LINCOLN AS THE SOUTH SHOULD KNOW HIM Can the man zvho suffered his leutenant, Sherman, to ruthlessly devastate tzvice as much Southern territory as all Belgium combined be the Southern ideal? Can the man whose life zvork was to tear from the Declaration of Independence its immortal part, its very soul, "That governments deriz'e their just pozcers from the consent of the governed," be the Americatt ideal, if the truth is looked full in the face T THIRD EDITION REPRINTED BY MANLYS BATTFRY CHAPTER CHILDREN OF THE CONFEDERACY RALEIGH, N. C. In a blaze of burning roof-trees, under clouds of smoke and flame, Sprang a new word into bein^, from a stern and dreaded name; Claunt and jrrim and like a specter rose that word before the world, From a land of bloom and beauty into ruin rudely hurled. From a peopU' scour>;ed by exile, from a city ostracized, Pallas-liKe itViprang to being: — and that word is "Shermanized." ^ '\ I,. NiiM.iMA Fkknch. \ LlNfcOLVf, AS THB SOUTH SHOULD KNOW HIM Wliat thick hides and sliort memories wo Southern folk have, and how inconsistent we are! We call down anathema on the Kaiser's head fur the devastation of Beljrium; in almost the same breath we raise pa'ans to Lincoln, who was responsible for the far more causeless and ruthless devastation of the South hy Sliernian — Sherman, wiio waped war so atrocious that its verv author could find no name on earth to match, but had to go down below to get it. Well might lie, with Mil- ton's Satan, say: "Where I am is hell." J Satan lit its fires in his own breast; Sherman in the desolated homes t of war, made widows and orphans. If Belgium had its Louvain and Antwerp, so also had the South its J Columbia, its Atlanta, its Savannah, its Charleston. ^^ Countless Belgium homes have been burned. But there has bcvn p nothing like systematic, utter destruction. The Kaiser, outnumbered, hard beset, the very existence of his country in imminent peril, has increased his slender store of food by robbing Belgium, electing to 'f'tarve foe rather than friend. (This was written in danuary, 1915.) ^ That vengeance, not necessity, prompted the bla<*k path that Sherman >*eut through the South, the evidence is full and damning. On December ^l!S, 1NG4, Cieneral llalleck. Chief of Stalf to President Lincoln, and ^necessarily in close touch with him, writes to Sherman as follows: . "Should you capture Charleston, 1 hope by some accident the place will y^he destroyed. And if a little salt can he sown on its site, it may prevent ^ the future growth of nullification and secession." Shernum, on the 24th, ^answers as follows: "I will bear in mind your hint as to Charleston, ,and do not think that '.salt' will be neces.xary. When 1 move, the Fif- *ieenth Corps will U' on the right of the right wing, and their position -^will naturally bring them into Charleston first; and if you have watched ^the history of that corps you will have remarked that they do their work tl! pretty well. The truth is, the whole army is burning witli an insatiable "desire to wnak vengeance on South Carolina." One of Wheeler's scouts, observing Sherman's advance, reported that during one night, and from one point, he counted over one hundred burning homes. And as to the looting, a letter written by a Federal ofiicer, and found at Camden, S. C, after the army passed, and given in the Southern Woman's Magazine, runs as follows: "We have had a glorious time in this State. The chivalry have been stripped of most of their valuables. Gold watches, silver pitchers, cups, spoons, forks, etc., are as common in camp as blackberries. Of rings, 'earrings, and breastpins I liave a quart. I am not joking — ^I have af least a quart of jewelry for you and the girls, and some Al diamond^'pins and rings among them. Don't show this letter out of the family.'jk Sherman long denied burning Columbia, in the most solemn manner calling his God to witness as to his truthfulness. When, after the over- whelming evidence that he did burn it was adduced, he unblushingly admitted the fact, and that he had lied on Wade Hampton with the purpose of rendering him unpopular, and thereby weakening his cause. But a mere lie shines white against the black ground of Sherman's character. I could pile up a mountain of facts as damning as those given. But what boots it to prove again what too long ago has been proven — that not since Attila, "The Scourge of God," cut his black swath across Europe fifteen hundred years ago has Sherman's "March to the Sea" had its fellow. The conversion of the Shenandoah region into a waste so complete that, in Sheridan's own woi'ds, a crow flying over it would have had to carry his rations — a destruction not only of every vestige of food, of all animals and fowls, but also of every implement that could be used to make or prepare more food, every millstone, wagon, plow, rake, and harrow, down to the flower-hoes of the women, may have been a military necessity, for this lovely valley was, in some measure, the granary of Lee's army. The necessities of war demanded that Sherman live oif the country he traversed. Those elastic necessities may have been stretched to demand that he destroy even the pitiful stint of food that the South had left; that he wrest the last morsel from the mouth of the mother and babe, lest, perchance, some crumb thereof reach and nourish the men at the front. But what necessity of war, except that brand that Sherman fathered and sponsored, demanded that the torch follow the pillager, that every home be burned, and famishing mother and babe be turned out in midwinter to die of cold and exposure? "But didn't 'Sherman's March' shorten the war; didn't it shake Lee's lines around Petersburg when his men knew that fire and rapine were in their homes?" is sometimes asked. Doubtless. And it might have shaken them all the more had wives and babes been burnt in these homes rather than left to starve in their ruins. It might have been not only more efi'ective but more merciful. But there are abysmal depths of atrocity from which even the "hired ussassin" recoils — thnt is, unless he belongs to the Attilas, Alvas, and Shermans. There are rules of civilized warfare which the soMier in every extremity must observe or else have heajted upon him the execration of mankind. Tln' whole world shudders at the robberv and partial ruin of oidv a •r I c ])art ttt" Htdfjiuni. Sherman dcvastateut probably far more .systematic and insidious. Davis might not have Imhmi impri.«!one<|, or not so long, ftr Wirz, the commandant of .\iider.sonville prison, executed. Rut in all likelihoo might live, who breathed out their gallant lives amid the smoke and dead-fallen air of battle, or who, braver still, starving in Northern prisons, surren- dered to the fell Sergeant Death rather than to the wiles of the captor who offered the renegade everything, it was always, everywhere, the War for Southern Inart of this brochure I endeavored to reach the Southern ])eople through my usual channel, the Southern press. To my very great astonishment I found it closed to me. Editors who for nearly forty years had met me more than half way for copy (my pen, since as a young man T gave up a remunerative career as a magazine writer, has been devoted to the defense of the ideals and as- pirations of the Old South) now slammed the door in my face. Thus was I driven to appeal to Caesar, to appeal in pam))hlet form from the Southern press to the Southern people. Their response has been most cordial, showing that whatever the Southern press may be, the Southern people themselves are patriotic. But men and women pass ; the printed word endures. What the papers are today ihe people must be tomorrow or the day after. "But for Lincoln's influence you might not here and now dare to write as freely as you do" is the gist of some of the editorial criticism my paper has met, though it was a layman wdio expressed it in those words. I submit that it is high time that the patriotic men and women of this generation register a most emphatic protest against the attitude of a part of the press and people before it is too late. I)id we need just what we got in the sixties, and ought we to be shouting glad we got it ? Shades of the Fathers ! We, of the purest strain of the stock that gave freedom to the world ; we, from wlaose very loins sprang the archi- tect, the builder and the defender of American liberty — we, so poor in statecraft, so bankrupt in morality, that an alien must needs come with three million at his back, and with fire, sword, and rapine save us from ourselves ! Yet such is the logical, the inescapable deduction from the premises our children will be taught to accept ! The North, flinging to us the dross of physical prowess and purblind devotion to a fallacious cause^ has arrogated to herself the gold of moral rectitude and political infallibility. We have betni taught, and are tamely accepting the dictum that the South, when she lost hold on the motherly apron strings, when she foolishly ventured from under the aegis of Northern protection, relapsed swiftly towards despotism and anarchy, and that Aiipomnttox alone saved us from political disinte- gration ! Is ihis true? Do we alone deserve the odium of being the one branch of the race too weak to frame civil institutions that could stand the crucible of war? The Romans, the sanest and most practical political 17 people the world has over seen, always when tlic sliip of state was in ]>eril, put a dictator at the helm. "Inter Amia Ix'ges SiU'iit." In the clash of arms, law was silent, suspended. Private rijjht, pri- vate wrong, had to wait until the foe was vanquished and Rome safe. Rome, when beset the hardest, never faced the disadvantages, and was rarely ever in the extremity that tiie Confederacy stood from he- ginning to end. Never in any land was there direr need that a hand, strong, ari)itrarv, untraninieled hy peace-built law and usage, garner- ing every man, every resource, should .strike as one at the Giant Fo<'. Yet was there a dictatorship at the South, or any semblance of one? Did war submerge law? It is a nuixim of our race, Frcn* s|)eech, free j)ress. fre<' land. Tyranny ever chains first the tongue, strikes her first blow at the palladium of liberty — free utterance. Right here in Xorth Carolina the Confederate Government had its fullest swing. The State lay nearer to Richmond (and distance, owing to crude transportation facilities, was a far more formidable thing then than now) than any other State as largely free from invasion. It af- fords a fair instance of the contact of the Conferlerate Government with the civil life of the people. Xow, living evidence is still abundant that no man was molested for opinion's sake or for word spoken. That the press remained unmuzzled, the files of the Raleigh Standard, which to the very end preached stark treason to the Confederacy, stands in everlasting evidence. Governor Vance of Xorth C'andina and Governor Brown of (Jeorgia, though patriotic men, seeing fit, even in extremity, to place State rights and other considerations before Confederate success, ham|)ered the Con- federate executive to a degree never before or since tolerated under such circumstances. It is true that the impressment and conscription meas- ures were grievous burdens, especially here in such close reach; but they were laws of the Congress, and not the fiat of the executive. In short, much of the defensive power of the South was lost by the fail- ure of President Davis to wield the full measure of power that would readily have been acquiesced in by the people at large. Never, not even in the great crises, did Jefferson Davis exercise one-tenth tlie domi- nance over the Confederat<' Congress that Woodrow Wilson now does over the Federal. Davis's decrease of popularity towards the end came from no abusi- of power on his part, but niaiidy froni the stigma which the world attaches to failure — that is, except in case of the .soldier. Around him war flings a saving halo. Let us glance at the other side of the picture — at the status of the civiliati of the Xorth. The Federal Government, infinitely superior in resourc«-s. had not the .same urgent need for unity. Yet we find its actions immeasurably more arbitrary than tho.se of the Confederate Gov- ernment. Not under the old regime in France were h'ttres de cachet as plentiful or more potent. It was a well-known boast of Stanton, Sec 18 retary of War, that he could touch a bell on his table and order the in- stant arrest of any man in tjie Union. Fort McHenry at Baltimore, Fort LaFayette at New York, Fort Warren in Boston Harbor, and the old Capitol Prison at Washington, became veritable bastiles, crammed with political prisonei's, men immured for what they had said or for what it was suspected they might say or do. In the old Capitol Prison, at least, executions were frequent. jNTever imposed Fate a heavier burden on any people than on the South when she was made the ladder on which the benighted African must climb civilization and Christianity. Not the opprobrium, but the profound sympathy of the whole world, and especially of the Ne- gro himself, is our just due ; for never, since time began, has a race climbed from darkness to light so swiftly and at so small a price to itself — at such fearful cost to the instrument of its elevation. As is well known, slavery was no Southern indigene; no plant that grew here only. It was only the inheritance of the ages. Sanctioned by immemorial and universa-1 usage, and even by Holy Writ itself, it was indeed the very oldest of all human institutions. Founded origi- nally, in part at least, upon morality, upon the pity which spared in- stead of slaying the captive, it thus became the bedrock of all civiliza- tion. But slavery in this land, and at that date, was a thing strangely out of place and out of time. So much so, indeed, that one wonders as to Fate's motive in the misplacement. Did a spirit of impish irony impel her, or Avas she actuated by a deeper motive, when she dropped this Old World estray, this foundling in the cradle of liberty, the New World — the motive that as we "Broadened with the act of Freedom " we should also "Grow strong beneath the weight of duty"? Slavery would surely have gone, even had Lincoln never been born. The drift of the world had set against it, deep and resistless. Harking back two thousand years to Epictetus, it had come to see that not to him who getteth, but to him who doeth a wrong, cometh the chief harm. Emancipation was inevitable, and to hold that the Southern people, the purest-blooded branch of the sane and virile Anglo-Saxon race, the race which gave liberty to the world, and which in all lands and under all conditions had stood for justice and fair play, as it came to see it — for us to hold that this, our branch, would have been so degenerate, so recreant to the genius and spirit of the stock, so inferior to its forbears, or even to the "lesser breeds" to the south of us that did put it by, that it lacked the manhood to free itself from the incubus of slavery, is a worse slander than even our foes would dare put upon us. It is argued, and by our own writers as well as others, that the slave- holding class dominated the South, and that self-interest, cupidity, would 19 always have impelled this class to block emancipation. I would reply that slavery in divers forms was long an institution with our race; but that the race in its progress put it by, despite the strenuous opposition of the slave-holding class — as it must have done in this case. The whole moral trend of the race rendered any other course impossible. The fact that medieval serf was white and strong, and tin* modern slave blac-k and weak, would undoubtedly have made t\w work of emancipation harder; but the race is morally stronger now tiian then. There is one fact generally overlooked, which would have added greatly to the practicability of emancipation. That was the fact that the slave- holding classes at tiie South were in a minority of about six to one. Every reform, social or political, that our race has achieved lias been in the face of a wealthy minority far stronger than that. In fact, it is almost a truism of our politics that the people, as opposed to aristocracy, always win in the long run. No civilization has survived in which this rule did not hold. The chief reason tliat the dust covers so many of the splentlid civilizations of the past was because the great mass of the peo- ple remained inert to the end. The broadening of the franchi.se right here in North Carolina in the fifties, whereby the aristocratic domi- nance of the State Senate was abolished, is significant proof of what the middle-class manhood of that generation were capable of. One thing is certain: Had the negro remained in our midst the South would have avoided the irretrievable error of the North in mak- ing the slave a citizen first and a man afterwards. As emancipation would have been gradual, so also would have been the elevation of the freedom. As he attained the full stature of manhood, so he must per- force have been invested with the rights and privileges of a man. But ho hardly would have remained. Colonization being impracticable at that late period, segregation would probably have been the solution of tiie race problem. Even in this sanctimonious age we exclude the Asiatic. Where would have been the sin in settling the African in a prescribed area of the coTintry, and excluding him from the other parts of it? Compared with the Yellow peril, the Black peril is Olympus to a wart. Some degrees of wrong and injustice there might have been. Wrong and injustice are not often ab.sent from the affairs of this world. But who is bold enough to assert that the measure of them could have equaled, or even distantly approached, that infinitude of inju.stice and of wrong — the orgy of political madness — reconstruction, whose blight- ing effect was to distract and stunt, ])erhaps forever, the development of the negro, and to sow, as fas as the hand of malice couM sow, the very salt of annihilation over the civilization and life of the South? As is well known, the emancipation movement in its earlier, saner stages had its warmest and ablest supporters at the South. Washing- ton, Jefferson, Henry, ^fadison, and the foremost men of that time sought earnestly for some practicable method of putting an end to slav- ery, which was generally regarded as a curse, and especially so to the 20 whites. But for the perfectly natural reaction caused by the rabid, incendiary methods of the abolitionists, which, beginning about 1830, flowered so quickly and hideously in the Nat Turner butchery of white women and children, gradual eiuancipation would soon have been un- der way, and would almost surely have ended slavery with that cen- tury. I would not deny that the development of cotten growing caused by the perfection of the cotton gin, and the resulting enormous increase in slave values, would have made emancipation a tremendous problem. But sphinxes — political, social, industrial, moral, religious, racial — had lined the pathway of our race down the ages. All had been answered, and, we believe, answered right, by the communities which had most at stake. To our branch alone was denied the priceless boon of answering for themselves the most momentous problem of them all, a problem that in- volves not only our prosperity but our very existence, and which now can only deepen and darken with the passage of the centuries. Were our immediate forbears — the men whose courage and heroism in war placed the Lost Cause in fame's eternal keeping, whose fortitude and sagacity triumphed even over reconstruction, who hurled back the en- venomed dart, negro suffrage, upon the heads that sent it — weaklings, men whose destiny was safer in the hands of an alien and hostile sec- tion than in their own? Perish thought so blasphemous! How few of us, too, have ever analyzed the famous Emancipation Proclamation; have ever tried to ascertain the proportions of politics, diplomacy, and philanthropy couched therein ; have ever regarded its true purport and bearings. Did it free, or seek to free, all the slaves in the land ? Oh, no ! Only a part. What part ? Those in the hands of Lincoln's enemies. Those within the Union lines, those in the hands of friends, were not affected by the proclamation. They remained in bond- age so far as this instrument was concerned. Lincoln had been dead nearly a year before total abolition was legally brought about. Outside of the punitive intent, the prime motive of the proclamation was, first, to buttress the Republican Party against the rising tide of Democracy; second, the Union arms against those of the Confederacy. The military end sought was to weaken his enemies by destroying their propert}^ Naturally, lie struck at their chief asset — their slaves. If he had been able thereby to destroy any or all of other kinds of their property he would have done so. If his simple mandate would have cut the throat of every work animal, milch cow, fire every roof-tree, and imperiled the honor of every woman in the South, there is no reason to believe that he would have withheld its utterance; for it was his word that sent hun- dreds of thousands through the South to do these very things. If we must accept subjugation, even of mind and of spirit ; if we must view the whole bloody drama through the eyes of our enemies; if we must believe that the blow came from above and not below; that we not only richly deserved but sadly needed just what we got — then the 21 right men to honor are the pioneer abolitionists, Garrison, Wendell Pliil- lips, Cierrit Smith, and men of tiiat feather. They boldly stood for abo- lition, whtMi to stand meant iialred, contempt, and iminincnt peril of life and limb. Theiie men haro one would deny that Lincoln was an enemy of slavery. He was a product of a class and of an environment that drew in hatred of slav- ery and of slave-holders with every breath. Moreover, most thinking people, North and South, were enemies of slavery in theory. With Lincoln and the Xorth it was only a theory. With the South it was a fact, a grim fact which, foisted upon us by English and later by Xorth- ern greed, time had now riveted upon us. The growth was cancerous. But would you go to your butcher to remove even a cancer? Emancipation at the time, and in the manner in which Lincoln sought to enforce it, was a politico-military measure, and nothing else. 1862 was election year. Lincoln, great man and statesman as he undoubtedly was, was also jtolitician to the core. And when did your politician, big or little, ever fail to trim his sails to the wind — to save the party and then let the party save everything else? Federal arms had sustained such re- peated and disastrous defeats that Northern opinion was turning to the Democratic Party, which favored peace. Defeat stared Republicani.sm in the face. Something must be done to stem the tide. The emancipa- tion ])roclamation was the answer. While primarily a political move, great things were also exjjected of it in a military way. it was largely believed tliat the slaves would rise and deal with Southern wonten in a way that would cause the Southern armies to crunjble in a day. as each man rushed home to save his own. As a military measure it was tlie fiasco of the ages. Xot a slave stirred or lifted hand. But its political effect was immense. It in.stantly brought into tiie Republican camp every cohort of abolitionism, and held all in line to the end, though these lines bent fearfully under Jack- son's blows at Chancellorsville, and again, when soon after the grey columns .surged northward to Gettysburg, and even when, much later still, Grant's army recoiled in temporary paralysis from the futile as- saults on Lee in the Wilderness. Still, this is not an attack on Lincoln, nor do I set-k to revive section- alism, further than consist4'ncy and self-respect demand. I am well aware that patriotism is a matter of geography. That all depends upon the side of the line on which yoji were born, lint so, also, is renegadeism. High moral law demands that we be true to our fellows, our surround- intrs. The Washingtons and Lees obeyed it. The Arnolds and Tscariots defied it. This is simply an earnest protest against accepting as a 22 Southern hero, a Southern exemplar, a man, no matter how worthy per- sonally, who was a leader of Northernism, and of Northernism in its attitude -of implacable hostility to the South and Southern ideals. It is natural that the Xegro should honor Lincoln. He gave the Xegi'O freedom. And the North, he gave the !N^orth dominion over the South. He carried out Northern ideals of centralism, imperialism. The South- ern ideal. State rights, home rule, the palladium the world over of the weak, met destruction at his hands. With glaring inconsistency, we still hold the ideal to be true, while paying homage to the chief instrument of its destruction. ''Suppose the South had won? What then?" is the common query, usually in tones ol utter deprecation. I would reply that had the South lost; what then? The blackest page in the annals of our race! Would the Lees, the Davises, the Hamptons, the Vances, the Grahams, the Ashes, the Grimeses, the Clarks, the Jarvises, the Hills, the Carrs, the Kansoms, the Averys, have been less fit to deal with even the tremndous issues left by war than the Sewards, the Wades, the Stevenses, the Holdens, the Tourgees, the Deweeses, the Cuffees, who fumbled them till, with an effort that paralyzed all other endeavors for a generation, we wrenched the helm from their hand. The War of 1861, notwithstanding the unfortunate slavery compli- cation, was as much a war of liberty as that of 1775, or that of 1642 in the Mother country. It was a struggle for local self-government against centralism and all the evils that have skulked in its shadow, monoply, trusts, extortion in its protean guises. A quicker exploita- tion of our resources — and a quicker destruction — has undoubtedly en- sued. But where has the wealth gone? Would not those resources be safer in the hands of nature than in the hands that now hold and use them as a lever to oppress and extort? The war, waged for State rights, for local self-government, the prin- ciple for which the flower of our manhood laid down their lives, was the half-conscious effort of our branch of the race — the branch that events have proven to have had the keenest political instincts of all — to avert this torrent of evils; some then plainly disclosed to our clear vis- ion, some even now just emerging from the haze of the days to be. Then circumstances and heredity had made the South the citadel of conservatism. What a brake on the wild wheels of this mad world her conservatism must have been could it only have won the prestige of success, had it only been its luck to be backed by the stronger battalions of heavier guns! In all human probability it would have saved us from many of the evils above indicated, as well as the maze of fads, follies, and isms in which we now grope in such utter bewilderment. Even Southern writers have to stultify themselves every time they approach the subject as to what might have been if the victory had been accorded to us instead of our foes. Loud in. praise of the statesmanship of the old South, strong in the 23 belief of the justice of her anise; yet no sooner do they reach the point wliere the stronger battalions of the North prevail than they drop on tlu'ir knees and thank Heaven for having saved the South from her- self. They thank Providence that instea«l of giving the South a resjjite from Northern incendiarism, instead of smoothing her way so that she migiit put by slavery in the least harmful manner, it brought down upon her thriH' millions of anm'd men, who, destroying the Hower of her man- hood, breaking the heart of her womanliood, consigning her children to poverty and ignorance, reducing her people to virtual lK»ggars, and would have forced miscegeiuition, mongrelism, upon her but for the met- tle of her stock! Others nuiy think as they will, but I cannot bring myself to hold any such slanderous opinions of Providence. I cannot see the hand of Proviilence (though 1 might a sootier one) in such fell work as, on the one hand suffering Northern abolition, incen