigns his commission...vol. xii. 285 marries Mrs. Custis.vol. xii. 285 at the “White House”.vol. xii. 285 takes his seat in the House of Burgesses. .vol. xii. 300 first effort.vol. xii. 300 intrusted with the care of the property of Mrs. Custis’s children. vol. xii. 301 intimates a desire to visit England.vol. xii. 301 happiness in retirement.vol. xii. 302 vestryman.vol. xii. 304 deportment in church...vol. xii. 304 his fortune.vol. xii. 305 horses.vol. xii. 305 dogs.vol. xii. 306 riding equipments.(note) vol. xii. 306 596 Ii)dex Washington, George, management of his estate.vol. xii. 807 business habits. vol. xii. 807 the reputation of his brand.vol. xii. 807 domestic habits.vol. xii. 808 treatment of negroes.vol. xii. 808 anecdote.vol. xii. 308 his new plow.vol. xii. 808 fox-hunting.vol. xii. 809 hunting dinners.vol. xii. 809 hunting memoranda.(note) vol. xii. 310 fishing and shooting .vol. xii. 311 defiant oysterman.vol. xii. 311 duck shooting.vol. xii. 312 chastises a poacher. vol. xii. 312 aquatic recreations. vol. xii. 312 visits to Annapolis.vol. xii. 318 amusements.vol. xii. 318 dancing........ vol. xii. 318 domestic life. vol. xii. 314 project to drain Dismal Swamp.vol. xii. 315 in the House of Burgesses.vol. xii. 322 Stamp Act discussed .vol. xii. 322 to Francis Dandridge on the Stamp Act......vol. xii. 324 management of his estate. vol. xii. 325 conduct toward his wife’s son.vol. xii. 326 letters to London agents.vol. xii. 326 on the Stamp Act.vol. xii. 327 life at Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 329 to George Mason on non-importation.vol. xii. 334 introduces resolutions of non-use and importation.vol. xii. 386 on Botetourt.vol. xii. 345 expedition to the Ohio.vol. xii. 345 arrives at Fort Pitt. vol. xii. 347 meets Colonel Croghan.vol. xii. 347 interview with Indian chiefs.vol. xii. 348 embarks on the Ohio.vol. xii. 349 voyage down the river.vol. xii. 349 lands at Mingotown .vol. xii. 350 arrives at Captema Creek.vol. xii. 350 visits Kiashuta, a Seneca sachem.......vol. xii. 350 encamps at the mouth of the Great Kanawha....vol. xii. 351 visited by an old sachem.vol. xii. 352 escapes at Braddock’s defeat.vol. xii. 352 return home.vol. xii. 352 to Colonel Muse.vol. xii. 352 attends the Assembly.vol. xii. 355 friendly relations with Lord Dunmore .vol. xii. 356 affliction at the death of Miss Custis.vol. xii. 357 guardianship of John Parke Custis.vol. xii. 357 Ipdex 597 Washington, George, opposed to premature marriage...vol. xii. 358 accompanies John P. Custis to New York.vol. xii. 358 to President Cooper.vol. xii. 358 to Jonathan Boucher on premature travel.(note) vol. xii. 358 to Benedict Calvert on premature marriage.(note) vol. xii. 358 intimacy with Lord Dunmore.vol. xii. 365 attends meetings at Williamsburg.vol. xii. 366 presides at a political meeting.vol. xii. 368 chairman of committee on resolutions.vol. xii. 368 to Bryan Fairfax on a petition to the Throne.vol. xii. 369 reports patriotic resolutions. vol. xii. 369 delegation to general convention. vol. xii. 370 to Fairfax.vol. xii. 371 on non-importation.vol. xii. 371 presents resolutions to the convention.vol. xii. 371 enthusiasm.vol. xii. 372 delegate to the General Congress... vol. xii. 372 to Bryan Fairfax.vol. xii. 372 sets out for Philadelphia.vol. xii. 376 during prayer in the General Congress.vol. xii. 378 to Captain Mackenzie on independence.vol. xii. 384 returns to Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 385 reviews military companies. vol. xii. 400 visit of Lee and Gates.vol. xii. 400 fox hunting.vol. xii. 400 attends convention at Richmond.vol. xii. 402 one of a committee to prepare for war.vol. xii. 402 offers to command a company. vol. xii. 402 concerning the retreat from Concord.vol. xii. 411 hears of the affair at Lexington. .vol. xii. 413 to George William Fairfax.vol. xii. 413 hopes of a reconciliation.vol. xii. 421 chairman of committees on military affairs.vol. xii. 422 urged as commander-in-chief.vol. xii. 423 modesty. vol. xii. 424 opposed.vol. xii. 426 elected commander-in-chief.vol. xii. 426 acceptance.vol. xii. 426 to his wife.vol. xii. 428 to his brother.vol. xii. 429 receives his commission.vol. xii. 429 beau ideal of a commander.yol. xii. 430 sets out from Philadelphia.vol. xii. 453 harmony with Schuyler. vol. xii. 453 news of the battle of Bunker’s Hill.vol. xii. 455 determines to intrust Schuyler with the command of New York.vol. xii. 461 at Newark.vol. xii. 461 reply to President Livingston’s address.vol. xii. 462 598 Ir>dex Washington, George, instructions to General Schuyler.vol. xii. 463 leaves New York. ....vol. xii. 464 at the American camp.vol. xii. 464 effect of personal appearance.vol. xii. 464 to Governor Trumbull..vol. xii. 465 takes command of the army.vol. xii. 465 visits the American posts.vol. xii. 466 at Prospect Hill.vol. xii. 468 reconnoiters the British posts.vol. xii. 469 opinion of American troops.. vol. xii. 469 to the President of Congress.vol. xii. 472 requests a supply of money.vol. xii. 472 advises hunting shirts for the troops.vol. xii. 472 apology for Massachusetts troops.vol. xii. 473 headquarters.(note) vol. xii. 474 style of living in camp. vol. xii. 476 friendship for Joseph Reed.vol. xii. 477 summons council of war. ...vol. xii. 479 improves the defenses.vol. xii. 480 compliments General Putnam.vol. xii. 480 distribution of the army. vol. xii. 482 respect for religion. vol. xii. 483 declines to detach troops.vol. xii. 485 reply to General Assembly of Massachusetts.vol. xii. 485 reply to Governor of Connecticut.vol. xii. 485 distresses Boston.vol. xii. 486 scarcity of powder.vol. xii. 487 to Governor Cooke.vol. xii. 488 arrival of supplies.vol. xii. 488 poverty in ammunition.vol. xii. 488 correspondence with General Gage on the treatment of prisoners.vol. xii. 491 confines British officers in jail.vol. xii. 491 revokes the order. vol. xii. 492 to Schuyler recommending patience.vol. xii. 504 * reception of Indians.vol. xii. 506 to Schuyler. vol. xii. 508 to Schuyler recommending the attack of Quebec.vol. xii. 509 endeavors to bring on an engagement.vol. xii. 511 on the reluctance of the British to engage.vol. xii. 512 apprehension of a winter’s campaign.vol. xii. 513 summons a council. vol. xii. 513 to President of Congress.vol. xii. 514 detaches troops for the expedition against Canada.vol. xii. 515 to Arnold on the conduct of the expedition.vol. xii. 516 to Arnold concerning Lord Chatham’s son. vol. xii. 517 opinion of General Wooster. . vol. xii. 519 concern at Schuyler’s illness.vol. xii. 519 to Schuyler concerning Arnold.vol. xii. 519 Ipdex 599 Washington, George, solicitude for Arnold.vol. xii. 530 on Allen’s imprudence.vol. xii. 526 to Schuyler about Arnold.vol. xii. 536 treasonable letter.vol. xii. 529 orders the equipment of vessels.vol. xii. 531 on the destruction of Falmouth.vol. xii. 533 measures of retaliation.vol. xii. 533 to Governor Trumbull on the seizure of Tories..vol. xii. 539 orders General Sullivan to seize public enemies.vol. xii. 540 want of artillery and ordnance stores.vol. xii. 540 to the President of Congress on the = re-enlistment of troops. vol. xii. 542 to the same on the want of public spirit.vol. xii. 542 to Reed.vol. xii. 542 confidence in Arnold. vol. xii. 549 to Schuyler on Arnold and the conquest of Canada..vol. xii. 554 to Schuyler on his resigning.vol. xii. 556 summons a council to provide for defense of the lines... .vol. xii. 559 to Governor Trumbull, on the desertion of Connecticut troops.vol. xii. 559 arrival of captured munitions.vol. xii. 560 orders restoration of pillage.vol. xii. 561 to General Howe, on the treatment of Ethan Allen ..vol. xii. 562 to Congress concerning Allen.vol. xii. 564 to Levi Allen.vol. xii. 564 prepares to bombard Boston.vol. xii. 565 correspondence with Lund Washington.vol. xii. 569 asks Mrs. Washington to join him at camp.vol. xii. 569 to Lund Washington on his affairs.vol. xii. 569 directions concerning Mount Vernon. vol. xii. 570 to Reed on invitations to dinner.vol. xii. 571 attentions to General Court.vol. xii. 572 relieved from his perplexity.vol. xii. 572 religious duties. vol. xii. 573 quells a brawl.vol. xii. 574 to Arnold concerning capture of Quebec.vol. xii. 579 on Lord Dunmore. vol. xii. 580 to Governor Cooke on Lee’s proceedings in Rhode Island.vol. xii. 582 appeals to the soldiers’ patriotism.vol. xii. 584 cheering news from Canada.vol. xii. 586 strength of the army.vol. xii. 586 to Reed on the critical state of the army.vol. xii. 587 anxious vigils, to Reed.vol. xii. 589 to Reed concerning attack on Boston.vol. xii. 590 from Knox .vol. xii. 590 apprehensions for the safety of New York. vol. xii. 592 authorizes Lee to carry out his plans.vol. xii. 593 dispatches from Schuyler.vol. xiii. 25 to Schuyler on the death of Montgomery.vol. xiii. 39 600 iQdex Washington, George, solicitude about New York.vol. xiii. 30 to Lee relative to tories.•.vol. xiii. 44 to Lee on Captain Parker’s passivity.vol. xiii. 45 a»xiety to attack Boston .vol. xiii. 49 to Reed, confidential.vol. xiii. 49 to Reed in favor of attacking Boston.vol. xiii. 49 proposes an attack in council.vol. xiii. 50 arrival of Knox.vol. xiii. 50 active measures.vol. xiii. 51 public gloom. vol. xiii. 51 plan of operations...vol. xiii. 52 fortifies Dorchester Heights.vol. xiii. 53 effect on the enemy of the fortification of Dorchester Heights.vol. xiii. 57 address to his troops. vol. xiii. 59 communication from the “selectmen” of Boston.vol. xiii. 61 enters Boston.vol. xiii. 65 on Howe’s retreat.vol. xiii. 65 throws up works on Fort Hill. vol. xiii. 66 national applause.vol. xiii. 66 receives a vote of thanks—gold medal commemorative of the evacuation of Boston.vol. xiii. 67 on the destination of the British.vol. xiii. 68 to Lee on his appointment to command the Southern Department .vol. xiii. 70 on the character of Lee.vol. xiii. 71 sends detachments to New York.vol. xiii. 73 arrives at New York. vol. xiii. 74 to the commi&tee of safety.vol. xiii. 76 occupations. vol. xiii. 76 to Congress on the defense of Canada and New York....vol. xiii. 77 secret designs of the enemy.. ... .vol. xiii. 78 to Schuyler on affairs in Canada.vol. xiii. 79 to Schuyler on charges against.vol. xiii. 85 sends Gates to Congress.vol. xiii. 87 summoned before Congress.vol. xiii. 88 general orders.vol. xiii. 88 instructions to Putnam.vol. xiii. 89 leaves New York.vol. xiii. 89 guest of Hancock.vol. xiii 89 conferences with Congress.vol. xiii. 90 conferences with George Clinton.vol. xiii. 91 affairs in Canada. vol. xiii. 95 to Schuyler concerning Indians... ... .vol. xiii. 96 to Augustine—bloody prospects.vol. xiii. 96 reconnoiters King’s Bridge.vol. xiii. 97 reply to Sullivan. vol. xiii. 100 to Congress on Sullivan.vol. xiii. 101 conspiracy in New York ..........vol. xiii. 106 Ii)dex 601 Washington, George, arrival of British troops.vol. xiii. Ill general orders.vol. xiii. 112 calls upon the troops to prepare for a momentous con¬ flict .vol. xiii. 113 concerning Amboy and Staten Island.vol. xiii. 117 joy at the declaration of independence.vol. xiii. 119 causes it to be read at the head of each brigade.vol. xiii. 119 censures the destruction of the statue of George III.vol. xiii. 119 to Clinton on the safety of the Highlands.vol. xiii. 122 advises precautions against the tories.vol. xiii. 123 British recognition of his rank. .vol. xiii. 127 receives Colonel Patterson.vol. xiii. 129 declines the letter to George Washington, Esq.vol. xiii. 130 conduct applauded. vol. xiii. 131 sectional jealousies.vol. xiii. 131 on Connecticut light-horse.vol. xiii. 140 to Governor Trumbull on the Connecticut troops.vol. xiii. 141 concerning Connecticut light-horse.vol. xiii. 141 to Schuyler on Sir Peter Parker’s repulse.vol. xiii. 152 general order concerning Sir Peter Parker’s repulse.vol. xiii. 152 general order relative to sectional jealousies.vol. xiii. 158 to the army on the observance of the Sabbath and blas¬ phemy. vol. xiii. 159 to Mercer for re-enforcements.vol. xiii. 160 general orders on the approach of the struggle., .(note) vol. xiii. 161 preparations for the conflict...vol. xiii. 161 paternal cares. vol. xiii. 162 plans of defense.vol. xiii. 164 landing of the British on Long Island. vol. xiii. 167 sends re-enforcements to Brooklyn.vol. xiii. 167 exhortation to the troops. vol. xiii. 167 concerning the burning of New York.vol. xiii. 168 urges the removal of the helpless.vol. xiii. 169 crosses to Brooklyn.vol. xiii. 169 instructions to Putnam.vol. xiii. 169 re-enforces Long Island. vol. xiii. 170 visits Brooklyn.vol. xiii. 171 returns to New York.vol. xiii. 171 at Brooklyn.vol. xiii. 175 American left turned.vol. xiii. 176 prepares to retreat. vol. xiii. 176 plan of retreat.vol. xiii. 177 and General Mifflin’s premature retreat. vol. xiii. 187 successful retreat.vol. xiii. 189 to President of Congress on distressed situation of the army.vol. xiii. 190 question of destroying New York.vol. xiii. 191 removes the sick and wounded.vol. xiii. 193 concerning desertions.vol. xiii. 194 Vol . XV .—***26 602 Ir>dex Washington, George, to President of Congress on the inten¬ tions of the enemy.vol. xiii. 200 defensive policy.vol. xiii. 201 question of abandoning New York.vol. xiii. 202 plan adopted.vol. xiii. 203 prepares for evacuation.vol. xiii. 204 baggage removed to King’s Bridge.vol. xiii. 205 British crossing the river.vol. xiii. 206 rage at the cowardice of the troops.vol. xiii. 206 perilous situation.vol. xiii. 207 headquarters. vol. xiii. 209 fortifies the approaches to his camp.vol. xiii. 210 on the conduct of his troops.vol. xiii. 210 interview with Hamilton.vol. xiii. 210 successful skirmish.vol. xiii. 211 general orders, reference to Knowlton.vol. xiii. 212 on the reorganization of the army.....vol. xiii. 214 exchange of prisoners.vol. xiii. 215 uncertainty of the enemy’s intentions.vol. xiii. 217 ceaseless vigilance.vol. xiii. 218 reconnoiterings.vol. xiii. 218 to Congress on the safety of the Highlands.vol. xiii. 218 measures taken.vol. xiii. 218 accident on board his yacht.vol. xiii. 224 enemy lands at Throg’s Neck.vol. xiii. 226 reconnoiters Throg’s Neck.vol. xiii. 228 throws up works.vol. xiii. 227 receives Lee.vol. xiii. 229 council of war. vol. xiii. 230 forms four divisions of the army.vol. xiii. 232 at White Plains.vol. xiii. 235 offers reward for troopers.vol. xiii. 235 movement of the enemy.... .vol. xiii. 235 draws his troops into White Plains.vol. xiii. 237 situation of the camp.vol. xiii. 237 reconnoitering.vol. xiii. 238 British advance.vol. xiii. 239 sick and wounded removed. vol. xiii. 241 strengthens his position.vol. xiii. 241 condition of troops.vol. xiii. 243 shifts position to Northcastle.vol. xiii. 244 British retire. vol. xiii. 244 to General William Livingston, intentions of the enemy, vol. xiii. 246 advises the evacuation of Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 248 advises removal of stores from Fort Lee.vol. xiii. 249 disposition of troops.vol. xiii. 250 instructions to Lee.vol. xiii. 250 at Peekskill. vol. xiii. 251 Visits the Highland posts..vol. xiii. 251 Ipdex 603 Washington, George, reconnoissance.vol. xiii. 252 to Lee respecting new levies.vol. xiii. 252 leaves Heath in command of the Highlands.vol. xiii. 253 intelligence from the Northern army.vol. xiii. 253 crosses the Hudson. vol. xiii. 261 arrives at Fort Lee. vol. xiii. 263 question of abandoning Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 263 urges the increase of ordnance and artillery.vol. xiii. 262 attack on Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 265 Hessian cruelties, anecdote...vol. xiii. 268 sends a message to Magaw.vol. xiii. 268 surrender of Fort Washington....vol. xiii. 269 to Lee on the defense of the Highlands.vol. xiii. 269 to Augustine on the loss of Fort Washington.vol. xiii. 270 gloomy anticipations.vol. xiii. 270 arrives at Fort Lee. vol. xiii. 273 retreats from Fort Lee.vol. xiii. 273 crosses the Hackensack River.vol. xiii. 273 to Lee, ordering him to cross the Hudson....vol. xiii. 278 further retreat..vol. xiii. 276 Lee to Colonel Reed. .vol. xiii. 277 correspondence with Lee on crossing the Hudson.vol. xiii. 280 to Lee on his delay...vol. xiii. 282 retreats to New Brunswick.vol. xiii. 283 Lee’s letter to Reed.vol. xiii. 284 to Reed, inclosing letter of Lee.vol. xiii. 285 concerning Reed.. .(note) vol. xiii. 286 at Trenton. vol. xiii. 287 to Congress explaining his retreat. vol. xiii. 287 indomitable spirit. vol. xiii. 289 at Trenton.vol. xiii. 292 returns to Princeton.vol. xiii. 294 crosses the Delaware.vol. xiii. 294 to Congress on the enemy’s plans.vol. xiii. 295 to Lee on the peril of Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 296 amount of force. .vol. xiii. 296 to Trumbull hopefully.vol. xiii. 297 to Lee, urging speed.vol. xiii. 299 retreat across the Jerseys.vol. xiii. 304 moral qualities. vol. xiii. 304 to Augustine on Lee’s capture.vol. xiii. 306 to Augustine on the critical state of affairs.vol. xiii. 307 granted new powers.vol. xiii. 307 recruitment of the army.vol. xiii. 307 meditates a coup de main.vol. xiii. 309 disposition of the enemy.vol. xiii. 309 plan of attack.vol. xiii. 314 to Colonel Reed concerning the projected attack on Trenton.vol. xiii. 314 604 Ipdex Washington, George, to Reed relative to the time chosen.vol. xiii. 315 from Gates...vol. xiii. 316 crosses the Delaware.....vol. xiii. 317 pushes forward to Trenton.vol. xiii. 317 march of troops.*.vol. xiii. 318 anecdote. vol. xiii. 320 advances with the artillery.vol. xiii. 321 captures the Hessians.vol. xiii. 322 imminent hazard.vol. xiii. 325 visits Rahl.vol. xiii. 326 described by Hessian officer.vol. xiii. 327 by another.vol. xiii. 328 follows up the blow at Trenton.vol. xiii. 333 troops begin to cross the Delaware..vol. xiii. 334 re-enlistments.vol. xiii. 335 to Robert Morris for money.vol. xiii. 335 invested with dictatorial powers.vol. xiii. 335 acknowledgment to Congress.vol. xiii. 336 critical situation....vol. xiii. 338 takes position on the Assunpink.vol. xiii. 339 during the attack.vol. xiii. 340 desperate situation.vol. xiii. 341 bold expedient.vol. xiii. 341 council of war.vol. xiii. 342 determines to attack Princeton.vol. xiii. 341 the army begins its march.vol. xiii. 342 at Princeton.vol. xiii. 342 anecdote. vol. xiii. 344 rallies the troops.vol. xiii. 343 loss of General Mercer.vol. xiii. 343 pushes for Morristown.vol. xiii. 347 orders Putnam to Crosswicks.vol. xiii. 349 to Heath concerning the enemy’s panic.vol. xiii. 350 to Heath, repeating orders .vol. xiii. 350 to Major-general Lincoln, ordering an advance on New York.vol. xiii. 350 triumphant close of the campaign.vol. xiii. 352 the American Fabius.vol. xiii. 353 to Cornwallis, relative to Hessians.vol. xiii. 355 his encampment.vol. xiii. 356 prohibits plundering.vol. xiii. 359 counter proclamation.vol. xiii. 359 has the troops inoculated. vol. xiii. 360 paternal care and sympathy—. vol. xiii. 361 contrasted with Howe.vol. xiii. 361 discourages vice and immorality ...vol. xiii. 362 to Sir M \lliam Howe proposing an exchange for Lee.. ..vol. xiii. 364 on the treatment of prisoners. . .vol. xiii. 365 concerning treatment of Colonel Campbell.vol. xiii. 367 Ir>dex 605 Washington, George, to Congress on retaliation.,'...vol. xiii. 368 to Robert Morris on the same.vol. xiii. 369 to Howe on the prison ships.vol. xiii. 371 calls for re-enforcements.vol. xiii. 374 to Governor Cooke on the necessity of union.vol. xiii. 375 urges the re-enforcement of Schuyler. vol. xiii. 376 on sectional jealousies. vol. xiii. 377 critical situation.vol. xiii. 377 orders troops to Peekskill.vol. xiii. 378 designs of the enemy.vol. xiii. 379 to Gates on the adjutant-generalship...vol. xiii. 386 on foreign officers.,.vol. xiii. 389 reprehends distinctions among the troops.vol. xiii. 392 forms a guard.vol. xiii. 392 questions of rank. vol. xiii. 393 to Henry Lee on Arnold’s promotion..vol. xiii. 394 to Arnold explaining his non-promotion.vol. xiii. 395 to Congress on injustice to Arnold.vol. xiii. 401 publicly thanks Colonel Meigs...vol. xiii. 402 concerning Schuyler.vol. xiii. 403 rebukes Gates.vol. xiii. 407 to McDougall on the fortifications of the Hudson.vol. xiii. 413 to Greene on the forts .;.vol. xiii. 414 his foresight. vol. xiii. 414 offers Arnold the command of the Hudson.vol. xiii. 415 to McDougall, describing Putnam.vol. xiii. 416 to Dr. Craik on his appointment.vol. xiii. 416 at Middlebrook .vol. xiii. 417 amount of force.vol. xiii. 417 to Patrick Henry giving warning.vol. xiii. 419 strengthens his position.vol. xiii. 419 uncertainty of British movements.vol. xiii. 420 reply to Reed’s appeal...vol. xiii. 423 on Burgoyne’s reported designs. vol. xiii. 425 speculations on the enemy’s movements.vol. xiii. 428 to Clinton and Putnam ordering out troops.vol. xiii. 429 evacuation of Ticonderoga....vol. xiii. 443 re-enforces Schuyler.vol. xiii. 444 news of St. Clair.vol. xiii. 445 to Schuyler on St. Clair.vol. xiii. 445 to Sir William Howe proposing to exchange Prescott for Lee.vol. xiii. 455 to Trumbull on the treatment of Prescott.vol. xiii. 461 sends Arnold to Schuyler.vol. xiii. 461 to Schuyler hopefully. vol. xiii. 462 cautions.vol. xiii. 463 to Schuyler on the enemy’s force.vol. xiii. 463 plans to harass Burgoyne.vol. xiii. 464 a delusive letter.vol. xiii. 466 606 Ir>dex Washington, George, sets out fo-r the Delaware.vol. xiii. 466 to Gates on Howe’s movements.vo). xiii. 467 moves to Germantown—.vol. xiii. 468 orders and counter-orders.vol. xiii. 468 to Putnam relative to Connecticut.vol. xiii. 469 declines to nominate commander for the Northern De¬ partment. vol. xiii. 471 regret at the removal of Schuyler. vol. xiii. 472 soothing counsels.vol. xiii. 472 news of British fleet. , .vol. xiii. 476 to Putnam to be on the alert. vol. xiii. 478 sends Colonel Morgan to fight the Indians.vol. xiii. 479 re-enforces Gates.vol. xiii. 479 force in Burgoyne’s rear.vol. xiii. 480 makes the acquaintance of Lafayette.vol. xiii. 481. on foreign appointments.vol. xiii. 483 marches through Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 484 at Wilmington. vol. xiii. 485 to Putnam on Stark’s victory.vol. xiii. 514 enemy landing.vol. xiii. 524 reconnoiters. vol. xiii. 524 risk of capture.vol. xiii. 525 determines to risk a battle.vol. xiii. 528 stirring appeal to the army.vol. xiii. 529 changes position.vol. xiii. 530 position of the army.vol. xiii. 530 battle of Brandywine.vol. xiii. 531 profits by Howe’s inactivity.vol. xiii. 539 retreat to Germantown.vol. xiii. 540 maneuvers of the armies. vol. xiii. 540 at Warwick Furnace.vol. xiii. 541 to Putnam for re-enforcements.vol. xiii. 544 to Gates for Morgan’s corps.vol. xiii. 544 rests at Pott’s Grove. vol. xiii. 545 to Trumbull on the taking of Philadelphia.vol. xiii. 546 amount of force.vol. xiv. 46 advances to Skippack Creek.vol. xiv. 46 to Congress on Howe’s situation.vol. xiv. 47 determines to attack the British camp.vol. xiv. 48 plan of attack.vol. xiv. 48 conduct in the battle of Germantown.vol. xiv. 54 to Congress on the battle..vol. xiv. 55 remains at Perkiomen Creek.vol. xiv. 57 re-enforced. vol. xiv. 57 at White Marsh......vol. xiv. 57 intercepts supplies.„...vol. xiv. 57 the importance of Fort Mercer.vol. xiv. 58 to Richard Henry Lee on the promotion of Conway.vol. xiv. 64 to Gates on the surrender of Burgoyne.vol. xiv. 66 f Ipdex 607 Washington, George, to Conway on his letter to Gates.vol. xiv. 68 to Patrick Henry, apology for his army.vol. xiv. 70 to Thomas Wharton for aid.(note) vol. xiv. 70 in want of re-enforcements.vol. xiv. 71 instructions in regard to the forts.vol. xiv. 72 loss of Fort Mifflin.vol. xiv. 74 hopes to keep Red Bank.vol. xiv. 74 reprimands Putnam.vol. xiv. 79 intrigues against.vol. xiv. 80 Fort Mercer taken.vol. xiv. 80 arrival of re-enforcements.vol. xiv. 82 advising the sinking of the American vessels.vol. xiv. 82 reconnoiters Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 84 opportunity for a brilliant blow.vol. xiv. 86 council of war.vol. xiv. 86 on the promotion of Lafayette./.vol. xiv. 88 camp menaced by Howe.vol. xiv. 90 skirmishes.:.vol. xiv. 90 encourages his troops.vol. xiv. 91 the enemy retire.vol. xiv. 92 to Congress on threatened attack.vol. xiv. 93 approach of winter.vol. xiv. 93 winters-quarters.vol. xiv. 94 arrival at Valley Forge. vol. xiv. 94 destitution of troops.vol. xiv. 95 in vindication.vol. xiv. 96 exercises his authority. vol. xiv. 98 to Congress on the consequences. vol. xiv. 98 retrospect of 1777 .vol. xiv. 98 to Gates on the Conway letter.vol. xiv. 103 to Laurens on the conduct of his enemies.vol. xiv. 107 correspondence with Gates....vol. xiv. 108 searching reply to Gates’ explanation.vol. xiv. 114 closing note to Gates.vol. xiv. 116 forged letters.vol. xiv. 117 to General Henry Lee on the forged letters.vol. xiv. 117 to Landon Carter on the same.vol. xiv. 118 introduction to forged letters.vol. xiv. 118 Canada expedition.vol. xiv. 119 to Lafayette, consoling .vol. xiv. 120 to Patrick Henry, on the cabal.vol. xiv. 130 party opposed to Washington...(note) vol. xiv. 130 reforms in the army.vol. xiv. 132 destitution in camp.vol. xiv. 134 situation described.vol. xiv. 134 to Captain Lee on his exploit.vol. xiv. 136 recommends Captain Lee for promotion.vol. xiv. 137 to General Lee on his exchange.vol. xiv. 138 arrival of Mrs. Washington.vol. xiv. 139 608 !i)dex Washington, George, better times.vol. xiv. 139 arrival of Bryan Fairfax.vol. xiv. 139 to Bryan Fairfax on their friendship. vol. xiv. 140 arrival of Baron Steuben.vol. xiv. 141 promotion of Greene. vol. xiv. 145 project to capture Sir Henry Clinton..vol. xiv. 147 circular on plan of next campaign.vol. xiv. 149 to Congress on forming a system..vol. xiv. 150 downfall of Conway. vol. xiv. 150 sends Lord North’s bills to Congress. ..vol. xiv. 152 to Governor Tryon inclosing resolutions of Congress_vol. xiv. 153 rejoicings at Valley Forge.vol. xiv. 155 council of war determines for defensive measures.vol. xiv. 155 American force.vol. xiv. 158 solicitude for Lafayette.vol. xiv. 160 to Congress on Ethan Allen.vol. xiv. 161 prepares to decamp.vol. xiv. 162 sends Sir Henry Clinton’s letter to Congress.vol. xiv. 165 amount of force under.vol. xiv. 168 to Lee, admonitory.vol. xiv. 169 council of war.vol. xiv. 170 Philadelphia evacuated.vol. xiv. 170 pursues the enemy.vol. xiv. 171 crosses the Delaware at Coryell’s Ferry.vol. xiv. 171 council opposed to a general action.vol. xiv. 172 determines to attack the enemy.vol. xiv. 173 perplexed to satisfy Lee.vol. xiv. 175 resolves upon an attack.vol. xiv. 175 orders Lee to watch the enemy.vol. xiv. 176 orders Lee to attack. vol. xiv. 176 sets forward to the attack.vol. xiv. 176 retreat of the American troops.vol. xiv. 178 meets Colonel Shreve and Major Howard retreating ... .vol. xiv. 179 angry meeting with Lee.vol. xiv. 179 checks the retreat.vol. xiv. 180 dispositions for battle.vol. xiv. 180 battle of Monmouth Court-house.vol. xiv. 182 retreat of the enemy. vol. xiv. 184 march to Brunswick.vol. xiv. 186 halts at Paramus.vol. xiv. 186 correspondence with General Lee.vol. xiv. 186 puts Lee under arrest.vol. xiv. 189 conduct in relation to Lee. vol. xiv. 189 on Lee’s abuse.vol. xiv. 191 magnanimity in regard to Lee.vol. xiv. 195 arrival of French fleet.vol. xiv. 196 correspondence with Count D’Estaing. vol. xiv. 198 plan of operations. ... .vol. xiv. 198 encamps at White Plains..vol. xiv. 198 Ipdex 609 Washington, George, orders Sullivan to prepare for a de¬ scent upon Rhode Island.vol. xiv. 300 to John Augustine on the failure of the expedition against Rhode Island.vol. xiv. 210 anxiety as to its effects. vol. xiv. 211 to D’Estaing on his failure.vol. xiv. 211 enemy’s movements .vol. xiv. 216 strengthens the Highlands. .vol. xiv. 217 moves his camp to Fredericksburg. vol. xiy. 217 moves to Fishkill..vol. xiv. 218 distribution of troops.vol. xiv. 225 headquarters near Middlebrook....vol. xiv. 225 plan of alarm signals.vol. xiv. 225 opposes Lafayette’s Canada scheme .vol. xiv. 227 in Philadelphia .vol. xiv. 228 on the deterioration of Congress.vol. xiv. 229 to Colonel Harrison on the decline of public spirit.vol. xiv. 229 disgust at the neglect of Congress.vol. xiv. 231 policy of the next campaign.vol. xiv. 231 unjust retaliation on the Indians. vol. xiv. 232 discontent of Jersey troops. vol. xiv. 233 acts as a mediator.vol. xiv. 233 address to the officers.vol. xiv. 238 reply of the officers.vol. xiv. 234 to General Maxwell on the determination of his officers.vol. xiv. 235 apprehends an expedition against the Highlands.vol. xiv. 238 measures for the protection of West Point.vol. xiv. 240 removes to New Windsor.vol. xiv. 240 detaches General Heath to act against the British in Connecticut.vol. xiv. 242 plans the recapture of Stony Point and Fort Lafayette, .vol. xiv. 243 proposes the storming of Stony Point to Wayne.vol. xiv. 243 plan of surprisal.vol. xiv. 245 evacuates Stony Point.vol. xiv. 249 at West Point. vol. xiv. 250 expedition against Penobscot.vol. xiv. 252 on the surprise of Paulus Hook....vol. xiv. 254 on the capture of Stony Point and Paulus Hook.vol. xiv. 256 furthers the defenses of the Hudson.vol. xiv. 257 to Edmund Randolph for information of affairs.vol. xiv. 257 to Dr. Cochran describing style of living....vol. xiv. 258 reception of the Chevalier de la Luzerne.vol. xiv. 260 to Lafayette...vol. xiv. 260 change of plans.vol. xiv. 262 sends troops to the South.vol. xiv. 263 to President Reed for aid . ..vol. xiv. 264 on the destitution of the troops. vol. xiv. 264 calls upon the counties for supplies.vol. xiv. 266 to Colonel Ogden to regard the rights of the people.vol. xiv. 266 610 Ipdex Washington, George, bay of New York frozen over.vol. xiv. 207 projects a descent on Staten Island.vol. xiv. 267 Arnold’s government of Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 271 good opinion of Arnold.'... vol. xiv. 272 instructions to Arnold.vol. xiv. 272 sympathy with Arnold.vol. xiv. 279 reprimand to Arnold.vol. xiv. 281 solicitude for the safety of the Southern States.vol. xiv. 283 on the safety of Charleston.vol. xiv. 288 to Congress on his situation.vol. xiv. 289 re-enforces Lincoln.vol. xiv. 290 steadfastness of mind.vol. xiv. 291 to Baron Steuben on his difficulties.vol. xiv. 291 to Congress on military reforms.vol. xiv. 292 committee appointed to consult with.vol. xiv. 293 to Lafayette on his return....vol. xiv. 294 reception of Lafayette. vol. xiv. 294 to Lafayette on the reduction of New York.vol. xiv. 295 reduction of the army.vol. xiv. 298 mutiny in camp.vol. xiv. 299 to President Reed for relief.vol. xiv. 300 endeavors to rouse Congress.vol. xiv. 300 surrender of Charleston.vol. xiv. 310 supplies West Point.vol. xiv. 315 in position at Short Hills. vol. xiv. 318 watches Knyphausen.vol. xiv. 319 sets off toward Pompton....vol. xiv. 320 enemy move against Springfield...vol. xiv. 320 applies to the State Legislature for aid..vol. xiv. 326 congratulates the army on the arrival of French troops.vol. xiv. 331 his line of conduct.vol. xiv. 331 crosses the Hudson..vol. xiv. 333 interview with Arnold.vol. xiv. 333 withdraws his forces.vol. xiv. 334 interposes in the difficulty between Greene and Con¬ gress. ...vol. xiv. 335 on the derangement of the commissariat.vol. xiv. 336 the reverse at Camden.vol. xiv. 351 on militia and regular troops.vol. xiv. 351 to Gates on the battle of Camden.vol. xiv. 353 prepares to proceed to Hartford.vol. xiv. 353 crosses to Verplanck’s Point.vol. xiv. 361 interview with French officers.vol. xiv. 375 returns to headquarters.vol. xiv. 375 reception by the people.vol. xiv. 376 detained at Fishkill.vol. xiv. 376 ride to the Robinson House.vol. xiv. 377 arrives at the Robinson House.vol. xiv. 378 at West Point.vol. xiv. 878 Ii)dex 611 WASHINGTON", George, hears of Arnold’s treason.vol. xiv. 379 sends in pursuit of Arnold.vol. xiv. 379 letters from Arnold and Colonel Robinson.vol. xiv. 381 to Colonel Wade, urging vigilance.vol. xiv. 382 to General Greene, to proceed to King’s Ferry.vol. xiv. 383 to Colonel Jameson, to prevent Andre’s escape.vol. xiv. 383 interview with Mrs. Arnold.vol. xiv. 383 Andre brought to the Robinson House.vol. xiv. 384 to Greene on the custody of Andre and Smith.vol. xiv. 384 refers the case of Andre to a board of general officers. ..vol. xiv. 390 to Sir Henry Clinton, concerning Andre.vol. xiv. 392 Andre’s appeal.vol. xiv. 397 eulogium on the captors of Andre.vol. xiv. 402 on Arnold’s address.vol. xiv. 404 opinion of Arnold.vol. xiv. 405 to Governor Reed on Arnold’s conduct.vol. xiv. 405 strengthens West Point.vol. xiv. 409 takes post at Prakeness.vol. xiv. 409 plan to capture Arnold.vol. xiv. 410 failure of Champe’s design.vol. xiv. 412 appoints Greene to command the Southern army.. a .vol. xiv. 413 confidence in Greene.vol. xiv. 413 state of the army.vol. xiv. 415 to General Sullivan on the state of the country and army .vol. xiv. 415 to Lafayette on his desire for action.vol. xiv. 418 preparations to attack the British posts.vol. xiv. 419 his horsemanship.vol. xiv. 420 personal appearance.vol. xiv. 423 his character.vol. xiv. 423 at New Windsor. vol. xiv. 425 to Franklin on his disappointment.vol. xiv. 447 necessitous state of the country.vol. xiv. 448 instructions to Colonel Laurens.vol. xiv. 449 revolt of the Pennsylvania line.vol. xiv. 452 to Wayne on the revolt. vol. xiv. 453 disaffection in the army.. vol. xiv. 459 suppresses mutiny of Jersey troops. ..vol. xiv. 460 articles of confederation.vol. xiv. 461 heads of departments formed. vol. xiv. 464 eulogium on Hamilton.,vol. xiv. 465 misunderstanding with Hamilton.... . vol. xiv. 466 to Lafayette on Hamilton.vol. xiv. 469 reconciliation with Hamilton.vol. xiv. 469 to Greene on the battle of Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 504 on the destruction of Arnold’s corps.vol. xiv. 512 instructions to Lafayette.vol. xiv. 513 to Steuben on Arnold.vol. xiv. 513 sets out for Newport.vol. xiv. 514 to Lafayette on Cornwallis. vol. xiv. 514 Iqdex 612 Washington, George, at Newport.vo>l. xiv. 515 arranges plan of campaign with Rochambeau.vol. xiv. 515 to Lafayette on the sailing of the French fleet.vol. xiv. 515 returns to New Windsor.vol. xiv. 516 to Greene on the chance of re-enforcements.vol. xiv. 516 to Colonel Lanrens on the failure of the Portsmouth ex¬ pedition...vol. xiv. 518 anxiety for Greene.vol. xiv. 519 orders Lafayette to join Greene.vol. xiv. 519 to Lund Washington on his conduct toward the enemy..vol. xiv. 533 force on the Hudson.vol. xiv. 535 death of Colonel Greene. .vol. xiv. 537 arrival of Count de Barras.vol. xiv. 539 interview with Rochambeau.vol. xiv. 539 number of force.vol. xiv. 530 plan of operations.vol. xiv. 531 to Governor Clinton, on his designs.vol. xiv. 532 march to King’s Bridge..vol. xiv. 532 failure of the enterprise.vol. xiv. 532 at Dobb’s Ferry.vol. xiv. 533 to Lee on his plans.vol. xiv. 535 reconnoiters the British posts.vol. xiv. 536 at King’s Bridge.vol.'xiv. 537 awkward predicament.vol. xiv. 537 to Lafayette on the effect of the reconnoissance.vol. xiv. 538 disappointment as to re-enforcements.vol. xiv. 558 to the Eastern States.vol. xiv. 559 to Lafayette on the arrival of Count de Grasse.vol. xiv. 560 determines to command the expedition.vol. xiv. 561 crosses to Haverstraw.. ...vol. xiv. 563 visits West Point with Rochambeau.vol. xiv. 563 move toward Virginia....... vol. xiv. 563 to Noah Webster on the Virginia expedition..(note) vol. xiv. 564 welcome at Philadelphia....vol. xiv. 566 concern about De Grasse.vol. xiv. 569 to Lafayette on Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 569 arrival of the Count de Grasse.vol. xiv. 570 reaches the Head of Elk. .vol. xiv. 570 to De Grasse on Cornwallis.vol. xiv. 571 at Baltimore.vol. xiv. 572 revisits Mount Vernon.vol. xiv. 572 pushes on to Williamsburg.vol. xiv. 572 hurries on the troops.vol. xiv. 576 on board the French fleet.vol. xiv. 577 plan of operations.vol. xiv. 577 arrival of Admiral Bigby.vol. xiv. 578 threatened departure of the French fleet.vol. xiv. 578 army drawn up at Beaver Dam Creek.vol. xiv. 580 strength of forces.vol. xiv. 581 Ipdex 613 Washington, George, anecdote.... . dispatches from Greene.... to Greene on the battle of Eutaw Springs. fires the first gun against Yorktown. witnesses the storming of the redoubts....... anecdote.. and Knox, ancedote. surrender of Yorktown. and General O’Hara. on the victory.... re-enforces General Greene. dissolution of combined armies. at Eltham. death of John Parke Custis. proceeds to Mount Vernon. to Greene on the improvement of the victory, to Lafayette on the next campaign.. reception by Congress.... policy of the ensuing campaign. bold project of Colonel Ogden. to Greene on retaliation. murder of Captain Huddy.. demand on Sir Henry Clinton.. the case of Captain Asgill. case of Colonel Webb. at Newburg. continues his precautions. arrival of Sir Guy Carle ton. propositions of peace... discontent in the army...... letter from Colonel Nicola. indignant reply to Nicola. negotiations for peace. to Rochambeau, advising a junction... at Verplanck’s Point. on the reduction of the army. discontent of the army... anonymous paper... addresses committee of the army. to Congress on behalf of the army. news of peace.. a plea for the soldier. general order on peace... grants furloughs... interview with Sir Guy Carleton. president of the society of the Cincinnati.... on the dissolution of the army. mutiny of Pennsylvania troops. to Congress on the mutiny. UOC.C.4S ecTOlt XIV. 582 .vol. xiv. 584 .vol. xiv. 591 .vol. xiv. 592 .vol. xiv. 598 .vol. xiv, 598 .vol. xiv. 598 .vol. xiv. 602 .vol. xiv. 604 .vol. xiv. 605 .vol. xiv. 608 .vol. xiv. 608 .vol. xiv. 609 .vol. xiv. 609 .vol. xiv. 609 .vol. xiv. 610 .vol. xiv. 610 .vol. xiv. 611 .vol. xiv. 611 .vol. xiv. 612 .vol. xiv. 614 ...vol. xiv. 614 .vol. xiv. 615 .vol. xiv. 616 .. .(note) vol. xiv. 617 .vol. xiv. 618 .vol. xiv. 619 . .vol. xiv. 619 .vol. xiv. 619 .vol. xiv. 619 .vol. xiv. 620 .vol. xiv. 620 .vol. xiv. 621 .vol. xiv. 621 .vol. xiv. 621 .vol. xiv. 621 . .vol. xv. 19 .vol. xv. 21 .vol. xv. 25 ..vol. xv. 29 .vol. xv. 81 .vol. xv. 32 .vol. xv. 32 .vol. xv. 33 .vol. xv. 34 .vol. xv. 36 .vol. xv. 37 . .vol. xv. 41 .vol. xv. 42 614 Ir>dex Washington, George, tour through New York.vol. xv. 43 to Chastellux on his tour.vol. xv. 44 parting address to the army.vol. xv. 45 at Harlem.vol. xv. 48 enters New York.vol. xv. 49 farewell to his officers.vol. xv. 49 adjustment of his accounts.vol. xv. 50 journey to Annapolis.vol. xv. 51 to Baron Steuben on his resignation.vol. xv. 53 resigns his commission.vol. xv. 53 returns to Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 54 to Governor Clinton on his retirement.vol. xv. 53 to Knox on his retirement.vol. xv. 54 to Lafayette; a soldier’s repose.vol. xv. 55 to the Marchioness de Lafayette.vol. xv. 56 manner of living.vol. xv. 56 declines the offer of the Pennsylvania council .vol. xv. 57 applications from authors..vol. xv. 57 to Dr. Craik on his Memoirs.vol. xv. 58 reception of visitors.vol. xv. 60 management of his estate.vol. xv. 61 popular feeling against the Cincinnati.vol. xv. 63 presides at a meeting of the Cincinnati.vol. xv. 63 to Chastellux on his regard.vol. xv. 63 arrival of Lafayette. .vol. xv. 63 tour west of the mountains.:.vol. xv. 63 observations on internal navigation.vol. xv. 64 to Governor Harrison on internal improvement.vol. xv. 66 reception by the Virginia House of Assembly.vol. xv. 66 joined by Lafayette. .vol. xv. 67 parting with Lafayette.vol. xv. 67 to Richard Henry Lee on inland navigation.vol. xv. 69 at Annapolis. .vol. xv. 71 appropriation of Virginia Assembly.vol. xv. 71 rural improvements.vol. xv. 73 to Governor Clinton concerning rural matters.vol. xv. 73 burden of correspondence. .vol. xv. 74 to Francis Hopkinson on sitting for likenesses....vol. xv. 75 ornamental cultivation..vol. xv. 75 extent of his estate.vol. xv. 76 life at Mount Vernon. vol. xv. 77 private character..vol. xv. 77 fondness for children.vol. xv. 78 in social life.vol. xv. 78 unassuming manners.vol. xv. 79 attention to others, anecdote.vol. xv. 79 social disposition.vol. xv. 80 festive gayety.vol. xv. 80 and Mrs. Olney. ..vol. xv. 81 Ipdex 615 Washington, George, laughter, anecdote. anecdote, Judges Marshall and Washington. anecdote, Colonel Lee. passion for hunting. anecdote, fox hunting. to George William Fairfax about deer. death of Greene. to Lafayette on Greene. to the Marquis de la Rouerie. to Rochambeau, reveries of peace. doubts the solidity of the confederation. to James Warren on the confederation. ideas on national policy. correspondence with John Jay. to Colonel Lee on the Massachusetts insurrection to Knox on the same.. to James Madison on the same. at the head of the Virginia delegation. the Massachusetts insurrection quelled. attends the convention. anecdote.. to Lafayette on the new Constitution. returns to Mount Vernon. . on the ratification of the Constitution. to Lafayette on the Presidency.. to Colonel Lee on the same. to Hamilton on the same.... to Lafayette on the same. elected President. parting with his mother. to Knox on his election. sets out for New York.. public dinner at Alexandria. progress to New York. reception at Philadelphia.. reception at Trenton. reception at New York. inauguration of. concluding remarks. the new government. difficulties of his position.. confidence in Hamilton. and Madison.... . privacy invaded. Presidential etiquette. first levee, anecdote. attends balls. presidential dinner. presidential household. .vol. xv. 82 (note) vol. xv. 82 .vol. xv. 82 .vol. xv. 83 .vol. xv. 83 .vol. xv. 84 .vol. xv. 85 .vol. xv. 86 .vol. xv. 87 .vol. xv. 87 .vol. xv. 88 .vol. xv. 89 .vol. xv. 90 .vol. xv. 91 .vol. xv. 94 ..vol. xv. 95 .vol. xv. 96 .vol. xv. 97 .vol. xv. 98 .vol. xv. 99 .vol. xv. 99 .vol. xv. 100 .vol. xv. 102 .vol. xv. 103 .vol. xv. 103 .vol. xv. 104 .vol. xv. 105 .vol. xv. 106 .vol. xv. 106 .vol. xv. 106 .vol. xv. 106 .vol. xv. 107 .vol. xv. 109 .vol. xv. 108 .vol. xv. 109 .vol. xv. 110 .......vol, xv. 112 ..vol. xv. 112 .vol. xv. 118 .vol. xv. 121 ..vol. xv. 121 ..vol. xv. 124 ..vol. xv. 126 .vol. xv. 128 .vol. xv. 129 .vol. xv. 133 .vol. xv. 184 .vol. xv. 135 .vol. xv. 136 616 Ii)dex Washington, George, his deportment.vol. xv. 137 his equipage.......vol. xv. 137 love of horses.vol. xv. 137 residence in New York.(note) vol. xv. 137 alarming illness.vol. xv. 138 exercise of the nominating power.vol. xv. 139 rebukes the Senate.vol. xv. 140 death of his mother.vol. xv. 140 nominates Hamilton as Secretary of the Treasury.vol. xv. 143 and Edmund Randolph.vol. xv. 143 to Jay, inclosing his commission.vol. xv. 144 department of state.vol. xv. 145 to Rochambeau on the French Revolution.vol. xv. 154 to Gouverneur Morris on the same.vol. xv. 154 offers to appoint Jefferson Secretary of State.vol. xv. 156 journey through the Eastern States. vol. xv. 157 Hancock’s invitation.vol. xv. 158 reception at Boston, question of etiquette...vol. xv. 159 account of the ceremony.vol. xv. 159 reply to General Hancock.vol. xv. 160 address of the Cincinnati Society of Massachusetts.vol. xv. 163 return to New York.vol. xv. 163 message from Lafayette on affairs in France.vol. xv. 163 appoints Jefferson Secretary of State.vol. xv. 165 opens the session...(note) vol. xv. 167 measures suggested in his address.vol. xv. 167 public credit.vol. xv. 168 on sectional jealousies. vol. xv. 171 assumption of State debts.vol. xv. 176 forms and ceremonies.vol. xv. 179 to Dr. Stuart on his levees.vol. xv. 179 to Lafayette on his cabinet.vol. xv. 181 to Luzerne on the French revolution.vol. xv. 184 receives the key of the Bastile.vol. xv. 186 to Lafayette, solicitude for.vol. xv. 186 visits Rhode Island.vol. xv. 187 return to Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 187 difficulties with the Indians.vol. xv. 187 information of Indian expedition.vol. xv. 189 residence at Philadelphia.vol. xv. 191 national bank.vol. xv. 193 his judgment.vol. xv. 193 opposite cabinet policy.vol. xv. 193 addresses Seneca chiefs.vol. xv. 194 [i?dex 617 Washington, George, on the first Congress.vol. xv. 195 cautions General St. Clair.vol. xv. 195 tour through the Southern States.vol. xv. 197 return to Philadelphia.vol. xv. 197 to David Humphreys on stability of the government, .vol. xv. 198 public credit.vol. xv. 199 to Lafayette on the state of the country. vol. xv. 199 to Lafayette on his personal danger.vol. xv. 203 concerning the flight and capture of Louis XVI.vol. xv. 205 at Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 206 speech on the opening of the second Congress.vol. xv. 206 intelligence of St. Clair’s disaster.vol. xv. 214 effect upon him.vol. xv. 215 vetoes the apportionment bill.vol. xv. 218 weary of political life. vol. xv. 218 intention of retirement.vol. xv. 219 to St. Clair on a court of inquiry.vol. xv. 224 retains his confidence in St. Clair.vol. xv. 225 visits Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 225 to Madison on his intention to retire.vol. xv. 225 asks Madison’s advice.vol. xv. 226 conversation with Jefferson on political matters.vol. xv. 230 to Jefferson on his dissensions with Hamilton.vol. xv. 237 to Hamilton on the same.vol. xv. 238 on taking the oath of office.vol. xv. 247 takes the oath of office.vol. xv. 247 state of affairs in France.vol. xv. 248 Lafayette’s downfall.vol. xv. 249 atrocities of the French revolution.vol. xv. 251 to Madame de Lafayette.vol. xv. 252 commencement of second term. .vol. xv. 254 war between France and England...,.vol. xv. 255 proclamation of neutrality.vol. xv. 256 view of French affairs.vol. xv. 261 reception of Genet.vol. xv. 263 conversation with Jefferson on attacks of the press... .vol, xv. 263 restitution of French prizes. vol. xv. 264 newspaper attacks.vol. xv. 265 adherence to duty.vol. xv. 266 called to Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 267 case of the “Little Sarah”...vol. xv. 270 trial of Gideon Henfield.vol. xv. 271 concerning the recall of Genet. vol. xv. 272 burst of feeling. .vol. xv. 273 618 Ii)dex Washington, George, threatened dissolution of the cabinet.vol. xv. 275 interview with Jefferson.vol. xv. 276 ill-advised measures of Great Britain.vol. xv. 283 Indian hostilities. .vol. xv. 284 opening address to Congress.vol. xv. 284 messages relative to Genet.vol. xv. 286 to Jefferson on his retirement.vol. xv. 290 characterized by Jefferson.vol. xv. 290 concerning French expeditions.vol. xv. 295 relative to British aggressions.vol. xv. 297 wise moderation.vol. xv. 297 to Monroe in regard to Hamilton.vol. xv. 299 nominates Jay as envoy to Great Britain.vol. xv. 300 ironical letter.vol. xv. 302 insurrection in Pennsylvania.vol. xv. 303 proclamation to the insurgents. vol. xv. 304 to Governor Lee on the Democratic Societies.vol. xv. 304 issues second proclamation.vol. xv. 305 leaves for Carlisle.vol. xv. 305 correspondence with Morgan.vol. xv. 305 to the Secretary of State...vol. xv. 305 arrives at Cumberland.vol. xv. 306 to Governor Lee, concerning the army.vol. xv. 306 arrives at Philadelphia.vol. xv. 308 to Hamilton, his paternal care.vol. xv. 308 to Jay on the Pennsylvania insurrection.vol. xv. 308 denunciation of self-created societies.vol. xv. 310 to Knox on his resignation.vol. xv. 315 anxiety about the negotiation with England.vol. xv. 316 Jay’s treaty.vol. xv. 317 ratification of the treaty.vol. xv. 319 at Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 321 excitement against.vol. xv. 321 reply to the selectmen of Boston.vol. xv. 322 public clamors.vol. xv. 323 to Randolph, requesting to be advised.vol. xv. 323 recalled to the seat of government.vol. xv. 325 Fauchet’s intercepted dispatch.vol. xv. 326 signs the ratification.vol. xv. 327 conduct toward Randolph.vol. xv. 327 permits unlimited disclosure.vol. xv. 329 malignant attacks of the press.vol. xv. 330 reply to the Governor of Maryland..vol. xv. 331 arrival of Lafayette’s son. vol. xv. 333 Ii>dex 619 Washington, George, to George Cabot, concerning young Lafayette.vol. xv. 333 speech at the opening of Congress.vol. xv. 334 to Gouverneur Morris on the conduct of Great Britain.vol. xv. 337 receives the colors of France.vol. xv. 338 treaty with Great Britain.vol. xv. 338 demand by the House of Representatives..,.vol. xv. 339 reply to the resolution.vol. xv. 339 to Colonel Humphreys on the state of politics.vol. xv. 342 noble reply to Jefferson.vol. xv. 344 to Monroe on intercepted letter.vol. xv. 346 determines to retire.vol. xv. 347 farewell address. vol. xv. 347 sensation produced by.vol. xv. 349 last speech to Congress. vol. xv. 350 complaints of the French minister.vol. xv. 353 letter to Mr. Pinckney.vol. xv. 354 to Knox on the prospect of retirement.vol. xv. 354 denounces spurious letters.vol. xv. 355 farewell dinner.vol. xv. 356 at the inauguration of Adams.vol. xv. 357 farewell to the people.vol. xv. 357 banquet in honor of.vol. xv. 357 sets off for Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 358 arrives at home.vol. xv. 359 letters relating to.vol. xv. 359 to Mrs. S. Fairfax, on Bel voir.vol. xv. 361 strange faces.vol. xv. 361 invites Lawrence Lewis to Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 361 advice to Nellie Custis.vol. xv. 362 anecdote of Miss Custis.vol. xv. 365 to Lafayette by his son. vol. xv. 366 on the French indignities.vol. xv. 369 pamphlet from General Dumas.vol. xv. 371 reply to Dumas. vol. xv. 371 threatened war with France.vol. xv. 875 on accepting the command.vol. xv. 375 appointed commander-in-chief.vol. xv. 375 accepts the commission.vol. xv. 377 to Knox, on his appointment.vol. xv. 379 to Adams, concerning Knox.vol. xv. 380 to Knox, explanatory.vol. xv. 380 to Knox, urging his acceptance.vol. xv. 381 repairs to Philadelphia. vol. xv. 383 620 Ipdex Washington, George, taxed with the cares of office.vol. xv. 383 return to Mount Vesnon.vol. xv. 384 correspondence with Lafayette. .vol. xv. 385 surprise at the appointment of minister to France.vol. xv. 387 the conflict in Europe. vol. xv. 389 solicitude for the army.vol. xv. 390 life at Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 390 plan for the management of his estate.vol. xv. 391 to Hamilton on military academy. vol. xv. 392 illness.vol. xv. 393 remedies.vol. xv. 393 his last hours.•».vol. xv. 397 his death.vol. xv. 398 his funeral. vol. xv. 398 his will.vol. xv. 398 to John F. Mercer on slavery.vol. xv. 399 to Lawrence Lewis on the same.vol. xv. 399 public testimonials of grief.vol. xv. 400 retrospect.vol. xv. 400 discharge of his civil functions.vol. xv. 401 character of.vol. xv. 402 his fame.vol. xv. 402 Washington, Major George A.vol. xv. 206 Washington, John Augustine, raises an independent com¬ pany.vol. xii. 402 entreats Mrs. Washington to leave Mount Vernon ... .vol. xii. 569 Washington, Lawrence, return from England.vol. xii. 51 campaign in the West Indies.vol. xii. 51 marries Miss Fairfax.vol. xii. 53 his attachment to George.vol. xii. 54 becomes manager of the Ohio Company.vol. xii. 69 failing health, departs for the West Indies.vol. xii. 84 goes to Bermuda.vol. xii. 85 letters home.vol. xii. 85 return.vol. xii. 86 death.vol. xii. 86 his character.vol. xii. 86 his will.vol. xii. 86 Washington, Lund, on the danger at Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 403 compromises with the enemy.vol. xiv. 523 Washington, Martha, death and character of.vol. xv. 141 Washington, Mrs., at Mount Vernon.vol. xii. 569 arrival at Cambridge.vol. xii. 571 celebration of Twelfth Night.vol. xii. 572 ipdex 621 at New York.vol. xiii. 76 arrival at Valley Forge.vol. xiv. 138 presides at Mount Vernon.vol. xv. 59 journey to New York.vol. xv. 133 her deportment.voi. xv. 135 death of Washington...vol. xv. 397 Washington, Mary.vol. xii. 51, 166 Washington, Colonel William A., leads the advance at Trenton.vol. xiii. 320 described.vol. xiv. 304 joins Colonel White...vol. xiv. 306 surprised at Laneau’s Ferry.vol. xiv. 306 exploit at Clermont.vol. xiv. 445 at the battle of the Cowpens.. ? .vol. xiv. 476 at Guilford Court House.vol. xiv. 500 with Marion.vol. xiv. 584 at Eutaw Springs. .. vol. xiv. 584 taken prisoner.vol. xiv. 588 Waterbury, Colonel, raises and disbands a regiment.vol. xii. 593 gallant conduct.vol. xiii. 259 taken prisoner.vol. xiii. 261 Watson. Elkanah, picture of Washington in retirement.. ..vol. xv. 79 Watts, Major, at Oriskany.vol. xiii. 498 wounded.vol. xiii. 500 Waxhaw, Tarleton’s butchery at.vol. xiv. 314 Wayne, Anthony.vol. xiii. 125 in command at Ticonderoga.vol. xiii. 373 examines the defenses of the Highlands.vol. xiii. 415 at Chester.vol. xiii. 484 at Brandywine.vol. xiii. 543 to Washington concerning the enemy.vol. xiii. 549 attacked by the British.......vol. xiii. 549 demands a court-martial.vol. xiii. 549 is exonerated.vol. xiii. 549 in the battle of Germantown.vol. xiv. 54 in favor of attacking Philadelphia.vol. xiv. 83 detached to the advance.vol. xiv. 179 at Monmouth Court House.vol. xiv. 187 opposes Cornw T allis.....vol. xiv. 223 to storm Stony Point.vol. xiv. 247 marches against Stony Point.vol. xiv. 249 carries the fort.vol. xiv. 249 revolt of troops.vol. xiv. 259 pursues the mutineers.vol. xiv. 259 It)dex 622 overtakes the troops,.vol. xiv. $61 ordered South.vol. xiv. 514 joins Lafayette.vol. xiv. 516 in a morass. ...vol. xiv. 519 appointed to Western command.vol. xv. 223 takes the field against the Indians.vol. xv. 281 expedition against the Indians.. v .vol. xv. 307 builds Fort Defiance.vol. xv. 309 defeats the Indians.vol. xv. 309 treaty with the Indians.vol. xv. 335 Webb, Colonel.vol. xiii. 145 Webb, Major-general.vol. xii. 254 Webster, Lieutenant-colonel, to break up American posts.vol. xiv. 308 Webster, Colonel, detached to Beattie’s Ford.vol. xiv. 483 at Guilford Court House.vol. xiv. 501 Weedon, Colonel, conducts Hessian prisoners to Newtown.vol. xiii. 277 Weshington, William, of Weshington. vol. xii. 43 Wessyngton. De, origin of the name.vol. xii. 41 West, Major.vol. xiii. 430 West Point, decided to be fortified.vol. xiv. 146 Westchester County, British inroad.vol. xiv. 275 WetzelPs Mill, affair at.vol. xiv. 493 Whipple, Commodore, commands fleet at Charleston.vol. xiv. 288 retrograde move.vol. xiv. 311 Whipple, General William.vol. xiii. 508 White, Bishop, on Washington’s unassuming manners.vol. xv. 77 Washington’s farewell dinner.:. .vol. xv. 355 White, Colonel, with American cavalry.vol. xiv. 311 White, Philip, captured and killed.vol. xiv. 614 White, Mingo, speech to Washington.vol. xii. 351 White Plains, camp at.vol. xiii. 236 incendiarism at.vol. xiii. 243 White Thunder with Washington.vol. xii. 105 in Braddock’s camp.vol. xii. 153 Whiting, Mr., death of.vol. xv. 267 Wild Hunter of Juniata.vol. xii. 146 Wilkes on the appointment of the Earl of Carlisle.vol. xiv. 163 Wilkinson, General, interview with General Lee.vol. xiii. 280 hastens to Sullivan.vol. xiii. 282 joins Washington.vol. xiii. 285 takes a letter from Gates to Washington.vol. xiii. 292 panders to Gates.vol. xiii. 558 watches Burgoyne.vol. xiv. 566 at Burgoyne’s surrender. ,..vol. xiv. 82 Ir>dex 623 dispatched ' j Gates to Congress.vol. xiv. 57 relative to the Conway correspondence.. .vol. xiv. 112 correspondence with Stirling on the Conway letter.vol. xiv. 123 reconciliation with Gates......vol. xiv. 125 resigns position as Secretary of the Board of War.vol. xiv. 126 expedition against Indians.vol. xv. 134 'WlLLARD, Counselor.....vol. xii. 440 Willet, Lieutenant-colonel Marinus, defeats British scout¬ ing party.vol. xiii. 380 sallies from Fort Schuyler...vol. xiii. 500 volunteers to seek Schuyler.vol. xiii. 507 expedition against the Onondagas...vol. xiv. 235 Williams, David, and Andre.vol. xiv. 368 Williams, Colonel, driven in.vol. xii. 202 at Brooklyn.vol. xiii. 140 Williams, Colonel James, takes the field.vol. xiv. 429 Williams, Colonel Otho H., crosses the Dan.vol. xiv. 488 at Guilford Court-house.vol. xiv. 498 at Eutaw Springs.vol. xiv. 588 Williams, Major, with the artillery.vol. xiv. 567 Williamsburg rejoicings.vol. xii. 237 Wills’ Creek.vol. xii. 99 Wills, Major, killed in battle.vol. xv. 118 Wilmington taken by the British. .vol. xiv. 480 Wilson, James, member of the Board of War and Ordnance, .vol. xiii. 89 Wilson, James, Judge of Supreme Court....vol. xv. 70 Wolcott, Oliver, Secretary of the Treasury.vol. xv. 242 Wolfe, military services.vol. xii. 263 surprises Light House Point. vol. xii. 264 to besiege Quebec.vol. xii. 287 debarks on the Isle of Orleans. vol. xii. 288 crosses the St. Lawrence and encamps below the Mont¬ morency.vol. xii. 288 crosses the Montmorency...vol. xii. 289 illness.vol. xii. 290 changes plan cf operations.vol. xii. 291 his healtn.vol. xii. 291 Gray’s Elegy, anecdote......vol. xii. 292 descends the river.vol. xii. 292 takes possession of the Plains of Abraham.vol. xii. 293 attacked by Montcalm.vol. xii. 294 his last words and death.vol. xii. 295 Wooster, David, appointed Brigadier-general.vol. xii. 427 before Quebec.vol. xiii. 80 recalled. vol. xiii. 95 hastens to Danbury.vol. xiii. 398 attacks the British rear-guard.vol. xiii. 400 death. vol. xiii. 401 Writs of Assistance...vol. xii. 319 624 Si)dex Wyoming Valley, description of.......vol. xiii. 213 expedition against.........................vol. xiii. 215 ¥ Yankee Doodle................,,voL xii. 409 Y orktown, situation of.,...vol. xiv. 568 invested.....vol, xiv. 582 siege of...... .vol. xiv. 592 storming of the redoubts...voL xiv. 596 capitulates...*.....vol. xiv. 601 terms of capitulation......vol. xiv. 602 effect of surrender ......vol. xiv. 800 Young’s House, expedition against...vol. xiv. 209 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBANA 3 0112 004687452