T-I B R.AFLY OF THE UNIVERSITY Of ILLINOIS 9773 1922. Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. University of Illinois Library APR131 J* * - VC19 DEC 01 NOV 3 Sllmois Centennial ^publications PUBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE ILLINOIS CENTENNIAL COMMISSION THE CENTENNIAL HISTORY OF ILLINOIS CLARENCE WALWORTH ALVORD EDITOR-IN-CHIEF VOLUME II ILLINOIS CENTENNIAL COMMISSION OTTO LEOPOLD SCHMIDT, Chairman JESSIE PALMER WEBER, Secretary EDWARD BOWE EVARTS BOUTELL GREENE JOHN J. BROWN GEORGE PASFIELD, JR. JOHN W. BUNN WILLIAM NELSON PELOUZE WILLIAM BUTTERWORTH ANDREW JACKSON POORMAN, JR. LEONARD ALLAN COLP THOMAS F. SCULLY ROYAL WESLEY ENNIS FREDERIC SIEDENBURG EDMUND JANES JAMES COMMITTEE ON CENTENNIAL PUBLICATIONS EVARTS BOUTELL GREENE, Chairman ROYAL WESLEY ENNIS OTTO LEOPOLD SCHMIDT EDMUND JANES JAMES FREDERIC SIEDENBURG THE CENTENNIAL HISTORY OF ILLINOIS VOLUME TWO THE FRONTIER STATE 1818-1848 BY THEODORE CALVIN PEASE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS CHICAGO A. C. McCLURG & CO. 1922 COPYRIGHT, 1918 BY THE ILLINOIS CENTENNIAL COMMISSION V.ci TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE ........ i II. THE NEW STATE GOVERNMENT, 1818-1828 ... 33 III. TEN YEARS OF STATE FINANCE ....... 52 IV. THE CONVENTION STRUGGLE ........ 70 V. THE WAR ON NINIAN EDWARDS ....... 92 VI. THE RISE OF JACKSONIAN DEMOCRACY . . . . 114 VII. STATE POLITICS, 1830-1834 ......... 136 VIII. THE LAST OF THE INDIANS ......... 150 IX. THE SETTLEMENT OF THE NORTH ....... 173 X. THE INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT SYSTEM ..... 194 XI. THE WRECK OF THE INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT SYSTEM, 1837-1842 ........... 216 XII. THE STRUGGLE FOR PARTY REGULARITY, 1834-1838 . 236 XIII. THE WHIG AND DEMOCRATIC PARTIES; THE CON- VENTION SYSTEM ............ 251 XIV. THE PASSING OF THE OLD DEMOCRACY ..... 265 XV. STATE POLITICS, 1840-1847 ......... 278 XVI. STATE AND PRIVATE BANKING, 1830-1845 .... 303 XVII. THE INTERNAL IMPROVEMENT SYSTEM: THE SOLUTION .............. 316 XVIII. THE SPLIT OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY, 1846-1848 . 327 XIX. THE MORMON WAR ............ 340 XX. THE SLAVERY QUESTION .......... 363 XXI. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT ........... 383 XXII. SOCIAL, EDUCATIONAL, AND RELIGIOUS ADVANCE, 1830-1848 .............. 410 BIBLIOGRAPHY .............. 443 INDEX ................ 455 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE STUMP SPEAKING Frontispiece POPULATION OF ILLINOIS IN 1820 4 EDWARD COLES 76 ELIAS KENT KANE 94 POPULATION OF ILLINOIS IN 1830 174 CHICAGO IN 1843 192 THE CAPITOL AT VANDALIA 204 THOMAS FORD 290 POPULATION OF ILLINOIS IN 1840 384 PECK-MESSENGER MAP, 1835 4 12 PREFACE THE time available for the writing of this volume was necessarily shortened by the entrance of the United States into the European war and my consequent decision to apply for admittance to a Reserve Officers' Training Camp. The final revision was done during the short interval between the time when I was awarded my commission and the time of my reporting for duty. Much of the work of revision, therefore, that I should under normal conditions have done, I have of necessity intrusted to others. When I entered the training camp two chapters ( 8 and 21) were unwritten. Miss Agnes Wright, my assistant, has supplied these and, in addition, has given valuable assistance during the preparation of the manu- script of the entire volume. My brother, Albert A. Pease, has carefully read the volume in manuscript and has suggested many improvements in the text. The editor-in-chief of the series, Clarence W. Alvord, has very kindly added to the customary duties of an editor a care for details which of right falls to the author. I congratulate myself that in the emer- gency I have been able to draw on my friends for competent assistance ungrudgingly given. It is a pleasant duty to acknowledge my indebtedness to individuals not connected with the work of the Centennial Commission. I am under obligation to Mr. Milo M. Quaife for several important suggestions and for permission to repro- duce the copy of the Peck-Messenger map in the Wisconsin History Society's library. Mrs. J. B. Dyche has assisted me with material of various sorts. The Chicago Historical Society through its librarian, Miss Caroline M. Mcllvaine, has accorded me every imaginable assistance and privilege in connection with the prosecution of the work in Chicago. THE FRONTIER STATE Among those immediately connected with the enterprise I must particularly mention Dr. Otto L. Schmidt and Mr. Evarts B. Greene of the Centennial Commission, who officially and unofficially have afforded me every possible assistance. A third member of the Commission, Mrs. Jessie Palmer Weber, in her capacity of librarian of the State Historical Library, has given me the privilege of working there during the col- lection of material at Springfield and has assumed responsi- bility for the correctness of many quoted passages. My special obligations to the editor-in-chief I have already mentioned. At every stage he has done everything in his power to facilitate the work. THEODORE CALVIN PEASE. Somewhere in France. THE FRONTIER STATE 1818-1848 I. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE task of reconstructing for the student of history the JL politics, manners, and customs of a frontier community such as the Illinois of the first decade of statehood is not an easy one. The newspapers of that day only dimly reflect the life about them and contain no information whatever about the phases of it which their readers took for granted. The contem- porary traveler too often saw only a small part, and that inac- curately, detached from its surroundings save in so far as the inhabitants condescended to explain them to him, while too often his prepossessions in favor of the land of political liberty or his disgust at the impossibility of continuing his accustomed habits of life lent a roseate or a dingy hue to his picture. The reminiscences of the pioneer, set down long after the occurrence of the events he tried to describe, are generally open to the suspicion that they have been unconsciously foreshortened so that the descriptions of the rapidly changing life and conditions of the frontier are focused at but one point and that perhaps not the most important. Under such limitations of information the picture of Illinois a hundred years ago, if it is to be accurate, must be somewhat indistinct. Change and evolution sound the keynote of frontier Illinois. For the first thirty years of statehood its politicians sprang up, flourished, changed sides, and left the state to seek new careers with a rapidity that is the despair of the chronicler. Pioneers passed over its territory in waves with varying manners, ideals, and habits of life. Civilization first of simple, then of more complex, gradations sprang up with amazing rapidity behind and among the frontiersmen. The half savage frontiersman and the college-bred lawyer, the woman of the backwoods and 2 THE FRONTIER STATE the fine lady rubbed elbows in the little village where the frame house was rapidly replacing the log cabin. Into communities without religion came numerous denominations striving to supply the lack of spiritual life. Churches were organized, were torn by quarrels and secessions, and yet reached out for better education. Above all, this community ready and eager to go up and possess the land continually had to fight politically in the hope of obtaining from its landlord, the federal govern- ment, better and better terms for the acquisition of its land. In the beginning was the land ; the vast stretch of diversified hill and plain, forest and prairie, scrub oak, barren, and swamp stretched before the people. Shutting off the greater part of it from them were the intangible but nevertheless annoying restric- tions of the United States government, and the more concrete barriers of Indian tribes, jealous of the presence of the white settlers among them, and of the wilderness itself, untraversed by roads and locking from the settler with its standing timber and tough sod the cornfields of the future. The story of the acquisition of this domain, of how the little community of fron- tiersmen waxed to conquer its lands to cultivation, of how suc- cessfully or unsuccessfully they sought to drive through it lines of transport which might connect them commercially with the outside world, and of how they wrestled politically with their brethren of the eastern states for a freer hand at its legal conquest is the material side of the history of provincial Illinois. On the day when Illinois was both territory and state its population of some 35,000 lay in two columns on opposite sides of the state, resting on the connection with the outside world furnished by the Mississippi, the Ohio, and the Wabash rivers respectively. The population clustered in the rich river bottom, gift of the Mississippi, where Illinois history began, and in the neighborhood of the United States saline in Gallatin county. It tended always to make settlements on water courses for the sake of securing timber, water, and easy communication. Away from the rivers lay an unpopulated region in the interior of southern Illinois, where the traveler to St. Louis or Kaskaskia C THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 3 who preferred to cut across by road from Vincennes or Shaw- neetown rather than pole up the Mississippi, could still stage tales of robbers, murders, and hairbreadth escapes. On the east population had crept north, clinging closely to the Wabash, as far as the present Edgar county. On the west settlements had reached the southern part of Calhoun county and were pushing up the creeks into Greene and Macoupin; they had also followed the Kaskaskia and its south-flowing tributaries, so that settlements lay in Bond, Clinton, and Washington counties. Elsewhere there was wilderness. To the north of the area of settlement lay another world distinct and independent from that to the south. The Kickapoo Indians still inhabited central Illinois, and the Sauk and Foxes, chastised in the War of 1812, but still morose, occupied a little of the territory northwest of the Illinois river the Military Bounty Tract though this had for some time been surveyed and allotted in military bounties to soldiers of the War of 1812. The main strength of the Sauk and Foxes in Illinois, however, lay in the territory near the junction of the Rock and the Mis- sissippi, where Fort Armstrong on Rock Island had lately risen to overawe them. In the territory east of them lay villages of Winnebago and Potawatomi. Among them in northern Illinois and on the Illinois and the Wabash rivers wandered the fur traders of the American Fur Company; these came south down the lake in their Mackinaw boats each fall, dragged their boats over the Chicago portage to the Des Plaines river, went into winter trading posts along the Illinois from which trading expeditions were sent out during the winter, and carried their harvest of furs to Mackinac in the spring. Besides Fort Armstrong there lay in this district Fort Edwards on the Mis- sissippi, Fort Clark at the present site of Peoria, and Fort Dearborn ; though as Indian dangers waned and Indian cessions were consummated, the forts were successively abandoned. The terms upon which the United States government dis- posed of its domain in Illinois materially affected settlement in the state. From an early period in the history of the United 4 THE FRONTIER STATE States land policy the method of regular surveys had obtained. The face of the country was surveyed into rectangular town- ships approximately six miles square. These were defined by their number north or south of a line called the base line and in ranges east and west of a principal meridian. Each township was divided into thirty-six sections, each containing 640 acres and capable of division into quarters and similar subdivisions. In the method of disposing of these the federal government had grown more and more liberal as the years passed. Starting from the concept that the lands were a fund for the payment of the national debt, it had gradually offered better and better terms to the small purchaser. In 1 8 1 8 the system of sale was as follows: Lands put on sale for the first time were set up at auction at the land office in the district containing them. In Illinois in 1818 there were but three offices Kaskaskia, Edwardsville, and Shawneetown soon to be increased con- siderably in number. If not bid in at auction for two dollars an acre or more, lands might be bought at any time thereafter at private sale, the terms being two dollars an acre, payable in four annual installments. In 1820, however, in spite of stren- uous opposition from the western representatives, the credit system was abolished, and the land after having been put up at auction sold at one dollar and twenty-five cents cash per acre. The first result of the measure was to cut down sharply purchases from the government. Great amounts of land in southern Illinois had already passed out of the hands of the government, partly as gifts to the old French inhabitants and partly by speculative entries under the credit system. Numbers of speculators as well as settlers had been lured by the low initial payment into contracting for more land than they could pay for; and it took act after act permitting the application of a first installment on a large piece of land to apply as payment in full on a smaller before they were extricated from their diffi- culty. Meanwhile sales of the great body of land that remained were slow. In 1822 sales were as low as 27,000 odd acres; in 1826 they were some 80,000, the next year they fell off to Population of Illinois per Square Mile in 1820 THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 5 50,000, and not till 1829 did they pass the hundred thousand mark. From 1820 to 1828 the equivalent of twenty townships was sold. Of this the greater part lay in the Springfield land office district, sales in the Edwardsville and Palestine districts coming next in amount. In the Kaskaskia, Vandalia, and Shawneetown districts, which served southern Illinois, the sales were insignificant; in 1821 the three offices sold some 14,000 acres, but in 1822 they sold 5,916; in 1823, 2,636; in 1824, 4,160; in 1825, 2,963; in 1826, 5,4595 in l82 7 7>3395 and in 1828, 11,518. The significance of this situation is that the course of settlement by men with money had shifted from the south and had passed on to the Sangamon country and northern Illinois. In the south settlers were squatting on the public land. In 1828 W. L. D. Ewing estimated that in the counties of Clay, Marion, Shelby, Tazewell, and Fayette there were 1,230 voters of whom 217 were freeholders. 1 The large sales under the credit system with the great numbers of Military Bounty tracts thrown on the market had created such a glut that men with cash to pay for land would buy only the land of their choice. Otherwise the newcomers to the state held their land by squatters' right, and by the force of public opinion they were able to maintain themselves against those who would buy the improvements over their heads. The west was ripe for agita- tion for new legislation in favor of the squatters legislation which directly or indirectly would be opposed by men with heavy landholdings. In the Illinois of 1 8 1 8 the French. hahltan^^t^ mustered strong in numbers in the villages of the American Bottom, though with a few exceptions, such as the Menards, the well- to-do and better educated of their race were to be found across the Mississippi. Their economic and social life has been the subject of the preceding volume of this series and furthermore requires no special attention here, since the influence of the French upon the development of Illinois in the nineteenth century was negligible. 1 American State Papers, Public Lands, 5:554-556. 6 THE FRONTIER STATE It is not easy to describe, or even to divide into classes, the newcomers who were sweeping over the land of Illinois. On the outskirts of settlement was a fringe of hunters leading a half savage life in the forests, supporting their families by the products of the hunt and by the produce of a few acres of corn- land planted among the girdled forest trees. Their life was a series of retreats before the advance of civilization, and they were ever ready to sell their improvements to a newcomer and to push out one stage further into the wilderness. 2 It is possible to differentiate this first class from later comers only in degree, since the men of the whole frontier were more or less migrating. The men who succeeded the hunters came also from the south for the most part, yet they were in va- rious degrees more civilized in their habits, laid less emphasis on hunting and more on building, making improvements, and clear- ing land for the cornfields. They very often possessed hogs and cattle which furnished to the little towns a continually increasing amount of raw products to be traded for store goods and to be freighted in flatboats or keel-boats down the Ohio and Mississippi as articles of commerce. This produce of the farm was not only corn, ginseng, beeswax, salted pork, tallow, hides, and beef, the last named sometimes bought by the store- keepers on the hoof and slaughtered for market, but also vari- ous rough wool and flax fabrics. Important in the frontier market were such items as deer skins and venison hams, distinctly the products of the rifle rather than of the hoe. 3 The habit of some writers to classify these southern meYi as hunter pioneers and to contrast them with the New England and northern farmers who settled the prairies of the north is misleading unless the contrast is carefully limited and defined. The settlers of the south hunted, as did white men everywhere in the wilderness where there were no game laws. JThey enlarged their cornlands by clearing the forest instead of cul- tivating the prairies because, in the decade in which they settled 2 Fordham, Personal Narrative, 125-126; Flower, History of the English Settlement, 129. 8 Fordham, Personal Narrative, 181 ; Birkbeck, Notes on a Journey, 155. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 7 the state, farmers preferred such lands, chiefly because the forested lands offered greater accessibility to wood and water, partly because they lacked the capital necessary for breaking up and fencing the prairie, and partly because the scarcity of markets offered no temptation to raise grain that could not be sold. Without a heavy ox team breaking the prairie was almost impossible, and without improved transportation produce could not be carried to market. There has grown up a traditional interpretation of events sanctioned now by age, that would explain the stoppage of the northern thrust of the southern pioneers by the downpouring of immigrants from the northeast into the valleys of the upper Illinois river. There is little in the sources of information that gives warrant for interpreting the encounter as a meeting of opposing forces. It is true that the immigration of the north- erners followed closely on the heels of the backwoods hunters, but this relation in the time of the two movements has only apparently justified the interpretation, for to all appearances the two peoples settled down side by side in peace and concord throughout the state, the southern element naturally enough preponderating in the southern counties and the "Yankee" element in the northern. Besides this class of so-called hunter pioneers the commu- nity had a set of young men of education, of legal training, and of good address, who aspired to the leadership of the com- munity. Frequently they had a few hundreds or thousands to invest in land speculations. Some of them married into the well-to-do French families. They were men of more finished manner than the average pioneer, and their wives and daughters speedily gave the community a touch of sophistication. Doubt- less it was for this class the stores advertised the finer goods such as silks, crepes, and other fabrics of similar character, and kept the choicer wines, liquors, and groceries. 4 The conditions in the towns are more or less truthfully 4 In this chapter I have made much use of an unpublished monograph by my assistant Miss Agnes Wright on the subject of social conditions in early Illinois. 8 THE FRONTIER STATE mirrored in the contemporary newspapers. In the towns, when the state was young, the rising brick and frame houses con- trasted sharply with the log cabins of the territorial days; yet the stage of civilization must not be overestimated, for even in 1821 Shawneetown had no courthouse, jail, church, or school. The towns were disorderly places at best, a Shawneetown Sunday being a byword. Frequently they were rendered unhealthy by pools of stagnant water and by the lack of all sanitation. In 1822 the trustees of Shawneetown had to pass an ordinance providing for the removal of dead animals and for the laying of sidewalks. Town government in so far as it was distinct from other local government was rudimentary. Towns were incorporated by individual acts which gave the trustees power to legislate for the order of the town and to levy taxes on town lots. 5 The towns of the early days could boast of only the most rudimentary manufactures. The newspapers contain numer- ous advertisements of grist mills, steam distilleries, log stills, sawmills, etc. In 1817 Jesse B. Thomas set up a carding machine in Cahokia, which was managed by Adam W. Snyder. Promoters of towns were continually offering special induce- ments to mechanics and skilled workmen to settle within their communities in order that the simplest needs of the inhabitants might be supplied, and the advertisements in the newspapers show the presence of coopers, tanners, clock and watchmakers, hatters, and milliners. There is some evidence, however, that the economic position of such artisans was not altogether pros- perous; at least the Illinois Gaz-ette in 1820 complained that high rents had driven the mechanics from Shawneetown. 6 The most important function which the towns performed was that of furnishing a buying and shipping point for country 8 Illinois Gazette, May 19, December 8, 1821, May 25, November 30, 1822; Tillson, Reminiscences, 35 8. ; Laius of 1819, p. 249,259; Laivs of 1821, p. 160,176. 6 Illinois Gazette, March 30, July i, 8, 1820, April 10, 1824; Ediuardsville Spectator, May 23, 1820, May 4, 1822; Illinois Intelligencer, February 17, De- cember 15, 1819, September 9, 1820; Snyder, Adam W. Snyder, 28. A manufac- turing company in Bond county was incorporated. There was also a general incorporation law. Laius of 1825, p. 113. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 9 produce and a distributing point for store goods. Stores were ordinarily kept by men of considerable means. They adver- tised in the local papers alluring lists of goods "just in" and offered to dispose of them " cheaply for cash, for produce, or on terms." Shawneetown, Edwardsville, and Carmi appar- ently did a wholesale trade as well. Moreover, some store- keepers at Edwardsville and one at Shawneetown regularly advertised semiweekly auctions of goods. Occasionally mer- chants employed peddlers to go through the country to sell their merchandise. The Illinois Gazette contains an indignant adver- tisement for a runaway peddler " from Connecticut, and is no doubt a perfect chip of the old block 1 " One notices frequent insistent advertisements calling on delinquent debtors to settle. 7 In the Illinois of 1818 Shawneetown seemed to hold a favorable position as the gateway, a fact which had been recog- nized by the United States government by the designation of the town as a port of entry. It was the natural Illinois entre- pot for the eastern part of the state and for the country up the tributaries of the Wabash. One rival to its trade near at hand, however, was the New Harmony settlement of Frederick Rapp, which in 1823 maintained a store in Shawneetown for the sale of its goods, woolen cloths, cottons, hats, shoes, stockings, leather, flour, wine, whisky, brandy, beer, etc., as well as a line of eastern goods from Philadelphia. Rapp's failure to buy as well as sell made him unpopular, however, with the resident merchants. 8 On the west side of the state St. Louis had the position of dominance. It held western Illinois subject to it commercially, despite the attempts at Alton and at Cairo to build up rivals on Illinois soil. Its merchants advertised in western Illinois papers, and they were even able to regulate the discount at which Illinois bank notes should pass; indeed, they exercised some influence on the politics of the state. 7 Frequently merchants bought and sold goods on commission, see Illinois Gazette, September 9, 1820. See also ibid., October 9, December 4, 1819. 8 Ibid., November 8, 1823. io THE FRONTIER STATE In the Illinois of 1818-1828 transportation was a serious problem, and the means available for it necessarily influenced the state's contact commercially and intellectually with the out- side world. Transportation overland was an extremely diffi- cult matter. The so-called roads of southern Illinois were of but little account and transportation facilities were meager. Not till 1819 was a stage line from Kaskaskia to St. Louis in operation. In the summer of that year a second line from Shawneetown to St. Louis was projected. In 1822 a stage wagon was advertised to run from Springfield to St. Louis once in two weeks, taking two days for the trip. 9 The state's main reliance had to be on river transporta- tion^ At the time of the admission of Illinois to the union the steamboat was just replacing the flatboat and keel-boat. The keel-boat or flatboat was often of considerable size, nineteen and even twenty-seven tons. The farmer who chose to eschew steamer transportation to his market either himself navigated a flatboat or keel-boat with his produce 10 or intrusted it to the tender mercies of the river boatmen, hard drinking, desperate men who terrorized the villages along the river, governing themselves by a rough and ready code of their own in which stealing under certain circumstances was permissible and mur- der an ordinary matter. Year by year their importance was destined to wane as law and order grew stronger in the river towns and the steamboats multiplied in number. Sweeping down the river to the tune of such doggerel boat songs as " Hard upon the beach oar ! She moves too slow ; All the way to Shawneetown, Long time ago," they lent to the frontier a touch of the picturesque and romantic peculiarly grateful to the literature of the next generation. The river steamer, which was ultimately to displace these men's monopoly, had its difficulties with the Ohio river. Feb- ruary io, 1820, the Illinois Gazette noted the passage up the river to Louisville of six or seven steamboats, delayed since 9 Illinois Intelligencer, January 20, 1819, July 5, 1823; Edwardsville Spec- tator, August 7, 1819, April 27, 1822. 10 Illinois Gazette, December 15, 1822; Illinois Intelligencer, May 31, 1820. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE n June by low water. The previous spring, on the other hand, high water had cut Shawneetown off from the outside world. 11 During the twenties the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi were improved by the federal government to the extent of the removal of obstructions, the channeling of sand bars, and the grubbing out of " snags " and " sawyers." Even with improvement in the navigation of the Mississippi river the problem of transportation was still a serious one. The inevitable tendency of trade in the west until the coming of the railroad was toward water routes. Down every Illinois creek or river, produce naturally poured to the Ohio and Mis- sissippi, thence to pile up on the wharves of New Orleans. Manufactured goods had to come from the east whether they were shipped by sea from Philadelphia and Baltimore to New Orleans and thence brought up the Mississippi, or whether they followed the stream down from Pittsburg. The balancing of credits was an exchange problem that the age was not able to solve ; and with her credits receivable at New Orleans and her debits due in the east, Illinois was facing an impossible situation that drained her scanty currency in remittances and lent a specious excuse for the founding of unstable banks. 12 . Some, foreseeing that Illinois could never prosper without new outlets for its commerce, turned to the hope of internal improvements. In 1824 George E. McDuffie pronounced in congress that if the west's relations were to continue solely with New Orleans, the union could not last fifty years. It was said that the produce of the west was floated down the Missis- sippi at high water to pile up at New Orleans in the unhealthy season; that Illinois beef and pork which was not put up with imported salt spoiled in the New Orleans market; that in the last five years one-sixth of the flour unloaded there had spoiled; and that even then the trade route to Europe was too long. Thomas Hart Benton, in debate on " Foot's Resolution," laid down a counter-proposition that internal improvements over 11 Illinois Gazette, March 27, April 3, 1819. 12 In 1821 a firm tried to devise an exchange of produce for goods at New Orleans. Ibid., December 15, 1821; Edwardsville Spectator, June 18, 1820. 12 THE FRONTIER STATE the mountains were useless to the west, and that she must still find her market at New Orleans; but every year was to add fresh demonstration that Benton's proposition was fallacious. The Illinois-Michigan canal whereby the Illinois river might be made tributary to a transportation system which would lead over the Great Lakes to the Erie canal and the east was the measure which to Daniel Pope Cook and to an increasing num- ber of Illinoisans appeared the best remedy. 13 The history of the development of Illinois between 1818 and 1822 would be incomplete without mention of a concerted scheme of colonization that, running in channels completely different from those which carried the ordinary course of set- tlement, was to influence the development of the state out of all proportion to the numbers engaged in it. This enterprise was the settlement of English Prairie in Edwards county by Morris Birkbeck and the Flowers. At its inception the motive force in the movement was the discontent with economic and political conditions in England that affected men of the comparatively affluent classes. For example, Morris Birkbeck by his industry and ability had raised himself to the position of a tenant farmer, farming on long lease a holding of 1,500 acres in the hamlet of Wanborough; yet he was not a freeholder and therefore not entitled to the vote; he chafed at the social and political inferi- ority which thus marked him, as well as at the heavy taxes and tithes levied on him by the parliament in which he had no voice and by the church in which he was not a communicant. 14 He aspired, to use his own words, to leave his children citizens of " a flourishing, public-spirited, energetic community, where the insolence of wealth, and the servility of pauperism, between which, in England, there is scarcely an interval remaining, are alike unknown." 15 The United States seemed to him the real- ization of his political ideals; and except for his detestation of slavery he looked on its institutions and the assumed polit- ical and social virtues of its republic and citizens through glasses 13 Illinois Intelligencer, February 8, 1823. 14 Birkbeck, Notes on a Journey, 8-9; Birkbeck, Letters from Illinois, 28. 15 Birkbeck, Notes on a Journey, 10. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE 13 of rose tint. No less attractive perhaps was the opportunity / it afforded him of becoming a freeholder at a rate comparable to English rental values. George Flower, son of Birkbeck'j friend, Richard Flower, who had been sent to the United State in search of land, had conceived a romantic affection for th prairies of which he had read in Imlay's Topographical Description of the Western Territory of North America. When at last he and Birkbeck crossed the Wabash into Illinois and attained the Boltonhouse prairie, depressed as they had been by the mighty forests through which they had journeyed, the broad expanse of meadow stretching for miles embayed in the surrounding timber seemed to them the manor park that they coveted, and they hastened to acquire as much of it as their funds would permit. 16 In presenting their design of a colony to the English public by the publication of Birkbeck's letters, the promoters strove to induce men of their own social status tenant farmers pos- sessed of capital and desirous of becoming landholders to take up land from them or in their vicinity. As a complement this necessarily required the establishment of a class comparable to English agricultural laborers or cottagers; and in fact the enemies of the enterprise later insinuated that while holding great tracts for wealthy emigrants who never came, the pro- moters refused to sell smaller tracts to poorer men. The accu- sation was made that they had founded a rich man's settlement. The first settlers to come, however, were mechan- } ics and laborers, who had not been concerned in the original: enterprise but who were attracted by Birkbeck's books. 17 Birkbeck, who remained on the ground over winter with the uncertain labor obtainable from the backwoodsmen half / hunters, half farmers who surrounded him, was not able to 18 Birkbeck, Notes on a Journey, 16 ff., 37, 57, 58, 98, 107, 113; Birkbeck, Letters from Illinois, 28-29, 4* > Flower, History of the English Settlement, 64; Flower, Letters from Lexington and the Illinois, 102-103 ; Faux, Memorable Days in America, 254-255. 17 Birkbeck, Notes on a Journey, 132-133, 141-163; Birkbeck, Letters from Illinois, ip, 18-19, 755 Faux, Memorable Days in America, 235, 238-239, 244; Flower, History of the English Settlement, 96. I 4 THE FRONTIER STATE ; get accommodations completed for newcomers. Food for the first year had largely to be procured from the nearby Rapp / community at New Harmony in Indiana. The newcomers and | such wealthier immigrants as followed fared well or ill, accord- ing to their ability to work for themselves and to make the best of backwoods conditions. Men without large capital or enter- prise missed the agricultural laboring class of England and the presence of women servants, and they were described by per- sons not well disposed to the enterprise as for the time reduced to squalid wretchedness. Attacks inspired by the "borough managers," so the leaders believed, and by men interested in eastern lands who enlisted in their behalf the sharp pen of Cobbett sometimes known as Porcupine Cobbett spread the tales of the wretchedness and woe existing at English Prairie. They made the most of expressions of pleasure by Birkbeck at the absence of all religious observance on the fron- tier and used them to brand the enterprise as irreligious; this accusation was met by the building of churches, in one of which Unitarian and in the other Episcopal services were installed by Flower and Birkbeck, respectively. 18 To add to the difficulties of the settlement a feud broke out between Birkbeck and George and Richard Flower. The causes of it undoubtedly were connected with the marriage, during the exploratory trip, of George Flower to Miss Andrews; 19 but whether Birkbeck's anger was the jealousy of a rejected suitor or the just resentment of a man who had unconsciously been made a party to an impropriety in offense of good taste, if not of good morals, it is not necessary to decide. On George Flower's return Birkbeck refused to have any deal- ings with him, and he was left to establish a home for his father's family as best he might. The settlement clustered in two groups, one centering in Wanborough, the town founded 18 See the descriptions of the various families in Faux, Memorable Days in America, 252-273. Fordham, Personal Narrative, 216, 227 ff. ; Birkbeck, Letters from Illinois, 23 ff. ; Flower, Letters from Illinois, 124, 129, 131-132, 144-145. 10 Faux, Memorable Days in America, 271 ff. Contrast this gossip with the discreet silence of Woods, T Times and Seasons, April 15, 1843. 16 Nauvoo Neighbor, June 26, 1844. 352 THE FRONTIER STATE they would rely on the rallying of the posse comitatus with assistance from other counties and from Missouri and Iowa. Throughout the county and in neighboring districts in Illinois, Iowa, and Missouri, men were gathering under arms. A bolder man than Joseph Smith might have lost his nerve in the emer- gency. For a time he appears to have thought of fleeing to the wilderness. From this resolution he was dissuaded; and with Hyrum, he surrendered to arrest at Carthage, June 24, on a charge of rioting. Next day a warrant charging them with treason was prepared and served. 17 Leaving the Smiths in the jail at Carthage, Governor Ford, who had arrived on the scene with state troops and taken command of the militia that had mustered, disbanded all the forces brt three com- panies and, leaving two at Carthage, marched with the third to Nauvoo to urge a surrender of the state arms still there. Meanwhile, on June 27, the Smiths were set upon and mur- dered in the Carthage jail. 18 Ford, who returned from Nau- voo before the news of the murder reached that place, inclined to believe that it was a plot to procure his own assassination there, as a preliminary to a state war on the Mormons. Feel- ing he could trust neither Mormon nor anti-Mormon, he returned to Quincy to watch the excitement gradually quiet itself. So perished Joseph Smith and his brother, Hyrum, at the hands of a mob, which was too panic-stricken at the Mormons' theocratic schemes to show mercy or allow fair fight. By this shedding of blood the anti-Mormons probably believed the freedom of Illinois and the dissolution of the dangerous power had been purchased. The Alton Telegraph commenting two years before on a keen analysis of Mormonism by that insa- tiable student of ideas, Jonathan Baldwin Turner, had pro- nounced the opinion that Smith's empire would not long survive him. But from among all the hands stretched out to grasp at a fraction of the sway enjoyed by Smith one man seized 17 Times and Seasons, August i, 1845; Nauvoo Neighbor, June 26, 1844. 18 Times and Seasons, July i, 1844. THE MORMON WAR 353 the reins more firmly than Smith himself had ever held them, proving that while he lacked the qualities of imagination and boldness needed to found a new religion, he had the strength of will and ruthlessness of purpose to dominate it for his own uses. At the time of his death Smith governed the church as a member of the first presidency, of which Hyrum and Sidney Rigdon were the other members. Rigdon at once hastened from Pittsburg to Nauvoo to endeavor to assert his constitu- tional right as surviving member of the first presidency to lead the church. But he was not the man to obtain power that Brig- ham Young had marked out for himself. Violent in speech, irresolute in action, continually grasping at an authority denied him by the stronger willed men who surrounded him, he stood helpless, while Young, controlling the people like a second Joseph, carried through a complete usurpation in the name of another part of the hierarchy that of the "Twelve." Secession movements from all sides had first to be checked. James J. Strang professed to have received from Smith a reve- lation June 1 8, commanding him to establish a "stake" at Voree ; and he was promptly cut off from the church, a number of followers going with him. According to other accounts William Law attempted to establish a Mormon settlement at Rock Island. 19 The return of the "Twelve" and the personal influence of Young finally brought unity out of confusion. On August 8 a meeting of the church was held. Young put the question to the people whether they wished a guardian, a prophet, a spokesman; but no one answered. Young then defined the position of the " Twelve," claiming for them the power to regulate the church. Amasa Lyman and Sidney Rigdon, he admitted, had been councilors in the first presidency, but if either wished to act as spokesman for Joseph, he must go behind the veil where Joseph was. Doubtless the double entendre was not lost on the men to whom it was addressed. 19 Chicago Democrat, September 18, 1844; Times and Seasons, September 2, 1844. 354 THE FRONTIER STATE Rigdon refused to have his name voted for as spokesman or guardian, and all voted to sustain the "Twelve." Notice of this decision was duly published with the remark that " the elders abroad will best exhibit their wisdom to all men by remaining silent on those things they are ignorant of." The presence of a firm hand had been apparent in the proclamation already issued by Young to the effect that the branches abroad must be tithed as soon as organized. A day of closer organ- ization of the church was at hand. 20 Rigdon could not refrain from one more snatch at the power passing from his grasp. It was said that Joseph Smith before his death had received a revelation designating Rigdon as a prophet, seer, and revelator. On the night of the second of September, according to his enemies, claiming to have the "keys" above the "Twelve," he ordained certain men to be prophets, priests, and kings. His enemies heard of his pro- ceeding almost at once and acted promptly. First they appar- ently bullied him into surrender with threats of physical vio- lence and on September 8 called a meeting to try him. Young adjured those who were for Joseph and Hyrum Smith, the Book of Mormon, the Temple, and the " Twelve " to stand forth ; those who were for Rigdon or Lyman Wight or James Emmett might also stand forth, for they were known. William Marks bravely defended the right of Rigdon as a member of the first presidency to receive the oracles from Smith and to give them to the church. Rigdon was overwhelmed by his enemies with ridicule and invective, however, and he and his followers were cast out. 21 Further opposition had to be met from the Smith family. For the time Young quieted Mother Smith's insistence on the rights of the young son of the prophet by promises that in due time his rights would be recognized, but that for the present she must remember that by pushing his claim she would expose him to danger. William Smith, the younger brother of the 20 Times and Seasons, August 15, September 2, 1844. 21 Alton Telegraph, September 21, 1844.; Times and Seasons, September 15, 1844; Nauvoo Neighbor, October 2, December 15, 1844, THE MORMON WAR 355 prophet, was persistent in his protest; and, after it became apparent that he could not be kept quiet, he was ridiculed in the Mormon papers and finally bullied into keeping silence while he was at Nauvoo. In the autumn of 1 845 he was cut off from the church. 22 He openly charged that the "Twelve" were leading the church out into the wilderness to have the absolute sway of it, that they disregarded the claims of the Smiths and of the infant Joseph and even treated them with derision; he laid the spiritual wife doctrine to the charge of Young and the "Twelve," claiming that they had first taught it at Boston. A conference in Cincinnati in January of 1846 reiterated Wil- liam Smith's attacks on the " Twelve," and pronounced in favor of the right of little Joseph. Thus the schism began among the Mormons that has continued to our own day. 23 Meanwhile the necessity of removal from Illinois was doubtless becoming increasingly apparent to the leaders of the party at Nauvoo. The legislature of 1845 had repealed their charter, leaving them without any government adequate for the city. In these circumstances for the purpose of keeping stran- gers in order they had to take up certain uncouth practices of which the mildest was "whittling out of town." 24 The fetish of the "Twelve" was the completion of the Temple at Nauvoo. Probably this policy was dictated partly by the fact that according to them, Sidney Rigdon had tried to draw the people away to Pittsburg and to scatter the church, prophesying that the Temple would never be completed. To save their faces the Nauvoo Mormons were compelled to wait until the Temple was completed so that the people could receive in it their promised endowments. On May 28, 1845, the Nauvoo Neighbor announced that the capstone was in place. In April of 1846 the Temple was dedicated, admission to the ceremony costing one dollar. 22 Times and Seasons, November i, 1845; Nauvoo Neighbor, June n, 1845; Warsaw Sianal, October 29, 1845; see also Lee, The Mormon Menace, 207. 23 Warsaw Signal, October 29, 1845 ; broadside in Chicago Historical Society. 24 Lee, The Mormon Menace, 213. 356 THE FRONTIER STATE Since early in 1845 the leaders had been considering the idea of removal to some more remote site where the church could be governed without exciting the hostility of the gentiles. The pine region, Wisconsin, Texas, the country west of Mis- souri, and Oregon were mentioned as possible locations. 25 The delay of departure caused in a year and a half two armed conflicts between the Mormons and their opponents that have gone down in the history of the state as the " Mormon Wars." Early in the spring of 1845 attacks on the Mormons and on the dangerous political tendency of their settlement at Nau- voo, controlled in its voting strength by the will of a few men, began to appear in such papers as the Warsaw Signal. The anti-Mormons denied apparently with some truth that their propaganda was a whig device to control the district by driving out the Mormon allies of the democrats; on the contrary, they alleged that the movement comprised the old settlers in Han- cock of both parties. The old charges against the Mormons of harboring thieves, of counterfeiting, and of general law- lessness were reiterated. 26 But the Nauvoo Neighbor of Janu- ary 22, 1845, declared that the thievery was that of a gang in Iowa, unconnected with the Mormons, who carried their stolen property through Nauvoo. In the fall of 1845 tne anti-Mormons initiated a regular campaign designed to drive the Mormons out of the county. Early in September a mob one or two hundred strong began burning the houses of Mormons in the country, requiring them to move their household goods to Nauvoo. Jacob B. Back- enstos, the sheriff of the county, was a Mormon sympathizer, or what at the time was called a "jack-Mormon," a man put in office by Mormon votes. In the spring the feeling against him in the county had run high because of a speech he was alleged to have made in the legislature; and the Carthage Grays had ordered him out of the county, charging among 28 Times and Seasons, September 15, 1844; Hancock Eagle, AprH 24, 1846; Nauvoo Neighbor, February 15, 26, 1845. ** Warsaw Signal, January 15, May 14, 1845; Alton Telegraph, June 21, 1845. THE MORMON WAR 357 other things against him that he had engineered the deal to cast the Mormon vote for Hoge in the congressional election of 1843; indeed, it was said that Hoge's recent defeat for a renomination had been due to public dissatisfaction with the appointment of Backenstos, at his instance, as superintendent of the lead mines. Whatever his political affiliations were, there can be no doubt that Backenstos did his duty in the riots of the fall of 1845, even though the motive from which he did it may not have been disinterested. 27 When apprised of the activity of the rioters, Backenstos on September 13 attempted to raise a posse at Warsaw for the purpose of stopping the disorder. Failing to get any assist- ance from the old settlers, he ordered the Mormons in Nauvoo to hold themselves in readiness; in a second proclamation of September 16 he stated that Colonel Levi Williams, the leader of the rioters, had called out the militia of Hancock, McDon- ough, and Schuyler counties, and he warned men against obey- ing the call. On the same day he called out a force of mounted men to rescue his own family and others from the territory terrorized by the mob. Proceeding against the mob, he encoun- tered them at their work of burning houses and put them to rout with the loss of two of their number killed and others wounded. The Mormons in their turn fell to plundering, and a state force under Hardin had to be sent to disperse them. 28 Meanwhile meetings held in nearby counties, notably at Quincy, at Mendon, and an important one held on October i at Carthage, at which eight or nine counties were represented, resolved that the only solution was the breaking up of the Mor- mon settlement in Hancock. The Nauvoo common council offered to remove in the spring in case the gentiles would assist them in selling or renting their property and would refrain from vexatious lawsuits. These terms were accepted by the 2T Illinois State Register, April 24, 1845 ! Sangamo Journal, April i, 17, 1845; Nauvoo Neighbor, April 23, September 24, 1845; Warsaw Signal, Sep- tember 17, 1845. 28 Nauvoo Neighbor, September 17, 1845; Warsaw Signal, September 17, 1845. 358 THE FRONTIER STATE anti-Mormons on condition that an armed force should occupy Nauvoo during the winter to prevent continuance of the alleged depredations of the Mormons on the property of the old set- tlers. 29 The Mormons at the time were said to be almost in military control of the county and were accused of driving away the cattle and harvesting the crops of their opponents. It was the uncompromising attitude of the people of the neigh- boring counties that compelled them to give way. 30 The next session of the circuit court found several true bills against Mormons, but all except one against Backenstos for a murder connected with the reducing of the county to order were nol- prossed. On this remaining bill Backenstos was acquitted. 31 Meanwhile attempts to serve warrants in Nauvoo as late as October 25 had been defeated by a show of force on the part of the Mormons. The Mormon county commissioners, accord- ing to their opponents, attempted to have the expenses of Back- enstos' posse charged to the county exchequer. 32 The Mormons feared a renewal of disorder when the mili- tia guard under Major Warren stationed in Nauvoo during the winter was withdrawn the first of May. In answer to protests against its withdrawal Ford answered that the force was an expense to the state and was not large enough to prevent vio- lence if either side were inclined to use it. The Mormons, whose progress in removing was not so great as it should have been at the time, were warned that it was out of the power of the governor to protect them at Nauvoo, since the people of the state would not fight for them. Although Ford disclaimed any responsibility on the part of himself or the state for the agreement made the preceding fall by which the Mormons had promised to emigrate, he told them plainly that there was noth- ing else for them to do. The Mormons asserted that they were departing as fast as possible and that the only cause of 29 Qulncy Whig, October i, 1845; Sangamo Journal, October 2, 1845; Nauvoo Neighbor, October 29, 1845. 30 Chicago Democrat, October 4, 6, 1845. 31 Nauvoo Neighbor, October 29, 1845; Illinois State Register, December 19, 1845. 32 Warsaw Signal, October 29, 1845, January 8, 1846. THE MORMON WAR 359 the uproar against them was the fear on the part of the whigs that they might cast a few votes. They asserted that at a meeting they had declared their intention not to vote again in Illinois. On May 15 the Hancock Eagle, ostensibly a "new citizen" paper, though Mormon in sympathy, declared that about fourteen hundred teams had crossed the river and that about twelve thousand souls had already left the state. Major Warren, who had received orders the day after his men dis- banded to muster them in again, assured the anti-Mormons that the Mormons were leaving as fast as possible and that regula- tions were in force sufficient to guard against any disorder on their part. 33 Within a few days, however, bands of anti-Mormons were again at work driving isolated Mormons in the county off their property. Early in June the anti-Mormons, alleging that the Mormons to the number of several hundred were planning to stay at Nauvoo, using it as a base from which to commit depre- dation on the old settlers, proposed to march a force to Nauvoo as a demonstration ; to this end they applied for aid to the coun- ties represented in the Carthage convention. The result, according to the new settlers in Nauvoo, was a desperate rush on the part of the few remaining Mormons to get over the river. The new citizens who were already moving in had held a public meeting on May 29 to determine the question of establishing a city government. The anti-Mormons, however, affected to believe that the Mormon leaders were still domi- nating the policy of the town. They affirmed that the com- mittee of new citizens had been put down by Backenstos, who had raised a force of five hundred men. On June 9 the new citizens, according to the Hancock Eagle, passed conciliatory resolutions; but the advance of the hostile army next day led the opinion to be expressed that the prosperity of the town was what was really aimed at. By June 13 an anti-Mormon force of about four hundred was encamped before the town, and 33 Alton Telegraph, May 2, 9, 1846; Hancock Eagle, April 10, 17, May 8, 15, 1846. 360 THE FRONTIER STATE about three hundred new citizens were mustered to defend it The anti-Mormons insisted that they be admitted to the town to force the remaining Mormons to leave, but the new citizens re- pulsed them, and forced them to retreat. By the middle of July the Warsaw Signal declared that an open state of war between Mormon and anti-Mormon forces existed in the county. 34 In the summer the trouble broke forth with redoubled force. The anti-Mormons assembled in arms with the inten- tion, as the Hancock Eagle professed to believe, of plundering Nauvoo and the new citizens and of murdering those who had been forward in the suppression of lawlessness. The Nauvoo party, whether directed by Mormons or new citizens, late in August summoned a posse to serve warrants against members of the opposite party accused of acts of violence. A few days earlier a similar posse was summoned to serve writs in Na-uvoo. The anti-Mormons professed to believe that the Mormons were actually in control in Nauvoo directing the policy of its newspaper and that with three thousand Mormons in town and three thousand more within easy reach in Iowa they con- trolled and terrorized the new citizens, while they sent out parties to stir up confusion in the county by deeds of vio- lence. 35 The anti-Mormon army once more marched on Nauvoo to force the withdrawal of the Mormons. They were intoler- ant in the terms of departure that they insisted on ; they rejected terms negotiated by James W. Singleton, one of their officers, who thereupon resigned his command. After several other attempts at negotiation, in which the anti-Mormons insisted on unconditional surrender, they undertook to force their way in. A battle occurred which resolved itself into an artillery engage- ment without decisive result, from which the anti-Mormons withdrew to await an additional supply of cannon balls, with 34 Hancock Eagle, May 25, June 5, 19, July 13, 1846; Warsaw Signal, June 14, July 16, extra, 1846; broadside of the New Settlers' committee, June 15, 1846, in Chicago Historical Society. 38 Belleville Advocate, August 27, 1846; Hancock Eagle, extra, August 21, 1846; broadside of August 29, 1846*. io Chicago Historical Society. THE MORMON WAR 361 seven men wounded and their supply of ammunition exhausted. 36 Meanwhile the two parties entered into negotiations through the intervention of a committee of citizens from Quincy. The anti-Mormons tried to secure the surrender to civil authority of all who had resisted them, but finally were content with the withdrawal of the Mormons from the city and their agreement to surrender their arms to the Quincy committee, to be returned to them after they had crossed the river. Five of the Mormons were to be allowed to remain to dispose of the church property. On marching into Nauvoo on these terms, Thomas S. Brockman, the commander of the county forces, at once gave the Mormons five days to leave, re- quiring the "jack-Mormons," such as Backenstos and William Pickett, to leave at once. In addition Brockman forced a num- ber of the new citizens, estimated by the Warsaw Signal, October 20, as not over thirty families, to leave Nauvoo. Un- friendly papers such as the State Register asserted that a reign of terror marked by plunder and violence was proceeding in Nauvoo. 37 The opinion even of democrats in Illinois was turned against the anti-Mormons on account of their high-handed proceedings in Nauvoo, whig papers like the Chicago Journal and democratic papers like the State Register similarly con- demning them. Ford once more marched with militia into the county, only to find that anti-Mormon opinion was strongly against him. The local papers treated with derision the march- ing and counter-marching of his forces; and the anti-Mormon women presented him with a petticoat, which his loyal troops decreed should be carried outside the camp and burned by three Negroes. 38 36 Quincy Whig, September 12, December 2, 1846; Warsaw Signal, extra, September 14, 1846; circular to the public by James W. Singleton, September, 1846, in Chicago Historical Society. *"* Warsaw Signal, October 27, 1846; Quincy Herald, October 16, 1846; Quincy Whig, September 23, 1846. 88 Chicago Journal, September 30, 1846; Quincy Whig, November 4, 1846; Warsaw Signal, November 14, 1846. 362 THE FRONTIER STATE From first to last the party rivalries of whigs and democrats had complicated the problem of the Mormon disorders. Thus in 1844 despite Ford's denials the whigs insisted that his course toward the rioters was designed to curry favor with the Mor- mons and to secure their votes for the democratic candidates. In reply the democratic papers accused the whigs of trying to stir up a civil war in the state, although themselves welcoming the Mormon support. 39 In 1845 tne Sangamo Journal affected to believe that the State Register was attempting to combine the Mormon vote with that of northern Illinois to outbalance the south. 40 Even in 1846 the democrats were charged with encouraging the retention of enough Mormon votes in the county to secure the triumph of the democratic candidates, 41 though the democrats denied that the Mormon vote had been necessary for the triumph of their candidate. So after having for six years played a leading role in the life of Illinois, the Mormons disappeared from its history save as the state in future years had to bear its part in the solu- tion of the problem of Mormonism in Utah. 42 After full allowance is made for the violence and perhaps the greed of the opponents of the Mormons in Illinois, it must be admitted that they saw clearly how terrible an excrescence on the politi- cal life of the state the Mormon community would be, once it had attained full growth. Because legal means would not protect them from the danger they used violence. The ma- chinery of state government was then, it must be remembered, but a slight affair; and to enforce the will of public opinion, the resort to private war, though to be deplored, was inevitable. 39 Sangamo Journal, August 22, 1844; Alton Telegraph, August 24, 1844; Illinois State Register, October 4, n, November 8, 1844; Chicago Democrat, August 28, 1844. 40 April 17, July 24, 1845. 41 Sangamo Journal, January i, March 12, 1846. 42 A few members, many of them relatives of Joseph Smith, refused to follow Young and remained in Illinois where their descendants are still to be found in Hancock county. Here they continue to worship in the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. XX. THE SLAVERY QUESTION THE slavery question in Illinois remained in a state of quiescence for at least a decade after the decision of the convention struggle. The black laws remained and even in- creased in severity; the shameful kidnapping of free blacks out of the state went on in defiance of legislation, aided in some sections by a proslavery public opinion which was prone to sooth itself with the excuse of the kidnappers that they recov- ered runaway slaves for their masters and therefore were merely vindicators of a just property right. On the other hand the underground railroad had its obscure beginnings as the escaping Negroes found sympathy and assistance at an increas- ing number of doors; there were always communities in the state where the slave was safe from his hunters. Little interest in the antislavery movement was publicly evidenced. In 1831 a Presbyterian layman of Bond county that source of much propaganda in early Illinois William M. Stewart by name, put forth a vigorous protest against the toleration of slavery by the churches. On January 9, 1831, an antislavery meeting at Shoal Creek, Bond county, made a vigorous protest against buying, selling, or holding slaves, declaring that the participa- tion of its members in these things was a disgrace to the Presby- terian church. Along with the protest came the establishment of a local colonization society. 1 During the next year or two the colonization movement attracted more notice, especially as it came to be contrasted favorably with abolition. The increased activity of the abo- litionists and the gag rules began to bring the subject of sla- very under wider discussion. The Sangamo Journal, Alton Spectator, and Chicago American were all strongly anti-aboli- 1 Illinois Intelligencer, February 19, March 12, 19, May 7, 1831. 363 364 THE FRONTIER STATE tion in their utterances. The Alton Telegraph, on the other hand, denounced the gag and interference with the right of petition in round terms. 2 It is rather hard to define the atti- tude of the Illinois representatives in the national house of representatives on the subject. They voted for the gag resolu- tion designed to cut off abolition petitions in 1836; but on motions and petitions involved in Adams' diplomatic fencing with his adversaries, the delegation, Zadoc Casey particularly, occasionally voted with him. In Illinois the general assembly in the session of 1837 passed some violent anti-abolition resolu- tions. These passed the senate unanimously; but in the house, Abraham Lincoln, Andrew McCormick, Gideon Minor, John H. Murphy, Parven Paullin, and Dan Stone cast their votes in the negative. Before the end of the session, Abraham Lincoln and Dan Stone recorded on the Journals of the house their formal protest against the resolutions. Declaring their belief that abolition agitation tended to increase rather than diminish the evils of slavery, they pronounced the peculiar institution founded on injustice and bad policy; and they based their dis- sent to the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, not on the lack of power on the part of congress to do away with slavery there, but on the fact that congress should act only on the petition of the people of the district. In view of the in- creasing rage against abolitionism rising in the state and even more in the country at large, the men who signed this document took their political futures in their hands. 3 In originating abolition propaganda in Illinois even the bold act of the man destined to be the freer of the slaves takes for the time second place to that of the martyr of abolitionism, Elijah Parish Lovejoy. At the time of his death, Lovejoy had just attained the age of thirty-five. years. He was born in 2 Sangamo Journal, November 3, 1832, May n, September 21, 1833, August 6, 1836; Illinois Advocate, January 19, 1833; Alton Spectator, November 19, 1835, February 19, 1836; Alton Telegraph, February 17, 1836; Chicago American, September 5, 1835. 8 Congressional Debates, 1834-1835, p. 1141; 1835-1836, p. 2535, 2608, 2660, 2662, 2779, 4051; House Journal, 1837, i session, 311; Senate Journal, 1837, i session, 297. THE SLAVERY QUESTION 365 Maine, the son of a Presbyterian clergyman. He had gradu- ated from Waterville College and at the age of twenty-five set out to seek his fortune in the west, becoming first school teacher and then newspaper editor in St. Louis. In 1832 he entered the ministry and in 1833 graduated from Princeton Theological Seminary and returned to St. Louis to edit a religious paper, the St. Louis Observer. Lovejoy's fearlessness of speech in an intolerant community soon led him into a series of difficul- ties. His paper manfully denounced the mob rule and disorder that arose in St. Louis. When it struck straight from the shoulder in denouncing the burning of a Negro by a St. Louis mob in April, 1836, and expressed its indignation at the opin- ion of a judge, appropriately named Lawless, to the effect that what was a crime when committed by one person was not such when committed by a mob, the printing office was repeatedly attacked and damaged. Lovejoy then moved his press to Alton where the presence of a group of New England business men, favorably known for piety and charity, seemed to offer it a better field. It was destroyed presumably by a St. Louis mob immediately after it was landed, but indignation in Alton found expression in a public meeting which promised funds for a new press. The meeting denounced abolition in vigorous terms; and Lovejoy, while declaring his antislavery principles and his determination to publish what he pleased in his paper, declared he was not an abolitionist. It is doubtful if Henrik Ibsen ever saw the newspaper materials in which lie hidden the outlines of the story of the tragedy staged at Alton, but the tragedy of Lovejoy is the tragedy of Brand in real life almost to the letter. Lovejoy mentally and spiritually was a Puritan of the Puritans. His paper in every issue reveals the sharp, unflinching New Eng- land view of life. There are no sentimental and emotional tales or religious appeals; Lovejoy was content with preaching obedience to the law of God rather than ravishing his hearers with the divine love. His temperance preaching was not the usual sentimental appeal for the drunkard's wife and children 3 66 THE FRONTIER STATE but hard common sense or biting contempt. There was much politics, much practical agriculture, clipped into the paper. In fact it might have been framed for entrance to a balanced, regulated, disciplined New England home. Lovejoy's denunciations of vice were sharp and hard. He referred to a French dancer, then the rage in New York, as " Celeste, the obscene and lascivious danceress (danseuse she calls herself)." "This," he continued, "is no longer the country of the Pilgrims. Parisian courtesans are paid $26,000 per quarter for the indecent exposure of their persons in pub- lic." 4 The popularity of the dancer he believed but one more instance of the luxury and licentiousness, the apologizing for slavery, the sabbath breaking that had accompanied the specu- lative rage and money madness of the last few years. This attitude inevitably irritated the free and easy westerner, and to this irritation the character of the well-to-do New England merchants prominent among Lovejoy's supporters must have added. "Although," said the proceedings of an anti-abolition meeting of July, "the combination of wealth, interest, and moral power were assiduously brought to bear upon the com- munity in order to deter them from such a course yet like men born to live and die untrammeled by party, by mercenary motives, they met as freemen." 5 Further, John Mason Peck, who was already editing the Western Pioneer at Alton, had for some time looked on Lovejoy and his methods with ill-con- cealed dislike. 6 Peck could not indorse Lovejoy's statement that the way to stop mobs was to hang a few mobbers; Peck, while a New Englander, was not a Puritan. In this situation events were drawing Lovejoy's attention irresistibly to the subject of slavery. He believed that the old and new school split in the Presbyterian church was caused by slavery, and during the first half of the year 1 837 he was draw- ing nearer and nearer to abolition. On June 8, he urged the * Alton Observer, May 25, 1837. 5 Alton Telegraph, July 19, 1837. 6 Western Pioneer, July 29, 1836, March 29, October 27, 1837. THE SLAVERY QUESTION 367 formation of an antislavery church in St. Louis; and, on July 6, he called for the organization of a state antislavery society. The charge began to spread that Lovejoy had violated a sup- posed pledge not to publish an antislavery newspaper. He was threatened with violence, and on the night of August 21 his press was destroyed. The Telegraph (August 23) termed the act an outrage. A second press was obtained and destroyed on September 21. Still a third press was ordered, and mean- while Lovejoy was subjected to continual threat of mob vio- lence. At St. Charles, Missouri, only the bravery of his wife saved him from a mob. 7 In the hope of finding some way to restore order and peace at Alton public meetings were held in the first days of Novem- ber. Lovejoy stood out for his right to be heard. He deliv- ered an eloquent and impressive but uncompromising defense of his course. It might have had its effect had not Usher F. Linder's insane desire to exhibit oratory of a type more pleas- ing to western audiences caused him to take the floor after Lovejoy and destroy the effect of the latter's words. The Pio- neer hoped that the meeting of the colonization society, the invariable counter-irritant to abolition, might set things on the right path even though " a very few restless spirits will be disap- pointed, vexed, mortified, and may struggle for a little time to enjoy notoriety" only to find that "the benevolent and real friends to humanity will co-operate to benefit the oppressed in a way consistent with the peace of our Union and the happiness and rights of all concerned." 8 For a time Lovejoy may have hesitated. The story is well authenticated that he handed to the Telegraph editor a note resigning as editor of the Observer. A friend of Lovejoy's asked to borrow it, and it was never returned. Lovejoy had finally resolved, if indeed he had ever faltered, to force the issue then and there. A third press was landed at Alton and ''Alton Observer, June and July, December 28, 1837; Western Pioneer, July 29, 1836; Alton Telegraph, September 27, October 4, 1837; Harris, History of Negro Slavery in Illinois, 80 ff . ; Illinois State Register, October 6, 1837. 8 Western Pioneer, October 27, 1837. 368 THE FRONTIER STATE stored in the warehouse of Godfrey, Oilman, and Company. A few men under the command of Enoch Long undertook to guard it there. On the night of November 7 a mob attacked the warehouse. In the first assault one of the attackers was mortally wounded. In a second, they attempted to fire the wooden roof of the warehouse. Lovejoy and a few more sallied out to prevent it. A first volley drove the attackers away from their ladder. A second sortie was made for the same purpose, and Lovejoy fell mortally wounded. The be- sieged gave up the fight and fled; the mob broke into the ware- house and threw the press into the river. The murder of Lovejoy was a thing not done in a corner; it trumpeted the ill-fame of Alton to the ends of the United States and placed on the name of the city that aspired for com- mercial prominence a brand that has scarcely been removed even up to the present time. Probably to most of the people of the United States the word which associates itself intuitively with the name of Alton is Lovejoy. The papers of the north, and many in the south, some nearby like the Peoria Register spoke out manfully in condemnation of this assault on the free- dom of the press and of speech even while they condemned abolition. In later days the abolitionists took pleasure in be- lieving that the curse of God had fallen upon the city. 9 Alton was not convinced. The defenders of the warehouse were indicted for "resisting an attack made by certain persons unknown to destroy a printing press" and "unlawfully defend- ing a certain ware-house." In spite of the fact that Linder prosecuted, the defenders were acquitted, as were the assail- ants. The Telegraph was thoroughly cowed and protested it was best to say nothing which would stir up further ill-feeling. Peck's Pioneer at the time expressed its opinion that denuncia- tion would do no good. 10 Six months after the Lovejoy affair 9 Peoria Register, November 18, 1837; Illinois State Register, November 24, 1837; Western Citizen, May 18, 1843, April 20, 1847; Alton Telegraph, June 28, 1845. 10 Western Pioneer, May n, 1838; Alton Telegraph, November 15, 29, 1837, June 24, 1838. THE SLAVERY QUESTION 369 was over, it undertook to justify its course in allaying excite- ment among an exasperated people. "But they (the editors of the Pioneer) believed in gospel expediency. They had not discarded the old fashioned virtue of prudence, and a due regard to consequences. And they have not the least occa- sion to regret their course. . . . An entire revolution has been produced. Moral influence, religion, temperance, order, respect for law, a better understanding of each other's rights, have all been gainers. A revival of religion in most of the congregations in that city, and the conversion of more than one hundred souls the progress of the temperance cause, of sound morality of quiet and good order, of a spirit of kind feeling amongst all parties are the proofs." 11 Doubtless long and tedious wars with " two seed Baptists " and similar opponents had blunted the edge of Peck's New England conscience to accord with the dictates of expediency and prudence that he so blandly preached over the corpse of the man he had disliked in life. Because Peck had learned the lesson of prudence he had twenty years more of a peaceful and useful career to round out. Because the high temper of Love- joy's Puritanism would not let him repress an iota of what he conceived it his duty to say, because he would not spare a word or swerve an inch from his path, he died at thirty-five leaving a nerve-wrecked and destitute wife. Yet his career and death had not, as Peck easily supposed, merely caused an awakened revival of formal religion. The shadow of the Puritan had fallen across the page of Illinois history, not to recede. For Illinois Lovejoy was the protomartyr of a movement already under way the organization of the antislavery forces in Illinois. On July 4, 1836, an antislavery society in Putnam county held its second semiannual meeting. Early in 1837 an antislavery society was organized in Will county, and one was meeting in Bureau county, one in Jersey and one in Adams 11 Western Pioneer, June i, 1838. 370 THE FRONTIER STATE (formed in 1836) , and one in Macoupin. On July 6, Lovejoy had issued a call for the formation of a state antislavery society. Delegates met at Alton, October 27, but Linder with others got possession of the meeting and passed anti-abolition resolutions. Next evening, however, the antislavery men or- ganized by themselves. 12 There was the usual attempt in vari- ous parts of the state to apply the counter-irritant of coloniza- tion to these ebullitions of abolitionism. Though Lovejoy was gone there were men left to take up his work. On April 2, 1838, a meeting at Princeton resolved that an antislavery newspaper should again be established at Alton, but in September a meeting at Hennepin resolved to support Benjamin Lundy, who had grown old in the editing of abolition papers, with the Genius of Universal Emancipation at Hennepin, Illinois. The paper first appeared late in 1838, being actually printed at Lowell nearby, though dated at Hen- nepin. The issue of February 26 recorded the meeting of the Illinois antislavery society, and through its columns there be- gan to pass the resolutions of the county societies denouncing slavery as contrary to the law of God and to natural right. Lundy showed a fine reasonableness, as for instance when he refused to attack an old antislavery warrior like John Quincy Adams because he was not an abolitionist. He was inclined to disapprove the uncompromising attitude of Garrison as tend- ing to divide supporters of the cause by his vagaries. But Lundy's long warfare was at an end. On July 19, 1839, he apologized for missing a week's issue; a small wheat harvest had required the editor's care. If, he wrote gallantly, some country editors would farm a little they might write more inde- pendently. Next week he had to apologize for a lack of edi- torial matter because of a light fever which had yielded to treat- ment. On August 23, a paper with head line dated the six- teenth announced that he had died of a bilious fever on Au- 12 Chicago American, August 6, 1836, April i, 1837; Harris, History of Negro Slavery in Illinois, 82, 87, 125; Alton Observer, June 15, July 13, August 3, 17, 1837; Alton Telegraph, November i, 1837; Illinois State Register, Sep- tember 15, October 13, 1837. THE SLAVERY QUESTION 371 gust 22. 13 The last number of the paper appeared on Septem- ber 13, 1839. A new paper, the Lowell Genius of Liberty, was begun December 19, 1840, by Zebina Eastman, a former associate of Lundy, and by Hooper Warren. Warren edited it with acid reminiscences of the old struggle of 1 822-1 824 in which he had participated. In 1842 the paper, transferred to Chicago under Eastman's editorship, became the Western Citizen. Its circu- lation, which soon entitled it to claim patronage as an advertis- ing medium, was an indication that the movement was gaining fast. 14 Meanwhile the work of agitation and organization in the state had advanced. In 1838, Reverend Chauncey Cook was chosen traveling agent of the state society, and he also labored with effect in enrolling members and forming new societies. For a time Cook and Reverend W. T. Allen, the traveling agents, had to support themselves by collections. In southern Illinois they encountered mobs and refusals of churches in which to hold meetings. In 1843-1844 they again invaded the south, but with not dissimilar results. 15 The antislavery men in Illinois had launched their cause in politics; in 1840 they cast one hundred votes for James G. Birney for president. Next year at a state society meeting, de- spite opposition from many who opposed political action of any sort, partly on the ground of the iniquity of acting under a United States constitution which supported slavery, it was resolved that no antislavery man should vote for any pro- slavery candidates. A convention in the third district nomi- nated Frederick Collins for congress, and he obtained 527 votes. In 1842, at the call of a state correspondence commit- 13 Peoria Register, April 14, October 6, 1838; Harris, History of Negro Slavery in Illinois, 126 ; Genius of Universal Emancipation, March 8, 29, June 28, July 26, August 25, 1839. 14 Harris, History of Negro Slavery in Illinois, 135; Western Citizen, Sep- tember 7, 14, 1843, March 21, 1844, August 28, 1845, June 3, 1846. 15 Harris, History of Negro Slavery in Illinois, 129, 131; Genius of Uni- versal Emancipation, July 5, 1834, January 30, April 24, June 5, 1841 ; Western Citizen, August 3, November 9, 1843, April 5, June 20, July 23, 1844. 372 THE FRONTIER STATE tee, a liberty convention was held at Chicago which nominated a candidate for governor and urged in its resolutions nomina- tions for all local offices. It defined its position as resistance to the advance of the slave power rather than unconstitutional opposition to it. It savagely arraigned the national losses and misfortunes of the last few years as the work of the southern slavocracy, and for the state it demanded the repeal of the black laws. In 1844, the party put a presidential electoral ticket in the field which received 3,469 votes. In 1846 it adopted an elaborate plan of organization, reaching down even to the school districts for the gubernatorial campaign. 16 It declared alike against the annexation of Texas, the black laws, and Garrisonism. Its vote for governor ran up to 5,147, and in the fourth district Owen Lovejoy received 3,531 votes for congress. Antislavery in Illinois in the forties was the center of a whirlpool of new ideas in politics and in life that is the delight of the student of human belief. When men are thinking in- tensely on one ideal, others group around it. Thus in 1839 a peace society at Mission Institute near Quincy adopted resolu- tions declaring that wars promoted for the glory of rulers were paid for by their subjects. Women participated on an equality with men in antislavery societies, despite the sneers of whig editors; and this participation led to discussion of woman's rights. The new wine of Garrisonian abolition, however, was a little too strong to be safely introduced into the bottles of Illinois antislavery effort; a nonresistance and the alleged in- fidelity of Garrison were usually eschewed as stumblingblocks to antislavery men in southern Illinois. 17 There were, how- ever, denunciations of holding communion with churches or mission boards that tolerated slavery and declarations that 16 Harris, History of Negro Slavery in Illinois, 146, 147, 155; Western Citizen, July 26, 1842, April 6, 1843, June 3, 10, 1846; Genius of Universal Emancipation, February 6, 27, May 29, June 19, 1841; Genius of Liberty, Jan- uary i, 1842. 17 Genius of Universal Emancipation, August 30, 1839; Western Citizen, November 2, 1843, May 2, June 20, September 7, 1844, September 22, October 13, 1846, February 23, 1847. THE SLAVERY QUESTION 373 agnostics who were liberty men were better than christians who were not. The theoretical antislavery argument is a magnificent thing to the student of ideas. On the one hand it begins with the statement that to justify slavery it is necessary to twist and alter the principles of the American Revolution and of the Dec- laration of Independence. On the other it built its foundation on the old Puritan concept, in which seventeenth century Eng- lishmen had sought their guidance, of the law of God. The Puritan in Illinois in 1840 walked as genuinely as his English predecessor had done two centuries before in the faith that the law of God remained binding upon rulers and people and that any enactment or practice contrary to it was null and void. This to them was not an abrogation of human law but rather its fulfillment, for only where the divine law ruled could there be perfect liberty. To the antislavery men the law of nature and the common law of the land were alike in accord with the law of God in opposition to slavery. How could a slave father train up his child in the nurture and admonition of the Lord as the divine law bade him ? Owen Lovejoy went back to Coke to find the law of nature in opposition to slavery. 18 And when James Wallace of Hill Prairie, Randolph county, sat down to write against slavery under the haughty caption of the old Puritan challenge: "The supremacy of God and the equality of man," Puritans reached over two centuries to guide his pen, so that one might almost swear his discourses were plagiarized from forgotten pamphlets written in the seven- teenth century by such champions of freedom as Lilburne and Overton. The leaven of Puritanism remained unchanged. On the political side, it was inevitable that antislavery propaganda should deal with economic conditions. The temp- tation to blame slavery for hard times was too great. Thus in 1 843 Alvan Stewart attributed hard times to the fact that in the south but one person in five was a laborer, that therefore for 18 Western Citizen, November 20, 1842, March 30, April 20, July 27, Sep- tember 14, 1843, March 28, 1844, November 3, 1846, February 9, 23, June 22, 1847. 374 THE FRONTIER STATE sustenance the south had borrowed three hundred millions of northern labor and then had failed. More significant by far was the idea advocated by William Goodell, which spread as far as Illinois, that the true course of the party was to stand for the right of the white as well as for the colored laborer and to advocate free trade and direct taxation. The repeal of the English corn laws seemed destined to let the product of the free laborer of the north into England as well as that of the slave laborers of the south. In 1847 Goodell, issuing a call for a national convention of the free-trade wing of the liberty party, based it on the highest and best ideals of democracy the inalienable rights of men to trade freely and to use the earth freely therefore, no tariffs, no laws permitting land monop- oly, and no laws permitting slavery. An Illinois man, G. T. Gaston, wrote to the Western Citizen urging similar doctrine, on the ground that if the liberty party were to be a well-rounded party, it must have a complete policy. 19 One wonders what might have chanced, had the liberty men in 1847, perhaps on a less radical platform, been able to unite with what was best in the democratic party and set forth on a crusade for the liberty of labor of whatever color the laborer might be. Wentworth for years had preached genuine democ- racy to the people of northern Illinois, except for the inevitable concession to the south in the matter of slavery. In 1847 tne rejection of river and harbor improvement by southern votes had driven him and many another northern democratic poli- tician to the point of revolt against slavery. It was one of these rare moments when the faces of men seemed turned directly toward the millennium. It was not to be. The sins of the southern aristocracy were not yet full. The policy of "one-idealism" of confin- ing the party to the antislavery issue triumphed in the liberty party. The Western Citizen preached it assiduously, perhaps from dread of Wentworth's skill in pilfering votes from abo- 19 Western Citizen, April 27, 1843, July 7, September i, 1846, January 19, May 25, October 12, 1847. THE SLAVERY QUESTION 375 litionists. 20 Wentworth professed himself satisfied with the nomination of Cass and fell back into his party, though always a disturbing element in it because of his championship of justice and common sense. When a great antislavery party arose, it was to draw its principles except on slavery from the whigs rather than from the democrats ; and fifty years of wandering in the wilderness have been necessary to make the American peo- ple realize as a nation that while rejecting slavery, they ac- cepted the principles that their forefathers rejected when offered to them by Clay and Webster. In the attitude of the Illinois churches on slavery one has a study of interest, fascinating because of its vagaries and incon- sistencies. There was for instance the little Reformed Presby- terian group at Sparta and Eden who on occasion went so far as to pronounce the dissolution of a union tainted with slavery as not the worst misfortune that might befall. The church at Hill Prairie in 1843 sent to congress a strenuous antislavery petition. In northern Illinois the Presbyterian churches and synods gave repeated testimony against the sin of slaveholding and repeated declarations that they would have no fellowship with slaveholders. On the other hand, the Alton Presbytery discreetly smothered such a resolution in 1844. A northern Congregational church occasionally hedged on similar tests, but generally the churches of this communion were outspoken in favor of antislavery. 21 Methodism hardly gave so many evidences of protest against the general proslavery attitude of the order as did Presbyterianism. The antislavery leaders came to expect op- position from the Methodists. One finds appeals to the Illi- nois conferences to take a decisive stand against the institution. In 1844 a " Wesleyan " circuit was formed on Fox river on the principle of " no fellowship with slavery." There were about 20 July 7, September 8, 15, 1846, January 5, May 18, July 27, 1847. 21 Western Citizen, July 26, 1842, January 25, May 2, July 4, 25, 1844; Belleville Advocate, October 25, November i, 1845; Presbytery of Ottawa, Min- utes, May 25, 1843; Synod of Peoria, Minutes, December 7, 1843, December n, 1845; Genius of Liberty, September 18, 1841. 376 THE FRONTIER STATE eleven churches on it and twenty appointments. There was a hot antislavery protest from Methodists at Florid as early as 1839. In 1845, however, in connection with the case of Bishop Andrews, antislavery pronouncements began to appear in the ranks of the Methodists proper. Still, next year the Western Citizen complained that the Rock River conference had done nothing but denounce abolitionists in its last meet- ings. 22 A year later the Visitor accused it of trying to cover up attacks on its members for holding and selling slaves. The Baptists dealt more in accord with their inherent cen- trifugal qualities. In 1843 the Citizen complained that in Shurtleff College free speech on slavery was gagged. The Northwest Baptist Association, it was complained, defeated by trickery in 1844 a non-fellowship pronouncement. In the same year an antislavery mass meeting of all the Baptist churches in Illinois was called to meet at Warrenville. This meeting called for the establishment of an antislavery newspaper and accordingly on January 16, 1845, tne Elgin Western Christian began publication under the direction of the Northwestern Baptist Antislavery Convention. In its first number it ex*- plained its appearance by the disappearance of the Northwest Baptist, as a result, it claimed, of an attempt to remain neutral on the slavery issue. It attacked in the course of the year the Quincy and Illinois river associations for not standing up to the issue. The paper was not abolitionist, but it was outspoken against slavery, and it maintained a war on the Baptist Helmet for printing advertisements of Negroes committed to jail. The Universalists were frankly antislavery, but the Episcopalian bishop, Philander Chase of Jubilee College, was repeatedly attacked for hedging. 23 With Chase the needs of his dear col- lege swallowed up all other considerations. ^ 22 Genius of Liberty, March 29, 1839, July 10, November 27, 1841 ; Western Citizen, July 26, 1842, August 3, 1843, March 21, 1844, February 13, 1845, Sep- tember 15, 1846; Sangamo Journal, June 5, 1845. 23 Western Citizen, April 27, December 14, 1843, October 31, December 26, 1844, September 15, October 20, 1846; Western Christian, August 14, 22, 1845; Baptist Helmet, July 16, August 13, 1845; in 1844 the Quincy association voted down an antislavery resolution and Elgin did the same on September 19, 1844. THE SLAVERY QUESTION 377 In considering the existence of slavery in Illinois, it is neces- sary to review a line of supreme court decisions which defined its nominal status, remembering always that, since the slave or Negro was less capable than his owner of defending his alleged rights, the probability is that much illegal servitude existed. Legally whatever servitude there was had to be based on the territorial act of September 17, 1807, as adopted by the Illinois legislature on December 13, 1812. This act allowed the bring- ing into Illinois of Negroes above fifteen years of age owing service or labor and the indenturing them for terms of years; Negroes so brought in under the age of fifteen could be held, the males till thirty-five years old and the females till thirty- two. Children born of them were to serve, the males until the age of thirty and the females until the age of twenty-eight. Further the act provided for the registration of Negroes brought into the territory, who might lawfully be held till thirty-five or thirty-two years old. Between these two classes of registered and indentured Negroes, as will be seen, the courts were later to distinguish. The state constitution pro- hibited the further introduction of slavery except for the in- denturing of persons of age while at perfect freedom. It re- quired, however, that all persons indentured without fraud or collusion should serve out the terms of their indentures and that registered Negroes should serve out their appointed times ; and it provided that children born of them thereafter should become free, males at twenty-one, females at eighteen. In the twenties the state supreme court decided that inden- tures to be valid must correspond with the form prescribed by the act of 1807 and that registered Negroes might be sold like other property. 24 But in Phoebe v. Jay in the December term of 1828, Justice Lockwood undertook an analysis of the whole legal support of existing slavery in Illinois. He pronounced the act of 1807 in contravention of the Ordinance of 1787 and therefore per se void. Whatever validity it had arose from 24 Cornelius v. Cohen, I Illinois (Breese), 131; see also Choisser Dr. Richard Eells of Quincy was, in the circuit court under Stephen A. Douglas, fined $400 for aiding a fugitive slave, a decision later sustained by Judge Shields of the Illinois supreme court. On the strength of the notoriety gained in this case Eells was elected president of the Illinois Antislavery Society in 1843 ar| d nominated as the liberty party candidate for governor in 1846. 28 Harris, History of Negro Slavery in Illinois, 109, 112. 3 8o THE FRONTIER STATE Chicago was a dramatic center of activity. In 1 846 a mob of some two thousand assisted in spiriting away two fugitive slaves under the very nose of a justice of the peace. At Chi- cago and in Kendall county, Negroes put up to sale were hired out for twenty-five cents and similar sums. Slaveholders were served notice by the Western Citizen that if their slaves ever reached northern Illinois their chance of recovering them was slim, and a Kane county convention in the same year re- solved that Kane county was as safe for runaways as Canada. In its issue of July 13, 1844, the Western Citizen printed a car- toon of the underground railway that is perhaps Illinois' first political newspaper cartoon. Missouri slave hunters on the other hand threatened and perhaps did commit arson in revenge and offered rewards for the delivery across the river of promi- nent officials of the underground railway. In the Illinois legis- lature petitions began to appear against the black code, with whig as well as abolitionist support; and on the other side measures were passed penalizing the assisting of fugitive slaves. 29 The slavery conflict too had its reflection more and more in national politics within the state. The Chicago American was disposed to praise John Quincy Adams' stand on the right of petition. In 1 8421 843 all the Illinois representatives voted against abolition petitions. In 1843-1844 all the representa- tives but Hardin voted for the gag resolutions; but the next year the abolition vote had perhaps caused Wentworth to see the light, and he had voted with Hardin against the gag. In the election of 1844 the whigs had been inclined to play for abolition votes, and such papers as the Citizen endeavored to head them off by attacks on Clay. After the election they attempted to lay on the shoulders of the abolitionists the blame for the admission of Texas to the union by the proslavery 29 Sangamo Journal, December 5, 1844, January 16, April 3, 1845; Western Citizen, November 18, 1842, January 13, March 23, 30, November 2, 1843, Jan- uary ii, July 18, August 3, December n, 1844, February 20, March 6, 1845, June 23, October 27, November 5, 17, 1846; Chicago American, April 25, 1842; Illinois State Register, January 24, 1845; Belleville Advocate, May 6, 1845; Chicago Daily Journal, January 9, 28, March 12, 1845. THE SLAVERY QUESTION 381 democrats of the south. They affected to believe that at Chi- cago the Democrat and the Citizen were trying to break up the whig party and to divide it on the issues of abolitionism and nativism. 30 And they entreated the southern whigs not to be misled by such attempts. It was the democratic party, however, that was destined to be broken by the slavery issue. Wentworth, in his opposi- tion to the southern leaders of his party on rivers and harbors and the tea and coffee tax, moved toward antislavery in poli- tics so far as the Wilmot proviso. This action the Western Citizen ascribed to the influence of Lewis Cass. Wentworth nevertheless was the only Illinois member who supported the Wilmot proviso in 1846, Douglas, Ficklin, Hoge, and McCler- nand voting to lay it on the table and Baker and Smith not voting. The whig papers in Illinois, while continuing to berate the abolitionists severely, especially for opposing the Mexican War, were inclined to be antislavery in their attitude. In the next session Wentworth's opposition to the south and to south- ern measures was as strongly marked as ever, but Hoge was the only other Illinois member he could draw with him on the vote for the proviso. In the coming election Wentworth affected to believe that it would be a northern democrat against a slaveholder such as Taylor; and he naturally denounced as mere pretense the whig antislavery attitude, in view of their prospective candidate. He was disposed to have the demo- crats stand against slavery and for free trade on necessities not provided by American labor. 31 A little more than two decades since the decision of the state on the exclusion of slavery had seen the question develop 30 Chicago American, March 16, 1842, December n, 1844, March 31, 1845; Congressional Globe, 27 congress, 3 session, 31, 106, 28 congress, i session, 56, 133, 28 congress, 2 session, 7. Western Citizen, December 21, 1843, March 28, May 23, June 27, July 18, 1844; Illinois State Register, April 26, 1844; Chicago Democrat, April 28, 1844; Chicago Dally Journal, March n, 15, 21, 184$; Alton Telegraph, March 22, 1845. 31 Chicago Democrat, February 2, 23, March 2, June 30, 1846, February 9, March 2, 30, April 27, May u, 25, 1847; Western Citizen, July 28, 1846; Con- gressional Globe, 29 congress, i session 1217, 29 congress, 2 session, 425; Chicago Dally Journal, March 17, June 13, August 26, 1846; Sangamo Journal, September 17, 1846. 382 THE FRONTIER STATE in unexpected ways. A process of legal limitation on the tol- eration of slavery and indenture was to have been expected. But otherwise as against the lawless kidnapping of free blacks always prevalent, there had arisen on the antislavery side an elastic organization for the assistance of runaway slaves. Garrisonian abolitionism arose in the east and spread to Illi- nois, quickening the minds of intelligent men whether they approved or disapproved. Antislavery sentiment waxed till once more it could support newspapers and muster respectable votes for its candidates. Thirty years after the admission of Illinois to the union, the United States was once more riven on the question of slavery; and the two great political parties that had meanwhile developed on other issues were, as against the abolition and liberty parties, seeking their advantage in it. XXI. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT THE closing years of the period under review witnessed the eager efforts of Illinois to find itself economically. From 1830 to 1840 the population had grown from 157,000 to 476,000; and still growing, the state was trying to give expression to the pent-up energy within it. Experiments flourished; the inhabitants of Illinois, conscious of hidden riches, sought by means of a diversity of crops, a multiplica- tion of towns, and sectional divisions to discover the key which would unlock the treasure and open the way to high reward. Farmers began to grope somewhat uncertainly for better methods in securing the bounty of the rich prairie soil. In the late thirties and early forties the dwellers in the Illinois river counties led in the formation of county agricultural soci- eties for the discussion of farm problems. In 1841 the Union Agricultural Society began publishing the Union Agriculturist and Western Prairie Farmer, which two years later became the Prairie Farmer, a newspaper that in time both directed and reflected the agricultural activities of the state. 1 Experiment followed experiment; flax, mustard seed, cotton, and tobacco, the cultivation of hemp, of the castor bean, and of the mul- berry tree were in turn get-rich-quick crazes of the day. At one time a nursery in Peoria had 200,000 mulberries and 100,000 cuttings for sale; with every purchase of trees, silk- worm eggs were furnished free. In 1841 agricultural societies were awarding prizes for the best cocoons. 2 The great staple crop still remained wheat; in 1833 the Illinois crop was esti- 1 Scott, Newspapers and Periodicals of Illinois, 53. 2 Bateman and Selby, Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois, 2:243-244; His- tory of Winnebago County, 303-304. 383 384 THE FRONTIER STATE mated at 1,500,000 bushels, and farmers were urged to plant more of it. 3 There could be no great expansion in agricultural activi- ties, however, without even greater improvements in imple- ments. Throughout the thirties there was still in use the most primitive bar-share plows, which made no pretense of "scouring." In an effort to improve these, moldboards of cast-iron were first substituted, in turn to give way to those of polished steel. Necessity was, indeed, the mother of inven- tion, and every blacksmith with a knack of "tinkering" was trying his hand at a plow. There was the early " Clark," then the " Diamond," the "Tobey and Anderson," the "Gary," the "Jewitt," with rivals not so well known in every county, all warranted to " scour." 4 Efforts to improve or invent farm machinery were not confined to one form of labor-saving device. Cotton gins, headers, self-rakes, corn planters were tried out with varying success. An advertisement in the Illinois Advocate in 1835 declared that a machine had been invented that successfully performed the five operations of harrowing, opening the fur- row, dropping and covering the seed corn, and finally, remov- ing all clods not broken by the harrow. A letter to the Alton Spectator as early as 1833, while urging the farmers to clean their wheat better, suggested the use of the threshing machine ; and this continued to be discussed until in 1846 and 1847 the reaping machines of Bachus and Fitch of Brochport and of Cyrus McCormick absorbed interest. 5 To the farmer on the treeless prairies of northern Illinois fencing was a problem a very serious one. The earliest substitutes for rails were sod ditches or embankments; in 1839 thorn hedges began to be suggested; and by 1847 Jonathan Baldwin Turner had paused from his other interests to experiment with the possibilities 3 Illinois Advocate, June 22, 1833. 4 Belleville Advocate, March 10, 1842; Hicks, History of Kendall County, 400; Ballance, History of Peoria, 124-125; Rice, Peoria, 1:284. 5 Alton Spectator, April 23, 1833; Alton Telegraph, August 21, 1841, August 9, 1845; Chicago Daily Journal, June 12, July 2, 24, 28, 1846. Population of Illinois per Square Mile in 1840 ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 385 of the Osage orange which was to be popular until the advent of modern wire fencing. 6 Throughout this period the handling of livestock in Illi- nois was, with a few rare exceptions, unscientific, inefficient, and haphazard. In the northern part of the state there was the very practical difficulty of housing and feeding during the severe winters. In 1836 Dr. J. W. S. Mitchell of Champaign county believed he had demonstrated that his herd of blooded shorthorn Durhams could be wintered as well as ordinary stock; a year later, however, he sold out. Aside from these practical considerations stock improve- ment met a curious and unintelligent opposition from the small farmers. Among the influential the necessity of devel- oping better herds was so clear that "the legislature passed a law," writes Governor Ford, " for the improvement of the breed of cattle, by which small bulls were prohibited, under severe penalties, from running at large. On this last occasion no one dreamed that a hurricane of popular indignation was about to be raised, but so it was: the people took sides with the little bulls. The law was denounced as being aristocratic, and intended to favor the rich, who, by their money, had be- come possessed of large bulls, and were to make a profit by the destruction of the small ones." 8 Leading stock growers of the day, notably Richard Flower, were as much interested in the raising of sheep as of cattle. Attempts were made to improve the breeds of sheep and to foster wool growing. Interest spread to such an extent that in 1842 wool in considerable quantities was brought to the Chicago market. 9 Marketing of farm produce wove itself deeply into the business life of the state. Trade had many centers every thriving village hoped to become an Alton. Belleville was 8 Sangamo Journal, July 26, 1839, November 19, 1841; Belleville Advocate, October 7, 1847. 7 Western Citizen, April 13, 1836. 8 Ford, History of Illinois, 107-108. 9 Sangamo Journal, December 17, 1841, October 23, 1842; Chicago American, June 27, 1842; Alton Telegraph, July 26, 1845. 386 THE FRONTIER STATE boosted in season and out by a group -of citizens headed by John Reynolds. The Belleville Advocate was eager that Belleville, closely allied to St. Louis in trade, should grow as its greater neighbor grew but pointed out the danger of being engulfed in the prosperity of that city. Farmers of the vicin- ity were urged to avail themselves of the advantages to be derived from marketing their goods at Belleville instead of at the larger place. It was pointed out that they avoided thereby the bad roads, inclement weather, the mishaps of the long trip, and the crossing of the Mississippi river, at times so dangerous, with the uncertainty of the market price at the end. In Belleville was a ready market for wheat and hogs at cash. 10 Belleville papers were quick to resent the " cracking up " of the northern part of the state at the expense of the southern. They repudiated the idea that their section was made up of "swamps," and "low, flat, inundated prairies," that its popu- lation was "thriftless," or its seasons "sickly;" they stated that " notwithstanding the depression of all kinds of business, embarrassment from debt, and the number of emigrants that have left this part of the State within half-a-dozen years, the increase of the population in the counties south of a line drawn across the State from Alton by Vandalia to Palestine, from September, 1840, to September, 1845, by the State census, has been 48,574 in 32 counties . . . a gain of 31 per cent." 11 The Belleville Advocate for January 20, 1842, set forth how Illinois could be " disenthralled from her present prostrate condition. . . . The important object is to discover the central river port . . . whence the whole State might be recruited and resuscitated and which might be employed as the commercial fulcrum, moving either end of the State by its power of centrality and where is this central point if not opposite to St. Louis? ... If the State has now small means, the only rational plan is to select a spot where small 10 Belleville Advocate, December 30, 1841, December 10, 1846. 11 Ibid., July 2, 1846. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 387 means will produce the greatest amount of effect, and where is this . . . but opposite St. Louis?" In spite of jealous assertions that the population of Alton was declining and its population withdrawing, that city still held its commanding position as the market of the state. Its newspapers bitterly protested at the absurdity of irreverent leg- islators declaring that its market was glutted by one keg of butter and two dozen chickens. It pointed out its very real advantage over Chicago, where lake navigation was suspended by ice when Alton's port was still open. The Telegraph in 1847 declared that the older business houses had been swept away in the panic of 18371838, scarcely two or three out of forty or fifty surviving and that only a few of the former citi- zens remained. The ultimate consequences, however, were beneficial; business was on a better and more healthy basis; there was less selling to retailers on long credits, goods being sold for cash or produce. In the fall the Telegraph regularly celebrated the huge pork packing business done; it commented on the fact that more beef and pork packers were attracted to Alton year by year; and it assured the farmers that they could get the best prices there better than at St. Louis or New Orleans, since Alton pork packers, in return for offal, paid ten cents for slaughtering. In 1843 farmers were bringing beeves to Alton to be slaughtered instead of selling them, as hitherto, to drovers to be driven to the eastern markets. The Telegraph was similarly loyal in its insistence that Alton was destined to be the grain market of the west. 12 So strove the southern cities, while in the northern corner of the state, close to the lake it was rapidly controlling, Chi- cago waxed mighty. A shift in the avenue of trade assisted its growth. Ever since 1763 Philadelphia, and later Baltimore, had monopolized the trade in Illinois by way of the Ohio river. But clever advertising, offers of long credit, the build- ing of the Erie canal had rapidly shifted this commerce from 12 Alton Telegraph, January 4, March 21, 1840, June 23, November 13, 20, 1841, August 27, November 12, 1842, January 7, October 14, 21, 1843, October 19, 1844, October n, 18, 1845. 3 88 THE FRONTIER STATE Philadelphia and Baltimore to New York; and Chicago was the child of the new alliance. 18 In 1832 it had been a tiny market with two stores, and when incorporated the following year it had but little more than one hundred and fifty in- habitants. Then within the next few years there sprang up such an incredible mushroom growth as would seem to belie stability. In May of 1833 a newcomer saw a few houses huddled upon the shore of a great lake; by September he records "the extraordinary growth of Chicago which only a little while ago was nothing but a small village. Now there is a street a mile long, and soon there will be two others of the same length." When the town was a year old there were " two thousand inhabitants . . . and every day you see vessels and steam boats put in here from the lake crowded with families who come to settle in Chicago. Every day new houses may be seen going up on all sides." 14 Its wide streets were constantly filled with a bustling, busy throng; in August of 1835 immigration was so considerable, that with flour sell- ing at $20 a barrel, there was fear of a famine. When the city was four years old it had a population of about 8,000 ; and one hundred and twenty stores, twenty of which were whole- sale, were required to transact its business. 15 The immediate result of this immigration was to make Chicago a large import- ing center; in 1833 only two boats had visited her port; but, during the season of 1836, 456 entries were made, bringing in goods worth $325,203; the exports they carried away were 13 Though Chicago papers did not ignore the packing industry, in 1847 " Long John " Wentworth described a Chicago packing house which had insti- tuted marvelous economies by utilization of waste parts, had a daily capacity of one hundred and thirty head of cattle, and exported its products mainly to the English market. Western Citizen, December 23, 1842; Chicago American, Decem- ber 29, 1840, December 14, 1842; Chicago Democrat, October 18, 1845, October 1 6, 1847. 14 Father St. Cyr to Bishop Rosati, Chicago, September 16, 1833, and June n, 1834, quoted by Garraghan, "Early Catholicity in Chicago, 1673-1843," in Illinois Catholic Historical Journal, volume i, number i ; Quaif e, Chicago and the Old Northwest, 349. 15 For much of the material on the commercial growth in Chicago credit is due to Judson Fiske Lee, " Transportation. A Factor in the Development of Northern Illinois Previous to 1860," in Illinois State Historical Society, Journal, 10: 17-18. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 389 valued at only a thousand dollars. Though Chicago used much of this incoming merchandise, a great deal was destined for inland towns that had discovered the cheaper northern route. But an economical route for imports would present similar gainful inducements to exports, and the fast settling north country began hauling its grain to Chicago, and within the next two years the prices this central market was able to offer brought wheat pouring into the city. Throughout the season of 1841 when places in southern, central, and northern Illinois offered but fifty cents for wheat, Chicago paid an aver- age of eighty-seven cents; the day that the Peoria market bought wheat at forty cents, Chicago paid one dollar. Farmers, singly or in groups, and throngs of teamsters for inland merchant middlemen, hauled wheat to Chicago, some- times from 250 miles away. 16 Lines of thirteen, twenty, or even eighty wagons loaded with wheat were to be seen en route for that city. Though 150 vessels a month docked at Chicago in the season of 1841, they were insufficient to carry away the grain. In 1842 there were 705 arrivals with a ton- nage of 117,711, and 586,907 bushels of grain were sent from the port. In that year imports were valued at $664,347 and exports at $659,305, for Chicago had become the market for " about one-half the State of Illinois, a large portion of Indi- ana, and a very considerable part of Wisconsin." 17 Until 1848 the volume of wheat exported continued to increase and Chicago's strength to arise from its preeminence as a grain market. A prevalent opinion among the farmers of the day was that dealers and commission men cheated them on the market price, an idea that Wentworth in his editorials was ready to foster. Year after year he claimed that dealers and whig papers despite the angry denials from both were in league' to cheat the producer; and in the face of the great warehouses Chicago dealers were continually building, came Wentworth's 16 At Ottawa one firm alone, in 1842, advertised for fifty teams to haul wheat to Chicago. Ibid., 23. 17 Ibid., 24. 390 THE FRONTIER STATE warning that the usage farmers received in Chicago would force them to seek Illinois river markets. In 1846 the remedy for poor prices advocated by the Prairie Farmer was the stacking of wheat until a larger return could be obtained, but the Chicago Journal believed that in the climate of Illinois it would not keep without injury. So keen a contemporary ob- server as Thomas Ford, however, regarded the practice of hoarding produce as one of the formidable difficulties of the day. " Let the price be what it might, many would hold up their commodity a whole year, expecting a rise in the mar- ket. ... I have known whole stacks of wheat and whole fields of corn to rot, or to be dribbled out and wasted to no purpose; and whole droves of hogs to run wild in the woods so as never to be reclaimed, whilst the owner was saving them for a higher price. ... By holding back for a higher price, he suffered loss by the natural waste of his property, by laying out of the use of his money, by losing the many good bargains he could have made with it in the meantime, and by being compelled to purchase dear on a credit, and pay a high interest on the debt if not paid when due. "This practice of holding up property from the market unless the owner can receive more than the market price, still [1847] prevails extensively in the southern and some of the eastern parts of the State, and fully accounts for much of the difference in the degree of prosperity which is found there, and in the middle and northern part of the State." 18 Economic conditions were, of course, profoundly affected by a new factor that was just beginning in this period the im- portant role it later played in Illinois life the coming of the foreigner and his assumption of citizenship. Up to this time settlers had come from sister states and, like all Americans, 18 Ford, History of Illinois, 99-10x5. The large barns characteristic of northern farming it was said that in the north a farmer frequently spent $250 on his house and $1,000 on his barn helped no doubt to enable them to take such advice without the losses pictured by Ford, though he asserted that "the New England population make it a rule to sell all their marketable property as soon as it becomes fit for market, and at the market price. " Ibid., 100. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 391 were of many parentages English, Irish, Scotch, and Scotch- Irish, with some Pennsylvania Dutch; but all had been in the new country long enough to have become essentially American. In the thirties, however, conditions in most of the northern countries of Europe were such as to make emigration impera- tive. Illinois, with vast fertile prairies, easy of access, drew more than its quota of the newcomers. I From Germany there came such numbers that the admix- ture of Teutonic blood in the people of Illinois was to furnish much of the bone and sinew of the state. At the close of the Napoleonic wars political, religious, and economic conditions in Germany were distinctly bad; crop failures, over-popula- tion and production with the resulting dire poverty, were evils from which thousands of peasants, laborers, tradesmen, stu- dents, and professional men were eager to escape by emigra- tion. At just this time was published Gottfried Duden's Bericht tiber eine Reise nach den westlichen Staaten Nordamerlka's. In 1824 Duden, a graduate in law and medicine, had gone to the Mississippi valley and bought a fertile tract of land in Missouri. He was a man of means; and, while his land was being cleared, he occupied himself in writing a romantic ac- count of his " Garden of Eden," as his plantation came to be known. Imagination colored his experiences; he exaggerated the freedom and blessings of the country and minimized its hardships. 10 To many Germans the book was like an answer to prayer; they read it daily, regarded it as an infallible guide, and under its sway thousands emigrated to Missouri. The only other influence directing settlement to the middle west which compared with this book in strength was that of the "Giessener Gesellschaft." This was an immigration com- pany the practical vehicle by which the dream of founding a German state within the United States was to be realized; in it the oppressed, the exploited, the idealistic, were to find a refuge and there rear a model society. The company finally 19 Koerner, Memoirs, 1:325-326. 392 THE FRONTIER STATE chose Missouri as the destination for the thousands who re- sponded to the plan. This wave of immigration was increased by the failure of the revolution of 1830 in Germany; many highly educated Germans, leaders in their own country, left the fatherland for America; and, since the stream of immigration had started toward the Mississippi valley, it was natural that large num- bers of them turned their footsteps in the same direction. Preferring a free to a slave state, however, the leaders deter- mined to settle within the regions of Illinois. St. Clair and Madison counties, having already a sprinkling of German set- tlers, were chosen with Belleville as the center of the first im- portant German settlement of the state. 20 Friends in univer- sity days, fellow members of the " Burschenschaften," the Ger- man student fraternities of a political cast, here began together a new life in a new country. Conspicuous among them were Gustave Koerner, Theodor Hilgard, George Bunsen, and George Englemann. It was this group who became known as the "Latin farmers" of Belleville, for they knew more of Latin than of land. Most of them had no agricultural expe- rience, and their wives were unaccustomed to doing their own housework. On the prairies, however, were to be found neither workmen nor housemaids, so that these people, accustomed to the luxuries of Europe, were obliged to suffer the privations and hardships of frontier life. Some succeeded and some failed. But they brought to Illinois an element of culture and education that was in the long run to affect the life of the community. From the first they made no effort to isolate them- selves from that life; though they furnished themselves with new and better houses, flowers and fruit trees, books and music, they at the same time adapted themselves to the simpler social standards of the people about them and thereby grad- ually elevated the ideals of western life. Their influence was 20 In Madison county Highland became the home of an important German- Swiss colony, led by the families of Kopfli and Suppiger. Faust, German Ele- ment In the United States, i: 460; Koerner, Memoirs, i: 327. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 393 felt in farming, in commerce, in journalism, science, art, and government. They were all men of books, and it is therefore not surpris- ing to find that in 1836 they formed a " Deutsche Bibliotheks- Gesellschaft," and started a library in Belleville, which was one of the first important libraries in the state; in it were found Latin books, Greek books, books on philosophy, books on subjects of which the pioneer community scarcely knew the name. 21 From the first they manifested their interest in edu- cation and gave their support to the public schools. During the first winter a schoolhouse was erected, and Koerner ap- pointed schoolmaster. Their genuine love of music modified and cultivated the crude singing of the frontier, and the first music school of any moment owed its origin to their initia- tive. 22 In 1850 there were thirty-eight thousand foreign born Ger- mans in Illinois. 23 From Belleville they had pushed out over the whole state, but particularly into that region opened up by the Black Hawk War. By 1847 several German newspapers had been organized. 24 Gustave Koerner had become the accepted leader in politics and he soon established himself as 21 The first public library was founded at Albion in 1 1818 and a year later Edwardsville had a subscription library. Buck, Illinois in 1818, p. 169-170. 22 Beinlich, " Latin Immigration in Illinois," Illinois State Historical Society, Transactions, 1909, p. 213. Ferdinand Ernst had brought over a colony of Germans to Vandalia in 1820 and 1821. When he died in 1822 his personal property was listed for public sale in the Illinois Intelligencer, October 5, 1822; besides German carriages, fine broadcloth coats, and pantaloons, elegant table linen and glassware, looking-glasses, clocks and watches, thermometers, hy- drometers, and spy glasses, there were: "one elegant wing piano forte; one small do, one elegant steel musical instrument; clarionetts, flutes; french horns, bassoons ; contra bass ; bass, tenor & Common fiddles &c. with a large and elegant assortment of music." 23 It must be remembered that the census figures connote "foreign born" alone. They do not take into account the second generation, which, though native born were " German " to their neighbors, nor does it indicate German emigrants from other states. In the thirties a stock company of Cincinnati Germans formed a settlement at Teutopolis in Effingham county; Germans from St. Louis and Cincinnati had settlements at Havana and Bath, Mason county, Perry in Pike county, with other considerable colonies in Woodford and La Salle counties. Pooley, Settlement of Illinois, 495-496. 24 Der Freiheitsbote fur Illinois, 1840; Adler des Westens, 1844; Stern des Westens, 1845; Chicago Volksfreund, 1845; Illinois Staats-Zeitung, 1847; Koerner, Das Deutsche Element, 268, 276-278. 394 THE FRONTIER STATE one of the powerful figures in Illinois through the influence which he exercised over his countrymen. 25 The Germans, in no sense susceptible to the sway of a political "boss," could, however, be molded into agreeing with their public men by rational means. 26 Koerner, a thoroughly trained and capable lawyer, early perceived that in this country law and politics went hand in hand. He acquainted himself with the language, customs, public policies, and opinions of his new home and used his knowledge to bridge the gap that its absence caused be- tween Germans and natives. He wrote a legal treatise in German to inform the former of the laws of the state, and that they might learn of politics he published a paper and wrote its editorials to supplement his activities as a public speaker. In spite of the fact that leading Germans had shown marked public spirit, and that the majority were for some years too much occupied with the economic struggle to avail themselves of political privileges, the Germans aroused the antagonism of the " native Americans." German solidarity, the idealistic project of the " Giessener Gesellschaft," and the violent criticism of American institutions and customs by a few of their number aroused a resentment and fear that about 1838 stimulated the formation of nativistic American socie- ties. The Germans, affronted at this misunderstanding of them as a group, drew closer together; they vented their anger at the nativists' propaganda in most outspoken communications to the German newspapers. Koerner translated some of the strongest and most exhaustive of these articles and carried them to the democratic newspapers, which up to this time had been only lukewarm in their attitude toward the foreigners. Faced now by a definite issue, the press was afraid to alienate so numerous a body of voters who had shown a preference for democratic party principles. They took the leap, published Koerner's translations, and thus the democratic party became the official and powerful sponsor for the aliens. This action 25 For the political phase of German life in this period I have drawn largely upon an unpublished monograph by Miss Jessie J. Kile. 26 Koerner, Memoirs, i : 427. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 395 was sufficient to cement the imminent alliance between demo- crats and Germans ; at the same time nothing could have more impressed the state with the strength of the newcomers. It "made the American people and particularly American poli- ticians aware that there was a large population among them who knew their rights and were willing to maintain them and that they had to be taken into account." 27 Still "native born citizens" continued throughout the forties to raise the cry against aliens, in spite of the spirit that the Germans often expressed. 28 The feeling of the Germans toward their adopted state is illustrated by the following resolution of thanks to Koerner for his stand on the canal bill and stay law: " Resolved, That the German citizens of Chicago and Cook county feel pride and gratification that one of their countrymen was in a position to repay to some extent, by useful action as a public servant, the obligations we all feel to the State of Illinois for the liberality towards us in providing us a haven in a land of freedom and extending to us the privileges of native born citizens." 29 German antagonism to those who persistently misunder- stood them never abated, and they joined the nativist issue with vigor. It was the big plank in Koerner's campaign for the legislature in i842; 30 and his election served, not only to please the Germans, but to allay in them all suspicion of nativ- ism in democratic ranks. He was the first German legislator; and in fact his political prominence continued conspicuous, since, in spite of the respect that politicians paid the German vote, the aspirations of these new citizens were modest, and they seldom in this period held office. In 1846 a meeting of Chicago Germans recommended the appointment of one of their number as deputy sheriff, and the following year only one 27 Koerner, Memoirs, 1:424. 28 It was sometimes suspected that the democrats used the cry of " nativism " to keep the Germans from joining the whigs. 2a Chicago Democrat, March 21, 1843. 30 Koerner, Memoirs, i : 464-469. 396 THE FRONTIER STATE German was elected as delegate to the constitutional conven- tion. Although the German element in Illinois was by far the most numerous and powerful of foreign groups, yet other na- tionalities were making significant contributions. Illinois had long felt the influence of the coming of individual Irishmen such men as John Reynolds, Thomas Carlin, and James Shields. But in the thirties general conditions in Ireland, religious, political, and economic, with the terrible famines of 1845 an d 1846 as a climax to misery, led all who could to flee from the country. Irish experience in agriculture was not conducive to a desire for further knowledge of it even in a new environ- ment, and the Irish tended to remain in the large cities as day laborers or factory employees. In Illinois the great need of canal labor and the promise of good wages and steady em- ployment drew thousands of this class to the state. They settled in large groups all along the line of the canal at Joliet, Peru, LaSalle, and over the adjacent counties. For ten years the work on the canal dragged on, but the financial embarrassments of the state operated to change many Irish laborers into Irish farmers. Canal scrip could often be redeemed only in canal land. Moreover, when in the early forties work on the canal was abandoned altogether for a time, the laborers went into neighboring counties and took up sections of land. As a result the farming population along the line of the canal, and that from Peoria northward along the Illinois river was largely Irish. But whenever possible their gregariousness and their fondness for politics and ex- citement induced them to remain in the cities, or to return as soon as the outside demand for their labor declined; Chicago continued their favorite residence. 31 In 1850 there were twenty-eight thousand Irish in Illinois; their Celtic adaptability, facility, and enthusiasm tended to- ward their rapid assimilation into the general population. At the same time a certain hot and aggressive loyalty to all things 31 Pooley, Settlement of Illinois, 499-501. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 397 Irish, together with the bristling qualities of their primitive Celtic temperaments, drew a sharp line of antagonism between them and their Anglo-Saxon neighbors. English emigration to Illinois was led by Morris Birk- beck and the Flowers into Edwards county in the early days of statehood, and from that time many isolated English fami- lies continued to make their way to the Illinois prairies. In the thirties, however, agricultural and industrial conditions in England were similar to those throughout northern Europe ; they fell with crushing weight on the small tenant farmers and were scarcely to be borne even by the more fortunate classes. Wages were low, tithes and taxes exorbitant. " Clergymen urged their parishioners to emigrate to America where wages were good. The London Roman Catholic Emigration Society hastened to complete preparations where- by various parties, each with its clergyman at its head might find new homes in America." 32 Farmers, trade-unionists, day laborers, and professional men left the country. 33 From 1845 to 1847 emigration to the United States doubled, and by 1850 there were 18,600 English settlers in Illinois. They were not the most happy and successful settlers. Adaptation to life on the prairies was difficult. "Their minds were hampered with prejudices in favor of the customs and habits of the mother country, which, combined with the lack of those qualities that make good pioneers, kept the Eng- lish from being classed with the successful settlers of the new country." 34 The Scotch, on the other hand, upon whom economic dis- tress had also forced immigration, were markedly successful. About 1834 they began to form settlements in Illinois and by 1850 there were forty-six hundred settled chiefly in the north- western part of the state. Their frugality, industry, and so- 32 Pooley, Settlement of Illinois, 502. 33 Mormon missionaries sent to England were there singularly successful in making converts. In 1840 the first band was brought over and by 1844 it was estimated that of the sixteen thousand Saints at Nauvoo ten thousand were English. Ibid., 503. 34 Ibid. 398 THE FRONTIER STATE briety, together with their high rank as agriculturists, made them a valuable asset to the state. It was a religious rather than an economic or political mo- tive that first brought Norwegians to America; in 1825 a band of fifty persecuted Quakers, under the leadership of Kleng Peerson, came to New York, and ten years later, still under his guidance, most of them moved to the more promising Illinois country. They settled along the Fox river in La Salle county, and, after a preliminary year or so of hardship, prospered. Their glowing accounts were sent back to friends suffering from hard times, scarcity of money, and shortage of crops; to tell such people about " rich, rolling prairies stretching away miles upon miles, about land which was neither rocky, nor swampy, nor pure sand, nor set up at an angle of forty-five degrees, about land which could be had almost for the asking in fee simple and not by semi-manorial title," was to fire their imaginations with "America fever." 35 Of this country many had never before heard the name, and now came these fabulous tales, first from letters, copied by hundreds and circulated from parish to parish, and then from Ansted Nattestad, who in the spring of 1838 came from the far land to visit relatives in Norway. Eager inquirers sometimes traveled one hundred and forty miles to see him and learn the facts concerning America and Illinois. Nattestad brought with him the manuscript of Ole Rynning's "True Account of America for the Instruction and Use of the Peasants and Common People," in which the author, a man of education and sympathy, answered the ques- tions that he and many less informed than himself had asked about America. Hardly any Norwegian publication has been purchased and read with the avidity of the "American-book," which was packed with information and advice that reached many a circumscribed parish and sent adventuring spirits to the new land. 36 35 Babcock, The Scandinavian Element, 28, 8x. 88 Rynning was the leading spirit of the ill-starred Beaver creek colony a party of fifty Norwegians who first intended to join the Fox river settlement. They chose their site in the late summer of 1837 when its grassy verdure gave no ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 399 It was natural that these parties of emigrants should seek the Illinois settlements; the towns of Mission, Miller, Rut- land, Norway, Leland, Lisbon, Morris, and Ottawa sprang up and grew rapidly at their coming. About 1840, however, the principal stream of Norwegian immigration was deflected into Wisconsin, just when Swedish settlers began pouring into Illinois. Swedish emigration, instigated at the outset almost entirely by economic motives, was early directed to this state through the influence of the brothers Hedstrom. Olaf Hed- strom, who was one of a handful of Swedes emigrating as early as 1825, had been converted to ardent Methodism, and in 1 845 was put in charge of a New York mission where he accom- plished a unique work among the incoming Swedes. His brother Jonas had settled in Knox county, and it was to this region as well as to Andover and Chicago that the fatherly missionary sent the multitudes dependent upon him for advice and direction. 37 In 1 846 the persecuted religious sect of Jansonists founded the first Swedish settlement of considerable size at Bishop Hill in Henry county. A year later the thriving communistic and religious colony numbered four hundred settlers, and five years after their coming they had grown to eleven hundred members or almost one-third the population of Henry county. 38 By 1850 Scandinavian immigration had added to the state thirty-five hundred thrifty, industrious, and intensely Protestant citizens. Though chiefly agriculturists, concerned with win- ning a freehold for themselves and founding an honorable family competence, they held a high educational standard and were remarkable for their loyalty to the public school system. hint of the swamps that in the spring made cultivation impossible nor of the unhealthfulness that during the summer caused the death of two-thirds of the company. Rynning, who in the winter had employed the leisure of illness by writing his Account, was one of the victims of the depopulating malaria the fol- lowing summer. Babcock, The Scandinavian Element, 28-31; Blegen, " Q\P Rynning's True Account of America," in Minnesota History Bulletin, 2:221-232 37 Babcock, The Scandinavian Element, 54. 38 Ibid., 56-60. 400 THE FRONTIER STATE So rapidly did this large body of recently foreign citizens take their place in the body politic, that when the national issue of the Mexican War arose, no cleavage in the state occurred. Such companies as that of Captain James F. Eagan, who organized the Ottawa Irish Volunteers with one hundred and forty-eight on the roll, 39 and that of Captain Julius C. Raith made up of young Germans from St. Clair and Monroe counties were among the first to volunteer. 40 The war had come at a time to make it extremely popular throughout Illinois. The people were suffering from the most stringent "hard times:" money, except that of broken banks, was not to be had; repeated failure met any attempt at com- mercial or industrial enterprise; farmers, unable to market their abundant crops, used what they could and left the rest to waste in the field. Suddenly, to the pent-up energy of the state and to the spirit of adventure, came the call to arms. Causes and issues were hardly considered; party lines were swept aside in the response that, swift and enthusiastic, came from the people. 41 A favorite employment of the young men of the state had been the organization of rifle companies which drilled and marched and displayed themselves in full regalia in Fourth of July parades and at patriotic meetings. Now these compa- nies saw a chance for real service and at once offered them- selves. The quota which Governor Ford had been asked to furnish from Illinois was three brigades of infantry. His call went out May 25, 1845; ten days later thirty-five companies or four thousand men reported to the governor. Eager cap- tains of hurriedly mustered companies rode posthaste to the governor with letters certifying the worth of their men; he who first arrived was accepted, though a shift was sometimes 39 Alton Telegraph and Democratic Review, July 18, 1846. 40 Koerner, Memoirs, 1:495-496; Faust, German Element, 1:459. 41 Enthusiasm, however, was keener in the southern and central parts of the state than farther north where the New England element was stronger. Koerner remarked on the lack of ardor in Stark and especially in the more northern counties as contrasted with that in St. Clair and Madison. Koerner, Memoirs, i : 501. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 401 made when the credentials of another indicated that his men were more desirable. There was much jealousy and rivalry, and the four thousand who had not been in time to be accepted loudly complained. 42 The colonels of the first three regiments, enlisted for twelve months, were John J. Hardin, William H. Bissell, and Ferris Forman. E. D. Baker, authorized to raise an additional regi- ment, had only to select the required number of companies from those already tendered. When a second call for troops was made in April, 1847, two additional regiments enlisted for the duration of the war and went out under Colonels W. B. Newby and James Collins. Besides these six regiments, four independent mounted companies were accepted; and one hun- dred and fifty Illinoisians enlisted in the regular army. The troops composed chiefly of " the well taught youths of our farming communities, and our quiet, moral country towns," 43 started south with an enthusiasm only equaled by that at home which sped them on their way. 44 Companies rivaled each other in the assiduity with which they drilled, marched, and perfected their organization. They furnished themselves with new uniforms; that of one company, for in- stance, consisted of a grey forage cap, a gray frock coat trimmed with black, and black pantaloons; and in addition to their rifles this company was armed with artillery swords, two feet long, two inches broad, and double edged a formidable addition to their offensive at close quarters. 45 The trip down the Mississippi, across the gulf to Texas, and the march into Mexico was an education to these provincial lads. Plantations, sugar cane, cypress trees, Spanish moss, levees, seasickness, drill, march, discipline, prickly pear, chap- arral, tarantulas, and Texans were words that appeared in 42 Alton Telegraph and Democratic Review, July 18, 1846. * 3 Belleville Advocate, August 12, 1847. 44 Citizens voluntarily furnished provisions, blankets, provisional uniforms, and flags to the departing boys. Koerner, Memoirs, 1:495. ^ 45 Everett, "Narrative of Military Experience," Illinois State Historical Society, Transactions, 1905, p. 195, 196. Although percussion rifles had been invented some years before, the war with Mexico was fought with flint locks. 402 THE FRONTIER STATE letters home and indicated a wealth of new experience. In spite of the hot, steamy climate, the dust, poor roads, and fre- quent sicknesses, the men made the most of this trip. As venison and wild grapes varied their diet of salt pork and beans, so did the sight of a new vegetation, architecture, and people vary and add interest to the monotony of long marches under trying conditions. General John A. Wool, U. S. A., and other officers of the regular army had a merry time in impressing the men with the serious necessity of discipline, for an artless insubordina- tion pervaded both volunteers and officers. Colonel Forman at one time threatened to walk his men home, and when Colo- nel Hardin landed he did not march his men directly to camp. " I will take away your commission, sir," said Wool. " By God, you can't do it, sir," Hardin hotly replied. Wool, ad- mitted by the volunteers as a splendid soldier and first rate disciplinarian, was still thought to possess " too much regular contempt for volunteers." 46 At home, the doings of the boys at the front were eagerly followed. The spirit of democratic papers throughout the state did not flag. The State Register praised the legislature for passing unanimously instructions to members of congress to do their utmost for the vigorous prosecution of the war and for its memorial asking bounty lands for those that serve. 47 A meeting of democrats in St. Clair county late in November, 1847, appointed a committee consisting of Gustave Koerner, John Reynolds, William H. Bissell, Lyman Trumbull, and William C. Kinney to express the sense of the meeting in a se- ries of resolutions. They declared that the object of the war was to force Mexico to relinquish her claims, that the invasion of Mexico had not made it an offensive war, but that indemnity in land or money had become a legitimate object of the United States. They repudiated the idea that any portion of the peo- ple of the United States wished to conquer territory for slavery 46 Belleville Advocate, September 3, 1846. 47 Illinois State Register, February 5, 1847. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 403 extension, but they asserted that the United States had a right to govern provisionally the conquered territory until the con- clusion of peace; they claimed that no declaration of congress as to the cause of war should have any weight, but that all citizens should support the government in attaining indemnity in land or money. The Register was strongly in favor of the tea and coffee tax for it supplied the money necessary to prosecute the war, and the state submitted gladly to it for that reason. 48 Although the outbreak of the war had been hailed with enthusiasm by the people of the state, the whig press at best had merely acquiesced in the war and became gradually more and more outspoken in its condemnation of the national aims. In September, 1847, the State Register charged the whigs with being traitors to the country and devoted three columns to quotations from party organs in which they were giving " aid and comfort" to the enemy. Whig opposition to territorial extension was in democratic eyes analogous to the opposition of federalists to the Louisiana purchase. At the same time the democrats declared it a political move to deprive their party of the glory of adding territory to the country, while forced to bear the responsibility for a heavy war expenditure. 49 Whig papers in turn charged that democratic members "think it a cardinal quality of national greatness that we are able to trounce and conquer a weaker one, and in justification of our course with Mexico," lay down " the supposition that because we have driven out the Indians from their ancient homes, and the deed being just and humane, the people of New Mexico and California, being in a more degraded condition, deserve the same treatment. 50 They pointed out the dangers, respon- sibilities, and resulting evils from annexation that the war- loving portion of the people seemed light-heartedly to desire. The State Register clung staunchly to its position that national 48 Illinois State Register, January 29, December 10, 1847. 4Q Ibid., September 24, October i, November 5, 26, 1847. 50 Roc kford Forum, April 26, 1848. 4 o 4 THE FRONTIER STATE prestige required the war to be carried to a successful close; readiness to avenge insult of national honor, it regarded as a protection; the whigs on the other hand cried for "peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations," and a " speedy close of the bloody tragedy, too long enacted at our expense, on the soil of another Republic." 51 Democratic condemnation of individuals who opposed the war was severe. In particular Abraham Lincoln, whig repre- sentative in congress, drew this fire. Lincoln in speech and by consistent vote had stigmatized the war as one of " rapine and murder," " robbery and dishonor." He felt that Illinois had sent her men to Mexico " to record their infamy and shame in the blood of poor, innocent unoffending people, whose only crime was weakness." 52 On December 22, 1847, he pre- sented in the house the famous " spotty resolutions " in which he challenged the president's statement that Mexico had " in- volved the two countries in war, by invading the territory of the State of Texas, striking the first blow, and shedding the blood of our citizens on our own soil;" he pointed out that the particular spot on which the first blood was shed was Mexican soil, from which the citizens fled at the approach of the United States troops; and that it was the blood of our "armed officers and soldiers," whose blood was first shed. 53 To Lincoln, the facts admitted no other interpretation than that the war was "unnecessarily and unconstitutionally com- menced by the President." In a speech before the house, January 12, 1848, he de- clared that President Polk " is deeply conscious of being in the wrong; that he feels the blood of this war, like the blood of Abel, is crying to heaven against him; that originally having some strong motive ... to involve the two countries in a war, and trusting to escape scrutiny by fixing the public gaze upon the exceeding brightness of military glory, that attrac- sl Rockford Forum, March 22, 1848; Illinois Stale Register, November 5, 1847. 52 Belleville Advocate, March 2, 1848. 53 Writings of Abraham Lincoln, 2:20-22. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 405 tive rainbow that raises in showers of blood, that serpent's eye that charms to destroy, he plunged into it, and was swept on and on till, disappointed in his calculation of the ease with which Mexico might be subdued, he now finds himself he knows not where. How like the half-insane mumbling of a fever dream is the whole war part of his late message ! " 54 Though Lincoln's charges may have borne some little fruit in enlightening public opinion and though such papers as the Rockford Forum gave Lincoln unqualified support, the great majority of the press and the people were uninterested in hear- ing whys and wherefores; to them this was an attack direct on their dearest enthusiam. Newspapers and public meetings, flaunting their own patriotism, declared Lincoln a second Bene- dict Arnold. 55 At a meeting without distinction of party held in Clark county, the following resolution was adopted: "Resolved, That Abe Lincoln, the author of the 'spotty' resolutions in Congress, against his own country, may they long be remembered by his constituents, but may they cease to remember him, except to rebuke him they have done much for him, but he has done nothing for them, save the stain he inflicted on their proud names of patriotism and glory, in the part they have taken in their country's cause." 56 The fact that the conduct of the Illinois troops had been especially valorous made enthusiastic supporters more bitterly resent any criticism of the war. Illinoisians had markedly dis- tinguished themselves at the battle of Buena Vista, February 23, 1847. General Zachary Taylor commended their services as follows: "The First and Second Illinois, and the Ken- tucky regiments . . . engaged the enemy in the morn- ing, restored confidence to that part of the field, while the list of casualties will show how much these three regiments suf- fered in sustaining the heavy charge of the enemy in the after- noon. In this last conflict we had the misfortune to sustain a 54 Writings of Abraham Lincoln, 2:38-39. 55 Illinois State Register, March 10, May 26, 1848. 56 Belleville Advocate, March 2, 1848. 4 o6 THE FRONTIER STATE very heavy loss. Colonels Hardin, McKee, and Lieut-Colonel Clay fell at this time, while gallantly leading their commands. . . . Col. Bissell, the only surviving colonel of the three regiments, merits notice for his coolness and bravery on this occasion." 57 When Colonel Hardin fell while recklessly leading his regi- ment in a desperate charge, Illinois lost a popular hero. A man without much outward balance crude, artless, almost stammering in speech he had become the leading whig of the state, being a member of three general assemblies, and a representative in congress, 1843-1845. Handsome, impulsive, ingenuous, his very handicaps attracted warm friends. The Third and Fourth Regiments distinguished themselves in the campaign against the city of Mexico and in the battle of Cerro Gordo, April 18, 1847, while the Fifth and Sixth, though they lost severely through sickness and exposure, arrived too late for active service. Illinois treated the returning volunteers as heroes, every one. Not only were such men as William H. Bissell, John A. Logan, Richard J. Oglesby, James Shields, Benjamin M. Prentiss, and James D. Morgan rewarded with high places in the state, but in their home communities humbler men were recognized with county and township offices. In Menard county, for instance, five returned volunteers were elected in August of 1847 to the county offices of judge of probate, clerk of the county commissioners' court, assessor, treasurer, and recorder. Towns and counties gave public dinners, barbecues, and Fourth of July celebrations to welcome the returning vol- unteers. Addresses, speeches, brass bands, fireworks, cannon salutes, and enormous crowds of enthusiastic people graced these occasions. Five thousand people gathered in Spring- field while an equal number sat at the public board in Belleville at the barbecue. 58 Throughout this busy period Illinois had so grown and de- 57 Moses, Illinois, 1:495-496. 58 Illinois State Register, July 9, August 13, 1847. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 407 veloped that the old constitution, designed for a frontier community, was felt as a hampering restraint. Never en- tirely satisfactory, twenty years' experience demanded a change. Popular opinion, newspapers, whigs, and democrats condemned the old constitution and urged drastic modifica- tion. The question of revision was narrowly defeated in 1842 : four years later the answer came strongly in the affirmative. One hundred and sixty-two delegates were elected who met in Springfield in June, 1847, to begin what proved to be the work of drawing up a new constitution. Of this body, large and unwieldy, a majority were democrats though it was claimed the proceedings were carried forward in a strictly nonpartisan spirit. The convention was representative of western democ- racy in the fact that contrary to custom, there were only fifty- four lawyers to seventy-six farmers in the body. The debates which the newspapers anxiously watched were heated and long drawn out. After a three months' session the convention fin- ished its work on August 31 and presented for the considera- tion of the people a new body of fundamental law. A mongrel affair the natural result of trying to meet the demands of all the document throughout its detailed length made a valiant effort to render impossible to the future the unhappy experiences of the past. Stupendous debts, reckless banking, extravagant legislation, "life" offices these were to be eliminated together with the particular aversions of each party; above all the will of the people was to be consulted and heeded in new places and to a much greater extent than formerly. 59 During the six months that intervened before the referendum the newspapers never allowed the issue to languish. The united support of the organs of each party, as a result of the compromises with which the new document bristled, was given with a sort of careful lack of enthusiasm; each, jealous of the victories gained by the other side, was accused of rais- ing the cry of a "party constitution;" yet each was solicitous 59 Quincy Whig, March i, 1848; Sangamo Journal, April i, 1847; Illinois State Register, February 26, 1847. 4 o8 THE FRONTIER STATE that party bickering should not alienate the final support of the people. It was said that only six papers within the state consistently opposed the constitution and were alone upheld in their opposition by the judges, their political appendages, and the small fry politicians. 60 The German was the one other element of opposition to be really feared. The whigs had in- sisted upon the limitation of the franchise: could the Germans swallow so bitter a pill? Although suffrage was to be guar- anteed to all adult males residing in the state at the time of adoption of the constitution, would they suffer the substitution of naturalization and a year's residence for the six months' residence alone required before? With Koerner combating ratification, it remained a question whether the gains in other reforms would lead the Germans to overlook the measure that had won unqualified whig support. 61 For this victory of their opponents the disgruntled demo- crats found some compensation in the heads of the obnoxious supreme court judges, whose duties were now divorced from the circuit, and who, along with all other state and county offi- cers, were made elective by the people. 62 To meet the insistent demand for retrenchment and at the same time to clip the wings of the distrusted legislature, the number of representatives and state officers was reduced and all salaries were fixed at absurdly low sums; moreover, the session of the legislative body was practically limited to forty- two days, for any time in excess of that period was paid at just one-half the regular stipend of two dollars a day. 63 With the keen remembrance of internal improvement bills still heavy, the state was forbidden to contract any debt exceeding fifty thousand dollars and that was "to meet casual deficits or failures in revenue;" nor was the credit of the state "in any manner to be given to, nor in aid of, any individual associa- 60 Qulncy Whig, February 23, 1848; Illinois State Register, August 6, 1847. 61 Belleville Advocate, February 10, 1848; Koerner, Memoirs, 1:523. 62 Chicago Democrat, January 14, 1848. 63 Illinois State Register, January 22, 1847; Belleville Advocate, January 20, 1848; Quincy Whig, February 2, 1848. ILLINOIS IN FERMENT 409 tion or corporation." Neither the charter of the State Bank, or any bank hitherto existing was to be revived though new banks could be established by the sanction of a popular refer- endum. The cry for economy did not, however, prevent the taking of an important stand on state indebtedness; the fund arising from a two mill tax was to be devoted exclusively to debts other than school and canal indebtedness; advocates of repudiation were thus rendered entirely powerless. The council of revision with its unwholesome effect on legislation was lopped off, while the governor, his term and eligibility remaining unchanged, was invested with a veto which might, however, be overridden by the same majority that origi- nally passed the bill. An agitation for the granting of civil rights to Negroes met so prompt and spirited an opposition that it resulted in a fun- damental strengthening of the black code. An article was in- troduced to "effectually prohibit free persons of color from immigrating to and settling in this State; and to effectually prevent the owners of slaves from bringing them into this State for the purpose of setting them free." 64 The newspaper campaign of judicious enthusiasm contin- ued throughout the winter. It was generally conceded that "the new Constitution is not perfect, for it is the work of fallible men. Critics and hypercritics, many good men, and some who might be suspected of sinister motives, may con- demn it; but it is, on the whole, a good Constitution a repub- lican one and an immense improvement upon the old in- strument." 63 Such support won the day; in March, 1848, the people of the state ratified the new constitution with the large majority of 49,060 to 20,883, and on April i, 1848, it went into effect. 82 Constitution, 1848, article XIV. 3 Aurora Beacon, February 10, 1848. XXII. SOCIAL, EDUCATIONAL, AND RELIGIOUS ADVANCE, 1830-1848 COMPARED with the Illinois of 1818, the Illinois of 1848 was a community quickened into mental life and independence. On its accession to statehood, Illinois was in- tellectually provincial; its leaders came from .older states, bringing with them tastes already established; and mental cul- ture was the possession and badge of a social class. In 1848 this was in a measure still true ; but Illinois colleges and schools had begun the work of democratizing education. Moreover, Illinois numbered among its citizens men like J. B. Turner and Thomas Ford whose thought, keen and original, was molded by the environment the state afforded them. Eastern- ers came to quicken the life of the state, and their own intel- lectual life affected by the freedom of their new surroundings ceased to be purely eastern. The cities growing up in the state were superimposing new and more complex social conditions on the older rural communities. 1 The old-time Fourth of July celebration con- tinued in vogue though sometimes under temperance or Sun- day school auspices. As early as 1845, however, newspapers were descanting on the number of accidents during such cele- brations and were calling for -a sane Fourth. Chicago had queens of the May on May day and kept the old-fashioned New Year's custom of calls and refreshments. There were donation parties and church fairs. There were traveling cir- cuses to carry amusement to the village, though these were condemned by the fastidious as indecent. There was dancing. There were theatricals in Chicago and other cities, amateur and professional, the latter becoming from the critic's point 1 Chicago Dally Journal, October 9, 1846. 410 SOCIAL ADVANCE 411 of view, increasingly valid. Among sports there were horse races which at least in Chicago were sometimes scenes of dis- order. Of course there was hunting, sometimes in the form of community wolf drives. At Chicago there was a boxing academy in 1845. ^ n ^40 there was even a cricket match be- tween Chicago and Auplaine. 2 Chicago was growing up; by 1842 it recognized a need of shade trees, deprecated its ineffective system of checking the frequent fires, and dilated on the route northward it offered southern travelers. Moreover, it was acquiring, as had for- merly Little Fort and even forgotten Salem, a reputation for bad morals; in 1842 women of evil fame scandalously ac- cused pious men before grand juries. The advantages which Chicago offered as a market for products and the frequency with which the farmer availed himself of them, made it ap- propriate for the newspapers to offer advice concerning his conduct in town. He must beware of taverns that assign him to garret rooms and set before him shinbone steak. He must never go to a house merely because a runner recommends it. He must be sure on the register to bracket his name with that of the bedfellow he chooses and to bespeak a room when he first enters. 3 Any attempt to reconstruct the cultural life of the state must leave out of account the great circles of ignorance and illiteracy; they have passed leaving no record. For the rest, the newspapers afford perhaps the best criterion, although, with the exception of such a sheet as J. B. Turner's Illinois Statesman, they fell below the plane of the best in the state. It was the papers which encouraged the lyceums that came 2 Chicago American, May 2, July 8, September 21, 25, 1840, December 31, 1841, February i, April i, May 31, 1842; Chicago Democrat, January 3, 1844, July 9, October 28, 1845; Belleville Advocate, August 22, 1840, May 23, 1841, June n, 18, July 16, 1846, April 8, 1847; Alton Telegraph, August 2, 1845; Little Fort Porcupine, September 19, 1845, June 23, 1846; Chicago Daily Journal, January 16, March 3, 1845. 3 Chicago American, December 28, 1840, February 10, March 31, 1842, February 15, 1847; Alton Telegraph, October 19, 1844; Illinois Journal, No- vember n, 1847; Chicago Democrat, September 15, 1841, June 28, December 14, 1842, June 25, October 28, 1845; Little Fort Porcupine, April 30, May 28, 1845; Sangarno Journal, May 13, 1847. 412 THE FRONTIER STATE intermittently to the towns to afford training in debate, to offer lectures on science, literature, and phrenology, and to urge the preservation of the history of the state; as early as 1831 a state lyceum projected an elaborate writing up of the history and curiosities of Illinois. The newspapers, moreover, for- warded this interest in history directly by publishing in their pages numerous discussions of past events, often written by men who had participated in them. More ambitious was the scheme of a meeting at Vandalia in 1837, which deputed Peck to write a complete history of the state. Two years later a Peoria Scientific and Historical Society was organized, and in 1843 tne Illinois Literary and Historical Society was at work. The following year the latter issued an appeal for books and manuscripts calculated to throw light on the history of the state; and three years later it was still working with some measure of success. Into these historical activities, it is to be marked, contemporary politicians threw themselves with en- thusiasm. Sidney Breese, William H. Brown, Thomas Ford, and John Reynolds all have left their interpretation of the state's past; to an amazing degree they have shaped the tradi- tion of Illinois history. 4 Book advertisements did not indicate the existence of a more cultivated literary taste than that which the clippings in newspapers satisfied. These clippings were marked by an affected romanticism, though for some reason, the democratic papers published less sentimental stuff than the whig; little of the "literary" material, which filled such papers as the Sangamo Journal and the Alton Telegraph, even approached good melodrama or romance. It was a farrago of tales of the American bourgeoisie : the marriages of merchants' daughters to poor but virtuous clerks, the connubial felicities resulting, and the final relenting of the hard-hearted father when, as was 4 Belleville Advocate, March 25, 1841, November 3, 1842; Chicago American, January 7, 1837, June 26, July 15, 1839, December 2, 23, 1841, February 15, 1842; Sangamo Journal, April 29, 1837, November 15, 1839; Peoria Register, Feb- ruary 9, July 6, 1839; Alton Telegraph, September 2, 1843, August 31, 1844, September 3, 1847. J PECK-MESSENGER MAP, 1835 First sectional map of the state [From original owned by Wisconsin Historical Society] SOCIAL ADVANCE 413 the usual denouement, hard times had swept away his fortune. Or, in the time of the excitement stimulated by the Washing- tonians, one gets tragic sentiment on the woes of drunkards' wives, of starved children fading under neglect, and similar tales, ad nauseam. In these, however, democratic papers also occasionally indulged. One is hardly surprised when the Belleville Advocate pronounces "To Lucasta on Going to the Wars" to be lacking in simplicity and fit only for corrupted tastes. 6 There were, however, occasional indications of discrimina- tion. Now and then there are reprints of such tales as that which is the basis-of William Morris' " Written on the Image " or an imitation of Poe's " The Cask of Amontillado." 6 Poe's "Gold Bug" appeared in the Alton Telegraph of August 19, 1 843, in the midst of a mass of sentimental and romantic trash. In the Chicago Democrat of 1845 N. P. Willis' "Letters from London" are a welcome relief. The one great excep- tion to a deprecatory classification, however, is found in the enthusiastic cult of Dickens which existed before his strictures on America and especially on Illinois had turned popular feel- ing against him. 7 Wellerisms were common in the papers even rivaling the Negro joke, which playing on the misuse of long words was the principal form of humor. The attitude of the whig newspapers toward morals and manners is, to say the least, generally disappointing. The Chicago American within a few months managed to comment on the morals of Fanny Ellsler and of Dionysius Lardner, to remark on the relative beauties of the Venus of Canova and the Venus de Medici and withal to comment much on crimes of sex. Comparing favorably with this policy is the frank broadness of several of the democratic papers whose stories represented the naivete of rural Illinois. 8 5 April 25, 1840. Belleville Advocate, April 17, 1841. 7 Chicago American, November 23, 1841, January 19, 1842; Belleville Advo- cate, April ii, 21, November 29, December 22, 1842. 8 Chicago American, December 2, 1841, June 4, 1842; Belleville Advocate, September 30, 1847. 4 i4 THE FRONTIER STATE The medical profession showed evidence of a growing social consciousness in the change from early individual efforts at medicine and hygiene to the organization in the thirties of medical societies and sodalities. 9 In 1837 Rush Medical Col- lege was incorporated at that time no such institution was to be found west of Cincinnati and Lexington. 10 The trustees did not, however, effect an organization until 1843 when the first course of lectures was given by four instructors to twenty- two students; the following year the first college building was erected. In 1846 a medical library of six hundred volumes and improved apparatus for study were added for students and a free dispensary and operating clinic opened to the public. By 1848 the school enrolled one hundred and forty students, and that year graduated thirty-three physicians. The faculty of the institution not only contributed their services but kept up all expenses of maintenance and alter- ation of the college, the only donation either to its establish- ment or support being the lot upon which the college was orig- inally erected. To Dr. Daniel Brainard is due chief credit for the founding and directing in its early years of this first institution of science, which made Chicago a recognized center of medical instruction. 11 The life of the people of the early state found its most typ- ical expression in their churches. They offered an immediate escape from the unending struggle with physical forces, a promise of future compensation for the privations that now pressed hard, and furnished a social center of varied and exciting interest. For the religious denominations already strongly estab- lished in Illinois, the period from 1830 to 1848 was one of more or less steady growth. The Methodists, who in 1830 numbered about six thousand communicants, were just enter- ing on a decade of tremendous growth; in the next five years 9 The first meeting of the Cook County Medical Society was on October 3, 1836. 10 Chicago American, March 25, 1837. 11 Andreas, History of Chicago, 464-466. SOCIAL ADVANCE 415 they increased to fifteen thousand, and that number was dou- bled by 1840. The growth of the next eight years, while not so remarkable, was still sufficient to insure this denomination with over forty thousand members first place in numerical strength. 12 The Baptists had grown from thirty-six hundred to twelve thousand in the decade between 1830 and 1840; in the follow- ing ten years, increasing absolutely as much as the Methodists during the same time, they almost doubled their membership with twenty-two thousand communicants in 1850. Their annals throughout this period, however, had not been peaceful. The " anti-mission " Baptists, later confused with the " two seed " Baptists, strove against John Mason Peck and the supporters of the "religious institutions falsely so-called" which taught young men to preach and sent them forth under perpetual pay to displace the old Baptist preachers; their associations dis- fellowshipped those who had to do with missions. In spite of opposition the main currents of opinion ran in the channels in which Peck would have had them, and the aid of the Baptist Home Mission Society in sustaining the min- istry in the state was gratefully acknowledged by the Edwards- ville association in 1836. That same year saw the formation of the Illinois Baptist Education Society designed to aid candi- dates for the ministry. Peck in defending the movement argued that the educated minister would not drive out the old illiterate preacher simply because of his illiteracy. If he was so narrow as to stand in the way of others, he deserved it; but a minister hearty in the cause would find .no one inclined to take notice of slips in grammar. The Illinois Baptist Convention, in connection with the Home Mission Society, had their traveling missionaries wholly or partly supported in the work of building up churches. Be- tween April, 1836, and January, 1837, Moses Lemen traveled a distance of 2,100 miles, visited fourteen churches, and gave 12 Minutes of the Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 2:46; 3:90, 99, 297, 399, 513; 4:79, 261, 281. 4 i6 THE FRONTIER STATE one hundred and five religious discourses. In a similar period of time his brother James had traveled 1,595 miles and preached ninety-six sermons. In 1837 the Illinois Baptist Convention agreed to assume one-third the expense of the Bap- tist missionaries. The indefatigable Peck was appointed general agent to visit the churches, to stir them to renewed activity, to seek out students, and to look after the interests of Shurtleff College and of the societies. Already for some years he had edited the Western Pioneer, a Baptist paper; and he was now urged to prepare sketches of religious history in the west. A Baptist leader such as Peck had to be a man of tact; not only was his attitude toward slavery under scrutiny but a sharp lookout had to be kept lest such matters as the informal shedding of a heavy coat in warm weather should offend the sensibilities of a visiting eastern brother. 13 The slavery crisis of 1845, resulting from the refusal of the Baptist board to allow slaveholding missionaries, ended in the promotion of an independent Northwest Baptist Asso- ciation including northern Illinois and finally in its dissolution and the promotion of an entirely new Baptist central body, the Baptist General Association of Illinois. The Western Chris- tian was the supporter of the new body in contradistinction to the Helmet which was inclined in the slavery direction. 14 The most significant event in the religious history of the period 18301840 is the rise of Presbyterianism and Congre- gationalism in Illinois. The two denominations working to- gether in the west under the plan of union undertook, in the belief that Congregationalism of the Yankee type was exotic in the latitude of Illinois, to win the state to a modified Pres- byterianism. Eventually, however, the compromise was de- nounced on the one hand by Presbyterians who claimed that Congregational influence was demoralizing the discipline of 18 Hicks, Outline of Baptist History, n; Illinois Advocate, December 9, 1831; Western Pioneer, June 30, September 2, November 25, December 16, 1836, March 29, April 14, May 5, September 22, October 27, 1837, February 9, 1838. ** Western Christian, June 14, 28, October 23, November 6, 13, 1845; Baptist Helmet, April 24, May 22, 1845. SOCIAL ADVANCE 417 the church, and on the other by Congregationalists who claimed that Congregational brains and money had been used by Pres- byterians to establish themselves in the west. In the annals of the two denominations the same men and enterprises are described as Congregational or Presbyterian according to the writer's point of view, and it is difficult to find the real truth. Illinois Presbyterianism which in 1830 had but four hun- dred and ninety-two members established in the one " Presby- tery of the Centre of Illinois " had expanded to twenty-three hundred communicants in eight presbyteries by the end of the decade, and had with eleven presbyteries and two synods more than doubled their numerical strength by i848. 15 Through- out this period, however, their chief energy was devoted to educational and mission society effort; the supporters of the movement had to be on the alert lest they arouse western pride by a too frank declaration of their belief that the west was a moral desert 16 The Reverend John Milcot Ellis, when soliciting money for Illinois College, was embarrassed by the charge of having acquiesced in such malignant eastern state- ments. As a fitting retaliation to former aspersions, in 1833 the Alton Spectator called on the citizens to meet " in the splendid Cong. ch. soon to be built " to consider means of sav- ing the east from its moral degradation. Jealous opposition met the sedulous Presbyterian activities. In 1834 Peter Cartwright, on behalf of the Methodist preach- ers who had borne the heat of the pioneer day, testified against non-sectarian societies on the ground that they were controlled by "new school" presbyteries and that they paid money to agents who really worked for their own denominations and against the Methodists, breaking up Methodist Sunday schools and establishing their own. Had not an agent, lately sent east to procure some thousands for Illinois College, said: " give me this sum and the Mississippi Valley is ours?" Illinois Presbyterianism felt the effects of the split of 1837 15 Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, 1830, p. 116-117; 1840, p. 58; 1849, P- 2 73- 16 Illinois Intelligencer, January 23, 1830. 4 i8 THE FRONTIER STATE between the new and old school. In the national general as- sembly of 1837, the old school forces gaining control, their opponents declared, by a bargain with the south on the subject of slavery abrogated the plan of union of 1801; they cut off from the churches all synods believed to be tainted with lax discipline and new school, or " New Haven," theology which was regarded as not quite severe enough in its phrasing of the predestination doctrine ; they denounced the activity of non- sectarian boards and established for their denomination its own particular missionary societies. Their act was interpreted rightly as the earnest of their determination to drive the new school element out of the church. At this time it is possible to strike the balance with some fairness between the parties. Ostensibly at least the old school forces had certain grievances that may justify their course. 17 They were convinced that the union had brought into the church Congregationalists who were not only lax in doctrine but also disinclined to take seriously the exact and elaborate organization of their church. It has been well said that the essence of Presbyterianism is discipline; and the old school men, while the violence of their proceedings may be condemned, may be forgiven for thinking that without the full discipline Presbyterianism would not be Presbyterianism. As might be inferred the split had a peculiar effect in Illi- nois, because there the new school forces had nourished Pres- byterianism. Thus the synod of Illinois in 1836 had denounced ministers who bought or sold slaves or approved such actions. The synod by a small vote refused to condemn the abolitionist doctrine, that all slaveholding is sin; instead, it merely declared immediate emancipation inexpedient and prescribed a sermon on slavery at each annual meeting. This policy satisfied even Elijah P. Lovejoy, not yet an abolitionist. In April of 1837 the Alton presbytery appointed a committee to draft a memo- 17 For an account of the assembly from an Illinois new school source, see Alton Observer, June 8, 15, 22, 29, July 6, 20, 1837. Lovejoy believed that slavery was at the bottom of it, Princeton catering to the south, which formerly had been new school. Ibid., June 29, 1837; Peoria Register, July i, 1837. SOCIAL ADVANCE 419 rial to the synod against receiving into communion persons from the south who had sold their slaves instead of freeing them. In the convention of old school men which preceded the general assembly of 1837 there were many complaints of Illinois Presbyterianism. Ministers in the Schuyler presbytery denied with impunity the doctrine of imputation; the Alton Observer denied that all sinned and fell in Adam ; three-fourths of the ministers were said to be New Haven men, brought in by the Home Missionary Society. Worst of all a Presbyterian minister, a professor of Illinois College, had said "What New Haven is in Connecticut I would make Jacksonville in Illinois." The general assembly of the church enjoined the Illinois synod to purge itself from errors in church order and doctrine. When the Illinois synod met in 1838 there seceded from it all the delegates from the Kaskaskia presby- tery, three out of four ministers and one out of four elders from Sangamon; five ministers out of fifteen and seven elders out of fourteen from Schuyler, and one elder from Peoria. Those who remained condemned in a resolution the action of the general assembly and declared it the duty of ministers to preach against slavery as counter to the law of God. The year before there had been several appeals to the new school Presbyterians to organize before they were borne down by the old school power. A loose synodical organization was sug- gested in which they could continue to cooperate with New England associations and with the Congregationalists. 18 Congregationalism in Illinois as an organization began in 1833. Up to that time the communion of Congregational churches through the arrangement with the Presbyterians con- tributed money, brains, labor, and members to the establish- ment of another denomination and had continued to do so even after it was realized that the arrangement was having such an unequal result. Presbyterian churches had been founded, sustained by Congregationalists in New England, and made 18 Alton Observer, October 27, December 15, 1836, April 20, June 8, July 6, 13, 27, 1837, April 19, 1838; Peoria Register, October 27, 1838. 420 THE FRONTIER STATE up in Illinois largely of emigrated New England Congrega- tionalists. In that year, however, the first three Congregational churches were established, and by 1835 seven more had been added. In 1836 the first meeting of the Illinois Congrega- tional Association was held, churches at Jacksonville, Quincy, Fairfield, Pond Prairie, St. Mary, Griggsville, and Long Grove being represented. 19 A general association was founded in 1844 with two local associations embracing sixty-four churches, forty-eight ministers, and 2,432 members. The pioneering Congregational missionaries were usually men of thorough collegiate and theological training and were of indomitable energy though they showed varied talents and adaptation for pioneer work. The Reverend Nathaniel C. Clark, for example, founded the first Congregational church in northern Illinois that near Naperville in 1833 and afterwards organized thirty-seven churches in the Fox river valley. A great part of their energy, however, was given to the planting and nourishing of educational institutions. Here again it was not only their own denominational schools that were aided, but the heartiest cooperation was extended to others. Illinois, Knox, and Beloit colleges, Whipple, Dover, Prince- ton, and other academies, Monticello, Jacksonville, Rockford, and Galesburg female seminaries were all the fruit of their inspiration, planning, or labor. Nearly every one of the founders, presidents, and early professors of Illinois colleges, nominally Presbyterian, were Congregational ministers. From the beginning Congregationalists were inflexibly opposed to slavery. The state association in 1844 made a standing rule to which its members must assent: "No one shall be admitted to membership in this body who does not regard slaveholding as a sin condemned by God." For this 19 In 1833 the first Presbyterian church of Chicago was founded, made up of New England Congregationalists: " In fact, Philo Carpenter is said to have been the only one . . . who had always been a Presbyterian." Moses and Kirk- land, History of Chicago, 331, 375. There was no Congregational church in Chicago until 1851. See also Alton Observer, January 26, 1837, March 22, 1838. SOCIAL ADVANCE 421 united and outspoken stand, and for the equally bold advocacy of temperance reform, Congregationalists for a long time aroused the abhorrence of conventional religionists. 20 One of the most interesting religious developments of the period was that of the Christians or Disciples of Christ. They had a few scattered churches before 1830, but it was that decade which saw the organization of many churches, particularly in the southern and central parts of the state. Settlers from Kentucky, Ohio, and West Virginia, already imbued with the western spirit, found in this movement for the restoration of apostolic Christianity a religion most suited to their needs. The freedom and simplicity of a church that refused to be limited by human creeds, that admitted to mem- bership all who, after a scriptural confession of faith, were baptized by immersion was too inherently western not to make a strong appeal to the hardy, independent spirits of a develop- ing frontier. The fact that they as a body incurred the most spirited and bitter antagonism from other established denom- inations 21 could not prevail over the warmth, good fellow- ship, and simplicity of their religion; by 1840 they had sixty churches, twenty-seven ministers, and four thousand members; the next ten years they more than doubled their strength having in 1850 one hundred and twenty-five churches, sixty ministers, and ten thousand communicants. 22 In 1834 three Episcopal churches were organized in Illi- nois; and a year later the first annual convention of this body was held, seven ministers being present. By 1845 there were 20 Savage, Pioneer Congregational Ministers in Illinois, passim, 21 Sturtevant, Autobiography, 246, gives the following striking example of the attitude toward this body in their early history. He had been asked to preach to a congregation of Disciples and at its close he said: "I could say with Peter, ' I perceive that God is no respecter of persons.' God taught me that day to beware how I called any body of professed Christians ' common or unclean.' " The report of my doings in that Sabbath startled the community, the story could not have been circulated with greater rapidity or repeated with more emphasis had I committed an infamous crime.- A few defended my action, but most of my good neighbors were shocked." 22 Thrapp, " Early Religious Beginnings in Illinois," in Illinois State His- torical Society, Journal, 4:311; Moses, Illinois, 1077. 422 THE FRONTIER STATE twenty-five clergymen in twenty-eight parishes, with over five hundred members; by 1848 the number of communicants had grown to over a thousand. 23 The interest in the denomina- tion centers around the figure of the missionary bishop, Phi- lander Chase, who came to Illinois in 1833. One knows more about Chase than about most men in Illinois of that day because he was continually breaking into print with pamphlets appealing for support for his pet, Jubilee College, or protest- ing against attacks on the college or on himself. His attempts to be discreet on the question of slavery brought him wordy wars with the abolitionists. In the earlier years of statehood Illinois comprised a part of the Roman Catholic diocese of Bardstown, Kentucky, though it was administered by Bishop Joseph Rosati at St. Louis, who acted as vicar-general. 23 * During this time there were a few scattered congregations, mostly French, in southern Illinois; in 1826 there were, according to Bishop Rosati's report, twenty missions, whose needs were supplied by missionaries sent out from St. Louis. But beginning slowly in the thirties and in- creasing rapidly in the forties came that tide of Catholic immi- grants, predominantly Irish and German, who, settling in great numbers in the northern section of the country, shifted ecclesias- tical emphasis to the north and made Catholicism an important factor in state development. When Chicago was incorporated in 1833 the Catholics there numbered 130, or ninety per cent of the population; they were largely French, or French and Indian the latter includ- ing the half-breed Potawatomi chiefs, Billy Caldwell and Alex- ander Robinson. 23b In April of 1833 these Catholics sent a 23 Alton Telegraph, July 26, 1845; Journal of Annual Conventions of Epis- copalian Church of Illinois, 1843-1857. 23a For the great part of the material here used on the Catholics of Illinois I am indebted to the proof of Gilbert J. Garraghan's article, " Early Catholicity in Chicago, 1673-1843," which is to appear in the Illinois Catholic Historical Journal, volume i, number i. 23b These were the chiefs so widely and favorably known as friends of the whites; it was their influence which saved the Kinzies and others from the fury of the Indians when the former arrived on the scene the day following the Fort Dearborn massacre; both were later instrumental in preventing the Potawatomi from participation in the Winnebago and Black Hawk wars. SOCIAL ADVANCE 423 petition for a resident pastor to Bishop Rosati, who, less than a month later, was able to comply with their request in the per- son of a zealous and intelligent young French priest, Irenaeus Mary St. Cyr. He at once began his duties, saying mass in a laborer's cabin given him by the hotel keeper Mark Beaubien, until the first Catholic church of Chicago could be erected. This, a small, unplastered, unpainted chapel, on the south side of Lake street, was completed in October, 1 833 ; and the follow- ing day the first mass was said in St. Mary's to a visiting band of three hundred Indians. Father St. Cyr ministered to Indians, French, Canadians, Germans, Irish, and Americans, who, notwithstanding the priest's poor English, did u not fail to come in crowds to our church every Sunday." 230 In the spring of 1835 there was a Catholic population of four hundred in Chicago, and Catholics were thickening throughout the state. Galena had a resident pastor, Father McMahon, in 1833, and at his death Father Charles Fitzmaurice, a native of Ireland, was sent out from St. Louis as his successor. Missions were established at Bour- bonnais Grove, Joliet, in Lake and LaSalle counties; in the central part of the state, Father Van Quickenborne was, in 1832, ministering to Springfield and other localities in Sanga- mon county; while Catholics near Peoria and Quincy were need- ing pastors. To meet these fast changing conditions Rome, when erecting the see of Vincennes in 1834, divided the state longitudinally; the western half, according to a suggestion of Bishop Rosati, was attached "not only de facto but de jure" to the see of St. Louis, while the eastern half, including Chi- cago, 23 * 1 became a part of the see of Vincennes under Bishop 23c In 1836 Father Bernard Schaeffer, a native of Strassburg in Alsace, ar- rived in Chicago to care for the German speaking Catholics; at his death the following year he was succeeded by Father Francis Fischer. Father St. Cyr was removed to Quincy in the spring of 1837, anc ^ tnat summer Father Bernard O'Meara succeeded to the pastorate of St. Mary's. Father Maurice St. Palais, the future Bishop of Vincennes, came to Chicago in 1838 [ ?] ; at the coming of Bishop Quarter in May, 1844, Fathers Fischer and St. Palais were the only priests in the city as was the enlarged St. Mary's the only church, the new church of brick begun by Father St. Palais at the southwest corner of Wabash avenue and Madison street being then unfinished. 23d By S p ec ial arrangement Chicago, in the pastorate of Father St. Cyr, 4 2 4 THE FRONTIER STATE Simon Gabriel Brute; such remained the status of Illinois dur- ing the next nine years of tremendous expansion and growth. A petition from Chicago Catholics in 1837 states that "we have in this town two thousand and perhaps more Catholics as there are a large number of Catholic families in the adjacent country particularly on the line of the Chicago and Illinois canal. . . ." The Catholic population continued to grow with the city, until on November 28, 1843, tne diocese of Chi- cago, consolidating the entire state of Illinois, was canonically established by Pope Gregory XVI. The following spring the Right Reverend William Quarter, a native of Ireland, arrived in Chicago as its first bishop. During his service of four years, he founded the University of St. Mary's of the Lake, built thirty churches, ordained twenty-nine priests, and left forty clergymen and twenty ecclesiastical students in the diocese. The influx of German and Scandinavian immigration in the forties brought many Lutherans into the state. In 1846 the first German Lutheran church was founded in Chicago; in 1847 the Norwegian Lutherans there organized themselves into a church. The first meeting of the Evangelical Lutheran synod of Illinois was called at Hillsboro, October, 1846, and reported seven ministers, fifteen congregations and six hundred and eighty-five communicants. The Illinois synod, German, was organized in 1848, and with the steady increase of German and Scandinavian immigration the Lutheran church grew with great rapidity. 24 The work of Bible societies, Sunday school societies, and similar institutions in Illinois was actively continued. In 1836 the Illinois Bible Society employed a general agent who the fol- lowing year reported that in forty-seven out of seventy-one counties one or more Bible societies had been established. He remained for a year longer under Bishop Rosati at St. Louis. In the preceding year it would appear that Chicago was in the see of Detroit, the original south- ern line of that diocese, as erected in 1833, having run from the Maumee west to the Mississippi. 24 Moses and Kirkland, History of Chicago, 356, 358; Moses, Illinois, 1075; Neve, Brief History of the Lutheran Church in America, 93. SOCIAL ADVANCE 425 estimated that two-thirds of the Bibles in the state were there as a result of the societies' operations. Like the Bible society the Sunday school union was an interdenominational affair with the support of at least the more liberal members of the various Protestant denominations. Such men as Kinney and Cartwright, believing that the movement was designed by the hated Yankees to civilize the valley, felt a natural jealousy that held them aloof from the enterprise. Indeed local utter- ances indorsing such a design were not wanting on the part of the American Sunday School Union, whose agents from this time were active in the state. The underlying purpose of the movement was variously defined; sometimes, in default of ordinary schools, to afford education that might train for intelligent citizenship; sometimes, to prepare the young for church membership. One of the reports for 1836 made by the three organizing agents of the Illinois Sunday School Union was rather diverting; among other things it was stated that there was no Sunday school in Johnson county, and it was not possible to establish any; in one place only two families wanted one, since the experience with a singing school which had bro- ken up in a stabbing row had rendered the inhabitants fearful of any further educational projects. In general a slowly wan- ing opposition to Sunday schools, especially on the part of the Baptists was reported, as was also the fact that no more day schools than Sunday schools existed. Multitudes of young men were growing up unable to read, and the state was slow in supplying the greatly needed schools. 25 The general effect of religious propaganda in the state can be set down as nothing but good. It is true there were occasional complaints of lukewarmness or hypocrisy on the part of the church members, complaints that people went to church to show fine clothing or to indulge the newfangled habit of munching candy in church. Sabbath breaking persisted, 25 Alton Observer, December 8, 1836, April 20, 1837; Western Pioneer, June 30, July 22, August 5, 1836, December 8, 1837; Illinois Intelligencer, July 3, August 21, September 18, 1830, February 26, April 2, 1831; Galena Advertiser, April 26, 1830. 426 THE FRONTIER STATE the old habits of carrying produce to market and starting a journey on Sunday continuing as before. This disregard of the Sabbath was constantly noticed by visitors from the east. In 1847 a convention was held at Belleville to promote better Sunday observance. There were the old complaints that the people who in the east professed religion became irreligious in the west. In 1838, however, the Peoria Register affirmed that not a settler in the Military Tract but was within ten or twelve miles of divine service on Sunday. 26 In the cause of temperance during the early thirties there were occasional bursts of activity throughout Illinois, notably at Alton. In 1836 a state temperance agent was appointed, and in the fall of that year the Illinois State Temperance Soci- ety celebrated its third anniversary at Alton. Timothy Turner, its agent, reported the organization of fifteen societies and the taking of twenty-five hundred pledges as a result of one hundred and twenty addresses in thirty-three counties. By the end of 1837 there were two hundred and fifty local societies in the state. 27 Prohibitory legislation followed in the wake of organiza- tion. In 1838 Alton prohibited the selling of spirituous liquors producing thereby much excited language. At Peoria the question was brought up coupled with the direction of attention to the number of " doggeries " kept by aliens and with a sug- gested appeal to the state legislature to prohibit retailing of spirituous liquor in Illinois. In January there were petitions for and against the granting of liquor licenses in the town. In Henry county it was said no license had ever been granted. In 1837, owing to the refusal of the county commissioners to license, there was not a grocery in the county of Wabash. 28 Illinois State Register, July 9, 1841; Chicago American, September 26, 1839; Alton Telegraph, June n, 1847; Western Citizen, April 18, 1844; Baptist Helmet, April 24, 1835; Belleville Advocate, April 29, 1847; Western Pioneer, April 7, 1837, February 18, 1845; Peoria Register, September i, 1838. 27 Illinois Intelligencer, October 29, 1831; Alton Telegraph, September 26, 1833, March 16, 1836; Alton American, January 3, 1834; Alton Spectator, Janu- ary 4, 1834; Alton Observer, December 8, 1836; Chicago Democrat, February 4, 1834; Western Pioneer, December 8, 1837. SOCIAL ADVANCE 427 Monmouth was a dry town in 1839, and Peoria, Knoxville, and Oquawka all had temperance hotels. 28 The difficulty in dealing with the problems was the all pervasive character of the traffic. It wound itself into almost every phase of life. The bargain or the store trade was not complete without the glass of whisky; it was a political expedi- ent used on every hand. Drinking, and hard drinking, was everywhere prevalent. Men delighted to number and classify in routine the various potations of a day and to give each its own name eye opener, phlegm cutter, stomach cleaner, fogmatic, anti-fogmatic and so on. 29 To wean men from so constant an attendant as John Barleycorn more was required than legislation or temperance organizations of the old type. The Washingtonian movement took root in Illinois toward the end of 1841 and gave a completely different trend to the temperance propaganda in the state. It differed from the earlier temperance agitation in that the latter was closely guided by ministers and paid agents, suspected of fanaticism, and that it was designed to save the temperate man \vhile leaving the drunkard to his fate. The Washingtonian move- ment on the other hand, frankly emotional, appealed to the drunkard through the mouth of the converted drunkard. 30 Here there was no chance of raising the cry of church and state. The signing of a pledge to abstinence set in motion a psychological force sure to have some effect. The excitement died down somewhat after the first burst of enthusiasm of 1842, but thereafter the Washingtonian interest can be traced from time to time. The crimes of the day were more numerous than those of the earlier period though in both instances they arose from the contact of the wilderness with the property rights of civi- lization. Robberies, at times involving large sums, were not 28 Alton Telegraph, May 23, September 12, 1838; Peoria Register, December 29, 1838, January 19, May 25, July 20, August 3, 1839; Western Pioneer, October 27, 1837. 29 Chicago American, January n, 27, 1842. 30 Sangamo Journal, December 17, 31, 1841, January 21, March 26, 1842; Chicago American, January 13, 1842. 428 THE FRONTIER STATE infrequent. There was an occasional murder not the work of a gang; one notes but few cases of crimes of sex. Counter- feiting and forgery, especially of land titles, were prevalent. Gangs frequently combined several activities, making and cir- culating counterfeits, horse stealing, and occasional murder. The large scale operation and organization of these gangs, especially such a one as the banditti of the prairies in north- ern Illinois, went far beyond the ability of the slight legal machinery of the county to compass. 31 This being the case the citizens had occasional recourse to extraordinary means. Sometimes a mob would wreck a little hamlet, the resort of crime of all sorts, sometimes it would break up a gambling booth at a race course. Sometimes soci- eties would be formed to put down horse stealing. Occasion- ally a man of doubtful life in a community who had excited the wrath of his neighbors might be visited with the extreme penalty of mob violence. 32 In southern Illinois, Massac and Pope counties had for years been terrorized by a powerful gang of horse thieves, counterfeiters, and robbers until in 1846 the honest portion of the citizens formed themselves into a band of regulators to torture and harass the rascals into leaving the state. Sus- pected persons were taken to the Ohio and held under water until willing to confess; "others had ropes tied around their bodies over their arms, and a stick twisted into the ropes until their ribs and sides were crushed in by force of the pressure " 33 in order that information of their confederates might be gained. Such methods did not settle the matter, however, for the " Flatheads," as the outlaws were called, were, too numer- 31 Alton Telegraph, September 25, October 23, December n, 1841, January i, 1842, January 15, 1847; Chicago Democrat, June 25, July 6, 16, 23, August 9, 27, September 24, October 8, 15, 21, November 5, n, 1845, July 21, 1846, September 28, 1847; Belleville Advocate, September 24, 1836, January 21, 1847; Illinois State Register, March 23, 1838, October 15, 1841 ; Sanaamo Journal, September 14, 1833, January 18, 1834; Chicago American, February 18, 1837, J u ' v 1 5> J 839, Septem- ber 5, 1840. 32 Belleville Advocate, July 30, 1841, July 23, 1846, September 9, 1847; Sanaamo Journal, October u, 1834; Alton Telegraph, November i, 1837; Chi- cago American, June 22, 1839. 33 Ford, History of Illinois, 438. SOCIAL ADVANCE 429 ous and had been powerful for too long a period to be sum- marily disposed of. In Massac they gained the control of the county offices and in August made application to the governor for a militia force to sustain the authority of the law. " This disturbance," writes Governor Ford, "being at a distance of two hundred and fifty miles from the seat of government, and in a part of the country between which and the seat of govern- ment there was but very little communication, the facts con- cerning it were but imperfectly known to the governor." 84 In the interval of inquiry that ensued, disturbances broke out more violently than ever. Regulators from Pope county and from Kentucky joined their fellows in Massac, drove out the offi- cers, and defied the judgments of the circuit court forcibly liberating those of their number who were arrested; they became so sweepingly tyrannical that the counties were almost as terrorized as under the outlaws. The militia, however, refused to turn out to protect officials in league with horse thieves. Thus the regulators were left undisputed masters of the county; they whipped, tarred and feathered, and drove out of the country both rascals and honest opponents. Conditions became somewhat quieter that winter through state intervention; special legislation was passed creating a court to try offenders and at the same time vesting the gov- ernor with additional powers in that region. Notwithstand- ing all efforts, however, spasmodic outbursts continued for years. 35 The struggle of the state to master its problem of educa- tion, despite its rich endowment, was marked with only a measured success. The main reliance for the education of the young was still on private schools. A report to the legis- lature of 1832 frankly admitted that the state policy must be one of grants in aid rather than one of forming by enact- 34 Ford, History of Illinois, 439. 35 In August, 1849, a civil war was anticipated. The "Flatheads," who had killed a regulator informer by tying him naked to a tree in a mosquito infested district, barricaded themselves with ammunition and two cannon taken from the regulators, who, determined to arrest the murderers, sent for cannon and aid from their friends in Kentucky. Western Citizen, August 14, 1849. 430 THE FRONTIER STATE ment a complete system. In Illinois finance the school, col- lege, and seminary funds went into the state treasury to pay state expenses, the state holding itself responsible for the pay- ment of interest for school purposes to teachers presenting proper schedules of teaching. 36 The absence of anything like uniformity or organization in the state's primary school system was keenly felt by those intimately connected with it. Teachers complained that par- ents afforded them no moral support in disciplining their chil- dren, that neighborhoods by preference employed the lowest bidders and therefore had the worst teachers. They com- plained of cold ill-ventilated schoolrooms, of the thousand and one different methods of teaching, use of books, and of other difficulties. The actual workings of the Illinois system under moderately favorable conditions may be gathered from the report of a school township secretary in Peoria county. His fund was $6,455.96 all loaned at ten to twelve per cent. Of the accrued interest, however, only $178.96 was collected; and this with $184.42 from the state school fund was paid to five teachers in amounts varying from $24.75 to $118.79. The schools, with two hundred and fifty pupils ran two, four, six, eight, and eleven and one-half months respectively. With this may be compared the account of a school teacher in Taze- well, in whose school one hundred and ten scholars were regis- tered with a maximum attendance on any day of fifty-eight. In addition to the " common school branches" this man taught astronomy, philosophy, chemistry, surveying, algebra, and bookkeeping. 37 Nevertheless in the thirties there was real and sometimes intelligent interest in educational problems. The demonstra- tion of a new method of teaching English grammar by lectures would be the occasion of a newspaper invitation to the public to attend the meeting. In 1832-1833 the formation of an Illinois institute of education was undertaken to deal on the 36 Sangamo Journal, March 2, 1833; Laws of 1836, p. 249. 37 Alton Telegraph, June n, 1837; Sangamo Journal, July 22, 1837; Peoria Register, January 26, September 21, 1839. SOCIAL ADVANCE 431 basis of educational statistics with the difficult problems of education in the state. In 1834 delegates to a state educational convention were chosen. That convention recommended the establishment of school districts by voluntary action but mainly devoted itself to recommendations regarding seminary and college funds. As early as 1837 one finds an appeal for the establishment of the office of superintendent of public instruc- tion. Interest began to be directed in particular toward two different methods of school management and teaching the New England system and the Prussian. 38 With the forties, however, the state moved on toward a unified system. Attention was called to the fact that one hun- dred thousand children in Illinois were said to be out of school and that 28,780 adults were accounted illiterate. The act of 1841 provided for township administration of school lands in the familiar way with an added provision that congressional townships might on vote of the people be incorporated for school purposes. The Belleville Advocate urged a similar organization in St. Clair county. An attempt in 1843 to secure an act allowing the taxation for schools by local vote called out a flash of the same opposition to taxation for education that had defeated the school law of 1825. O. H. Browning pleaded for it referring to what Connecticut's school system had done for that state, to which Orlando B. Ficklin retorted that taxing one class for the benefit of another was unjust witness the fact that Connecticut had inundated the west with clockpeddlers and men who lived by their wits. In 1845 an act was passed incorporating all congressional townships as school townships and allowing voters in school districts to levy a special tax for the support of the schools. More than this, the school system of the state for the first time was given unity by the designation of the secretary of state as state superintendent of public schools. An attempt was 38 Sangamo Journal, November 10, 1831, March 2, 1833, November 15, 22, 29, 1834, January 24, 1835, September 3, 1837; Alton Telegraph, June n, 1837; Alton Observer, January, March, 1838; Chicago Tribune, July, 1840; Chicago American, September 17, 1836. 432 THE FRONTIER STATE made to secure state recognition of German schools, but in vain. 39 The last years of the old constitution were marked on the part of educators by a renewed interest and hopefulness in their profession. A teachers' convention called at Jacksonville in 1845 set itself to discuss education for professional, agri- cultural, mechanical, and commercial pursuits, differentiation of education for the sexes, the possibility of an efficient school system without a complete township system, and possible state aid to colleges and seminaries in training teachers. 40 A teach- ers' convention at Belvidere that same year considered the possibility of a normal school that appears to have been near akin to the teachers' institute. The broadening interest in education perceived the possi- bility, and consequent necessity of teaching the blind and deaf. The bill for the establishment of the deaf and dumb asylum was passed in 1839, but because of insufficient funds, the build- ing contract was not let until 1 843 ; three years later the school opened with thirteen pupils. In 1847 a blind man had under- taken, at the expense of private charity in Jacksonville, the instruction of six blind children. The success of the experi- ment was instrumental two years later in the passage of " an act to establish the Illinois Institution for the Education of the Blind." Through the influence of the "Jacksonville crowd," that city, after much bickering in the legislature, se- cured both schools. 41 If Illinois lacked for a unified school system, it did not lack for much private effort in behalf of schools, seminaries, and colleges, a surprisingly large number of which struggled on. As early as 1830 one notes high schools and academies, sometimes free to subscribers' children, sometimes combined with a young ladies' school to teach the polite accomplishments 89 Alton Telegraph, April 17, 1841, February n, 25, 1843, March 22, 1845; Chicago American, November 10, 1841; Belleville Advocate, December 30, 1841; Sangamo Journal, February 2, 1843; Laws of 184.1, p. 259; Laws of 184.5, P- 5 1 - 40 Sangamo Journal, June 5, 1845. 41 Through the same influence Jacksonville was named as the site of the Illinois State Hospital for the Insane, in an act passed in March, 1847. SOCIAL ADVANCE 433 of that day. In 1833 the Convent of the Ladies of Visitation was established in connection with Menard Academy at Kas- kaskia which three years later opened a commodious building to pupils. By 1842 eighteen sisters had the care of seventy pupils, twelve of whom were orphans taught free of charge. Tuition for the curriculum of literature, music, and arithmetic was one hundred and twenty-five dollars a year for boarding pupils, and twenty-five dollars for day students. In 1844 the school building was practically destroyed by the Missis- sippi flood, and this academy was removed to St. Louis; but Catholic day schools were maintained at Cahokia, La Salle, and other places in this state. 42 Every denomination was concerned with similar efforts to provide instruction for its children. Cartwright advertised a school at Pleasant Plains that began with the three R's and ended with natural and moral philosophy and Latin and Greek, with promise of other sciences and " female accomplishments " as soon as suitable teachers could be found. Meanwhile, com- mon branches were taught at the rate of five dollars for a five months' session and one might board with Cartwright for one dollar a week if paid in advance, otherwise the rate was a dollar and a quarter. 43 In 1835 the Jacksonville Female Academy was incorpo- rated by the legislature, a majority voting to apply the stern republican principle of making trustees liable for debts con- tracted in their corporate capacity. The year 1836 saw a much larger crop of school corporations, a favorite type being the "manual labor" seminary in which the students were re- quired to labor with their hands partly to lessen the cost of their education, partly for their health's sake. Session after session of the legislature added to the number of these schools, many of which had real life and energy. They offered studies similar to those in Cartwright's curriculum. 44 42 Salzbacher, Melne Reise nach Nord-Amerika im Jahre 1842, p. 227. 43 Illinois Intelligencer, February 6, November 27, 1830; Galenian, May 16, 1832; Alton Spectator, August 28, 1832, April 2, 1833. 44 Laws of 1835, p. 192; Laws of 1836, p. 154, 158, 160, 163, 167, 170, 182; 434 THE FRONTIER STATE For children of well-to-do parents, however, outside schools held greater attractions. The Menard children went to Georgetown University or to Missouri schools. One school at Linden Wood, St. Louis, which asked two dollars and a half a week for plain tuition and board, prescribed a uniform that speaks a certain degree of luxury. Sabbath uniform dresses for summer were white dress, pink sash, handkerchief, straw bonnet trimmed with light blue ribbon, white cape, and black silk apron; for winter a crimson dress of English merino, white collar, black silk apron, and dark green cloak. 45 The legislature had never evidenced any intention of using immediately the college and seminary funds for establishing the schools for which they had been set aside. Popular opinion did not greatly protest. In 1840 the Chicago Weekly Tribune believed the time not yet ripe for a state college or university, though it did insist that the state should have a competent sys- tem of high schools and a school of education. 46 In such a sit- uation it was perhaps inevitable that, though deprecated by some, collegiate education would develop along sec- tarian lines. In 1835 an act incorporating four colleges, specified that no particular Christian faith be held or taught in any, but the prohibition prevented only for the moment theological seminary training for it was soon evaded. In 1840 the state had twelve colleges, though Illinois College was the only one granting degrees. The foundations of certain of these colleges had been laid before 1830. Shurtleff grew out of Peck's seminary at Rock Spring, which in 18311832 had been removed to Alton and opened there as Alton Seminary. It rejected in 1833 a char- ter which forbade the teaching of theology by any professor; but in 1835 a somewhat objectionable compromise was ac- 2 Laws of 1837, p. 43, 87; Laws of 1841, p. i, 5; Peoria Register, June 22, 1838; Alton Telegraph, October 10, 1838; February 22, 1840; Belleville Advocate, August 20, 1841, June 5, 1843; Chicago American, April 6, 1841. 4S Alton Observer, May 25, 1837. * a Sangamo Journal, December 8, 1834, August 22, 1835; Senate Journal, 1833, i session, 538; Lotus of 1835, p. 177; Chicago Weekly Tribune, July n, 1840. SOCIAL ADVANCE 435 cepted, a seminary being conducted side by side with the col- lege until 1841, when the restriction was repealed. In 1836 the name of the college, in recognition of the donations of Dr. Benjamin Shurtleff, was changed to Shurtleff College. 47 For a time men cherished great dreams of what might be done with it. In 1840 the trustees projected a school of dig- nified agriculture, designed to teach the farmer his profession scientifically. The project as it took shape in their minds seemed to be to give the farmer a better intellectual back- ground; labor on the farm and in the workshop was to be com- bined with study. A few days later the Telegraph printed a letter purporting to come from a farmer, praising the scheme, and enlarging upon it. He denounced the Latin and Greek colleges that gave only a smattering to their students, leaving them ignorant of their mother tongue, and praised the plan for a professorship of English. For an agricultural depart- ment he suggested courses in horticulture, lower mathematics, natural philosophy, chemistry, mineralogy, botany, compara- tive anatomy, physiology, with the cause and cure of animal and vegetable diseases. More broadly he urged an education to obliterate the line between gentlemen and laborers. This idea was a full quarter century ahead of its time. The college continued to develop; in 1841 it had thirty-one preparatory and collegiate and four theological students. In 1841-1842 the opening of a medical school was announced. In the later years of the period the more radical Baptists attacked the col- lege on account of its proslavery views, and the founder was denounced as "one of the greatest proslavery men in the state." 48 McKendree College, a Methodist institution, developed from Lebanon Seminary founded in 1828. At first there was strong opposition in the board of trustees itself both to aboli- tion and to the establishment of a school of theology. The institution emphasized the manual training principle and 47 Jubilee Memorial of Shurtleff College, passim. 48 Western Christian, June 28, 1848; see also Alton Telegraph, March 4, April 4, 1840, August 14, 1841, January 22, 1842. 436 THE FRONTIER STATE boasted a female department. Students' board bills were pay- able two-thirds in produce, one-third in good bacon, pickled pork, beef, flour, or milch cows with young calves ; tuition for a five months' term in the higher branches was eight dollars. The school was taken successively under the patronage of the Missouri and the Illinois conferences, and in gratitude for a donation from Bishop William McKendree it was renamed, first, McKendreean College, then, McKendree. It was incor- porated with other colleges in 1835. The college had to sus- pend in 1845 but reopened in the next year with three pro- fessors and a principal for the preparatory department 49 In 18351836 Bishop Philander Chase collected funds in England for an Episcopal college in Illinois; the corner stone of Jubilee College was laid in 1839 at Robins Nest, Peoria county, but a charter was not secured until i847. 50 In 1837 the Presbyterians and Congregationalists laid the foundations for two small colleges. Through the Reverend Gideon Blackburn funds were obtained for a theological insti- tution at Carlinville. He entered lands for eastern investors at two dollars an acre, keeping twenty-five cents of the surplus over government price for himself and appropriating the re- mainder to the purchase of lands for the college. In 1837 the future Blackburn University had in trust an endowment of sev- enteen thousand acres; the enterprise, however, lay dormant for twenty years, when in 1857 the college was formally incor- porated. The Reverend George W. Gale, a new school Presbyterian of New York, was responsible for the inception of the other educational venture. In order to combine study with whole- some physical labor for students he conceived the idea of buy- ing at government prices a township of fertile western land, reserving a town site and large farm for the use of a college, 49 Catalogue of McKendree College, 1916-1917, p. 90; Sangamo Journal, September 13, 1834; Western Pioneer, February 8, 1838; Alton Telegraph, December 6, 1845; Belleville Advocate, April n, 1846. 50 Sangamo Journal, February 13, 1836; Peoria Register, December 22, 1838, April 6, 1839; Illinois Advocate, December 16, 1835. SOCIAL ADVANCE 437 and selling the remainder which carried tuition rights in the college at five dollars an acre; the surplus would endow the college. The project met with favor; in 1835 a committee inspected and purchased land in Knox county, and forty-six colonists there undertook to carry out the plan. In 1837 Knox Manual Labor College was incorporated, and a year later forty students were enrolled at the formal opening of the academy. By 1842 there were one hundred and forty-seven preparatory students, and the collegiate department had been opened with ten freshmen. 61 Illinois College, the greatest educational venture of the Presbyterians and Congregationalists in Illinois, was the fruit, but a partial fruit indeed, of the imperial dream of a group of young students, the famous "Yale band." In Yale Theolog- ical Seminary, Theron Baldwin, John F. Brooks, Mason Gros- venor, Elisha Jenner, William Kirby, J. M. Sturtevant, and Asa Turner, with the magnificent enthusiasm of youth planned to be workers in an enterprise, both educational and religious, to raise the west out of intellectual darkness. Some of them were to serve as settled ministers or missionaries, some of them to give their time to seminaries and to a college that was to crown the whole educational system. 52 At the time that this idea was taking form the Reverend J. M. Ellis, a Presbyterian missionary in Illinois since 1826, was busy with the scheme of a college in the state of Illinois at Jacksonville; and the little group, accepting it as the center of their enterprise the seat of a new and greater Yale to be reared on the western prairies enlisted the American Home Missionary Association in its support. Illinois College opened in January of 1830 with Julian Sturtevant as teacher in it; during the year the Reverend Edward Beecher came to be president; three years later, a brother of Asa Turner, Jonathan Baldwin Turner, arrived and began his connection with the state. In 18351836 there were 51 Alton Observer, October 27, 1836, June 15, 1837; Catalog of Knox College, 1914-1915, p. 52. 52 Sturtevant, Sketch of Theron Baldwin, passim; Sturtevant, Autobiography, passim. 438 THE FRONTIER STATE four seniors, seven juniors, thirteen sophomores, sixteen fresh- men, and forty preparatory students. In 1839 the preparatory department was abandoned as tending to lower the tone of the college. 53 Meanwhile in 1837, Baldwin, who had served as a pastor and as editor of the Common School Advocate, became principal of the Monticello Female Seminary. The college had to meet the question of finance. Its founders were able to supplement local resources with contributions from the treas- uries of the society in the east. A subscription of seventy-five thousand dollars was lost in the panic of 1837. Finally in 1843 tne Society for Promoting Collegiate and Theological Education at the West, with Theron Baldwin as its secretary and financial agent, took Illinois College over together with Western Reserve, Wabash, Marietta, and Lane colleges. In 1846 Sturtevant urged that the property of the college be sold for Illinois bonds than at a heavy discount, but the scheme was too visionary for the trustees, and they preferred to sell for cash. 54 From a larger point of view the college never met the ideal of its founders, but by no fault of theirs. To begin with the scheme excited jealousy both from rival denominations and from those who believed New England was plotting to federal- ize the west. Hardly had Sturtevant arrived when Peter Cart- wright delivered himself of a sermon, anathematizing and caricaturing Presbyterian doctrine and ridiculing learned min- isters; and Sturtevant, at the time just painfully learning to preach without reading his sermon, was at a disadvantage. Further the jealousy between old school and new school, and new school and Congregational was to do its work. The "Yale band" had imbibed at their alma mater the theology of N. W. Taylor which was anathema to the strict Presbyterian. 55 In 1833 Edward Beecher, Julian Sturtevant, and William Kirby were accused of heresy in the presbytery at Jacksonville ; but subsequently they were acquitted. In 1839, despite previ- 53 Alton Spectator, February 12, 1836; Peoria Register, October 6, 1839. 54 Sturtevant, Autobiography, 268. 65 Ibid., 125-132, 161 ; Galena Advertiser, November 30, 1839. SOCIAL ADVANCE 439 ous attempts on the part of Beecher and Sturtevant to prevent it, a Congregational church was organized at Jacksonville. Sturtevant later gave some countenance to it; and as the tide of New Englanders sweeping into the north disregarded the plan of union and organized churches of their own, distrust and suspicion deepened. The antislavery views of men like Beecher and Sturtevant were an added difficulty. Finally, in 1844, Beecher resigned, possibly from necessity. Turner fol- lowed him a few years later; but Sturtevant remained to round out a long career at Jacksonville. The story of Illinois College leads naturally to the con- sideration of one of the most remarkable men intellectually in the state of that day Jonathan Baldwin Turner. The fact that of what he offered her, his country, and especially his adopted state, cared to take only the Osage orange hedge and the agricultural college, should not blind the student to the fact that Turner's intellectual interests were far broader than either scientific agriculture or highly technical education. In 18431844 for example, he edited at Jacksonville the Illinois Statesman; and that paper to the student of ideas is a land flowing with milk and honey in a desert otherwise relieved only by half-arid oases. From other papers one can learn only by indirection of the intellectual life of Illinois of that day; from Turner one gets the comment on it of a powerful and keenly interested mind. It was not to be expected that Turner would compromise with the public tastes of his day. Sensational news had so little interest to him that he would not vex himself to give it to his readers. Under the head of "Crimes and Casualties" he printed: "Our paper is small, and if our readers will for the present just have the goodness to imagine a certain due pro- portion of fires, tornadoes, murders, thefts, robberies and bully fights, from week to week, it will do just as well, for we can assure them they actually take place." 56 The man who, when the thunders of denominational denunciation were rolling forth 58 Scott, Newspapers and Periodicals of Illinois, Ixxiv. 440 THE FRONTIER STATE against Mormonism, was moved to analyze the sect as a fas- cinating study in comparative religion was not likely to blind his eyes to the violence of the deeds and plans of the anti-Mor- mons. He urged the people of the Military Tract to abide by the law and to have pity on the helpless at Nauvoo. What would Europe think of the state, if one year she granted Smith lawmaking powers and the next made open war on him? 57 Because of Turner's keen, trenchant comment on politics the Illinoisan made fierce war on the " crack-brained, gaping, half-witted theorist Yankee," who cheerfully replied in abusive rhetoric that Milton himself might have envied. Turner's paper reflected a popular disgust with political partisanship and party manipulation on either side, declaring that the poli- ticians on both sides were usually men who could not be trusted with any of the ordinary concerns of life. Turner was dis- gusted with Van Buren as a political manipulator and hoped for a time that Calhoun might lead the party to a higher plane of statesmanship, until he saw the latter's slavery drift. At the same time he regarded the possible defeat of Clay, the duelist and gambler, as a moral triumph. Further he tore to pieces mercilessly the whigs' argument for protection and other of their pet doctrines. He was keen enough to see that the democrats really stood in theory at least for certain funda- mental truths as well as for certain very important measures. To the whigs he was willing to ascribe the conservative func- tion, that of promoting steadiness and stability of progress, remarking that they necessarily had to show greater states- manship than their opponents for this very reason. 58 In his consideration of the slavery question Turner steered as original a course as he did elsewhere. He was not an out and out abolitionist, and he occasionally deprecated the vio- lence of referring to all slaveholders as kidnappers and man- stealers. As to runaways he was disposed to think the proper course somewhere midway between turning all the people of 57 Illinois Statesman, September 18, 25, 1843. 58 Illinoisan, November 17, 1843; Illinois Statesman, July 17, August 14, 28, October 2, 16, November 27, December 4, 1843, February 19, March n, 27, 1844. SOCIAL ADVANCE 441 Illinois into slavecatchers and enticing slaves away. As a result he had one or two tifts with the Western Citizen. He denounced slavery bitterly enough in his own way, as an in- stitution in monstrous contrast with the nation's principles of political liberty, or an imposition on a majorty of the whites for the benefit of an aristocratic ruling-class minority. He professed, however, that he could not support the liberty party on the ground that he could not vote for a man like James G. Birney who was not a tried statesman. 59 On the exclusion from church membership of slaveholders he remarked with a full vision of the essential barrenness of "one idealism" that "no one conformity or non-conformity can make a man good or bad." 60 His final comment, however, on the intellectual fer- ment that followed on the train of abolitionism in the east was, " there is always some good in all protestantism." Religiously that was Turner's ideal. His creed was simply Christianity, including belief in the atonement and in the Ser- mon on the Mount as containing all the doctrine necessary to man's salvation. It had, however, no place in it for heresy hunting and little for denominational organization. Baptism to him was a rite which any minister without regard to church bounds was entitled to perform for all believers. His notion of church membership ended with the association of men into voluntary societies having no control of baptism or of the Lord's Supper. He was Congregational in his belief solely from a pragmatic view of the essential flexibility of that sys- tem. 61 There was to him no halfway house between the entire independency of the local church and the centralization of government under the Vatican at Rome. Turner emphatically was the critic rather than the expo- nent of the Illinois of his day. Yet he introduced into the in- tellectual life of the state a freshness of view, a cosmopolitan- ism that by the very fact that it jars no more sharply upon its 59 Illinois Statesman, November 27, 1843, February 19, 23, 26, March 4, May 27, 1844. Ibld., February 26, 1844. 81 Ibid., April 29, 1844. 442 THE FRONTIER STATE surroundings shows how Illinois had traveled since the early days of statehood. Society in the state, conventionalized and stiff, posing in every intellectual attitude, original in nothing, had had a change worked in it. Men had come to think broadly in terms of general political principles; they had come to think more independently on the set forms of law, of slavery, and, as Turner exemplified, of the set dogmas and forms of church doctrine and discipline. The Illinois of 1818 like the nation it existed in was dreaming dreams and interpreting the future in terms of the past; in the Illinois of 1848, there were many men of vigorous mind who had visions of the future. BIBLIOGRAPHY I MANUSCRIPTS Eddy manuscripts, Shawneetown, Illinois. Transcripts in Illinois His- torical Survey, University of Illinois, Urbana. Edwards papers in Chicago Historical Society manuscripts. Kane manuscripts in Chicago Historical Society manuscripts. II NEWSPAPERS Newspapers form a source of inestimable value in writing Illinois history of this period. Indeed, for any approximately full or continuous record, it is only through them that the pioneer state may be pieced together ; economically, socially, and in especial politically, they pre- serve, for the critical student, a reflection of early Illinois. For a complete bibliography of Illinois newspapers, as well as for additional data on those here listed, see : Scott, Franklin W., News- papers and Periodicals of Illinois, 1814-1879 (Springfield, 1910) [Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, volume 6]. Files in the Chicago Historical, Springfield State, and University of Illinois libraries have been utilized where possible, but files of papers at Belleville have supplemented these. Alton American, 1833-1834, Alton, Illinois. Alton Observer, 1836-1837, Alton, Illinois. Alton Spectator, 1832-1839, Alton, Illinois. Alton Telegraph, 1836-1848, Alton, Illinois. Aurora Beacon, 1847-1849, Aurora, Illinois. Baptist Helmet, 1844-1845, Vandalia, Illinois. Belleville Advocate, 1839-1848, Belleville, Illinois. Chicago American, 1835-1839, Chicago, Illinois [continued as Daily American}. Chicago Daily Journal, 1844-1848, Chicago, Illinois. Chicago Democrat, 1833-1848, Chicago, Illinois. Chicago (Weekly) Tribune, 1840-1841, Chicago, Illinois. Congressional Globe, see in the division of federal and state documents. Edivardsville Spectator, 1819-1826, Edwardsville, Illinois. Farmers and Mechanics Repository, 1842-1843, Belleville, Illinois. 443 444 BIBLIOGRAPHY Galena Advertiser, 1829-1830, Galena, Illinois. Galenian, 1832-1836, Galena, Illinois. Genius of Liberty, 1840-1842, Lowell, Illinois [continued as Western Citizen}. Genius of Universal Emancipation, 1838-1839, Hennepin, Illinois. Hancock Eagle, 4-1845-1846-)-, Nauvoo, Illinois. Illinois Advocate, 1831-1832, Edwardsville, Illinois, and 1832-1833, Vandalia, Illinois. Its title was changed to Illinois Advocate and State Register, 1833-1835, then to Illinois Advocate, 1835-1836, then to Illinois State Register and Illinois Advocate, 1836, and to Illinois State Register and People's Advocate, 1836-1839. Illinois Emigrant, 1818-1819, Shawneetown, Illinois [continued as the Illinois Gazette, 1819-1830]. Illinois Gazette, 1819-1830, Shawneetown, Illinois. Illinois Intelligencer, 1818-1820, Kaskaskia, Illinois, and 1820-1832, Vandalia, Illinois [then combined with Illinois Whig}. Illinois Journal, 1847-1848, Springfield, Illinois. Illinois State Register and People's Advocate, 1836-1839, Springfield, Illinois [became Illinois State Register in 1839]. Illinois Statesman, 1843-1844, Jacksonville, Illinois. Illinoisan, 1837-1844, Jacksonville, Illinois. Kaskaskia Republican, 1824-1825, Kaskaskia, Illinois. Little Fort Porcupine and Democratic Banner, 1845-1847, Little Fort and Waukegan, Illinois. Miner's Journal, 1826-1832, Galena, Illinois. Nauvoo Neighbor, 1843-1845, Nauvoo, Illinois [continued as Hancock Eagle}. Peoria Register and Northwestern Gazetteer, 1837-1842, Peoria, Illinois. Peoria Register, 1842-1845, Peoria, Illinois [had been Peoria Register and Northwestern Gazetteer, 1837-1842, Peoria, Illinois]. Quincy Whig, 1838-1848, Quincy, Illinois. Rock ford Forum, 1844-1848, Rockford, Illinois. Sangamo Journal, 1831-1847, Springfield, Illinois. It was called the Sangamon Journal until 1832; in 1847 the name was changed to Illinois Journal. Times and Seasons, 1839-1846, Nauvoo, Illinois. Vandalia Free Press, 1836-1837, Vandalia, Illinois [continued as Free Press and Illinois Whig, 1837-1841 ; continued as Vandalia Free Press, 1843-1844]. Vandalia Whig and Illinois Intelligencer, 1832-1834, Vandalia, Illinois. Warsaw Signal, 1841-1843, Warsaw, Illinois. Wasp, 1842-1843, Nauvoo, Illinois [continued as Nauvoo Neighbor]. BIBLIOGRAPHY 445 Western Christian, 1845-1848, Elgin, Illinois. Western Citizen, 1842-1848+, Chicago, Illinois. Western Monthly Magazine, a continuation of the Illinois Monthly Magazine, Cincinnati, 1833-1835. Western Pioneer and Baptist Standard Bearer, 1836-1837, Alton, Illinois [continued as Western Pioneer, 1837-1838]. Ill FEDERAL AND STATE DOCUMENTS ILLINOIS Bluebook. Compiled by the secretary of state (printed by authority of the state of Illinois). Journal of the House of Representatives of the State of Illinois, 1818- 1847 (published at the state capitols, 1819-1847). Journal of the Senate of the State of Illinois, 1818-1847 (published at the state capitols, 1819-1848). [Law] Reports. Reports of Cases at Common Law and in Chancery, argued and determined in the Supreme Court of the State of Illinois, from its first Organization in 1819, to the end of December term, 1831. Volume i by Sidney Breese (Chicago, 1877), volume 2, 3, 4, 5 by J. Young Scammon (Chicago, 1886, 1887, 1880, 1886), vol- ume 7, by Charles Oilman (Chicago, 1888). Laws, 1819-1847 (published at the state capitols, 1819-1847). Reports made to the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Illinois, volumes 1839-1845, 1863, volume I (Springfield, 1840- 1846, 1863) [Cited as Reports General Assembly]. UNITED STATES American State Papers, 38 volumes (Washington, 1832-1861). Annals of Congress, 42 volumes (Washington, 1834-1856). Congressional Globe . . . containing sketches of the debates and pro- ceedings of . . . congress, 17 volumes (Washington, 1835-1848). Executive Documents of the House of Representatives (Washington, 1831-1846). Journal of the Convention, assembled at Springfield, June J, i847, . . . for the purpose of altering, amending, or revising the Consti- tution of the State of Illinois (Springfield, 1847). Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States (Wash- ington, 1818-1848). 446 BIBLIOGRAPHY Journal of the Senate of the United States of America (Washington, 1818-1849). Kappler, Charles J., (ed.) Indian Affairs, Laws, and Treaties. Com- piled to December I, 1902 (Washington, 1903) [Senate Docu- ments, volume 34, 57 congress, I session, number 452], Register of Debates in Congress, . . . important State Papers and Pub- lic Documents, and the Laws, of a public nature, enacted during the session, 1 8 volumes (Washington, 1824-1837) [Cited as Congres- sional Debates} . Senate Documents (Washington, 1818-1847). Sixth Census or Enumeration of the Inhabitants of the United States, as corrected at the Department of State in 1840 (Washington, 1841). IV CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS Bennett, John C., The History of the Saints; or, an expose of Joe Smith and M or monism (Boston, 1842). Birkbeck, Morris, Letters from Illinois (London, 1818). Birkbeck, Morris, Notes on a journey in America, from the coast of Vir- ginia to the territory of Illinois (London, 1818). Blair, Emma H., (ed.) The Indian Tribes of the Upper Mississippi Val- ley and Region of the Great Lakes, as described by Nicolas Perrot, French commandant in the Northwest; Bacqueville de la Potherie, French Royal Commissioner to Canada; Morrel Marston, Amer- ican army officer; and Thomas Forsyth, United States agent at Fort Armstrong (Cleveland, 1912). Blane, William Newnham, An excursion through the United States and Canada during the years 1822-1823 by an English gentleman (Lon- don, 1824). Broadsides in Chicago Historical Society. Caswall, Henry, The Prophet of the Nineteenth Century: or the rise, progress, and present state of the Mormons, or latter day Saints: to which is appended, an analysis of the book of Mormon (London, 1843). Circular to the public by James W. Singleton, September, 1846, in Chi- cago Historical Society. Cobbett, William, A Year's residence in the United States of America. Treating of the face of the country, the climate, the soil, the prod- ucts, the mode of cultivating the land, the prices of land, of labor, of food, of rainment; of the expenses of house-keeping, and of the usual BIBLIOGRAPHY 447 manner of living; of the manners and customs of the people; and of the institutions of the country, civil, political, and religious. In three parts (London, 1822). Coles, Edward, to Joseph Duncan, April 28, 1835, in House Journal, 1835-1836, 2 session (Vandalia, 1835). Delafield, John, to Edward Coles, April 20, 1835, in House Journal, 1835-1836, 2 session (Vandalia, 1835). Duden, Gottfried, Bericht iiber eine Reise nach den westlichen Staaten N ordamerika' s und einem mehrjdhrigen Aufenthalt am Missouri . . . (Elberfeld, 1829). Edwards, Ninian, The Edwards Papers; Being a portion of the Collec- tion of the Letters, Papers, and Manuscripts of Ninian Edwards . . . edited by E. B. Washburne (Chicago, 1884) [Chicago Historical Society's Collection, volume 3]. Expedition against the Sauk and Fox Indians, 1832. Narrative of the Expedition against the Sauk and Fox Indians, furnished to the Mili- tary and Naval Magazine, by an Officer who served in General At- kinson's Brigade (New York, 1914) [Reprinted from the Military and Naval Magazine of the United States of August, 1833]. Faux, William, Memorable Days in America: being a Journal of a tour to the United States . . . (London, 1823) [Reprinted in Thwaites, Reuben G., Early Western Travels, volume II, Cleveland, 1905]. Fearn, Henry B., Sketches of America. A Narrative of a Journey of Five Thousand Miles through the Eastern and Western States of America: . . . with remarks oh Mr. Birkbeck's "Notes" and "Letters" (London, 1819). Flower, George, History of the English Settlement in Edwards County, Illinois, founded in 1817 and 1818 by Morris Birkbeck and George Flower. Edited by E. B. Washburne (Chicago, 1882) [Chicago Historical Society's Collection, volume i], Flwer, Richard, Letters from Lexington and the Illinois, containing a brief Account of the English Settlement in the latter Territory and a Refutation of the Misrepresentations of Mr. Cobbett (London, 1819) [Reprinted in Thwaites, Reuben G., Early Western Travels, volume 10, Cleveland, 1904). Flwer, Richard, Letters from the Illinois, 1820, 1821; containing an Account of the English Settlement at Albion and its vicinity, and a Refutation of the various Misrepresentations, those more particu- larly of Mr. Cobbett (London, 1822) [Reprinted in Thwaites, Early Western Travels, volume IO, Cleveland, 1904]. Frd, Thomas, A History of Illinois from its commencement as a state in i8i8to 1847 (Chicago, 1854). 448 BIBLIOGRAPHY Fordham, Elias Pym, Personal Narrative of Travels in Virginia, Mary- land, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Kentucky; and of a Residence in the Illinois Territory: 1817-1818. Edited by Frederic A. Ogg (Cleveland, 1906). Forsyth, Thomas, "Manuscript account of the causes of the Black Hawk War written in 1832" printed as appendix to Wau-Bun the early Day in the Northwest. By Mrs. John Kinzie (Philadelphia, 1873). Gale, George W., History of Knox College and Galesburgh, Illinois (Cincinnati, 1845). Greene, Evarts B., and Clarence W. Alvord (ed.), Governors' Letter Books, 1818-1834 (Springfield, 1909) [Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, volume 4] . Harris, William T., Remarks made during a Tour through the United States of America in the years 1817, 1818, and 1819 (London, 1821). Hulme, Thomas, Journal of a Tour In the Western Countries of Amer- ica, September 30, i8i8-August 8, 1819 (New York, 1818) [Re- printed in Thwaites, Reuben G., Early Western Travels, volume 10, Cleveland, 1904]. Journal of the Annual Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Diocese of Illinois, 1843-1857 (Peoria, 1843, 1845, Alton, 1846, Jubilee College, 1847-1853, Chicago, 1856, 1857). Lee, John D., The Mormon Menace. Being the confession of John Doyle Lee, Danite, an official assassin of the Mormon Church under the late Brigham Young. Introduction by Alfred Henry Lewis (New York, 1905). Lincoln, Abraham, The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, federal edition. Edited by Arthur B. Lapsley, volume 2, 1843-1858 (New York, 1905). Minutes of the Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, volumes 2, 3, 4 (New York, 1829-1837). Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, in the United States of America (Philadelphia, 1826-1831, 1840-1851). Parker, Amos A., Trip to the West and Texas. Comprising a Journey of eight thousand Miles through New York, Michigan, Illinois, Mis- souri, Louisiana, and Texas, in the autumn and winter of 1834-1835 (Concord, N. H., 1835). Peck, John M., A gazetteer of Illinois, in three parts: containing a gen- eral view of the state, a general view of each county, and a particu- lar description of each town, settlement, stream, prairie, bottom, bluff, etc., alphabetically arranged (Jacksonville, 1834). BIBLIOGRAPHY 449 Presbytery of Ottawa, Minutes of the Presbytery of Ottawa (Ottawa, 1843). Salzbacher, Joseph, Meine Reise nach Nord-Amerika im Jahre 1842 (Vienna, Austria, 1845). Sparks, Edwin E., (ed.) The English Settlement in the Illinois. Re- prints of three rare tracts on the Illinois country. With maps and a view of a British colony house at Albion (London and Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1907). Synod of Peoria, Minutes of the . . . Annual Session of the Synod of Peoria of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of Amer- ica (Peoria, 1844, 1846). Wakefield, John A., History of the Black Hawk War (Jacksonville, 1834) [Reprinted by Frank E. Stevens, Chicago, 1908]. Whittlesey, Charles, "Recollections of a Tour through Wisconsin in 1832," Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, volume I (Madison, Wisconsin, 1855). Woods, John, Two Years' Residence in the Settlement on the English Prairie, in the Illinois Country, United States, with an account of its Animal and Vegetable Production, Agriculture, &c., &c., A descrip- tion of the Principal towns, villages, &c., &c., with the habits and customs of the back-woodsman (London, 1822) [Reprinted in Thwaites, Reuben G., Early Western Travels, volume 10, Cleve- land, 1904]. V BIOGRAPHY AND REMINISCENCE Adams, John Quincy, Memoirs of John Quincy Adams, comprising por- tions of his diary from 1795 to 1848. Edited by Charles Francis Adams, 12 volumes (Philadelphia, 1874-1877). Black Hawk, Autobiography: life of Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kick, or Black Hawk. With an account of the Cause and general History of the late War, his Surrender and Confinement at Jefferson Barracks, and Travels through the United States. Dictated by himself. Edited by J. B. Patterson (Boston, 1834). Cartwright, Peter, Autobiography of Peter Cartwright, the backwoods preacher. Edited by W. P. Strickland (Cincinnati, 1856). Clark, John, "Father Clark," or the Pioneer Preacher. Sketches and Incidents of Rev. John Clark. By an old pioneer (New York, 1855). 450 BIBLIOGRAPHY Clark, Satterlee, "Early Times at Fort Winnebago, and Black Hawk War Reminiscences," Report and Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1877, 1878, and 1879, volume 8 (Madison, Wisconsin, 1879). Drake, Benjamin, The Life and Adventures of Black Hawk. With sketches of Keokuck, the Sac and Fox Indians, and the late Black Hawk War (Cincinnati, 1838). Edwards, Ninian, History of Illinois from 1778 to 1833; and life and times of Ninian Edwards (Springfield, 1870). Hubbard, Guidon S., Incidents and Events in the life of Gurdon Salton- stall Hubbard. Collected from personal narrations and other sources and arranged by his nephew, Henry E. Hamilton (Chicago, 1888). Johnson, Allen, Stephen A. Douglas. A Study in American Politics (New York, 1908). Koerner, Gustave, Memoirs of Gustave Koerner, 1809-1896. Life sketches written at the suggestion of his children. Edited by Thomas J. McCormack, volume i (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1909). Nicolay, John G., and John Hay, Abraham Lincoln, a history, volume i (New York, 1890). Peck, John M., Memoir of John Mason Peck. [Forty Years of Pioneer Life.} Edited from his journals and correspondence by Rufus Bab- cock (Philadelphia, 1864). Reynolds, John, My own Times, embracing also the History of my Life (Belleville, 1855). Snyder, John F., Adam W. Snyder and his Period in Illinois History, 1817-1842 (Virginia, Illinois, 1906). Sturtevant, Julian M., Julian M. Sturtevant: An Autobiography. Edited by J. M. Sturtevant, Jr. (New York, 1896). Sturtevant, Julian M., Sketch of Theron Baldwin (Boston, 1875) [Reprinted from Congregational Quarterly, April and July, 1875]. Tillson, Christiana H., Reminiscences of early life in Illinois by out- mother (Amherst, Mass. [?], 1873). Washburne, Elihu B., Sketch of Edward Coles, second governor of Illi- nois and of the slavery struggle of 1823-1824 (Chicago, 1882). VI MONOGRAPHS AND SPECIAL WORKS Abel, Annie H., "The History of Events resulting in Indian Consolida- tion West of the Mississippi," Annual Report of the American His- torical Association, 1906, volume i (Washington, 1908). BIBLIOGRAPHY 451 Andreas, A. T., History of Chicago from the earliest Period to the present Time, 3 volumes (Chicago, 1884-1886). Babcock, Kendric C., The Scandinavian Element in the United States (Urbana, 1914) [University of Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, volume 3 ] . Bancroft, Hubert H., History of Utah (San Francisco, 1889) [Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, volume 26], Beinlich, B. A., "The Latin Immigration in Illinois," Illinois State Historical Society, Transactions, 1909. Berry, Orville F., "The Mormon Settlements in Illinois," Illinois State Historical Society, Transactions, 1906. Ballance, Charles, The History of Peoria, Illinois (Peoria, 1870). Bateman, Newton, and Paul Selby, (ed.) Historical Encyclopedia of Illinois, volume 2, History of Peoria County. Edited by David Mc- Culloch, 2 volumes (Chicago and Peoria, 1902). Blegen, Theodore C., "Ole Rynning's True Account of America," Min- nesota History Bulletin, volume 2, November, 1917 (Saint Paul, 1917). Boggess, Arthur C., The Settlement of Illinois, 1778-1830 (Chicago, 1908) [Chicago Historical Society's Collection, volume 5]. Breese, Sidney, The Early history of Illinois from its discovery by the French, in 1673, until its cession to Great Britain in 1763 . . . Edited by Thomas Hoyne (Chicago, 1884). Brown, William H., An Historical Sketch of the early Movement in Illinois for the legalization of slavery (Chicago, 1876). Buck, Solon J., Illinois in 1818 (Springfield, 1917) [Illinois Centennial Publications, introductory volume]. Buck, Solon J., "The New England Element in Illinois Politics before 1833," Mississippi Valley Historical Association, Proceedings, vol- ume 6 (Cedar Rapids, Iowa, 1913). Catalog of Knox College, 1914-1915 (Galesburg, Illinois, 1915). Catalogue of McKendree College (Lebanon, Illinois, 1912). County histories have in general been found useful for local informa- tion. For complete bibliography of Illinois counties see: Buck, Solon J., Travel and Description 1765-1865 together with a List of County Histories, Atlases, and Biographical Collections and a List of territorial and state Laws (Springfield, 1914) [Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, volume 9]. Dowrie, George W., The Development of Banking in Illinois, 1817-1863 (Urbana, 1913) [University of Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, volume 2]. 452 BIBLIOGRAPHY Elliot, Isaac H., (ed.) Record of the services of Illinois Soldiers in the Black Hawk War, 1831-1832, and in the Mexican War, 184.6- 1848. Prepared and published by authority of the thirty-second General Assembly (Springfield, 1902). Everett, Edward, "Narrative of Military Experience in Several Capac- ities," Illinois State Historical Society, Transactions, 1905 (Spring- field, 1906). Fairlie, John A., County and Town Government in Illinois [Reprinted from the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Philadelphia, May, 1913]. Faust, Albert B., The German Element in the United States, with spe- cial Reference to its political, moral, social, and educational Influence (Boston, 1909). Garraghan, Gilbert J., "Early Catholicity in Chicago, 1673-1843," Illi- nois Catholic Historical Journal, volume I, number I (Chicago, 1918). Harris, Norman D., History of Negro Slavery in Illinois and of the Slavery Agitation in that State (Chicago, 1906). Hicks, E. W., Outline of Illinois Baptist History (Toulon, Illinois). Hicks, E. W., History of Kendall County, Illinois, from the earliest dis- coveries to the present time (Aurora, Illinois, 1877); History of Winnebago County, Illinois, its Past and Present (Chicago, 1877). Jubilee Memorial of Shurtleff College, Upper Alton, Illinois (Alton, 1877). Koerner, Gustave P., Das deutsche element in den Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika, 1818-1848 (Cincinnati, 1880). Kofoid, Carrie P., "Puritan Influences in the Formative Years of Illinois History," Illinois State Historical Society, Transactions, 1905. Leaton, James, History of Methodism in Illinois, from 1793 to 1832 (Cincinnati, 1883). Lee, Judson Fiske, "Transportation. A Factor in the Development of Northern Illinois previous to 1860," Illinois State Historical So- ciety, Journal, volume 10. Lockwood, James H., "Early Times and Events in Wisconsin," Second Annual Report and Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1855, volume 2 (Madison, 1856). Moses, John, Illinois, Historical and Statistical, comprising the Essen- tial Facts of its Planting and Growth as a Province, County, Terri- tory and State, 2 volumes (Chicago, 1889). Moses, John, and Joseph Kirkland, History of Chicago, Illinois (Chi- cago, 1895). BIBLIOGRAPHY 453 Neve, J. L., A Brief History of the Lutheran Church in America (Bur- lington, Iowa, 1916). Pease, Theodore C., The County Archives of the State of Illinois (Springfield, 1915) [Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library, volume 12]. Pooley, William V., Settlement of Illinois, 1830-1850 (Madison, 1908) [Reprinted from Bulletin of University of Wisconsin, history series, volume i]. Putnam, James W., Illinois and Michigan Canal. A study in economic history (Chicago, 1917) [Chicago Historical Society's Collection, volume 10], Quaife, Milo M., Chicago and the Old Northwest, 1673-1835. A study of the evolution of the northwestern frontier, together with a his- tory of Fort Dearborn (Chicago, 1913). Rice, James M., Peoria, City and County, Illinois; a Record of Settle- ment, Organization, Progress and Achievement (Chicago, 1912). Royce, Charles C., (ed.) Indian Land Cessions in the United States (Washington, 1899) [Bureau of American Ethnology, Eighteenth Annual Report, 1896-1897, part 2. In House Documents, volume 1 1 8, 56 congress, I session, document 736]. Salisbury, Herbert S., "The Mormon War in Hancock County," Illinois State Historical Society, Journal, volume 8. Savage, G. S. F., Pioneer Congregational Ministers in Illinois (Chicago). Smith, Joseph and Herman C., History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, 1836-1844, 1844-1872, volumes 2 and 3 (Laomi, Iowa, 1908). Stevens, Frank E., The Black Hawk War, including a Review of Black Hawk's Life (Chicago, 1903). Stevens, Wayne E., "The Shaw-Hanson Election Contest," Illinois State Historical Society, Journal, volume 7. Thompson, Charles M., The Illinois Whigs before 1846 (Urbana, 1915) [University of Illinois Studies in the Social Sciences, volume 4]. Thrapp, Russel F., "Early Religious Beginnings in Illinois," Illinois State Historical Society, Journal, volume 4. Thwaites, Reuben G., The Story of the Black Hawk War (Madison, 1892) [Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, volume 12]. Treat, Payson J., The National Land System, 1785-1820 (New York. 1910). Wisconsin Historical Collections, volumes I-I2 (Madison, 1855-1892). INDEX A. B. plot, 98, 99, 101, 102, 103 Adams, James, 149; gubernatorial can- didate, 145, 20611 Adams, Captain John G., i6$n Adams, John Quincy, 92, 240, 268, 289, 328, 364, 370, 380; charges against in campaign 1828, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122 ; Cook supported, 96, 107, 1 08, 111-112; Edwards lost favor with, 98-99; elected president, 115; influence of, in local politics, 123, 124, 127, 128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 139, 141, 145 ; one founder of whig party, 236; presidential chances of, 106 Adams county, 174, 203, 2o6n, 325, 369 Africa, 85, 87 Agriculture, 122; abundant crops, 400; among Mormons, 348, 349; Birk- beck's influence on, and founding of society, 15-17; Bond encouraged, 105; crops, 383; estimated output of farms, 207; extent, 6-7, 15; German influence on, 393 ; improvements in, 383-385; Irish undertake, 396; meth- ods of, and kind of land for, 179-181 ; products shipped to New Orleans, 52; Scandinavian interest in, 399; Scotch influence on, 398; slave labor and, 88-89 ; Turner's contribution to, 439 Alabama, 174-175 Albany, 190, 237, 254, 275 Albion, 82; Flower founded, 15; library at, 393n Alexander county, 89, 112 Alexander, General Milton K., 287; in Black Hawk War, 165, 167 Alexander, William M., 61 Allen, W. T., organized antislavery so- cieties, 371 Allen, William, 247; editor of Madi- sonian, 245 ; proposed for president, 329 Alsace, 423 Alton, 9, 84, 192, 198, 206, 209, 210, 340, 348, 375i 385, 386; all-Oregon meet- ing at, 328 ; anti-abolition resolutions passed at, 370; branch bank at, 305; commercial importance of, 189, 212, 221, 309-310, 387; Lovejoy killed in, 365-368; Peck edited paper in, 366; prohibition at, 426 ; proposed capital site at, 202, 203 ; school at, 22 ; Sun- day school established at, 29 Alton and Mt. Carmel railroad, see transportation Alton and Shawneetown railroad, see transportation Alton and Shelbyville railroad, see transportation Alton and Springfield railroad, see transportation Alton Seminary, see education Alton, Wabash, and Erie railroad, see transportation Ambrister, Robert C., 114 American Bottom, 5, 42 American Fur Company, 3 Amusements, 150, 410-413 Anderson, Richard C., 70 Anderson, Stinson H., 284 Andover, 399 Andrews, Eliza Julia, 14 Andrews, Bishop James Osgood, 376 Anti-Edwards faction, see politics Apple river, 165 Arbuthnot, Alexander, 114 Archer, William B., n6n, i42n Arkansas, 331 Armstrong, Fort, 3, 160, 161 Arnold, Benedict, 405 Arnold, Isaac N., 298, 301 Atkinson, General Henry, commanded forces against Black Hawk, 160, 161, 163, 165, 166, 167, 170-171 Atlantic Bank, see banking Atlantic ocean, 120, 219 Auplaine, 411 Axley, James, 25-26 Bachus and Fitch, 384 Backenstos, Jacob B., attempted to stop anti-Mormon riots, 356-357, 358, 359, 361 Bad Axe, battle at, 169-171 Bailhache, John, 338, 339 Baker, David J., 138 Baker, Edward D., 281, 286, 293, 296, 381, 401 Baldwin, Theron, 437, 438 455 456 INDEX Baltimore, n, 140, 240, 242, 253, 277, 329 335, 387, 388 Bancroft, George, 262 Banking, 261, 284; Atlantic Bank, 228; Bank of Cairo, 312; Bank of Ed- wardsville, 55-56, 92-93, 100-101 ; Bank of Illinois, 55, 56, 93, 224, 306, 308, 312, 313, 314, 318, 320, 322; Bank of Missouri, 54-55, 93; Bank of St. Louis, 56; Bank of United States, 52, 53-55, 242-244, 259, 260, 263, 271, 284, 304; career of new state bank, 303-315; Crawford's pol- icy, 53-55, 98, ioo, 102, 103; defeat of Edwards' policy, 126; democrats divided on policy, 245-249 ; Duncan's policy, 285; early attempts at, 52-69; Edwards faction interested in, 93 ; failure of, 400; issues on, in congres- sional campaign of 1834, 147-148; Jackson's policy, 242-244, 262; new constitution revived in charters, 409 ; State Bank, 56-62, 74, in, 131, 142, 145-146, 224, 242-244, 291, 303-315, 318, 320; State Bank of Indiana, 313 ; summary of, 68-69 Tyler's policy, 272-274; Van Buren's policy, 265- 266 ; whig attitude toward, 258. See currency and finance Baptist church, 369; attitude toward slavery, 81, 376 ; Kinney minister in, 130; organization and influence of, 26, 27-29 Baptists, attitude toward Sunday schools, 425; growth of, 415-416; school of, 434-435 Barbour, John S., 71 Bardstown, 422 Baring Brothers, 323 Barrett, Robert F., 229, 285, 309 Barton, David, 121, 123 Bath, 393n Beardstown, 160, 191, 206, 217 Beaubien, Mark, 423 Beaumont, George A. O., 230 Beecher, Edward, 437, 438, 439 Belleville, 213, 250, 276, 426; branch bank at, 305 ; center of German set- tlement, 392; chose Kinney guberna- torial candidate, 144; greets Mexican War veterans, 406 ; Jackson support- ers in, 117; library at, 393; market at, 385-386 Belleville railroad, see transportation Beloit, 192 Beloit College, see education Belvidere, 432 Bennett, James Gordon, 344 Bennett, John C., 345-347 Benton, Thomas Hart, 243, 264, 266, 276, 277; attacked Bank of Edwards- vi'Je, 92; Duncan supported, 127; in- terested in Oregon, 328 ; presidential candidate, 275 ; public lands policy, 121-123, 185-188; quoted, 11-12; sup- ported Crawford, 96 Berry, William, 82, 144, 294 Biddle, Nicholas, 83, 224 Birkbeck, Morris, 23 ; antislavery writ- ings of, 87-89; death of, 90-91; Eng- lish immigrant, 397; enterprise and influence of, 12-15; influences agri- culture, 15-17; urged to start anti- convention press, 82 Birney, James G., antislavery presi- dential candidate, 371, 441 Bishop Hill, 399 Bissell, William H., 295, 401, 402, 406 Blackburn, Gideon, 436 Blackburn University, see education Black Hawk, beaten for stealing, issn; first resistance of, 156-159; signed treaty of 1816, 154; war of, 159-172 Black Hawk War, 145, 159-172, 393, 422 Blackwell, David, 108 Blackwell, Robert, 82, 293 Blair, Francis, P., 245 Bloomington, 177, 210, 217 Bloomington and Mackinaw railroad, see transportation Bloomington and Pekin railroad, see transportation Bloomington, Wabash and Pekin rail- road, see transportation Blue Mounds, 170 Boggs, Lilburn W., 347-348 Boltonhouse prairie, 13 Bond, Benjamin, 238, 239 Bond, Shadrach, 16, 76n, 97, 104, 126; became Jackson supporter, 124; Cook defeated, 103 ; elected governor, 95 ; encouraged agriculture, 105 ; in canal corporation, 196 ; member of anti- Edwards faction, 94; reported on state finances, 68 Bond county, 29, 2o8n, 221, 232; agri- cultural society in, 16; Bible society in, 30; anti-conventionists organized in, 81; antislavery meeting in, 363; manufacturing company in, 8n ; set- tlement in, 3, 173 Booth, Louis M., 298 Borders, Andrew, 378 Boston, 310, 323, 355 Bourbonnais Grove, 423 INDEX 457 Brainard, Dr. Daniel, 414 Breese, Sidney, 119, 137, 249, 332; con- gressional aspirant, 127, 139; guber- natorial candidate, 250, 287-288 ; in- fluence on state history, 412; justice of supreme court, 283 ; policies of, 141; proposed Illinois Central, 207, 209; supported Reynolds, 132 British, see English Brochport, 384 Brockman, Thomas S., 361 Brooks, John F., 437 Brown', Erasmus, 196 Brown, Henry, 275 Brown, William H., forced out of In- telligencer, 82; influence on state history, 412 Browne, Thomas C, 141, 215, 279; con- firmed justice, 125; elected judge, 95; gubernatorial candidate, 76; justice, 35; member of Edwards fac- tion, 93 ; member of supreme court, 35; reflected to supreme court, 109 Browning, Orville H., 204, 220, 226, 285, 294, 347, 431 Brownsville, 59, 60, 61-62 Brute, Bishop Simon Gabriel, 423-424 Brutus, see Hall Buchanan, James, 275 Bucklin, James M., 199 Buena Vista, 338, 405 Buffalo, 191, 206 Bunsen, George, 392 Bureau county, 174, 369, 379 Burgess, Tristram, 259 Butler, Peter, 238 Butterfield, Justin, 321, 348 Cahokia, 8, 295, 433 Cairo, 9, 212, 220; bank chartered at, 55; commercial importance of, 218- 219. See banking Caldwell, Billy, 422 Caldwell, John, 55, 93 Caldwell, Samuel, 55 Caledonia, 219 Calhoun, John C, 92, 99, 120, 133, 134, 149, 204, 237, 239, 268, 275, 276, 301 ; Edwards supported, 96-97, 139; land policy of, 187, 336; Republican sup- ported, 98 ; seek Jackson's power, 138; Turner's attitude toward, 440; withdrew from presidential race, 105-106 Calhoun county, 3, 174 California, 337, 403 Calumet river, 198 Calvin, John, 25 Cambreleng, Churchill C., n6n Campbellites, 26, 341 Canada, 282, 337, 380 Canadians, Catholics, 423 Canal, see transportation Carlin, Thomas, 204, 226, 228, 290, 310, 313; appoints new secretary of state, 278; bank policy, 309; calls special session, 223 ; elected gover- nor, 250; farewell message of, 317; Irish immigrant, 396; ordered Smith arrested, 348; policy toward inter- nal improvements, 219, 224, 231 Carlinville, 270, 436 Carmi, 9, 84 Carpenter, Milton, 238, 239 Carpenter, Philo, 4200 Carroll county, 174, 176 Carrollton, Mississippi, and Springfield railroad, see transportation Carthage, 359; anti-Mormon meeting at > 35> 357! Smiths murdered in, 352 Cartwright, Peter, 149, 237; influence of, 25-26, 31; opposed Baptists, 28- 29; opposed Presbyterians, 417, 438; opposed Sunday school union, 425 ; school of, 433 Casey, Zadoc, 131, 147, 255, 294, 364; congressman, 284-285; financial pol- icy of, 245, 246, 247, 248; strength of, 249 Cass, Lewis, 157, 336, 375, 381; presi- dential candidate, 275 Catholics, 29, 261; colony of, 179; growth of, 422-424; schools of, 433 Caton, John D., 379 Cavarly, Alfred W., 116, 301, 324 Central Branch Wabash railroad, see transportation Cerro Gordo, 406 Champaign county, 330, 385 Champlain, Lake, 333 Charleston - Memphis railroad, see transportation Charleston railroad, see transporta- tion Chase, Philander, 376, 422, 436 Chicago, 194, 269, 270, 275, 282, 294, 298, 300, 312, 321, 329, 334, 340, 348, 3^1, 395, 42011; amusements in, 410; antislavery convention at, 372; branch bank at, 305, 309; growth and commercial importance of, 189, 190-191, 192, 203, 208, 209, 313, 385, 387-390, 411; Irish in, 396; land sales at, 175, 176, 177; number of Catholics in, 422-424; river and har- 458 INDEX bor convention at, 335; Rush Medi- cal College founded in, 414; sale of lots in, to pay for canal, 200-201 ; slaves aided in, 380; Swedish set- tlement in, 399 Chicago and Galena Union railroad, see transportation Chicago river, 194, 198 Chillicothe, 240 Chippewa, 159 Christian church, 27, 81, 421 Christian county, 178 Churchill, George, 78 Cilley, Jonathan, 276 Cincinnati, 355; 393^ 414 Clark county, 89, 405 Clark, Fort, 3, 26 Clark, George Rogers, 379 Clark, Nathaniel C., work of, 420 Clarke, R. Williams, 147 Clay, Henry, 92, 112, 118, 120, 123, 139, 140, 141, 142, 187, 237, 268, 276, 328, 333, 338, 339, 375, 380, 440; Edwards friendly toward, 124; following in whig party, 274; one founder of whig party, 236 ; presidential chances for, 106; public land policy of, 185- 186, 188; votes cast for, 107 Clay, Henry, Jr., killed in Mexican War, 406 Clay county, 5, 205, 218 Cleveland, 176 Clinton county, 3 Cobbett, William, 14 Coke, Sir Edward, 373 Coles, Edward, 62, 119, 141, 200, 208; bought Intelligencer for antislavery paper, 82; characterization and his- tory of, 75-76 ; congressional as- pirant, 127; distributed antislavery tracts, 82-83 ; effect of antislavery recommendations, 76-77 ; elected governor 1822, 76; in canal corpora- tion, 196; interested in salt works, 66; last years of political life, 90-91 ; quoted, 38, 40; senatorial candidate 1824, 124-125; vice president of ag- ricultural society, 16; violated slave law of 1819, 48 Coles county, 144, 324 Colleges, see education Collins, Frederick, 285, 371 Collins, Colonel James, 401 Columbia, 173 Commerce, Mormon settlement at, 344 Congregationalists, attitude toward slavery, 375 ; growth of and connec- tion with Presbyterians, 419-421; schools of, 436-439 Connecticut, 9, 27, 178, 179, 184, 344, 4*9, 43i Constitution, see government Cook, Chauncey, 371 Cook, Daniel Pope, 120, 124, 125, 128, i33n; attacks upon, 103-104, 107-108; canal policies of, 12, 195, 196-197; death of, 126; elected attorney-gen- eral, 95 ; member of Edwards fac- tion, 93 ; opinion on validity of Or- dinance of 1787, 71 ; opposed conven- tion, 90; opposed slavery, 72-73; reasons for defeat of, no, 111-113, 114; secured Edwards' appointment to Mexico, 99 ; successes of, 103 ; supported Adams and opposed Craw- ford, 96-98, 103 ; voted for Adams, 107 Cook, John, 72, 96 Cook county, 203, 230, 260, 281, 395, Covenanters, 29 Covington, 84 Cowles, Edward, 61 Crawford, William H., 92, 109, 115, 123, 124, 138, 139, 143; attacked in Illinois, 105 ; bank policy of, 53-55 ; Coles supported, 76; Edwards' con- troversy with, 96-103 ; presidential chances for, 106 ; votes cast for, 107 Crawford, Fort, 169 Cross, Mr., 379 Culture, advance of, 1830-1848, 410- 414; crime, 427-429; extent of in 1818, 7, 8, 17-31; in 1830, 150; laws touching upon social life, 44-47; of Belleville Germans, 392; religious influence on, 425-426; temperance, 23, 30, 426-427. See education and religion Cumberland Presbyterian church, 29 Cumberland road, see transportation Currency, condition of, 313, 314; early unstable, 9, 52-62; kind paid for land, 183, 187; kind paid for taxes, 62-63; lack of, 400; limited amount of gold and silver, 220; policy of democratic party toward, 242-245, 247; salines promoted circulation of, 74; school funds used to redeem State Bank notes, 67-68 ; whigs fa- vored paper, 266. See banking and finance Danville, i43n, 176, 206, 208, 210, 212, 305 INDEX 459 Darien, 337 Davenport, Colonel George, 174 Davidson, William H., 14211, 147, 286 Davis, George T. M., 302, 338 Davis, John, 323 Davis, S. H., 175 Dayton, 176 Dearborn, Fort, 3, 1710, 422n Decatur, 178, 206, 207, 210 Declaration of Independence, 86, 373 De Kalb county, 330 Delafield, John, 225, 228, 233 Delaware, 299 Dement, John, 140 Democratic party, see politics Desmoulin, Mr., had a school at Kas- kaskia, 22 DCS Plaines river, 3, 194-195, 198 Detroit, 424n Dickens, Charles, 413 Disciples of Christ, see Christians District of Columbia, 52, 364 Dixon, 161, 163, 177, 192 Dixon's Ferry, 174 Dodge, Major Henry, 165, 167 Doty, James Duane, 290 Douglas, Stephen A., 204, 246, 250, 253, 26in, 298, 299, 314, 335, 347, 348, 379 ; congressional nominee, 255 ; elected to congress, 294; internal improvement interests of, 331; in- ternal improvement proposals of, 212; justice of supreme court, 283; Mormons friendly to, 345; on Ore- gon question, 329; on Wilmot pro- viso, 381; power of, in party, 249; seeking favor, 247 Dover Academy, see education Downing, Jack, 260 Drayton, William, u6n Duden, Gottfried, 391 Duncan, James M., 108; attacked as cashier of bank, 61; influence of, 37 Duncan, Joseph, 61, 62, 133, 134, 140, 149, 187, 204, 215, 237, 238, 252, 255, 261, 283, 307; attitude toward Jack- son's banking policy, 244; candidate for governor 1833, 144-145; candi- date for governor 1842, 234-235, 285- 286, 289, 290-292; deserts Jackson, 143-147; elected governor, 146-147, 148; elected to congress, 107-108, in, 127-128, 139; in canal corporation, 196; influence of, 137; internal im- provement policy, 199, 200-201, 208, 219; opposed bank, 304; opposed Mormonism, 345; quoted, 258-259; supported Benton's bill, 121, 122 Dunkards, 29 Dunn, Charles, 139 Dutch, 275 Eagan, James F., 400 Early, Dr., 140 East India, 273 Eastman, Zebina, 371 Ebenezer, 22 Economic conditions, affected by immi- gration, 390; among Germans, 392- 393 ; among Mormons, 348 ; Birk- beck's opinion on, 88-89 conditions in 1818, 7-9; distress of, in 1820, 74; in England, 12; in English set- tlement, 13-15; in Germany, 391; in Ireland, 396; in northern settlements, 177, 178, 179-181, 189-193; in Swe- den, 399; in 1830, 150; of Scotch, 397; slavery and, 373. Eddy, Henry, 128, 147, 249, 256, 285; favored convention, 82, 90; Jackson elector, 106 ; proposed admission of slavery, 73-74 Eden, 375 Edgar county, 3, 89, 112, 223 Education, advance of medical, 414; Alton Seminary, 434; Beloit College, 420; Blackburn University, 436; Convent of the Ladies of Visitation, 433; discussion of, 22-23; Dover Academy, 420; early efforts at pub- lic, 429-432, 434; effect of Sunday schools upon, 30, 424-425; founding of denominational schools, 416-425 ; frontiersmen's attitude toward, 28 ; funds for and legislation affecting, 66-68; Galesburg Female Seminary, 420; Georgetown University, 434; growth of private schools, 432-439 ; Illinois College, 94, 203, 261, 417, 419, 434, 437-439; in Shawneetown, 8 ; Jacksonville Female Seminary, 420, 433; Jubilee College, 376, 422, 436; Knox College, 179, 420, 427; Lebanon Seminary, 435; McKendree College, 435-436; Menard Academy, 433; Monticello Female Seminary, 420, 438; Mormon school, 344; of blind and deaf, 432; Princeton Academy, 420; Reynolds promised fund for, 129; Rockford Female Seminary, 420; Rush Medical Col- lege, 414; Scandinavian interest in, 399; school fund, 196, 233, 318, 409; schools in Washington, 178; Shurt- leff College, 376, 416, 434-435; Uni- 460 INDEX versity of St. Mary's of the Lake, 424; Whipple Academy, 420 Edwards, Ninian, 54, 123, 141, 143, 144, 248, 278, 285; ambiguous party af- filiation 1828-1829, 124; appointed minister to Mexico, 99-100, 103; at- tacked Crawford, 96-103 ; attacks upon, 104-105; campaigned in 1826, 109-110; candidate for governor, 108; characterization of, 93, 112-113 ; condition in faction of, 137, 138; Cook son-in-law of, 93 ; defeated for congress 1832, 139; defeated for senate 1824, 125; description of fac- tion about, 92-94; elected governor, in; elected senator, 95; Hanson enemy of, 79; hostile to Crawford, 93; Indian policy of, 152; internal improvement policy, 120, 210, 212, 219; lack of influence of in 1828, 126; land of, in Military Tract, 175; land policy, 122, 185; opinion of, on Cook's defeat, in; opposed conven- tion, 90; policy of, toward bank, 60- 61 ; proslavery interests of, 73 ; quoted, 128; recommended Kinney governor of Huron territory, 138; refused to be candidate for gover- nor, 76; senatorial aspirant 1830, 133-134; strife between Thomas and, 95-98 ; supported cause of Missouri, 72; supported Johnson, 140; sup- ported Reynolds for governor, 128, 129, 131, 132-134; withdrew from Bank of Edwardsville, 55-56 Edwards, Mrs. Ninian, 47 Edwards county, 12 Edwards faction, see politics Edwards, Fort, 3 Edwardsville, Bank of, see banking Edwardsville, 29, 61, 73, 82, 84, 100, 145, 210, 415; antislavery society formed in, 80; Coles register of land office at, 76; Edward's land monop- oly in, 104; history of bank at, 55-60; Illinois Corrector printed at, 117; interest of Edwards faction in, 92; land office at, 4-5, 175, 176; library at, 393n; trade at, 9 Eells, Dr. Richard, 379 Effingham county, 288, 393n Egypt, 214, 218, 330 Elgin, 376 Elkhorn, 192 Elkin, G., 275 Ellis, John Milcot, 417, 437 Emancipating Brethren, 27 Emmet, John, 77 Emmett, James, 354 England, 19, 29, 36, 43, 268, 273, 323, 327, 374; and Oregon, 328; condi- tions in, leading to immigration, 12- 13, 397 Englemann, George, 392 English, 43, 154, 156, 157, 159, 162, 208, 244, 259n, 273, 322, 373, 388n, 391 ; comment on manners of Illi- noisians, 17; interested in canal pro- ject, 323; settlement of, 12-15, 397. See population English Prairie, 12-15, 32 Equality, 210, 218 Erie, Alton and Wabash railroad, see transportation Erie canal, see transportation Erie, Lake, 205, 206 Erie railroad, see transportation Ernst, Ferdinand, 393n Episcopalian church, attitude of bishop of, 376; established, 14; growth of, 421-422; school of, 436 Europe, u, 15, 20, 115, 200, 244, 266, 267, 39*. 392, 397, 440 Evans, James, 2o8n Everett, Edward, 116 Ewing, William, L. D., 5, 140, 2o6n, 246, 255, 303, 304, 308; suggested for governor, 144 Fairfield, 420 Farnham, Russell, 174 Fayette county, anti-conventionists or- ganized in, 81; freeholders in, 5; literary societies in, 21 ; proposed roads in, 42; voted against conven- tion, 90 Fellows, O. H., 285 Ficklin, Orlando B., 322, 329; elected to congress, 294; internal improve- ment interests of, 330, 331, 332, 333; on school system, 431; on Wilmot proviso, 381 Field, Abner, 61, 62 Field, Alexander Pope, 78, 80, 140, 14411, 195, 221, 247, 249; and life office issue, 278-279; congressional aspirant, 139; Jackson man, 124; supported Jackson, 116, 117 Finance, affected by slavery issue, 74, 86; and Illinois and Michigan canal, 225-231; and internal improvement scheme, 216-225; and railroads, 205- 214; and the canal, 195-201; attack on Crawford's policy toward, 98- 103; chaotic condition of, 232-234; condition of, 1830-1845, 303-315; INDEX 461 Crawford's policy, 53-55; Edwards attacked, in; Edwards' policy to- ward, defeated, 126 ; Ford's meas- ures concerning, 317-326; importance of western lands to, 183 ; provisions of general assemblies for, 56-57; 59- 61, 68-69; source of revenue, 62-68; subtreasury, 338; use of school funds, 66-69, 43 Fischer, Father Francis, 423 Fithian, William, 285, 324. Fitzmaurice, Father Charles, 423 Fleming, Robert K., 82, 132 Florid, 376 Florida, 331 Flower, George, English immigrant, 397; established English settlement, 12-15; feud between Birkbeck and, 14-15; sent freed Negroes to Haiti, 49 Flower, Richard, English immigrant, 397; interested in sheep, 385; inter- est of, in English settlement, 12-13; urged to start anti-convention press, 82 Foot, Samuel A., attitude toward pub- lic lands, 183-184 Ford, Thomas, 279, 285, 291, 295, 296, 297, 304, 305, 3i5, 348, 410; attacks upon, 299; bank policy of, 313-314; calls for volunteers, 400 ; elected gov- ernor, 292 ; influence on state history, 412; history of, 316; justice of su- preme court, 283 ; measures against Mormons, 352, 358, 361, 362; meas- ures concerning internal improve- ments, 317-326; Mormons voted for, 347; nominated for governor, 288- 290; on practice of hoarding pro- duce, 390; quoted, 385,429 Fordham, Elias Pym, 15, 19, 24 Forman, Colonel Ferris, 29411, 401, 402 Forquer, George, 122, I42n, 237, 316; advised against Edwards' senatorial ambitions in 1830, 134; altered canal bill, 201 ; attacked Edwards under name of "Tyro," IIO-IH, 112; be- came leader of Springfield clique, 149; canal proposal of, 1980; death of, 246; defeated for congress, 1828, 127-128 ; elected attorney-general, 129; established Jackson paper, 132; hostile to May, 246 ; method of man- aging a campaign, 136-137; pro- posed classification of public lands by, 127; railroad scheme, 206-207, 209 Forsythe, Thomas, 1530 Foster, Charles A., 351 Foster, Robert D., 351 Foster, William P., member of su- preme court, 35 Four Lakes, 167 Fox, see Sauk and Fox Fox river, 27, 197, 198, 375, 398, 420 Francis, Simeon, 178, 204, 300 Franklin, Benjamin, 20 Franklin county, voted for convention, 89 Freeman, Jonathan, Birkbeck wrote under name of, 87-88 Freeport, 192 French, 7, 267; Catholics, 422, 423; influence of, 5; slave rights of, 70, 77; slaves of, 49, 50, 379 French, Augustus C., 29411; elected governor, 301-302; nominated for governor, 325 Friends of Humanity, opposed slavery, 81 Fry, Colonel Jacob, 325; in Black Hawk War, 165 Fulton county, Son, 299; settlement in, 174, 178; taxation in, 64; voted against convention, 89 Gaines, General Edmund P., 158 Gale, George W., 436-437 Galena, 132, 189, 191, 192, 203, 209, 220, 270, 280, 423 ; branch bank at, 305; Catholic paper of, 29; commer- cial importance, 190; land sales in, 176; lead mines at, 152, 155, 308; mission opened at, 27; school at, 22. See Peoria Galena and Chicago Union railroad, see transportation Gales, Joseph, 98 Galesburg, settlement at, 179 Galesburg Female Seminary, see edu- cation Gallatin, Albert, 1420 Gallatin county, 50, 73, 94, 112, 212, 220, 287, 324; attitude toward slav- ery in, 85-86; settlement in, 2; voted for convention, 89 Gallatin saline, 84 Garrison, William Lloyd, 370, 372, 382 Gaston, G. T., 374 Gatewood, William J., 2O9n, 220, 234, 254 George IV, 20 Georgetown University, see education Germans, 26m; antagonism of, 394- 395; attitude toward new constitu- tion, 408 ; Catholics, 422, 423 ; ex- 462 INDEX tensive settlement of, 391-396; in Mexican War, 400; Lutherans, 424. See population German-Swiss, 392n. See population Germany, 391 Gillespie, Joseph, 130, 311 Gilman, Winthrop S., 305 Godfrey, Benjamin, 305 Godfrey, Gilman and Company, 304, 309-310, 368 Goldsmith, Oliver, 21 Goodell, William, 374 Gooding, William, 326 Government, description and discus- sion of, 33-51 ; German influence on, 393 ; legislation affecting finance, 52-69; the new constitution, 1847, 407-409. Grammar, John, 303 Grand Detour, 177 Grand Rapids, 42 Grant, Alexander F., 129, 132, 147 Gratiot, Fort, i7in Graves, William, 276 Graves-Cilley duel, 276 Great Britain, see England Great Lakes, see transportation Great Wabash river, 42, 213 Great Western Mail railroad, see transportation Green, Bowling, 238 Green, Duff, 122, 124, 133, 138, 299 Green, Peter, 205, 218 Greene county, 3, 30, 112, 173, 214, 218, 254 Greenup, William C., 138 Greenville, 30 Gregory XVI, Pope, 424 Gridley, Asahel, 311 Griggs, Manning, and Company, 189 Griggs, Weld and Company, 305, 309 Griggsville, 420 Grosvenor, Mason, 437 Gulf of Mexico, 331, 401 Hacker, John S., 140, 226, 249 Haiti, 49 Hall, James, 103, 131 Hamilton, Alexander, 183 Hamilton, William S., 196 Hamilton county, 47, 89 Hancock county, 203, 294, 325, 356, 357; settlement in, 174; Smith's de- scendants in, 3620 Hansen, Nicholas, deposed by Shaw, 78-80, 173 ; Warren enemy of, 82 Hanson, George H., 324 Hardin, John J., 301, 302, 311, 380, 402; colonel in Mexican War, 401; congressional candidate, 293, 294; killed in Mexican War, 406; sent to disperse Mormon plunderers, 357 Harkness, E., 220 Harlan, Justin, 294 Harris, John, 119 Harrison, William Henry, 48, 70, 278 ; death of, 271 ; elected president, 270; inaugural address of, 272; Mormons supported, 344; presidential cam- paign 1836, 236, 239-241; presiden- tial campaign 1840, 265-270; treaty of, with Sauk and Fox, 153 Hartford, 262 Havana, 393n Hayne, Robert, 185 Hedstrom, Jonas, 399 Hedstrom, Olaf, 399 Henderson, John, 294 Hendricks, William, 122 Hennepin, 174, 217, 370 Henry, John, 2O9n Henry, A. G., 286 Henry, General James D., guberna- torial candidate, 145 ; in Black Hawk War, 165-166, 167, 168, 170 Henry, John, 238, 242, 254 Henry county, settlement in, 174, 178, 179; Swedish settlement in, 399; temperance in, 426 Herndon, Archer G., 149, 275, 286, 289 Hicks, Stephen G., 281 Higbee, Chauncey L., 351 Higbee, Francis M., 351 Hilgard, Theodor, 392 Hill, Isaac, 275 Hill Prairie, 373, 375 Hillsboro, i43n, 213, 214, 221, 424 Hoge, Joseph P., 294, 329, 331; Mor- mons voted for, 347, 357; on Wil- mot proviso, 381 Hubbard, Adolphus, defeated for gov- ernor, ii i ; quoted on slave labor, 85-86 Hunt, Thomas, 238 Huron, 217 Huron, Lake, 206 Huron territory, 138 Illinois and Michigan canal, see trans- portation Illinois, Bank of, see banking Illinois Central railroad, see trans- portation Illinois College, see education INDEX 463 Illinois river, 26, 153, 173, 197, 205, 3*5i 376, 396; commercial impor- tance of, 12, 191; fur trade on, 3; immigration across, 152; improve- ment of, 175, 192, 194, 198, 206, 207, 208, 209n, 212, 331, 322; railroad on, 213; settlement south of, 177-178 Illiopolis, 204, 290, 291 Immigration, 53, 218, 233, 25611, 260, 26in; affected by land policy, 184- 185; English, 12-15; extent of for- eign, 386, 390-400; from eastern states, 178-179; general movement in state, 173-178; northern and southern movement of, 7 ; to Chicago, 388 Indenture, see slavery Independents, 29 Indiana, 14, 26, 71, 101, 196, 232, 332, 333; Chicago market for, 389; land sales in, 174-175 Indiana, State Bank of, see banking Indiana territory, 94 Indian creek, 165 Indians, 2, 32, 184, 264, 269; Black Hawk War, 158-172; Catholics, 422, 423; Jackson's policy toward, 115, 141, 142; location of in 1818, 3; re- moved from their lands, 172; settle- ment in lands of, 151-157, 173; Walker missionary to, 27; whigs' policy toward, 260 Ingersoll, Ralph I., n6n Ingham, Samuel D., favored Kinney, 133 Internal improvements, see transpor- tation Iowa, 327; Black Hawk ready to re- turn to, 162; hostile to Mormons, 352; Sauk removed to, 158, 159; Sauk return to, 171, 172 Ireland, 396, 423, 424 Irish, 391; Catholics, 422, 423; in Mexican War, 400; settlement of, 396-397; size of vote of, 260. See population Irvine, J., 224 Isacks, Jacob C., n6n Jackson, Andrew, 92, 109, 112, 187, 207, 208, 254, 264, 267, 270, 278, 284, 292, 3 2 7i 338; accused of deserting prin- ciples, 262; attitude toward internal improvements and tariff, 24in; bank policy, 242-245, 303, 308 ; characteri- zation of, 114-115, 262; Edwards supported, 139; elected president in 1828, 123; followers of, 236-247; founder of democratic party, 251- 252; Indian policy of, 1510, 152; in- fluence of in local politics, 124-135, *36 J 39 1 4> I 47~ I 49; issues in cam- paign 1828, 116-123; opposed Dun- can 1833, 144-145; party of, split into cliques, 138; policies of, 141-143; presidential chances for, 106; re- ceived plurality vote in 1825, 115; strength of, 188 ; Van Buren's al- leged influence over, 146; votes cast for, 107 Jackson county, 89, 219 Jacksonian democracy, see politics Jacksonville, 145, 20611, 256, 272, 419, 420, 438, 439; branch bank at, 305; proposed capital site, 202, 203, 204, 205 ; school for blind at, 432 ; teach- ers' convention at, 432 Jacksonville Female Seminary, see education Jansonists, see Swedes Jefferson, Thomas, 115, 119, 151, I53n, 1 60 Jefferson county, 89 Jenner, Elisha, 437 Jersey county, 369 Job, Archibald, 275 Jo Daviess county, 174, 290 Johnson, Richard M., 240 Johnson, James, connected with Bank of Edwardsville, 55; member of Ed- wards faction, 92 Johnson, Richard M., 147, 149, 26in; candidate for vice president, 139- 140, 240, 254; connected with Bank of Edwardsville, 55; member of Ed- wards faction, 92 ; presidential can- didate, 275-276 Johnson county, 89, 425 Joliet, 260, 396, 422 Jones, Michael, 55 Jubilee College, see education Kanawha, 66 Kane, Elias Kent, 34, 84, 96, 97, 123, 128, 133, 134, 139, 143, 144, 149, 279; became Jackson supporter, 124; char- acterization and history of, 94-95 ; Cook defeated, 103 ; defeated for congress on slavery issue, 93 ; de- feated McLean, 108; elected senator, 90; elected senator 1824, 124-125; favored Crawford, 106; influence of, 137; influence over McLean, 126-127; intersted in Jackson press, 117; mem- ber of anti-Edwards faction, 94; po- sition on tariff, 141 ; senatorial can- didate 1830, 137-138; sought align- 464 INDEX ment with Edwards, 138; supported Benton's bill, 121, 122; supported Duncan, 127 Kane county, 380 Kankakee river, 195 Kaskaskia, 2, 30, 57, 61, 82, 84, 419; bank chartered at, 55; land office at, 4; land sales in, 5, 176; Menard Academy at, 433; proposed as state capital, 50-51; school at, 22; stage line to, 10 Kaskaskia river, 3, 50, 210, 213 Kelley, James, 46 Kendall, Amos, 242 Kendall county, 380 Kent, Aratus, 22 Kentucky, 70, 88, 92, 253, 405, 421, 422, 429; circulation of bank notes from, 52; Edwards politician in, 93; stock in Bank of Edwardsville, 55 Keokuk, 155-156, 171 Kickapoo, 3 Kickapoo prairie, 176 Kimmel, Singleton H., Jackson man, 124, 132, 133 Kinney, William C., 59, 112, 123, 125, 126, 128, 139, 143, 147, J 48, 237, 247. 249, 250, 297, 298, 308, 402; became Jackson supporter, 124; candidate for governor 1833, 144, 145-146; characterization and history of, 130- 131; deserted Edwards faction, 94; favored Crawford, 106 ; guberna- torial campaign of 1830, 129, 130- 134; hostile to canal, i46n; influence of, 137; interested in Jackson press, 117; member of Edwards faction, 92; opinion on railroads, ^217; op- posed Sunday school union, 425; recommended governor of Huron territory, 138 ; relation of, with bank, 61; senatorial candidate 1824, 124- 125; supported Duncan, 127 Kinzie, John H., 422n Kirby, William, 437, 438 Kirtland, Ohio, Mormons in, 343 Kitchell, Joseph, 48, 97, 294; opposed State Bank, 57-58; senatorial candi- date, 124-125 Kitchell, Wickliffe, 57, 294 Knox county, 176, 203 ; college in, 437; settlement in, 174, 178; Swedish set- tlement in, 399 Knox Manual Labor College, see edu- cation Knoxville, 427 Koerner, Gustave, 250, 26in, 276, 295, 297, 378, 4oon, 402, 408 ; elected to legislature, 395; German immigrant, 392; leader of Germans, 393-395 Kopfli, 392n Koshkonong, Fort, 167 Koshkonong, Lake, 164, 166 Labor, Birkbeck's opinion on slavery and, 88-89; large number of Irish laborers, 396 ; need of slave labor, 73-74, 84-85; scarcity of, 15 Lacon, 173 Ladies of Visitation, Convent of, see education La Grange, 178 Lake county, 300, 330, 423 Land, see public lands Lane, Levin, 238 Lane, William, 218 Lane College, 438 Lanphier, Charles H., 299 La Salle, 212; Catholic schools in, 433 ; Irish settlement at, 396 La Salle county, Catholic mission in, 423; Germans in, 393n; Norwegian settlement in, 398 ; settlement in, 178 " Latin farmers," of Belleville, 392-393 Latter Day Saints, see Mormons Law, William, 351, 353 Law, Wilson, 351 Lawless, Luke Edward, 365 Lawrence, Abbott, 323 Leary, Albert G., 229, 231, 281, 301 Leavitt, David, 325 Lebanon Seminary, see education Lecompte, Joseph, n6n Leland, 399 Lemen, James, 28, 29, 416 Lemen, Moses, 415 Lexington, 414 Lilburne, John, 373 Lincoln, Abraham, 87, 221, 240, 267, 285, 286, 292, 293, 301, 311, 344; at- titude toward Mexican War, 404- 405 ; congressional candidate, 293 ; opinion on projected railroad, 205- 206 ; realizes advantage of party or- ganization, 250; voted against anti- abolition resolutions, 364 Lincoln-Douglas debates, 86 Linden Wood, 434 Linder, Usher F., 367, 368, 370 Linn, William J., 291, 300 Lisbon, 399 Little Fort, 300, 411 Little Wabash river, proposed canal on, 42; railroad on, 213 Livingston county, 330 INDEX 465 Lockwood, Samuel D., 126, 136, 137, 144, 215, 279, 280; defeated for sen- ate 1824, I2 5; justice, 35, 109, 125; opinion on slavery, 377-378 ; sena- torial candidate, 1822, 97; senatorial candidate 1828, 126 Logan, John A., 219, 406 Logan, Stephen T., 293 Logan county, 179 Logansport, 2O9n London, 220, 224, 225, 226, 261, 267, 274, 323 Long, Enoch, 368 Long, Major Stephen, 195 Long Grove, 420 Louisiana, 43, 197 Louisiana purchase, 403 Louisville, 10, 209 Louisville and Portland canal, see transportation Lovejoy, Elijah Parish, 418; anti- slavery activities of, 364-370; killed, 368 Lovejoy, Owen, 372, 373, 379 Lowell, 370, 371 Lower Alton, 213 Lundy, Benjamin, 370-371 Lutherans, 424 Lyman, Alvan, 178 Lyman, Amasa, 353 Lyman, Ezra, 178 Lyndon, 176 Lyons, 179 Macalister, Charles, 229, 231, 314, 321, 322, 324, 326 Mackinaw, 3, 178, 194, 2o6n Mackinaw and Bloomington railroad, see transportation Macomb, 174 Macon county, 203, 207 Macoupin county, 3, 207, 370 Madison, James, 75 Madison county, 47, 173, 207, 239, 4oon ; agricultural society in, 16; Coles sued on behalf of, 48 ; conventionists organized in, 81; German settlement in, 392; German-Swiss colony in, 392n ; Sunday schools in, 30 Magniac, Jardine and Company, 323 Magnolia, 173 Maine, 270, 328, 365 Maiden, 156, 157 Manufactures, difficulties of transport- ing, ii ; extent of, 8; issue of protec- tion of in 1828, 120; lack of, among Mormons, 348-349 ; Peoria's resources for, 203; relation of agriculture to, 105; Rush's views on, 121-122; slavery influenced output of, 89 March, Enoch C., 190 Marietta College, 438 Marion county, 5, 89 Marks, William, 354 Marshall, John, 55, 93, HI, 112, 312 Marshall county, 174 Mason county, 393n Masonry, 22 Massac county, 428-429 Massac, Fort, 332 Massachusetts, 27, i78n, 262, 323 Mather, Thomas, 65, 137, 139, i42n, 224, 304, 305 Maumee river, 195, 196, 424n Maury, Lieutenant, 329 Maxwell, George W. P., 246 May, William L., 138, 147, 148, 149, 237, 249, 250, 260, 286, 303 ; attempt to drive out of democratic party, 246-248 ; congressional nomination of, 255; financial policy of, 245-246 McClernand, John A., 281, 282, 299, 314, 321, 329; elected to congress, 294; internal improvement interests or > 33. 33 1 * 33 2 333. n Wilmot proviso, 381 ; sued for office of secre- tary of state, 279 McConnell, Murray, 301 McCormick, Andrew, 364 McCormick, Cyrus, 384 McDonough, 270 McDonough county, 203, 357 McDougall, James A., 294 McDuffie, George E., n McFatridge, William, 61, 78 McKee, William R., 406 McKendree, Bishop William, 436 McKendree College, see education McLaughlin, Robert K., 108, 144, 145 McLean, John, 96, 97, 123, 126, 129, 140; became Jackson supporter, 124; connected with Bank of Illinois, 55; Cook defeated, 103 ; Cook succeeded, 71; death of, 137; defeated by Kane, 108 ; elected representative, 95; elected senator 1828, 127; favored Crawford, 106 ; first representative, 70; Jackson man, 132; member of anti-Edwards faction, 94; opposed State Bank of 1821, 58; senatorial candidate 1824, 124-125; voted for Missouri compromise, 72, 73 McLean county, 330 McLeod, Alexander, 328 McMahon, Father, 423 INDEX McRoberts, Samuel, 48, 129, 132, 140, 246, 249, 250, 282, 289 Memphis, 331 Memphis - Charleston railroad, see transportation Menard, Pierre, 5, 148, 434 Menard Academy, see education Menard county, 406 Mendon, 357 Menominee, 159, 160, 169 Meredith, Samuel C., 132 Meredosia, 212, 290 Methodist church, 29, 131, 399; atti- tude toward slavery, 81, 375-376; growth of, 414-415, 417; organiza- tion and influence of, 23-27; school of, 435-436 Mexico, Edwards appointed minister to, 99, 103 Mexican War, 299, 327, 337, 338, 381, 400-406 Michigan, 165, 174-175, 191 Michigan City, 291 Michigan, Lake, 194, 201, 206, 331 Military Bounty tract, 5, 214, 238, 255, 2 94 334> 426, 44 5 Hansen and Shaw from, 78 ; Indians in, 3 ; Mor- mons in, 340; settlement in, 173-174; size of claim in, 182; speculation in, 175-176; taxation in, 64 Miller, 399 Mills, Benjamin, 147 Mining, lead, 92, 152, 155, 190, 308, 310, 357 Minor, Gideon, 364 Mission, 399 Mission Institute, 372 Mississippi, 174-175, 186, 197 Mississippi and Wabash railroad, see transportation Mississippi and Wabash Union rail- road, see transportation Mississippi river, 5, 26, 129, 151, 153, 166, 169, 170, i72n, 175, 203, 359, 401, 417, 42411, 433; Black Hawk willing to cross, 162, 169; commercial im- portance of, 6, n, 52, 105, 191, 192, 195, 205, 206, 209, 210, 218, 219, 220, 310, 333; Fox lived on, 154; German immigration to, 391, 392; Indian re- moval across, 152, 156, 157, 158, 171; settlement along, 2-3 Mississippi, Springfield and Carrollton, see transportation Missouri, 26, 30, 81, 96, 121, 185, 328, 380, 434, 436; Coles held slaves in, 76; connection of slavery with ad- mission of, 70, 71, 72, 73 ; Germans settled in, 391, 392; land cessions in, 153; land sales in, 174; Lovejoy ad- vocated antislavery society in, 367 ; Mormons driven from, 343, 345, 347- 348, 350, 352 Missouri, Bank of, see banking Missouri compromise, see Missouri Missouri river, 356 Mitchell, James C. (of Tennessee), n6n Mitchell, Thomas R. (of South Caro : lina), n6n Mitchell, Dr. J. W. S., 385 Monmouth, 174, 176, 192, 427 Monroe, James, 95, 99, 119, 1510 Monroe county, 80, 400 Monroe Doctrine, 105 Montgomery county, 81, 90, 232 Monticello Female Seminary, see edu- cation Moore, James B., 345 Moore, James H., 76 Moore, John, 287 Moore, Risdon, 77 Morgan, James D., 406 Morgan county, 30, 80, 89, 112, 173, 202, 203, 214, 255 Mormons, 288 ; Bennett's charges against, 345-347 ; doctrine of, 341 ; English converts of, 397n; hostility toward, 350, 351-352; remove to Utah, 362; Smith leader of, 341-343; split in church of, 351; Turner op- posed, 440; war upon, 355-361; Young becomes leader of, 353-355 Morris, Isaac N., 233 Morris, William, 413 Morris, 399 Mt. Auburn, 178 Mt. Carmel, 289, 305 Mt. Carmel and Alton railroad, set transportation Mt. Vernon, 218 Murphy, John H., 364 Murphy, Richard, 229, 231, 301 Naperville, 420 Naples, 191 Nattestad, Ansted, 398 Nauvoo, 192, 440; anti-Mormons marched on, 360, 361; English at, 397; growth of, 348-350; militia guard in, 358; Mormon settlement at, 340-362; secession in, 351 Newberry, Oliver, 190 Newberry, Walter, 270 Newby, Colonel W. B., 401 INDEX 467 New England, 22, 185, 189, 309, 323, 365, 366, 369, 390, 4con, 419, 420, 431, 438, 439; circulation of bank notes from, 52; immigration from, 178; Mormon converts from, 342; status of Yankees from, 18 New Hampshire, 178 New Harmony, 9, 14 New Haven, 418, 419 New Mexico, 403 New Orleans, 49 ; commercial impor- tance of, ii-i2, 89, 120, 190, 191, 195, 197, 209, 306, 387; importance of, in state finance, 52-53 ; Jackson exe- cuted militiamen at, 119-120 Newspapers, i, 17, 92, 147; advertise- ments in, 189-190; alignment in presidential campaign of 1836, 237, 239 ; alignment on bank policies, 244- 246, 248 ; attack on Crawford in, 98 ; attitude toward internal improve- ment scheme, 223 ; attitude toward Lincoln, 405 ; attitude toward Steph- enson, 249-250; bank's influence over, 259 ; contents and circulation of, 20-21; discuss canal project, 195; discuss new constitution, 407-408, 409; discuss repudiation, 232; dis- cuss tariff question, 120; discuss tariff, 141 ; economic conditions re- vealed by, 8-9; enthusiasm for Jack- son in, 117-118; fight against Regis- ter, 298; Germans established, 393, 394; in congressional election of 1844, 296; influence of, in elections, 256; influence of, in gubernatorial election 1830, 131-132; influence of, on slavery and convention issue, 73, 74-75, .80, 81, 82, 84-85, 86; issue of canal in, 230-231; Jackson press es- tablished, 117; on slavery issue, 363- 364, 367-368, 370, 371, 381, 382; pro- posals of, for rehabilitation, 233-234; Reynolds' policy announced in, 134; support of, for Duncan, 144-148; Turner's, 439-441; type of, 411-413 New York, 34, 36, 38, 43, 52, 70, 71, 94, Il8, 178, 179, 196, 198, 213, 220, 233, 239, 241, 275, 333, 340, 342 New York and Erie railroad, see trans- portation New York City, 190, 191, 224, 225, 366, 388, 398, 399, 436 Noble, James, 101 North Bend, 268 Northern Cross railroad, see transpor- tation Northwest ordinance, see Ordinance of 1787 Northwest Territory, 269 Norway, Illinois, Norwegian settle- ment in, 399 Norway, religious persecution in, 398 Norwegians, Lutherans, 424; settle- ment of, 398-399. See population Oakley, Charles, 224, 225, 322, 325 Ogden, William B., 230 Ogle, Charles, 267 Ogle, Jacob, advocated suffrage for Negroes, 49 Ogle county, 290 Oglesby, Richard J., 406 Ohio, 70, 71, 173, 196, 329, 421 ; circu- lation of bank notes from, 52 ; immi- gration from, 178 ; land sales in, 174- 175; Mormons in, 343 Ohio river, 75, 196, 428; commercial importance of, 6, 10-11, 2o6n, 207, 212, 217, 219, 330, 331, 387; Cook suggested improvement of, 105 ; set- tlement along, 2 Old Colony Brotherhood, i78n O'Meara, Father Bernard, 423n Oquawka, 192, 427 O'Rear, William, 214 Ordinance of 1787, discussion over slavery provisions in, 70, 71, 76-77, 86, 377, 378 Oregon, 177, 192, 277; boundary, 327- 33, 334, 336, 338; possible Mormon location in, 356 Ottawa, 159, 177, 191, 192, 201, 209, 254, 389, .399, 400 Overton, Richard, 373 Pacific ocean, 184 Palestine, 5, 84, 176, 208, 386 Palmer, Dent, and McKillop, 274 Palmer, J. Horsley, 274 Palmyra, 59, 60 Palmyra, New York, 340 Paris, 208 Parker, Daniel, 28 Paullin, Parven, 364 Paul, Rene, 196 Payne, General Duval, 55 Pearson, John, 229, 230, 231 Pecatonica river, 165, 192 Peck, Ebenezer, 230, 231, 275, 278, 301, 310, 314, 316; elected justice of su- preme court, 283 ; favored conven- tion system, 254; history of, 282-283; representative, 229 468 INDEX Peck, John Mason, accused of anti-con- vention support, 82 ; activity and in- fluence of, 27-28, 31; authorized to write history of state, 412 ; Baptist leader, 415, 416; disliked Lovejoy, 366, 368-369; quoted, 90; seminary of, 22, 434; societies founded by, 30 Peerson, Kleng, 398 Pekin, 191 Pekin and Bloomington railroad, see transportation Pekin and Tremont railroad, see trans- portation Pekin, Bloomington, and Wabash rail- road, see transportation Pennsylvania, 52 Pennsylvania Dutch, 391 Peoria, 3, 191, 217, 247, 255, 302, 383, 389, 419; Catholics in, 423; Irish in, 396; laid out, 173; mission at, 26; proposed capital site at, 202, 203, 204; Scientific and Historical Soci- ety at, 412 ; temperance in, 426, 427 Peoria county, 176, 203, 430, 436 Peoria-Galena trail, 174 Peoria, Wabash and Warsaw railroad, see transportation Perry, 393n Peru, 191, 396 Philadelphia, 175 ; antislavery tracts from, 83; Peck studied in, 27; trade with, 9, ii, 53, 306, 387, 388 Phillips, Joseph B., elected judge, 95; member of anti-Edwards faction, 94; member of supreme court, 35; pro- slavery candidate for governor, 74- 75, 76 Pickett, William, 361 Pike county, 78, 173 ; Germans in, 393n; settlement in, 174; taxation in, 64; voted against convention, 89 Pittsburg, ii, 53, 75, 191, 205, 353, 355 Pleasant Plains, 433 Poe, Edgar Allan, 413 Poinsett, Joel R., 266 Politics, i ; alignments in gubernatorial election 1830, 128-135; alignment of factions in senatorial election 1824, 124-126 ; alignment of factions for senatorial election 1828, 126-127; alignment of factions in congression- al election 1828, 127-128; amendment to change method of presidential vot- ing, 115-116; and internal improve- ments, 198, 201, 205, 212, 215, 216- 224; and Mexican War, 337-338, 402, 403-404; and new bank, 303, 305, 307-308, 310-312, 313-315; and re- moval of capital to Springfield, 201- 205 ; beginnings of whig and demo- cratic parties, 136, 137, 140-143; canal issue in 1834, 198-202; canal issue in 1840-1841, 229-231; congres- sional elections 1834, 147-149; con- gressional elections 1841, 284-285; congressional elections 1843 and 1844, 293-297; convention struggle of 1823 due to slavery issue, 77-91 ; de- mand for repudiation, 232-233 ; demo- crats seek German vote, 394-395; de- scription and members of anti-Ed- wards faction, 92, 94-95 ; description and members of Edwards faction, 92- 94; discussion of whig and demo- cratic parties, 256-264; disintegration of faction 1830-1834, 137-149; dissat- isfaction in whig ranks, 271-274; elections in 1818, 95; existence of two factions, 92 ; factions not united on convention measure, 90; fear of canal controlling, 197; gubernatorial election 1822, 74-76; gubernatorial election 1834, 143-147; gubernatorial election 1838, 249-250; gubernatorial campaign 1841, 285-293; guberna- torial campaign 1846, 301 ; influence of factions in local elections, 107- 113; influence of Illinois factions in presidential campaign 1824, 97-107; influence of Jacksonian democracy in local elections, 114-135; interest in, in 1830, 150; Irish interest in, 396; issue over alien vote, 26o-26in, 279- 282; Jackson's campaign 1828, 116- 123; judiciary bill, 280-283; Koerner German leader in, 393-394; lack of interest in public lands, 336; life office issue, 278-279; Mormon strength in, 343, 344-345, 346, 347, 351, 356, 359, 361-362; organization of democratic party and convention system, 251-256; parties bicker over new constitution, 407-408 ; party alignment in presidential election 1832, 139-140; party feeling over river and harbor bill, 330-336; presi- dential election 1840, 265-270; presi- dential election 1844, 275-277; presi- dential election 1848, 336, 338-339; resume of factional alignment 1818- 1834, 136; senatorial election 1830, 137-138; senatorial election 1832, 139; situation at beginning of guber- natorial campaign 1842, 233-235; slavery issue and, 371-372, 374-375, 380-382; slavery issue in congres- INDEX 469 sional election 1820, 70-74; split in democratic party on Texas and Ore- gon question, 327-330; Springfield clique, 237, 246, 283, 286, 295, 296, 297, 298, 301, 302; success of conven- tion system of democratic party, 249- 250; tariff begins to figure in, 105; Turner's views on, 440-441 ; war upon Walters and Wentworth, 298- 301 ; whigs and democrats divide on land policy, 183-188; whigs and democrats in election 1836, 236-242; whig opposition to Ford's canal measures, 321-326 Polk, James K., n6n, 298, 336, 337, 404; administration, 327, 329, 330, 33 2 335! elected, 277; nominated president, 275-277; vetoed river and harbor bill, 333-334 Pond Prairie, 420 Pope, Nathaniel, 99, 108, 136, 148, 348; active member of Edwards faction, 92, 93 ; Browne chosen candidate by, 76; defeated for senate 1824, 125; proposed Reynolds as opponent to Thomas, 97; senatorial candidate in 1828, 126 Pope county, 89, 112, 428, 429 Population, 197; affected by immigra- tion, 390-400; description of, 6-7; effect of land legislation upon, 3-5; English, 397; from 183010 1840, 383; Galena, 190; growth of, 173-179, 188-193; in English settlement, 15; Irish, 396; number in 1830, 152; number of Germans, 393 ; Scandi- navian, 399; Scotch, 397; size and location of in 1818, 2-3; consult dif- ferent nationalities Potawatomi, 159, 162, 164; Catholic chiefs of, 422 ; location of, 3 ; Walker missionary to, 27 Portland, 176 Portland and Louisville canal, see transportation Posey, General Alexander, 165 Post, Justus, 196 Postville, 179 Prairie du Chien, 159, 169 Pratt, Orson, 346 Prentice, Charles, 274, 275 Prentiss, Benjamin, 406 Presbyterian church, 26, 29, 261 ; atti- tude toward slavery, 363, 375; growth of and connection with Con- gregationalists, 419-420; Lovejoy member of, 365; schools of, 436-439 Princeton, 370, 4i8n Princeton Academy, see education Princeton Theological Seminary, 365 Prophetstown, 161 Protestants, 261 Public lands, amount of sale of, 174- 179; Benton's policy toward, 121-123, 127, 185-188, 264; Calhoun's policy toward, 187, 336; Clay's policy toward, 186-187, 2 *>8 ; Crawford's policy toward, 53-54, 56, 98; Ed- wards' policy toward, 104, 133-134, 141, 185; Harrison's attitude toward, 239, 269; Jackson's policy toward, 188, 243-244, 264; Lincoln's sugges- tion for unsold, 221 ; measures con- cerning 1841-1848, 336-337; method of sale of, 3-5, 180-184, 320-321; price of, 74, 88, 179, 182; Reynolds' policy toward, 276; speculation, 50- 51, 53, 69, 104, 134, 173, 174-179, 186, 187, 188, 192, 194, 201-102, 244; Tyler's policy toward 272; Van Buren's policy toward, 187-188, 241, 276 ; whig's policy toward, 260 Pulaski county, 297 Putnam county, 174, 203, 369 Quakers, antislavery tracts from, 83 ; settlement of Norwegian, 398 Quarter, Bishop William, of Chicago, 423n, 424 Quash-quame, i54n Queen Anne's War, 184 Quincy, 189, 206, 209, 210, 212, 250, 352, 361, 372, 376, 379, 420; anti-Mormon meeting at, 357; branch bank at, 305 ; Catholics in, 423 ; land sales at, 175, 176 Railroads, see transportation Raith, Julius C., 400 Ralston, James H., 285, 314 Randolph, John, 118 Randolph county, 89, 373, 378 Rapp, Frederick, 9, 14 Rattan, Thomas, 78 Rawlings, M. M., 225 Reeve's Bluff, 51 Religion, 2; antislavery influence of clergy, 81-82; discussion of, 23-31; growth of denominations 1830-1848, 414-425; in English settlement, 14; influence of, 425-426; Mormon sect, 340-361 ; persecution of Norwegian Quakers, 398; politics and, 261; Turner's, 441 ; consult various de- nominations Revolutions, the, 20, 1831, 269, 342, 373 Reynolds, John, 62, 112, 126, 144, 225, 470 INDEX 228, 246, 247, 249, 250, 275, 276, 278, 287, 288, 304, 308, 402 ; approved an- nexation of Texas, 327; boosted Belleville, 386; characterization and history of, 128, 129-130; congress- man, 284; defeated as justice, 125; elected governor, 134; elected to con- gress, 147, 148 ; gubernatorial can- didate 1830, 128-135; influence of, 137; influence on state history, 412; Irish immigrant, 396; member of supreme court, 35; policies of, in con- gressional race 1834, 147-149; politi- cal overthrow of, 295, 296-297 ; pro- posed as gubernatorial candidate 1822, 76; proposed as opponent to Thomas, 97, 98 ; raised army for In- dian campaign, 158, 160, 164, 167; supported Duncan, 127; supported Johnson, 140 Reynolds, Thomas, 116, 125; member of supreme court, 35 Rhett, R. Barnwell, 333 Richardson, William A., 287, 299 Rigdon, Nancy, 346 Rigdon, Sidney, 346, 355; arrested, 347; attempted to become Mormon leader, 353, 354; connection with Mormonism, 341 Riggs, Romulus, 175 Ritchie, Thomas, 335 Roberts, Benjamin, 2080 Roberts, John S., 299 Robins Nest, 436 Robinson, Alexander, 422 Robinson, John M., 286; elected to supreme court, 283 ; financial policy of, 245; senatorial aspirant, 138; supported Johnson, i4on Rockford, 192 Rockford Female Seminary, see edu- cation Rock Island, 3, 154, 156, i72n, 174, 217, 353 Rock Island county, 174 Rock river, 161, 192, 325, 376; rail- road on, 213; sale of land about, 176-177; Sauk and Fox on, 3, 154, 158, 160, 164, 166, 172 Rock Spring, 22, 434 Rockwell, Orrin P., 348 Rockwell, 178 Rocky Mountains, 184 Rome, 423, 441 Rosati, Bishop, 422, 423, 4240 Ross, Lewis W., 299 Rowan, Stephen R., 275, 284 Ruggles, Benjamin, 71 Rush, Richard, 121 Rush Medical College, see education Rushville, 174, 192, 202, 206 Rushville railroad, see transportation Russell, John, 29 Russia, 75 Rutland, 399 Ryan, Michael, 322, 323, 325 Rynning, Ole, 398 Salem, 411 Saline, see salt works Saline creek, 42 Salt works, need of slave labor in, 73- 74, 84-85, 88 ; revenue from, 62, 65- 66, 68 ; Reynolds' proposed policy toward, 131; settlement near, 2 Salu, 22 Sangamon county, 42, 104, 149, 202, 203, 207, 212, 214, 217, 223, 238, 255, 2 94 379. .419; Catholics in, 423; op- position in, to Baptists, 28 ; settle- ment in, 5, 173, 178; secured loca- tion of capital, 204-205 ; Sunday school in, 30; voted against conven- tion, 89 Sangamon river, 42, 173 Santa Anna, 337 Sauk and Fox, 174; aggression into land of, 155-157; Black Hawk War, 159-172; land treaties with, 152-154; location of, 3 ; move across Missis- sippi, 158; return to Illinois, 159 Saunders, Romulus M., n6n Savanna, 176, 192 Scales, Judge Walter B., 283, 301, 378, 379 Schaeffer, Father Bernard, 423n Schools, see education Schuyler county, 174, 203, 2o6n, 357, 419 Scotch, 391, 397. See population Scotch-Irish, 391. See population Scott, John, 72 Scott, General Winfield, in Black Hawk War, 165, 171-172, 339 Scott county, 232, 287 Seaton, William W., 98 Seminole War, 114-115 Semple, James, 328 ; attitude toward banks, 307; elected to supreme court, 283 Sexton, Orval, 324 Shabonee, 162 Shaw, John, 78, 82, 173 Shawneetown, 30, 57, 58, 123, 147, 148, 248, 334; communication with, 3, 9, 10, u, 209, 210, 219; culture in, INDEX 19, 23 ; economic conditions in, 7-8 ; history of bank at, 55, 56, 59, 60; kidnapping of slaves in, 48, 49, 379; land office at, 4; land sales in, 5, 176; salt works at, 66. See Bank of Illinois Shawneetown and Alton railroad, see transportation Shelby county, 207, 287 Shelbyville, 214 Shelbyville and Alton railroad, see transportation Shields, James, 250, 276, 295, 308, 379, 396, 406 Shoal creek, 30, 363 Shurtleff, Dr. Benjamin, 435 Shurtleff College, see education Singleton, James W., 360 Skinner, Mark, 298 Slade, Charles, 144; elected to congress 1832, 139; policies of, in congres- sional race 1834, 147-148 Slavery, 105, 240, 265, 268; antislavery argument, 373 ; attitude of new con- stitution toward, 409; Birkbeck's at- titude toward, 12, 15; Chase's atti- tude toward, 422 ; churches' attitude toward, 363, 375-376, 416, 418-421, 435 ; Coles' recommendations against, 76-77; connection of, with Mexican War, 402; contest affected canal bill, 77; court decisions on status of, 377- 380; convention struggle over consti- tutional article on, 77-91 ; democratic party beginning to be split by, 327, 336; Eddy's proposal to admit, 73- 74; German attitude toward, 392; influence of, in congressional elec- tions, 70-73 ; issue of, in election for governor in 1822, 75-77; issue of, in local politics, 371-372, 380-381; issue of, on parties, 374-375, 380-382; Kinney supposed to support, 131; laws and practices affecting, 47-50; Lovejoy's press against, 364-370; money loaned for press to advocate, 59; newspapers published against, 370-371 ; politics and, 70-91 ; rela- tion of, to tariff, 121 ; Smith preached against, 343; tax collected on slaves, 64; Turner's attitude toward, 440- 441 Sloo, Thomas, defeated for governor, in; opponent of Edwards, 109; senatorial candidate, 124-125 Smith, George, 313 Smith, Hyrum, 342, 346, 352, 353, 354 Smith, Joseph, 440; arrested on Mis- souri warrant, 347-348, 350; descen- dants of, live in Illinois, 362n; founder and leader of Mormonism, 340-343, 346, 353, 354; Mormon charges against, 351; murdered in Carthage, 352; presidential candi- date, 351 Smith, Robert, 329 ; elected to congress, 2 95, 2 96, 297; internal improvement interests of, 330, 331; on Wilmot proviso, 381 Smith, Theophilus W., 123, 128, 144, 215, 278, 279, 304, 305, 310, 311; be- came Jackson supporter, 124; candi- date for senate 1828, 126; deserted Edwards faction, 94; elected justice, 125; interested in Jackson press, 117; interested in railroad, 208; justice of supreme court, 35 ; member of Ed- wards faction, 92 ; opinion on alien vote, 280, 281-282; opinion on slav- ery, 378; relation of with bank, 6r; resigned from supreme court, 282; senatorial aspirant 1830, 137-138; supported Duncan, 127; unable to gain Warren's support, 82 Smith, William, attempted to become Mormon leader, 354-355 Smith, Fort, 331 Snyder, Adam W., i42n, 249, 345 ; death of, 287; financial policy of, 245, 246, 247, 248 ; gubernatorial candidate 1838, 250; managed card- ing machine, 8 ; nominated for gov- ernor, 286-289; policies of in con- gressional race 1834, I 47" I 48; pre- sented bill for reorganization of the judiciary, 280 Society, see culture South America, 20, 115, 118 South Carolina, n6n Southern Cross railroad, see transpor- tation Sparta, 375 Spaulding, Solomon, 341 Speculation, see public lands Speed, Joshua Fry, 286 Springfield, 30, i2on, 132, 138, 149, 177, 191, 206, 207, 209, 210, 250, 269, 282, 303, 318; Baker elected to congress from, 293, 294; Catholics in, 423; constitutional convention met in, 407; greets Mexican War heroes, 406; head office of bank at, 305 ; land sales in, 5, 175, 176; made state cap- ital, 204; proposed capital site, 202, 203 ; stage line to, 10 472 INDEX Springfield-Alton railroad, see trans- portation Springfield clique, see politics Springfield, Mississippi and Carrollton railroad, see transportation Spring, Giles, 294 Stark county, 174, 4000 State Bank, see banking St Charles, 367 St. Clair county, 89, 329, 402, 431; anti-conventionists organized in, 81 ; antislavery society formed in, 80; Germans in, 392, 400; Sunday schools in, 30 St. Cyr, Irenaeus Mary, priest sent to Chicago, 423 Stebbins, Henry, 229, 231, 314, 321, 322, 324, 326 Stephenson, Benjamin, controversy over letter from, 100-101, 102, 103 ; member of Edwards faction, 92; president of Bank of Edwardsville, 56 Stephenson, James W., became a demo- crat, 140; candidate for governor, 249 Stephenson county, 290 Stephenson, Fort, 107 Sterne, Laurence, 21 Stevenson, n6n Stewart, Alvan, 373 Stewart, William M., antislavery pro- test of, 363 ; founded American Tract Society, 30 Stillman, Major Isaiah, in Black Hawk War, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165 St. Joseph river, 195 St. Louis, 2, 92, 152, 299, 393n, 422, 423, 424n, 433, 434; antislavery tracts for- warded from, 83 ; commercial im- portance of, 9, 189, 190, 191, 192, 203, 212, 309, 310, 313, 333, 386, 387; Lovejoy advocated antislavery soci- ety in, 367; Lovejoy edited paper in, 365; Peck located in, 27; stage line to, 10; stock in Bank of Edwards- ville, 55 St. Mary, 420 St. Mary's of the Lake, University of, see education Storrs, Henry Randolph, n6n St. Palais, Father Maurice, 4230 Strang, James J., 353 Strassburg, 423 Street, Joseph M., 106, 123, 126 Stone, Dan, 240, 364 Stuart, John T., 26in; congressman, 285; Mormons voted for, 344 Sturgis, William, 323 Sturtevant, Julian M., 437, 438, 439 Sunday School Union, formation of, 30 Suppiger, 392n Swedes, Lutherans, 424; settlement of, 399. See population Swift, Jonathan, 87 Swift, Captain William H., 323 Swiss-German, 392 Sycamore creek, 162 Tallmadge, James, 70, 71 Tammany Hall, 261 Tariff, 263, 265, 273, 274, 334, 338, 374; agitation of, in 1828, 120-121, 122-123 ; Breese supported, 141 ; dis- cussion of, 105 ; Jackson's policy toward, 142, 24111, 262; whig atti- tude toward, 258 Taylor, Edmund D., 149 Taylor, Nathaniel W., 438 Taylor, Zachary, 381; commends 1115- noisians' services, 405-406 ; nomi- nated for president, 338-339 Tazewell, Littleton W., 122 Tazewell county, 5, 178, 180, 203, 430 Tecumseh, 240 Tennessee, 52, 115, u6n, 130, 236, 241 Tennessee river, 332 Terre Haute, 192, 209 Teutopolis, 393n Texas, 300, 331, 380, 401, 404; annexa- tion of, 275, 277, 327, 328, 329, 336, 372; possible Mormon location in, 356 Thames, 240 Thomas, Jesse B., 79, 125, 126; ap- pointed on committee on public lands, 99; elected senator, 95; member of anti-Edwards faction, 94; set up carding machine, 8 ; strife between Edwards and, 95-98; supported cause of Missouri, 72 ; supported Crawford, 96 Thomas, William, 256 Thompson, S. H., 29 Thornton, William F., 229, 230, 233, 285, 286 Throckmorton, John, 169 Tillson, John, 228, 304, 305 Tillson, Mrs. John, 18 Transportation, act to complete canal, 321-326; Alton and Shawneetown railroad 216; Alton and Shelbyville railroad, 216; Alton, Wabash, and Erie railroad, 2iin; Belleville rail- road, 21 in; Bloomington and Macki- naw railroad, 213, 214; Blooming- INDEX 473 ton and Pekin railroad, 216; canal bill affected by slavery contest, 77; canal bill passed in 1827, 120; Cen- tral Branch Wabash railroad, 21 in; Charleston and Memphis railroad, 207; Charleston railroad, 219; con- ditions of, 9-12; Cumberland road, 42, 105, 189, 203, 241, 268, 277, 330, 33 1 , S3 2 , 3335 development of, 188- 193 ; Duncan's policy in internal im- provements, 285; Edwards' propo- sals for, 120; Erie canal, 12, 191, 387; failure of system of internal improvements, 216-235; Ford's meas- ures concerning internal improve- ments, 317-320; Galena and Chicago Union railroad, 209, 212; Great Lakes, 12, 190-191, 194; Great West- ern Mail railroad, 213; Illinois Central, 207, 209, 211, 212, 213, 216, 218-219; Illinois and Michigan canal, 12, 42-43, 105, 194-201, 206, 207, 210, 218, 220, 225-235, 241, 264, 285, 287, 288, 289, 318, 320, 321-326, 331, 332, 396, 409; Jackson's policy toward in- ternal improvements, 24in, 262 ; Kinney opposed canal, 145 ; legisla- tion concerning, 41-43; Louisville and Portland canal, 332; Mississippi, Springfield, and Carrollton railroad, 211 ; Mt. Carmel and Alton, 2iin, 213, 216; new bank and internal im- provements, 306, 307 ; New York and Erie railroad, 191 ; Northern Cross railroad, 213, 216, 225; on Ohio and Mississippi, 6 ; Pekin and Tremont railroad, 21 in; Pekin, Bloomington, and Wabash railroad, 21 in; popu- lation related to, 2-3 ; production affected by, 7; projected railroads, 205-212; railroads, n; railroad leg- islation 1836-1837, 212-215; railroad schemes, 216-219; railroads v. canal, 199, 205-206; Reynolds' promises for improved, 129; river and harbor bill, 333, 334, 335, 33^, 374, 381; river and harbor improvements, 327, 330, 33 1 , 332-333; Rushville railroad, 2iin; Southern Cross railroad, 213; Springfield and Alton railroad, 207; usefulness of, 173, 193; Van Buren's policy toward internal improvements, 241, 268; Wabash and Erie canal, 206, 207, 209, 210, 212, 217; Wabash and Mississippi railroad, 210, 2iin; Wabash and Mississippi Union rail- road, 21 in; Wabash railroad, 212; Warsaw, Peoria, and Wabash rail- road, 211, 213, 216; whig attitude toward internal improvements, 258 Treat, Samuel H., justice of supreme court, 283, 379 Tremont, 178 Tremont and Pekin railroad, see trans- portation Trower, Thomas, 238 Trumbull, Lyman, 276, 281, 295, 296, 297, 299, 301, 314, 378, 402 Turner, Asa, 437 Turner, Jonathan Baldwin, 180, 352, 384, 410, 437 ; editor of newspaper, 411; wide influence of, 439-442 Turner, Timothy, 426 Turney, James, 78, 79, 106, 107, HI, 229 Tyler, John, 271, 283, 331, 336; poli- cies of, 272-275 " Tyro," see Forquer Union county, 89 Union Grove, 176 Unitarian church, 14 United States, Bank of, set banking Universalist church, 29, 376 Utah, 362 Van Buren, Martin, 133, 149, 244, 245, 246, 248, 261, 284; alleged influence over Jackson, 146; candidate for vice presidency, 139-140; elected president, 242 ; growing importance of, 138; hostile to canal, i46n; land policy, 187-188; opposed Duncan 1833, 144; presidential, campaign, 183^6, 236-242, 253; presidential cam- paign 1840, 265-270; presidential candidate 1844, 275, 276-277; Turner opposed, 440 Vandalia, 29, 30, 46, 127, 142, 2o6n, 207, 210, 212, 287, 288, 291, 386, 393n, 412; branch bank at, 305; cap- ital of State Bank at, 59; conven- tionists and anti-conventionists met at, 80-81; Jackson and Johnson meetings at, 140, land sales in, 5, 62, 69, 175, 176; made state capital, 50-51; proposed roads from, 42; removal of capital from, 201-204 Van Quickenborne, Father, 423 Varna, 179 Vermilion county, 330 Vermilion river, 201 Vermilion saline, 42, 66 Vermont, 178 Vincennes, 3, 48, 208, 423 474 INDEX Virginia, 49, 75, 271 ; discussion over slavery provision in deed of cession, ?o, 7* 77, 86 Voree, 353 Wabash and Erie canal, see transpor- tation Wabash and Mississippi railroad, see transportation Wabash and Mississippi Union rail- road, see transportation Wabash college, 438 Wabash county, 288, 426 Wabash, Erie and Alton railroad, see transportation Wabash, Pekin, and Bloomington rail- road, see transportation Wabash railroad, see transportation Wabash river, 2, 3, 9, 13, 42, 81, 143, 195, 196, 198, 206, 208, 209, 210, 212, 332 Wabash, Warsaw and Peoria railroad, see transportation Walker, Cyrus, 294, 347 Walker, Jesse, 26-27 Walker, Robert J., 186-187 Wallace, James, 373 Walters, William, 273, 274, 275, 278, 283, 291, 293, 296, 297-300 Wanborough, Birkbeck founded, 14-15 Wanborough, England, Birkbeck from, Ward, T. W., 323 Warnock, John, 196 War of 1812, 3, 20, 107, 130, 151, 154, i75, 241 Warren, Hooper, 73, 75, 80, 81, 82, 132, 133, 37i Warren, Major William B., 358-359 Warren county, 203, 348 Warrenville, 376 Warsaw, 192, 350, 357 Warsaw, Peoria, and Wabash rail- road, see transportation Washington, George, 20, 115, 269, 272 Washington, size of, 178 Washington county, settlement in, 3, 89 Washington, D. C., 95, 98, 100, 113, 115, 118, 133, 245, 287, 299, 300, 333 Washingtonian movement, 413, 427 Waterville College, 365 Wayne county, 81, 89, 212 Weathersfield, 179 Webb, Henry L., 284 Weber, George R., 299 Webster, Daniel, 185, 236, 260, 274, 328, 375 Wentworth, John, 231, 278, 283, 284, 285, 299, 380; described Chicago packing house, 388n; editorials on trade, 389; elected to congress, 294; influence of, 300-301, 335-336; in- ternal improvement interests of, 33~335 on Oregon question, 329, 330; opinion on Springfield clique, 298 ; opposed slavery, 374-375 ; op- posed southern democrats, 381 West, Emanuel J., deserted Edwards faction, 94, 117, 125, 127 Western Reserve College, 438 West Indies, 118, 219 West Virginia, 421 Whig party, see politics Whipple Academy, see education White, Hugh Lawson, 236-240, 293 White, Leonard, connected with Bank of Illinois, 55; defeated for senate, 95; favored convention, 90; member of Edwards faction, 94; senatorial candidate, 97 White county, 50, 81, 89, 214 Whiteside, James, 238 Whiteside, John D., 229 Whiteside, General Samuel, 161 Whiteside county, 174 Whitney, Reuben M., 305 Whitten, Easton, 2o8n Wiggins, Samuel, 304, 309 Wight, Colonel A. G. S., 106, 238 Wight, Lyman, 354 Will, Conrad, 77, 303 Will county, 369 Williams, Levi, 357 Williams, M. J., 305 Williamson county, 287 Willis, N. P., 413 Wilmot proviso, 335, 381 Wilson, John M., 230 Wilson, William, 126, 136, 144, 279, 280; confirmed justice, 125; member of supreme court, 35; senatorial aspirant, 137-138 Winnebago, 164, 169; Black Hawk ex- pected aid from, 159, 162; location of, 3 Winnebago, Fort, 167 Winnebago War, 152, 422n Wirt, William, 96, 140 Wisconsin, 164, 167, 168, 327; Chicago market for, 389; land cessions in, 153; Norwegian settlement in, 399; possible Mormon location in, 356; proposed union with Illinois, 289-290 Wisconsin Heights, 168, i69n, 170 INDEX 475 Wisconsin Marine and Fire Insurance Yale, Kane from, 94, 95, 437-439 Company, 313 Yates, Richard, 324 Wisconsin river, 168, 169 Young, Brigham, 353-355 Woodbury, Levi, 305 Young, Richard M., 109, 14411, 188, 225, Woodford county, 393 246, 283 ; elected to supreme court, Wool, General John A., 402 283; financial policy of, 245; sena- Wright, John, and Company, 225-229, torial aspirant, 137-138 313 Wyatt, John, 308 Zieber, John S., 298 Wynkoop, Aristides B., 300