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 J F E E O EE 
 
 —DELIVERED BY— 
 
 he Political Issues, 
 
 BEFORE 
 
 Jefferson Chib, No. /, 
 
 
 
 PRINGFIELD,LLL., AUGUST 2d. 1884. 
 
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 Slate Register,' Steam Book Print, 
 1884. 
 
THE POLITICAL- ISSUES. 
 
 A speech delivered by James A. Creighton, Esq , before Jefferson Club No. 1, at Spring- 
 y » field, Ill., August 2, 1884. 
 
 ■k 
 
 Mr. President , Members of Jefferson Club and Fellow-Citizens: 
 
 The theory upon which this Government is founded is that 
 K- the people are sovereign; that their will constitutionally ex- 
 pressed shall determine its policies and agencies. It therefore 
 becomes the duty of every citizen, before exercising the func¬ 
 tions of sovereignty, which he exercises in the highest degree 
 when casting his vote, to examine into the condition and needs 
 of the country and make himself acquainted with proposed 
 measures and men, and until he has done this and can vote in¬ 
 telligently upon living issues he has not performed the duty of 
 , a good citizen. 
 
 Once every four years the people of this great Democratic 
 i Republic are called upon to adopt governmental policies and se¬ 
 lect agents to carry into effect the policies adopted. There has 
 been, since the organization of this government—yea, since be¬ 
 fore its organization—two lines* of political doctrine struggling 
 for mastery in this country. One based upon the belief that 
 governments are super-human entities, and exist by some sort 
 of superior right for the purpose of governing the people. 
 
 The adherents of this doctrine, tainted with lingering traces 
 of fear of the common people and reverence for monarchy, 
 would have made Washington king and the people subjects. 
 Thwarted in this by the patriotism of Washington, they favored 
 an aristocracy; resisted in this at every step by such men as 
 Jefferson, and unable to force it upon the people, they iavored 
 f and still favor, a strong, centralized government, as far removed 
 from the people as possible, with large paternal powers, and few 
 or no limitations. 
 
 The party organizations which have adhered to and so far 
 as lay in their power practiced this dangerous and un-American 
 doctrine are the Federal party, the Loose Constructionist, the 
 Whig party, the Know-nothing party, and the modern Repub¬ 
 lican party, all lineal descendants of one common evil ancestor. 
 Mind, I say, the modern Republican party. The Republican 
 party of 1856 to 1864 was not the Republican party of to-day. 
 Chase, Sumner, Seward, Greely, Curtin, Palmer, Trumbull and 
 a host of pure men of those days have long since ceased to 
 govern in its councils or affiliate with it. The party of 1856 was 
 born of an emergency and died when that emergency passed 
 away; and men of vastly different principles and for vastly dif- 
 
ferent purposes seized upon its organization and prostituted i 
 to their own base ends. 
 
 Tlio nflicv VvooDfl n foifli in fVin nononifiT nf flin noAnl! 
 
 it 
 
 The other, based upon faith in the capacity of the people 
 to govern themselves, the belief that government agencies 
 should be servants and not masters of the people, and an 
 abkorence of the paternal idea in government. The party 
 organization which has always adhered to and always practiced 
 these safe and purely American principles is the grand old 
 Democratic party. It has survived the Federal party, it has 
 survived the Loose Construction party, it has survived the Whig 1 
 party, it has survived the Know-nothing party, and by the 
 patriotism of the American people and the grace of the eternal 
 God it will survive the modern Republican party and continue 
 to live. Were it to die the star of liberty would go down in 
 darkness, and free government perish from the face of the earth. 
 During the time this grand peoples’ party was in power and its 
 policies were pursued we prospered as no nation upon earth ever 
 prospered. We acquired and added to the public domain 
 Florida, Louisiana, California, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Min¬ 
 nesota, Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas, Indian Territory, Texas, Col¬ 
 orado, Wyoming, Montana, Idaho, Washington Territory, Ore¬ 
 gon, Nevada, Utah, Arizona and New Mexico; increasing our 
 territory 200 per cent, and extending our borders from the Missis¬ 
 sippi river to the Pacific ocean. And the modern Republican party 
 preaching and practicing paternal government, centralization, 
 and loving and fostering monopolies, giving its favors to the 
 rich and its promises to the poor; while constantly declaring 
 that the public domain is a sacred heritage and must be pre¬ 
 served for homes for the people, has actually given away to 
 great corporations and allowed to fall into the hands of aliens, 
 vast empires of this sacred heritage (all the best of it) more in 
 acreage than is contained in all the cultivated farms in the 
 United States to-day. While at the same they have refused to 
 the soldiers of the Mexican war, by whose valor and blood most 
 of this domain was won, the pitiful pittance of a pension of $8 
 per month. With these pledges in their mouths they returned 
 from Chicago to the United States Senate and failed to pass the 
 pending bill to forfeit the unearned and lapsed railroad land 
 grants. All honest men agree that the public domain is a sacred 
 heritage and ought to be preserved for homes for the people. 
 
 * 
 
 The political issue, is, Can the Republican party be trusted 
 as the agents of the people to “preserve this sacred heritage?” 
 
 We answer , No. By sympathy, by education and by practice 
 the Republican party is incompetent to execute this trust. No; 
 that party would vote what is left of it as it has what is gone to 
 bloated corporations, composed of Republican Congressmen and 
 
English lords; and they to encourage “our diversified industries” 
 would sell it to the disinherited settler at a tariff of ten dollars 
 per acre. 
 
 'We need a Navy (we have none) to protect our interests 
 upon the high seas, and have needed it for nineteen years. 
 U During that time there has been appropriated and placed in the 
 hands of Republican officials for the purpose of repairing and re-, 
 building our Navy over three hundred million dollars of the 
 people’s money, much of which is admitted to have been squan¬ 
 dered, and all of which was so misused as to have produced no 
 results, and to-day even little Chili in South America laughs our 
 Navy to scorn. 
 
 The political issue is , Can the Republican party be trusted 
 as the agents of the people “to restore our navy to its old time 
 strength and efficiency.” 
 
 We ansvjer , No. If that party, with three hundred million 
 dollars, in nineteen years has made no progress towards restor¬ 
 ing our navy, the money it would squander would be too much, 
 and the time it would consume too long to justify the people in 
 entrusting the Republican party with this important government 
 business. 
 
 There was a time when the sails of American ships 
 whitened every sea, when the masts of our merchant marine 
 studded, like trees of the forest, every harbor upon the face of 
 the globe, and the star spangled banner was known and respected 
 by all peoples and in all lands; when American products were car¬ 
 ried by American merchants and American sailors, in American 
 ships, to every market in the world. Rut a Republican Congress 
 imposed burdens upon American shipping, as a part of its policy 
 of imposing burdens upon all American industries, and to-day 
 American shipping is a thing of the past. It has succumbed to 
 the burdens imposed. To-day the sails of our ships w’hiten no 
 ^ seas, the masts of our merchant marine stud no harbors, the 
 stars and stripes are neither known nor respected beyond our 
 #' own coasts; no American merchant nor American sailor goes 
 forth into the marts of the world seeking a market for Ameri- 
 > can products. Our export trade such as has survived the 
 burdens imposed upon it is taken from our own shores by 
 foreign merchants, at their own price, in foreign ships by 
 foreign sailors, to their own ports, and by them distributed to 
 ' the markets of the world, they reaping the profits of carrying, 
 the profits of buying and selling and the profits of seeking and 
 finding the best markets of the world. The present desperate 
 condition of our carrying and foreign trade and American ship¬ 
 ping can no better be told than by quoting General Wallace, 
 United States Minister to Turkey, (a Republican). He says: 
 “Turkey is naturally a rich country; has thirty millions of peo- 
 
6 
 
 % 
 
 pie; they manufacture nothing, but are dependent for the most 
 ordinary necessaries of life upon foreigners. What is needed on 
 our side is that we should have ships to carry our products 
 directly to that country, but there is no hope for us so long as 
 our trade is carried there in foreign bottoms. In the three 
 years that I have been at Constantinople (that great commercial . y 
 center, I never have seen our flag upon a ship of commerce or a 
 steamer there.” In 1882 of 560 ocean steamers plying the 
 Atlantic between the United States and Europe only four bore 
 the stars and stripes; and to-day there is not one. This tells a J 
 tale that ought to bring a blush to the face of every American 
 citizen, and stamp as ruinous the policy and as criminally in¬ 
 competent the government agency that has produced such re- 
 suits. 
 
 The political issue is, Can the American people trust the 
 Republican party as its agents to “ remove the burdens that 
 have depressed American shipping and restore it to its old 
 time prestige and vigor?” 
 
 We answer, Wo. That party imposes the burdens. Dur¬ 
 ing nineteen years of profound peace it has continued 
 the burdens. It has seen our hampered producers at the mercy 
 of foreigners, has seen foreign ship owners reaping a harvest of 
 a hundred million dollars a year in carrying American products, 
 has seen foreign merchants reap the profits of seeking and find¬ 
 ing a market for American goods. Yea, it has not only seen 
 all this but in all these long years has not so much as raised a 
 hand or spoken a word in Congress to remedy it. No, that 
 party cannot be trusted to remove these burdens; it is contrary 
 to the arbitrary and abnormal doctrines upon which that party 
 is founded, that permeates its whole warp and woof, which 
 vicious principle distorts its judgment and lends a bias to its 
 every act. 
 
 The civil service of the country needs to be thoroughly re- ^ 
 formed. Its condition has been for sixteen years a crying evil. 
 
 It has become corrupt from circumference to core. 
 
 The political issue is, Can the country trust the Republican 
 party as its agent to reform these abuses? ^ 
 
 We answer, No. For sixteen years the Republican party 
 has been promising to reform the civil service, and each suc¬ 
 ceeding administration has left it worse than it found it. No, 
 it cannot be trusted to accomplish this great reform. The Re¬ 
 publican party is in the hands of corrupt and dishonest men, and 
 the honest members of that party are powerless for good inside 
 its ranks. 
 
 It is desirable that American citizens, native or naturalized, 
 when traveling or sojourning abroad should have the protection 
 of the American government. 
 
 
The political issue is. Can such citizens trust the Repub* 
 lican party as the agent of this government to extend prompt 
 and proper protection in such cases? 
 
 We answer , No. On the 2d day of June, 1881, Daniel Me- 
 Sweeney, a naturalized citizen of the United States, while on a 
 visit to Ireland with his family was arrested and imprisoned and 
 no charge made against him. He demanded a hearing and a 
 trial of the English government, which were refused him; and he 
 demanded the protection of the United States. Mr. Lowell, the 
 American Minister to England, did not heed his demands for 
 protection. His wife wrote a most pitiful and imploring letter 
 to James G. Blaine, then Secretary of State, calling upon this 
 government to perform its duty and protect her innocent hus¬ 
 band; but Blaine was so busy with his South American guano 
 schemes, his schemes for collecting revenue by the general gov¬ 
 ernment from whisky, ale, beer and wine to divide up among 
 the States, and his electioneering scheme of having the general 
 government assume the payment of the repudiated debt of the 
 State of Virginia (wonder if he and his friends control any of 
 those bonds) that he had no time to even answer her letter. A 
 brother of McSweeney called upon Blaine and was informed that 
 Lowell’s action was in strict accordance with the instructions of 
 his government. McSweeney, in his letter to his daughter, 
 written behind the bars of an English prison, says: “ Your 
 mother wrote to Mr. Blaine about my case, but that gentleman 
 did not deign even a reply.” 
 
 How did the question of the duty of this government to 
 protect its citizens become a political issue? Only by the 
 neglect of this government through its agents, the Republican 
 officeholders, notably James G. Blaine, to perform that duty in 
 the case of McSweeney and other similar cases. It is a burn¬ 
 ing, damnable shame that it ever should have become a political 
 issue in this country. The neglect became so protracted, so 
 patent that the whole country became ablaze with indignation, 
 and public meetings were held from one coast to the other; and 
 at one of these meetings held in the city of Buffalo April 9, 
 1882, Grover Cleveland presided, and on taking the chair he 
 said: “But when in the westward march of empire this nation 
 was founded and took root, we beckoned to the old world and 
 invited hither its emigration, and provided a mode by which 
 those who sought a home among us might become our fellow 
 citizens; they came by thousands and hundreds of thousands; 
 they came and 
 
 Hewed the dark old woods away 
 
 And gave the virgin fields to-day. 
 
 They came to our temples of justice and under the solemnity of 
 an oath renounced all allegiance to every other state, potenteat 
 
8 
 
 and sovereignty, and surrendered to us all the duty pertaining 
 to such allegiance. They have surrendered the protection of 
 their native land, we have accepted their fealty, and good faith 
 and everv dictate of honor demands that we give them the same 
 liberty and protection here and elsewhere which we vouchsafed 
 to our native born citizens.” How grand, how true, how \ 
 patriotically inspired are these words. When Wm. L. Marcy 
 was Secretary of State and Commodore Ingraham commanded in { 
 the* Navy, and Kosta, who had renounced his allegiance to the 
 sovereign of his native land and declared his intention of be- 
 coming an American citizen, was seized and imprisoned by 
 Austria, Commodore Ingraham sailed into the harbor of Trieste 
 and with broadside too, demanded the surrender of Kosta on 
 penalty of blowing the town and fort to atoms. Kosta walked 
 forth a free man > Under Democratic rule this question was not 
 a political issue. Compare the action of this governmental 
 agency with that in power when McSweeney’s case arose. Com¬ 
 pare the conduct and language of Cleveland with the conduct 
 and language of Blaine and answer me, you American citizen of 
 foreign birth, yea and you American citizen of native birth who 
 loves mankind, liberty and his country, can the modern Repub¬ 
 lican party be trusted as the agents of this government to pro¬ 
 tect American citizens while sojourning abroad? 
 
 It is desirable that American labor should be protected. 
 There was a time when the importation of hoards of pauper 
 labor under ironclad contracts at starvation wages into this 
 country to compete with citizen labor was not practiced; when it 
 was not necessary for laborers to strike and finally submit to re¬ 
 duction after reduction in wages; when tramps were unknown; 
 when the laborer was respected as the equal of any man; when 
 he could acquire a home and property; when plenty and comfort 
 was well nigh universal and a millionaire almost unheard of. 
 Now the manufacturing districts are supplied by imported ^ 
 pauper labor under contract to their importers; strikes have be¬ 
 come powerless for good; wages especially in the protected in¬ 
 dustries have been constantly decreasing from year to year; 
 wage workers are compelled to be much of the time out of em- V 
 ployment; the power of the laborer to acquire property is now 
 the exception and not the rule; discontent and in hundreds of 
 thousands of instances want and destitution stalk abroad in the 
 land; vast monopolies prosper; the rich are becoming richer 
 and the poor poorer; we are fast becoming a nation of million¬ 
 aires and paupers. This is the result of abnormal causes, of 
 arbitrary, illadjusted legislation affecting our industries; of that 
 policy which has shut us out from the world and turned us in 
 upon ourselves, causing the strong to prey upon the weak and 
 the rich to consume the poor. We must have a tariff The 
 
9 
 
 people must be taxed for the support of the government, for 
 payment of the interest and principal of the national debt, for 
 the payment of pensions to our soldiers, their widows and 
 orphans, and for the making and maintaining of all necessary 
 public improvements; and there is no better way, at least at 
 t present, of raising these vast sums of money than by a tariff 
 tax. And so long as that reliable, patriotic and patient beast of 
 burden , the American farmer, who pays such a large proportion 
 ^ of this tax and gets so little in return for it , is willing to submit , 
 
 * there will be no very large party in this country opposed to 
 raising all the money needed by that method. But the tariff 
 must be adjusted so as to protect American labor, and must be 
 reduced to the legitimate needs of the government. As it now 
 is it hampers and cripples labor and fosters monopoly, and col¬ 
 lects from the people and takes out of the channels of trade one 
 hundred and twenty-five million dollars a year in excess of all 
 governmental demands of every kind and character, including 
 both the extravagant expenditure and the “leakage” which have 
 drawn so heavily upon it for these sixteen long years. A tariff 
 of ten per cent, on diamonds and comparatively low on silks, and 
 a hundred per cent, on socks and flannels, is ill-adjusted, and in¬ 
 equitable. A tariff that lets in rosewood, satin wood and mahog- 
 ony wood free and taxes the pine boards with which the laborer 
 builds his cottage (if he ever gets able to build one), $2 per thou¬ 
 sand is a monster piece of wrong which discriminates against the 
 poor and in favor of the rich. A tariff tax which puts three dollars 
 into the pockets of proprietors of protected industries for every 
 one it puts into the national treasury, imposes an onerous burden 
 upon that part of the people who pay most of the tax and get 
 least or none of its protection. A tariff system which will 
 enable a protected industry to lie idle one-third of the time with 
 its employes out of employment, and constantly year after year 
 
 | reduce wages of employes, for the time they do work; and still 
 make a net profit per annum on the investment of thirty-seven 
 
 * per cent, calls loudly for an equitable readjustment. 
 
 The political issue is, Can the Republican party be trusted 
 as the agents of the people to reduce the tariff tax and correct its 
 inequalities in favor of labor? 
 
 We answer, no. It created these inequalities and for more 
 than twenty years has maintained them, and has refused to cor¬ 
 rect them though admitting that they exist. Mr. Blaine says in 
 his letter that this system produced an increase of wealth from 
 I860 to 1880 of $30,000,000,000. The statement is utterly false. 
 The assessed value of all the property in 1860 was $12,000,000,- 
 000 and in 1880 was $16,000,000,000. In his estimate Mr. Blaine 
 includes the 292,000,000 acres of land which in 1860 was public 
 domain and not estimated, and which his party has voted away, 
 
V 
 
 10 
 
 and which is now scheduled (not for taxation) but in the census 
 reports and in Wall street and London at from $5 to $25 per 
 acre for the purpose of bolstering the bonds and watered stock 
 of the bloated concerns to whom it has voted it, which will not be¬ 
 come accumulated wealth until the poor disinherited home¬ 
 steader or emigrant has bought it back from the corporations to jL 
 which the Republican party has voted it, and by privation, toil 
 and economy has improved it. He estimates as accumulated 
 wealth the tens of thousand miles of railroad built on credit jb 
 since 1865, many times the cost of which is still represented by ' 
 debt due to foreign bondholders for the money used and squan¬ 
 dered in building them, all of which together witli interest and 
 dividends on watered stock representing many more times their 
 cost must before it becomes accumulated wealth be earned and 
 paid in extortionate, freights and charges by the laborer and 
 farmer; and when in the dim distant future the patient plod¬ 
 ding beasts of burden have accomplished this result, if the pres¬ 
 ent system is continued, a very small portion of the accumulated 
 wealth will fall to their shares. Of these and such items does 
 he make up his false and glittering statement that under our 
 present system the wealth of the country has increased $30,000,- 
 000,000 in twenty years. Every laboring man knows it is false; 
 every farmer knows it is false. He knows he has not got his 
 share of any such sum, and he knows his neighbors have not got 
 their share of it. He knows that it exists in intangibilities by * 
 which men who have not earned it hope to draw interest and 
 dividends from men who yet have it to earn. In the same letter 
 he says, “No dollar of the public revenue has been wasted.” 
 What a monstrous falsehood! Says: “It is impossible to point 
 to a single monopoly in the United States that has been created 
 or fostered by the industrial system which is upheld by the Re¬ 
 publican party.” What a bold, brazen falsehood! Can a man 
 who so misunderstands the facts or so willfully misstates them % 
 be trusted as the agent of the people to lead in effecting these re¬ 
 forms? ; 
 
 It is desirable for the bettering of the condition of labor A 
 that the eight hour law be enforced. Can the Republican party * 
 be trusted to enforce that law? No. It has been a dead letter 
 on the statute books for twelve years. Each incoming officer 
 has sworn to obey it, and each has sternly refused to recognize 
 it, and now in June, 1884, at Chicago, they resolve that they are 
 iii favor of creating a commission to enforce the eight hour law. 
 Great God have mercy on a suffering people! More offices to be 
 created. What for? To make the laboring man quit work when 
 his day’s work is done. Why, within a year a delegation of 
 laborers in the employ of the government called upon a cabinet 
 officer and demanded the right to quit work when their day’s 
 
11 
 
 work was done. He refused their demands. They pointed him 
 to the law, and he still refused to pay them a day’s wages for 
 less than ten hour’s work, or to keep them in the government 
 employ if they refused to work more than eight hours. 
 
 No, you don’t want any commission to keep the laborer from 
 working ten hours for a day’s work if you will pay him a day’s 
 wages for less than ten hours (tor eight). 
 
 He does not need the papa government principle applied to 
 that extent. 
 
 It is desirable that free, honest labor should not be compelled 
 to compete with prison labor. Can the Republican party be 
 trusted to protect the laborers of this state from such degrading 
 and ruinous competition* No. It has for twenty-six years leased 
 out the contract labor of this state and put it in direct competi¬ 
 tion with free, honest labor; and though recommending at Peoria 
 the passing of laws for the protection of labor, yet they have 
 extended the convict labor leases so they will not expire for 
 eight years yet. What limitless hypocrisy and false pretense! 
 
 The gi'eat and overshadowing political issve is , can Os party 
 in power , holding the offices and machinery of the government 
 in its own hands , he made hy peaceful means to yield up that 
 power in obedience to the will of the people constitutionally ex¬ 
 pressed . That submission to the will of the people constitution¬ 
 ally expressed can in this country be compelled by force of fire 
 and sword, was demonstrated, and I hope and pray demonstrated 
 once for all time to come, in the result of the destructive, bloody 
 conflict waged from 1861 to 1865. In 1860 the people of this 
 government expressed their will upon measures and men, and 
 Abraham Lincoln was, by constitutional methods, elected presi¬ 
 dent of the United States; not by a majority of the popular vote, 
 for he lacked a million votes of having a majority of all the votes 
 cast, but the measures and men of the Republican party secured 
 a sufficient number of votes in the electoral college to entitle 
 them under the constitution to carry into effect their policies and 
 have Lincoln recognized as president of the United States, in 
 every part of the United States, and by all the people in the 
 United States. When the result was known a stubborn and 
 refractory element, composed largely of men who adhered to the 
 Democratic party, refused to submit to the will of the people 
 thus expressed. In the terrible struggle which ensued to com¬ 
 pel their submission 2,600,000 men were called to armc.in sup¬ 
 port of the government, to enforce submission to the will of the 
 people. 2,600,000 men were marshalled in the union army, 
 and of that number over 1,200,000 were Democrats who had op¬ 
 posed the measures of the Republican party and the election of 
 Lincoln; but they loved their country, and 1,200,000 of them re¬ 
 sponded to their country’s call and went forth shoulder to 
 
shoulder with their political adversaries and victors to compel 
 submission to the will of the people, and over 100,000 of those 
 brave Democrats gave their lives to save the country and secure 
 to the Republican party the fruits of its victory at the polls. 
 
 In 1876 the will or the people was again expressed and 
 fifteen distinct reforms demanded, and Samuel J. Tilden was 
 elected President to carry these reforms into execution. He was 
 not elected by a minority of a million, but by a majority over all 
 of 200,000 votes, and by a handsome majority of the electors 
 actually chosen. When the will of the people was known, a re¬ 
 factory element in the Republican party in possession of the 
 offices and machinery of government marshaled the army 
 around Washington, distributed the nSy along our coasts and 
 defied the majority and refused to jubmit to the will of the peo¬ 
 ple. Refused to admit to office tl^Pofficers elected, and to carry 
 into execution the reforms demanded. The Democratic party 
 having faith in the people, in their capacity for self-government, 
 in their love of justice and fair play, in their patriotism, and be¬ 
 lieving in the power of the ballot, and loving country more than 
 office and patronage, suffered the wrong for the time being, and 
 have appealed to the American people; that it may be determined 
 whether or not a party in possession of the offices and machinery 
 of government can be made to submit to the will of the people 
 by peaceful means. 
 
 We appeal to every American citizen, to every voter of every 
 party, to lend his influence and his vote. We appeal to our Re¬ 
 publican brothers in this hour of the country’s extremity, 
 when the will of the people has been defied to fall into line until 
 this emergency is passed. We don’t ask that 1,200,000 of you 
 leave your peaceful homes and engage in five long years of 
 hardships and fearful blood and slaughter as 1,200,000 Democrats 
 did for your cause. We don’t ask that 100,000 of you give your 
 lives as 100,000 loyal Democrats gave their lives for your 
 cause. We don’t ask you to join us in the slaughter of 310,000 J 
 of the refractory element in your own party-. No, may God for¬ 
 bid that it shall ever again in this country become necessary to 
 enforce the will of the people with fire and sword. But we do 
 appeal to you for the sake of outraged justice; for the sake of 
 free government and its perpetuation in this country; in the 
 name of the living and the dead, to put aside your petty 
 prejudiced until this dark night is passed, and give our cause; 
 our common country’s cause, your moral support. Give us a 
 votf where-we gave you a life. And assist in so overwhelming 
 the defiers of the will of the people by the moral force of num¬ 
 bers of votes, that they will see in these peaceful precursors 
 the brewing of impending vengeance, and recognize that the voice 
 of the pa?pie is the voice of God.