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 t
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 
 The Liberator 
 
 A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 
 
 "Lincoln, the man who freed the slave" 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES WALLACE FRENCH 
 
 FUNK & WAGNALLS 
 
 ,^,, NEW YORK 
 
 LONDON TORONTO 
 
 Printed in the United States ' '^' ,ui rights rescr-^d
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1891. by 
 
 FUNK & WAGNALI.S, 
 
 In the Office of the Librarian of Congress at Washington, D. C.
 
 
 P R EF A C E. 
 
 Biographical writings in general may be divided 
 into two distinct classes. The first, which may be 
 called the objective class, is made up of those works 
 which regard the individual as only a factor in the 
 world's progress. They narrate more or less faith- 
 fully the important events in his life, and trace their 
 connection with, and influence upon, the life and 
 thought of the age. Thus the life of the individual 
 becomes a chapter in universal history. Such works 
 may have great historic value but if they go no fur- 
 ther they lack the essential element of true biography. 
 
 The works of the second, or subjective class, deal 
 no less carefully with facts and environments not as 
 finalities, but as manifestations of character. Through 
 the deed they seek to know the doer and to trace his 
 moral and intellectual growth. The writer studies 
 the life of the individual as closely as the botanist 
 studies the development of a strange plant, and for 
 the same purpose. The scientist cares little for the 
 leaves and flowers, simply as leaves and flowers, but 
 rather as exponents of the life and habits of the plant. 
 So the true biographer would read a man's character 
 in his deeds, calling attention to its weaknesses that 
 other men may be warned, and exalting its virtues 
 that they may excite the emulation of mankind. 
 
 The career of Lincoln is so closely interwoven with 
 the great events that make up the nation's history in 
 the most critical period of its existence, that the temp- 
 tation is strong to dwell more upon his deeds and
 
 IV PREFACE. 
 
 environments, than upon himself. Tlierefore, many 
 of his biographies fall within the first class, notably 
 the larger and more pretentious works, v^rhich are but 
 little more than histories in which the great President 
 figures as the principal hero. 
 
 On the other hand, his personality was so unique and 
 attractive that it forces itself into prominence even in 
 histories of the period. Probably no character in 
 history offers a more tempting field for research, and 
 yet few are more difficult to comprehend. Previous 
 to his election to the Presidency, no ona believed him 
 to be possessed of the elements of greatness, and dur- 
 ing his whole life he had few if any friends who fully 
 appreciated his character. Many of his acts were 
 misunderstood and his most intimate friends some- 
 times distrusted him. It is not strange, then, that his 
 biographies are too often one-sided and inaccurate. 
 Indeed, it is doubtful if it is possible even yet, to make 
 a complete and just analysis of his many-sided char- 
 acter. It is much easier to relate what he said and 
 did, than to correctly describe the man himself as he 
 was. 
 
 It is probable that generations may pass before his 
 true biography can be written. Certain it is that suf- 
 ficient time must pass to dim the memory of the great 
 events of the Civil War, and to obscure the bright 
 light in which they stand to-day. Events lessen in 
 importance as they recede into the past, but great 
 characters shine the brighter as the ages roll on. 
 
 Meantime, the character of Lincoln must be re- 
 garded as one of the most precious possessions of the 
 American people, precious not only as a cherished 
 memory, but also as a living power, influencing life
 
 PREFACE. V 
 
 and character to-day no less strong!)' than when he 
 was yet alive. 
 
 The multiplication of his biographies, then, cannot 
 be deplored since each one must present his life from 
 a different, and, to some extent, novel point of view ; 
 and each new book must add to the great circle of 
 readers and help to extend an influence which is as 
 beneficent as it is powerful. 
 
 The historic field has been so thoroughly searched 
 that few new facts can be procured. The material 
 has been practically exhausted and the most enter- 
 prising biographer can only hope to present familiar 
 facts in a new form and with different lights and 
 shadows. 
 
 The author has no excuse for adding this simple 
 work to the long list of biographies already in exis- 
 tence beyond that of a deep reverence and love for 
 the great man, " who, though dead, yet speaketh." 
 And if a single reader shall obtain a truer apprecia- 
 tion of his character, and a deeper love for the coun- 
 try whose altar was stained with the blood of so 
 noble a sacrifice, the effort will not have been made 
 in vain. 
 
 Chicago, January 30, 1891.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Chapter I 9- 19 
 
 Chapter II 20- 34 
 
 Chapter III 35- 44 
 
 Chapter IV 45- 57 
 
 Chapter V rrirlYir." 58- 74 
 
 Chapter VI 75- 84 
 
 Chapter VII 85- 99 
 
 Chapter VIII _. 100-115 
 
 Chapter IX 116-128 
 
 Chapter X 1 29-1 40 
 
 Chapter XI ._ 141-154 
 
 Chapter XII 155-168 
 
 Chapter XIII 169-187 
 
 Chapter XIV 188-204 
 
 Chapter XV 205-224 
 
 Chapter XVI , 225-234 
 
 vii
 
 via CONTENTS. 
 
 Chapter XVII 235-255 
 
 Chapter XVIII 256-270 
 
 Chapter XIX 271-298 
 
 Chapter XX 299-316 
 
 Chapter XXI 317-330 
 
 Chapter XXII 331-350 
 
 Chapter XXIII 351-364 
 
 Chapter XXIV.. 365-380 
 
 Chapter XXV 381-390
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The attention of an observer, who stands upon the 
 seashore, and surveys the changing surface of the 
 deep, is not attracted so much by the mighty mass of 
 w^aters spread out before him, as by the waves which 
 lift their crests high in the air, as if to assert their 
 individuality and power, and then dash themselves 
 upon the beach in the vain attempt to burst through 
 the barriers which confine them. 
 
 So, in studying the history of past ages, the atten- 
 tion of the student is not attracted by the masses of 
 the people, who have inhabited the earth during any 
 given period, but rather by the individuals, who, by 
 their genius, heroism or devotion to principle, have 
 towered above the dead level of humanity and per- 
 formed deeds or perpetuated institutions of which 
 the memory and influence have become immortal. 
 It is such men as these who, by directing the giant 
 forces of society, government and religion, have made 
 history. Thus all history must be, to a large extent, 
 biographical, for it is the record of the thoughts and 
 deeds, not of the many, but of the few who have 
 played the principal parts in the great drama of life.
 
 lO ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 There are many men who have secured renown by 
 their achievements, but comparatively few have been 
 so fortunate as to have their names linked with the 
 triumph of a great principle over opposing forces. 
 
 There are multitudes of great generals, who have 
 conquered empires, or conducted glorious military 
 campaigns. The annals of time teem with the names 
 of statesmen and philosophers who have formed and 
 directed governments and institutions, or opened up 
 hidden treasures of knowledge. But the number is 
 small of those who have been instrumental in insti- 
 tuting great moral or political reforms. Yet there 
 are some names that always suggest the great move- 
 ments with which they are connected and with which 
 they have become almost synonymous. Thus the 
 history of religious reform centres around the lives of 
 such men as Luther, Huss, Wickliffe and Wesley ; 
 while Cromwell, Mirabeau and Washington are 
 always identified with the cause of popular freedom 
 against tyranny and oppression. And no less inti- 
 mately are the names of Wilberforce, Alexander 
 and Lincoln identified with the cause of. personal 
 liberty. 
 
 The careers of most of these men have passed into 
 the domain of history, and it is possible to estimate 
 their character and influence, unbiased by the 
 glamor of their achievements or the sentiment in- 
 spired by their personality in those who came into 
 contact with them. But this is not true of Lincoln. 
 The generation, which witnessed his deeds, has not 
 passed off the stage, and there are men still living 
 who have clasped his hand and felt the charm of his 
 presence. Future generations may arrive at a true
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. II 
 
 estimate of his character, but those who have lived in 
 the same century with him can never do so. 
 
 An observer at the base of a mountain can see the 
 rocks, trees and precipices and note the solidity and 
 ruggedness of the great mass, but in order to form a 
 just estimate of its symmetry and majesty, he must 
 take his position at a distance so great as to render 
 the minor details invisible. 
 
 So it is with any man who has achieved a history 
 for himself. Those who stand within the circle of 
 his life are too near to take the measure of his char- 
 acter and influence. 
 
 It matters little what shall be the verdict of history 
 in the case of Abraham Lincoln. Whether it shall 
 rank him as the foremost American and the peer of 
 the world's greatest men, or only as a patient, faith- 
 ful toiler, who was suddenly raised to a position of 
 high responsibility, and who triumphed over the dif- 
 ficulties of the place by hard common-sense and 
 painstaking industry, but not by the brilliancy of 
 genius, which is commonly considered to be the es- 
 sence of such success. The great fact must still be 
 recognized that he saved the country from a peril that 
 threatened her very existence ; and that he inspired 
 and encouraged a burdened people, in the midst of a 
 terrible civil war, by his own indomitable energy and 
 unwavering faith in ultimate success. Whatever 
 future ages may say, the American people will always 
 regard him as a national benefactor, and will inscribe 
 his name high up beside that of Washington, the two 
 heroes whom a grateful country most delights to 
 honor. 
 
 When the Romans conquered Britain, they both
 
 12 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 established a military supremacy over it and also intro- 
 duced their own manners and customs, locating 
 colonies, founding cities and leaving the impress of 
 their civilization upon the lives and character of the 
 native inhabitants. 
 
 Among their many prosperous colonies was one 
 which they called Lin Colonia, located in the fertile 
 country between the River Humber and the Wash. 
 This old Roman colony has developed into a prosper- 
 ous count}'-, the largest, save one, in England. But 
 its name, Lincoln, is to-day the only reminder of its 
 ancient founders. 
 
 While it is easy to ascertain the origin of the name, 
 it is impossible to trace the lineage of the modern 
 Lincoln family back to it. Yet it is certain that the 
 great war President was descended from one of the 
 sturdy, Lincolnshire families, who have done so much 
 to develop the English character of to-day. 
 
 In 1638, or thereabouts, one Samuel Lincoln emi- 
 grated with his family from the county of Norfolk, 
 Eng., to Massachusetts, where he settled in the 
 little town of Hingham. From this pioneer settler in 
 the new world the various Lincoln families, scattered 
 over the country, are probably descended. These 
 early Lincolns were a devout people and earnest 
 students of the Bible. For a number of generations 
 their children were named after some of the Old 
 Testament heroes, many of them bearing such names 
 as Mordecai, Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. 
 
 Samuel's eldest son, Mordecai, removed to New 
 Jersey and thence to Pennsylvania, where he accumu- 
 lated a large property. Upon his death one of his 
 sons, John, received, as his share of the inheritance,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 13 
 
 an estate in Virginia, to which he removed, where he 
 developed into a prosperous planter, and was blessed 
 with a large family of children. 
 
 At this time but little was known of the imperial 
 domain which stretched out in an unbroken wilder- 
 ness of prairies, forests and mountains from the Alle- 
 ghanies to the Pacific. A few venturous pioneers had 
 entered the wilderness, where attracted by the fertil- 
 ity of the soil and the boundless resources of the 
 country, they had formed small settlements. The 
 lives they led were laborious and full of danger, for 
 they were compelled to contend not only with want 
 and hardship, but also with the savages who roamed 
 about in large numbers. 
 
 The career of Daniel Boone had just begun in Ken- 
 tucky, and it is probable that he was a personal friend 
 of the Lincolns, and that, induced by his glowing de- 
 scriptions of that land of promise, Abraham, John's 
 eldest son, with his wife and five children, decided 
 to emigrate to a place where it was possible to ob- 
 tain a great estate for a nominal price. He soon se- 
 lected a location in Mercer County, and pre-empted a 
 claim, afterwards, at various times, securing posses- 
 sion of tracts of land, which amounted in all to i,8oo 
 acres. He thus obtained a splendid estate, which, 
 with its fertile valleys and thickly wooded hill-sides, 
 would have enriched his descendants could they have 
 retained possession of it. 
 
 The labor of clearing the land and rendering it fit 
 for cultivation was great. A heavy growth of trees, 
 obstructed by dense undergrowth, covered much of 
 the ground, all of which must be cut away and 
 burned, and the land thoroughly worked before seed
 
 14 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 could be sown and harvest gathered. Nor were these 
 natural difficulties the only ones that assailed the pio- 
 neers. The blue grass regions \^'ere among the most 
 highly prized hunting-grounds of the Indians, and 
 different tribes were continually contending for their 
 possession. Hence they regarded the whites with 
 savage hatred, who were striving to dispossess them 
 of their lands. 
 
 The settlers were thus compelled to be constantly 
 upon the alert. The rifle and the spade were insepar- 
 able companions, where every stump might conceal a 
 savage foe, or every unwary move bring a tomahawk 
 hurtling through the air, thrown with unerring aim. 
 Courage and persistence of purpose alone could ena- 
 ble men to overcome such difficulties and labor on in 
 the almost hopeless attempt to convert the wilder- 
 ness into productive farms and prosperous communi- 
 ties. Many men were overwhelmed by their discour- 
 aging surroundings, and, not possessing the requisite 
 means to return to their former homes, settled back 
 into a wretched existence, doing just enough to keep 
 the wolf, real and figurative, from the door, fretting 
 and repining throughout their miserable lives at the 
 fate that had brought so much evil upon them. This 
 class increased in numbers with increasing popula- 
 tion, and came to bear about the same relation to so- 
 ciety, as the "poor whites" of later days. Into this 
 class of unfortunates many of the descendants of the 
 well-to-do Lincoln family relapsed. 
 
 Aside from a number of wandering hunters and 
 trappers, but few people had entered the country up 
 to this time ; but now a migratory instinct seemed to 
 seize the families along the borders, and large num-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I5 
 
 bers entered " the dark and bloody grounds," to set- 
 tle there permanently. Yet the settlements were 
 widely separated, and communication was difficult 
 between them. 
 
 The Lincolns built a rude log-cabin in the midst 
 of a clearing, upon or near the site of the present city 
 of Louisville, and began their exhaustive labors of 
 taming the wilderness and gaining a living from it. 
 A few years afterwards, while at work with his sons 
 a short distance from the house, Mr. Lincoln was shot 
 and instantly killed by an Indian, who had been hid- 
 den in the bushes. When Mordecai, the eldest son, 
 saw his father fall, he ran to the house, seized his rifle, 
 and shot the Indian while he was attempting to scalp 
 the dead man, aiming at a medal on his breast. Thus 
 the head of the family was taken away, and the boys 
 were compelled to take the burden of the farm and 
 family upon their own shoulders. 
 
 The youngest, Thomas, was a lad of seven when his 
 father was murdered, and barely escaped capture at 
 the hands of the Indians at that time. He grew up 
 into a typical hunter, poor and thriftless, yet brave, 
 good-natured and honest. He is said to have been 
 an inveterate talker and to have been accustomed to 
 embellish his conversation with numerous stories and 
 anecdotes, which always gained him an appreciative 
 audience, whenever he entered the frontier settle- 
 ments. 
 
 He partially learned the carpenter's trade, and 
 sometimes worked at it, but never continued long in 
 any occupation or place. He was noted for his phys- 
 ical strength, and though not anxious to exhibit it, 
 when aroused, he was capable of performing almost
 
 l6 ABRAHAM LIN'COLN. 
 
 incredible feats. At one time he is said to have 
 " thrashed the bully of Breckenridge County in three 
 minutes, and come off without a scratch." 
 
 Many of the great Lincoln's prominent traits of 
 character may be traced to this lazy, good-natured 
 Hercules of the Kentucky backwoods. 
 
 At the age of twenty-eight, he was married to 
 Nancy Hanks, a tall and beautiful brunette. She was 
 ambitious and proud, but her spirit was soon broken 
 by the hardships she was compelled to endure, and 
 her strength undermined by unceasing toil. They 
 settled first in Elizabethtown, in a small rudely built 
 house, where the young husband hoped to earn a liv- 
 ing by working at his trade. He found this a diffi- 
 cult task and soon removed to a little farm in La Rue 
 County, which he had bought on credit, agreeing to 
 pay for it in instalments. The struggle that the 
 young couple had entered upon, was a hard one. The 
 land was rocky and barren, both difficult to cultivate 
 and unproductive, hardly yielding sufficient to supply 
 their immediate wants, and leaving no margin to as- 
 sist in raising the debt. 
 
 Mrs. Lincoln proved to be an efficient helper to her 
 inefficient husband. When her housework was done, 
 she worked at his side with hoe or axe till sunset, or 
 shouldered a gun and entered the forest in search of 
 game to add to their scanty stock of provisions. She 
 was able to read and write, an unusual accomplish- 
 ment among the pioneer families, but she lacked both 
 time and means to gratify her taste in this direc- 
 tion, so that they became almost forgotten accom- 
 plishments. Yet her taste made their little log-cabin, 
 with its rude furnishings, far more attractive than the
 
 ABRAHAM LINXOLX. 1 7 
 
 dwellings of their neighbors, and had she lived 
 amid more favorable surroundings, she would, no 
 doubt, have become a refined and cultured woman. 
 
 In the midst of such surroundings as these, and in 
 the most abject poverty, Abraham Lincoln was born 
 on the 1 2th da}' of February, 1809. Never was hero 
 brought into this world under more inauspicious cir- 
 cumstances. There was, in the lonely life of the Lin- 
 coln family, no hint of the glory, which was to crown 
 their name and draw the attention of the world to 
 their humble cabin. Nor did it seem possible that, 
 amid such surroundings and privations, a child could 
 be born and nurtured, whose hand in after-life should 
 wield the fate of a nation. 
 
 There were in all three children : the eldest, Sarah, 
 and the youngest, Thomas, who lived but a short 
 time. The family remained on the little rock)'- farm 
 until Abraham was four years old, when they removed 
 to a much better farm on Knob Creek, which might 
 have been developed into a valuable estate. But the 
 shiftless father, content with a diet of milk and corn- 
 meal, and satisfied, if his physical wants were moder- 
 ately well supplied, only attempted to cultivate a 
 small patch of about six acres. He met with his 
 usual indifferent success, although his patient wife 
 did her best to make up for his deficiencies. He paid 
 but little attention to the education of his children, and 
 their overburdened mother could do but little more 
 than clothe and feed them. Twice they attended a 
 school in the neighborhood for a few weeks, at one 
 time being compelled to walk four miles each way, 
 carrjnng a well-worn spelling-book, their only text- 
 book, and a scanty lunch of corn bread. The course
 
 l8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 of study included only reading, writing, spelling and 
 a few simple arithmetical rules. 
 
 Young Abraham spent the most of his time out-of- 
 doors hunting and fishing, or helping his father in the 
 farmwork. He was bright and active, and his free 
 life in the open air no doubt laid the foundation of 
 the sturdy good health which afterwards was of 
 so much value in the terrible physical strain to which 
 he was subjected. 
 
 Yet from childhood he was subject to the fits of 
 melancholy which afterwards so frequently over- 
 shadowed his life. He had inherited the sensitive 
 nature of his mother, and the gloom of his surround- 
 ings and prospects seemed to impress itself upon 
 him, even at an age when most boys would have been 
 oblivious to it. Whether working at his father's side, 
 or wandering aimlessly about in the grand old forests, 
 or fishing in the clear waters of the creek, he was still 
 oppressed by the atmosphere of poverty and shift- 
 lessness in which he was compelled to live. 
 
 In after-life he always looked back upon these 
 early years with pain, and rarely alluded to them. 
 They were characterized by no important occurrence, 
 and their story was but " the short and simple annals 
 of the poor." Yet the habits of simple living, of 
 rising above hardships and of overcoming the 
 obstacles of life, were of more value to him than 
 schools, society and culture to many a more favored 
 youth. The school of necessity is a hard one but it 
 teaches its lessons well and thoroughly. 
 
 After a residence of four years in this place, Mr. Lin- 
 coln, becoming uneasy and discontented, determined 
 to move again. He had probably been able to pay
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I9 
 
 but little, if anything, on the land, and may have been 
 compelled to seek another location. At any rate, he 
 sold his interest in the land for ten barrels of whiskey 
 and twenty dollars. Having built a rickety flat-boat 
 and laden it with the whiskey, he set sail alone upon 
 the Ohio for the purpose of seeking a new home for 
 himself and family. 
 
 After a short voyage, his boat went to pieces, and 
 the cargo sank to the bottom of the river. He fished it 
 up with much labor, and leaving it at a house on the 
 Indiana shore, he pushed into the wilderness to select 
 a suitable spot to settle. He soon found one, and 
 immediately moved his family and furniture from the 
 old location to the new. The comforts of a home 
 this poor, wandering family hardly knew. His 
 household possessions were scanty and of little value, 
 consisting of a little bedding, a few coarse dishes and 
 two or three wooden stools, with his kit of carpenter's 
 tools. His neighbors assisted him in the task of 
 moving, ferrying the family with their goods across 
 the river, and the remainder of the journey was made 
 with the help of a yoke of oxen and a cart, both 
 borrowed.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was no doubt influenced in his deter- 
 mination to leave his Kentucky home by the fact that 
 his relations with his neighbors were becoming more 
 and more unpleasant. His poverty and shiftlessness, 
 together with his tendency to become implicated in 
 disreputable affairs, all combined to make him a social 
 outcast. Hence in leaving the State of his nativity 
 he had but few ties to break and few friends to bewail 
 his departure. 
 
 In Indiana, the Mecca of their pilgrimage, this for- 
 lorn family could look forward to no friendly wel- 
 come, nor even to a comfortable home. When they 
 arrived, they were compelled to camp out until a 
 miserable hut, commonly called a " lean-to," could be 
 built for a temporary shelter. It was made of poles 
 and was open on one side to the wind and weather. 
 Here they lived for nearly a year, suffering great 
 privations, and hardly protected at all from the storms 
 and cold. In the mean time, Mr. Lincoln broke up a 
 small piece of ground and planted it with corn, work 
 ing in the intervals upon a rude log-hut, in which, 
 when completed, they lived for three years, without 
 either door or windows. 
 
 Furniture was almost wholly lacking. A few three- 
 legged stools and a rough board for a table with a bed 
 made of a large bag of leaves placed upon slats fas- 
 (20)
 
 ABRAHAM LINXOLN. 21 
 
 tened to the walls and held up by poles resting on a 
 crotched stick, completed the list. The children 
 slept on the ground, for there was no floor, except on 
 the coldest nights, when they crawled into the primi- 
 tive bed with their father and mother. 
 
 The house was located upon an eminence about six- 
 teen miles from the Ohio River, in what was then 
 known as Perry County, near the present village of 
 Gentryville. It was in the midst of a thickly wooded 
 country, where were found great oaks, maples, wal- 
 nuts and many other native trees, with little or no 
 undergrowth. The location was charming and pic- 
 turesque and lacked nothing but water, which had to 
 be brought from a considerable distance. The coun- 
 try abounded in deer and other inoffensive wild 
 animals, which furnished an abundance of meat 
 together with the materials of which the pioneers 
 were accustomed to make their clothes. 
 
 Abraham was about eight years old when the family 
 removed to Indiana ; yet he was possessed of con- 
 siderable strength, and assisted materially in the ardu- 
 ous labors of the journey. He afterwards said in 
 regard to this period of his life : ** We reached our 
 new home about the time that the State came into 
 the Union. It was a wild region with many bears 
 and other animals still in the woods. There I grew 
 up. There were some schools, so-called, but no 
 qualification was ever required of a teacher beyond 
 'readin', ritin' and cipherin' to the rule of three.' If 
 a straggler, supposed to understand Latin, happened 
 to sojourn in the neighborhood, he was looked upon 
 as a wizard. There was absolutely nothing to excite 
 ambition for an education. Of course, when I came
 
 22 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 of age, I did not know much; still, somehow, I could 
 read and write and cipher to the rule of three, and 
 that was all. I have not been to school since. The 
 little advance I have now made upon this store of edu- 
 cation, I have picked up from time to time, under the 
 pressure of necessity. I was raised to farm work at 
 which I continued until twenty-two." 
 
 Life in Southern Indiana was like that in other 
 back-woods regions, the story of which is familiar to 
 all. Neighbors were few and distant. A sister of 
 Mrs. Lincoln with her husband soon after settled near 
 by, and this family furnished about the only society 
 accessible to them for several years. 
 
 Educational advantages were few and primitive. 
 In all, young Lincoln attended school less than a year, 
 yet he made the most of that time and obtained a 
 working knowledge of the rudiments, which he after- 
 wards increased materially by home reading and 
 study. 
 
 A man by the name of Hazel Dorsey was Lincoln's 
 first teacher in Indiana. The school-house, which was 
 built of logs, was distant nearly two miles from the 
 Lincoln homestead. At school young Abraham 
 gained the reputation of being a good scholar and 
 soon won the affection of his teacher and playmates. 
 
 He was compelled to lose much time in school, in 
 order to help his father split rails; yet upon his return 
 he quickly regained his position in the class. During 
 his short attendance upon this school he gained a 
 knowledge of the rudiments which enabled him to 
 continue his studies by himself and make rapid prog- 
 ress in them. 
 
 Farm work was never a congenial occupation, for
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 23 
 
 he seemed to feel, even then, that he was fitted for a 
 higher sphere and was eager to make preparation for 
 it. He was compelled to labor hard and incessantly, 
 sometimes at home, and frequently for some neighbor 
 who happened to be short of help. It is said that he 
 was inclined to slight his work, and that he had in- 
 herited something of his father's shirking propensi- 
 ties. It was his great delight to stop in the midst of 
 his labors and, mounting a stump, to make a speech 
 to his fellow laborers, who were always ready to hear 
 " Abe " speak, much to the disgust of their employer. 
 He would select a subject, sometimes a text from the 
 Bible, and embellish his harangue with stories and 
 jokes, which, with the contortions of his awkward fig- 
 ure, would keep his hearers in a roar of laughter. 
 When he went to the country store or to the mill, he 
 was generally surrounded with loafers and often for- 
 got his errand in his attempt to amuse his rude au- 
 dience. 
 
 This propensity was a source of considerable an- 
 noyance to his father, who strove in vain to conquer 
 it. One of his old neighbors' declared that "Abe 
 was awful lazy." He says, " He worked for me fre- 
 quently, a few days only at a time. He once told me 
 that his father had taught him to work, but 
 never learned him to love it. He would laugh and 
 talk and crack jokes and tell stories all the time ; 
 didn't love to work, but did dearly love his pay." 
 The following description is given of his personal 
 appearance at the age of fifteen.^ *' He was growing 
 
 ' John Romine. 
 * Lamon.
 
 24 ABRAHAM LIXCOI.N. 
 
 at a tremendous rate, and two years later attained his 
 full height of six feet and four inches. He was long, 
 wiry and strong ; while his big feet and hands, and 
 the length of his legs and arms, were out of all pro- 
 portion to his small trunk and head. His complexion 
 was very swarthy, and his skin was shrivelled and yel- 
 low even then. He wore low shoes, buckskin 
 breeches, linsey-woolsey shirt and a cap made of the 
 skin of an opossum or coon. The breeches clung 
 close to his thighs and legs and failed by a large 
 space to meet the tops of his shoes. Twelve inches 
 remained uncovered, and exposed that much of shin- 
 bone, sharp, blue and narrow." 
 
 He soon acquired an insatiable thirst for knowledge, 
 although at first it required considerable persuasion 
 to induce him to attend to the intellectual tasks set be- 
 fore him. There was no book in the house save the 
 Bible, but this he never tired of reading, until his fa- 
 miliarity with it became remarkable. He used, fre- 
 quently, in after-life to quote from it in his conversa- 
 tion and speeches, and the simplicity and clearness of 
 his literary style was largely produced by his study 
 of its matchless diction. 
 
 There were a few books of standard merit possessed 
 by the different families in the neighborhood all of 
 which he borrowed and read many times. Among 
 them were Weem's " Life of Washington," " Esop's 
 Fables," " Robinson Crusoe," "Arabian Nights " and 
 the " Speeches of Henry Clay." He dearly loved to 
 stretch himself out on the grass beneath the shadow 
 of some great tree and pore over his book. During 
 the long evenings he would lie at full length on the 
 floor beside the great fireplace and read until the fire
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 25 
 
 went out. He was accustomed to write out with char- 
 coal on bits of board the passages, which struck him 
 most forcibly, and afterwards to commit them to 
 memory. 
 
 He became intensely interested in the speeches of 
 Henry Clay, many of which he committed to mem- 
 ory. His father was a Democrat and he had natur- 
 ally inclined in that direction, but now he became an 
 ardent admirer of the Kentucky statesman and a de- 
 termined and persistent Whig, remaining of that pol- 
 itical belief until he became one of the leaders of the 
 young Republican party. 
 
 While on his way to Washington, in later years, to 
 assume the duties of the Presidency, he passed 
 through Trenton, N. J., and, in a speech before the 
 State Senate, made the following allusion to the deep 
 impression, which one of these books had made upon 
 him : 
 
 " May I be pardoned if, on this occasion, I mention 
 that, away back in my childhood, in the earliest days 
 of my being able to read, I got hold of a small book, 
 such an one as few of the younger members have 
 seen, Weem's ' Life of Washington.' I remember all 
 the accounts there given of the battle-fields and strug- 
 gles for the liberties of the country ; and none fixed 
 themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the 
 struggle here at Trenton. The crossing of the river, 
 the struggle with the Hessians, the great hardships 
 endured at that time, all fixed themselves in my 
 memory more than any other single Revolutionary 
 event, and you all know, for you have all been boys, 
 how these early impressions last longer than any 
 others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I
 
 26 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 was, that there must have been something more than 
 common that these men struggled for. I am exceed- 
 ingly anxious that that thing which they struggled 
 for, that something even more than national independ- 
 ence, that something that held out a great promise 
 to all people of the world for all time to come, I am 
 exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution 
 and liberties of the people, shall be perpetuated in 
 accordance with the original idea for which that 
 struggle was made." 
 
 This same " Life of Washington " was the first 
 book which he ever owned. He acquired possession 
 of it, however, in a manner not wholly satisfactory to 
 himself. He had borrowed it from a neighbor, named 
 Crawford, who was not noted for his generosity. 
 One night Lincoln took it to bed with him and con- 
 tinued to read until his pin^ knot lamp burned out, 
 when he thrust the book into a crevice between the 
 logs in the side of the house. During the night a 
 severe storm came up and the book was soaked. He 
 went to Mr. Crawford in the morning, and telling 
 him of the mishap, offered to pay for the book. 
 Crawford set him to work pulling cornfodder, and 
 kept him at it for three days, making the young stu- 
 dent pay an extortionate price in labor for an old and 
 worn-out book. Young Lincoln was much dissatisfied 
 with such parsimony, and afterwards unconsciously 
 following the example of an old Greek poet, wrote 
 several bits of doggerel verse, in which he ridiculed so 
 forcibly the personal appearance of Crawford, that 
 his fiat nose and scowling visage became a byword 
 throughout the whole community. 
 
 When he was ten years old his mother died after a
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 27 
 
 long and distressing illness. During her sickness he 
 cared for her as tenderly as a girl, and often sat at her 
 side and read the Bible to her for hours. The dying 
 mother gave him much loving advice, which he stored 
 up in his memory as a precious legacy, and over which 
 he pondered deeply. Her loss must have been se- 
 verely felt by the household in the long winter which 
 followed. The burden of the household duties fell 
 upon Sarah, who was hardly yet in her teens, but 
 was developing into a quiet, useful woman. 
 
 There was no minister in the vicinity at the time 
 of Mrs. Lincoln's death, and she was buried in the 
 grove near the house without ceremonies, beyond one 
 or two simple prayers from the neighbors. A few 
 months afterwards an itinerant preacher, Elder Elkin, 
 was invited by a letter composed and written with 
 laborious care by young Lincoln, to come and per- 
 form the simple funeral services then in vogue. 
 
 It was a clear and beautiful day when the neigh- 
 bors, to the number of about two hundred, gathered 
 in the little grove to take part in the services. The 
 minister, a plain and simple man, was much 
 affected by the circumstances and surroundings, and 
 spoke with a rude eloquence that moved every heart 
 and made a deep impression, especially upon the 
 two motherless children. He spoke tenderly of the 
 patient Christian character of the deceased, and com- 
 memorated her many virtues with touching words, 
 commending her example for the emulation of all. 
 
 Mrs. Lincoln's life had been a dull and hard one, a 
 daily routine of care and trouble, yet she had made 
 a deep impression upon the character of her son, and 
 in after-life his mind often reverted to the lonely grave
 
 28 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 by the Ohio, with love and reverence. Long after- 
 wards, when the forest flowers had bloomed above 
 her grave for two score )'ears, he said to a friend, with 
 tears in his eyes : " All that I am or hope to be I owe 
 to my angel mother — blessings on her memory." 
 
 In the autumn of the same year, Mr. Lincoln 
 returned to his old home in Kentucky, and married a 
 widow lady, who had been one of his youthful sweet- 
 hearts. He represented himself to be a well-to-do 
 farmer with considerable property, and the new Mrs. 
 Lincoln was much disappointed at the state of affairs 
 which she found at her journey's end. But like the 
 true woman that she was, she determined to make 
 the best of what she could not help. She brought 
 with her a large load of furniture, which the children 
 regarded with amazement Tor nothing so grand had 
 ever been seen in the neighborhood before, and for 
 the first time in his life Abe rejoiced in a warm com- 
 fortable bed. With Mrs. Lincoln came her own three 
 children, but she showed no partiality to them, and 
 the two motherless children soon learned to regard 
 her with warm affection. In speaking of her stepson 
 she once said : " Abe never gave me a cross word or 
 look, and never refused, in fact or appearance, to do 
 all I requested of him." 
 
 A new era was inaugurated in the cheerless cabin 
 by her arrival. Floors were laid, a door was hung, 
 windows were fitted into the open spaces in the walls, 
 and a new spirit of order and progress pervaded the 
 domestic economy. She not only strove to improve 
 the material condition of the household, but also 
 determined to give the children better opportunities 
 to secure at least the rudiments of an education.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 29 
 
 One of his early friends says that Abe was accus- 
 tomed to come in from the field after his day's labor, 
 go to the cupboard and snatch a piece of corn-bread 
 and sit down, literally upon his shoulder-blades, with 
 his feet upon the mantel. In this position he would 
 remain, absorbed in his book, until it became too dark 
 to see, when he would crouch down by the fire and 
 take advantage of its unsteady light. Inasmuch as 
 writing materials were so costly as to be beyond his 
 reach, he was accustomed to write upon strips of pine- 
 board with charred sticks, and when the board was 
 full would shave it down until he had a clean surface 
 again. 
 
 It was early his ambition to become a public speaker, 
 and he not only practiced constantly on his friends 
 whenever he could secure an audience, but he seized 
 every opportunity to listen to speeches. In those days, 
 the courts were literally circuit courts, the judge and 
 lawyers riding on horseback from one county-seat to 
 another, where they spent a number of days or weeks 
 trying cases. There was a great deal of oratorical 
 display on the part of the lawyers, who made use of 
 much bombastic eloquence in the trial of the petty 
 cases which came up before the Court. 
 
 Young Lincoln generally managed to attend court 
 regularly, when it was in session, and was deeply 
 interested in its proceedings. He would arise early in 
 the morning, " do the chores," and walk to Booneville, 
 the county-seat, which was located seventeen miles 
 away, returning in season to do up the evening's 
 work. He once listened with easfer interest to a 
 speech made by John A. Breckenridge, and was so 
 impressed with it that he ventured to congratulate
 
 3© ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 the lawyer at the close of the session. After he became 
 President, he told Mr. Breckenridge that it was listen- 
 ing to his speech that first inspired him with the 
 determination to become a lawyer. 
 
 When his parents were away to church Sundays he 
 used to take the Bible and select a text, from which 
 he would preach a sermon to his sister and other 
 children who happened along. His sermons may have 
 been somewhat faulty from a doctrinal point of view, 
 but they were entertaining. He always felt a deep 
 compassion for any person or animal in suffering, and 
 was exceedingly bitter in his denunciation of cruelty 
 to animals. " One day, a boy caught a land-terrapin, 
 brought it to the place where Abe was preaching, 
 threw it against the tree and crushed the shell. It 
 quivered all over and seemed to be suffering much. 
 Abe then made a really effective speech against cruelty 
 to animals, contending that an ant's life was as sweet 
 to it as ours to us." 
 
 This habit of speech-making soon developed into a 
 great nuisance, for it distracted the attention of the 
 men who were ready to stop work at any time to hear 
 him speak. His speeches were simple and crude, but 
 contained many sharp points, and were illustrated 
 with numerous stories which kept his audience in 
 roars of laughter. Oftentimes his father was com- 
 pelled to interrupt the incipient orator by the use of 
 force, and he was dragged from his rude rostrum and 
 hustled off to work with no gentle hand. He was not 
 discouraged by these setbacks and difficulties, but 
 persisted in his practice until he became recognized 
 as a promising orator. 
 
 He commenced early to write compositions, and 
 
 mm
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 3I 
 
 soon gained a considerable rural repute by having 
 several articles published in the country newspapers. 
 One of his earliest efforts was an essay upon " Cruelty 
 to Animals," which was published and was considered 
 a marvellous production by his friends. He generally 
 vv^rote with a humorous vein, and frequently directed 
 his jokes against the failings of his friends. He was 
 specially inclined to rhythmical composition, and pos- 
 sessed a rude talent in stringing together pointed 
 couplets. Upon the page of one of his copy-books, 
 among numerous other poetical effusions, appears the 
 suggestive couplet : 
 
 " 'Tis Abraham Lincoln holds the pen, 
 He will be good, but God knows when." 
 
 He wrote several long poetical productions of a 
 satirical character, introducing broad jokes and " take- 
 offs " which would hardly grace a printed page. At 
 one time there was a double wedding in the Gentry 
 family, the leading family of the community. He 
 was not invited, and felt the slight keenly. He was 
 possessed of too combative a disposition to quietly 
 put up with what he deemed to be an insult, and 
 determined to avenge himself in poetic measures. He 
 wrote a cutting satire, in which the members of the 
 offending family figured as prominent characters. It 
 was a bold, audacious thing, and created a great deal 
 of excitement in the neighborhood, being highly 
 applauded by his friends. The victims of the joke 
 were highly incensed, and one of the younger mem- 
 bers of the family challenged him to fight. He accepted 
 the challenge, and the fight took place. Instead of 
 fighting in person, however, he substituted his step- 
 brother in his place, who was badly whipped. Young
 
 32 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Lincoln stepped into the ring, and swinging his long 
 arms around his head, dared any one to attack him. 
 But his strength and prowess were too well known, 
 and he proudly left the field with his honor vindi- 
 cated as the champion of the neighborhood. 
 
 His agility and strength w^ere remarkable, and no 
 one in the vicinity could throw him in a wrestling 
 match. He is said to have been able to carry a load 
 which three men could hardly lift, and he once picked 
 up a hen-house weighing over six hundred pounds 
 and carried it a considerable distance. At another 
 time, seeing a number of men preparing sticks upon 
 which to lift some heavy timbers, he shouldered the 
 timbers and easily carried them to their destination. 
 "He could strike with a maul," says Mr. Wood, "a 
 heavier blow than any other man. He could sink an 
 axe deeper into the wood than any other man I ever 
 saw." 
 
 He enjoyed being upon the water, and more than 
 once sought to obtain em.ployment upon the river 
 boats. In his leisure moments he built a small fiat- 
 boat, which he used for short excursions up and down 
 the river. While at work upon it one day, he was 
 approached by a couple of gentlemen, who requested 
 him to put their baggage upon a steamer which was 
 passing down the river. For this he was paid a dol- 
 lar in silver, the first dollar he had ever earned. 
 While President, he related the story to Mr. Seward 
 and remarked : " I could scarcely believe my eyes 
 when I received the money. You may think it was 
 a very little thing, and in these days it seems to me 
 a trifle, but it was the most important incident in my 
 life. I could scarcely credit that I, a poor boy, had
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. T,^ 
 
 earned a dollar in less than a da)' — that by earnest 
 work I had earned a dollar. The world seemed 
 wider and fairer before me, I was a more hopeful and 
 confident being from that time." 
 
 In March, 1828, he went to work for Mr. Gentry, 
 who lived near by. Shortly afterwards, his employer 
 fitted out a scow to be laden with corn, bacon and 
 other country produce, which was to be taken down 
 the river, and disposed of at the towns along the route. 
 He put Abe in command of the little craft, who, in 
 company with a young man somewhat older than 
 himself, made the trip successfully and conducted the 
 business to the entire satisfaction of his employer. 
 They were accustomed to drift with the current by 
 day, and tie up to the shore by night. One night, a 
 number of negroes boarded the craft intent upon 
 plunder. The young m.en were awakened and 
 attacked the intruders so vigorously, that four of them 
 were knocked into the river and the rest took to flio-ht. 
 But Lincoln, not content with a partial victory, 
 leaped from the boat and pursued the marauders, with 
 so much vigor that he overtook them and gave them 
 a severe thrashing. It was the first and last time 
 that Lincoln lifted his hands against any representa- 
 tives of the colored race. 
 
 It was his first trip out into the world and the 
 broad river, with its numerous steamers filled with 
 passengers, and the villages and cities along the 
 shores, gave him many hints of a broader life than 
 any he was acquainted with, as well as much food for 
 reflection. It is probable, that, on this trip, he came 
 into actual contact with slavery foi- the first time and 
 saw something of the unnatural suffering and degra-
 
 34 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 dation caused by the iniquitous system. His heart 
 was tender and easily touched by suffering, even 
 when inflicted upon the lower animals, and the sight 
 of men and women bending beneath the burdens of 
 inhuman servitude must have been abhorrent to him. 
 It may not be too much to say that the Emancipation 
 Proclamation germinated in this trip. It is certain 
 that, from this time on, he pondered deeply upon the 
 great problems of American politics and humanity, 
 and sought long and patiently for their solution. 
 
 He learned much from the trip and returned home 
 more than ever eager to fit himself for usefulness in 
 a higher and wider sphere than that into which he 
 had been born. 
 
 The venture was a financial success, owing to his 
 shrewd management. Mr. Lamon says that at one 
 place, where they sold a quantity of provisions, they 
 received in payment a counterfeit bill, which they did 
 not discover until they were at some distance from 
 the town. When his companion bewailed the loss, 
 Lincoln remarked, by way of consolation, " Never 
 mind, I guess it will soon slip out of our fingers." 
 And it did.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 In 1830, Mr. Lincoln became once more uneasy and 
 dissatisfied with his surroundings and determined to 
 move again, influenced in part by the unhealthful 
 character of the Gentryville farm and locality. 
 Reports of the peculiar fertility of the great State to 
 the westward had been brought to his ears and he 
 decided to emigrate to Illinois. 
 
 This great commonwealth had been a member of 
 the Union twelve years, and contained, at this time, 
 a population of about a quarter of a million. The 
 broad prairies in the central and northern portions of 
 the State, now occupied by prosperous communities 
 and populous cities, were then wholly without inhabi- 
 tants. • The immigrants from other States passed over 
 these great plains, unsuspicious of their marvellous 
 fertility, believing them to be only fit for pasturage, 
 and settled in the forests and oak openings of the 
 south or along the water-courses near the borders of 
 the State. There were no large settlements. Cairo, 
 Alton, Galena, Decatur and a few other villages, now 
 developed into large and prosperous cities, were then 
 struggling to maintain a bare existence amid the 
 adverse influences by which they were surrounded. 
 
 Nature has been very kind to Illinois and has 
 granted it munificent gifts. Its broad and fertile 
 prairies, its beautiful water-courses and the great coal 
 
 (35)
 
 36 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 measures that underlie it, are treasure-houses that 
 have developed its population from thousands to mil- 
 lions, and made it one of the wealthiest States in the 
 Union. There was, however, but little to hint of its 
 coming glory in 1830, although it attracted immi- 
 grants in increasing numbers from year to year. 
 
 The population was mostly made up of families 
 from the border States, especially Kentucky. There 
 were few people from the East, and the "Yankees" 
 were not regarded with any degree of tolerance, being 
 always the objects of suspicion and aversion. 
 
 While the people of the State had decided b}' a 
 large majority not to permit slavery to be introduced, 
 yet their sympathies were largely with the institu- 
 tion, sometimes even to the verge of persecuting its 
 outspoken opponents, who lived in their midst. That 
 there was deep feeling on the subject, is proven by 
 the murder of Owen Lovejoy, some years later, at 
 Alton, because he persisted in publishing an Aboli- 
 tion paper. 
 
 The most of the people coming from Kentucky, had 
 become familiar with slavery in its less deplorable 
 aspects, and, v/hile they would not introduce it into 
 Illinois, would suffer no one to openly stigmatize it as 
 an unjust or iniquitous institution. 
 
 In the light of history it is easy to see how exactly 
 the circumstances were adapted to the developm.ent 
 of the peculiar personality of Lincoln. When he 
 entered Illinois he was a tall, gaunt youth of twenty- 
 one, unaccustomed to society and wholly ignorant of 
 the ways of the world, yet with the strong, innate 
 consciousness that he was destined to better things, 
 and that his capabilities were greater than those of
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 37 
 
 the men with whom he was accustomed to associate. 
 Brute force and physical prowess were still in the 
 ascendant in this pioneer State. The men of intelli- 
 gence and culture were to be found almost entirely in 
 the larger settlements and in the practice of law. 
 Lincoln was physically stronger than his associates, 
 and this, with his great length of limb, made him 
 easily the champion in the rough sports in which the 
 young men were wont to engage. His reputation 
 spread far and wide, both for his strength and his 
 skill in wrestling. Many a redoubted champion, who 
 had never before met his match, came from a distance 
 to dispute for his laurels with the new arrival and 
 went away ignominiously defeated. 
 
 The people were generally ignorant, few of them 
 being able to read or write. In learning, Lincoln far 
 surpassed them all, not only being able to read and 
 write, but having also acquired a considerable stock 
 of general knowledge. Had he been of higher birth 
 than his associates, this might have been an occasion 
 for jealousy and ill feeling, but he was as poor as 
 they and of even humbler lineage, hence they were 
 proud of his accomplishments and boasted of his 
 wonderful knowledge, as if credit was thereby cast 
 upon the whole community. 
 
 His poverty and consequent struggles for a bare 
 living contributed to strengthen his independence of 
 character and honesty, which, in a less positive man, 
 would have produced cringing servility and dis- 
 honesty. 
 
 One of the most marked features of his career, as it 
 was of the career of Washington, was the profound 
 impression he made upon everybody with whom he
 
 38 AHkAHA.M LINCOLN. 
 
 was brought into close personal contact. This was, 
 no doubt, owing to his intense and harmonious per- 
 sonality, and in part to the quaint charm of his con- 
 versation. 
 
 From early boyhood he had been accustomed to 
 embellish his conversation with numberless stories 
 and anecdotes of which he had an inexhaustible store 
 and a skill of adaptation to the point in hand which 
 has never been excelled. His early practice had given 
 him a degree of proficiency in public speaking in 
 which he made use of a rude and fervid eloquence 
 which seldom failed to carry the audience along in 
 sympathy with him. In those days, when men would 
 go thirty or forty miles to hear a lawyer's speech in 
 court or a political discussion, this was a commanding 
 gift and quickly earned a local reputation for its 
 possessor. 
 
 Thomas Lincoln, with his family, settled first in 
 Macon County; but he shortly afterwards moved to 
 the vicinity of the present city of Mattoon, in Coles 
 County. Young Lincoln took hold with energy to 
 help his father settle in his new home. He chopped 
 down trees and split rails and helped to fence in the 
 whole farm. 
 
 He now told his father, that, as he was of age and 
 the law gave him his liberty, he desired to shift for 
 himself and left his home never to return to it again 
 except for a brief visit. His father, with his wander- 
 ing instinct unimpaired, continued to move from one 
 place to another, hardly able to keep the wolf from 
 the door, until he died, at the age of seventy-three, 
 and was buried on the old homestead near Mat- 
 toon. Mrs. Lincoln outlived her illustrious step-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 39 
 
 son, who always treated her with tenderest consid- 
 eration. 
 
 For a time he worked wherever he chanced upon 
 an opportunity, now splitting fence rails, and again 
 helping to plant, cultivate and harvest a crop of corn. 
 He once made a bargain to split rails for a woman, 
 who was to furnish cloth and make him a pair of 
 trousers in return for his labor. He agreed to split 
 three hundred rails for every yard of cloth used in 
 manufacturing the garments, and faithfully carried 
 out his part of the bargain. 
 
 Shortly afterwards a speculator, Offutt by name, 
 came into the neighborhood looking for men to take 
 a fiatboat loaded with country produce to New Or- 
 leans and dispose of it. As young Lincoln had made 
 one trip to New Orleans he engaged him to take 
 charge of the expedition with two or three of his 
 friends as helpers. 
 
 As the boat was not ready at the appointed time, 
 they were compelled to make one, a somewhat diffi- 
 cult; task, as the materials were scarce and hard to 
 obtain. But the ingenuity of Lincoln overcame all 
 obstacles, and a good serviceable boat was completed 
 and launched in four weeks. The voyage was safely 
 made, although on the downward trip the boat was 
 stranded on the dam at New Salem, a small place a 
 few miles below Springfield, and nearly lost, but was 
 saved together with its cargo by the skill and strength 
 of Lincoln. 
 
 New Salem was a small place, and the arrival and 
 sad plight of the boat caused considerable excite- 
 ment. The whole population gathered upon the 
 banks of the river and watched the operation of re-
 
 40 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 leasing it from the dam where it liad stranded and 
 partially filled with water. After all the efforts of 
 the crew had proven fruitless Lincoln rolled up the 
 legs of his trousers and stepped into the water, his 
 length of limb standing him in good stead. By sheer 
 strength he lifted the boat upon the edge of the dam 
 and balanced it; then borrowing an auger he bored a 
 hole in the bottom and allowed the water to escape. 
 Having stopped up the hole, they continued the jour- 
 ney. This was Lincoln's first introduction to a com- 
 munity of which he was destined to become a promi- 
 nent and beloved member, while the people who had 
 watched him were struck with admiration of his 
 strength and ingenuity. 
 
 This trip made a far deeper impression upon the 
 mind of Lincoln than the former one. At New Or- 
 leans he first came into actual contact with the most 
 horrible features of slavery. For the first time he 
 entered the slave-market and saw human beings put 
 up at auction and sold like cattle. He saw families 
 separated and the hopeless sorrow of father and 
 mother as the children were torn from their arms to 
 be led away into a servitude which was worse than 
 death. He saw the whipping-post with all its attend- 
 ant horrors, and heard the stinging blows of the lash 
 and the groans of the poor victims. 
 
 He said to one of his companions as they turned 
 away from these terrible scenes, " If I ever get a 
 chance to hit that institution, I will hit it hard, John !" 
 His companions remarked of him that " his heart 
 bled, he was mad, thoughtful, abstracted, sad and 
 depressed." 
 
 He did not at once become an Abolitionist. Indeed,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 4I 
 
 it is doubtful if he was ever an Abolitionist in the 
 strict meaning of the term. His was not a nature to 
 leap hastily to a conclusion. It was only after long 
 thought and observation that his opinions attained 
 the strength of convictions, but once formed, it was 
 almost impossible to shake him from them. So now 
 he observed all these things and meditated upon 
 them, but it was many years before he became iden- 
 tified with an anti-slavery movement of any kind. 
 
 There is a tradition that on this trip to New Or- 
 leans, in company with John Hanks, he visited a 
 voodoo fortune-teller, and that during the interview 
 "she became much excited and after various other 
 predictions said: 'You will be President, and all the 
 negroes will be free.' " The truth of this tradition 
 cannot be established. 
 
 If God, in times of old, appeared to Moses and 
 foretold the great responsibility, about to devolve 
 upon him, of leading the Children of Israel out from 
 the land of bondage into freedom, might not the veil 
 of the future have been raised a little from before 
 the eyes of this modern Moses in order that he might 
 obtain a glimpse of the greet deeds which he was 
 destined to perform ? However this may be, he could 
 never again look upon slavery as a dim shadow which 
 lay upon a section of this sunny land, but it must 
 henceforth be a grim and horrid reality which should 
 oppress his spirits and excite his hatred and appre- 
 hension. 
 
 Upon his return to Illinois his employer was so im- 
 pressed with his ability and faithfulness that he deter- 
 mined to retain his services. He had recently opened 
 a store and a flouring mill, at the little settlement of
 
 42 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 New Salem, about twenty miles from Springfield. He 
 offered Lincoln the position of clerk, which was 
 accepted as the best opening that presented itself. 
 
 Mr. Offutt was very proud of the strength and 
 learning of his clerk, and frequently boasted of them. 
 There were at that time, living in the adjoining settle- 
 ment of Clary's Grove, a number of rude, quarrel- 
 some boys, who had made themselves the terror of 
 their neighbors by their wild and lawless deeds. The 
 boasts of Mr. Offutt came to their ears, and they 
 determined to "take the impudence" out of the 
 young clerk. One day they went to New Salem with 
 this intent, and finally succeeded in provoking Lin- 
 coln to enter into a wrestling match with Jack Arm- 
 strong, their leader, who was as strong as an ox and 
 the champion wrestler of the neighborhood. After 
 struggling a few moments, Lincoln seized him with 
 both hands, and, holding him at arm's-length, shook 
 him like a child. Upon this the Clary's Grove boys 
 rushed forward to the assistance of their leader, when 
 Lincoln backed up against the side of the store and 
 coolly awaited their onset. Armstrong, however, 
 was thoroughly subdued and shouted to his followers 
 to stop, saying: " Boys, Abe Lincoln is the best man 
 that ever broke into this settlement. He shall be one 
 of us." After this Lincoln had no stauncher friends 
 than these rough men, who never lost an opportunity 
 to praise or to vote for him. 
 
 Although he was now recognized as the champion 
 of the whole region, he seldom exhibited his great 
 strength except in the role of peacemaker. At one 
 time, while he'was waiting upon some ladies in the 
 store, a drunken rowdy came in and began to indulge
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 43 
 
 in abusive language. Lincoln politely requested him 
 not to use such language in the presence of ladies, 
 but he became very angry and dared Lincoln to come 
 out and fight, declaring that he had been waiting for 
 a good opportunity to whip him. After the ladies 
 had gone, Lincoln went out with him into the street, 
 where he easily threw him to the ground, and picking 
 up a handful of smartweed, he rubbed it vigorously 
 into the face and eyes of the discomfited rowdy until 
 he fairly howled for mercy. Then Lincoln assisted 
 him to rise and brought him some water with which 
 to wash his face. He never received a challenge to 
 fight from the same source again. 
 
 It was here at New Salem that he acquired the 
 sobriquet of " Honest Abe," which clung to him 
 through life. The honesty of his dealings is well 
 illustrated by a single event. " One night, in count- 
 ing the receipts of the day, he found his cash on hand 
 to be seven cents in excess of his sales. He con- 
 cluded that he had made an error of that amount in 
 returning change to one of his customer^, a poor 
 woman, who lived six or seven miles away. He im- 
 mediately closed the store and walked the whole dis- 
 tance to restore the money to her. 
 
 He seized every opportunity to increase his store of 
 knowledge, and spent hours daily in study, often to 
 the detriment of his work. When there was too much 
 noise in the store he would go out into the woods and 
 stretch his ungainly limbs in the shadow of a tree 
 upon the ground, and become so absorbed in his book 
 as to be lost to all around. 
 
 He once heard some one speak of the science of 
 grammar, and immediately determined to penetrate
 
 44 AKRAHAM LINCOLN'. 
 
 its mysteries. After diligent inquiries he found and 
 borrowed a boolv on the subject from a family living 
 several miles away. It took him but a short time to 
 master the subject. This was considered a great 
 achievement by his friends of New^ Salem and was 
 made the subject of many boasts 
 
 From this time on his life increases in interest. 
 Hitherto he had done but little more than any active, 
 ambitious boy could hope to accomplish, but now his 
 great native ability began to develop under the 
 spur of his fixed determination to make something of 
 himself.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 In the spring of 1832 Mr. Offutt failed in business, 
 and Lincoln found himself without employment. 
 Almost at the same time the Blackhawk war broke 
 out. The State issued a call for volunteers and he 
 was one of the first to respond. 
 
 Blackhawk was a chief of the tribe of the Sacs, who 
 had been removed by the Government from their for- 
 mer home in north-western Illinois to a reservation 
 west of the Mississippi. This Indian chief was a 
 princely man and showed an independence and nobil- 
 ity of character, which belonged to few of the aborig- 
 ines. Believing that his people had been unjustly 
 deprived of their lands, he formed the determination 
 to return and, if possible, regain possession of them. 
 He formed an alliance between nine of the most 
 powerful tribes of the north-west and invaded Illinois. 
 For a time the movement seemed to threaten a seri- 
 ous danger to the people of the Rock River valley. 
 But the call of the Governor was quickly responded 
 to, and several regiments were soon in the "field. After 
 much marching and counter-marching, with many 
 alarms and but little bloodshed, the enemy was driven 
 from the State. 
 
 A company was formed in New Salem and vicinity 
 of which Lincoln was elected captain. Although 
 the troops were called out in the State service, each 
 
 (45) 
 
 V^-.»iT
 
 46 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 company was permitted to select its own officers. 
 In the New Salem company there were two candi- 
 dates for the honor, William Kirkpatrick and Lincoln. 
 According to the custom, when the time for electing 
 officers had arrived, the two would-be captains took 
 tiieir stations at some distance from each other and 
 the men ranged themselves about the object of their 
 choice. Lincoln's popularity was so great that he 
 was elected by a vote of two to one. 
 
 In speaking of this event, many years afterwards, 
 when the highest honors within the gift of the nation 
 had been conferred upon him, he said, that he had 
 never been more gratified in his life than by this, the 
 first proof of public esteem he had ever received. It 
 was the expression of the high regard in which he was 
 held by all with whom he came into daily contact. 
 
 The war offered no opportunities to win renown or 
 perform glorious achievements. There were no bat- 
 tles worthy of the name and comparatively few hard- 
 ships to be endured. There were several long 
 marches and the troops suffered somewhat from 
 scarcity of provisions. 
 
 One day there came into the camp an old Indian, 
 weary and hungry. Although he had a safe conduct 
 from Gen. Cass, the men, who had become terribly 
 incensed against all of his race, declared the letter to 
 be a forgery and denounced him as a spy. They 
 rushed furiously upon him, intending to put him to 
 death, when Lincoln suddenly stepped between them 
 and their intended victim. In an imperative tone of 
 voice he ordered them back and told them that they 
 should not kill the defenseless Indian. He was 
 thoroughly aroused and his determined mien and
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 47 
 
 commanding tones cowed them and compelled them 
 suddenly to relinquish their purpose. At length, one 
 of the men shouted from the crowd : 
 
 " Lincoln, this is cowardly of you." Lincoln 
 looked towards him in supreme contempt and said : 
 
 " If any man thinks I am a coward let him test me." 
 
 " You are larger and braver than any of us," was 
 the reply. 
 
 "That 5^ou can guard against," said he; "choose 
 your weapons." 
 
 But nothing more was said, and the men'slowly dis- 
 persed. Such an occurrence could only be rendered 
 possible by the loose discipline which necessarily pre- 
 vailed among the volunteer troops. Had he 
 attempted to arrest the insolent man, in all proba- 
 bility a mutiny would have resulted. 
 
 He afterwards was wont to relate, in his inimitable 
 way, a less tragic incident which happened in this 
 expedition. He was marching at the head of his com- 
 pany through a field, when he came to a gate through 
 which it was necessary to pass. 
 
 *' I could not for the life of me," said he, " remem- 
 ber the proper word of command to get my company 
 through that gate endwise ; so, as we came near the 
 place, I shouted, * Halt ! This company is dis- 
 missed for two minutes, when it will form on the 
 other side of the gate.' " The evolution was success- 
 fully performed, and the company marched on. 
 
 Lincoln was mustered into the service by Lieut. 
 Robert Anderson, who afterwards directed the defense 
 of Fort Sumter. 
 
 After the evacuation of that ill-fated fortress Ander- 
 son called upon the President, and in the course of
 
 48 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 conversation Mr. Lincoln asked : " Major, do you 
 remember ever meeting me before ? " 
 
 " No, Mr. President, I have no recollection of ever 
 having had the honor before." 
 
 " My memory is better than yours," said Mr. Lin- 
 coln. " You mustered me into the service of tlie 
 United States, in 1832, at Dixon's Ferry in the Black- 
 hawk war." 
 
 Many of the men, with whom he was associated in 
 early life, gained a national reputation, and some of 
 them became his most trusted and efficient helpers 
 in his subsequent career. 
 
 Lincoln was at this time in a painful position. He 
 iiad no home and no regular occupation. His char- 
 acter was undeveloped, and his natural powers 
 untrained. The difficulties that beset him, would, to 
 another man, or in another age of the world, have 
 been insurmountable. He had no money, and his 
 clothes were of the poorest material : so coarse and 
 ill-fitting that they exaggerated the natural ungainli- 
 ness of his form. 
 
 On his return trip, after being discharged from 
 military duty, he was observed to be anxious and 
 worried about his future prospects, and, while his 
 comrades were light-hearted and happy, he was often 
 sad and gloomy. His determination to make some- 
 thing of himself, however, had been strengthened by 
 his association with older and more cultured men, 
 and from that time he devoted himself more earnestly 
 than ever to his studies. 
 
 As was the custom for any one, who desired a pub- 
 lic office, he had announced himself as a candidate 
 for the Legislature previous to his departure from
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 49 
 
 New Salem, and had made a declaration of his prin- 
 ciples in the county paper. Ever since he had been 
 old enough to entertain a decided opinion upon a 
 political question, he had been a Whig and an ardent 
 admirer of Henry Clay. But in local elections, 
 national politics were scarcely considered. In Sanga- 
 mon County, the great local issue pertained to the 
 navigation of the Sangamon River, and the candidate 
 who entertained the most radical views and who 
 could sustain them by the most telling speech, was 
 the favorite. 
 
 The schemes, originated and championed by the 
 aspirants for office, were visionary and impracticable 
 and were urged more to obtain political support than 
 with the belief that they would ever be carried into 
 operation. The river was shallow, winding and full 
 of obstructions, and the benefit to be derived from 
 making it navigable was not at all commensurate 
 with the immense expense that must have been 
 incurred. 
 
 Lincoln was an enthusiastic advocate of this and 
 other similar public improvements. He was, no doubt, 
 honest in the position he had taken, but was carried 
 away by the popular delusion, the fallacy of which his 
 judgment was not sufficiently developed to detect. 
 
 His first political speech was made during this cam- 
 paign and was as follows : 
 
 "Gentlemen and Fellow-citizens, I presume you all 
 know V\/^ho I am. I am humble Abraham Lincoln. 
 I have been solicited by my friends to become a can- 
 didate for the Legislature. My politics are short and 
 sweet, like the old woman's dance. I am in favor of 
 a national bank, I am in favor of the internal-im-
 
 50 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 provement system and a high protective tariff. 
 These are my sentiments and political principles. If 
 elected, I shall be thankful : if not, it will be all the 
 same." 
 
 Only ten days remained before the election, and it 
 was impossible to make a thorough canvas ; hence 
 being but little known, he was defeated. 
 
 After the election he was induced to buy a small 
 store in New Salem in company with one Berry, a 
 worthless fellow, in payment for which he gave his 
 personal note. They afterwards purchased the stock 
 of another store, thus adding to their liabilities with- 
 out materially increasing the extent and profit of 
 their business. 
 
 It would have been hard to find two men more 
 totally unfitted to carry on such a business success- 
 fully. To Lincoln it was but a temporary expedient 
 to furnish the means of subsistence while pursuing 
 his studies, while his partner was drunken and dis- 
 reputable. As might have been expected, from the 
 carelessness and inefficiency of both, the enterprise 
 failed and Lincoln was left with a heavy debt, which 
 seemed to him so large and hopeless a burden that 
 he often spoke of it as the national debt. His reputa- 
 tion for honesty did not fail him even then, and he 
 applied himself to the payment of the debt, which 
 was not fully paid for sixteen years, when he sent a 
 part of his Congressional salary from Washington to 
 Mr. Herndon to discharge the last obligation. 
 
 In 1832, he bought an old volume of Blackstone at 
 an auction in Springfield, and immediately com- 
 menced to master it. The determination he had 
 formed to enter upon the study of the law was not
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 51 
 
 hasty nor ill-considered. From the time when he 
 was accustomed to walk fifteen miles in order to 
 attend court and listen to the speeches, he seems to 
 have had an earnest desire to become a lawyer. As 
 he grew older and not only listened to speeches but 
 began himself to gain a reputation as an orator, and 
 as he became more acquainted with the world and 
 recognized the many opportunities for acquiring 
 wealth and distinction which a legal career offered, 
 the desire was changed to a fixed determination to 
 overcome every difficulty and fit himself for the Bar. 
 
 After mastering Blackstone, he began the system- 
 atic study of law, borrowing books from a legal friend 
 in Springfield, whose acquaintance he had made 
 during his brief military career. To obtain the 
 books he was compelled to walk to Springfield, a 
 distance of fourteen miles. He was accustomed to 
 stride along, book in hand, unmindful of all about 
 him. He was frequently seen at the store lying flat 
 upon his back on the counter, absorbed in his studies. 
 At night he went to the village carpenter's shop, and 
 having built a fire of shavings would read by its light 
 as long as the fuel lasted. 
 
 A friend speaks of having found him at his board- 
 ing-house, one day, stretched out at full length upon 
 the bed, poring over a book and rocking the cradle of 
 his landlady's baby with one foot. 
 
 He soon obtained an old book of forms and began 
 to draw up contracts, deeds, mortgages and other 
 legal documents for his friends and neighbors, who 
 were filled with wonder at the great learning dis- 
 played by their favorite. 
 
 In io33;hewas appointed postmaster of New Salem
 
 e2 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 — a position which was neither arduous nor lucrative. 
 There was but one mail a week, and this was so small 
 that he generally carried it in his hat, and when a 
 letter was called for he would take off his battered 
 tile and search for it in the depths. The pay was 
 small, but his chief compensation lay in the fact that 
 he now had the privilege of reading all the papers 
 that came into the neighborhood before he turned 
 them over to their owners, and he availed himself 
 fully of the privilege. After a time the office was 
 discontinued, and for some reason the balance of 
 about seventeen dollars was not called for until sev- 
 eral years after Lincoln had moved to Springfield, 
 during which time he had often been in want, with- 
 out suitable clothes and scarcely able to obtain the 
 necessities of life; yet when the United States Inspec- 
 tor called upon him, unexpectedly, for the money he 
 went to his trunk, and taking out an old stocking 
 poured its contents on the table. It contained the 
 exact sum in the identical coppers and silver pieces 
 which he had received. 
 
 It is a somewhat remarkable fact that America's 
 two greatest heroes gained a livelihood in their youth 
 by surveying, and that they were both masters of the 
 art. Both surveyed many large and valuable tracts 
 of land, the boundaries of which were in dispute, and 
 the results attained by each were regarded as final. 
 
 Washington took advantage of the opportunities 
 thus afforded to buy valuable tracts of land, and thus 
 laid the foundation of a great fortune and an immense 
 landed estate. Lincoln never speculated in land, 
 although he had the best of opportunities, or he, too, 
 might have become a wealthy man.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 53 
 
 His friends secured him the appointment as 
 deputy-surveyor from Jolin Calhoun, the county-sur- 
 veyor. This position was one of great responsibility 
 and importance. Settlers were constantly moving in 
 and acquiring titles in land, and speculators were buy- 
 ing and selling large tracts. Town sites were being 
 marked out and subdivided, so that very much 
 depended upon the accuracy with which the boundary 
 lines were established. 
 
 Lincoln was entirely ignorant of the science of sur- 
 veying, but with characteristic energy procured a trea- 
 tise upon the subject and commenced to master it. 
 He succeeded so well that in a short time he was put 
 to work. 
 
 Through the kindness of his friends he secured a 
 horse and a set of surveying instruments, and trav- 
 ersed the country from one end to the other, laying 
 out claims, determining boundary-lines, and locating 
 roads. 
 
 An incident is related which illustrates the fidelity 
 with which he performed his tasks. Two gentlemen 
 had a dispute in regard to the location of a corner, 
 the stake which marked it had apparently been 
 lost. They agreed to leave the decision to Lincoln, 
 who carefully made a survey and located the corner. 
 So accurate were his calculations that, upon digging 
 down a few inches, the old corner stake was found 
 buried in the ground. 
 
 For a time he prospered financially. His salary 
 from the Post-office and his pay as surveyor made 
 "good sailing," as he put it. But one of his creditors 
 unexpectedly sued him and obtained judgment, to 
 satisfy which his horse and surveying instruments
 
 54 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 were levied on and sold, but were bought back and 
 restored to him by a friend. He had a faculty of 
 making loyal friends, who were always ready to 
 extend a helping hand. There was something whole- 
 some about this awkward, ungainly young man which 
 attracted and attached to him those with whom he 
 came in contact. His manifest unselfishness and his 
 readiness always to help another in every possible 
 way brought him many true friends. Every effort 
 made in his behalf was warmly appreciated, and was 
 certain to bear fruit, for there was evidently no mean 
 future before him. 
 
 At tlie next election he was again a candidate for 
 the Legislature and this time Vv^as triumphantly elec- 
 ted. During his first candidacy he had issued a 
 manifesto in which he fully outlined his political views. 
 The closing sentences of this paper exhibit a modesty 
 and deference to public opinion which is not com- 
 monly expected in such compositions. He said : 
 
 " Upon the subjects of which I have treated, I have 
 spoken as I thought. I may be wrong in regard to 
 any or all of them ; but, holding it a sound maxim 
 that it is better only sometimes to be right than at all 
 times wrong, so soon as I discover my opinions to be 
 erroneous, I shall be ready to renounce them. . . . 
 Every man is said to have his peculiar ambition. 
 Whether it be true or not I can say, for one, that I 
 have no other so great as that of being truly esteemed 
 of my fellow-men by rendering myself worthy of their 
 esteem. How far I shall succeed in gratifying this 
 ambition is yet to be developed. . . . I was born, 
 and have ever remained, in the most humble walks of 
 life. I have no wealthy or powerful relations or
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 55 
 
 friends to recommend me. My case is thrown exclu- 
 sively upon the independent voters of the county ; 
 and, if elected, they will have conferred a favor upon 
 me, for Vv^hich I shall be unremitting in my efforts to 
 compensate. But if the good people, in their wis- 
 dom, shall see fit to keep me in the background, I 
 have been too familiar with disappointments to be 
 very much chagrined." 
 
 He entered vigorously into the campaign, going all 
 over the district, making speeches and mingling with 
 the people. He hnd several advantages over his com- 
 petitors — he was poor and a workingman, and he met 
 the country people upon their own level, causing 
 them to see that he was heartily in sympathy with 
 them. Yet, by his evident abilities and superior 
 attainments, he excited their respect and caused them 
 to feel pride in him as one in whom they had a spe- 
 cial interest. 
 
 His methods of speaking were well adapted to the 
 people whom he addressed. His speeches were, as 
 usual, enlivened by stories and anecdotes, which were 
 irresistibly funny, yet always illustrated a point, and 
 often proved more convincing than a long and 
 labored argument. His audience was kept in good 
 humor and expectant. It is said that he often 
 descended to personalities, and even to the verge of 
 vulgarity, and his stories were sometimes broad and 
 partook too much of the corner-grocery style. Yet 
 this was not so much his fault as that of the locality 
 and circumstances in which he was placed. 
 
 At one time during the campaign he visited the 
 house of Rowan Herndon, who had a number of men 
 cradling grain in a neighboring field. He asked per-
 
 56 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 mission to speak a few words to them, when one ot 
 them remarked that they would vote for no man 
 whom they could cut out of his swath. 
 
 "Well boys," said he, " I guess you will all vote for 
 me then." And, seizing a cradle, he easily led them 
 all around the field. 
 
 After his election he found it necessary to borrow 
 two hundred dollars, with which to buy clothes and 
 to pay his expenses during the legislative term. 
 
 The capital of Illinois was then located at Vanda- 
 lia in the south-central portion of the State During 
 the session many of the prominent men of the State 
 took up their residence there, either as members, or 
 because they were interested in the various measures 
 to be considered. 
 
 Lincoln eagerly availed himself of the opportunity 
 to meet the men of whom he had so often heard and 
 read. In the active work of the Legislature he took 
 but little part, watching closely all the details, and so 
 familiarizing himself with men and measures as to be 
 fitted in coming sessions to act as leader of his party, 
 which was in the minority. He is spoken of as 
 modest, reserved and observant, always in his seat, 
 and making many friends. 
 
 Upon his return to New Salem he resumed his 
 duties as deputy-surveyor, having been reappointed 
 by Thomas M. Neal, the new incumbent. He still 
 applied himself as closely to his studies as the duties 
 of the office permitted and slowly, but surely, per- 
 fected his preparation for the profession which he 
 had chosen. 
 
 While here in New Salem he became deeplj'^ at- 
 tached to a beautiful girl, named Anne Rutledge.
 
 ABRAHAM LIN'COLN. 57 
 
 She is'described as being exceedingly attractive, both 
 in appearance and character. Lincoln's love for her 
 was deep and lasting, and she finally yielded to his 
 suit, though never fully reciprocating his passion. 
 
 Not long after their engagement she was taken ill, 
 and died after a short sickness. For a time, Lincoln 
 seemed like one demented, and his friends feared, and 
 apparently with good reason, that he would become 
 insane and take his own life. But after his violent 
 grief subsided he returned to his labors, though the 
 blow had left a lasting impression upon him. His life 
 was saddened, and the gloom induced by this bereave- 
 ment never departed. Like a minor chord, it ran 
 through all the harmony of his life, and at times 
 became dominant.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 In 1836 he was again a candidate for the Legisla- 
 ture. He had now become well known through the 
 district, and had secured the good-will and confidence 
 of his constituents. In the last session the Legisla- 
 ture, in a reapportionment bill, had increased the 
 delegation from Sangamon County to seven Repre- 
 sentatives and two Senators. 
 
 The daj's of convention rule had not then come. 
 If a man was desirous of becoming a candidate for 
 any local position, he issued handbills, boldly defining 
 his views, and suing for the support of the people. In 
 accordance with tliis custom Lincoln issued the fol- 
 lowing circular, which was printed in the county 
 paper and scattered broadcast : 
 
 " New Salem, June 13, 1836. 
 " To the Editor of the Jourtial : 
 
 " In your paper of last Saturday I see a communication over 
 the signature of ' Many Voters,' in which the candidates who 
 are announced in the 'Journal are called upon to ' show their 
 hands.' Agreed. Here is mine. I go for all, sharing the 
 privileges of the Government, who assist in bearing its burdens ; 
 consequently I go for admitting all whites to the right of suf- 
 frage who pay taxes or bear arms (by no means excluding 
 females). If elected I shall consider the whole people of the 
 Sangamon district my constituents, as well those that oppose 
 as those that support me. While acting as their representa- 
 tive I shall be governed by their wiil on all subjects upon which 
 
 (58)
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 59 
 
 I have the means of knowing what their will is, and upon all 
 others I shall do what my own judgment teaches me will best 
 advance their interests. Whether elected or not, I go for dis- 
 tributing the proceeds of sales of public lands to the several 
 States, to enable our State, in common with others, to dig 
 canals and construct railroads, without borrowing money and 
 paying the interest on it. If alive on the first Monday in No- 
 vember, I shall vote for Hugh L. White for President. 
 
 " Very respectfully, 
 
 " A. Lincoln." 
 
 The whole manifesto, so remarkable for its bold- 
 ness and independence, was characteristic of the 
 times. His radical utterances upon the question of 
 suffrage derive added significance from tlie fact that, 
 through his instrumentality, the riglit of suffrage 
 was afterwards extended to four millions of people 
 who were at this time in bondage. 
 
 The canvass upon which he now entered was more 
 than usually exciting. There were numerous candi- 
 dates, many of whom were men of well-known ability 
 and address. Political meetings were held in differ- 
 ent parts of the county, which were attended by great 
 crowds of people, who assembled to hear debates or 
 disciassions by the rival candidates. Although ap- 
 pearing upon the platform with, and in opposition to, 
 many old and skilled orators, Lincoln was nowhere 
 worsted. His opponents soon learned that they could 
 not attack him with impunity, and that in an argu- 
 ment he was the equal of the most adroit debater. 
 
 Among the Democrats who were stumping the 
 county was one Dick Taylor, a pompous and self- 
 conceited fellow, who dressed in a most gaudy man- 
 ner, with ruffled shirts, embroidered vests and a large
 
 6o ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 amount of flashy jewelry. Notwithstanding this he 
 made great pretensions of being one of the yeomanry, 
 the oppressed lower class, and ridiculed the " Rag- 
 Barons" and ''Manufacturing Lords" of the Whig 
 party. 
 
 One day he was indulging in an unusually pro- 
 longed tirade against the Whigs, and accusing the 
 opposing candidates of being the representatives of 
 the aristocracy. Lincoln went up behind him, and 
 suddenly threw his coat open, disclosing a bewilder- 
 ing display of ruffles and velvet and jewels. The 
 crowd shouted with delight and Lincoln said : 
 
 " While he (Col. Taylor) was making these charges 
 against the Whigs over the countr}'^, riding in car- 
 riages, wearing ruffled shirts, kid gloves, massive 
 gold watch-chains and flourishing a heavy gold- 
 headed cane, I was a poor boy hired on a flat-boat at 
 eight dollars a month, and had only one pair of 
 breeches to my name, and they were buckskin — and 
 if you know the nature of buckskin, when wet and 
 dried by the sun it will shrink— and mine kept 
 shrinking until they left several inches of my legs 
 bare between the tops of my socks and the lower part 
 of my breeches ; and v/hile I was growing taller, 
 they v/ere becoming shorter, and so much tighter 
 that they left a blue streak around my legs that can 
 be seen to this day. If you call this aristocracy, I 
 plead guilty to the charge." ' 
 
 As the campaign was drawing to a close he made 
 an unusually brilliant speech at Springfield, which 
 produced a profound impression upon the minds of 
 
 * Brown's " Life of Lincoln."
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 6l 
 
 the audience. At its close a man by the name of 
 Forquer, who was well known in the community as a 
 man of no little ability, arose to reply to him. He 
 had formerly been a Whig, but for some reason had 
 seen fit to change his political faith and become a 
 staunch Democrat. He had recently had his buildings 
 protected from the lightning by numerous rods, which 
 were the first ever seen in the vicinity, and were the 
 objects of considerable curiosity and much unfavora- 
 ble comment. In the beginning of his speech, he 
 said : 
 
 " This young man must be taken down and lam 
 sorry that the duty devolves upon me." 
 
 He then took up Lincoln's points, one by one, and 
 answered them in a fair and logical manner, although 
 frequently indulging in coarse personalities and an 
 assumption of superiority that was intensely annoy- 
 ing to Lincoln, who stood by becoming more and 
 more wrought up as the speaker continued. When 
 he had closed, Lincoln stepped upon the platform to 
 reply. His answer was dignified, forcible and con- 
 vincing, and concluded as follows : 
 
 " It is for you, fellow-citizens, and not for me to say 
 whether I am up or down. The gentleman has seen 
 fit to allude to my being a young man, but he forgets 
 that I am older in years than I am in the tricks and 
 trades of politicians. I desire to live and desire place 
 and distinction ; but I would rather die now than, 
 like the gentleman, live to see the day that I would 
 change my politics for an office worth $3,000 a year, 
 and then feel compelled to erect a lightning rod to 
 protect a guilty conscience from an offended God." 
 
 Forquer was completely answered and probably
 
 62 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 never heard the last of this pointed allusion to his 
 lightning rods. 
 
 In these sentences Lincoln struck a key-note of his 
 life and character. Though often in a position to 
 profit by the tricks of politicians he never descended 
 to do so. In politics, as in his private life, he was 
 strictly honest and frank and, where a principle was 
 concerned, as firm and unyielding as a rock. 
 
 In this campaign he greatly increased his reputa- 
 tion as a speaker. He excelled especially in original 
 and vigorous thought, and clear, concise and pointed 
 expression. His appearance upon the platform was 
 awkward and unprepossessing, but this was soon for- 
 gotten in the interest which he never failed to excite. 
 
 The election resulted in a large Whig majority in a 
 county which had hitherto been a Democratic strong- 
 hold, and Lincoln's majority was larger than that of 
 any of the other candidates. 
 
 The members from Sangamon Covinty were 
 dubbed the "long nine." They were all of great 
 height, averaging over six feet and more than 200 
 pounds in weight. They probably exerted a greater 
 influence in legislation than any other delegation, and 
 many of the extravagant and vicious laws of this 
 session were traceable to them. 
 
 There were many men in the Legislature with 
 whom Lincoln came into more or less intimate asso- 
 ciation, who afterwards gained national reputations. 
 There were several incipient Members of Congress 
 and Senators and a number who afterwards gained 
 distinguished military reputations. Foremost among 
 them all was Stephen A. Douglas, whose career was 
 only less brilliant than that of his great fellow-mem-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 63 
 
 ber. Thus Lincoln was thrown into contact with 
 many of the brightest minds of the West, and was 
 much benefited by his association with them. 
 
 The principal business, considered during the ses- 
 sion, related to a most extravagant system of internal 
 improvements, and many gigantic and reckless 
 schemes were discussed. The people were deeply 
 impressed with the great resources of the State, and 
 believed that, if they developed its natural features, 
 and established easy communication between the dif- 
 ferent sections, the State would immediately fill up 
 with inhabitants and its prosperity be assured. The 
 population was comparatively small, and the people 
 were too few and poor to bear the heavy financial 
 burdens thus entailed, so they determined to bond 
 the State for a million dollars, which would have been 
 but a small part of the cost of the contemplated 
 improvements. The Legislature represented the 
 extreme of public sentiment and commenced immedi- 
 ately to plan a system of internal improvements, 
 which two generations and a great commonwealth 
 have hardly yet completed. 
 
 Many of the small streams, as well as larger rivers, 
 were to be dredged, widened and made navigable. 
 Upon them were to be placed lines of splendid steam- 
 ers, which were to connect the settlements and 
 develop them into large and bustling cities. There 
 was not a little cross-roads village or scattering ham- 
 let that did not have its visions of metropolitan 
 splendors. Parks and boulevards, churches, city-halls 
 and great business blocks were to spring up, as if by 
 magic. 
 
 The State was to be crossed bv a net-work of rail-
 
 64 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 roads connecting the North with the South, the East 
 with the West. These sanguine legislators expected 
 to transform in a moment a wilderness with a half a 
 million inhabitants into an old-world country with its 
 crowded population and improvements, a process 
 which hitherto centuries alone had been able to 
 perfect. 
 
 It was one of those periods of speculation and 
 excitement through which every country must pass, 
 and the inevitable reaction was quick to follow, retard- 
 ing the general prosperity just in proportion to the 
 extravagance of the speculation. 
 
 It is perhaps well for the State that it passed 
 through this trying ordeal before its interests had 
 been developed to any extent, or the crash would have 
 been far greater and its results more lasting. 
 
 Lincoln was the recognized leader of his delegation, 
 and hence was influential in the proceedings of the 
 House. Into all of the extravagant measures, which 
 were brought forward, he entered heart and soul, and 
 exerted all his power to secure their incorporation 
 into the statutes of the State. 
 
 The question of the permanent location of the 
 State Capital came up at this time. Vandalia was 
 not a desirable location for several reasons, and a 
 number of cities were desirous of the honor and 
 emoluments accruing from this distinction. Powerful 
 lobbies were present from Alton, Decatur, Peoria, 
 Jacksonville, Illiopolis and Springfield. The "long 
 nine" were, of course, pledged to do their utmost to 
 secure for Springfield the coveted honor, and, under 
 the shrewd leadership of Lincoln, they gained their 
 end, after a prolonged and bitter struggle and the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 65 
 
 beautiful city of the Sangamon was designated as the 
 Capital of Illinois. 
 
 Near the close of the session occurred a circum- 
 stance which attracted but little attention at the time, 
 but which, in the light of subsequent events, is worthy 
 of more than a passing notice. As has been said, Il- 
 linois occupied a somewhat anomalous position in 
 regard to slavery. While the institution was rigor- 
 ously excluded from the State the majority of the 
 people looked with greater abhorrence upon the Abo- 
 litionist than upon the slaveholder. But few Aboli- 
 tionists ventured to settle within its borders and they 
 were sedulously avoided by the most of the people of 
 the community, and sometimes neglect gave place to 
 actual ill treatment. 
 
 This sentiment was put in the form of a resolution 
 and passed by the Legislature, near the end of the 
 session in the following form : 
 
 " Resolved, by the General Assembly of the State of Illinois : 
 That we highly disapprove of the formation of Abolition soci- 
 eties and of the doctrines promulgated by them ; that the right 
 of property in slaves is sacred to the slaveholding States by 
 the Federal constitution, and that they cannot be deprived of 
 that right without their own consent; that the General Govern- 
 ment cannot abolish slavery in the District of Columbia against 
 the consent of the citizens of said District without a manifest 
 breach of good faith . . ." 
 
 The Legislature thus recognized the absolute right 
 of the slaveholding States to their peculiar institu- 
 tions and sought to establish the doctrine of non- 
 interference. The movement seemed at the time to 
 be possessed of little significance, yet it was the co- 
 gent statement of a political doctrine which was des-
 
 66 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 tined, in after years, to exert a baleful influence over 
 the whole country and to prove a great obstacle in 
 the path of advancing freedom. 
 
 Lincoln was not an Abolitionist. His early associa- 
 tions had so familiarized him with slavery as an estab- 
 lished institution that he looked with suspicion and 
 alarm upon the radical doctrines of the new party 
 which as yet had no political status, but of which he 
 was in the future destined to become the leader. Yet 
 slavery as a fact was wholly distasteful to him; hence, 
 while he would not commit himself to the Abolition 
 movement, he would not, on the other hand, subscribe 
 to nor even give a silent consent to resolutions which 
 were essentially pro-slavery. 
 
 Accordingly, on the last day but one of the session, 
 he prepared a protest against the resolutions and 
 tried to secure the signature of his colleagues to it. 
 Only one, Dan Stone, could be induced to sign it, and 
 with but two names appended it was spread upon the 
 records of the House. 
 
 It reads as follows : 
 
 " Resolutions upon the subject of domestic slavery having 
 passed both branches of the General Assembly, at its present 
 session, the undersigned hereby protest against the passage of 
 the same. They believe that the institution of slavery is founded 
 upon both injustice and bad policy, but that the promulgation 
 of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than to abate its 
 evils. They believe that the Congress of the United States 
 has no power under the Constitution to interfere with the insti- 
 tution of slavery in the different States. They believe that the 
 Congress of the United States has power under the Constitu- 
 tion to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, but that the 
 power ought not to be exercised unless at the request of the 
 people of the District. The difference between these opinions
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 67 
 
 and those contained in the above resolutions is their reason for 
 
 entering this protest. 
 
 Dan Stone, 
 Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln never materially departed from the 
 political doctrine herein enunciated and never ceased 
 to hold that the Constitution conferred no right upon 
 any one to interfere with slavery in the slave States. 
 
 At the close of the session he walked home from 
 Vandalia, a distance of one hundred miles. The rest 
 of the delegation rode upon horseback, but Lincoln 
 was able to keep up with them and beguiled the 
 tedium of the journey with many a story and pointed 
 joke. 
 
 The weather was cold and his clothes were thin and 
 worn. Complaining of the cold, one of his compan- 
 ions told the future President that " it was no wonder 
 he was cold, there was so much of him on the 
 ground." No one enjoyed the joke more than its 
 victim. 
 
 Upon their return to Springfield they were greeted 
 with the most extravagant manifestations of gratitude 
 and joy. They had secured the greatly coveted 
 honor for the city and the citizens could not do 
 enough to show their appreciation of the service. In 
 the midst of the feasting and rejoicing, Lincoln was 
 observed to be sad and preoccupied. When ques- 
 tioned as to the cause of it he ascribed it to the un- 
 settled condition of his life, and the uncertainty of 
 his future. In view of his lonely situation his friends 
 determined to secure his removal to the Capital and 
 to assist him, as far as he would permit, to secure 
 lucrative employment.
 
 68 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 In April, 1837, he left New Salem and removed to 
 Springfield, where he continued to live until he went 
 to Washington. His possessions were few and easily 
 carried in his saddle-bags. He intended to hire a 
 small room and obtain his meals at a restaurant or 
 boarding-house. Upon his arrival he went into the 
 store of Joshua F. Speed, with whom he was slightly 
 acquainted and inquired the price of the necessary 
 furniture, at the same time remarking that, if he suc- 
 ceeded in his profession, he would pay for it in full ; 
 but if he did not succeed, he should probably never 
 pay for it. Struck by his appearance and apparent 
 honesty, Mr. Speed offered to share his own room with 
 him, an offer which Lincoln gladly accepted. 
 
 He had been licensed to practice law in the preced- 
 ing month and soon entered into partnership with 
 Major Stuart, who had superintended his legal educa- 
 tion and was a warm and consistent friend. He 
 remained with him for four years when he entered 
 into partnership with Judge Stephen T. Logan, one 
 of the shrewdest and most successful lawyers of the 
 State. 
 
 The Springfield bar was at this time one of the 
 most brilliant in the country and there were several 
 lawyers connected with it, who could have held their 
 own against the ablest advocates of the East. 
 Among those who afterwards achieved a national 
 reputation were Stephen A. Douglas, the prosecuting 
 attorney, E. D. Baker, Ninian W. Edwards, Jesse B. 
 Thomas, Samuel H. Treat and many others. It 
 required a man of more than ordinary ability to make 
 a place among such men. 
 
 Lincoln did not appear much in the society of the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 69 
 
 place which, for a new town, was pretentious and 
 exclusive. The population numbered less than 2,000, 
 but there were representatives of many old Kentucky- 
 families who lived in a state of magnificence and dis- 
 play, which was unattainable for most of the pioneers. 
 It is probable that Lincoln with his rude manners and 
 uncouth appearance, together with his coarse and ill- 
 fitting garments, could hardly find a place in the first 
 circles. But he was intent on his work and found 
 his amusement in more intellectual pursuits so that 
 he did not miss the round of social gayeties. 
 
 The means of mental improvement in those days 
 were limited. Books were costly and scarce. The 
 few newspapers that came into the community were 
 soon read and their contents discussed. In order to 
 make up for this lack of material for literary culture, 
 as far as possible, the young men were accustomed to 
 form debating societies, where they discussed the 
 great topics of the day and listened to addresses and 
 papers prepared by the members. The meeting of 
 the society was a great event in the smaller towns, 
 and the room in which it was held was generally 
 packed with sympathetic listeners. 
 
 Such a society was organized in Springfield under 
 the name of the " Young Men's Lyceum," and Lin- 
 coln was an enthusiastic member of it. This was a 
 more dignified organization than the average debat- 
 ing society, and contained much of the best talent of 
 the place. 
 
 Speed's store was a popular gathering-place where, 
 beside the great open fireplace, many an impromptu 
 discussion took place. Here Lincoln and Douglas 
 and Baker were often found with scores of others
 
 70 - ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 engaging in heated political discussions, which sel- 
 dom ended with a decided advantage to either side. 
 
 In 1837, Lincoln was invited to deliver an address 
 before the Lyceum and took for his subject, " The 
 Perpetuation of our Free Institutions." He spent 
 much time in its preparation and it was so favorably 
 received as to be subsequently published in the 
 Weekly Joia'nal of Springfield. The style was florid 
 and declamatory, yet, considering his lack of educa- 
 tion, it was a remarkable production. It showed the 
 profound thought and originality of a true statesman 
 while it gave evidence of ardent patriotism and a 
 genuine love of constitutional liberty. The style of 
 thought and expression is in marked contrast to that 
 exhibited in his Gettysburg address, perhaps the 
 best example of true eloquence in the English lan- 
 guage. 
 
 The one was at the beginning of his public career, 
 the other, near the end. The Springfield address 
 has the same true ring as the one made upon the great 
 battle-field, but the development of his intellectual 
 powers from the first product to the last contains the 
 story of all that is most interesting in his career. 
 
 In his exordium he speaks of the peculiar blessings 
 enjoyed by the American people in their natural sur- 
 roundings and political institutions which conduce to 
 to civil and religious liberty and then reviews the 
 labors of our ancestors to secure to us these inestim- 
 able blessings. 
 
 " Theirs was the task, and nobly they performed it, 
 to possess themselves and, through themselves, us, of 
 this goodly land, and to rear upon its hills and val- 
 leys a political edifice of liberty and equal rights ;
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 7 1 
 
 'tis ours only to transmit these, the former unpro- 
 faned by the foot of an invader, the latter undecayed 
 by the lapse of time. This, our duty to ourselves and 
 our posterity, and love for our species in general, 
 
 imperatively require us to perform At 
 
 what point, then, is the approach of danger to be 
 expected ? I answer, if it ever reaches us, it must 
 spring up among ourselves. It cannot come from 
 abroad. If destruction be our lot, we must ourselves 
 be its author and finisher. As a nation of freemen 
 we must live through all time or die of suicide." 
 
 He graphically describes the dangers of mob-vio- 
 lence and lawlessness and speaks of the different 
 menaces from within the people against the stability 
 of our institutions. 
 
 " Many great and good men, sufficiently qualified 
 for any task they should undertake, may be ever 
 found, whose ambition would aspire to nothing 
 beyond a seat in Congress, a gubernatorial or presi- 
 dential chair. But such belong not to the family of 
 the lion, or the brood of the eagle. What ? Think 
 you these places would satisfy an Alexander, a Caesar 
 or a Napoleon ? Never. Towering genius disdains 
 a beaten path. It seeks regions hitherto unexplored. 
 It sees no distinction in adding story to story upon 
 the monuments of fame erected to the memory of 
 others. It denies that it is glory enough to serve 
 under any chief. It scorns to tread in the foot-prints 
 of a predecessor, however illustrious. It thirsts and 
 burns for distinction and, if possible, it will have it 
 whether at the expense of emancipating slaves or enslav- 
 ing free men." 
 
 He closed with a tribute to the soldiers of the Rev-
 
 72 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 olution in which he characterized them as living 
 histories : 
 
 " But these histories are gone. They can be read 
 no more forever. They were a fortress of strength ; 
 but what invading foemen could never do, the silent 
 artillery of time has — the leveling of its walls. They 
 are gone. They were a forest of giant oaks ; but the 
 all-resistless hurricane has swept over them, and left 
 only here and there a lonely trunk, despoiled of its 
 verdure, shorn of its foliage, unshading and unshaded, 
 to murmur in a few more gentle breezes, and to com- 
 bat with its mutilated limbs a few more rude storms, 
 then to sink and be no more. They were pillars of 
 the Temple of Liberty, and now, that they have 
 crumbled away, that temple must fall, unless we, their 
 descendants, supply their places with other pillars 
 hewn from the same solid quarry of sober reason. 
 Passion has helped us but can do so no more. It will, 
 in the future, be our enemy. Reason — cold, calculat- 
 ing, unimpassioned reason — must furnish all the 
 materials for our future support and defense. Let 
 these materials be moulded into general intelligence, 
 sound morality, and, in particular, a reverence for the 
 Constitution and the laws. Upon these let the proud 
 fabric of freedom rest as the rock of its basis and as 
 truly as has been said of the only greater institution, 
 * The gates of hell shall not prevail against it.' " 
 
 One evening, not long after, the discussion of poli- 
 tics in Speed's store became unusually animated. 
 Douglas, as usual, was the Democratic champion and 
 not only warmly advocated his own political views, 
 but bitterly attacked the doctrines of the Whigs and 
 accused them indiscriminately of fraud, peculation
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 73 
 
 and political insincerity. In the midst of the babel 
 of voices he suddenly sprang to his feet, exclaiming, 
 "A store is no place to discuss politics," and chal- 
 lenged his opponents to a public debate. The chal- 
 lenge was accepted and a series of meetings arranged, 
 to be held in the Presbyterian Church to last eight 
 days, giving to each one an evening to present his 
 views. The Democrats were to be represented by 
 Douglas, Calhoun, Lamborn and Thomas, while the 
 Whigs selected Logan, Baker, Browning and Lincoln 
 to defend their cause. The speeches were long and 
 intensely partisan, and when Lincoln's turn came on 
 the last night, the people had become weary of the 
 monotony, and but a small audience assembled to lis- 
 ten to him. He spoke without notes and his speech 
 was pronounced the best of the series. He denounced 
 in strongest terms the short-comings and corruption 
 of the Administration. At times he seemed to have 
 almost a prophetic inspiration and the sentiments he 
 uttered were indicative of the most exalted patriot- 
 ism. He said : 
 
 " Many countries have lost their liberties and ours 
 may lose hers ; but if she shall, be it my proudest 
 plume, not that I was the last to desert, but that I 
 never deserted her." Could he for a moment have 
 caught a glimpse of the supreme sacrifice he would 
 be called upon to make when he said : 
 
 " The probabilities that we may fall in the struggle 
 ought not to deter us from the support of a cause 
 which we deem just. It shall not deter me. If ever 
 I feel the soul within me elevate and expand to those 
 dimensions not wholly unworthy of its Almighty 
 Architect, it is when I contemplate the cause of my
 
 74 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 country, deserted by all the world beside, and I, stand- 
 ing up boldly and alone, hurling defiance at her vic- 
 torious oppressors. And here, without contemplat- 
 ing the consequences, before high Heaven and in the 
 face of the whole world, I swear eternal fidelit)^ to the 
 just cause, as I deem it, of the land of my life, my 
 liberty and my love." 
 
 When the fulfilment of this oath was called for, 
 and the suffering country he loved so well stretched 
 out her hands to him in her dire extremity, he hesi- 
 tated not, but redeemed to the uttermost tlie solemn 
 pledge he had given this night as if in anticipation of 
 the event.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Although he was deeply interested in politics and 
 gave up much of his time to side issues, Lincoln did 
 not forget that it was by the practice of law that he 
 w^as to make his living and, in his plodding and 
 patient way, was slowly making a reputation. He 
 never excelled in his knowledge of the law, unlike his 
 partner, Judge Logan, who was ranked as the best- 
 equipped 7iisi prius lawyer in the West. Nor did he 
 apply himself to a single branch of the law, so as to 
 become a recognized authority. 
 
 He had, by persistent study, gained a sufficient 
 knowledge of common and statute law to enable him 
 to practice successfully in the circuit courts, and his 
 quickness to take advantage of any flaw in the evi- 
 dence or to turn a point upon his adversary fully 
 compensated for any lack of legal culture which he 
 might have manifested. 
 
 As an example of this an interesting stor)'- is related 
 of his defense of the son of an old friend, who was 
 accused of murder. The incident was so striking and 
 dramatic that it has been made the basis of a popu- 
 lar novel.^ The murder was committed one Sunday 
 evening at a camp-meeting. The victim was a young 
 man against whom the accused had been heard to 
 make violent threats. The principal witness was a 
 disreputable man, who swore that he had heard the 
 
 " The Graysons," by Edward Eggleston. 
 
 (75)
 
 •jS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 accused threaten to take the life of the victim, and 
 that, on the night of the murder, he saw the deed 
 performed from a thicket in which he had concealed 
 himself. The chain of evidence seemed to be com- 
 pletely forged and public sentiment was strongly 
 against the accused. To the surprise of all, Lincoln 
 sat calmly in his seat during the trial, asked but few 
 questions and produced no witnesses, except one or 
 two to prove the previous good character of the 
 young man. When it came his turn to address the 
 jury he reviewed briefly the case and called to mind 
 the fact that the leading witness had sworn that he 
 had seen the foul deed performed by the light of the 
 full moon. Producing an almanac he showed the 
 jury that there had been no moon that night ; and 
 then pointing his long finger at him, he accused the 
 witness of the murder. He completed his speech 
 with a most eloquent appeal to the jury to restore the 
 young man to his widowed mother, and pictured so 
 fervently the desolation of the home, deprived of the 
 only son, that there was not a dry eye in the audience. 
 It is needless to say that the jury returned a verdict 
 of " not guilty," without leaving their seats. 
 
 In those days lawyers were compelled to go from 
 place to place to attend court, making the rounds of 
 the circuit with the Judge. The cases were generally 
 free from legal technicalities and required but little 
 preparation. The fees were not large and were often 
 in kind, so that it was not a difficult matter for even a 
 poor lawyer to secure a horse. The lawyers gener- 
 ally traveled in congenial groups, and enlivened the 
 monotonous journey with stories and anecdotes, or 
 heated political discussions.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 77 
 
 Lincoln was always a favorite traveling-compan- 
 ion and made an extensive circle of friends. For a 
 young man, ambitious for political preferment, no 
 mode of life could have been more favorable. Peo- 
 ple from the surrounding country flocked to the 
 court-house during the session to listen to the 
 speeches, and they made an appreciative audi- 
 ence, quick to recognize ability. They knew all 
 the lawyers by name, frequently being person- 
 ally acquainted with them, and freely discussed 
 their relative merits. Indeed, the court-session and 
 the doings of the lawyers formed the topic of general 
 conversation in the intervals, and the favorites were 
 always cordially greeted. 
 
 It is needless to say that Lincoln made many firm 
 friends during this peripatetic life. His open and 
 frank demeanor, his good memory, which enabled 
 him to remember the names of even casual acquaint- 
 ances, his helpful disposition, and his geniality and 
 good humor, all united to make him preferred above 
 the most of his associates. The popularity thus 
 acquired added to his political speeches and work 
 soon caused him to be recognized as one of the Whig 
 leaders in the State, and as such he gained no little 
 prominence. 
 
 There is always a tendency on the part of posterity 
 to idealize great heroes and to see nothing but the 
 good and great things in their lives. This hero- 
 worship has always been specially directed towards, 
 Lincoln. During the last four years of his life he 
 occupied so lofty an eminence, and performed such 
 signal services for humanity, as to be ranked in the 
 short list of her greatest heroes. Using this period
 
 78 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 as a starting point, men paint the halo of perfection 
 about his whole life. As the wise men followed the 
 star from the East to the stable at Bethlehem, so it is 
 a common tendency to picture Lincoln passing 
 through the minute details of his life with the star of 
 his destiny ever in sight and pointing him out, from 
 early boyhood, as the man upon whom the fate of the 
 nation should depend. 
 
 This state of things was far from true. While he 
 undoubtedly gave promise of a brilliant future, the 
 great pre-eminence which he was to attain was but 
 little more than hinted at. There were many more 
 noted and learned lav/yers, even in his own circuit. 
 As an orator he had many peers, a few superiors. As 
 a statesman he had had but little opportunity to show 
 his mettle, but his efforts in that direction had been 
 largely attended with failure and seemed indicative 
 of political short-sightedness, if not of actual incapac- 
 ity. Had it not been for his captivating manners and 
 the vast fund of story and anecdote, with which he 
 illustrated and pointed his thoughts in conversation 
 and public addresses, he would have attracted hardly 
 more than passing attention. That he had the ele- 
 ments of true greatness in youth no one can deny, but 
 they required much training before he was fitted to 
 occupy an exalted position in the world. 
 
 Many interesting stories are related of his sayings 
 and doings while "riding circuit," that v/ill be recog- 
 nized as thoroughly characteristic of the man. 
 
 Two farmers, having a misunderstanding about a 
 horse trade, went to law. By mutual consent Mr. 
 Lincoln and his partner took the opposite sides. On 
 the day of the trial Mr. Logan, having bought a new
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 79 
 
 shirt, open in the back with a huge standing collar, 
 dressed himself in extreme haste and put on the shirt 
 with the bosom at the back, a linen coat concealing 
 the blunder. He dazed the jury with his knowledge 
 of " horse-points," and, as the day was sultry, took off 
 his coat and summed up in his shirt-sleeves. 
 
 Lincoln, sitting behind him, took in the situation, 
 and when his turn came remarked to the jurj^: 
 
 *' Gentleman, Mr. Logan has been trying for over 
 an hour to make you believe he knows more about a 
 horse than these honest old farmers who are wit- 
 nesses. He has quoted largely from his * horse doc- 
 tor,' and now, gentlemen, I submit to you (here he 
 lifted Logan out of his chair, and turned him with 
 his back to the jury and the crowd, at the same time 
 turning up the enormous standing collar) what de- 
 pendence can you place in his horse knowledge, when 
 he has not sense enough to put on his shirt." 
 
 The roars of laughter that greeted this exhibition 
 and the verdict that Lincoln got soon after gave 
 Logan a permanent prejudice against "bosom 
 shirts." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln never made his profession lucrative 
 to himself. It was very difficult for him to charge 
 any one a heavy fee, and still more difficult for him 
 to charge his friends anything at all for professional 
 services. To a poor client he was quite as apt to give 
 money as to take it from him. He never encouraged 
 the spirit of litigation. One of his old clients says 
 that he went to Mr. Lincoln with a case to prosecute, 
 and that Mr. Lincoln refused to have anything to do 
 with it, because he was not strictly in the right. " You 
 can give the other party a great deal of trouble," said
 
 8o ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 the lawyer, " and perhaps beat him, but you had better 
 let the suit alone." 
 
 About the time Mr. Lincoln came to be known as 
 a successful lawyer, he was waited upon by a lady 
 who held a real-estate claim which she desired to 
 have him prosecute, putting into his hands, with the 
 necessary papers, a check for two hundred and fifty 
 dollars, as a retaining fee. Mr. Lincoln said he would 
 look the case over, and asked her to call again the 
 next day. Upon presenting herself, Mr. Lincoln told 
 her that he had gone through the papers very care- 
 fully, and he must tell her frankly that there was not 
 a "peg "to hang her claim upon, and he could not 
 conscientiously advise her to bring an action. The 
 lady v/as satisfied, and, thanking him, rose to go. 
 
 "Wait," said Mr. Lincoln, fumbling in his vest 
 pocket, " here is the check you left with me." 
 
 "But, Mr. Lincoln," returned the lady, "I think 
 you have earned that." 
 
 " No, no," he responded, handing it back to her; 
 * that would not be right. I can't take pay for doing 
 my duty." 
 
 At one time he and a certain judge were banter- 
 ing one another about trading horses, and it was 
 agreed that the next morning, at nine o'clock, they 
 should make a trade, the horses to be unseen up to 
 that hour, and there was to be no backing out under 
 penalty of twenty-five dollars. 
 
 At the hour appointed the judge came up, leading 
 the sorriest-looking specimen of a horse ever seen in 
 those parts. In a few minutes Mr. Lincoln was seen 
 approaching with a wooden saw-horse upon his shoul- 
 ders. Great were the shouts and the laughter of the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Si 
 
 crowd, and both were greatly increased, when Mr. 
 Lincoln, on surveying the Judge's animal, set down 
 his saw-horse, and exclaimed : 
 
 "Well, Judge, this is the first time I ever got the 
 worst of it in a horse-trade." 
 
 It is said that Lincoln was always ready to join in 
 a laugh at his own expense. He used to tell the fol- 
 lowing story with great glee: 
 
 " In the days when I used to be on the circuit," 
 said he, " I was accosted on the cars by a stranger, 
 who said: 
 
 "'Excuse me, sir, but I have an article in my pos- 
 session which belongs to you.' 
 
 "'How is that?' I asked, considerably aston- 
 ished. 
 
 " The stranger took a jack-knife from his pocket. 
 ' This knife,' said he, ' was placed in my hands some 
 years ago, with the injunction that I was to keep it 
 until I found a man uglier than myself. I have car- 
 ried it from that time to this. Allow me now to say, 
 sir, that I think you are fairly entitled to the prop- 
 erty.'" 
 
 Attorney-General Bates was once remonstrating 
 with the President against the appointment to a judi- 
 cial position of considerable importance of a Western 
 man who, though upon the bench, possessed an indif- 
 ferent reputation as a lawyer. 
 
 "Well now, Judge," returned Mr. Lincoln, "I think 
 you are rather too hard upon Smith. Besides that, I 
 must tell you, he did me a good turn long ago. When 
 I took to the law, I was walking to court one morn- 
 ing with some ten or twelve miles of bad road before 
 me, when Smith overtook me in his wagon.
 
 82 . ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 "' Hullo, Lincoln !' said he; 'going to the court- 
 house ? Come in, and I will give you a seat.' 
 
 *' Well, I got in, and Smith went on reading his 
 papers. Presently, the wagon struck a stump on one 
 side of the road, then it hopped off to the other. I 
 looked out, and the driver was jerking from side to 
 side in his seat; so I said, 'Judge, I think your coach- 
 man has been taking a drop too much this morning.' 
 
 " ' Well, I declare, Lincoln,' said he, ' I should not 
 much wonder if you are right, for he has nearly upset 
 me half a dozen times since starting.' So, putting his 
 head out of the window, he shouted, ' Why, you infer- 
 nal scoundrel, you are drunk. ' 
 
 " Upon which, pulling up his horses, and turning 
 around with great gravity, the coachman said : ' Be 
 dad! but that's the first rightful decision your honor 
 has given for the last twelve months !'" 
 
 An amusing incident occurred in connection with 
 riding the circuit, which gives a deep glimpse into the 
 good lawyer's heart. He was riding by a deep slough, 
 in which, to his exceeding pain, he saw a pig struggling, 
 and with such faint efforts that it was evident that he 
 could not extricate himself from the mud. Mr. Lincoln 
 looked at the pig and the mud which enveloped him, 
 and then looked at some new clothes with which he 
 had but a short time before arrayed himself. Deciding 
 against the claims of the pig, he rode on, but he could 
 not get rid of the vision of the poor brute ; and, at last, 
 after riding two miles, he turned back determined to 
 rescue the animal, even at the expense of his new 
 clothes. Arrived at the spot, he tied his horse, and 
 with considerable difficulty succeeded in rescuing the 
 pig from its predicament. Washing his hands in the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. S;^ 
 
 nearst brook, he remounted his horse and rode on. He 
 then fell to examining the motive that sent him back 
 to release the pig. At first thought, it seemed pure 
 benevolence, but at length he came to the conclu- 
 sion that it was selfishness, for he certainly went to the 
 pig's relief in order to "take a pain out of his own 
 mind." 
 
 To a client who had carefully stated his case, to 
 which Mr. Lincoln had listened with the closest 
 attention, he said: 
 
 " Yes, there is no reasonable doubt that I can gain 
 your case for you. I can set a whole neighborhood 
 at loggerheads, I can distress a widowed mother and 
 her six fatherless children and thereby get for you 
 $600, which rightfully belongs, it appears to me, as 
 much to the woman and her children as to you. You 
 must remember that some things which are legally 
 right are not morally right. I shall not take your 
 case, but will give you a little advice, for which I will 
 charge you nothing. You seem to be a sprightly, 
 energetic man. I would advise you to try your hand 
 at making !^6oo some other way."^ 
 
 Soon after he entered upon his profession at Spring- 
 field, he was engaged in a criminal case, in which 
 there seemed to be little chance of success. By dint 
 of hard work he succeeded in gaining the case and 
 received for his services five hundred dollars. A legal 
 friend, calling upon him next morning, found him sit- 
 ting before a table upon which his money was spread. 
 
 " Look here, Judge," said he, " see what a heap of 
 money I've got from the case. Did you ever see 
 
 * Browne's " Life of Lincoln."
 
 S4 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 anything like it ? Why, I never had so much money 
 in my life before, put it all together." Then crossing 
 his arms across the table, his manner sobering down, 
 he added, " I have got five hundred dollars; if it were 
 only seven hundred and fifty dollars, I would go 
 directly and purchase a quarter-section of land, and 
 settle it upon my old stepmother." 
 
 His friend said, if the deficiency was all he needed, 
 he would loan him the amount, taking his note, to 
 which Mr. Lincoln instantly acceded. 
 
 His friend than said : " Lincoln, I would not do 
 just what you have indicated. Your stepmother is 
 getting old, and will not probably live many years. 
 I would settle that property upon her for her use 
 during her lifetime to revert to you upon her death." 
 
 With much feeling Lincoln replied: "I shall do no 
 such thing. It is a poor return, at the best, for all 
 the good woman's devotion and fidelity to me, and 
 there is not going to be any half-way business about 
 it ;" and so saying, he gathered up his money and 
 proceeded to carry into execution his long-cherished 
 plan.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Lincoln was again elected to the Legislature in 
 1838, and served his term with acceptance. In 1840 
 he did not seek a re-election, as his business needed 
 his close attention. His partner, Major Stuart, had 
 been elected to Congress, and for three or four years 
 he had attended to all the business of the firm, ren- 
 dering a scrupulous account of every transaction to 
 his partner. 
 
 In 1841 the partnership was dissolved, and he entered 
 the office of Judge Logan as junior partner. For the 
 first time he was associated with a man of thorough 
 scholarship and his influence was just that of which 
 Lincoln stood most in need. He was thus led to 
 closer study and to take a deeper and broader view 
 of the duties and responsibilities of his profession. 
 
 In 1840 he had acquired sufficient political celeb- 
 rity to be nominated for elector on the Whig ticket, 
 and he spent much time speaking in its interests dur- 
 ing the campaign in various parLs of the State and in 
 Indiana. This campaign, known as the *' log-cabin 
 and hard cider" campaign was the most unique one 
 ever carried on in the country. General Harrison 
 had been nominated by the Whigs, which party had 
 been disastrously defeated in the last two Presidential 
 campaigns. After his nomination the Democratic 
 orators made slighting allusions to his obscure origin 
 
 (85)
 
 86 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 and his supposed taste for hard cider. These were 
 seized upon as the rallying cry of the campaign, and 
 log-cabins sprang up, as if by the stroke of a magician s 
 wand, in every part of the country. Many of these 
 cabins were mounted on wheels, and drawn from one 
 place to another, amid demonstrations of the wildest 
 enthusiasm, in a sort of rude triumphal procession. 
 The by-word and reproach of the enemy became the 
 slogan of victory, and the tide set strongly in favor of 
 the Whigs. 
 
 The- financial measures of Van Buren's administra- 
 tion had been of such a character, as to weaken, for a 
 time, the confidence of the people in the Democratic 
 policy and leaders, and Harrison was elected by a 
 large majority, only to die within one month of his 
 inauguration. 
 
 Lincoln shared in the prevailing enthusiasm and 
 contributed in no small degree to the vast increase in 
 the Whig vote in Illinois. His peculiar ability in 
 argument and discussion was often called into play, 
 and several times he was pitted against Douglas, who 
 was destined to be, in the future, his opponent in the 
 great debates that attracted the attention of the Eng- 
 lish-speaking race. The discussions were more in the 
 character of rough-and-tumble contests than of con- 
 flicts between trained gladiators, and Lincoln gen- 
 erally carried off the palm. His political work was 
 performed at the expense of his legal practice, how- 
 ever, and at the end of the campaign he found him- 
 self richer in political influence, but with a financial 
 loss which he could ill afford. 
 
 It was shortly after the close of the " Log-Cabin " 
 campaign that he met Mary Todd, who was destined
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 87 
 
 to exercise so great an influence over his after-life. 
 She had recently come to Springfield from Kentucky, 
 her former home, to live with her sister, the wife of 
 Ninian W. Edwards, a prominent politician and lawyer, 
 and who subsequently became Governor of the State. 
 
 She was descended from one of the old Kentucky 
 fam.ilies of high respectability and aristocratic con- 
 nections. In appearance she was beautiful and 
 attractive, of higii culture and exceedingly bright in 
 conversation. She joined to these agreeable attri- 
 butes a high temper and a great ambition. She was 
 once heard to say that the man she should marry 
 would become President. Lincoln became infatuated 
 with her wit and beauty, and began to pay his 
 addresses to her. Douglas, his political rival, also 
 entered the list and strove for the favor of the young 
 stranger. Personally Lincoln could bear no com- 
 parison with Douglas, yet Miss Todd finally chose 
 him, for what reason it would be difficult to tell, since 
 she is said to have preferred Douglas. 
 
 Lincoln was accustomed to call upon her at the 
 house of her sister, where he would sit for hours and 
 listen to her brilliant conversation, as if under some 
 magic spell. The contrast between the two could 
 hardly have been greater, both physically and men- 
 tally. In one thing only were they in entire harmony, 
 and that was ambition. 
 
 General Singleton, who was a young lawyer in 
 Springfield at this time, tells the following story : 
 
 "The bevy of bright young ladies, to whicii Miss Todd 
 belonged before her marriage to Mr. Lincoln, used to 
 have a good deal of sport at this awkward young 
 man's expense. One evening, at a little party, Mr.
 
 88 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Lincoln approached Miss Todd and said, in his 
 peculiar idiom : 
 
 " Miss Todd, I should like to dance with you the 
 worst way." 
 
 The young lady accepted the inevitable, and 
 hobbled around the room with him. When Miss 
 Todd had returned to her seat, one of her mischievous 
 companions said : 
 
 " Well, Mary, did he dance with you in the worst 
 way?" 
 
 "Yes," she answered, "the very worst." 
 
 His courtship was distinguished with the some- 
 what novel incident of a challenge to fight a duel. * 
 
 At this time there was living in Springfield, James 
 Shields, a gallant, hot-headed bachelor, from Tyrone 
 County, Ireland. Like most of his countrymen, he 
 was an ardent Democrat, and he was also a great 
 beau in society. Miss Todd, full of spirit, very gay 
 and a little wild and mischievous, published in the 
 Sangamon Jourjial, under the name of " Aunt 
 Rebecca of the Lost Townships," some amusing 
 satirical papers ridiculing the susceptible and sensi- 
 tive Irishman. Indeed, Shields was so sensitive he 
 could not bear ridicule, and would much rather die 
 than be laughed at. On seeing the papers, he went 
 at once to Francis, the editor, and furiously demanded 
 the name of the author declaring that, unless the 
 name of the writer was given, he would hold the 
 editor personally responsible. Francis was a large, 
 broad man, and Shields was very thin and slim, and the 
 editor realized that, with his great bulk, it would be 
 
 ' Arnold's " Life of Lincoln."
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 89 
 
 very unsafe for liim to stand in front of Shields' 
 pistol. He was a warm, personal and political friend 
 of Lincoln, and, knowing the relations between him 
 and Miss Todd, in this dilemma he disclosed the facts 
 to Lincoln, and asked his advice and counsel. He 
 was not willing to expose the lady's name, and 
 yet was extremely reluctant himself to meet the fiery 
 Irishman in the field. Lincoln at once told Francis 
 to tell Shields to regard him as the author. 
 
 The Tazewell Circuit Court, at which he had 
 several cases of importance to try, being in session, 
 Lincoln departed for Tremont, the county-seat. As 
 soon as Francis had notified Shields that Lincoln was 
 the author of the papers, he and his second, General 
 Whitesides, started in hot pursuit of Lincoln. Hear- 
 ing this. Dr. Merryman and Lincoln's eld friend, 
 Butler, started also for Tremont, '* to prevent," as 
 Merryman said, " any advantage being taken of Lin- 
 coln, either as to his honor or his life." They passed 
 the belligerent Shields and Whitesides in the night, 
 and arrived at Tremont in advance. They told Lincoln 
 what was coming, and he replied, that he was 
 altogether opposed to duelling, and would do any- 
 thing to avoid it that would not degrade him in the 
 estimation of himself and of his friends, but if a fight 
 were the only alternative of such degradation, he 
 would fight. 
 
 In the mean while, the young lady having heard of 
 the demand that Shields had made, wrote another let- 
 ter in which she said : 
 
 " I hear the way of these fire-eaters is to give the 
 challenged party the choice of weapons, which, being 
 the case, I'll tell you in confidence that I never fight
 
 go 
 
 ABRAHAISI LINCOLN. 
 
 with anything but broomsticks, or hot water, or a 
 shovelful of coals, the former of which, being some- 
 thing like a shillalah, may not be objectionable to 
 him." 
 
 While this badinage was going on, Shields had 
 challenged Lincoln, and the challenge had been 
 accepted. The weapons decided on were cavalry 
 broadswords of the largest size, and a place of meet- 
 ing was selected on the west bank of the Mississippi, 
 within three miles of Alton. The principals, and 
 their seconds and surgeons, started for the place of 
 meeting. As they approached the river, they were 
 joined by Colonel Harding and others, who sought to 
 brirg about a reconciliation. Hostilities were sus- 
 pended. Shields was induced to withdraw the chal- 
 lenge and satisfactory explanations were made. Lin- 
 coln declared that the obnoxious articles were written 
 solely for political effect, and with no intention of 
 injuring the personal or private character of Shields, 
 and so the parties returned reconciled. With very 
 heavy broadswords under the conditions of this meet- 
 ing, Shields, who was a comparatively weak man, 
 could not have injured Lincoln, and Lincoln would 
 not have injured Shields. If the meeting had taken 
 place, however, nothing but a tragedy could have pre- 
 vented its being a farce." 
 
 The date of the wedding was set, and the invited 
 guests were present. The bride had arrayed herself 
 in her bridal robes, but Lincoln failed to appear. 
 The bride and the marriage-feast — but no bride- 
 groom. After waiting some hours, the guests slowly 
 took their departure, the bridal-robes were laid aside, 
 and the brilliantly lighted house was soon in dark-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 9 1 
 
 ness. As the time for the wedding had approached, 
 Lincoln had been attacked with doubts as to his love 
 for Miss Todd, and began to fear that he would com 
 mit a great wrong if he married her, until he lapsed 
 into one of his old fits of melancholy, which so closely 
 resembled insanity. For weeks the burden of his 
 misery seemed greater than he could bear, and his 
 friends, fearing that he might be tempted to take his 
 own life, stayed faithfully with him until his bosom- 
 friend, Joshua F. Speed, invited him to spend a few 
 months with him in his old home in Kentucky. 
 Thither he went and spent some months of restful 
 quiet. Speed's home was on a great estate a few 
 miles from Louisville, and not far from Lincoln's 
 earliest home. The peaceful surroundings and rest- 
 ful comforts were just what the overwrought young 
 lawyer needed to restore his mental equilibrium. 
 
 In a few months he returned to Springfield, and 
 took up his work again. For some time he held no 
 communication with Miss Todd, who, after she had 
 recovered somewhat from the mortification resulting 
 from his desertion, had broken the engagement. 
 
 He felt great solicitude for her, and deplored deeply 
 the injury he had done her. In some way, through 
 the contrivance of a mutual friend, they were brought 
 together again, the old relations were resumed, and 
 the past was forgotten, at least forgiven. 
 
 November 4, 1842, they were married in the pres- 
 ence of a large concourse of friends, and with the im- 
 pressive ceremonies of the Episcopal Church, a form 
 that had never been used in Springfield before, 
 and which attracted much attention. 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln went to live at a hotel, where
 
 92 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 they remained for three or four years, paying four 
 dollars a week for their accommodations. Mr. Lin- 
 coln then bought a small, but cheery and comfor- 
 table house of the Rev. Nathaniel Dresser, where 
 they lived until they removed to Washington to 
 occupy the White House. 
 
 After the campaign of 1840, Mr. Lincoln had 
 returned to his law practice, but the charm of politics 
 had begun to exert its sway over him, and he became 
 more and more desirous of political preferment. In 
 1842 he planned to secure the nomination for Con- 
 gress from the Springfield district, but was compelled 
 to withdraw in favor of his friend, Edward D. Baker, 
 who secured the support of the delegates from San- 
 gamon County of whom Lincoln, contrary to his 
 wish, was one. He remarked that his case was much 
 like the young man who had a successful rival for 
 the affections of a young lady in whom he was inter- 
 ested, and was afterwards invited to act as grooms- 
 man at the wedding. 
 
 At the convention, however, Mr. Baker lost the 
 nomination, which was given to John J. Hardin, a 
 strong and talented man, who represented the dis- 
 trict honorably for the next two years. In 1844 
 came the Presidential canvass, in which Henry Clay, 
 the idol of the Whig party, was defeated, and James 
 K. Polk was elected, almost as much to the surprise 
 of the Democrats, as to the Whigs. 
 
 Lincoln, being considered the Whig leader in Illi- 
 nois, was placed at the head of the electoral ticket, 
 and again made an active canvass of Illinois and a part 
 of Indiana. During the canvass he made a speech 
 in Gentryville, which was near his former home.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 93 
 
 While in the midst of his speech, an old friend, Nate 
 Grigsby, entered the room. Lincoln recognized him 
 on the instant, and, stopping short in his speech, cried 
 out, "There's Nate." Without the slightest regard 
 for the propriety of the occasion, he suspended his 
 address totally, and, striding from the platform, began 
 scrambling through the audience, and over the 
 benches towards the modest Nate, who stood near the 
 door. When he reached him, Lincoln shook his hand 
 cordially, and, after felicitating himself sufficiently 
 upon the happy meeting, he returned to the platform 
 and finished his speech. 
 
 There was scarcely a character in American history 
 for whom Lincoln entertained a more enthusiastic ven- 
 eration, than for Henry Clay. This, no doubt, was 
 due in part to the biography which he had so eagerly 
 read in his childhood, since which time he had been 
 a constant worshiper at the altar of the Southern 
 sage. Hence he entered into the campaign with un- 
 usual vigor and enthusiasm, and his disappointment at 
 the result was deep and bitter. Indeed, the defeat 
 totally demoralized the Whig party for a time, and it 
 hardly seemed probable that it would ever recover 
 from the shock sufficiently to enter into the next cam- 
 paign. But the events of Polk's administration 
 unexpectedly brought about a Democratic defeat, 
 and General Taylor, the Whig candidate, was elected 
 in 1848, more as a result of Democratic demoraliza- 
 tion than of Whig strength. 
 
 Lincoln and his partner. Judge Logan, were both 
 of them prominent Whigs, and to a considerable 
 extent rivals for political preferment. Hence their 
 relations to each other became somewhat strained.
 
 94 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Logan believed that his claims should be preferred 
 on account of his age and acknowledged ability. 
 Lincoln based his claim upon his active services and 
 great influence. As a result of their strained rela- 
 tions the partnership was dissolved, September 20, 
 1843, and on the same day Lincoln entered into a part- 
 nership with William H. Herndon, a young lawyer 
 and a relative of one of the Clary's Grove boys, who 
 had always remained his warm friends. The firm 
 was known under the name of " Lincoln & Herndon," 
 and continued to exist until the senior member was 
 removed by the assassin's bullet. 
 
 In 1846 Lincoln received the long-coveted honor, 
 and was elected to a seat in the Thirtieth Congress, 
 being the only Whig representative from Illinois. In 
 the nominating convention, Mr. Hardin sought a 
 renomination, but finally withdrew in Lincoln's favor. 
 
 His competitor, on the Democratic ticket, was the 
 Rev. Peter Cartwright, the well-known and popular 
 preacher. There was hardly a Methodist Congrega- 
 tion in Illinois to which he had not preached, and his 
 name was a family word all over the State. By his 
 eccentricity and eminent ability, which was coupled 
 with a bluff good-humor and warm interest in the 
 welfare, spritual and material, of those with whom he 
 came in contact, he had gained a great influence in 
 the community, and was undoubtedly the strongest 
 candidate the Democrats could have selected. It was 
 believed that aside from his political support he 
 would receive the votes of the church people, irre- 
 spective of party affiliations. 
 
 Lincoln was seldom seen inside of a church, and, 
 though he had a deep reverence for true religion and
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 95 
 
 an abiding faith in God, the report was widely circu- 
 lated that he was, if not an atheist, at least out of 
 sympathy with all things religious, and some of his 
 public utterances, which were susceptible of such an 
 interpretation, were cited against him. 
 
 What his religious belief was at this time probably 
 no one knows, and perhaps he had never formulated 
 one. But he was a deep student of the Bible, and 
 was far more familiar with it than with his law-books. 
 Its principles wielded a lasting influence upon his life, 
 and the latter part of his career proves that he was 
 sustained by an unfaltering trust in God, and belief in 
 the efficacy of prayer, else he could never have car- 
 ried his great burden without falling. 
 
 The agencies arrayed against him in this struggle 
 were powerful, but his personal popularity, and the 
 confidence of the people in his ability and uncompro- 
 mising honesty triumphed, and he was elected by the 
 largest majority probably ever given a Whig candi- 
 date in that district. 
 
 In 1S47 he took his seat in Congress, and from that 
 time on became a notable figure in national politics. 
 In this session of Congress he was associated with 
 many men who were destined to figure prominently 
 in national affairs in coming years. In the House 
 were ex-President John Ouincy Adams, whose long 
 and honorable career was nearly ended, Alexander 
 H. Stephens, the future Vice-President of the Confed- 
 eracy, Robert Toombs and Cobb. In the Senate, the 
 great orator and statesman, Daniel Webster still lin- 
 gered with such men as Simon Cameron, John C. 
 Calhoun, Lewis Cass and Jefferson Davis. 
 
 In Congress Lincoln soon gained, the reputation of
 
 96 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 
 being an able and effective speaker, and exhibited 
 much shrewdness and political wisdom in his Con- 
 gressional relations. Whenever he addressed the 
 House he secured and retained the attention of all, a 
 fact indicative of more than common merit, when the 
 usual procedure of the House is remembered. His 
 first speech in Congress v/as upon an unimportant sub- 
 ject, and was made for the purpose of "getting the 
 hang of the House," as he afterwards wrote to Mr. 
 Herndon, remarking that he " found speaking here 
 and elsewhere much the same." 
 
 During his term the Mexican war was begun, and 
 he was naturally arrayed with the opposition against 
 the Administration. With the rest of his party he 
 believed the u'ar to be without just cause, and to be 
 carried on entirely in the interests of the pro-slavery 
 party, in order that more slave States might be added 
 to the Union, and the preponderating influences of 
 the Southern States be maintained. The slave power 
 had long been aggressive and generally triumphant. 
 For many years no Administration had dared oppose 
 it, and it generally held the balance of power in the 
 Councils of the Nation. 
 
 The Southern people had long viewed with alarm 
 the growth and development of the North-East, and 
 the consequent increase in the number of free States. 
 The Southern leaders saw their ascendency slowly but 
 surely slipping from them, and to maintain it securely, 
 they determined upon the annexation of the contig- 
 uous Mexican territory. And largely by their influ- 
 ence, assisted by political revolutions and entangle- 
 ments in Mexico, the war was brought about. 
 
 After the declaration of war, the Whigs found them-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 97 
 
 selves in a dilemma, either horn of which was an 
 embarrassing one. If they voted in favor of war 
 measures, they violated their oft-expressed principles ; 
 if they voted against them, they found themselves in 
 the position of working against the Government, and 
 liable to the charge of unpatriotic and treasonable 
 conduct. Some of their representatives strove to 
 avoid the issue by absenting themselves, when the 
 war measures were put to vote, others sturdily main- 
 tained their political principles, and consistently 
 opposed the administration, while others, and among 
 them was Lincoln, although condemning the princi- 
 ple of the war, sustained the administration in all 
 things wherein the honor and welfare of the country 
 were concerned. 
 
 The position which he took was one that com- 
 mended itself to the better sense of the people, but 
 was quickly taken advantage of by his political ene- 
 mies to create a prejudice against him. In 1858, in 
 one of the great debates. Judge Douglas spoke of 
 Lincoln's having "distinguished himself in Congress 
 by his opposition to the Mexican war, taking the side 
 of the common enemy against his country." In reply, 
 Mr. Lincoln said : 
 
 " The Judge charges me with having, while in Con- 
 gress, opposed our soldiers who were fighting in the 
 Mexican war. I will tell you w"hat he can prove by 
 referring to the record. You remember, I was an old 
 Whig; and whenever the Democratic party tried to 
 get me to vote that the war had been righteously 
 begun by the President, I would not do it. But 
 whenever they asked for any money or land-warrants, 
 or anything to pay the soldiers, I gave the same vote
 
 9^ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 that Judge Douglas did. Such is the truth, and the 
 Judge has the right to make all he can out of it." 
 
 On July 27, 1848, he made a strong and effective 
 speech on " The Presidency and General Politics." 
 He spent considerable time in ridiculing General 
 Cass, the Democratic candidate for the Presidency. 
 He showed vividly, and often humorously, the short- 
 comings and unwarranted pretensions of the General, 
 and raised many a laugh at his expense. While it 
 was an able effort, it was intended mainly for political 
 effect, and seems to have been sadly out of place in 
 the great council of the nation. 
 
 During the session he introduced a bill for the 
 gradual and compensated abolition of slavery in the 
 District of Columbia, but the state of public affairs at 
 that time was so disturbed that the bill was not 
 brought before the House for consideration. 
 
 After the close of the session, and the inauguration 
 of General Taylor, he became a candidate for the 
 position of Commissioner of the General Land Office, 
 and actively exerted himself to secure the honor. All 
 the influence he could summom was brought to bear 
 to obtain the coveted honor, and the President seemed, 
 personally, to favor him ; but a Mr. Justin Butterfield, 
 of Chicago, was finally appointed. While the 
 appointment was still uncertain he went to Washing- 
 ton to urge his claims in person. His appearance 
 was characteristic, but hardly prepossessing. He was 
 six feet four inches in height, and when he stepped 
 from the train, he was dressed in a suit of light sum- 
 mer clothing with an old linen duster on, neither 
 well-fitting nor clean. His pants came only to his 
 ankles, showing the woolen socks above his coarse
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 99 
 
 brogans. With his great length of limb and ill-fitting 
 garments he was a noticeable object in the street, but 
 there was something in his general mien, as well as in 
 the expression of his face, notwithstanding the sad- 
 ness and gloom apparent there, that made him a 
 marked man, and led those who saw him, to feel that 
 he was of no ordinary mould. 
 
 He was deeply disappointed and chagrined at his 
 failure, and afterwards adverted to it, when, during 
 his Presidential term, he was asked to give an 
 appointment to the son of his successful rival. When 
 the application was presented, the President paused 
 and, after a moment's silence said : 
 
 " Mr. Justin Butterfield once obtained an appoint- 
 ment I very much wanted, and in which my friends 
 believed I could have been useful, and to which they 
 thought I was fairly entitled ; and I hardly ever 
 felt so bad at any failure in my life. But I am glad 
 of an opportunity of doing a service to his son." 
 And he gave an order for his commission.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Lincoln would unquestionably have been glad to 
 return to Congress for another term, for the life and 
 duties at Washington were far more attractive to him 
 than his law business. For certain reasons he felt 
 disinclined to seek the nomination, and, as his course 
 in Washington had not been generally popular among 
 his constituents, he failed to secure a renomination. 
 
 Upon his return to Springfield, he applied himself 
 closely to his law-practice, and from 1849 to 1859 was 
 actively engaged in it. Though taking part in the polit- 
 ical movements of the day, with more or less interest, 
 he held no important public office during that time. It 
 was largely a period of preparation, during which he 
 was finding out the ground upon which he stood, and 
 his principles were becoming more fully developed 
 and established. It was an important and interesting 
 period, and one in which his intellectual and moral 
 growth were plain. He was analyzing the political 
 situation, and defining more clearly to himself its 
 vital points. Many of his most eloquent speeches 
 and finest sayings were uttered during this time, and 
 much that is immortal in literature issued from his pen. 
 
 During his Congressional term the affairs of the 
 firm had been conducted by the junior member, so 
 that, when he returned, he found a flourishing busi- 
 ness ready to be taken up. He entered into his labor 
 
 (100)
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. lOI 
 
 with great earnestness, as if his profession afforded a 
 pleasing change from the responsibilitesand frictions 
 of a political life. It was during this time that he 
 largely earned his legal reputation, which gradually 
 extended beyond the borders of the State. 
 
 Had he died in 1849, he would have been unknown 
 to posterity. Had this event occurred in 1859, he 
 would have occupied a position in the history of the 
 State, second only to Douglas, perhaps surpassing 
 even him. 
 
 His character as a lawyer was in many respects 
 unique. He would never undertake a case unless 
 reasonably certain that the cause was a just one. 
 And he was several times known to surrender a case 
 in the midst of a trial when unexpectedly convinced 
 that his client was in the wrong.' 
 
 " At a term of court in Logan county, a man 
 named Hoblet had brought suit against a man named 
 Farmer. The suit had been appealed from a justice 
 of the peace, and Lincoln knew nothing of it until he 
 was retained by Hoblet to try the case in the Circuit 
 Court. Judge Treat, afterwards on the United States 
 bench, was the presiding judge at the trial. Lincoln's 
 client went upon the witness-stand and testified to 
 the account he had against the defendant, gave the 
 amount due, after allowing all credits and set-offs, 
 and swore positively that it had not been paid. The 
 attorney for the defendant simply produced a receipt 
 in full, signed by Hoblet prior to the beginning of the 
 case. Hoblet had to admit the signing of the receipt, 
 but told Lincoln he supposed the defendant had lost 
 
 * Browne.
 
 I02 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 it. Lincoln at once arose and left the court-room. 
 The judge told the parties to proceed with the case ; 
 and Lincoln not appearing, he directed a bailiff to go 
 to the hotel and call him. The bailiff ran across the 
 street to the hotel, and found Lincoln sitting in the 
 office with his feet on the stove, apparently in a deep 
 study, when he interrupted him with : ' Mr. Lincoln, 
 the Judge wants you.' ' Oh, does he ? ' replied Mr. Lin- 
 coln. ' Well, you go back and tell the Judge I can- 
 not come. Tell him I have to wash my ha?ids.' The 
 bailiff returned with the message, and Lincoln's client 
 suffered a non-suit. It was Lincoln's way of saying 
 that he wanted nothing more to do with such a 
 case." 
 
 He was entirely innocent of all the tricks, which so 
 many lawyers use to influence judge or jury. In his 
 conduct of a case he was always straightforward and 
 honest, often conceding points which the opposition 
 had difficulty in establishing, apparently against his 
 own interest, but the vital points he always grasped 
 with unerring precision and presented them so clearly 
 and pointedly that he seldom failed to win his case. 
 
 There were many of his associates who excelled him 
 in knowledge of the details of the law, but few who 
 could seize and apply a general principle so forcibly 
 and appropriately. 
 
 He practiced not only in the common courts, but 
 also in the Supreme, District and Circuit courts, and 
 had equal success in them all. When he had an im- 
 portant case, or one in which some great principle was 
 involved, he was absolutely invincible, asking compar- 
 atively few questions but such as would elicit facts 
 directly bearing upon the case in hand. When he
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I03 
 
 addressed the jurj^ his view of the testimony was so 
 pointed and straightforward as to carry conviction. 
 
 He sometimes became so eloquent in his address to 
 the jury that he moved the whole audience, judge, 
 jury and spectators, to tears. At such times he was 
 exceedingly impressive. His tall figure, now drawn 
 up to its full height, and then bent over until his 
 hands nearly touched the floor, acquired an unusual 
 dignity. His gestures were simple, but exceedingly 
 striking, while he would give utterance to vivid 
 descriptions, or paint the sufferings and adversities of 
 his client in living colors. 
 
 Though holding himself from active participation 
 in political affairs, he never faltered in his interest, 
 and ardently longed to reenter the arena, yet he 
 patiently bided his time, and when the supreme 
 opportunity came, he was ready and fitted to the utter- 
 most to take advantage of it. 
 
 During the campaign of 1852, he made a few 
 speeches for General Scott, the Whig candidate, but 
 they were not marked b)'- much display of ability. 
 Douglas, in opening the campaign for the Democrats, 
 at Baltimore, had made an exceedingly partisan 
 speech, and one v^^hich contained many utterances 
 upon slavery which were obnoxious to the people of 
 Illinois. Lincoln was asked to reply to the state- 
 ments and arguments of Douglas, but for some rea- 
 son made one of the poorest and least effective 
 speeches of his life, failing to make an impression 
 upon his audience. 
 
 Slavery had always been the great disturbing ele- 
 ment in American politics. More than any other 
 issue, it had tended to divide the people on sectional
 
 I04 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 lines, and was always developing and fomenting hos- 
 tility between them. 
 
 In colonial times it had secured a foothold, not 
 because the colonists specially desired or needed it, 
 but because it suited the interests of European slave- 
 traders to encourage its growth in the New World. 
 It was the survival of an Old World custom, which, in 
 former times, had obtained in every civilized country. 
 It was like a serpent charming its conscious victim 
 only to destroy him. In every country property 
 declined in exact ratio to the advance of slavery. 
 The more extensively the system was developed, the 
 weaker the country became, and more than one great 
 power fell in utter ruin because the slave-power 
 became predominant. 
 
 As civilization advanced in Europe, slavery became 
 more and more distasteful to the people, until the 
 nefarious trade, which had been a mine of wealth, 
 almost ceased. In order that a better market might 
 be opened up, the institution was forced upon the 
 American colonies and, England, who could not toler- 
 ate the blight on her own fair soil, even abetted its 
 introduction into her colonies. For a time it lan- 
 guished and several petitions were handed into the 
 Crown looking towards a prohibition of the traffic, 
 but George III. received them in contemptuous 
 silence, and did nothing to prevent or even to check it 
 in any way. 
 
 The peculiar conditions of climate and soil in the 
 Southern States rendered slave labor both agreeable 
 to the people and profitable. The climate was so hot 
 as to discourage active effort on the part of the white 
 man, but was adapted to call out the best energies of
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I05 
 
 the warm-blooded African. The products, too, could 
 be raised to advantage in large plantations, which 
 would require the labor of hundreds of men to culti- 
 vate. As land was plenty, the population sparse, and 
 the products in good demand, especially after the 
 invention of the cotton-gin, made that material avail- 
 able for the manufacture of a cheap fabric, the landed 
 proprietors gradually acquired great estates, requir- 
 ing hundreds of laborers to till them. 
 
 Thus the system became firmly rooted, and seemed 
 to be an absolute necessity to the indolent and aristo- 
 cratic Southerners. They had no difficulty in persuad- 
 ing themselves that slavery was morally and legally 
 right, and were ready to defend it with their best 
 efforts, and even with their lives, if necessary. What 
 the fathers looked askance upon, the sons came to 
 regard as a right, and succeeding generations as a 
 fixed institution which it was treason to attack. It 
 was but natural that each assault upon it should in- 
 trench them more firmly in their position, and widen 
 the breach between them and their Northern neigh- 
 bors. 
 
 They early learned that, when they were compelled 
 to assume the defensive, they were at a disadvantage, 
 hence they became aggressive and combative, in 
 society as well as in the State and national councils, 
 making their pet institution the dominant question, 
 and were ready to do battle for it even when no one 
 attacked. 
 
 The political situation, at the time of the adoption 
 of the Constitution, had been so confused, and the 
 grounds for dissension so numerous, that the inser- 
 tion of a clause forbidding slavery would have
 
 Io6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 insured its rejection. Yet the majority of its fram- 
 ers were undoubtedly opposed to the institution and 
 believed that the best welfare of the nation would be 
 subserved by its abolition, to such an extent that they 
 made it possible for the Government to prevent the 
 importation of slaves, after twenty years had elapsed, 
 by a special provision. 
 
 Through the efforts of Henry Clay, during the 
 administration of Monroe, Missouri was admitted to 
 the Union as a slave State in 182 1, but the extension 
 of slavery in all territory west of the Mississippi river 
 and north of the southern boundary of Missouri, lati- 
 tude 36°, 30', was forever forbidden. This seemed to 
 assure the development into free States of the vast 
 territory of the North-west, and to seal the final doom 
 of slavery. For, as the North-west should gradually 
 be populated and organized into free States, the 
 balance of power would pass from the slave to the 
 free States, and the latter would have it in their power 
 to crush the institution out of existence. 
 
 But the South would not give up without a strug- 
 gle. Avast territory w^as acquired from Mexico, and 
 the question of its organization came up in Congress 
 in 1850 for settlement. The " irrepressible conflict" 
 broke out afresh, and again the representatives of 
 freedom and slavery were pitted against each other. 
 The conflict resulted in a compromise, again estab- 
 lished through the efforts of Clay. California was to 
 be admitted as a free State. Territorial governments 
 were to be organized in New Mexico and Utah, and 
 slavery was to be tacitly admitted. Texas' claim to 
 nearly ninety square miles, north of the parallel of 
 36^, 30 'was to be recognized, and slavery was to be
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. IO7 
 
 extended into it. Ten millions of dollars were to be 
 paid to Texas as compensation for the territory of 
 New Mexico. The slave-trade was to be abolished in 
 Washington, but a new fugitive-slave law, more 
 stringent and inhuman than any before enacted, was 
 placed upon the national statute books. Evidently 
 the South would not rest content with this success, 
 and both sides began to prepare for the more deadly 
 conflict which was to ensue. 
 
 The Thirty-third Congress assembled December 5, 
 1853. One of the Senators from Illinois was Stephen 
 Arnold Douglas, whose name was destined to become 
 a noted one in American history. He was a 
 native of Vermont, but had emigrated to Illinois 
 in 1833, at the age of twenty, feeble, friendless and 
 almost penniless, seeking bread and a career in the 
 great West. 
 
 The history of his subsequent life reveals a marvel- 
 ous career. Success greeted his every effort, and 
 glory and renown came at his bidding. At the age 
 of twenty-one he was admitted to the bar, where he 
 made such rapid progress that only one year later he 
 stood at the head of his profession in his district. At 
 the age of twenty-three he was a member of the 
 State Legislature ; at twenty-seven he was appointed 
 Secretary of State in Illinois ; at twenty-eight. Judge 
 of the Supreme Court. At thirty he was a Member 
 of Congress, and at thirty-two United States Senator, 
 and recognized as the leader of the great Democratic 
 party. At forty-three he was a candidate for the nom- 
 ination to the Presidency, and was nominated at 
 forty-six, but was defeated by an irreconcilable 
 division in his party. In his forty-eighth year he
 
 lo8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 died in the prime of life, yet with a well-rounded 
 career behind him. 
 
 His life is inseparably connected with that of Lin- 
 coln. They were both admitted to the bar in the 
 same year, and often practiced in the same courts. 
 They served in the Legislature together, and were 
 afterwards rivals for the hand of the same lady. 
 Senatorial honors were contested for between them in 
 one of the most brilliant State campaigns ever carried 
 on. And finally they became rival candidates for the 
 Presidency, and both died prematurely at apparently 
 the very culminating point of their careers, and for 
 each the country mourned irrespective of party. In 
 all things they were consistently opposed to each 
 other, yet each entertained a profound respect and 
 admiration for the other, if not a feeling of genuine 
 friendship. 
 
 The contrast between the two was in every way 
 most striking, with all the advantage, to a superficial 
 observer, on the side of Douglas. Lincoln expressed 
 one phase of this contrast very forcibly in a speech at 
 Springfield, July, 17, 1858, during the Senatorial 
 canvass : 
 
 " There is still another disadvantage," said he, 
 " under which we (the Republicans) labor. It arises 
 out of the relative positions of the two persons who 
 stand before the State as candidates for the Senate. 
 Senator Douglas is of world-wide renown. All the 
 anxious politicians of his party, or who have been of 
 his party for years past, have been looking upon him 
 as certainly, at no distant day, to be President of the 
 United States. They have seen in his round, jolly, 
 fruitful face, post-offices, land-offices, marshalships
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, IO9 
 
 and cabinet appointments bursting and sprouting out 
 in a wonderful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of 
 by their greedy hands. 
 
 " On the contrary, nobody has ever expected me to 
 be President. In my poor, lean, lank face nobody has 
 ever seen that any cabbages were sprouting out." 
 
 In this session of Congress Douglas introduced a 
 bill for the organization of the Territories of Kansas 
 and Nebraska, which became the absorbing topic of 
 thought and conversation all over the land, the one 
 issue which overshadowed all others. 
 
 The Kansas-Nebraska bill, as it was called, contem- 
 plated the organization of these Territories into 
 States, without insisting upon the prohibition of 
 slavery, which the Missouri compromise had estab- 
 lished. Indeed, it was a virtual nullification of that 
 compromise. The measure took the country by sur- 
 prise. It had not been demanded by the South, nor 
 expected by the North, but each entered heart and 
 soul into the controversy. 
 
 Douglas was untiring in his efforts to procure the 
 passage of the bill, and was seconded by others, who, 
 if inferior to him in ability, were equal in enthusiasm, 
 and the bill finally passed the Senate by a small 
 majority, despite the efforts of those grand apostles 
 of freedom, Sumner, Chase and Seward, who were 
 arrayed against it. The struggle in the House was 
 prolonged, but the bill was finally successful, and 
 became a law. Thus at a single blow the whole 
 statutory opposition to the spread of slavery was 
 swept away, and there was nothing to hinder the 
 introduction of the institution into any territory over 
 which the American flag floated. Especially since.
 
 no ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 in the Dred Scott case, the Supreme Court had 
 decided slavery to be constitutional. For the moment 
 the slave-power seemed to be absolutely triumphant, 
 but its very success was a potent element in its 
 overthrow. 
 
 As a i-esult of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, " squatter- 
 sovereignty " was proclaimed in the disputed terri- 
 tory. This term, which was widely used, contained 
 the essence of the new policy promulgated by Douglas 
 as the central principle of his party. It was in effect 
 that each State was sovereign, within its own limits, 
 and had the power to adopt or exclude slavery as it 
 desired. Hence each State was to decide upon its 
 status, in regard to the institution, by ballot. The 
 new doctrine was tersely summed up by Lincoln in a 
 speech at Springfield as follows: "That if any one 
 man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be 
 allowed to object." The argument used by Douglas 
 was incorporated in the bill in the following language: 
 
 " It being the true intent and meaning of this act 
 not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, 
 nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people 
 thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their 
 domestic institutions in their own way, subject only 
 to the Constitution of the United States." 
 
 The subsequent agitation in Kansas, resulting in 
 bloodshed and mob-violence, and the final admission 
 of the Territories as free States, are familiar to every 
 school-boy, and need not to be repeated here. 
 
 Lincoln viewed the proceedings with deep interest 
 and no little apprehension. Although he deprecated 
 the necessity of agitation, he saw clearly that the 
 whole question had come to a square issue, and that
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Ill 
 
 it must be firmly met, and he felt that the time for 
 action had come. Many entliusiastic Abolitionists 
 were starting for Kansas, and he was invited to make 
 one of an armed band to go there and fight for free- 
 dom, but he refused to go, and earnestly counselled 
 them to abstain from all violence, and to obey the laws 
 of the country, showing that it was better to bear 
 oppression from rulers than to enter into a rebellion 
 against the government. 
 
 The passage of the bill proved the death-knell of 
 the Whig party, indeed it introduced the utmost con- 
 fusion into political councils on every side, and for a 
 time it was impossible to analyze the situation. Many 
 Democrats were dissatisfied with the policy of the 
 party, and joined with the Whigs, Abolitionists, Free- 
 soilers and miscellaneous elements to form a new 
 party, wdiich was in the future to be known as the 
 Republican party. 
 
 Lincoln, without hesitation, joined his fortunes 
 with the new movement, and became its recognized 
 leader in Illinois. This party, which was soon to 
 become the dominant power in American politics, 
 numbered many strong and influential men in its 
 ranks, and, although of conflicting political opinions 
 previously, they now united upon the single issue of 
 hostility to the extension of slavery and its prohibi- 
 tion in all Territories. 
 
 A convention of all those who were in sympathy 
 with these principles was called to meet in Blooming- 
 ton, May 29, 1856, and the Republican party was for- 
 mally organized in the State. A national convention 
 was called to meet in Philadelphia in June, which 
 nominated a national ticket, at the head of which
 
 112 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 was placed the illustrious name of John C. Fremont. 
 Lincoln's prominence in political circles was so great 
 that he received one hundred and ten votes for the 
 position of Vice-President. The party became 
 wholly committed to the opposition to the spread of 
 slavery, and, for the first time in the history of the 
 country, the slave-holders found themselves squarely 
 opposed by a great and compactly organized political 
 party. The fact that the working forces of the new 
 party must be drawn necessarily from the free States, 
 and that the opposition must come mainly from the 
 slave States, not only increased sectional antagonism, 
 but led to a disruption of the Democratic party, each 
 section following radical or conservative leaders. 
 Although this division did not take place in the cam- 
 paign of '56, it so weakened the Democratic party in 
 the next presidential campaign that the election of a 
 Republican President followed. 
 
 The campaign of '56 was one of the most animated 
 and closely contested political campaigns since the 
 formation of the government up to that time. How- 
 ever, the time was not ripe. Indiana and Pennsyl- 
 vania, two doubtful States, were carried by the Demo- 
 crats by narrow majorities, and Buchanan was 
 elected. Lincoln, up to this time, had not been out- 
 spoken in regard to slavery. He had always looked 
 upon it with horror and detestation. The horrors of 
 the slave-mart, the barbarous cruelty of plantation 
 life in many of its phases, and the utter disregard of 
 human rights, shown on every side, had been inex- 
 pressibly shocking to him, yet he had never taken a 
 prominent stand against it, and had looked with sus- 
 picion upon the Abolitionists and their bold efforts to
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I13 
 
 overthrow it. He stated clearly and tersely his atti- 
 tude upon the subject in a speech in reply to one of 
 Judge Douglas in Chicago, July lo, 1858, as follows : 
 " I have always hated slavery, I think, as much as 
 any Abolitionist — I have been an old-line Whig — I 
 have always hated it, but I have always been quiet 
 about it until this new era of the introduction of the 
 Nebraska bill began. I have always believed that 
 everybody was against it, and that it was in the 
 course of ultimate extinction. The great mass of the 
 nation have rested in the ultimate belief that slavery 
 was in the course of extinction." 
 
 If he had held his peace hitherto, on the great 
 topic, he was to do so no more. From this time 
 on no heart was more earnest nor tongue more 
 eloquent in behalf of the down-trodden millions 
 than his. With him it was an ever-present evil, be- 
 coming more and more appalling as time went on, 
 and more and more did he become impressed with 
 the magnitude and imminence of the struggle, and 
 the stupendous catastrophe threatened by it. 
 
 He was always ready to assist fugitive slaves, and 
 more than once put himself to great inconvenience 
 and some personal danger by reason of his sympathy 
 for the suffering slave fleeing from bondage. 
 
 One afternoon an old negro woman came into his 
 office, and told the story of her trouble. It appears 
 that she and her offspring were born slaves in Ken- 
 tucky, and that her owner had brought the whole 
 family into Illinois, and given them their freedom. 
 Her son had gone down the Mississippi as a waiter 
 or deck-hand on a steamboat. Arriving at New Or- 
 leans, he had imprudently gone ashore, and had been
 
 114 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 snatched up by the police, in accordance with the law 
 then in force concerning free negroes from other 
 States, and thrown into confinement. Subsequently 
 he was brought out and tried. Of course, he was 
 fined, and, the boat having left, he was sold, or was 
 in immediate danger of being sold, to pay his fine and 
 expenses. Mr. Lincoln was very much moved, and 
 requested Mr. Herndon to go over to the State House 
 and inquire of Governor Bissell, if there was not 
 something he could do to obtain possession of the 
 negro. Mr. Herndon made the inquiry, and returned 
 with the report that the Governor regretted to say 
 that he had no legal or constitutional right to do 
 anything in the premises. Mr. Lincoln rose to his 
 feet in great excitement, and exclaimed : " By the 
 Almighty, I'll have that negro back soon, or I'll have 
 a twenty years' agitation in Illinois, until the Gover- 
 nor does have a legal and constitutional right to do 
 something in the premises." He was saved from the 
 latter alternative— at least in the direct form which 
 he proposed. The lawyers sent money to a New Or- 
 leans correspondent — money of their own — who pro- 
 cured the negro, and returned him to his mother. 
 
 In 1854 Lincoln was nominated for the State 
 Legislature, but refused to accept the proffered honor. 
 His name, however, was presented to the people, and 
 he was elected. But, feeling that he had earned a 
 higher honor than this, he refused to take his seat. 
 One of the duties of this session was to elect a United 
 States Senator to succeed General Shields, the col- 
 league of Douglas. Lincoln ardently desired the 
 position, and once, in speaking of it, said that he had 
 rather have one full term in the Senate than the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. II5 
 
 Presidency. His prospects seemed good to secure 
 the coveted honor, but, through certain unexpected 
 complications, his election became doubtful, and he 
 magnanimously withdrew his name in favor of Judge 
 Trumbull, who was immediately elected. When con- 
 sulted in the dilemma, he said: "You ought to drop 
 me and go for Judge Trumbull, that is the only way 
 you can defeat Mathison (the Democratic candi- 
 date)." Judge Logan came up and insisted on mak- 
 ing one more effort to secure Lincoln's election ; but 
 the latter said: " If you do, you will lose both Trum- 
 bull and myself, and I think the cause in this case is 
 to be preferred to men." This was certainly a rare 
 instance of political self-sacrifice.
 
 CHAPTER IX 
 
 At the Bloomington Convention Mr. Lincoln was 
 called upon to make a speech. It proved to be the 
 inauguration speech of the new party in Illinois, and 
 in it he advanced to higher political ground than he 
 had ever done before. He seemed like one inspired 
 as he gave utterance to the grandest political truths, 
 and made close application of them to the condition 
 of the country. 
 
 One of the delegates says : " Never was an audi- 
 ence more completely electrified by human elo- 
 quence. Again and again, during this speech, the 
 audience sprang to their feet, and by long continued 
 cheers expressed how deeply the speaker had affected 
 them." Herndon characterizes this speech as the 
 grand effort of his life. 
 
 The movement, thus enthusiastically inaugurated, 
 gathered strength rapidly, and the young, but vigor- 
 ous party soon became a recognized power in the 
 State. Lincoln had been one of the ruling spirits of 
 the old Whig party, and he now became the recog- 
 nized leader of the Republican party, its great 
 defender in the furious onslaughts made upon it, and 
 its champion in the aggressive fight it was about to 
 make upon the old parties. 
 
 In the following national campaign, the first in 
 which the Republican party had figured, his services 
 
 (ii6)
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. II7 
 
 were in great demand. Earnest requests to speak 
 upon the principles of the party came to him from 
 every district in Illinois, from Indiana, Ohio, Iowa 
 and Wisconsin, and so far as possible he accepted the 
 invitations. 
 
 At one of the meetings, which he was addressing, 
 an old Democrat arose from his seat and strode 
 away, driving his cane viciously into the ground at 
 every step, exclaiming : " He's a dangerous man, a 
 dangerous man ! He makes you believe what he says 
 in spite of yourself." 
 
 The Republicans generally believed that Fremont 
 would be elected, but Lincoln did not share in this 
 confidence. He was too clear-sighted, and realized 
 too fully the strength of the opposition, to be thus 
 deceived by. a false hope. During the campaign he 
 said to Mr. Noah Brooks, a Chicago Journalist : 
 " Don't be discouraged if we don't carry the day this 
 year. We can't do it, that's certain, but we shall 
 sooner or later elect our President. I feel confident 
 of that." 
 
 The event proved the truth of his forecast. 
 Although the new party made a gallant fight, its 
 ticket was defeated, and Buchanan was elected Pres- 
 ident. The closeness of the contest so alarmed the 
 slave-holders that they began, even then, to perfect 
 their plans for a revolution in the event of a Republi- 
 can victory at the next national election. In this 
 they were materially aided by the weakness of the 
 President who, though no doubt desirous of main- 
 taining the Union intact and upholding the Constitu- 
 tion, yet found himself powerless in the hands of the 
 slave element.
 
 Il8 .> ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Lincoln, since the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska 
 bill, had become recognized as the champion of the 
 anti-slavery element in Illinois. Even before the for- 
 mation of the new party, he had ably and persistently 
 opposed the measure as ill-advised and revolutionary. 
 His opinions were always freely expressed on the 
 subject both publicly and privately, and were well 
 sustained by logical argument. 
 
 When Douglas returned from Washington, after the 
 passage of the bill, he found himself, more than once, 
 compelled to defend his policy to his constituents, 
 who were generally indignant at his course. Nor 
 was he lacking in the ability to do this. Fresh from 
 the Halls of Congress, where he had carried the bill 
 by his fiery eloquence and power of logical reason- 
 ing, in the face of an opposition led by such masters 
 of debate as Sumner, Chase and Seward, flushed with 
 victory, and more than ever confident of his ability to 
 overcome opposition, he appeared before great audi- 
 ences in Illinois eager to hear his vindication from his 
 own lips. 
 
 Soon after his return to Chicago, the State Fair 
 opened in Springfield, and he was invited to address 
 the assembled crowds upon the repeal of the Missouri 
 Compromise. His task was a difficult one, for the 
 majority of the audience were hostile to the measure. 
 Incited by the adverse sentiment, he made a masterly 
 address. He gave an historical review of the whole 
 situation, and presented, in their most plausible form, 
 the arguments by which he had won his victory in 
 the Senate. 
 
 Lincoln was present and listened intently, and, at 
 the close of the address, it was announced that he
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. II9 
 
 would speak in opposition to the measure on the fol- 
 lowing day. 
 
 A large audience assembled in the State House to 
 hear him. He spoke three hours, and most effectively 
 answered the arguments brought forward on the pre- 
 vious day. The great audience was deeply affected, 
 and gave close attention. Never before had he dis- 
 played so much feeling in public. At times his voice 
 quivered and the tears filled his eyes, while loud and 
 continued applause attested that his arguments struck 
 home. 
 
 Douglas went from Springfield to Peoria, where he 
 again made a lengthy address, explaining and defend- 
 ing his course in Congress. He was followed and 
 again answered by the indefatigable Lincoln, who 
 sought to prove the fallacy of Mr. Douglas's position 
 from an historical, political and moral standpoint. 
 One by one he took the arguments of his opponent, 
 and demonstrated their weakness. The following e.x- 
 tractwill conveysomeideaof hisconvincingeloquence. 
 
 "Slavery is founded in the selfishness of man's na- 
 ture; opposition to it, in his love of justice. These prin- 
 ciples are in eternal antagonism, and when brought 
 into collision so fiercely as slavery extension brings 
 them, shocks, throes and convulsions must ceaselessly 
 follow. Repeal the Missouri Compromise ; repeal all 
 compromises; repeal the Declaration of Independence; 
 repeal all past history — you still cannot repeal human 
 nature. It still will be the abundance of man's heart, 
 that slavery extension is wrong ; and, out of the abun- 
 dance of his heart, his mouth will continue to speak. 
 . . . Thus we see the plain, unmistakable spirit of that 
 early age towards slavery, was hostility to the princi-
 
 I20 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 pie, and toleration only by necessity. But now it is 
 to be transformed into a ' sacred right.' Nebraska 
 brings it forth, places it on the highroad to extension 
 and perpetuity, and with a pat on its back says to it, 
 ' Go and God speed you.' Henceforth, it is to be the 
 chief jewel of the nation, the very figure-head of the 
 ship of State. Little by little, but steadily as man's 
 march to the grave, we have been giving the old for 
 the new faith. Nearly eighty years ago we began by 
 declaring that all men are created equal ; but now 
 from that beginning we have run down to that other 
 declaration, ' that for some men to enslave others is 
 a sacred right of self-government.' ... In our 
 greedy chase to make profit of the negro, let us 
 beware lest we cancel and tear to pieces even the 
 white man's charter of freedom. . . . Our Repub- 
 lican robe is soiled, trailed in the dust. Let us repu- 
 rify it. Let us turn and wash it white, in the spirit, 
 if not the blood, of the revolution. Let us turn 
 slavery from its claims of ' moral right,' back upon its 
 existing legal rights and its arguments of ' necessity.' 
 Let us return it to the position our fathers gave it, 
 and then let it rest in peace. Let us re-adopt the 
 Declaration of Independence, and with it the prac- 
 tices and policy which harmonize with it. Let North 
 and South — let all Americans — let all lovers of liberty 
 everywhere— join in the great and good work. If 
 we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union, 
 but we shall have so saved it as to make and to keep 
 it forever worthy of the saving. We shall have so 
 saved it that the succeeding millions of free and 
 happy people, the world over, shall rise up and call 
 us blessed to the latest generations."
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 121 
 
 In the course of his speech at Peoria, Mr. Douglas 
 had remarked that the Whigs were all dead. When 
 Mr. Lincoln arose to speak, he said: " Fellow-citizens : 
 — My friend, Mr. Douglas, made the startling 
 announcement to-day that the Whigs are all dead. 
 If this be so, fellow-citizens, you will now experience 
 the novelty of hearing a speech from a dead man, and 
 I suppose you might properly say, in the language of 
 the old hymn : 
 
 " ' Hark ! From the tombs a doleful sound.' " 
 
 Douglas felt that, perhaps for the first time in his 
 life, he had been worsted in the field of debate, and 
 upon his proposal it was agreed between them that 
 neither should make any more speeches, or rather 
 that, if Lincoln would let him alone, he would quit. 
 
 April 21, 1858, the Democratic State Convention 
 met at Springfield, and heartily indorsing the course 
 of Senator Douglas, announced him as the candidate 
 of the party for another Senatorial term. 
 
 June 16 following, the Republican State Convention 
 met at the same place and unanimously declared 
 that : " Abraham Lincoln is our first and only choice 
 for United States Senator, to fill the vacancy about 
 to be created by the expiration of Judge Douglas's 
 term of office." 
 
 This action had been foreseen, and Mr. Lincoln had 
 prepared a speech accepting the honor. In this 
 speech, he uttered more exalted sentiments and pro- 
 claimed higher political doctrines than any great 
 party-leader had ever ventured to do before ; so 
 high, indeed, that it alarmed his partisans and 
 delighted his opponents, who believed that he had
 
 122 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 sounded the death-knell of his own political career as 
 well as that of his party. 
 
 Although he suffered defeat at this time, the sequel 
 showed that he was possessed of more foresight than 
 the party, and demonstrated the wisdom which had 
 made him a party-leader as well as his fitness for that 
 position. 
 
 The opening paragraph of the speech which occa- 
 sioned much comment and criticism, was as follows : 
 " Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention : 
 If we could first know where we are and whither we 
 are tending, we could better judge what to do and 
 how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year 
 since a policy was initiated with the avowed object 
 and confident promise of putting an end to slavery 
 agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that 
 agitation has not only not ceased but has constantly 
 augmented. In my opinion it will not cease until a 
 crisis shall have been reached and passed. * A house 
 divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this 
 Government cannot endure, permanently, half slave 
 and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- 
 solved — I do not expect the house to fall — but I do 
 expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all 
 one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of 
 slavery will arrest the further spread of it and place 
 it where the public mind will rest in the belief that it 
 is in the course of ultimate extinction, or its advo- 
 cates will push it forward, until it shall become alike 
 lawful in all the States, old as well as new. North as 
 well as South." 
 
 This statement was afterwards greeted with a per- 
 fect storm of disapproval, and formed the subject of
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 123 
 
 many a speech and political debate throughout the 
 country. It was a startling proposition, and, from a 
 superficial point of view, it seemed to be entirely un- 
 warranted by the facts. For almost three-quarters 
 of a century the Government had endured, over a 
 country half slave and half free ; nor had the coun- 
 try, during that time, ever been at a standstill. In 
 material progress and the development of its vast do- 
 main, it was the marvel of the world. From a little 
 confederacy of puny states grouped on the Atlantic 
 seaboard, it had developed into an imperial nation 
 numbering thirty millions of souls. Its progress had 
 been steady and almost uninterrupted, and its pros- 
 perity seemed to rest upon a secure foundation. 
 How absurd then, said his opponents, to assert that 
 this country is on the verge of disruption, nay, of de- 
 struction, because of differing opinions in regard to 
 a single institution. Yet history proved his perfect 
 vindicator, and more certainly than arguments or 
 specious philosophy did coming events demonstrate 
 the wisdom of his position. 
 
 His friends, to whom he read the speech before de- 
 livering it, urged him to omit the first paragraph, all 
 except his partner, Mr. Herndon, who said: "Lin- 
 coln, deliver that speech as read, and it will make you 
 President." A prophecy destined to be wonderfully 
 fulfilled, but seeming at the time to pass credence. 
 
 One of his friends, after the speech, remonstrated 
 with him against such "foolishness," to whom Lin- 
 coln replied that, if he were compelled to destroy 
 every utterance of his life save one, he would select 
 that one for preservation. He remarked to Mr. 
 Herndon, who asked him if he deemed it wise or ex-
 
 124 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 pedient to commit himself in such a way at that time : 
 " I had rather be defeated with this expression in the 
 speech, and have it held up and discussed before the 
 people, than to be victorious without it." ^ 
 
 The speech was mainl}'^ directed against the en- 
 croachments of the slave-power upon the free domain, 
 as exemplified by the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and the 
 subsequent " Dred Scott " decision. He showed, in 
 support of his main position, that every effort of the 
 Southern party, open and insidious alike, was directed 
 towards an opening up to slavery of the whole na- 
 tional domain, and he clearly demonstrated the active 
 instrumentality of Senator Douglas in bringing about 
 this result. To him the danger seemed more immi- 
 nent and startling than ever before. " We shall lie 
 down, pleasantly dreaming," said he, " that the peo- 
 ple of Missouri are on the verge of making their 
 State free ; and we shall awake to the reality, instead, 
 that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave 
 State. To meet and overthrow the power of that 
 dynasty is the work now before all those who would 
 prevent that consummation — that is what we have to 
 do. . . , Our cause, then, must be intrusted to and 
 conducted by its undoubted friends — those whose 
 hands are free, whose hearts are in the work — who 
 do care for the result. Two years ago the Republi- 
 cans of the nation mustered over one million three 
 hundred thousand strong. We did this under a 
 single impulse of resistance to a common danger, 
 with every external circumstance against us. Of 
 strange, discordant and even hostile elements, we 
 
 > Herndon's " Lincoln."
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 1 25 
 
 gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought 
 this battle through, under the constant, hot fire of a 
 disciplined and pampered enemy. Did we brave all 
 to falter now ? — now, when that same enemy is wav- 
 ering, dissevered and belligerent. The result is not 
 doubtful. We shall not fail — if we stand firm, we 
 shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate or mis- 
 takes delay it, but sooner or later the victory is sure 
 to come." 
 
 A little incident occurred during the campaign 
 that illustrated Mr. Lincoln's readiness in turning a 
 political point. He was making a speech at Charles- 
 ton, Coles County, when a voice called out, " Mr. Lin- 
 coln, is it true that you entered this State barefoot, 
 driving a yoke of oxen ?" Mr. Lincoln paused for a 
 full half a minute, as if considering whether he 
 should notice such cruel impertinence, and then said 
 that he thought he could prove the fact by at least a 
 dozen men in the crowd, any one of whom was more 
 respectable than his questioner. But the question 
 seemed to inspire him, and he went on to show what 
 free institutions had done for himself, and to exhibit 
 the evils of slavery to the white man wherever it 
 existed, and asked if it was not natural that he should 
 hate slavery, and agitate against it. " Yes," said he, 
 " we will speak for freedom, and against slavery, as 
 long as the Constitution of our country guarantees 
 free speech, until everywhere on this wide land the 
 sun shall shine and the rain shall fall and the wind 
 shall blow upon no man who goes forth to unrequited 
 toil." 1 
 
 > Holland's " Life of Lincoln."
 
 126 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 It was at about this time that Lincoln made his 
 first visit to Cincinnati, where he met the Hon. E. M. 
 Stanton, with whom he was afterwards to be so inti- 
 mately associated. Among his law cases was one 
 connected with the patent of the McCormick reaper, 
 and it became necessary for him to visit Cincinnati, 
 to argue the case before Judge McLean of the United 
 States Circuit Court. It was a case of great impor- 
 tance, involving the foundation patent of the machine 
 which was destined to revolutionize the harvesting of 
 grain. Reverdy Johnson was on one side of the case, 
 and E. M. Stanton and George Harding on the other. 
 It became necessary, in addition, to have a lawyer 
 who was a resident of Illinois ; and inquiry was made 
 of Hon. E. B. Washburne, then in Congress, as to 
 whether he knew a suitable man. The latter replied, 
 "that there was a man named Lincoln, at Springfield, 
 who had considerable reputation in the State." Lin- 
 coln was secured, and came on to Cincinnati with a 
 brief. Stanton and Harding saw " a tall, dark, un- 
 couth man," who did not strike them as of any ac- 
 count, and, indeed, they gave him hardly a chance. 
 Mr. Lincoln was a little surprised and annoyed, after 
 reaching Cincinnati, to learn that his client had also 
 associated with him Mr. Stanton of Pittsburgh, and 
 a local lawyer of some repute ; the reason assigned 
 being that the importance of the case required a man 
 of the experience and power of Mr. Stanton to meet 
 Mr. Johnson. The trial of the case came on ; the 
 counsel for the defense met each morning for con- 
 sultation. On one of these occasions, one of the 
 counsel moved that only two of them should speak 
 on the case. This motion was acquiesced in. It had
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. l2^ 
 
 always been understood that Mr. Harding was to 
 speak, to explain the mechanism of the reapers. So 
 this motion excluded either Mr. Lincoln or Mr. Stan- 
 ton. By the custom of the bar, as between counsel 
 of equal standing, and in the absence of any action 
 by the client, the original counsel speaks. By this 
 rule Mr. Lincoln had the precedence. Mr. Stanton 
 suggested that Mr. Lincoln make the speech. Mr. 
 Lincoln answered, "No, you speak." Mr. Stanton 
 replied, " I will ;" and taking up his hat, said he 
 would go and make preparation. Mr. Lincoln acqui- 
 esced in this, but was deeply grieved and mortified ; 
 he took but little more interest in the case, though 
 remaining until the conclusion of the trial. He 
 seemed to be greatly depressed, and gave evidence 
 of that tendency to melancholy which so marked his 
 character in after years. His parting words on leav- 
 ing the city cannot be forgotten. Cordially shaking 
 the. hand of his hostess, he said : " You have made 
 my stay here most agreeable, and I am a thousand 
 times obliged to you ; but, in reply to your request 
 for me to come again, I must say to you I never ex- 
 pect to be in Cincinnati again. I have nothing 
 against the city, but things have so happened here as 
 to make it undesirable for me ever to return." 
 
 If Mr. Lincoln was " surprised and annoyed " at 
 the treatment he received from Mr. Stanton, the latter 
 was no less surprised, and a good deal more dis- 
 gusted, on seeing Mr. Lincoln and learning of his 
 connection with the case. He made no secret of his 
 contempt for the " long, lank creature from Illinois," 
 as he afterwards described him, " wearing a dirty 
 linen duster for a coat, on the back of which the per-
 
 128 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 spiration had splotched wide stains that resembled a 
 dirty map of the continent." He blurted out his 
 wrath and indignation to his associate counsel, de- 
 claring that if " that giraffe " was permitted to appear 
 in the case, he would throw up his brief and leave it. 
 Mr. Lincoln keenly felt the affront, but his great 
 nature forgave it so completely that, recognizing the 
 singular abilities of Mr. Stanton beneath his brusque 
 exterior, he afterwards, for the public good, appointed 
 him to a seat in his Cabinet.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The memorable campaign opened vigorously on 
 both sides. Each of the leading candidates entered 
 the field, seeking to so influence the State election 
 that the new legislature might be in his favor. 
 Speeches had been made by both, in Springfield, 
 Chicago and Bloomington, where Mr. Lincoln 
 addressed the following note to his opponent : 
 
 " Hon. S. A. Douglas. 
 
 " My dear sir — "Will it be agreeable to you to make an 
 arrangement for you and myself to divide time, and address the 
 same audiences during the present canvass ? Mr. Judd, who 
 will hand you this, is authorized to receive your answer, and, if 
 agreeable to you, to enter into the terms of such arrangement. 
 
 " Your obedient servant, 
 "Chicago, III. July 24, 1858. A. Lincoln." 
 
 In the correspondence which followed, Douglas 
 acceded to the request, though demurring somewhat 
 at first; and it was finally agreed that they should 
 meet in joint discussion at seven different places, 
 viz., Ottawa, Freeport,Jonesboro, Charleston, Gales- 
 burg, Quincy and Alton. In closing his last letter 
 Mr. Douglas said : 
 
 *' I agree to j^our suggestion that we shall alter- 
 nately open and close the discussion. I will speak at 
 Ottawa one hour. You can repl)% occupying one 
 
 (129)
 
 130 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 hour and a half, and I will then follow you for a half 
 an hour. We will alternate in like manner at each 
 successive place." It was arranged that the first de- 
 bate should be held August 21, and the last one 
 October 15. 
 
 These seven discussions now rank among the ablest 
 forensic debates that have ever taken place in 
 America, perhaps in the world. They were widely 
 reported in the newspapers, but, as they were deliv- 
 ered without manuscript, the reports failed to do 
 justice to them, and conveyed but an inadequate idea 
 of their effectiveness. The whole country followed 
 the course of the debates with great interest, and from 
 that time Lincoln's reputation transcended sectional 
 bounds and spread throughout the nation. The man 
 who could meet and overcome in debate. Judge 
 Douglas, the redoubted champion of the Senate, 
 could no longer remain unknown. 
 
 The personality of the principals was reflected in 
 their speeches. Douglas was fiery and impetuous, 
 making his points with the brilliancy and dash of one 
 who was assured of victory, because he had never 
 known defeat, and with the adroitness which charac- 
 terized the successful politician. 
 
 Lincoln was calm and straightforward. He was 
 quick to see and able to take advantage of any weak 
 point in his adversary's argument, relying less upon 
 his eloquence and magnetism than upon frank state- 
 ments and clear reasoning to convince his audience. 
 
 Douglas excited the more feeling at the time ; Lin- 
 coln made the deeper and more lasting impression. 
 Douglas was greeted with applause and congratula- 
 tion for the brilliancy of his efforts ; Lincoln made
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I3I 
 
 friends for his cause and influenced votes. The more 
 self-sacrificing of the two, he sought to magnify the 
 cause while he held his own personal interests in the 
 background. A declaration in his Chicago speech 
 well illustrates this. He said : " I do not claim, gentle- 
 men, to be unselfish. I do not pretend that I would 
 not like to go to the United States Senate, I make no 
 such hypocritical pretense; but I do say to you that, 
 in this mighty issue, it is nothing to the mass of the 
 people of the nation, whether or not Judge Douglas 
 or myself shall be heard of after this night ; it may be 
 a trifle to either of us, but in connection with this 
 mighty question, upon which hang the destinies of 
 the nation, perhaps, it is absolutely nothing." 
 
 The contrast between the two men, in every way, 
 could hardly have been greater, yet each felt that to 
 win the victory would require his very best efforts, 
 and went into the conflict with every power on the 
 alert and every facult}^ in operation. 
 
 When Douglas was congratulated in advance upon 
 the ease with which he would vanquish his opponent, 
 he replied that " he would rather meet any other man 
 in the country in this joint debate than Abraham Lin- 
 coln." At another time, he said : " I have known Lin- 
 coln for nearly twenty-five years. There were many 
 points of sympathy between us when we first got 
 acquainted. We were both comparatively bo3's, and 
 both struggling with poverty in a strange land. I 
 was a school-teacher in the town of Winchester, and 
 he a flourishing grocery-keeper in the town of Salem. 
 He was more successful in his occupation than I was 
 in mine, and hence more fortunate in this world's 
 goods. Lincoln is one of those peculiar men who
 
 132 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 perform with admirable skill whatever they under- 
 take. I made as good a school-teacher as I could, . . . 
 but I believe that Lincoln was always more success- 
 ful in his business than I in mine, for his business 
 enabled him to get into the Legislature. I met him 
 there, however, and had sympathy with him, because 
 of the up-hill struggle we both had had in life. He 
 was then just as good at telling an anecdote as now. 
 He could beat any of the boys in wrestling or running 
 a foot-race, in pitching quoits or in pitching a copper, 
 and the dignity and impartiality with which he pre- 
 sided at a horse-race or a fist-fight, excited the admi- 
 ration, and won the praise of everybody that was 
 present. I sympathized with him because he was 
 struggling with difficulties and so was I. Mr. Lin- 
 coln served with me in the Legislature of 1836, when 
 we both retired, and he subsided, or became sub- 
 merged and was lost sight of as a public man for some 
 years. In 1846, when Wilmot introduced his cele- 
 brated proviso, and the Abolition tornado swept over 
 the land, Lincoln again turned up as a Member of 
 Congress from the Sangamon District. I was then 
 in the Senate of the United States and was glad to 
 welcome my old friend." ^ 
 
 The following estimate of Douglas by Lincoln is 
 of interest in connection with the above : "Twenty- 
 two years ago Judge Douglas and I first became 
 acquainted. We were both young then, he a trifle 
 younger than L Even then we were both ambitious, 
 I, perhaps, quite as much as he. With me, the race 
 of ambition has been a failure — a flat failure ; Avith 
 
 ' Browne.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I33 
 
 him it has been one of splendid success. His name 
 fills the nation, and is not unknown even in foreign 
 lands. I affect no contempt for the high eminence 
 he has attained; so reached, that the oppressed of my 
 species might have shared with me in the elevation, I 
 would rather stand upon that eminence than wear the 
 i-ichest crown that ever pressed a monarch's brow." 
 
 Around the institution of slavery centred all the 
 arguments of the joint debate. The positions taken 
 upon this subject constituted the main issues between 
 the Democratic and Republican parties. It was the 
 absorbing topic of the nation. Lincoln's stand upon 
 the question was firm, elevated and positive, and he 
 sustained it with logical argument and close reason- 
 ing. Douglas sought to avoid the issue, attempting 
 rather to overthrow the arguments of his opponent 
 than to enunciate any decided policy other than that 
 contained in his public measures. 
 
 The debates everywhere attracted great crowds. 
 At first both of the disputants refrained from offen- 
 sive personalities. But afterwards each accused the 
 other of unfair conduct, of misrepresentation and 
 even falsehood. The points brought forward and 
 the arguments used to sustain them, were substanti- 
 ally the same in all the speeches, the methods of pre- 
 senting them being adapted to the circumstances and 
 audience. In his first speech Douglas attacked the 
 position taken by Lincoln in his previous speeches, 
 especially on the three points that Lincoln had laid 
 stress upon, viz., that the Union could not remain 
 half free and half slave, but must become either one 
 or the other; his opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska 
 bill, and to the Dred Scott decision. He maintained
 
 134 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 that the first proposition was not only an absurdity 
 upon the face of it, but that it was treasonable in its 
 tendency, as, if insisted upon, it must result in civil 
 war between the two sections, and either the slave- 
 holders must carry slavery into all the free States at the 
 point of the bayonet, or the Abolitionists must drive 
 it into the sea before the muzzles of their cannon. He 
 sustained his position on the other two points by the 
 same arguments which he had so often advanced 
 before, modified, only, to meet the present exigency. 
 
 Upon Lincoln's opposition to the Dred Scott decis- 
 ion he made the following startling and dramatic 
 comment, the truth of which Lincoln afterwards 
 emphatically denied : 
 
 " His conscientious scruples led him to believe that 
 the negro is entitled by divine right to the civil 
 and political privileges of citizenship on an equality 
 with the white man. For that reason he wishes the 
 Dred Scott decision reversed. He wishes to confer 
 those privileges of citizenship on the negro. Let us 
 see how he will do it. He will first be called upon to 
 strike out of the constitution of Illinios that clause 
 which prohibits free negroes and slaves from Kentucky 
 or any other State coming into Illinois. When he blots 
 out that clause, when he lets down the door, or opens 
 the gate for all the negro population to flow in and 
 cover our prairies, until at midday they will look 
 dark and black as night : when he shall have done 
 this, his mission will yet be unfulfilled. Then it will 
 be that he will apply his principles of negro equality, 
 that is, if he can get the Dred Scott decision reversed 
 meantime. He will then change the Constitution 
 again, and allow negroes to vote and hold office,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 135 
 
 and will make them eligible to the Legislature, so 
 that, thereafter, they can have the right men for 
 United States Senators. He will allow them to vote 
 to elect the Legislature and the Governor, and will 
 make them eligible to the office of Judge or Governor 
 or to the Legislature. He will put them on an equal- 
 ity with the white man. What then ? Of course 
 after making them eligible to the Judiciary, when 
 he gets Cuffee elevated to the Bench, he certainly will 
 not refuse his Judge the privilege of marrying any 
 woman he may select. I submit to you whether 
 these are not the legitimate consequences of his doc- 
 trine." 
 
 Lincoln's reply was direct and forcible. He ac- 
 cused Douglas of misrepresenting him, and denied 
 the truth of many of his assumptions. His reply to 
 the allegation that he favored the admission of the 
 negro to social and civil equality could leave no 
 doubt as to his sentiments. He said: "I have no 
 purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the 
 institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I 
 believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no 
 inclination to do so. I have no purpose to introduce 
 political and social equality between the white and 
 black races. There is a physical difference between 
 the two which, in my judgment, will probably for- 
 ever forbid their living together on a footing of per- 
 fect equality, and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity 
 that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge 
 Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong 
 having the superior place. I have never said any- 
 thing to the contrary, but I hold that, notwithstand- 
 ing all this, there is no reason in the world why the
 
 136 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 negro is not entitled to all the natural rights enumer- 
 ated in the Declaration of Independence, the right to 
 life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. I hold that 
 he is as much entitled to these as the white man. I 
 agree with Judge Douglas that he is not my equal in 
 many respects — certainly not in color, perhaps not in 
 moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to 
 eat the bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his 
 cnvn hand earns, he is tny equal, and /he equal of Judge 
 Douglas, and the equal of any living many 
 
 At Ottawa Judge Douglas propounded seven ques- 
 tions to Mr. Lincoln, to which he wished explicit an- 
 sv/ers. These answers Lincoln gave clearly and 
 pointedly, and then propounded other questions to 
 Douglas, some of which he had difficulty in honestly 
 answering. 
 
 In the course of Lincoln's reply, at Alton, occurred 
 the following interesting and significant passage : " I 
 have stated, upon former occasions, and I may as 
 well state again, what I consider to be the real point 
 of controversy between Judge Douglas and myself. 
 On the point of my wanting to make war between 
 the free and slave States, there has been no issue be- 
 tween us. So, too, when he assumes that I am in 
 favor of introducing a perfect social and political 
 equality between the white and black races. These 
 are false issues, upon which Judge Douglas has tried 
 to force the controversy. There is no foundation in 
 truth for the charge that I maintain either of these 
 propositions. The real issue in this controversy — 
 the one pressing upon every mind — is the sentiment 
 on the part of one class, that looks upon the institu- 
 tion of slavery as wrong, and of another class that
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLX, I37 
 
 does not look upon it as wrong. The sentiment that 
 contemplates the institution of slavery in this coun- 
 try as a wrong is the sentiment of the Republican 
 party. It is the sentiment around which all their 
 actions — all their arguments — circle; from which all 
 their propositions radiate. They look upon it as 
 being a moral, social and political wrong ; and while 
 they contemplate it as such, they nevertheless have 
 due regard for its actual existence among us, and the 
 difficulties of getting rid of it in any satisfactory way, 
 and to all the constitutional obligations thrown 
 around it. Yet having a due regard for these, they 
 desire a policy in regard to it that looks to its not 
 creating any more danger. They insist that it should, 
 as far as may be, be treated as a wrong ; and one of 
 the methods of treating it as a wrong is to make pro- 
 vision that it shall grow no larger. They also desire 
 a policy that looks to a peaceful end of slavery at 
 some time. These are the views they entertain in 
 regard to it, as I understand them ; and all their 
 sentiments— all their arguments and propositions 
 come within this range. I have said, and I repeat it 
 here, that if there be a man among us, who does 
 not think that the institution of slavery is wrong in 
 any one of the aspects of which I have spoken, he is 
 misplaced, and ought not to be with us. And if there 
 be a man among us who is so impatient of it as a 
 v/rong as to disregard its actual presence among us, 
 and the difficulty of getting rid of it suddenly in a 
 satisfactory way, and to disregard the constitutional 
 obligations thrown about it, that man is misplaced if 
 he is on our platform. We disclaim sympathy with 
 him in practical action. . . . That is the real issue —
 
 138 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 that is the issue that will continue in this country, 
 when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and my- 
 self shall be silent. It is the eternal struggle between 
 these two principles, right and wrong, throughout 
 the world. They are the two principles that have 
 stood face to face since the beginning of time, anci 
 will ever continue to struggle. The one is the com- 
 mon right of humanity; the other is the divine right 
 of kings. It is the same principle in whatever shape 
 it develops itself. It is the same spirit that says, 
 * You work and toil and earn bread, and I will eat it.' 
 No matter in what shape it comes — whether from 
 the mouth of a king, who seeks to bestride the peo- 
 ple of his own nation, and live upon the fruit of their 
 labor, or from one race of men as an apology for 
 enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical prin- 
 ciple." 
 
 *' The contest between Douglas and Lincoln," says 
 Dr. Newton Bateman, " was one between sharpness 
 and greatness. Mr. Lincoln seemed a man strongly 
 possessed by a belief to which he was earnestly striv- 
 ing to win the people over ; while the aim of Mr. 
 Douglas seemed rather to be simply to defeat Mr. 
 Lincoln." 
 
 So serious did Lincoln consider his task that he 
 departed from his custom and indulged in few pleas- 
 antries ; yet, occasionally, his sense of the humorous 
 led him to make some sharp hits against his oppo- 
 nent. In his speech at Galesburgh, Douglas remarked, 
 with a sneer, that " honest Abe " had once been a 
 liquor-seller. Lincoln replied that, when a young 
 man, he had been compelled by poverty to work in a 
 store where one of his duties was to retail liquor ;
 
 ABRAHAM LINXOLN. 1 39 
 
 ■* 
 
 " but," said he, " the difference between Judge Doug- 
 las and myself is just this, that while I was behind 
 the bar, he was in front of it." 
 
 At another time Douglas said that his father, who 
 was an excellent cooper, had apprenticed him to 
 learn the cabinet business. Lincoln seized the op- 
 portunity to remark that he had long known that 
 Douglas was in the cabinet business, but he had never 
 known that his father was a cooper; " But," said he, 
 "I have no doubt that he was a good one, for he 
 made one of the best whiskey casks I have ever seen," 
 at the same time bowing to his opponent, who was 
 sitting near him. The allusion v/as instantly under- 
 stood by the audience, and was greeted with roars of 
 laughter. 
 
 During the campaign Mr. Lincoln spoke about fifty 
 times, yet when he made his last speech his voice was 
 as clear and vigorous as ever, and he " seemed like a 
 trained athlete, ready to enter, rather than one who 
 had closed a conflict." There is no question but that 
 the advantage in the contest lay with Mr. Lincoln 
 rather than with Mr. Douglas, yet he failed to secure 
 his election to the Senate ; for, although the Republi- 
 can State officers were elected, the Legislature re- 
 mained Democratic on account of the hold-over 
 Representatives, and Judge Douglas was re-elected 
 to his third Senatorial term. 
 
 It is unnecessary to say that Lincoln was deeply 
 disappointed. Yet the splendid results of his great 
 debates were exceedingly gratifying to him. They 
 really formed the opening to the last great period in 
 his career — the period for which all the preceding 
 years of his life had been but the preparation, though
 
 I40 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 unconsciously to himself. To the student of his life 
 and times it is plainly to be seen that every element 
 and influence of his life tended to give him the most 
 complete preparation for his last five years. His 
 Presidential term was but the blossom of which his 
 previous life had furnished the stalk and leaf ; but, 
 alas, the blossom was destined never to develop into 
 the ripe fruit.
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 Henceforth Lincoln was looked upon, throughout 
 the country, as a new factor in politics, unexpected 
 and unique, but original and forcible. And the eyes 
 of the Republican party turned towards him as a 
 possible candidate for the Presidency. As the Demo- 
 cracy was dividing itself into two factions, the mod- 
 erate and radical, of which the former was repre- 
 sented by Judge Douglas, so the Republicans found 
 a similar division in their ranks. Mr. Seward, the 
 recognized leader of the party, represented the ex- 
 treme Abolition element, and Lincoln, the more mod- 
 erate wing. Whereas the former had said and done 
 much to alienate from him many of the rank and file 
 of the party, Lincoln, by his splendid, yet moderate, 
 championship of the party principles, had gained the 
 friendship of all, the enmity of none. From this time 
 on he continued to grow in the estimation of the 
 party, and his every act served to confirm his popu- 
 larity. He was a politician as well as a statesman, 
 and to assume that he remained unconcernedly at 
 home, and did nothing to accelerate the current 
 which was carrying him towards the Presidential 
 chair, is to ignore historical facts. He was ambitious, 
 and his still more ambitious wife did much to arouse 
 and urge him on. By letters, addresses and consulta- 
 tions he labored to strengthen his hold upon his 
 
 (141)
 
 142 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 party and his title to preferment. Never indulging 
 in underhanded methods nor seeking to undermine 
 his rivals, he yet did all an honorable and shrewd man 
 could do to bring about the desired result. 
 
 He has been frequently represented as sitting 
 quietly down and laying hold of the honors, which 
 Providence showered upon him, without an effort on 
 his part to secure them. But this is a mistake; 
 political preferment comes to few men without effort 
 and solicitation, in this age of the world, and Lincoln 
 formed no exception to the rule. 
 
 After the great debates the idea of presenting him 
 as a presidential candidate came to many of his 
 friends, some of whom approached him on the sub- 
 ject. At first he opposed the suggestion ; " What is 
 the use of talking of me," he said, "when we have 
 such men as Seward and Charles Sumner, and every 
 body knows them, while scarcely anybody outside of 
 Illinois knows me? Besides, as a matter of justice, is 
 it not due them ? " His friends admitted the claims 
 of these eminent men upon the party but showed 
 that, on account of their radical opinions and utter- 
 ances, they could never be available candidates ; 
 while he had kept himself clear from all political 
 entanglements and was not known to be openly an 
 Abolitionist, and his political creed of "opposition 
 to the further extension of slavery " was so simple 
 and moderate that it commended itself to both wings 
 of the party. As time passed on, he became more 
 and more deeply absorbed in the political life of the 
 country and began to neglect seriously his law busi- 
 ness. 
 
 In the autumn of 1859, Senator Douglas was invited
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I43 
 
 to address the Democracy at Columbus and Cincin- 
 nati during the campaign preceding the State elec- 
 tion. There was a magic in the very name of Doug- 
 las. It was only necessary to announce that he would 
 speak to fill the largest halls to be secured in any 
 part of the country. So, here in Ohio, he was 
 greeted with the usual display of enthusiasm and his 
 speeches were able and effective. But the name of 
 Lincoln had been too closely associated with that of 
 Douglas to be forgotten now, and the Republicans 
 made arrangements for him to speak in both the 
 cities, where Douglas had been. His audiences were 
 large and attentive, and contained many representa- 
 tives of the opposing political party. Many went out 
 of mere curiosity to see and hear the man who had 
 proved himself to be more than the peer of Douglas, 
 but all acknowledged his ability as an orator and his 
 political sagacity. His work in the State contribu- 
 ted, in no small degree, to the Republican victory 
 which followed. 
 
 At Cincinnati there were many pro-slavery men 
 from Kentucky in the audience and to them he 
 addressed part of his speech. In the directness and 
 force of his arguments, and his earnest and logical 
 exposition of party principles, his speech had not 
 been excelled by any previous effort. 
 
 In concluding that part of his speech, which was 
 addressed to the Kentuckians, he asked the following 
 pointed questions. " I often hear it intimated that 
 you intend to divide the Union whenever a Republi- 
 can, or anything like it, is elected President of the 
 United States. ... I want to know what you are 
 going to do with your half of it ? Are you going to
 
 144 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 split the Ohio down through and push your half off 
 a piece ? Or are you going to keep it right alongside 
 of us outrageous fellows ? Or are you going to build 
 up a wall some way between your country and ours, 
 by which that movable property of yours can't come 
 over here any more, to the danger of your losing it ? 
 Do you think you can better yourselves on that sub- 
 ject, by leaving us here under no obligation, what- 
 ever, to return those specimens of your movable 
 property which came hither? You have divided the 
 Union because we would not do right with you, as 
 you think, upon that subject ; when we cease to be 
 under obligations to do anything for you, how much 
 better off do you you think will be ? Will you make 
 war upon us and kill us all ? Why, gentlemen, I think 
 you are as gallant and brave men as live, that you 
 can fight as bravely in a good cause, as any other 
 people living ; that you have shown yourselves 
 capable of this upon various occasions ; but, man for 
 man, you are not better than we are, and there are 
 not so many of you as there are of us. You will 
 never make much of a hand at whipping us. If we 
 were fewer in numbers than you I think that you 
 could whip us ; if we were equal it would likely be a 
 drawn battle ; but being inferior in numbers you will 
 make nothing by attempting to master us." 
 
 From time to time reports of the eccentric sayings 
 and doings of the Illinois statesman had found their 
 way East. These had served to amuse the people and 
 excite their curiosity, rather than to impress them 
 with his ability as a party-leader or as a statesman, 
 but when he met and overcame, on the forensic arena, 
 the man who bore the reputation of being the most
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 145 
 
 finished and forcible debater in the United States 
 Senate, and who had never, up to that time, met his 
 equal, they were surprised, and became possessed 
 with the desire to see and hear the "rude. Western 
 orator." Accordingly he was invited to deliver a 
 lecture in a course to be given in the Plymouth 
 Church, in Brooklyn. He consented, with the under- 
 standing that he be permitted to speak upon some 
 political subject. When he arrived in New York, on 
 February 25, i860, he found, to his surprise, that the 
 arrangements had been changed, and that he was 
 advertised to speak in Cooper Institute. 
 
 Never had he bestowed so much study upon a 
 speech before. For months all his thought and 
 research had been directed to its preparation, yet, 
 when he found that he was to speak in Neu^ York, and 
 in this famous hall, he expressed the fear that he was 
 not equal to the occasion and that the effort would 
 result in failure. 
 
 A large part of the audience had assembled, either 
 from curiosity or to be amused by " the buffoonery of 
 the low-born speaker." But never was an audience 
 more surprised, for instead of jokes and stories, the 
 address was scholarly and refined, and with nothing 
 offensive to the most fastidious taste. The scene was 
 an impressive one, and the audience of a character 
 such as Lincoln had never before addressed. Upon 
 the platform sat many of the leaders of the new 
 party, and the meeting was presided over by William 
 CuUen Bryant, whose voice had early been attuned to 
 the song of freedom. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln afterwards remarked that it was worth 
 a iournev East ''onlvtosee such a man." Mr.
 
 146 ABRAHAM LINXOLN. 
 
 Bryant introduced the speaker with a flattering refer- 
 ence to his record as an orator. " Mr. Lincoln began 
 his address in a low, monotonous tone, but as he 
 advanced, his quaint but clear voice rang out boldly 
 and distinctly enough for all to hear. His manner 
 was, to a New York audience, a very strange one, but 
 it was captivating. He held the vast meeting spell- 
 bound, and as one by one his oddly-expressed, but 
 trenchant and convincing arguments confirmed the 
 soundness of his political theories, the house broke 
 out in wild and prolonged enthusiasm." 
 
 A large part of the address was historical, tracing 
 the origin and growth of slavery, the various causes 
 and influences by which it had been affected and then 
 defining its present status, with words of sage advice 
 to the young Republican party. He took as his sub- 
 ject, or rather point of departure, a short passage 
 from one of Senator Douglas's speeches, as follows : 
 "Our fathers, when they framed the government, 
 under which we live, understood this question just as 
 well, and even better than we do now." 
 
 The question referred to by Douglas, he stated con- 
 cisely as : " Does the proper division of local from 
 federal authority, or anything in the Constitution for- 
 bid our federal Government to control, as to slavery, 
 in federal territories ? Upon this Senator Douglas 
 holds the affirmation and the Republicans the nega- 
 tive. This affirmative and denial form an issue, and 
 this issue — this question — is precisely what the text 
 declares, * our fathers understood better than we.' " 
 
 The great Cooper Institute speech made a strong 
 and abiding impression and convinced the people of 
 the East that Lincoln was not only master of the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 147 
 
 political situation, but was possessed of the ele- 
 ments of true greatness. The speech was widely 
 reported and was afterwards published in pamphlet 
 form and used for campaign purposes. In the pref- 
 ace of one of the editions the editors ' made the fol- 
 lowing statement, which well expresses the estimate 
 in which the speech was held : 
 
 " No one who has not actually attempted to verify 
 its details can understand the patient research and 
 historical labor it embodies. The history of our ear 
 Her politics is scattered through numerous journals, 
 statutes, pamphlets and letters ; and these are defec- 
 tive in completeness and accuracy of statement, and 
 in indexes and tables of contents. Neither can any 
 one, who has not traveled over this precise ground, 
 appreciate the accuracy of every trivial detail, or the 
 self-denying impartiality with which Mr. Lincoln has 
 turned from the testimony of the ' fathers ' on the 
 general question of slavery, to present the single ques- 
 tion which he discusses. From the first line to the 
 last, from his premises to his conclusion, he travels 
 with a swift, unerring directness, which no logician 
 ever excelled — an argument complete and full, with- 
 out the affectation of learning, and without the stiff- 
 ness, which usually accompanies dates and details. 
 A single, easy, simple sentence, of plain Anglo-Saxon 
 words contains a chapter of history, that, in some 
 instances, has taken days of labor to verify, and must 
 have cost the author months of investigation to ac- 
 quire ; and though the public should justly estimate 
 the labor bestowed on facts which are stated, they can- 
 
 ' Nott and Brainard.
 
 I4S ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 not estimate the greater labor involved in those which 
 are omitted. How many pages have been read — how 
 many works examined — what numerous statutes, 
 resolutions, speeches, letters and biographies have 
 been looked through ? Commencing with this address, 
 as a political pamphlet, the reader will leave it as an 
 historical work — brief, complete, profound, impar- 
 tial, truthful — which will survive the time and the 
 occasion that called it forth and be esteemed here- 
 after no less for its intrinsic worth than for its unpre- 
 tending modesty." 
 
 The address revolutionized the Republican senti- 
 ments of the East. As the aristocratic Jews of old 
 regarded Galilee, so did the East regard the West. 
 "Can anything good come out of the West?" was 
 the thought, if not the expression of the East, and 
 the feeling was natural. The Atlantic border had 
 been so long settled that the wildness of nature had 
 passed away. From the earliest colonization of the 
 country the centre of civilization had been here, and 
 the measure of refinement and culture had dimin- 
 ished exactly as the distance from the sea-board in- 
 creased. That the interior had been the scene of the 
 most remarkable development of all time, the people 
 of the older States could not deny, but that it had, as 
 well, acquired an intellectual prestige equal to their 
 own, and a culture and refinement which would en- 
 able its sons to meet their own statesmen and orators 
 on equal terms, was a yielding of proud superiority 
 of which they were not capable. 
 
 That Lincoln was pre-eminent among the Western 
 pioneers they were willing to admit, but they could 
 not for a moment imagine him standing upon the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 149 
 
 same platform with, and the peer of such men as 
 Seward, Chase, Sumner and others, before whose 
 genius the whole American people did homage. For 
 a moment, Lincoln's ungainliness and diffidence 
 seemed to justify their preconceived opinion, but, as 
 he entered more and more deeply into the spirit of 
 his theme, and his awkwardness gave place to a sim- 
 ple majesty of demeanor, the whole audience felt his 
 power, and from that time no one questioned his 
 ability or his right to be called a statesman. 
 
 This address was the turning-point in his career. 
 He stepped upon the platform a comparatively un- 
 known politician, before he left it his right to the 
 name of statesman was conceded. When he began, 
 he had but little pretension to political preferment ; 
 when he ended, he was recognized as a formidable 
 candidate for the Presidency. Before, he was re- 
 ported to be a western boor, who strove to entertain 
 his audiences by clownish buffoonery ; after, he was 
 ranked in ability and culture with the few choice 
 spirits of the East. The address did for him what 
 the debates could not, for it was recognized as the 
 calm and deliberate utterance of a thoughtful man, 
 uninfluenced by the intense partisanship of a heated 
 political campaign. 
 
 The address was, in the highest sense, political, and 
 in it, more fully than before, he committed himself to 
 the single issue of opposition to the further extension 
 of slavery. As an institution, he did not oppose it, 
 because " wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet 
 afford to let it alone where it is, because that much is 
 due to the necessity arising from its actual presence 
 in the nation, but can we, while our votes will prevent
 
 150 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 it, allow it to spread into the National Territories 
 and to overrun us here in these free States." The 
 platform, thus enunciated, was so simple that not 
 only could all Republicans accept it, but it exactly- 
 represented the political belief of many Northern 
 Democrats. Thus, both the personality of the 
 man and his political doctrines commended him 
 to the party at large as its most available can- 
 didate. 
 
 While in New York, at this time, Mr. Lincoln visited 
 the famous Five Points Sunday-school. The fol- 
 lowing touching account of the visit is from his 
 own lips : 
 
 "'When Sunday came, I didn't know exactly what 
 to do. Washburne asked me where I was going. I 
 told him I had nowhere to go ; and he proposed to 
 take me down to the Five Points Sunday-school, to 
 show me something worth seeing. I was very much 
 interested by what I saw. Presently, Mr. Pease, the 
 Superintendent, came up and spoke to Mr. Wash- 
 burne, who introduced me. Mr. Pease wanted us to 
 speak. Washburne spoke, and then I was urged to 
 speak. I told them I did not know anything about 
 talking to Sunday-schools, but Mr. Pease said many 
 of the children were friendless and homeless, and that 
 a few words would do them good. Washburne said 
 I must talk. And so I rose to speak ; but I tell you 
 I didn't know what to say. I remembered that Mr. 
 Pease said that they were homeless and friendless, 
 and I thought of the time when I had been pinched 
 by terrible poverty. And so I told them that I had 
 been poor ; that I remembered when my toes stuck 
 out through my broken shoes in winter ; when my
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 151 
 
 arms were out at the elbows ; when I shivered with 
 the cold. And I told them there was only one rule: That 
 was, always do the very best you can. I told them 
 that I had always tried to do the very best I could ; 
 and that, if they would follow that rule, they would 
 get along somehow. That was about what I said. 
 And when I got through, Mr. Pease said it was just 
 the thing they needed. And when the school was 
 dismissed, all the teachers came up and shook hands 
 with me, and thanked me for it ; although I did not 
 know that I was saying anything of any account. 
 But the next morning I saw my remarks noticed in 
 the papers.' Just here Mr. Lincoln put his hand in 
 his pocket, and remarked that he had never heard 
 anything that touched him as had the songs which 
 those children sang. With that he drew forth a 
 little book, remarking that they had given him one of 
 the books from which they sang. He began to read 
 a pftce to the friends to whom these remarks were 
 addressed, with all the earnestness of his great 
 earnest soul. In the middle of the second verse his 
 auditors became deeply affected and soon the tears 
 were falling from their eyes. ' At the same time they 
 noticed the great blinding tears in the eyes of Lin- 
 coln, who was reading straight on, so that he could 
 not see the page. He was repeating that little song 
 from memory. How often he had read it, or how its 
 sweet and simple accents continued to reverberate 
 through his soul, no one can know." ' 
 
 Mr. Pease, the Superintendent of the school, gives 
 the following interesting account of this event : 
 
 » Edward Eggleston in Browne's " Life of Lincoln."
 
 152 ABRAHAM hIN'COI.N. 
 
 "One Sunday morning, I saw a tall, remarkable-look- 
 ing man enter tiie room and take a seat among us. 
 He listened with fixed attention to our exercises, and 
 his countenance expressed such genuine interest that 
 I approached him and suggested that he might be 
 willing to say something to the children. He accepted 
 the invitation with evident pleasure ; and, coming 
 forward, began a simple address which at once fasci- 
 nated every little hearer and hushed the room into 
 silence. His language was strikingly beautiful, and 
 his tones musical with intense feeling. The little 
 faces would droop into sad conviction as he 
 uttered sentences of warning, and would brighten 
 into sunshine as he spoke cheerful words of promise. 
 Once or twice he attempted to close his remarks, but 
 the imperative shout, ' Go on ! O, do go on ! ' would 
 compel him to resume. As I looked upon the gaunt, 
 sinewy frame of the stranger, and marked his power- 
 ful head and determined features, now touched into 
 softness by the impressions of the moment, I felt an 
 irrepressible curiosity to learn something more about 
 him, and while he was quietly leaving the room I 
 begged to know his name. He courteously replied : 
 * It is Abraham Lincoln, from Illinois.'" 
 
 After spending a day or two in New York, Mr. Lin- 
 coln made a short tour through New England, and 
 spoke at a number of places. On the morning after 
 his speech at Norwich Conn., Rev. Mr. Gulliver met 
 him upon the train, and entered into conversation 
 with him. In referring to his speech, Mr. Gulliver 
 said that he thought it the most remarkable one he 
 had ever heard. " Are you sincere in what you say ? " 
 inquired Mr. Lincoln.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'. 1 53 
 
 "I mean every word of it," replied the minister. 
 "Indeed, sir," he continued, "I learned more of the 
 art of public speaking last evening, than I could from 
 a whole course of lectures on rhetoric." 
 
 Then Mr. Lincoln informed him of a most " extraor- 
 dinary circumstance " that occurred at New Haven a 
 few days previously. A professor of rhetoric in Yale 
 College, he had been told, came to hear him, took 
 notes of his speech, and gave a lecture on it to his 
 class on the following day, and, not satisfied with 
 that, followed him to Meriden the next evening, and 
 heard him again for the same purpose. All of this 
 seemed to Lincoln to be "very extraordinary." He 
 had been sufficiently astonished by his success in the 
 West, but he had no expectation of any marked suc- 
 cess in the East, particularly among refined and liter- 
 ary men. 
 
 " Now," said Mr. Lincoln, " I should very much 
 like to know what it was in my speech which you 
 thought so remarkable, and which interested my 
 friend, the professor, so much ? " 
 
 Mr. Gulliver's answer was : " The clearness of your 
 statements, the unanswerable style of your reason- 
 ing and especially your illustrations, which were 
 romance and pathos and fun and logic welded 
 together." After Mr. Gulliver had fully satisfied his 
 curiosity by a further exposition of the politician's 
 power, Mr. Lincoln said : 
 
 " I am much obliged to you for this. I have been 
 wishing for a long time to find some one who would 
 make this analysis for me. It throws light upon a 
 subject which has been dark to me. I can understand 
 very readily how such a power as you have ascribed
 
 154 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 to me, will account for the effect which seems to be 
 produced by my speeches. I hope you have not been 
 too flattering in your estimate. Certainly, I have had 
 a most wonderful success for a man of my limited 
 education " ' 
 
 • Mr. Gulliver in the New York Independent,
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's candidacy for the Presidency was 
 quietly but efficiently promoted by judicious friends, 
 as well as by his own efforts, during the months 
 which intervened before the National Convention. 
 
 Meantime affairs were so shaping themselves as to 
 contribute more and more to the certainty of Repub- 
 lican success. Judge Douglas was actively engaged 
 in a canvass to insure his own nomination by the 
 Democratic Convention, which was to meet in 
 Charleston, April 23, i860. He sought to propitiate 
 the hostile element of the South and, at the same 
 time, not to alienate the friendly element of the 
 North. Instead of standing firm upon his own con- 
 victions he tried to trim his course midway between 
 the extreme elements of the Democracy and retain 
 the support of both. In this he failed. While the 
 majority of the delegates to the Charleston Conven- 
 tion favored him, he failed to secure the necessary 
 two-thirds. The South had lost their confidence in 
 him since his political integrity had caused him to 
 refuse to support the Lecompton Constitution and by 
 no effort could he regain it. The Southern wing- 
 withdrew from the Convention to meet later, in Rich- 
 mond, while the Douglas party adjourned to Balti- 
 more, where the great Illinois statesman was put in 
 nomination for the Presidency. 
 
 The Richmond Convention nominated John C. 
 
 (155)
 
 156 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Breckenridge of Kentucky. Thus Democratic dis- 
 cord resulted in a party division, which rendered the 
 success of the Republican party almost certain. 
 
 The-Republican National Convention was called to 
 meet in Chicago, May 16, i860. Six days previous to 
 this, the State Convention met in Decatur, where the 
 movement to secure the nomination for Mr. Lincoln 
 was publicly inaugurated in such a manner as to 
 attract the attention of the nation and furnish a ral- 
 lying cry for the campaign. The Convention was 
 made up of representative men of the party, who felt 
 that this meeting, held just before the greater Con- 
 vention, should be one of special note. Lincoln was 
 present, apparently out of mere curiosity and with no 
 idea that he would receive more than passing notice 
 from the delegates. "A few minutes after the Con- 
 vention organized, Governor Oglesby arose and said 
 amid increasing silence : ' I am informed that a dis- 
 tinguished citizen of Illinois, and one whom Illinois 
 will ever delight to honor, is present ; and I wish to 
 move that this body invite him to a seat upon the 
 stand.' Here the Governor paused, as if to tease and 
 dally, and work curiosity up to the highest pitch ; 
 but at length he shouted the magic name, ' Abraham 
 Lincoln.' Not a shout but a roar of applause, long 
 and deep, shook every board and joist of the build- 
 ing." ^ Some of those standing nearest seized him and 
 hoisting him on their shoulders passed him struggle- 
 ing and kicking over the heads of the audience to the 
 platform, where with clothing disarranged and face 
 flushed, he tried to regain his composure. 
 
 I Lamon's " Life of Lincoln."
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 1 57 
 
 Later on Governor Oglesby again arose and said 
 that there was an old Democrat outside, who wished 
 to present something to the Convention. A motion 
 was made and carried that he be admitted. The 
 doors swung open and a sturdy, open-featured old 
 man entered bearing upon his shoulders two weather- 
 beaten fence rails, with a banner floating above them 
 bearing the inscription, " Two rails from a lot made 
 by Abraham Lincoln and John Hanks in the Sanga- 
 mon bottom in the year 1830." He was met with the 
 wildest enthusiasm and a babel of shouts and 
 applause. As soon as the tumult subsided, Lincoln 
 was called upon for a speech and afterwards a resolu- 
 tion was passed to the effect that "Abraham Lincoln 
 is the first choice of the Republican party of Illinois 
 for President,' and instructing the delegates to Chic- 
 ago to use all honorable means to secure his nomina- 
 tion and to cast the vote of the State as a unit for 
 him. 
 
 The Chicago Convention was one of the most nota- 
 ble of all the great political meetings which have 
 become historic during the present century. The 
 majority of the delegates were young men with 
 enough gray-haired men to temper their actions and 
 measures with moderation. Many of the delegates 
 were afterwards prominent in public life. Not less 
 than sixty were destined to be sent to Congress, 
 many became Governors of States or occupied other 
 prominent positions of public trust. 
 
 The Convention was sectional, being made up of 
 delegates from the free States, and the five border 
 States with a few representatives from Texas. David 
 Wilmot, the author of the famous Proviso, v/as made
 
 158 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 temporary chairman, and George Ashmun, of Massa- 
 chusetts, representing the Conservative element, was 
 made permanent chairman. 
 
 Mr. Seward had been for a long time the leading 
 candidate and by many was regarded as certain of 
 the nomination. The other candidates, besides Lin- 
 coln, were Edward Bates of Missouri, Salmon P. 
 Chase of Ohio, Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania, and 
 Jacob CoUamer of Vermont. There were none, how- 
 ever, with the exception of the two leading candi- 
 dates, who received any material support outside of 
 their respective States. 
 
 The platform, which was adopted early in the ses- 
 sion, affirmed the right of all men to " life, liberty 
 and the pursuit of happiness" and declared the Con- 
 vention to be in favor of the immediate admission of 
 Kansas, of a general system of river and harbor 
 improvements and a railroad to the Pacific Coast. It 
 was largely made up of negatives denouncing dis- 
 union, extension of slavery, the re-opening of 
 the slave-trade and popular or "squatter" sov- 
 ereignty. 
 
 The utmost enthusiasm pervaded the Convention 
 at each meeting, and the great wigwam, a wooden 
 structure erected for the occasion on the lake-front, 
 constantly rung with cheers and acclamations. The 
 delegates felt that the candidate for the Convention 
 would be the next President, yet they knew that he 
 must be a sectional President. That the country 
 was approaching a great crisis and that upon the 
 Republican party and its President must devolve the 
 task of defending and preserving the Union and set 
 tling the vexed question forever, must have been
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I59 
 
 dimly realized by all. But the young and vig- 
 orous party was eager for the fray and ready to 
 assume the responsibility ; how great, none could 
 foresee. 
 
 From the first the tide turned strongly towards Lin- 
 coln. On the first ballot Seward received 173^ votes 
 and Lincoln 102. The remainder were cast for the 
 various local candidates. On the second ballot many 
 of the complimentary votes came to Lincoln, while 
 but few were given to Seward, who received 184I to 
 i8i for Lincoln. The result of the next ballot was 
 not doubtful, and long before it was completed the 
 news flashed all over the land that Lincoln " the 
 pioneer statesman" "honest old Abe" "the rail- 
 splitter," " the flatboatman," was the Republican 
 nominee. 
 
 In a moment the multitude in the streets joined 
 their shouts to the deafening roar within the wigwam. 
 Cannon were fired on the lake-front and bonfires 
 were lighted. In the most extravagant manner was 
 the approbation of the people manifested. 
 
 The Convention closed its labors by nominating for 
 the Vice-Presidency, Hon. Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, 
 than which a wiser selection could not have been made. 
 During the Convention Mr. Lincoln remained in 
 Springfield anxiously awaiting the result. When the 
 first ballot was announced, he considered it very fav- 
 orable as he believed that Seward would show nearly 
 his full strength at the outset. The second ballot 
 convinced him of the certainty of his nomination. 
 And he repaired to the Journal office to await the 
 result. When news of his nomination came, he was 
 surrounded by excited friends who alternately
 
 l6o ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 cheered and congratulated him. He soon remarked : 
 " Well, gentlemen, there is a little short woman at 
 our house who is probably more interested in this 
 dispatch than I am ; and if you will excuse me I will 
 take it up and let her see it." 
 
 During the day a hundred guns were fired at 
 Springfield and the nomination was ratified in the 
 evening by a monster mass meeting, at which Lincoln 
 was present and spoke briefly. 
 
 The morning after adjournment, the committee 
 appointed by the Convention, headed by Hon. George 
 Ashmun, went to Springfield to officially notify Mr. 
 Lincoln of his nomination. They arrived at his 
 home at about eight o'clock in the evening. The 
 notification was given in a few well-chosen words and 
 Mr. Lincoln's reply, which was short and dignified, 
 made a very favorable impression upon the commit- 
 tee. A few days afterwards his letter of acceptance 
 was sent to the National Committee. It consisted of 
 a declaration of his acceptance of the Convention 
 platform, and of the nomination, and closed with these 
 words : " Imploring the assistance of Divine Provi- 
 dence, and with due regard to the views and feelings 
 of all who were represented in the Convention ; to 
 the rights of all the States and Territories and all the 
 people of the Nation ; to the inviolability of the Con- 
 stitution and the perpetual union, harmony and pros- 
 perity of all, I am most happy to co-operate for the 
 practical success of the principles declared by the 
 Convention." 
 
 Crowds of people came to visit the Republican 
 nominee, either out of curiosity or to ingratiate them- 
 selves into his favor, as his election seemed to be
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. l6l 
 
 assured. His little house was found to be too small 
 to receive the large delegations which frequently came 
 to interview him, and, hence, the Governor's room 
 in the State House was placed at his disposal. There 
 he spent the summer and autumn of the campaign, 
 in company with his private secretary, John G. Ni«o- 
 lay, receiving visitors from all parts of the country 
 and of all ranks and conditions. For every one who 
 came he had a warm hand-shake and a kindly word, 
 and he listened as respectfully to the rough words of 
 the laborer as to the polished sentences of the mil- 
 lionaire. 
 
 In his character and antecedents Mr. Lincoln 
 appealed strongly to the popular regard. He was a 
 man of the people, simple, plain and modest. His 
 words and his actions convinced the masses that he 
 was one of their own number, who, by his great 
 ability, and incorruptible honesty had been raised to 
 an exalted station. They thoroughly believed in him, 
 and were confident that he was in every way qualified 
 to manage the affairs of state in the dark times which 
 were then seen casting their shadows over the land. 
 Hence from the very first the tide of popular feeling 
 in the North set strongly in his favor. Yet many, 
 who should have been found naturally among his 
 supporters, became his active opponents. Especially 
 was this true of church people, who believed him to 
 be irreligious if not actually an atheist, and they 
 hesitated to elevate to the Presidency a man of such 
 principles as they believed him to hold. The mis- 
 apprehension was a lamentable one, and caused Mr. 
 Lincoln much sorrow. 
 
 As an illustration of this Mr. Holland quotes aeon-
 
 1 6:: ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 versation ' which Mr. Lincoln held with Dr. Newton 
 Bateman. Superintendent of Public Instruction, whose 
 office in the State House adjoined the Governor's 
 room, which was used by the President-elect as a 
 reception room. 
 
 «A canvass had been made of the voters of Spring- 
 field to ascertain their political standing and the 
 results had been tabulated and given to Mr. Lincoln. 
 In company with Mr. Bateman he carefully examined 
 the list and then, with a face full of sadness, said : 
 
 " Here are twenty-three ministers of different 
 denominations and all of them are against me except 
 three : and here are a great many prominent mem- 
 bers of the churches, a very large majority of whom 
 are against me. Mr. Bateman, I am not a Christian — 
 God knows I would be one — but I have carefully read 
 the Bible and I do not so understand this book," and 
 he drew from his bosom a pocket New Testament. 
 '' These men well know that I am for freedom in the 
 Territories, freedom ever}-where, as the laws and Con- 
 stitution permit, and that my opponents are for 
 slavery-. They know this and yet, with this book in 
 their hands, in the light of which human bondage 
 could not live a moment, they are going to vote 
 against me. I do not understand it at all." Here 
 Mr. Lincoln paused, and then he arose and walked up 
 and down the room in the effort to retain or regain 
 his self-possession. Stopping at last he said with a 
 trembling voice and his cheeks wet with tears : " I 
 
 ' The authenticity of this conversation has been discredited by 
 many of Mr. Lincoln's biographers, but Mr. Arnold has taken 
 pains to verify the statements and is convinced that they are sub- 
 stantially correct.
 
 ABRAHAil LINCOLN. 1 63 
 
 know that there is a God and that He hates injustice 
 and slavery. I see the storm coming and know His 
 hand is in it. If He has a place and work for me — 
 and I think He has — I believe I am ready. I am noth- 
 ing, but truth is everything. I know I am right 
 because I know that liberty is right, for Christ teaches 
 it and Christ is God. I have told them that a house 
 divided asrainst itself cannot stand : and thev will find 
 it so. Douglas doesn't care whether slavery is voted 
 up or voted down, but God cares and humanity cares 
 and I care ; and with God's help I shall not faiL I 
 mav not see the end, but it will come, and I shall be 
 vindicated : and these men will find that they have 
 not read their Bibles aright." 
 
 After a pause, he resumed : " Doesn't it appear 
 strange that men can ignore the moral aspects of this 
 contest .•" A revelation could not make it plainer to 
 me that slavery or the Government must be destroyed. 
 The future would be something awful, as I look at it, 
 but for this rock upon which I stand." alluding to the 
 New Testament which he held in his hand, *• especi- 
 ally with the knowledge of how the ministers are 
 going to vote. It seems as if God had borne with 
 this thing, (slavery) until the very teachers of reli- 
 gion have come to defend it from the Bible and to 
 claim for it a divine character and sanctioa : and now 
 the cup of iniquity is full and the vials of wrath will 
 be poured out.'' 
 
 He had never so fully shown out his inner nature 
 to any one. Few people 'oelieved that he was possessed 
 of religious convictions, yet his whole life showed that 
 he was dominated by high religious principle, that if 
 he did not talk and preach Christianity, he lived it.
 
 164 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 As his life now appears on the pages of history it 
 seems almost incredible that he should have been so 
 misjudged by his contemporaries, and yet it was no 
 doubt largely his own fault as he was intensely secre- 
 tive and seldom spoke upon the subject of religion, 
 Mr. Herndon says of him : *' Mr. Lincoln had the 
 very genius of silence and high cunning and is not 
 understood at all by the world." Nor was his true 
 position on the slavery question generally under- 
 stood. Though so often misapprehended his princi- 
 ples were very simple and he had so often expressed 
 them, both publicly and privately, that it seemed 
 strange that he should be so persistently misrepre- 
 sented. He reverenced the Constitution and would 
 have its mandates obeyed in every function of gov- 
 ernment and citizenship. He hated slavery with an 
 intensity that gathered strength as he saw more of its 
 cruelty and injustice and as the arrogance and pre- 
 tensions of the slaveholders increased. Yet slavery 
 had been recognized as an institution in one section 
 of the country longer than the Constitution had 
 existed, and he did not believe there was any Con- 
 stitutional warrant for interference with it while con- 
 fined to the States in which it originated. He would, 
 however, prevent, by all available means, its further 
 extension into free territory. Let it remain, if remain 
 it must, but it must not pass beyond its Constitutional 
 limits. 
 
 Douglas's pet theory of " Squatter Sovereignty " he 
 vigorously opposed as calculated to break down every 
 restriction and throw open the whole countr)% event- 
 ually, to the entrance of the hateful institution. 
 
 His moderation subjected him to violent criticism
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 165 
 
 and animadversion from both sides. The pro-slavery 
 men classed him with the Abolitionists and coupled 
 with his name every vulgar and derisive epithet they 
 could devise. Their opposition was based upon pas- 
 sion, not upon reason, and was abusive in the extreme. 
 On the other hand many of the Abolitionists ranked 
 him, unjustly, with the pro-slavery sympathizers be- 
 cause he never advised nor favored the use of what he 
 deemed unconstitutional measures to rid the country 
 of the evil. His attitude in regard to the fugitive-slave 
 law gave some color to their accusations, and one of 
 the more prominent Abolitionists of the East went 
 so far as to speak of him as the " Illinois slave- 
 driver." 
 
 His position in regard to this inhuman law was gen- 
 erally misunderstood. It is well illustrated by an 
 incident which occurred at this time, related by A. J. 
 Grover. " Mr. Lincoln detested the law, but arg-ued 
 that until it was declared unconstitutional, it must be 
 obeyed. This was a short time after the rescue of a 
 fugitive slave at Ottawa, 111., by a number of Aboli- 
 tionists after Judge Caton, acting as United States 
 Commissioner, had given his decision remanding him 
 into the custody of his alleged owner; and the res- 
 cuers were either in prison or out on bail." Says Mr. 
 Grover: "When Mr. Lincoln had finished his argu- 
 ment, I said, ' Constitutional or not, I shall never 
 obey the fugitive-slave law, I will never catch and 
 return slaves in obedience to any law or constitution. 
 I do not believe a man's liberty can be taken from 
 him, constitutionally, without a trial by jury. I 
 believe the law to be not only unconstitutional but 
 most inhuman ' ' Oh,' said Mr. Lincoln, ' it is ungodly !
 
 l66 ■ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 it is ungodly ! no doubt it is ungodly I but it is the 
 law of the land and we must obey it as we find it.' " 
 
 So great was his veneration for the majesty of 
 law that he would bow to it even though his whole 
 nature protested against it. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln took no active part in the Presidential 
 canvass nor was he consulted to any extent in regard 
 to its conduct. Yet his personality was potent in 
 winning votes wherever he was known. No one 
 realized his greatness or believed that he could in any 
 way lay claim to genius. His warmest friends could 
 only recommend him as a plain man, one of the 
 people, a commanding orator and a good fellow gen- 
 erally; but that he would prove the most consummate 
 statesman and the profoundest observer of the great 
 political movements of the day no one for a moment 
 suspected. He had filled well his previous station, 
 but had nowhere given evidence that he was especi- 
 ally qualified for the great position for which he was 
 a candidate, either by nature or by culture. Nor did 
 he himself, feel any degree of confidence in his fitness 
 for the position. His ambition had naturally led him 
 to seek the honor, but with it almost in his grasp he 
 felt more and more the weight of the responsibilities 
 which came with it and began to shrink from assum- 
 ing them in doubt of his ability to faithfully discharge 
 them. Hence he became more and more habitually 
 melancholy and his face, when at rest, was full of sad- 
 ness and despondency. For him, henceforth, the 
 glamour, which his ambition had thrown over the 
 Presidential office, was gone and he saw but the bur- 
 dens and embarrassments, the jealousies and tumults, 
 with which he must contend.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 167 
 
 Many pleasing incidents occurred in the interval 
 between his nomination and election to relieve the 
 tedium of the campaign. ' " One day there entered 
 his room a tall Southerner, a Colonel from Missis- 
 sippi, whose eyes' hard glitter spoke supercilious dis- 
 trust and whose stiff bearing betokened suppressed 
 hostility. * It was beautiful,' says Dr. Bateman, ' to 
 see the cold flash of the Southerner's dark eye yield 
 to a warmer glow and the haughty constraint melt 
 into frank good-nature under the influence of Mr. 
 Lincoln's words of simple earnestness and unaffected 
 cordiality. They got so far in half an hour that Mr. 
 Lincoln could say, in his hearty way, ' Colonel, hovv 
 tall are you ? ' ' Well, taller than you, Mr. Lincoln,' 
 replied the Mississippian. ' You are mistaken, there,' 
 retorted Mr. Lincoln. ' Dr. Bateman will you measure 
 us ?' So a big book was adjusted above the head of 
 each, and pencil-marks made upon the white wall. 
 Mr. Lincoln's height, as thus indicated, was a quarter- 
 inch greater than the Colonel's. ' I knew it,' said Mr. 
 Lincoln. * They raise tall men down in Mississippi, 
 but you go home and tell your folks that 'Old Abe 
 tops you a little.' The Colonel w^ent away much 
 mollified and impressed. * My God,' said he to Dr. 
 Bateman, as he went out, ' there is going to be a war ; 
 but could my people know what I have learned in the 
 last half-hour, there would be no need of war.' " 
 
 A New York gentleman thus describes a meeting 
 with Mr. Lincoln at Springfield, soon after the 
 nomination : " I was in Chicago when Mr. Lincoln 
 was nominated, and, being curious to see the man 
 
 > Browne's ' ' Life of Lincoln."
 
 l68 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 every one was going wild over, I went to Springfield 
 I called at his office, but he was not in. Then I went 
 to his residence and learned that he had a room in 
 the Capitol Building and that I would find him there. 
 Arrived at the room, I rapped at the door. It was 
 opened by a tall, spare man, plain of face. I told him 
 I had come to see Mr. Lincoln. Inquiring my name, 
 he took me by the arm and introduced me to some 
 half dozen persons who were in the room, and then 
 remarked, ' My name is Lincoln.' In ten minutes I 
 felt as if I had known him all my life. He had the 
 most wonderful faculty I have ever seen in a man to 
 make one feel at ease. I left him, feeling that he 
 was an extraordinary man and that I should vote for 
 him and influence all I could to do the same." 
 
 At one time when Hon. George S. Boutwell, of 
 Massachusetts, was present, together with a number 
 of other men of distinction, an old lady from the 
 country entered, dressed in awkward, old-fashioned 
 garments, with a tanned and wrinkled face looking 
 out from the depths of a large sunbonnet. She had 
 come to present '* Mr. Linkin " with a pair of home- 
 made stockings at least a yard long. He received 
 them with kindly thanks and, holding one in each 
 hand for inspection, he gravely assured her that he 
 would take them to Washington with him, and that 
 he was sure he should be unable to find any like 
 them there. After she had gone, Mr. Boutwell 
 remarked that the lady had evidently made a very 
 correct estimate of Mr. Lincoln's latitude and longi- 
 tude.
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The campaign of i860, with all its evil passions 
 and boisterous enthusiasm, finally ended with the elec- 
 tion of Mr. Lincoln by a large majority of electoral 
 votes, but with a minority of nearly a million in the 
 popular vote. It was with an ominous presage that 
 the result was announced. Not an electoral vote 
 south of Mason and Dixon's line was given to him. 
 He was to become the first sectional President. The 
 South understood neither Lincoln's character, nor 
 his policy. Then, as to a great extent since, he was 
 totally misapprehended, his character maligned and 
 his motives impugned. Yet, the bitter hostility to 
 the man was but a cloak for the enduring enmity felt 
 towards the principles he was supposed to represent. 
 
 The campaign had been pre-eminently a conflict 
 between opposing principles rather than persons. 
 Douglas, in one of his speeches, remarked substanti- 
 ally, that the great principle involved in the contest 
 was that of " interference " or *' non-interference." 
 The Republicans who opposed, and the Buchanan 
 Democrats who favored the extension of slavery, 
 were, to all intents, committed to the same policy, 
 while the American party, headed by Mr. Bell and 
 the Douglas wing of the Democrac)'', could easily 
 coalesce, being pledged to the principle of non- 
 interference, a policy which would leave to each 
 
 (169)
 
 170 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 State the decision of the question, whether it should 
 be free or slave. 
 
 Many times before had slavery and anti-slavery 
 met at the polls in violent, though nominally, peace- 
 ful strife. But the crisis had now come, when the 
 decision of the ballot was no longer deemed author- 
 itative. For the sake of slavery the South was ready 
 to cast away all the memories of the past, fraught 
 with the glory achieved by the heroes of an united 
 country ; to renounce the presage of future greatness 
 and prosperity, which harmony alone could bring ; 
 to haul down the *' Stars and Stripes " which had 
 waved over many a battle-field where their fathers 
 had stood, shoulder to shoulder, with the now hated 
 heroes of the North in defense of a common country 
 against a common tyranny. For slavery they would 
 destroy the Government, disrupt the country and 
 enter into a war which should devastate the land, 
 destroy their homes and stain the soil with the blood 
 of their beloved sons. 
 
 The question of secession was not a new one, nor 
 was the issue hastily raised. It had its root in the 
 opposition to the adoption of the Constitution. That 
 instrument, efficient and able as it has since proven 
 itself to be, was then viewed with disfavor and dis- 
 trust by a majority of the people in New York, Mas- 
 sachusetts, New Hampshire, Rhode Island and South 
 Carolina. Yet the emergency of the hour and the 
 ability of its advocates overrode the objections and 
 secured its adoption. There was a constantly increas- 
 ing party which believed that the Union was but a 
 federation, a compact into which the States had vol- 
 untarily entered and from which they possessed the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'. I71 
 
 power to withdraw at their discretion. The Union 
 part}'' believed that by the adoption of the Constitu- 
 tion, the States had merged their existence into that 
 of the Nation, permanently surrendering their rights 
 to the central government, except such as the Consti- 
 tution should delegate to them. According to this 
 view the events of 1789 constituted a revolution as 
 radical as that of 1776, though of a different charac- 
 ter. The one established the independence of the 
 individual States, the other took away the indepen- 
 dence of the States and made them component parts 
 of a nation, laying emphasis upon their nationality. 
 
 The doctrine of State sovereignty was first dis- 
 tinctly stated in 1798, after the passage of the " Alien 
 and Sedition" laws by Congress. The Legislatures 
 of Kentucky and Virginia passed resolutions, pre- 
 pared by Jefferson and Madison, respectively, which 
 asserted that the Constitution was of the nature of a 
 compact to which the separate States were parties, 
 and that each State had the exclusive right to decide 
 for itself when the compact had been broken and the 
 mode and measure of redress. At different times one 
 or more of the States had asserted the right of seces- 
 sion, but had either been restrained by wiser counsels 
 or by force. Calhoun's doctrine of nullification, 
 which was tried in South Carolina in 1832 and failed, 
 was a legitimate offspring of this political theory. 
 Another outbreak was imminent in 1850, but was 
 subdued by compromise and popular vote. The sen- 
 timent was not destroyed, but reposed in the faith 
 of its ultimate triumph, and awaited an opportunity 
 for an outbreak. The election of Lincoln brought 
 the opportunity and a nominal provocation.
 
 172 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 During the memorable winter preceding Lincoln's 
 inauguration, secession was the all-absorbing topic. 
 The South energetically maintained its right to secede, 
 and proceeded to exercise it ; while the North was 
 loth to believe that the secession movement was not 
 conceived in a spirit of mere bravado, and that the 
 Union would be broken. 
 
 The subject was discussed in the press and pulpit, 
 and in the national Legislature. 1 haddeus Stevens 
 of Pennsylvania, in a speech in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, said : 
 
 "The secession and rebellion of the South have 
 been inculcated as a doctrine for twenty years past 
 among slaveholding communities. At one time the 
 tariff was deemed a sufficient cause ; then the exclu- 
 sion of slavery from the Territories ; then some viola- 
 tion of the Fugitive Slave Law. Now the culminating 
 cause is the election of a President who does not 
 believe in the benefits of slavery or approve of that 
 great missionary enterprise, the slave-trade. The 
 truth is, all these things are mere pretenses. The rest- 
 less spirits of the South desire to have a slave empire, 
 and they use all these things as excuses. Some of 
 them desire a more brilliant and stronger govern- 
 ment than a republic. Their domestic institutions 
 and the social inequality of their free people natu- 
 rally prepare them for a monarchy, surrounded by a 
 lordly nobility, for a throne founded upon the neck 
 of labor." 
 
 The extreme Southern view was partially presented 
 in a short speech in the Senate, December 4, by 
 Thomas Clingman of North Carolina, which he 
 began as follows :
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 1 73 
 
 " My purpose was not so much to make a speech, 
 as to state what I think is the great difficult}'^ ; and 
 that is, that a man has been elected because he has 
 been and is hostile to the South. It is this that 
 alarms our people ; and I am free to say, as I have 
 said upon the stump this summer repeatedly, that if 
 an election were not resisted, either now or at a day 
 not far distant, the Abolitionists would succeed in 
 abolishingslavery all over the South. . . . Therefore, 
 I maintain that our true policy is to meet this issue 
 t'/i limine, and I hope it will be done. If we can main- 
 tain our personal safety let us hold on to the present 
 Government, if not, we must take care of ourselves 
 at all hazards. . . . The current of resistance is 
 running rapidly over the South. It is idle for men 
 to shut their eyes to consequences such as these." 
 
 The views of the ultra-secessionists were presented 
 much more elaborately in the same place, January 7, 
 by Robert Toombs of Georgia. He formulated the 
 grievances of the South into five demands : " First, 
 that the people of the United States shall have an 
 equal right to emigrate and settle in the present or 
 future acquired Territories, with whatever property 
 they may possess (including slaves), and be securely 
 protected in its peaceable enjoyment until such a 
 Territory be admitted as a State into the Union, with 
 or without slavery as she may determine, on an equal- 
 ity with existing States. . . . The second proposi- 
 tion is, that property in slaves shall be entitled to the 
 same protection from the Government of the United 
 States, in all its departments, everywhere, which the 
 Constitution confers upon it the power to extend to 
 any other property, provided that nothing herein
 
 174 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 I 
 
 contained shall be construed to limit or restrain the 
 right now belonging to every State to prohibit, abol- 
 ish or establish and protect slavery within its limits. 
 We demand of the common Government to use its 
 granted powers to protect our property as well as 
 yours. . . . We demand, in the next place, that per- 
 sons committing crimes against slave property in one 
 State and fleeing to another, shall be delivered up in 
 the same manner as persons committing crimes 
 against other property and that the laws of the State 
 from which persons flee shall be the test of criminal- 
 ity. . . . The next stipulation is, that fugitive slaves 
 shall be surrendered under the provisions of the Fugi- 
 tive Slave Act of 1850, without being entitled either to 
 a writ of habeas corpus or a trial by jury or other 
 similar obstructions of legislation in the State to 
 which he may flee. . . . The next demand, made in 
 behalf of the South is, that Congress shall pass effec- 
 tive laws for the punishment of all persons in any of 
 the States who shall, in any manner, aid and abet inva- 
 sion or insurrection in any other State, or commit any 
 other act against the laws of nations tending to dis- 
 turb the tranquility of the people or government of 
 any other State. ... In a compact where there is no 
 common arbiter, where the parties finally decide for 
 themselves, the sword, at last becomes the real, if 
 not the constitutional arbiter. Your party says that 
 you will not take the decision of the Supreme Court. 
 What are you going to do? You say we shall submit 
 to your construction. We shall do it — if you can 
 make us ; but not otherwise, or in any other manner. 
 That is settled. You may call that secession or you 
 may call it revolution ; but there is a big fact stand-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 175 
 
 ing before you ready to oppose you, and that fact is 
 — freemen with arms in their hands. The cry of the 
 Union will not disperse them ; we have passed that 
 point ; they demand equal rights, you had better 
 heed their demands." 
 
 With such specious words as these did the party- 
 leaders seek to justify their course. If it be granted 
 that slavery was morally and legally right, their 
 arguments were conclusive. Few of them claimed 
 that they had any constitutional right to secede ; 
 for such a claim there were no plausible grounds. 
 They, therefore, justified secession as a revolutionary 
 measure and used, practically, the same arguments as 
 the patriots of 1775 in severing their connection from 
 England — the oppressive character of the Govern- 
 ment and the impossibility of maintaining their 
 rights under the Constitution. 
 
 The speeches in Congress were but the echoes of 
 aggressive deeds throughout the South. One of the 
 orators boldly said :^ " And while this Congress is de- 
 bating the constitutionality and expediency of seced- 
 ing from the Union, and while the perfidious authors of 
 this mischief are showering down denunciations upon 
 a large portion of the patriotic men of this country, 
 those brave men are coolly and calmly voting what 
 you call revolution. — Ay, sir, better than that, arming 
 to defend it. They appealed to the Constitution 
 they appealed to justice, they appealed to fraternity, 
 until the Constitution, justice, fraternity, were no 
 longer listened to in the legislative halls of their 
 country, and then, sir, they prepared for the arbitra- 
 
 ' Robert Toombs.
 
 176 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 ment of the sword ; and now you see the glittering 
 bayonet, and you hear the tramp of armed men from 
 your Capital to the Rio Grande." 
 
 The great conspiracy was almost perfected in the 
 South before the North did more than suspect its 
 existence. No sooner was Lincoln's election assured 
 than active preparations for secession were begun. 
 When the result of the election was announced, a 
 Convention was called in South Carolina, a State 
 which had always been the leader in revolutionary 
 movements, to consider the question of secession. 
 After a heated discussion, an ordinance of secession 
 was adopted, November 17. Mississippi, Georgia, 
 Alabama, Florida and Louisiana followed her exam- 
 ple in January, and Texas in Februar)^ Not only 
 were the people of the North powerless to prevent 
 the catastrophe but the National Government was 
 practically in the hands of the Confederacy. The 
 President weakly deplored the state of affairs, but 
 announced his inability to cope with it. In a mes- 
 sage to Congress he announced it as his belief, that 
 no State had the constitutional right to secede, but once 
 seceded that the Government had no right nor power 
 to bring them back by force. Congress was power- 
 less to effect anything and the suffering country 
 could only wait and pray for the advent of a stronger 
 administration. And as comparatively few had any 
 faith in the ability of Lincoln to successfully cope 
 with such a momentous state of affairs, the outlook 
 was gloomy indeed, perhaps more so than at any 
 time during the succeeding war. 
 
 President Buchanan's Cabinet was a very hot-bed 
 of treason. Traitors, high in the Councils of State,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 1 77 
 
 neglected no opportunity to serve the South and to 
 cripple the Government. Men who had taken a sol- 
 emn oath to uphold the Constitution, deliberately- 
 broke its most binding provisions. Howell Cobb, 
 Secretary of the Treasury, emptied its vaults and 
 impaired the public credit and then resigned because 
 "his duty to Georgia demanded it." Isaac Toucey, 
 Secretary of the Navy, placed as many of the ships of 
 war as possible in the hands of traitors and sent the 
 rest on cruises to remote ports in other parts of the 
 world. John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, transferred 
 nearly all the effective munitions of war, from North- 
 ern to Southern arsenals, where they could be easily 
 seized by the rebels, and scattered the regular army 
 along the frontier, whence it could with difficulty be 
 recalled. And all of this was done openly with 
 scarce a pretense of concealment. Nor were these 
 men at all loth to proclaim their disunion senti- 
 ments, even while occupying positions of trust under, 
 and drawing their salaries from the Government 
 they were seeking to desti'oy. Anxious patriots, 
 powerless to prevent, watched the bespoiling of the 
 country and the gathering of armed forces, the 
 clouds of rebellion darkening upon the Southern 
 horizon, witli feelings akin to despair. 
 
 The seceding States appointed delegates to meet at 
 Montgomery, Ala., on February 4, to form a provis- 
 ional Government. They organized a Federal Govern- 
 ment, with a Constitution similar to the old one, 
 excepting that it recognized slavery and the para- 
 mount rights of the States. Jefferson Davis was 
 appointed President and Alexander H. Stephens, 
 Vice-President.
 
 178 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 February 15, Congress, in joint session, counted the 
 electoral votes and declared Messrs. Lincoln and 
 Hamlin, President and Vice-President-elect. The 
 event had been looked forward to by the loyal North 
 with fear and foreboding. The turbulent element was 
 apparently in the supremacy in the National Capital, 
 and there seemed to be reason to fear that the count- 
 ing of the electoral votes would be interfered with, 
 if not violently prevented. But nothing occurred in 
 any way to obstruct the ceremony, whether because 
 the plans of the Southern leaders were so far 
 advanced that they did not care to interfere or 
 because they did not believe that Lincoln would 
 attempt to force them back into the Union. 
 
 During this time, Mr. Lincoln was remaining quietly 
 at home, watching closely the course of events and 
 trying to avert the catastrophe in every way possible. 
 He was in close communication with the leaders of 
 the party and many prominent men both North and 
 South, striving to assure them of his pacific inten- 
 tions. He insisted emphatically that he did not 
 intend to interfere v/ith slavery in the slave States, 
 but he would not abate one iota of his opposition to 
 its further extension, nor would he permit his friends 
 to take any measures looking toward a compromise. 
 December 13 he wrote the following letter to Hon. E. 
 B. Washburne, Chairman of the House Congressional 
 Committee: " Your long letter received. Prevent, as 
 far as possible, any of our friends from demoralizing 
 themselves and our cause by entertaining propositions 
 for compromise of any sort upon slavery extension. 
 There is no possible compromise upon it, but which 
 puts us under and all our work to do over again.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 1 79 
 
 Whether it be a Missouri line or Eli Thayer's popular 
 sovereignty, it is all the same. Let either be done, 
 and immediately fillibustering and slavery extension 
 recommences. On that point hold firm as a chain of 
 steel." 
 
 In an interview published in the New York Tribune, 
 January 30, 1861, he reiterates the same sentiments 
 with increased emphasis : 
 
 "I will suffer death before I will consent, or advise 
 my friends to consent, to any concession or compro- 
 mise which looks like buying the privilege of taking 
 possession of the Government, to which we have a 
 constitutional right ; because, whatever I might 
 think of the merit of the various propositions before 
 Congress, I should regard any concession in the face 
 of menace as the destruction of the Government 
 itself, and a consent on all hands that our system 
 shall be brought down to a level with the existing dis- 
 organized state of affairs in Mexico. But this thing 
 will hereafter be, as it is now, in the hands of the 
 people, and if they desire to call a convention to 
 remove any grievances complained of, or to give new 
 guarantees for the permanence of vested rights, it is 
 not mine to oppose." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's firmness, at this time, prevented all 
 attempts at compromise which could only have been 
 consummated by such a surrender of constitutional 
 rights as would have been disastrous to the unity and 
 prosperity of the country. Secession and war were 
 evils to be avoided if possible, but not by compromise 
 or concession which could at best but defer the appeal 
 to arms for a short time. The points in disfflite were 
 too vital to be settled by anything short of war, and
 
 l8o ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 the sooner the issue was faced the better it was for the 
 country. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln appreciated the situation much better 
 than many of the party-leaders, and his dignified firm- 
 ness in refusing all compromise that contemplated a 
 sacrifice of principle, has been proven by subsequent 
 events to have been the wisest policy. 
 
 February ii he left Springfield with his family and 
 a few friends to go to Washington and enter upon the 
 arduous duties of his office. It was a solemn moment 
 and one fraught with the deepest anxiety and appre- 
 hension. Elected to the highest and most honorable 
 office within the gift of the people of the great Repub- 
 lic, he should have started upon his journey joyfully, 
 with bright anticipations of a brilliant and glorious 
 career. Not as a tried General, confident of success, 
 did he go to his task, but rather as one called upon to 
 go out and do fierce battle with mighty foes, without 
 preparation, and feeling his own incompetency. 
 Hence it was not with the pride of assured success, 
 that he bade adieu to the friends who gathered at the 
 railway-station for one last shake of the hand and a 
 parting look at a face which they should see no more 
 until, with a martyr's crown, it should return to find 
 a resting-place forever in the spot he so dearl)^ loved, 
 A feeling of sadness pervaded the group and none 
 felt more sorrow than the one to whom the attention 
 of all was directed. As he stepped upon the plat- 
 form of the car he turned around and uttered the fol- 
 lowing beautiful and touching words : 
 
 " My Friends : No one, not in my position, can 
 realize the sadness I feel at this parting. To this 
 people I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. l8l 
 
 than a quarter of a century. Here my children were 
 born and here one of them lies buried. I know not 
 how soon I shall see you again. I go to assume a 
 task more difficult than any which has devolved upon 
 any other man since the days of Washington. He 
 never would have succeeded except for the aid of 
 Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. 
 I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine 
 blessing which sustained him ; and on the same 
 Almighty Being I place my reliance for support. And I 
 hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may receive 
 that divine assistance, without which I cannot suc- 
 ceed, but with which success is certain. Again, I bid 
 you an affectionate farewell." 
 
 With many a hearty "God bless you and keep 
 you," the train pulled out of the depot. The plan of 
 the journey contemplated a trip through the States 
 of Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York, New Jer- 
 sey and Maryland. When the distinguished party 
 reached Indianapolis, the Legislature was in session. 
 Mr. Lincoln visited the State House, and was warmly 
 greeted. Here, as elsewhere, when the opportunity 
 offered, Mr. Lincoln made a short speech, the burden 
 of which was intended to allay the excitement and 
 distrust in the South, and to gain the confidence of 
 the people. He could not yet believe that the peo- 
 ple of the South were determined in their attempts 
 to break up the Union, and he desired that they 
 might become convinced of his good-will and his 
 intention not to interfere with their peculiar institu- 
 tions any further than his construction of the Con- 
 stitution demanded. Everywhere his speeches were 
 pacific and moderate, and appealed to the highest
 
 1 82 ABRAHAM LIN'COLN. 
 
 patriotism of the people. Yet his temperate words 
 at no time led the people to suspect that he lacked 
 in firmness. " I shall do all that may be in my power," 
 said he, " to promote a peaceful settlement of our 
 difficulties. The man does not live who is more de- 
 voted to peace than I am — none who would do more 
 to preserve it. But it may be necessary to put the 
 foot down firmly." 
 
 He visited the cities of Cincinnati, Columbus and 
 Cleveland and was everywhere received with the 
 greatest enthusiasm. At Cincinnati he approached 
 the borders of a slave State, and his speech here was, 
 as on a previous occasion, directed largely to the 
 Kentuckians, who might almost hear the echoes of 
 his voice from the opposite shore. The burden of 
 his utterances was everj'-where the same. At Buffalo, 
 Albany, New York, Trenton, Philadelphia and Har- 
 risburg he attempted to allay fear and encourage con- 
 fidence. Never had he before been brought into 
 contact with so many people in so short a time. His 
 journey was a veritable triumphal march. At every 
 station and crossroad crowds waited patiently to see 
 the Presidential train pass by, and the larger cities, 
 where stops were to be made, were thronged with 
 eager crowds, some of whom had come to criticise and 
 others to counsel, some out of mere curiosity and 
 others out of a warm, hearty good-will towards him 
 who was to assume a greater responsibility and bear 
 a heavier burden than any President since Washing- 
 ton. The general impression made upon the people 
 was pleasing, and many who came to ridicule his 
 ungainliness, went away to praise his manliness. 
 The Ohio State Journal spoke in highest terms of
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 1 83 
 
 the impression made by Mr. Lincoln upon the 
 people. 
 
 " His great height was conspicuous even in that 
 crowd of goodly men. At first the kindness and amia- 
 bility of his face strikes you; but, as he speaks, the 
 greatness and determination of his nature are appar- 
 ent. Something in his manner, even more than in his 
 words, told how deeply he was affected by the enthu- 
 siasm of the people, and when he appealed to them 
 for encouragement and support, every heart re- 
 sponded with a mute assurance of both. There was 
 the simplicity of greatness in his unassuming and 
 confiding manner that won its way to instant admi- 
 ration," 
 
 When he reached Albany, the Legislature of the 
 Empire State was in session, and he was invited to 
 address it. The scene was an impressive one. Not 
 only was the audience a notable one, but the memo- 
 ries associated with the place were impressive. That 
 so distinguished an audience, in so noted a place, had 
 assembled to greet him, touched him deeply. In 
 commencing his speech, he said: 
 
 "It is with feelings of great diffidence and, I may 
 say, feelings of awe, perhaps greater than I have re- 
 cently experienced, that I meet you here in this place. 
 The history of this great State, the renown of its 
 great men who have stood in this chamber, and have 
 spoken their thoughts, all crov.'d around my fancy 
 and incline me to shrink from an attempt to address 
 you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the 
 generous manner in which you invited me, and the 
 still more generous manner in which you have re- 
 ceived me. You have invited me and received me
 
 lo4 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 ^vithout distinction of party. I could not for a mo- 
 ment suppose that this has been done in any consid- 
 erable degree with any reference to my personal self. 
 It is very much more grateful to me that this recep- 
 tion and the invitation preceding it were given to me, 
 as the representative of a free people, than it could 
 possibly have been were it but the evidence of devo- 
 tion to me or to any one man. It is true that, while 
 I hold myself, without mock modesty, the humblest 
 of all the individuals who have ever been elected 
 President of the United States, I yet have a more dif- 
 ficult task to perform than any of them has ever 
 encountered." 
 
 At Trenton, the historic capital of New Jersey, he 
 Vv'as also tendered a reception by the Legislature. 
 The memories of the dangerous passage of the Dela- 
 ware and the great victory which followed were inti- 
 mately associated in his mind with his childhood's 
 days, when he eagerly read and re-read Weem's at- 
 tractive but unreliable " Life of Washington," by the 
 light of a pine knot, long after the rest of the family 
 had retired for the night. He alluded modestly, but 
 impressively, to the toils and privations of those early 
 days, proving once more that he was not ashamed of 
 his lowly origin, but that he rather gloried in the fact 
 that he was one of the masses and thus in deepest 
 sympathy with them. 
 
 At Philadelphia he unfurled a splendid flag in the 
 presence of a great concourse, and made an elaborate 
 address, in which he spoke of his political life and 
 feelings more freely than at any other time on the 
 journey, and when, for a moment, he admitted his 
 apprehensions of the future in almost prophetic
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 185 
 
 words. The whole speech, which was delivered in 
 Independence Hall, is too long to be quoted, but a 
 single passage will well illustrate its character. 
 
 " You have kindly suggested to me that in my 
 hands is the task of restoring peace to the present 
 distracted condition of our country. I can say in 
 return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain 
 have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw 
 them, from the sentiments which originated in, and 
 were given to the world from this hall. I have never 
 had a feeling, politically, that did not spring from the 
 sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence. I have often pondered over the dangers which 
 were incurred by the men who assembled here and 
 framed and adopted that Declaration of Independ- 
 ence. I have pondered over the toils that were en- 
 dured by the officers and soldiers of the army that 
 achieved that Independence. I have often inquired 
 of myself what great principle or idea it was that 
 kept this Confederacy so long together. It was not 
 the mere matter of the separation of the Colonies 
 from the mother country, but that sentiment in the 
 Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not 
 alone to the people of this country but, I hope, to the 
 world for all future time. It was that v^^hich gave 
 promise that, in due time, the weight would be lifted 
 from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment 
 embodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, 
 my friends, can this country be saved on this basis? 
 If it can, I shall consider myself one of the happiest 
 men in the world if I can help save it. If it cannot 
 be saved on that principle, it would be truly awful. 
 But if this country cannot be saved without giving
 
 l86 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 up that principle, I was about to say, I would rather 
 be assassinated on this spot than surrender it.'' 
 
 This was not the first time that he had declared his- 
 veneration for and allegiance to the principles of the 
 immortal Declaration. Again and again had he 
 reiterated it in the Douglas debates and other politi- 
 cal speeches. In it he found his political creed and 
 upon the permanence of its principles he based all his 
 hope for the future welfare of the country. 
 
 On the next day he visited Harrisburg and 
 addressed the Pennsylvania Legislature there assem- 
 bled, and here his public journey ended. There had 
 been many vague rumors afloat in regard to conspira- 
 cies formed by Southern sympathizers to prevent his 
 inauguration. Baltimore was intensely disloyal and 
 numerous threats had been made that the President- 
 elect should never pass through the city alive. Much 
 alarm was felt by his friends and everything possible 
 had been done to unearth the conspiracy, if one 
 existed. Detectives had been engaged and evidence 
 of the existence of such a plot was apparently 
 secured. Mr. Lamon, who accompanied Mr. Lincoln, 
 criticises the evidence and casts grave doubts upon 
 its reliability. But that there was good reason to 
 apprehend danger, even if none existed, was excuse 
 enough for more than ordinary caution. His friends 
 had advised Mr. Lincoln to cancel his engagements 
 in Philadelphia and Harrisburg and hastily and 
 secretly make the journey to Washington. This he 
 refused to do, but, after his address at Harrisburg, he 
 secretly boarded a special car, and without the 
 knowledge of any one, save two or three of his most 
 intimate friends, he went to Philadelphia, where he
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 187 
 
 boarded the night train, passed through Baltimore in 
 safety and reached the Capital in the morning, before 
 it was generally known that he had left Harrisburg. 
 
 This hurried journey to Washington was sharply 
 criticised and mercilessly ridiculed and caricatured in 
 the papers of the day. Some went so far as to 
 impute its motive to cowardice. It must be admitted 
 that there are at least grave doubts that any such 
 conspiracy existed or that there was any danger to be 
 apprehended from the passage througli Baltimore. 
 The suspicions, however, were strong enough and the 
 condition of the country sufficiently critical to justify 
 the most extraordinary precautions to protect the 
 person of the President-elect from all possible 
 danger.
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Lincoln had practically constructed his Cabinet 
 before he left Springfield. It was a task of unusual 
 difficulty, yet he executed it with judgment and mod- 
 eration. The Republican party had been formed in 
 large part, by recruits from the Whig and Democratic 
 parties, the latter being in the majority. Something 
 of the old-time antagonism existed between the 
 quondam political foes and the great difficulty pre- 
 sented itself, in the formation of the Cabinet, of recog- 
 nizing both wings in such a manner that satisfaction 
 would be given to both and cause for jealousy to 
 neither. 
 
 Here, at the very outset, Lincoln gave intimations 
 of the fixed principle that was to guide him in his 
 political appointments during his administration. 
 He would recognize true patriotism as a standard for 
 political preferment and not party affiliations. Other 
 things being equal he made but little distinction 
 between Democrats and Republicans, provided that 
 the loyalty of the candidate was unquestioned. Never 
 since Washington had a President placed so high a 
 premium upon patriotism, and paid so little attention 
 to politics. It made him many political enemies but 
 brought him multitudes of friends from the masses of 
 the people who recognized his earnest desire to 
 administer the affairs of the Government for the gen- 
 
 (i88)
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 189 
 
 eral good. And later on, when the gathering storm 
 of war burst upon the land and the adherents of the 
 South strove to show that it was a war inspired and 
 brought on by the " black Republicans," instead of 
 choosing his officers exclusively from the party which 
 had elected him, he gave full proof of the fact that he 
 considered the question of suppessing the Rebellion 
 to be a purely national one, and he made it his policy 
 to gather to the national standard all loyal men of 
 whatever party. The peril of the nation annihilates 
 party, and he did not fail to appreciate the fact. 
 Beyond a question he will be recognized in history as 
 the most purely national and loyal Chief Magistrate 
 of the century. 
 
 From the day of his election he had been beset by 
 hordes of hungry office-seekers, who demanded that 
 he should dismiss all the appointees of previous ad- 
 ministrations and divide the spoils among those who 
 had helped to elect him. A strong pressure was early 
 brought to bear upon him to this end, but, although 
 he listened courteously to all suggestions and advice, 
 he remained firm in his determination to make re- 
 movals from office only upon patriotic and not upon 
 partisan grounds, and in many cases he even went 
 further than this and showed his willingness to ap- 
 point his political enemies and rivals to the most im- 
 portant offices on grounds of qualification alone. 
 
 This principle was exemplified in the selection of 
 Cabinet officers. Many men were recommended to 
 him by influential politicians, who believed they had a 
 claim upon him; yet he was for the most part unin- 
 fluenced by their representations, and made his selec- 
 tions solely with a view to the public good. He do-
 
 igo ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 sired to enroll some moderate, but influential South- 
 ern men in the Cabinet, hoping that such action 
 might materially assist in averting the war which 
 was threatened. To this end he made overtures to 
 Hon. John A. Gilmore, then a member of Congress 
 from North Carolina. In a letter personally delivered 
 by Thurlow Weed, he explained briefly his views 
 upon the situation, and outlined the policy he in- 
 tended to pursue. He then offered Mr. Gilmore a 
 Cabinet portfolio which, however, he reluctantly 
 refused in view of the probable secession of his 
 State. 
 
 Before his election Mr. Lincoln had determined to 
 offer the two leading positions, the State and Treas- 
 ury Departments, to his two prominent rivals for the 
 nomination, Messrs. Seward and Chase. And after- 
 wards the Cabinet was completed by the selection of 
 Hon. Simon Cameron as Secretary of War, Hon. 
 Gideon Welles as Secretary of the Navy, Hon. E. H. 
 Bates as Attorney General, Hon. Caleb Smith as Sec- 
 retary of the Interior and Judge Montgomery Blair 
 as Postmaster General. 
 
 The Cabinet, thus constituted, was a strong one, 
 and every member of it was eminently qualified to 
 fulfill the arduous duties of his position; yet there was 
 not a single appointment which failed to excite bitter 
 criticism and, in some cases, from within the party 
 itself. 
 
 Mr. Seward was the most prominent and widely 
 known of these gentlemen. He had been one of the 
 founders of the party, and was noted for the earnest- 
 ness with which he had entered into the struggle with 
 the slave power. By his eloquent and forcible speeches
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I9I 
 
 he had done much to bring together the diverse ele- 
 ments of the party, and to unite them for a victori- 
 ous campaign. In a speech at Rochester he had been 
 the first to predict the "irrepressible conflict," and, 
 even sooner than Lincoln, he had announced his be- 
 lief that the Government could not long exist half 
 free and half slave. He was a cultured gentleman 
 and a thorough scholar. He believed m a pacific 
 policy and, as far as the dignity of the Government 
 would permit, he believed concessions should be made 
 to the South. 
 
 Salmon P. Chase had also been a prominent candi- 
 date for the Presidential nomination. His ability was 
 unquestioned, and his mind clear and logical. In 
 character he was above reproach, and yet, while he 
 always commanded the highest respect, he lacked the 
 elements which conduce to popularity, and never 
 wielded much influence over the masses. His posi- 
 tion was, undoubtedly, the most difficult and perplex- 
 ing in the Cabinet. The expenses of a great war 
 must be met from an empty Treasury and by a nation 
 which was in the throes of civil war. Never had 
 financial problems of greater magnitude been forced 
 upon a government, and never had a man better fitted 
 to deal with them been at the head of the Treasury. 
 He had been a radical Abolitionist from the first and 
 had never faltered in his principles, though in the 
 midst of the most determined opposition. 
 
 Hon. Simon Cameron was given the position of 
 Secretary of War, rather because of arrangements 
 made before the Convention and his assistance during 
 the campaign, than on account of his popularity. 
 When it was understood that Mr. Lincoln contem-
 
 192 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 plated giving him a Cabinet position, numerous pro- 
 tests were received from all over the North, alleging 
 that he was an unscrupulous and dishonest politician 
 and that his presence in the Cabinet would bring 
 discredit upon the Administration. He was de- 
 scended from the Scotch clan of the Camerons and 
 had inherited many of the characteristics of his High- 
 land ancestors. He Vv^as said never to forget a friend 
 or an enemy. Much opposition was also manifested 
 to the appointment of Judge Blair. He came from a 
 distinguished family which had been possessed of 
 considerable political influence. He was a gentle- 
 man of the old school, hasty, selfwilled, but able. 
 The affairs of the Postal Service have never been bet- 
 ter administered than during his incumbency. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln spent the fe\v days intervening- be- 
 tween his arrival in Washington and his inaugura- 
 tion in consultation with his political advisers, in re- 
 ceiving delegations v/hich came to pay their respects 
 to the Chief Magistrate-elect and in listening to the 
 claims of candidates for office. As the date of the in- 
 auguration approached, the popular interest and ap- 
 prehension became more intense. Threats had been 
 freely made that Lincoln should never be inaugu- 
 rated. Washington lay within the bounds of a slave 
 State, and contained a large element which was in 
 sympathy with the South, and, moreover, the city had 
 become a rendezvous for many desperate radicals who 
 would hesitate at nothing to carry out their incendi- 
 ary designs. General Scott, the veteran hero of the 
 Mexican War, who was the Commander of the United 
 States' Armies, was aware of the danger and an- 
 nounced his intention of protecting the person of
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I93 
 
 the President from assault with the whole army if 
 necessary. 
 
 When the day came the whole North waited with 
 bated breath as if almost expecting to hear the echoes 
 of insurrection and carnage at the national Capital, 
 proclaiming the disruption of the Union. The great 
 crowds which usually attend these quadrennial cere- 
 monies were, in large part, absent. For few dared to 
 face the evident danger to gratify curiosity. On the 
 eastern front of the Capitol was erected a platform 
 upon which were grouped the Members of Congress, 
 the Supreme Court Judges, the high officers of the 
 Army and Navy, many of the Diplomatic Corps, 
 resplendent in their decorations of tinsel and gold. 
 The crowd that had assembled to view the proceed- 
 ings was such a one as had never before been seen in 
 the Capital City. There were patriots who beheld 
 their beloved country on the verge of ruin and who 
 could see no hope for the future save such as was held 
 out by the grave, gaunt man before them. Despon- 
 dent and hopeless, they could see no guiding light 
 through the black clouds that lowered so thickly 
 around them. And there were traitors there, who 
 waited but the opportunity to tear down and trample 
 underfoot the Stars and Stripes that floated above 
 their heads, men, whose hearts were full of malice 
 towards him, whose election to the Presidency they 
 had chosen to assign as the cause for the fulmination 
 of their evil designs against the Government. 
 
 Upon the platform stood, with bowed head. Presi- 
 dent Buchanan, whose administration was to be 
 known to posterity as the feeblest and most fraught 
 with evil in the history of the country. There too,
 
 194 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 prominent in the eyes of the people, was Douglas, 
 Lincoln's great rival, now, for the first time suffering 
 the bitter pangs of defeat, yet in every way consider- 
 ate of his old friend. From this time no man was 
 more loyal or more earnest in the defense of the 
 Union than Douglas, he, who had been ranked as the 
 champion of the slaveholders. Henceforth he would 
 forget party allegiance and political animosity, and 
 join heart and hand with all good patriots who strove 
 to preserve the Union. And to-day, his piercing eye 
 restlessly scanned the crowds before him as if to 
 observe the first signs of outbreak or violence. 
 
 Everywhere was disquiet and uncertainty. The 
 spirit of violence was abroad and none knew where 
 he would first manifest his flaming presence. One 
 man, alone, was calm and self-reliant. Without a 
 tremor or a fear for his personal safety Lincoln stood 
 before the people, unconscious of self and eager to 
 impress upon the world, for he knew the world would 
 listen to his utterances, his peaceful sentiments and 
 the assurance of his belief that the unity of the Gov- 
 ernment would not be destroyed by violence. He 
 was not insensible to the danger, but he believed that 
 the better sense of the South would ultimately tri- 
 umph over the hasty passions of the men so eager to 
 work a revolution. Above all he believed in the per- 
 manence of the Government and the vitality of repub- 
 lican institutions, and especially in the power of the 
 Constitution to perpetuate itself. He forgot his own 
 personality in the presence of the tremendous issues 
 thronging upon him and stood before the people, 
 calm and fearless, the embodiment of the might of the 
 Constitution and the offended Genius of Liberty.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. I95 
 
 He stood, bareheaded, and read his address in a 
 voice so clear and penetrating that each word was 
 heard distinctly by every one of the thousands pres- 
 ent. Beholding the dark clouds of war hanging low 
 over the country, he yet planted his feet firmly upon 
 the rock of peace. His enemies had cast the gauntlet 
 of defiance at his feet and he, in return, extended 
 to them the right hand of amity. 
 
 His address was conciliatory but firm, dignified but 
 confidential. As no other man had ever done he 
 blended the loftiest utterances with perfect candor 
 and honesty towards the people. Nevertheless, the 
 address, which, in the unprejudiced judgment of 
 history, will rank among the great masterpieces of 
 oratory and not the least among them, was greeted 
 with carping and criticism. The South characterized it 
 as the rabid utterance of the most radical republican- 
 ism, and many who should have sustained him in 
 the North, spoke of him as a traitor to his party 
 principles and accused him of seeking to compromise 
 with the secessionists. Time, the great vindicator, 
 proves the mistake of both and places the correct 
 estimate upon the great inaugural speech. Its length 
 forbids its entire insertion here, but some of the most 
 striking passages are quoted below : 
 
 ** Fellow-citizens of the United States. In com- 
 pliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, 
 I appear before you to address you briefly and to 
 take in your presence the oath prescribed by the 
 Constitution to be taken by the President before he 
 enters upon the execution of his office. . . . Appre- 
 hension seems to exist among the people of the 
 Southern States that by the accession of a Republi-
 
 196 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 can administration their property and their peace and 
 personal security are to be endangered. There has 
 never been any reasonable cause for such apprehen- 
 sion. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary 
 has all the time existed and been open to their inspec- 
 tion. It is found in nearly all the published speeches 
 of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from 
 one of those speeches when I declare that ' I have no 
 purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the 
 institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I 
 believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have 
 no inclination to do so.' Those who nominated and 
 elected me, did so with the full knowledge that I had 
 made this and many similar declarations and had 
 never recanted them. And, more than this, they 
 placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a 
 law to themselves and me, the clear and emphatic 
 resolution which I now read : * Resolved, that the 
 maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and 
 especially the right of each State to order and con- 
 trol its own domestic institutions according to its own 
 judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of 
 power on which the perfection and endurance of our 
 political fabric depends, and we denounce the lawless 
 invasion by armed force of any State or Territory, no 
 matter under what pretext, as the gravest of crimes.' 
 I now reiterate these sentiments ; and, in doing so, 
 I only press upon the public attention the most con- 
 clusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that 
 the property, peace and security of no section are to 
 be in anywise endangered by the now incoming 
 administration. I add, too, that all the protection 
 which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 197 
 
 can be given will be cheerfully given, to all the 
 States, when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause 
 — as cheerfully to one section, as to another. ... I 
 take the official oath to-day with no mental reserva- 
 tions and with no purpose to construe the Constitu- 
 tion or laws by any hypercritical rules. And while 
 I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Con- 
 gress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it 
 will be much safer for all, both in official and private 
 stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts 
 which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them 
 trusting to find impunity in having them held to be 
 unconstitutional. 
 
 ** It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration 
 of a President under the national Constitution. Dur- 
 ing that period fifteen different and greatly distin- 
 guished citizens have, in succession, administered the 
 executive branch of the Government. They have 
 conducted it through many perils and, generally, 
 with great success. Yet with all this scope of pre- 
 cedent, I now enter upon this same task, for the brief 
 constitutional term of four years, under great and 
 peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal 
 Union, hitherto only menaced, is now formidably 
 attempted. I hold that, in contemplation of univer- 
 sal law and of the Constitution, the union of the 
 States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied if not 
 expressed in the fundamental law of all national 
 Governments. It is safe to assert that no Govern- 
 ment proper ever had a provision in its organic law 
 for its own termination. Continue to execute all the 
 express provisions of our national Constitution and 
 the Union will endure forever — it being impossible to
 
 198 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 destro}' it except by some action not provided for in 
 the instrument itself. 
 
 " Affain if the United States be not a Government 
 proper, but an association of States in the nature of a 
 compact merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably 
 unmade by less than all the parties who made it. 
 One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so 
 to speak, but does it not require all to lav^^fully 
 rescind it ? . . . It follows from these views, that no 
 State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get 
 out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to 
 that effect are legally void ; and that acts of vio- 
 lence within any State or States, against the author- 
 ity of the United States, are insurrectionary or revo- 
 lutionary, according to the circumstances. I there- 
 fore consider that, in view of the Constitution and 
 laws, the Union is unbroken ; and to the extent of 
 my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself 
 expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union 
 be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, 
 I deem to be only a simple duty on my part ; and I 
 shall perform it, so far as practicable, unless my 
 rightful masters, the American people, shall with- 
 hold the requisite means, or in some authoritative 
 manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be 
 regarded as a menace, but only as a declared purpose 
 of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and 
 maintain itself. In doing this, there need be no 
 bloodshed or violence ; and there shall be none unless 
 it is forced upon the national authority. The power 
 confided to me will be used to hold, occupy and pos- 
 sess the property and places belonging to the Gov- 
 ernment and to collect the duties and imposts ; but
 
 ABRAHAM LIKCOLM. T99 
 
 bej'ond what may be necessary for these objects, 
 there will be no invasion, no using of force against or 
 among the people anywhere. . . . That there are per- 
 sons in one section or another who seek to destroy 
 the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext 
 to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny ; but if there 
 be such, I need address no word to them. To those, 
 howevt^", who really love the Union, may I not speak ? 
 Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruc- 
 tion of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its 
 memories and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascer- 
 tain precisely why we do it ? Will you hazard so 
 desperate a step while there is any possibility that 
 any portion of the ills you fly from have no real exist- 
 ence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are 
 greater than all the real ones you fly from — will j'ou 
 risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All 
 profess to be content in the Union, if all constitu- 
 tional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that 
 any ■ right, plainly written in the Constitution has 
 been denied ? I think not. . . . Plainly the central 
 idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A major- 
 ity held in check by constitutional checks and limi- 
 tations, and always changing easily with deliberate 
 changes of popular opinion and sentiments, is the 
 only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever 
 rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to des- 
 potism. Unanimity is impossible ; the rule of a mi- 
 norit}'', as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inad- 
 missible ; so that rejecting the minority principle, 
 anarchy or despotism in some form, is all that is left. 
 . . . One section of our country believes slavery is 
 right, and ought to be extended, while the other
 
 200 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. 
 This is the only substantial dispute. . . . Physically 
 speaking we cannot separate. We cannot remove our 
 respective sections from each other, nor build an 
 impassable wall between them. A husband and wife 
 may be divorced and go out of the presence, and 
 beyond the reach of each other, but the different 
 parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot 
 but remain face to face and intercourse, either ami- 
 cable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it 
 possible to make that intercourse more advantageous 
 or more satisfactory after separation than before ? 
 Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can 
 make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced 
 among aliens than treaties among friends? Suppose 
 you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, 
 after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, 
 you cease fighting, the identical old questions as to 
 terms of intercourse are again upon you. . . . My 
 Countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon 
 this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by 
 taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you 
 in hot haste to a step which you would never take delib- 
 erately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ; 
 but no good object will be frustrated by it. Such of 
 you, as are now dissatisfied, still have the old Consti- 
 tution unimpaired and, on the sensitive point, the 
 laws of your own framing under it ; while the new 
 administration will have no immediate power, if it 
 would, to change either. If it were admitted that 
 you, who are dissatisfied, hold the right side in the 
 dispute, there is still no single good reason for pre- 
 cipitate action. Intelligence, Patriotism, Christianity
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 201 
 
 and a firm reliance on Him, who has never yet for- 
 saken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, 
 in the best way, all our present difficulty. In your 
 hands, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of 
 civil war. The Government will not assail you. You 
 can have no conflict, without being yourselves the 
 aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven 
 to destroy the Government, while I shall have the 
 most solemn one 'to preserve, protect and defend it.' 
 I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. 
 We must not be enemies. Though passion may have 
 strained it must not break our bonds of affection. 
 The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every 
 battlefield and patriot grave to every loving heart 
 and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet 
 swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, 
 as they surely will be, by the better angels of our 
 nature." 
 
 At the close of the address Chief Justice Taney, 
 white-haired and venerable with age, stepped forward 
 and administered the simple oath of office. It was a 
 striking scene, the Judge, whose decision in the Dred 
 Scott case had opened all the avenues of contention 
 and civil war, confirming the authority of the man 
 who had been most potent in opposition to the prin- 
 ciple he had enunciated, and who was destined to 
 overthrow the institution in whose favor it had been 
 made. It was the old dispensation handing its sword 
 to the new ; the might of law triumphing over the 
 confusion of anarchy and secession. From that 
 moment the ill-omened institution was doomed, yet 
 it had so entered into and permeated the life of the 
 South that it required all the horrors of a civil war to
 
 203 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 tear it out. It had been rooted in t3'ranny, and prop- 
 agated and nourished in the midst of sectional 
 strife and jealousy, until the mighty force of the 
 Government was all but inadequate to overthrow 
 it. 
 
 When Mr. Lincoln came upon the platform he 
 appeared awkward and ill at ease. He was clad in a 
 new suit of clothes and carried in his hand a new silk 
 hat, a style which he had never before worn. As he 
 stepped to the front he looked helplessly around for 
 some place to put his hat but could find none. For a 
 moment he stood holding it in his hands, evidently 
 unwilling to trust it upon the floor, when Mr. Doug- 
 las, who had seen his embarrassment and its cause, 
 stepped forward and took the hat and held it during 
 the address, while he listened with eager interest to 
 every word that fell from the lips of the speaker and 
 from time to time showed plainly his approval of the 
 sentiments expressed. 
 
 When the ceremonies were ended, the hearers slowly 
 dispersed and went to their homes and the new 
 administration entered upon its difficult duties amid 
 embarrassments far greater than could have been 
 expected and which were destined to increase rapidly 
 both in numbers and extent. 
 
 Of all the congratulations extended to Mr. Lincoln 
 none were more sincere and heartfelt than those of 
 Mr. Douglas who, realizing the magnitude of the task 
 undertaken b}' his erstwhile rival, gave him the assur- 
 ance that he would aid him to the utmost in uphold- 
 ing the Constitution and enforcing the laws of the 
 country. And he nobly kept his pledge. 
 
 Mr. Arnold, in his *' Life of Lincoln," relates the fol-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 203 
 
 lowing remarkable story of a prophecy made by Mr. 
 Douglas at this time : 
 
 " Senator Douglas and his wife, one of the most 
 beautiful and fascinating women of America, occu- 
 pied one of the houses which formed the Minnesota 
 block. On New Year's Day, 1861, General Stewart, 
 of New York, was making a New Year's call on Sen- 
 ator Douglas and, after some conversation, asked 
 him : ' What will be the result. Senator, of the efforts 
 of Jefferson Davis and his associates, to divide the 
 Union?' 
 
 " ' We were,' says Stewart, * sitting on the sofa 
 together, when I asked the question. Douglas rose, 
 walked rapidly up and down the room for a moment, 
 and then, pausing, he exclaimed, with deep feeling 
 and excitement : 
 
 " * The cotton States are making an effort to draw in 
 the border States to their schemes of secession, and I 
 am but too fearful they will succeed. If they do, 
 there will be the most fearful civil war the world has 
 ever seen, lasting for years.' 
 
 " Pausing a moment, he looked like one inspired, 
 while he proceeded : * Virginia, over yonder, across 
 the Potomac,' pointing to Arlington, * will become a 
 charnel-house ; but, in the end the Union will 
 triumph. They will try to get possession of this 
 Capital, to give them prestige abroad, but in that effort 
 they will never succeed ; the North will arise <?;/ w^i'jv 
 to defend it. But Washington will become a city of 
 hospitals, the churches will be used for the sick and 
 wounded. This house,' he continued, * the Minnesota 
 block, will be devoted to that purpose before the end 
 of the war.'
 
 204 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 " Every word of this prediction was literally fulfilled; 
 nearly all the churches were used for the wounded 
 and the Minnesota block and the very room, in which 
 this declaration was made, became the ' Douglas 
 Hospital.' 
 
 "'What justification is therefor all this?' asked 
 Stewart. 
 
 " ' There is no justification,' replied Douglas. * I will 
 go as far as the Constitution will permit to main- 
 tain their just rights. But,' said he, rising to his feet 
 and raising his arm, * if the Southern States attempt 
 to secede, I am in favor of their having just so many 
 slaves, and just so much slave territory, as they can 
 hold at the point of the bayonet, and no more.' " 
 
 Five months after this remarkable conversation 
 Stephen A. Douglas was no more.
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 When Mr. Lincoln entered the White House on the 
 night of March 4, 1861, he was nominally the Presi- 
 dent of the United States, but in fact his recognized 
 authority extended only over the Northern and bor- 
 der States, the Southern tier was in a state of open 
 revolt. The Union was disintegrated, the Constitu- 
 tion nullified and the opposing political theories of 
 States' rights and centralization, brought into hostile 
 relations by the unholy institution of slavery, were 
 now preparing to decide the great dispute by force 
 of arms. 
 
 Seven States had already passed ordinances of se- 
 cession and had set up a provisional government, 
 with Montgomery as the capital. North Carolina 
 was the only Southern State that still hesitated. At 
 first, the majority of its people were opposed to seces- 
 sion. This grand old State had special reason to 
 cling to and reverence the Union. Within its borders 
 had been fought some of the most sanguinary conflicts 
 of the Revolution and, in the past, no State had been 
 more loyal to the Constitution or more ready to sacri- 
 fice blood and treasure in its defense. Her patriotic 
 feelings, however, were strongly opposed by the com- 
 mon sentiment of her sister States, to whom she was 
 bound by ties of strongest sympathy and common 
 interest. The*- disunion influences were thus too 
 
 (205)
 
 2o6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Strong to be resisted and the secession ordinance was 
 passed, Ma}' 21, and the Southern Confederacy was 
 complete. 
 
 The fight in the border States of Maryland, Ken- 
 tucky and Missouri was long and bitter. The people 
 were about equally divided, but the Union party 
 finally triumphed, assisted, as it was, by the active 
 sympathy and support of the North and the earnest 
 co-operation of the administration. Mr. Lincoln 
 clearly perceived the importance of retaining these 
 States in the Union, not only for their moral influ- 
 ence but also because they formed a belt of neutral 
 territory between the loyal and disloyal States. Had 
 these States seceded, the war would, no doubt, have 
 been greatly prolonged, the National Capital could 
 not have been held against the enemy, and the issue 
 would have been more doubtful than it was. 
 
 The difficulties that surrounded the administration 
 were almost insuperable. There was incipient war, 
 and no means of crushing it; rebellion, but the hands 
 of the Government were tied. The majority of the 
 army officers, wlio had been educated at West Point, 
 and had gained skill from actual experience, violated 
 their oaths and entered the armies of the South. The 
 army and navy were demoralized and almost disor- 
 ganized. The munitions of war had been largely 
 transported to the South, and were now in the hands 
 of the recalcitrants. The Treasury was empty, and 
 the public credit exhausted. The administration 
 was in the hands of men who were untried and inex- 
 perienced in the details of the governmental ma- 
 chinery. Moreover, the constant defections of men, 
 who were believed to be thoroughly loyal, and the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 207 
 
 outbreak of treasonable sentiments in quarters least 
 expected, filled the hearts of loyal citizens with dis- 
 trust and deepened their apprehensions. For a time, 
 no active or aggressive policy was announced by the 
 Government, and the people, forgetting that the new 
 officers must have time to become accustomed to their 
 duties before any decided change could be inaugu- 
 rated, bewailed the apathy of the Government and 
 began to hint that it was secretly in sympathy with the 
 South. In addition to all this the European world 
 either looked coldly on or extended sympathy and 
 the implied promise of support in the future to the 
 seceding States. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln had announced in his inaugural that 
 he should never make war upon the South. If war 
 must come, the disaffected people would themselves 
 be the aggressors. Therefore, he awaited patiently 
 the issue, all the time making active preparations for 
 an emergency, but avoiding all appearance of hostil- 
 ity or any overt action which could be regarded as a 
 provocation or excuse for war on the part of the 
 South. Meantime, events in the seceding States were 
 moving rapidly on towards the catastrophe. The 
 leaders had determined upon separation at all haz- 
 ards, and while the Northern States had been uncer- 
 tain as to the course of events and disturbed by con- 
 flicting counsels and the embarrassments incident 
 upon a change of administration, the fullest oppor- 
 tunities had been offered to the violent spirits of the 
 South to conceive and carry out their treasonable 
 plans. In South Carolina, the discontent was great- 
 est and the disunion sentiment most violent. Here, 
 naturally, the first outbreak occurred. The Confed-
 
 2c8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 erate Government saw that a loyal garrison in Fort 
 Sumter, in Charleston harbor, would materially inter- 
 fere with their plans, and they determined to secure 
 possession of the stronghold. When Major Ander- 
 son, the officer in command, refused to surrender, 
 they opened fire upon the old flag, Friday morning, 
 April 12. 
 
 Never before had the roar of hostile cannon so 
 convulsed a mighty nation. The majority of the 
 Northern people, while deeply troubled by the mani- 
 fest hostility of their Southern brethren, could not 
 yet believe that they would deliberately commence a 
 great civil war. For more than a generation there 
 had been no war of any magnitude upon American 
 soil. Great industries and an immense traffic be- 
 tween the different sections, nurtured by peaceful 
 influences, had banished the memories of the horror 
 and carnage of war, and men now stood aghast at 
 the thought that a war, whose consequences none 
 could foresee, had suddenly come upon them, and 
 that the great cities, the product and abode of the 
 peaceful arts, might soon be given over to rapine and 
 flames. There was no hamlet so remote but it might 
 fear the coming of the ruthless invader, no home- 
 circle which might not be broken. Yet the shock 
 was not one of paralysis, but rather the blow which 
 awakens from the lethargy of inaction and brings 
 every faculty into instant and vigorous exercise. 
 Much could be forgiven, but the insult to the old 
 flag, around which clustered so many hallowed mem- 
 ories, and which represented all that was noble and 
 enduring in republican institutions, could not be 
 condoned.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 209 
 
 A wave of awakening patriotism swept over the 
 North to its remotest limits. Orators in the public 
 squares, and ministers in the pulpits, preached in fer- 
 vent words the duty of patriotism and loyalty to the 
 Government. For the time all political antagonisms 
 were forgotten. Party strifes and sectional jealousies 
 were laid aside and Democrats vied with Republicans, 
 Nationals with Abolitionists in their eagerness to de- 
 fend the majesty of the Government and to sustain 
 its imperiled interests. Nor were the feelings of the 
 people expressed alone in words. Men hastened to 
 lay upon their country's altar, their influence, their 
 property, themselves. Never had there been such a 
 patriotic uprising. Companies were formed and 
 drilled in every village and hamlet. The militia as- 
 sembled. Muskets and flint locks, which had done 
 service in the Revolution and the Mexican War, were 
 taken down from the hooks, where they had long re- 
 posed untouched, and were cleaned and burnished 
 and made ready for use. Meantime, every eye was 
 turned towards Washington and him, upon whose 
 shoulders devolved the responsibility of directing the 
 efforts made to uphold the honor and integrity of the 
 Government. At last had come the crucial test, the 
 hour that would prove the metal of the man and ex- 
 pose to the world the flaw if one existed. Would the 
 pioneer President rise to the demands of the hour 
 and prove himself a master in the untried sphere into 
 which he had been called; or would the reins of 
 power fall from his nerveless hand ? Upon the an- 
 swer to this question depended the fate of the Nation, 
 and to a large extent the weal or woe of modern civ- 
 ilization.
 
 210 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 The world was not long left in doubt. During the 
 trying weeks previous to the assault upon Sumter, 
 Mr. Lincoln had not swerved from his expressed pol- 
 icy and more than once had he reiterated and empha- 
 sized it. Even at the time, when the siege of Sumter 
 was in progress and when it would appear that all 
 hope for securing a peaceful solution should have 
 been abandoned, Mr. Lincoln in his reply to a com- 
 mittee, appointed by the Virginia convention, which 
 afterwards passed the secession ordinance, for the 
 purpose of ascertaining definitely his policy, referred 
 in emphatic terms to the statements made in his in- 
 augural address, saying: 
 
 " By the words ' property and places belonging to 
 the Government' I chiefly allude to the military posts 
 and property which were in the possession of the Gov- 
 ernment when it came into my hands. But if, as now 
 appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to drive 
 the United States authority from these places, an un- 
 provoked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, I 
 shall hold myself at liberty to repossess like places 
 which had been seized before the Government was 
 devolved upon me; and in any event I shall, to the 
 best of my ability, repel force with force." 
 
 The attitude of Mr. Douglas at this time was a 
 source of great strength to the administration and to 
 the cause at large. His last days were his most glo- 
 rious, and go far towards wiping away the stains 
 which his course had left upon his reputation. Li a 
 newspaper interview, which was published all over 
 the land, he proclaimed himself as " unalterably op- 
 posed to the administration in all its political issues, 
 but prepared to fully sustain the President in the ex-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 2^1 
 
 ercise of all his constitutional functions, to preserve 
 the Union, nnaintain the Government, and defend the 
 Federal Capital." He furthermore said: 
 
 "The Capital is in danger and must be defended 
 at all hazards, and at any expense of men and money. 
 A firm policy and prompt action is necessary." The 
 whole weight of his influence was used to inculcate 
 these principles, especially among his political as- 
 sociates, until, but a few weeks later, he was cut off 
 in the midst of his career and the country stopped 
 for a moment to drop a tear on his grave. 
 
 On the 15th day of April, soon after the fall of 
 Sumter was announced, the President issued a proc- 
 lamation calling for seventy-five thousand volunteers 
 and summoning Congress to meet in extra session, 
 July 4. In the proclamation he said: " I deem it 
 proper to say that the first service assigned to the 
 forces hereby called out will probably be to repossess 
 the forts, places and property which have been seized 
 from the Union; and in every event the utmost care 
 will be observed, consistently with the objects afore- 
 said, to avoid any devastation and destruction of or 
 interference with property, or any disturbance of 
 peaceful citizens of any part of the country." 
 
 The call was instantly answered and the full num- 
 ber asked for was i-eady to start for the scene of war 
 before the end of the week. Indeed, more than one 
 detachment of troops were on the way to the National 
 Capital almost before the telegraphic instrument had 
 ticked out its startling message. 
 
 Although the number of troops called for was soon 
 at hand, they were far from being ready for service. 
 Recruited from the farm, counting-room and store,
 
 212 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 they were totally inexperienced in war and ignorant 
 of its art. It was almost as difficult a task to organ- 
 ize and drill them as it was afterwards to lead them 
 on to victory. It takes time to convert raw recruits 
 into disciplined armies and time was wanting. So 
 the President and his co-laborers exerted every ener- 
 gy and strained every nerve in the efforts to meet the 
 emergency. 
 
 In its every feature the situation was a trying one. 
 The present was thick with perplexities and the fu- 
 ture dark with portents. The one bright feature 
 which gladdened the heart of' the President and made 
 it possible for him to carry out the great lines of pol- 
 icy which he had inaugurated v/as the attitude of the 
 loyal people of the North, who heartily supported 
 the administration regardless of party, at least for a 
 time. More clearly than the people could did he ap- 
 preciate the magnitude of the struggle and the great 
 principles involved. With him it was not a question 
 whether ten States should be permitted to withdraw 
 from the Union and set up a separate government, 
 but whether Republican Institutions possessed inher- 
 ent vigor sufficient to perpetuate themselves against 
 violent assaults from within. The blow was directed 
 not alone against the American Republic, but against 
 the great principle of popular sovereignty. Never had 
 there been so advantageous a field for the develop- 
 ment of this form of government, as in America, and 
 if it should fail here it would receive its death blow. 
 In his first message to Congress he states this princi- 
 ple clearly and concisely: 
 
 "This is essentially a people's contest. On the 
 side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 213 
 
 world that form and substance of government, whose 
 leading object is to elevate the condition of man ; to 
 lift artificial weights from all shoulders ; to clear the 
 paths of laudable pursuits for all ; to afford all an 
 unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life. 
 Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from 
 necessity, this is the leading object of the Govern- 
 ment for whose existence we contend. I am most 
 happy to believe that the plain people understand 
 and appreciate this." 
 
 The Congress, which met July 4, was a noteworthy 
 assembly. Many seats were vacant and the delibera- 
 tions were marked by a solemnity never before mani- 
 fested in the Capitol. The discordant element was, 
 for the time being, withdrawn. The halls which had 
 so often in the past echoed with fierce contentions, 
 were now the scenes of earnest, united action. The 
 reality of the war was mutely attested by the empty 
 chairs. Turn which way they would, the members 
 were met with the evidences of rebellion. The 
 responsibility laid upon them developed "/ise states- 
 men out of men hitherto unknown, as it developed, 
 in the field, skillful generals out of the raw soldiery. 
 In Congress were men who had grown gray in the 
 honored service of their country and others just 
 entering the political arena, whose names were to 
 become household words and whose influence would 
 be potent in directing the affairs of the Government. 
 In the Senate, presided over by Vice-President Ham- 
 lin, were such men as Sumner, Collamer, Foote, 
 Anthony, Hall, Trumbull, Wilmot and Lane. In the 
 House were Conkling, Thad Stevens, Colfax, Logan 
 and Cox.
 
 2 14 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 The prevailing sentiment of the House was favor- 
 able to the President and his policy. The majority 
 were ardent and wise patriots, quick to appreciate 
 the demands of a situation and to wisely satisfy them 
 so far as possible. Their first act was to indorse, 
 unreservedly, the action and policy of the President, 
 and to pledge themselves to vote for any amount of 
 money and number of men which might be necessary 
 to quell the insurrection. The military situation 
 soon began to present serious difficulties. A splendid 
 army of volunteer soldiers had assembled at Wash- 
 ington, eager for service, but utterly unskilled in the 
 art of Vv'arfare. The North was impatiently demand- 
 ing that an attack be made without delay, and many 
 believed that an immediate and crushing blow would 
 end the war. A general movement was therefore 
 planned. General McClellan, who had succeeded 
 General Scott, with a large army attempted to drive 
 the Confederates out of West Virginia, while General 
 McDowell attacked their main army at Manassas. 
 On the 2ist of July occurred the battle of Bull Run, 
 and the disastrous flight of the Federal army. The 
 blow was a severe one, and yet it served to awaken 
 the North more fully to the serious character of the 
 war, and to prove that it could not be ended by a 
 single campaign. The defeat was a surprise to Mr. 
 Lincoln and caused him deep sorrow, yet, even when 
 overwhelmed by anxiety, he did not lose his sense of 
 humor or his readiness to illustrate a point by a 
 humorous story. Indeed, this propensity seemed to 
 afford him relief from the pressure of his work, act- 
 ing much like the safety-valve of a steam-engine.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'. 215 
 
 Two or three days after the battle some gentlemen, 
 who had been on the field, visited him and related 
 the details as they had observed them, putting as 
 good a face upon them as possible. After listening 
 to them, he said, " So it is your notion that we whipped 
 the rebels and then ran away from them ! " Soon 
 after the battle he visited the arm)' at Georgetown, and, 
 while inspecting the arrangements in company with 
 Colonel Sherman, a subordinate officer approached 
 him, evidently very angry, and complained of the 
 unjust treatment which, he alleged, had been accorded 
 him by Colonel Sherman, who had threatened to 
 shoot him. " Well," said Mr. Lincoln in a loud whisper, 
 which was easily heard by all in the vicinity, "if I 
 were you and he threatened to shoot me, I wouldn't 
 trust him, for I believe he would do it." 
 
 Military operations on a large scale were now 
 entered upon. A great army was concentrated around 
 Washington, which was believed to be in immediate 
 danger of attack. Fresh troops were constantly 
 arriving from all parts of the North and going into 
 camp in the vicinity of the city. The labor of con- 
 verting the great masses of raw troops into an effec- 
 tive force of disciplined soldiery, was long and ardu- 
 ous, and for some months but little progress seemed 
 to be made by the National arms. Again, so many 
 of the best and most efficient officers had deserted the 
 " Stars and Stripes " and enrolled themselves in the 
 Confederate army, that the National forces had been 
 left without tried leaders. The generals must be edu- 
 cated as well as the soldiers, and nothing but service in 
 the field could test their skill and ability. Hence the 
 National cause was greatly retarded and the war
 
 2l6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 prolonged. General Scott, the hero of the Mexican 
 War, was too old and infirm to carry the burden of the 
 war and had resigned his position of Commanding 
 General early in October. General McClellan, a 
 young and dashing officer, was appointed his succes- 
 sor. He was a thorough patriot, having what he 
 believed to be the best interests of the country at 
 heart, but slow and unprogressive, impatient of critic- 
 ism and obstinate in his self-esteem. He lacked the 
 most important qualifications of a military leader, 
 and allowed many opportunities to distinguish him- 
 self and win success for the cause to slip through his 
 hands. The President was disposed to place the 
 utmost confidence in him and to give over into his 
 hands the general control of the army, and to listen 
 to his suggestions and comply with his advice so far 
 as possible. 
 
 On the 2 1 St of October occurred the battle of Ball's 
 Bluff, a mere skirmish, which was distinguished only 
 by the death of the gallant Colonel Baker, who had 
 left his seat in the Senate to lead his regiment into 
 battle. Baker was an old and trusted friend of Lin- 
 coln, who keenly felt his loss and, in common with 
 the whole country, lamented it. The loss of Baker, 
 though of less vital importance, had much the same 
 effect upon the people as the loss of Hampden in the 
 great English rebellion. In many respects the two 
 men were counterparts. 
 
 On the 8th of November occurred an event which 
 threatened a violent rupture of the already strained 
 relations existing between the National Government 
 and England. The sympathies of England were
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 217 
 
 largely with the South, and her Government had 
 hastened to recognize the Confederate States as a 
 belligerent power. It was no secret that private indi- 
 viduals were actively engaged in England in fitting out 
 ships of war and blockade runners for the use of the 
 rebellious States, besides rendering much material aid 
 in other ways, if not with the connivance of, at least 
 ignored by the Government. Hence when news 
 came that Captain Wilkes, of the San Jacuito, had 
 taken the Confederate commissioners from the British 
 mail steamer Trent, the act was greeted with the most 
 enthusiastic commendation from every side. Indig- 
 nation and hostility against England had never, since 
 the War of 1812, been so violent and demonstrative. 
 
 The Confederate representatives were brought to 
 Boston and confined in Fort Warren. Not only were 
 the people at large loud in the praises of Captain 
 Wilkes, but he even received official thanks from his 
 superior officers. Congress hastily passed a resolu- 
 tion of thanks ; the Secretary of the Navy wrote a 
 letter of congratulation on the " great public service " 
 rendered by the capture of the rebel emissaries, and 
 Secretary Stanton applauded the deed. The whole 
 people were ready to rush into a hasty war with 
 England while the South rejoiced at every manifesta- 
 tion of such sentiment, knowing that a declara- 
 tion of war would be followed by a close alliance 
 between their own Government and that of Great 
 Britain. 
 
 The incident placed Mr. Lincoln in a difficult posi- 
 tion, one where a less clear-sighted and resolute man 
 would have utterly failed. He was quick to see that 
 the act was of the very same nature as those on the
 
 2lS AURAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 part of England which brought on the War of 1812 and 
 was a violation of all maritime law. It is true that 
 no British subject was interfered with in the exploit 
 of Captain Wilkes. But the principle, which had been 
 established by the force of arms, was as applicable 
 in i860 as in 1812, against the Americans now as 
 against the English then. 
 
 The temper of the people and the injudicious words 
 of more than one member of his Cabinet, made the 
 task devolving upon him all the more difficult. Eng- 
 land immediately, and in terms by no means con- 
 ciliatory, made a demand for the surrender of the 
 prisoners to the English Minister at Washington, and 
 for an ample apology from the Government. If the 
 demand should be refused, war would be inevitable 
 and that at a time when the country was involved in 
 the most extensive and costly civil war ever known. 
 The result could hardly have been doubtful. On the 
 other hand, if the demand was complied with, the 
 scarce concealed hostility of the English must still be 
 expected as well as the indignation and, perhaps, dis- 
 affection of a large party of the Northern people. 
 Popular sentiment was forcibly expressed in a speech 
 made afterwards in Congress by Owen Lovejoy, who 
 was one of Lincoln's warmest supporters. He said : 
 " Every time this Trent affair comes up, ... I am 
 made to renew the horrible grief which I suffered 
 when the news of the surrender of Mason and Slidell 
 came. I acknowledge it, I literally wept tears of 
 vexation. I hate it ; and I hate the British Govern- 
 ment. I have never shared in the traditional hos- 
 tility of many of my countrymen against England. 
 But I now here publicly avow and record my inex-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 219 
 
 tinguishable hatred of that Government. I mean to 
 cherish it while I live, and bequeath it as a legacy to 
 my children when I die." 
 
 Against such a sentiment as this did Lincoln declare 
 when he ordered the return of the prisoners. He 
 could not do otherwise than share in the prevailing 
 indignation against England, but his cool judgment 
 caused him to rise above the prejudice of passion and 
 to grasp the broad principles involved and to carry 
 them out at whatever risk of popularity to himself. 
 The same high principle guided him in his private as 
 in his public life. He was always above mean jealou- 
 sies and animosities, and never was he known to 
 cherish resentment against any public or private 
 enemy. He showed the highest degree of magna- 
 nimity towards any one who had injured him and 
 never sought to wreak vengeance upon him. And 
 this was not because he was insensible to insult. His 
 nature was sensitive and unjust attack and ridicule 
 caused him much suffering, but his dignity of charac- 
 ter and complete self-control enabled him to ti-iumph 
 over them. 
 
 It required nerve and moral courage to take such 
 a stand in regard to the Trent affair in the face of 
 the opposition of the whole North, but while he was 
 roundly denounced in the heat and excitement of the 
 hour, the calmer judgment of the people thoroughly 
 approved his course. Nowhere had Lincoln been so 
 mercilessly ridiculed, so unjustly and persistently 
 misrepresented, so maligned and scoffed at, as in 
 England. The papers were filled with squibs, and 
 society laughed and jeered over burlesque descrip- 
 tions of his awkward appearance. This feeling was
 
 220 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 aptly referred to in a stanza of a poem published after 
 his death, in Punch, as follows : 
 
 " You, who with mocking pencil wont to trace 
 
 Broad for the self-complacent British sneer 
 
 His length of shambling limb, his furrowed face, 
 
 His gaunt, gnarled hands, his unkempt, bristling hair. 
 
 His garb uncouth, his bearing ill at ease. 
 
 His lack of all we prize as debonnaire, 
 
 Of power or will to shine, of art to please." 
 
 Yet all this could not cause him to swerve from the 
 course of right and justice to satisfy national hostili- 
 ties or avenge a private wrong. He was satisfied to 
 do his duty as it became plain to him and leave to 
 time his vindication, and nobly did it come at last. 
 
 The diplomatic correspondence carried on by Mr 
 Seward, in regard to the affair, is characterized by 
 remarkable ability and clear-sightedness. The Pres- 
 ident assisted, in no sm.all degree, in its preparation, 
 both by advice and direction. He afterwards said 
 tliat the affair occurring at a critical time in the con- 
 duct of the war occasioned him much anxiety and 
 apprehension. When asked if he was not reluctant 
 to surrender the two Commissioners to England, he 
 said : "Yes, that was a bitter pill to swallow, but I 
 contented myself with believing that England's tri- 
 umph in the matter would be short-lived, and that, 
 after ending our war successfully, we should be so 
 powerful that we could call her to account for all the 
 embarrassment she had inflicted upon us. I felt a 
 good deal like a sick man in Illinois, who was told 
 that he had but a few days more to live and that he 
 ought to make peace with his enemies. He said that 
 the man he hated worst of all was a fellow in the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 221 
 
 next village named Brown, and he guessed he had 
 better commence on him first. So Brown was sent 
 for and when he came, the sick man began to say, in 
 a voice as meek as Moses, that he wanted to die at 
 peace with all his fellow-creatures, and hoped he and 
 Brown could now shake hands and bury all their 
 enmity. The scene was becoming altogether too 
 pathetic for Brown, who had to get out his handker- 
 chief and wipe the gathering tears from his eyes. It 
 wasn't long before he melted and gave his hand to 
 his neighbor and they had a regular love-feast. After 
 a parting that would have softened the heart of a 
 grindstone. Brown had about reached the door, when 
 the sick man rose upon his elbow and said, ' But, see 
 here, Brown, if I should happen to get well, mind, 
 that old grudge stands ! ' So I thought if this nation 
 should get well we might want that old grudge 
 against England to stand." 
 
 One of the greatest difficulties that embarrassed 
 the administration was the lack of skillful and ener- 
 getic commanders. Soldiers were recruited more 
 rapidly than they could be used, but it was necessary 
 to experiment long, and, as it proved, disastrously, 
 with untried officers, before the men were found who 
 were qualified to lead the Union army on to victory. 
 The President was often and severely criticised for 
 his appointments and removals, and elements of dis- 
 cord were thus introduced which threatened to bring 
 on a national calamity. 
 
 That thousands of precious lives were lost on 
 account of unskillful and careless leadership is 
 unquestionably a fact. That the administration 
 made the best possible use of the inefficient material
 
 2 22 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 at hand the impartial testimony of history proves. 
 The story of General McClellan's career is well- 
 known and has been the subject of much acrimonious 
 discussion. He had presented to him magnificent 
 opportunities which he failed to take advantage of. 
 While he succeeded Scott as General in command, 
 he was yet inferior in rank to the President, who 
 was clothed by the Constitution with the power of 
 Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy. Yet he 
 refused to heed the advice of his superior officer and 
 delayed to obey his commands until the occasion 
 which had called them forth had lost its significance. 
 Again and again he permitted the enemy to make 
 raids into Maryland, and carry on offensive campaigns 
 in Virginia without making an effort to repulse them 
 though he had a splendid army under his command 
 much larger and more efficient than that of the 
 enemy. His constant appeals for re-inforcements ; 
 his ill-concealed contempt for the orders of the Pres- 
 ident and Secretary of War ; his inactivity and con- 
 stant failure to make use of the armies intrusted to 
 his charge and his jealousy of his inferior officers are 
 all so directly at variance with his vehement assevera- 
 tions of loyalty and love of his country's cause as to 
 be almost inexplicable, except upon the grounds of 
 insincerity. His personality was attractive and his 
 ability was generally admitted. Yet his ability was 
 not of the kind which fitted him to control the move- 
 ments of great armies or to direct the conduct of com- 
 plicated campaigns. Had General McClellan never 
 been elevated to the chief command, his career would, 
 no doubt, have been distinguished and his rank in 
 historv second to that of none of the minor generals.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 223 
 
 Many of the peculiar qualities of Mr. Lincoln's 
 character were shown in his dealings with General 
 McClellan. In the first place, McCIellan was a Dem- 
 ocrat and strongly opposed to the political policy of 
 the administration. Yet this did not deter the Presi- 
 dent from appointing him, for he believed him to be 
 not only the most available man but the best equipped 
 in every way for the position. The appointment was 
 not a popular one among the friends of the adminis- 
 tration but as long as it was evidently for the good 
 of the nation the President was little moved by the 
 complaints of his friends, and long after General 
 McClellan had proved himself, to the satisfaction of 
 the majority, totally unfit for the position, Mr. Lin- 
 coln continued to have faith in him and did his 
 utmost to urge him on, nor did he withhold his 
 hearty support as long as there seemed to be a single 
 chance of his achieving success. Only the most long- 
 suffering patience would have ignored his sneers and 
 reproaches or his persistent disregard of orders. 
 
 These embarrassments and the subsequent failure 
 of a number of generals to successfully fill the re- 
 quirements induced Mr. Lincoln to make a close 
 study of the science of war. He became deeply dis- 
 satisfied with the lack of skill and energy on the part 
 of the commanders and of progress on the part of 
 the armies and endeavored to infuse something of his 
 own vigor and enthusiasm into the hearts of his sub- 
 ordinates. The metamorphosis from the plain coun- 
 try lawyer unversed in the technical details of either 
 war or government into the most accomplished ru.er 
 and commander of the day, was one to which history 
 hardly presents a parallel. Slowly he gathered up
 
 224 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 the details of the war and directed the multitudinous 
 movements in the various departments with a sagac- 
 ity, wise judgment and determination which finally- 
 brought victory out of impending defeat and saved 
 the Union. General Keep says: "The elements of 
 selfishness and ferocity, which are not unusual with 
 first-class military chiefs, were wholly foreign to Mr. 
 Lincoln's nature. Nevertheless, there was not one of 
 his most trusted warlike counsellors in the beginning 
 of the war, who equalled him in military sagacity,"
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 It is an old saying that " Circumstances make the 
 man," and it is also true that man impresses much of 
 his character upon his surroundings. As the foot im- 
 prints its form upon the sand, man impresses his char- 
 acter upon his environment and moulds it to the pe- 
 culiarities of his taste and temperament. The very- 
 rooms in which a man of affairs does his work will 
 bear the stamp of his activity and be suggestive of 
 his presence. 
 
 This was true of Mr. Lincoln to an unusual degree. 
 He always dressed plainly and made no attempt at 
 personal adornment. The conventional garb of so- 
 ciety sat awkwardly upon his long gaunt body. He 
 was most at ease when most simply clad and was al- 
 ways glad to exchange his dress suit for his working 
 clothes. His mind seemed to be far above the petty 
 details of dress and chafed when compelled to give 
 attention to them. 
 
 In the furnishing of his house his tastes were equally 
 simple. The old kitchen, where the whole family 
 were wont to gather around the fireplace and read or 
 work by the bright blaze, was to him the most com- 
 fortable room in the house. 
 
 He never felt at home in the broad and ornate 
 rooms of the White House and spent the most of the 
 time in his office, which he often spoke of as his "work- 
 shop." 
 
 (225)
 
 226 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Mr. Arnold thus describes this historic room: 
 " It was about 25x40 feet in size. In the centre on 
 the west was a large, white marble fireplace, with big, 
 old-fashioned brass andirons and a large, high brass 
 fender. A wood fire was burning in cool weather. 
 The large windows opened upon the beautiful lawn 
 to the south with a view of the unfinished Washing:- 
 ton Monument, the Smithsonian Institute, the Poto- 
 mac, Alexandria and down the river towards Mount 
 Vernon. Across the river were Arlington Heights 
 and Arlington House, late residence of Robert E. Lee. 
 On the hills around, during nearly all his administra- 
 tion, were the white tents of soldiers and field fortifi- 
 cations and camps, and in every direction could be 
 seen the brilliant colors of the national flag. The 
 furniture of this room consisted of a large oak table, 
 covered with cloth, extending north and south, and it 
 was around this table that the Cabinet sat when it 
 held its meetings. Near the end of the table and be- 
 tween the windows was another table, on the west 
 side of which the President sat in a large arm-chair, 
 and at this table he wrote. A tall desk with pigeon- 
 holes for papers stood against the south wall. The 
 only books usually found in this room were the Bible, 
 the Constitution of the United States and a copy of 
 Shakespeare. There were a few chairs and two plain 
 hair-covered sofas. There were two or three map 
 frames from which hung military maps on which the 
 position and movements of the armies were traced. 
 There was an old and discolored engraving of Gen- 
 eral Jackson on the mantel and a later photograph of 
 John Bright. Doors opened into this room from the 
 room of the Secretary, and from the outside hall run-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 227 
 
 ning east and west across the house. A bell-cord 
 within reach of his hand extended to the Secretary's 
 office. A messenger stood at the door opening from 
 tlie hall, who took in the cards and names of the 
 visitors. Here in this plain room Mr. Lincoln spent 
 most of his time while President. Here he received 
 every one, from the Chief Justice and Lieutenant 
 General to the private soldier and humblest citizen. 
 Custom had fixed certain rules of precedence and the 
 order in which official visits should be received. Mem- 
 bers of the Cabinet and the high officers of the Army 
 and Navy were generally admitted promptly. Sen- 
 ators and Representatives were received in the order 
 of their arrival. Sometimes there would be a crowd 
 of Members of Congress awaiting their turn. While 
 thus waiting, the loud ringing laugh of Mr. Lincoln 
 — in which he would be joined by those inside, but 
 which was rather provoking to those outside — would 
 be heard by the waiting and impatient crowd. Here, 
 day after day, from early morning till late at night, 
 Lincoln sat, listened, talked and decided. He was 
 patient, just, considerate and hopeful. The people 
 came to him as to a father. He saw every one, and 
 many wasted his precious time. All classes ap- 
 proached him with familiarity. This incessant labor, 
 the study of the great problems he had to decide, 
 the worry of constant importunity, the quarrels of 
 the officers of the army, the care, anxiety and respon- 
 sibility of his position, wore upon his vigorous frame." 
 Mr. Deming in commenting upon his personal ap- 
 pearance, says: " As the world has rung with ridi- 
 cule of the ungainliness of his manners, I may be per- 
 mitted to say, that without any pretensions to super- 
 
 %
 
 2 28 ABRAHAM LINCOLN 
 
 fine polish, they were frank, cordial and dignified, 
 without rudeness, without offense and without any 
 violation of the proprieties and etiquettes of his high 
 position. To borrow one of his own conversational 
 phrases, ' he did not brag on deportment.' He stood 
 and moved and bowed without affectation, and with- 
 out obtrusive awkwardness, pretty much as nature 
 prompted, and as if he regarded carriage about as 
 bad a criterion as color, of the genuine nobility of the 
 soul." 
 
 The White House was constantly thronged with 
 office-seekers, men and women with complaints or 
 advice to proffer, and people with private or public 
 business to transact, until the weary President was 
 hardly given time to attend to the more important 
 demands upon him. He was gentle and sympathetic 
 with those in trouble and quick to help, if possible. 
 He listened patiently to honest complaints, but was 
 quick to detect dishonesty and selfishness, and bitter 
 and scathing in his denunciation of it. 
 
 Among the callers at the White House, one day, 
 was an officer who had been cashiered from the serv- 
 ice. He had prepared an elaborate defense of him- 
 self, which he consumed much time in reading to the 
 President. When he had finished, Mr. Lincoln replied 
 that, even upon his own statement of the case, the 
 facts would not warrant Executive interference. Dis- 
 appointed and considerably crestfallen, the man 
 withdrew. 
 
 A few days afterwards, he made a second attempt 
 to alter the President's convictions, going over sub- 
 stantially the same ground, and occupying about the 
 same space of time, but without accomplishing his end.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 229 
 
 The third time he succeeded in forcing himself into 
 Mr. Lincoln's presence, who, with great forbearance, 
 listened to another repetition of the case to its con- 
 clusion, but made no reply. Waiting for a moment, 
 the man gathered from the expression of his counte- 
 nance that his mind was unconvinced. Turning very 
 abruptly, he said: "Well, Mr. President, I see you are 
 fully determined not to do me justice ! " 
 
 This was too aggravating, even for Mr. Lincoln. 
 Manifesting, however, no more feeling than that 
 indicated by a slight compression of the lips, he 
 very quietly arose, laid down a package of papers he 
 held in his hand, and then suddenly seizing the de- 
 funct officer by the coat-collar, he marched him 
 forcibly to the door, saying, as he ejected him into the 
 passage : 
 
 " Sir, I give you fair warning never to show your- 
 self in this room again. I can bear censure, but not 
 insult!" 
 
 In a whining tone, the man begged for his papers, 
 which he had dropped. 
 
 " Begone, sir," said the President. " Your papers 
 will be sent to you. I never want to see your face 
 
 (Ml 
 
 again ! 
 
 In February, 1862, Mr. Lincoln was visited by a 
 severe affliction, in the death of his beloved son, 
 Willie, and the extreme illness of his son, Thomas, 
 familiarly known as " Tad." This was a new burden, 
 and the visitation which, in his firm faith in Provi- 
 dence, he regarded as Providential, was also inexpli- 
 cable. A Christian lady from Massachusetts, who was 
 
 > Lincoln's Stories, by T. B. McClure.
 
 230 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 officiating as nurse in one of the hospitals, at the time, 
 came to attend the sick children. She reports that 
 Mr. Lincoln watched with her about the bedside of 
 the sick ones, and that he often walked the room, 
 saying, sadly: 
 
 " This is the hardest trial of my life ; why is it? 
 why is it?" 
 
 In the course of conversation with her, he ques- 
 tioned her concerning her situation. She told him 
 that she was a widow, and that her husband and two 
 children were in heaven ; and added that she saw the 
 hand of God in it all, and that she had never loved 
 Him so much before as she had since her affliction. 
 
 "How is that brought about?" inquired Mr. Lin- 
 coln. 
 
 " Simply by trusting in God, and feeling that he 
 does all things well," she replied. 
 
 "Did you submit fully under the first loss?" he 
 asked. 
 
 "No," she answered, " not wholly; but, as blow 
 came upon blow, and all were taken, I could and did 
 submit, and was very happy." 
 
 He responded: "I am glad to hear you say that. 
 Your experience will help me to bear my affliction." 
 On being assured that many Christians were praying 
 for him, on the morning of the funeral, he wiped 
 away the tears that sprang in his eyes, and said: "I 
 am glad to hear that. I want them to pray for me. I 
 need their prayers." As he was going out to the 
 burial, the good lady expressed her sympathy with 
 him. He thanked her gently, and said, " I will try to 
 go to God with my sorrows." A few days afterwards, 
 she asked him if he could trust God. He replied :
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 23I 
 
 " I think I can, and I will try. I wish I had that 
 childlike faith you speak of, and I trust He will give 
 it to me." And then he spoke of his mother, whom 
 so many years before he had committed to the dust 
 among the wilds of Indiana. In this hour of his great 
 trial, the memory of her who had held him upon her 
 bosom, and soothed his childish griefs, came back to 
 him with tenderest recollections. " I remember her 
 prayers," said he, "and they have always followed 
 me. They have clung to me all my life." 
 
 He received a great many visits from men who 
 came to criticise his actions and offer him gratuitous 
 advice in regard to matters wherein they believed 
 themselves to be better qualified to judge than he. 
 One day, a number of gentlemen called who were 
 greatly excited ove what they believed to be the 
 shortcomings of the administration. He listened 
 patiently to them, and, in reply, said : 
 
 " Gentlemen, suppose all the property you were 
 worth was in gold, and you had put it in the hands of 
 Blondin to carry across the Niagara River on a rope ; 
 would you shake the cable, or keep shouting out to 
 him: 'Blondin, stand up a little straighter ! Blon- 
 din, stoop a little more— go a little faster — lean a 
 little more to the north — lean a little more to the 
 south.' No, you would hold your breath as well as 
 your tongue, and keep your hands off until he was 
 safe over. The Government is carrying an immense 
 weight. Untold treasures are in their hands. They 
 are doing the very best they can. Don't badger them. 
 Keep silence and we will get you safely across." 
 
 Many people came to him asking for information 
 which it was often not proper or possible for him to
 
 232 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 give. He had a very effective way of dealing v.-ith 
 such people. A visitor once asked him how many 
 men the Confederates had in the field. The President 
 answered, very seriously, " Twelve hundred thousand, 
 according to the best authority." The questioner 
 was thunderstruck, for everything about the Presi- 
 dent's manner indicated that he was in earnest. " Yes, 
 sir," said Mr. Lincoln, " twelve hundred thousand — 
 no doubt of it. You see, all of our generals, when 
 they get whipped, say the enemy outnumbered them, 
 from three or five to one, and I must believe them. 
 We have four hundred thousand men in the field, and 
 three times four makes twelve. Don't you see?" 
 
 After the appearance of the rebel ram Merrimac in 
 1862, the President was waited upon by fifty gentle- 
 men from New York who informed him that they 
 represented in their own right $100,000,000 and who 
 were greatly alarmed at the comparatively defense- 
 less condition of New York. After magnifying as 
 much as possible, the cause of their apprehension, 
 they requested that a gunboat be detailed for the 
 defense of the city. Mr. Lincoln listened very atten- 
 tively to their statements and seemed much impressed 
 by them. When they had finished, he replied, very 
 deliberately : 
 
 "Gentlemen, I am by the Constitution Comman- 
 der-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United 
 States ; and, as a matter of law, can order anything 
 done that is practicable to be done. But, as a mat- 
 ter of fact, I am not in command of the gunboats or 
 ships of war ; as a matter of fact, I do not know 
 exactly where they are, but presume they are actively 
 engaged. It is impossible for me, in the present con-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 233 
 
 dition of things, to furnish you a gunboat. The 
 credit of the Government is at a very low ebb ; 
 greenbacks are not worth more than forty or fifty 
 cents on the dollar; and in this condition of things, 
 if I was worth half as much as you gentlemen are 
 represented to be, and as badly frightened as you 
 seem to be, I would build a gunboat and give it to 
 the Government." 
 
 One day in the spring of 1862, a gentlemen made 
 a very earnest request for a pass to Richmond. " A 
 pass to Richmond," exclaimed the President, " why, 
 my dear sir, if I should give you one it would do you 
 no good. You may think it very strange, but there's 
 a lot of fellows between here and Richmond, who 
 either can't read or are prejudiced against every man 
 who totes a pass from me. I have given McC'ellan 
 and more than two hundred thousand others passes 
 to Richmond, and not a single one of them has gotten 
 there yet.'^ 
 
 Although of a sensitive disposition, Mr. Lincoln 
 never permitted himself to be disturbed by violent 
 criticism or denunciation. To show hov/ much atten- 
 tion he paid to the attacks made upon him, he once 
 told the following story : 
 
 " Some years ago," said he, " acouple of immigrants 
 fresh from the 'Emerald Isle,' seeking labor, were 
 making their way towards the West. Coming sud- 
 denly one evening upon a pond of water, they were 
 greeted with a grand chorus of bull-frogs — a kind 
 of music they had never before heard. Overcome 
 with terror, they clutched their ' shillalahs,' and 
 crept cautiously forward, straining their eyes in 
 every direction to catch a glimpse of the enemy ; but
 
 234 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 he was not to be found. At last a happy idea seized 
 the foremost one — he sprang to his companion and 
 exclaimed, ' An' sure, Jamie, it's my opinion it's noth- 
 ing but a noise.' " 
 
 On one occasion, while a great battle was being 
 fought and he was Vv^aiting anxiously for news, he 
 entered the room where a Christian lady was engaged 
 in nursing a member of the family, looking worn and 
 haggard and saying he was so anxious that he could 
 eat nothing. The possibility of defeat depressed him 
 greatly; but the lady told him that he must have 
 faith, and that h?. could at least pray. "Yes," said 
 hei^nd taking up a Bible he started to his room. 
 Shortly afterwards a telegram was received announc- 
 ing a victory. He immediately re-entered the room, 
 his face beaming with joy and said : " Good news ! 
 Good news ! The victory is ours, and God is good." 
 
 " Nothing like prayer," suggested the pious lady, 
 who believed the news to be the direct result of the 
 prayer. 
 
 " Yes there is," he replied — " praise — prayer and 
 praise." 
 
 The lady afterwards said : ** I do believe he was a 
 true Christian, though he had very little confidence 
 in himself."
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 When the Southern States decided upon secession, 
 they staked the institution of slavery upon the result 
 of the war. If they were to be victorious it was their 
 purpose to found a slave republic. If they were 
 defeated the penalty could be nothing less than its 
 abolition, how much more — they hardly realized. 
 Many eager Sprits of the North felt that the issue 
 should be squarely met and decided at once and they 
 called upon the President to issue an emancipation 
 edict without delay. As time passed on and the 
 course of the war seemed to be unfavorable to the 
 national cause, the demand became stronger that 
 the President should make the issue a distinctive one 
 between slavery and freedom. Not only was he con- 
 stantly beset with advice and entreaty and sometimes 
 with a vehemence which almost changed the prayers 
 to threats, but a number of strong, influential Repub- 
 lican papers began to reproach him for his hesitancy 
 which some went so far as to denominate moral cow- 
 ardice. 
 
 No Republican paper took a more decided stand or 
 found more fault with Mr. Lincoln on this score than 
 the New York Tribune. Mr. Greeley was, beyond 
 question, a true patriot, and had the best interests of 
 the country, as he conceived them, at heart. Both 
 his disposition and environment were peculiar. He 
 
 (235)
 
 236 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 had always been in favor of Abolition and he seems 
 now to have become convinced that the affairs of the 
 country were faring ill and that its only salvation con- 
 sisted in creating a moral issue, which would rally to 
 its support all right-minded patriots. He manifested 
 both impatience and petulance at the course of the 
 President and strove in every way to compel him to 
 adopt his own views. But Mr. Lincoln's perceptions 
 were much clearer than those of Mr. Greeley, and his 
 judgment calmer. He listened patiently and atten- 
 tively but he could not be persuaded to change his 
 policy against his own judgment and more clearly 
 than any-one else could, did he apprehend the part 
 which he was to play in the great drama. His duty 
 was not to be guided by the dictates of sentiment, 
 however elevated, nor to preserve one institution and 
 overthrow another. He realized that he was the 
 representative of the soverign people and that his 
 powers and privileges were strictly defined by a most 
 solemn obligation, which he had voluntarily taken 
 upon himself and he summoned all the strength of 
 his resolution to his aid to keep inviolate his oath of 
 office. He had solemnly sworn to preserve the Con- 
 stitution and this meant the perpetuation of the Gov- 
 ernment and the uninvaded rights of the people. 
 
 In a letter to Mr. Greeley in reply to one ungener- 
 ously chiding him, he stated clearly his views upon 
 this subject, as follows : 
 
 "... As to the policy ' I seem to be pursuing ' as 
 you say, ' I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.' 
 I would save the Union. I would save it in the short- 
 est way under the Constitution. The sooner the 
 national authority can be restored the sooner the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 237 
 
 Union will be — the Union as it was. If there be 
 those who would not save the Union unless they 
 could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree 
 with them. If there be those who would not save 
 the Union unless they could, at the same time, destroy 
 slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount 
 object is to save the Union and not either to save or 
 destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without 
 freeing a slave I would do it. And if I could do it 
 by freeing all the slaves, I would do it. And if I 
 could do it by freeing some and leaving others alone, 
 I would also do that. What I do about slavery and 
 the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to 
 save the Union and what I forbear, I forbear because 
 I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I 
 shall do less, whenever I believe what I am doing 
 hurts the cause, and shall do more whenever I believe 
 doing more will help the cause." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's position on this question can only be 
 fully understood in the light of the circumstances by 
 which he was surrounded. It had been his policy, 
 persistently maintained, to retain in the Union, so far 
 as possible, the border States, at a time when the 
 Union and secession elements nearly balanced each 
 other. In the most of these States, slavery was a 
 recognized institution and any intimation from the 
 President that he proposed to interfere with it, would 
 have precipitated them into immediate secession. In 
 the Northern States there was far from an united 
 sentiment in favor of immediate emancipation. A 
 large party were opposed to it, partly upon principle 
 and partly because they believed the proper time had 
 not arrived. Hence any precipitate movement in this
 
 238 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 direction would have alarmed and perhaps alienated 
 many active supporters at a time when the Govern- 
 ment was most in need of support from every one of 
 its loyal citizens. But perhaps the most potent in- 
 fluence acting in the mind of Mr. Lincoln was that of 
 the high principle upon which the war was being 
 fought. If slavery were made the issue, in either 
 event of the struggle, the great constitutional ques- 
 tion would remain unsettled and at some future time 
 another sectional dispute might once more array 
 different portions of the nation against each other in 
 armed conflict. By making the preservation of the 
 Union the one great issue and subordinating all other 
 questions, however vital to it, the conflict once fought 
 would be forever finished and no difference of interest 
 or opinion could ever renew it again. It was fortu- 
 nate for the country that the man in the Presidential 
 chair had a mind sufficiently broad to grasp fully the 
 situation, and a purpose sufficiently fixed to stick 
 closely to the one great principle unmoved by all the 
 influences that could be brought to bear upon him. 
 
 The experiment of military emancipation had been 
 tried early in the war. When, in the midst of the 
 struggle to retain Missouri in the Union, General 
 Fremont had been placed in command of that mili- 
 tary department, almost his first important step was 
 to issue an order declaring all slaves held in that dis- 
 trict to be free. The proclamation would probably 
 have lost Missouri to the Union had not the Presi- 
 dent promptly annulled it and forbidden the issuance 
 of a similar order in the future without his own 
 express consent. It is unnecessary to enter into the 
 details of the controversy with General Fremont,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 239 
 
 which excited so much ill-feeling at the time and led 
 many to believe that the distinguished General had 
 not met with generous treatment at the hands of the 
 President. Succeeding events proved that the policy 
 of the President was not a selfish or vindictive one. 
 
 In March, 1862, Mr. Lincoln transmitted a special 
 message to Congress in which he recommended the 
 adoption of a S3^stem of general emancipation. He 
 proposed that the Government should take measures 
 to co-operate with any State, which should adopt 
 gradual abolition of slavery and to reimburse it in 
 part for any public or private loss accruing from such 
 a measure. He earnestly recommended that Con- 
 gress take the matter into immediate consideration. 
 April 16 a bill passed both Houses of Congress abol- 
 ishing slavery in the District of Columbia. This 
 measure had been first proposed in Congress by Mr. 
 Lincoln himself in 1849. It was then passed over as 
 unworthy of consideration, but now, as President, he 
 had the satisfaction of enrolling it among the laws of 
 the land. 
 
 That a great revolution was taking place in public 
 opinion was shown by the constantly increasing bold- 
 ness of Congress and its progress towards the final 
 step. June 19 slavery was prohibited forever in all 
 present and future Territories of the United States. 
 Thus the question, which had so often divided Con- 
 gress and formed political issues, which had been 
 ably debated upon every platform in the land and 
 which had figured as the animus of the Lincoln- 
 Douglas debates, was finally and forever settled.- 
 Had Douglas used his great ability and commanding 
 eloquence to prevent rather than to favor the repeal
 
 240 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 of the Missouri Compromise, the appeal to arms 
 might never have occurred and the vexed question 
 might have been settled by natural rather than by 
 violent agencies. 
 
 July 17 a bill was passed authorizing the employ- 
 ment of negroes as soldiers and conferring freedom 
 upon all who should regularly enlist in the army. 
 Since the beginning of the war the camps of the 
 Union forces had been beset by hordes of fugitive 
 slaves, who believed that their only hope of freedom 
 and safety consisted in getting under the shadov/ of 
 the "Stars and Stripes" as soon as possible. They 
 frequently came in such numbers as to seriously 
 embarrass the movements of the army, and the ques- 
 tion of their disposition became a grave problem. 
 The bare suggestion that they would be enrolled in 
 the Federal Armies, threw the Southern States into 
 the most violent rage. Scathing were the denuncia- 
 tions hurled against the Government that should dare 
 to take such a step. Rumors of slave insurrections 
 and the horrible scenes attendant upon them spread 
 far and wide. The rebel leaders proclaimed that no 
 white ofFiCer connected with colored troops would be 
 treated as a prisoner of war, if captured, but would 
 be shot upon the spot. These threats and denuncia- 
 tions did not deter the Government from inaugura- 
 ting the measure nor skillful officers from taking com- 
 mand of colored regiments. The negroes afterwards 
 proved themselves good and faithful soldiers and the 
 equal of their white brethren in bravery and daring. 
 And so greatly did the Southern sentiment change 
 that long before the close of the war many negroes 
 were regularly enlisted into the Confederate armies.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 24I 
 
 Meantime, in the North, public sentiment was 
 becoming more firmly fixed in favor of emancipation. 
 And the pressure brought to bear upon the President 
 became increasingly strong. Many delegations 
 visited him and frequently with ill-timed arguments 
 sought to induce him to proclaim freedom to all 
 slaves. Among them was a Quaker delegation, the 
 spokesman of which seemed to Mr. Lincoln ♦'o 
 unfairly criticise him, and he replied somewhat 
 sharply and was just on the point of dismissing the 
 visitors, when one of the women requested permission 
 to detain him with a few words. Fler remarks con- 
 tained a plea for the emancipation of the slave, 
 urging that he was the appointed minister of the Lord 
 to do this work, and she enforced her argument with 
 many Scriptural quotations. At the close he asked : 
 
 "Has the Friend finished?" And, receiving an 
 affirmative answer, he said : " I have neither time nor 
 disposition to enter into discussion with the Friend 
 and end this occasion by suggesting for her con- 
 sideration the question whether, if the Lord has 
 appointed me to do this work, it is not probable he 
 would have communicated knowledge of the fact to 
 me as well as to her." 
 
 It is certain that he had long been earnestly and 
 prayerfully considering the question. To him it was 
 the most momentous step of his life and the one 
 fraught with the greatest personal consequences. 
 After the proclamation was issued, he said to a 
 friend : " As affairs have turned, it is the central act of 
 my administration and the great event of the nine- 
 teenth century." 
 
 Moses had led out from bondage two millions of
 
 242 ^ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Hebrews, guided by the hand of God. Lincoln's 
 task was no less God-given, and he waited anxiously 
 for the pillar of cloud to lead the way. And as 
 Moses never entered into the promised land, so he 
 seems to have had a presentiment that he should not 
 live to see the results of emancipation. He still 
 clung to the idea of gradual and compensated eman- 
 cipation. In speaking to a number of Congressmen 
 from the border States in July, he said : " I intend no 
 reproach or complaint v»'hen I assure you that, in my 
 opinion, if you had all voted for the resolution in my 
 gradual emancipation message of last March, the war 
 would now be substantially ended. ... I do not 
 speak of an emancipation at once but of a decision to 
 emancipate gradually." 
 
 To Mr. Channing, who visited him in this trying 
 time and spoke warmly in favor of the measure, he 
 said : "When the hour comes for dealing with slavery, 
 I trust I shall be willing to do my duty, though it 
 costs my life. And, gentlemen, lives will be lost." 
 
 It is evident that Mr. Lincoln, early in the summer 
 of 1S62, had made up his mind to take the decisive 
 step, and that he was only waiting for the right time 
 to come. Not long before he had said to a Southern 
 Unionist, who had warned him against meddling with 
 slavery: "You must not expect me to give up this 
 Government without playing the last card." And 
 there can be no doubt that his last card was emanci- 
 pation. In September a number of Chicago clergymen 
 visited him to urge upon him the immediate issuance 
 of an emancipation proclamation. In the course of 
 his reply to their address, he said : " I do not wish to 
 issue a document that the whole world will see must
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 243 
 
 necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull against 
 the comet. . . . Do not misunderstand me, because I 
 have mentioned these objections. They indicate the 
 difficulties which have thus far prevented my action 
 in some such way as you desire. I have not decided 
 against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but 
 hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure 
 5^ou that the subject is on my mind, by day and 
 night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear 
 to be God's will I will do." 
 
 The following interesting account of the circum- 
 stances attending the preparation and issue of the 
 proclamation was given by Mr. Lincoln himself to 
 Mr. Carpenter, who was engaged upon a painting of 
 Lincoln and his Cabinet discussing the proclamation, 
 as representing the new epoch in the national history. 
 Said Mr. Lincoln: 
 
 " It had got to be mid-summer, 1862. Things had 
 gone on from bad to worse, until I felt that we had 
 reached the end of our rope on the plan of operations 
 we had been pursuing; that we had about pla\'ed our 
 last card, and must change our tactics or lose the 
 game. I now determined upon the adoption of the 
 emancipation policy, and without consultation with 
 or the knowledge of the Cabinet, I prepared the 
 original draft of the proclamation and, after much 
 anxious thought, called a Cabinet meeting on the 
 subject. This was the last of July or the first part 
 of the month of August, 1862. I said to the Cabinet 
 that I had resolved upon this step, and had not called 
 them together to ask their advice, but to lay the sub- 
 ject matter of the proclamation before them; sugges- 
 tions as to which would be in order after they had
 
 244 ABRAHAM LINXOLN. 
 
 heard it read. Mr. Lovejoy," said he, *' was in error 
 when he informed you that it excited no comment, 
 excepting on the part of Secretary Seward. Various 
 suggestions were offered. Secretary Chase wished 
 the language stronger in reference to the arming of the 
 blacks. Mr. Blair, after he came in, deprecated the 
 policy, on the ground that it would cost the adminis- 
 tration the Fall elections. Nothing, however, was 
 offered that I had not already fully anticipated and 
 settled in my own mind, until Secretary Seward spoke. 
 He said in substance, 'Mr. President, I approve of the 
 proclamation, but I question the expediency of its 
 issue at this juncture. The depression of the public 
 mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, is so 
 great that I fear the effect of so important a step. It 
 may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted 
 Government, a cry for help; the Government stretch- 
 ing forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia 
 stretching forth her hands to the Government.' His 
 idea,'' said the President, "was that it would be con- 
 sidered our last shriek, on the retreat." (This was his 
 precise expression.) 
 
 "'Now,' continued Mr. Seward, ' while I approve 
 of the measure, I suggest, sir, that you postpone its 
 issue, until you can give it to the country supported 
 by military success instead of issuing it, as would be 
 the case now, upon the greatest disasters of the 
 war!'" Mr. Lincoln continued: "The wisdom of 
 ttie view of the Secretary of State struck me with 
 very great force. It was an aspect of the case that, 
 in all my thought upon the subject, I had entirely 
 overlooked. The result was that I put the draft of 
 the proclamation aside, waiting for a victory. From
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 245 
 
 time to time I added or changed a line, touchinj^: it 
 up here and there, anxiously watching the progress 
 of events. Well, the next news we had was of Pope's 
 disaster at Bull Run. Things looked darker than 
 ever. Finally, came the week of the battle of Antie- 
 tam. I determined to wait no longer. The news 
 came, I think, on Wednesday, that the advantage was 
 on our side. I was then staying at the Soldiers' 
 Home (three miles out of Washington). Here I fin- 
 ished writing the second draft of the preliminary proc- 
 lamation ; came up on Saturday ; called the Cabinet 
 together to hear it, and it was published the follow- 
 ing Monday." 
 
 At the final meeting of September 20, another in- 
 teresting incident occurred in connection with Secre- 
 tary Seward. The President had written the impor- 
 tant part of the proclamation in these V;-ords: "That, 
 on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord, 
 one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all per- 
 sons held as slaves, within any State or designated 
 part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in 
 rebellion against the United States, shall be then, 
 thenceforward and forever free ; and the Executive 
 Government of the United States, including the mil- 
 itary and naval authority thereof, will recognize the 
 freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts 
 to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts 
 they may make for their actual freedom." "When I 
 finished reading this paragraph," resumed Mr. Lin- 
 coln, "Mr. Seward stopped me, and said, ' I think, Mr. 
 President, that you should insert after the word "rec- 
 ognized," in that sentence, the words "and main- 
 tain.' " I replied that I had already fully considered
 
 246 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 the import of that expression, in this connection, but 
 I had not introduced it, because it was not my way to 
 promise what I was not entirely sure that I could per- 
 form, and I was not prepared to say that I thought 
 we were exactly able to ' maintain' this." 
 
 " But," said he, " Seward insisted that we ought to 
 take this ground; and the words finally went in ! " "It 
 is a somewhat remarkable fact," he subsequently re- 
 marked, "that there were just one hundred days be- 
 tween the dates of the two proclamations, issued on 
 the twenty-second of September and the first of Jan- 
 uary. I had not made the calculation at the time." 
 
 In the preliminary proclamation he reiterated his 
 intention to prosecute the war for the purpose of re- 
 storing the constitutional union between the United 
 States and each of the States and people thereof, 
 in which States that relation is or may be suspended. 
 He affirmed his purpose to again recommend to Con- 
 gress, at its next meeting, the adoption of a practical 
 measure " tendering pecuniary aid to the free accept- 
 ance or rejection of all slave States, so-called, the 
 people whereof, may not then be in rebellion against 
 the United States, and which States may then have 
 voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily 
 adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery 
 within their respective limits; and that the effort to 
 colonize persons of African descent, with their con- 
 sent, upon this continent or elsewhere, v.'ith the pre- 
 viously obtained consent of the governments existing 
 there, will be continued." 
 
 In his second annual message transmitted to Con- 
 gress in December, 1862, Mr. Lincoln thus feelingly re- 
 ferred to the subject of the emancipation about to be
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 247 
 
 consummated by Presidential decree: "The dogmas 
 of the quiet past are inadequate to the stormy pres- 
 ent. The occasion is piled high with difficulty and 
 we must rise to the occasion. As our case is new, so 
 we must think anew and act anew. Fellow-citizens, 
 we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and 
 of this administration will be remembered in spite of 
 ourselves. No personal significance or insignificance 
 can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through 
 which we pass will light us down, in honor or dis- 
 honor, to the latest generation. We say we are for 
 the Union. The world will not forget that we say 
 this. We know how to save the Union. The world 
 knows we do know how to save it. We — even we 
 here — hold the power and bear the responsibility. In 
 giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the 
 free — honorable, alike, in what we give and what we 
 preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the 
 last, best hope of earth. Other means may succeed, 
 this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, gen- 
 erous, just — a way, which, if followed, the world will 
 forever applaud and God will forever bless." 
 
 The final proclamation was issued January i, 1863, 
 and was a document which will ever live in history 
 and occupy the most honorable place in the na- 
 tion's annals. After quoting some sections from the 
 preliminary proclamation and designating, in detail, 
 the revolted districts to which the proclamation should 
 apply, Mr. Lincoln proceeds as follows: "And by 
 virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I 
 do order and declare that all persons held as slaves, 
 within designated States and parts of States, are and 
 henceforward shall be free ; and that the Executive
 
 248 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Government of the United States, including the mil- 
 itary and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and 
 maintain the freedom of said persons. And I hereby 
 enjoin upon the people, so declared to be free, to ab- 
 stain from all violence, unless in necessary self-de- 
 fence ; and I recommend to them that, in all cases 
 when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable 
 wages. And I further declare and make known that 
 such persons, of suitable condition, will be received 
 into the armed service of the United States to garri- 
 son forts, positions, stations and other places and to 
 man vessels of all sorts in said service. And upon this 
 act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, war- 
 ranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, 
 I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the 
 gracious favor of Almighty God." 
 
 Soon after this in conversation with George Thomp- 
 son, the great anti-slave orator, he said : ' 
 
 " When the rebellion broke out my duty did not 
 admit of a question. That was, first, by all strictly 
 lawful means to endeavor to maintain the integrity 
 of the Government, I did not consider that I had a 
 right to touch the ' State ' institution of ' slavery ' 
 until all other measures for restoring the Union had 
 failed. The paramount idea of the Constitution is 
 the preservation of the Union. It may not be speci- 
 fied in so many words, but that this was the idea of 
 its founders is evident ; for without the Union the 
 Constitution would be useless. It seems clear then, 
 that, in the last extremity, if any local institution 
 threatened the existence of the Union, the Executive 
 
 ' Carpenter.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 249 
 
 could not hesitate as to his duty. In our case, the 
 moment came when I felt that slavery must die that 
 the nation might live. I liave sometimes used the 
 illustration in this connection, of a man with a dis- 
 eased limb, and his surgeon. So long as there is a 
 chance of the patient's restoration, the surgeon is 
 solemnly bound to try to save both life and limb ; but 
 when the crisis comes, and the limb must be sacri- 
 ficed as the only chance of saving the life, no honest 
 man will hesitate. Many of my strongest supporters 
 urged emancipation before I thought it indispensable, 
 and I may say, before I thought the country was 
 ready for it. It is my conviction that had the proc- 
 lamation been issued even six months earlier than it 
 was, public sentiment would not have sustained it. . . . 
 We have seen this great revolution in public senti- 
 ment slowly but surely progressing so that, when final 
 action came, the opposition was not strong enough 
 to defeat the purpose, I can now solemnly assert that 
 I have a clear conscience in regard to my action on this 
 momentous subject. I have done what no man could 
 have helped doing, standing in my place." 
 
 The influence of the proclamation upon the national 
 cause cannot be overestimated, yet it failed to meet 
 with universal approval. As there had been previ- 
 ously many who had strenuously blamed the Presi- 
 dent for his hesitation, so now there were many who 
 accused him of precipitate action and foreboded evil 
 as the result of the proclamation. But the effect of 
 it was immediately manifest in the conduct of the 
 war. Little progress had been made up to this time 
 by the Federal army. Dissensions had dissipated 
 the strength of the leaders and opposing counsels
 
 25° ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 had condemned great armies to comparative inaction 
 or to ill-judged movements which had resulted disas- 
 trously and produced universal distrust and apathy. 
 The victorious arms of the South, the growing dis- 
 affection manifest in the army, the increasing lack of 
 confidence in the leaders ^nd their policy, throughout 
 the North, all tended towards a crisis, when either 
 some new and decisive policy must be inaugurated or 
 the collapse of the National cause was inevitable. 
 Just the right moment was selected by the unerring 
 judgment of the President, the proclamation was 
 issued, and from that time on it needed no inspired 
 prophet to tell what the ultimate result would be. 
 True it was that many cruel battles must yet be 
 fought, that much blood must be shed and great 
 treasures expended, for the strength of the South 
 was, as yet, unbroken, but, from that time on, the 
 power of the Confederacy began to wane, its main- 
 stay was taken away, and from January i, 1863, 
 Appomattox was in view. 
 
 The proclamation was a moral fortification, the in- 
 auguration of a decisive policy which declared that 
 the preservation of the Union was of more importance 
 than the perpetuation of slavery or any other insti- 
 tution ; that the President had the determination to 
 exert his full power in all lawful channels to put down 
 the insurrection. It showed the rebels in arms that 
 the Government was just as determined as they, and 
 would as relentlessly use every weapon for the pres- 
 ervation of the Constitution as they for its destruc- 
 tion. The institution was a vital one to the South, 
 and every blow struck against it v/as keenly felt, just 
 at the point where it would do the most harm. It was
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 ^51 
 
 the source of the war and soon became its strength. 
 Though the white man would scorn to fight beside 
 tlie negro, or to strike a blow in his behalf, person- 
 ally, yet to maintain his property rights in him he 
 chose to enter upon the most disastrous war of 
 modern times. Yet all the time, behind the battling 
 hosts, was the negro patiently toiling to give greater 
 strength to the Confederacy than the shot and shell 
 which mangled and murdered the opposing ranks of 
 loyal citizens who strove to uphold the majesty of 
 law and the might of a constitutional government. 
 Slavery was the vital principle of the rebellion, which 
 destroyed must drain the life of secession. 
 
 The Government did not hesitate to confiscate 
 property, capture arms and fortresses by force, nor 
 to kill as many of the enemy as possible ; all this was 
 lawful, nor had it any less the right to attack an in- 
 stitution, especially when that institution was hostile 
 not only to the best interests of the nation, but to 
 its very existence. The act was plainly a legitimate 
 military measure, dictated by common-sense. In its 
 scope it was nothing less than a national purification, 
 while its temporary intention was the maintenance 
 of the Union and of national government, its ulti- 
 mate result was permanent peace and prosperity, 
 founded upon the only principle that could secure 
 either. 
 
 It is given to but few men to formulate a great 
 principle in a political doctrine, and .to afterwards 
 demonstrate the correctness of its application by 
 actually working it into the fabric of the nation's 
 life. To Mr. Lincoln belongs this distinction. When 
 he first announced his abiding belief in the principle
 
 252 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 that the nation could not long endure half slave and 
 half free, Cassandra-like, he prophesied to a scoffing 
 crowd ; but many who ridiculed lived to acknowledge 
 their error, and the justness of his conclusions. His 
 friends believed that he had ended his public career 
 by the annunciation of this unpopular principle, and 
 it is undoubtedly true that to it he owed his defeat 
 in his second Senatorial campaign and his temporary 
 retirement from the political field. But never was 
 the triumph of principle more signal or vindication 
 more complete than his. Like the old statue, the 
 nation had one foot of iron, strong and enduring, and 
 one of cla)% which could not long withstand the force 
 of the elements, but must inevitably crumble away 
 and bring ruin and destruction upon the whole social 
 edifice. Strong in liberty, weak in slavery ! The 
 proclamation not only marked the crisis of the war, 
 but it also proved a most important landmark in the 
 life of the President. Hitherto he had pursued his 
 steady course undisturbed, at least uninfluenced by 
 the wild uproar of the war. Few men would have 
 been sufficiently independent to pursue the course 
 marked out by their convictions when so hard beset 
 on every side. Before his inauguration he had been 
 openly slandered by his enemies ; after it his influ- 
 ence had been secretly undermined by his friends. 
 Because he and his Secretary of State, who had 
 always been known to be friendly to the peaceful 
 annihilation of the power of the slaveholding inter- 
 ests in the Government, did not immediately advocate 
 emancipation, they were pursued by bitter suspicions 
 of cowardice and incapacity, or still worse with the 
 stern rebuke of treachery to their political friends.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 253 
 
 Slowly the policy of the President unfolded itself, 
 developing, as circumstances demanded, rather than 
 along a rigid line defined by arbitrary rules. Again 
 and again was the trend of his thoughts indicated or 
 hinted at by some incisive utterance, just as the flut- 
 tering leaves in the tree-tops indicate the direction 
 of the atmospheric currents. More than a hint of his 
 policy is given in a single sentence or two of his 
 December message, when he says : 
 
 "The Union must be preserved, and hence all 
 indispensable means must be employed." Again : 
 " We should not be in haste to determine that radical 
 and extreme measures, which may reach the loyal as 
 well as the disloyal, are indispensable." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's career is, as yet, too recent to place 
 a complete and proper estimate upon it or to say 
 what has been the crowning achievement in his 
 career. The din and turmoil of a hundred battle- 
 fields have not ceased echoing through the country, 
 nor has the smoke of burning cities been yet entirely 
 dissipated from the atmosphere. The glorious 
 achievements of his administration, the evolutions 
 of mighty armies, the daring deeds of prowess and 
 the hard-won conquest of a valiant foe, all cast a 
 glamour over the great struggle, which blinds the 
 eyes of beholders and renders them incapable of 
 judging as to the single achievement which shall 
 stand pre-eminent over all others as the most far- 
 reaching and beneficent in its results. Shall it be 
 the preservation of republican institutions, the per- 
 petuation of constitutional governmen or the eleva- 
 tion of four millions of slaves to the status of man- 
 hood and womanhood ? Whatever may be the ver-
 
 254 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 diet, it is certain that the name of Abraham Lincoln 
 will always be associated with the sacred cause of 
 freedom, that his example will be an inspiration in 
 the great struggle between the powers of right and 
 wrong, and one of the greatest glories of the final 
 victory which his life has done so much to assure. 
 His career is inseparably connected with the history 
 of the American slaves, and to them his name will 
 ever be a sacred one. 
 
 His achievements were in no sense accidental, nor 
 did he act as an unreasoning instrument in the hands 
 of Providence, to bring about a foreordained result. 
 It is true that the Vv^hole history of the country leads 
 up, in concentering lines, to the grand denouement ; 
 that all the forces of political and social life were un- 
 consciously exerted to hasten the crisis ; and all the 
 tendencies of modern civilization, together with the 
 example of foreign countries, were towards the ele- 
 vating of the lowly and the freeing of those who 
 were in bondage. These agencies would either have 
 brought about the desired result in the course of 
 time, or would have relegated all slaveholding 
 countries to the lowest position in the scale of 
 nations and to a condition of comparative barbarism. 
 
 The powerful forces of advancing civilization de- 
 manded a Lincoln to concentrate, and apply them, 
 and, though the operation nearly rent the continent 
 in twain and caused the rivers to pour crimson tides 
 into the sea, it proved effectual, and the terrible curse 
 of American slavery was forever blotted out. To 
 bring about this result it is safe to say that Lincoln 
 contributed more than any other man. The cause of 
 Abolition had been made unpopular, in the North as
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 255 
 
 well as in the South, by the radicalism of its cham- 
 pions. Lincoln was the first to rescue it from the 
 slough of sentimentalism and plant it upon the firm 
 ground of political principle. Before his entrance 
 into the field, it had been recognized only as the vis- 
 ionary scheme of a few enthusiasts. In only a few 
 limited localities had it attained a respectable degree 
 of influence. The Douglas debates and the Cooper 
 Institute speech raised it to the dignity of a great 
 political issue. 
 
 No consideration of the question should detract 
 from the value of the immortal deeds of such men as 
 Phillips, Garrison, Sumner, Seward and Whittier, yet 
 it is certain that that their lives were in a large sense 
 only preparatory to the giant achievements of Lin- 
 coln. Their extreme utterances appealed to but a 
 small portion of the people ; his earnest moderation 
 and reasonable policy aroused far less antagonism 
 and made multitudes of friends among those who 
 would otherwise have been lukewarm or even hostile. 
 A more self-assertive policy would no doubt have 
 wrecked the Government and broken up the country; 
 less resolution and earnestness of purpose would have 
 allowed the opportunity of a century to pass or long 
 years of contention or divided sovereignty would 
 have been the result. In view, then, of the mighty 
 interests preserved, and the weighty problems solved, 
 it is probably not too much to say that Abraham Lin- 
 coln will be recognized as the central figure of the 
 nineteenth century in American history.
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 During the first year of the war the prestige had 
 been with the Southern armies. The Confederate 
 leaders had made elaborate preparations and had not 
 only taken the Government unawares but had de- 
 prived it, to a large extent, of the means of waging 
 offensive warfare, and compelled it to act mainly upon 
 the defensive until its resources could be recuperated. 
 The first year, therefore, was largely a period of self- 
 fortification on the part of the national Government 
 and of preparation of a vantage-ground from which 
 the war might be successfully fought. As next in im- 
 portance to recruiting and disciplining large armies, 
 the administration directed its energies towards re- 
 taining the border States in the Union, for the pos- 
 session of which the Confederacy was exerting every 
 effort. 
 
 It was only through the skillfully planned move- 
 ments of the Government that a number of these 
 States did not find their wav into the Confederacv. 
 Thus were saved to the Union the States of Mary- 
 land, West Virginia, Kentucky and Missouri, which 
 afterwards rendered gallant service in its defense. 
 
 One of the greatest achievements of the year was 
 the blockade of the South. The rebellious common- 
 wealths were virtually placed in a state of siege; the 
 fleets upon the ocean and the armies on the north and 
 
 (256)
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 257 
 
 west almost entirely shutting off communication with 
 the outside world. Never before had an attempt been 
 made to actually enforce so extensive a blockade. 
 Napoleon's famous Berlin decree and the resulting 
 Orders in Council on the part of Great Britain cov- 
 ered an extensive seaboard but both Governments 
 were powerless to enforce them by actual blockade. 
 When the policy was first announced military men 
 abroad sneered at the idea and arrogantly proclaimed 
 its utter impracticability. And the obstacles did seem 
 insurmountable. The numerous harbors of the South, 
 its navigable rivers and complex system of estuaries 
 and sounds seemed to offer so many opportunities for 
 blockade-runners that nothing short of an actual pa- 
 trol of the entire coast would apparently effect the 
 desired result. Yet in less than a year the South was 
 practically cut off from outside markets and was 
 neither able to sell her own products abroad nor buy 
 the many luxuries which, from common use, had 
 almost come to be necessities. The moral effect 
 of this move was great, both at home and abroad. 
 More than was possible in any other way the whole 
 disaffected district was made to feel the rigor of war, 
 and the serious character of the situation was brought 
 close home to every door, while the loss of Southern 
 products, especially of cotton, brought much suffer- 
 ing upon foreign communities and led the different 
 powers to feel a deeper personal interest in the strug- 
 gle. 
 
 But two great battles had been fought, and in each 
 the National armies had been signally defeated, and 
 though victorious in a number of minor engagements, 
 the laurels of the contest thus far rested on Southern
 
 258 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 brows. For the second year the administration had 
 conceived a policy looking towards the achievement 
 of three different things, viz. — the continued block- 
 ade of Southern ports, the opening of the Mississippi 
 and the capture of Richmond. Early in the year the 
 country was electrified by news of the capture of 
 Forts Henry and Donelson by General Grant, assisted 
 by Commodore Foote. The cool and resolute bear- 
 ing of General Grant attracted the attention of the 
 people, but especially that of the President, who was 
 eagerly watching for the appearance of some military 
 genius who should be able to lead the grand armies 
 of the Republic on to victory. Between Lincoln and 
 Grant there were many things in common and each 
 conceived a warm admiration for, and complete confi- 
 dence in the other. In each was to be noted the same 
 unaffected simplicity and earnest resolution. Each 
 was self-reliant in critical times and quick to discern 
 merit in another and each was capable of grasping 
 the broad principles of a situation, unembarrassed by 
 minor details, which enabled them to frame compre- 
 hensive policies or plan great and successful cam- 
 paigns. To Grant, Lincoln was the greatest man of 
 the times, and to Lincoln, Grant was the ablest gen- 
 eral of the age. Yet neither arrived at this conclu- 
 sion until each had been thoroughly tested and proven 
 worthy. And it was only after liis ability had been 
 demonstrated in many a hard fought field and com- 
 plicated siege that Grant was advanced from one po- 
 sition to another until he was put in command of the 
 united armies of the nation. 
 
 Then came the movements looking towards the 
 forced evacuation of Kentucky and Tennessee, involv-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 259 
 
 ing the fiercely fought battle of Shiloh and the grad- 
 ual rolling southward of the rebel tide which had 
 threatened to inundate the States of the Northwest. 
 
 The administration early saw the importance of 
 gaining possession of the Mississippi River. As in 
 early times this magnificent highway of inland waters 
 had been the subject of many a controversy and in- 
 ternational complication, so once more its peaceful 
 waters were to be the witness of a tremendous strug- 
 gle between the free Northwest and the slave South- 
 west for its possession, which foreboded final defeat 
 to the loser. In April a fleet under the command of 
 Commodore Farragut captured the city of New Or- 
 leans after passing through the defenses at the mouth 
 of the river and running by the forts which guarded 
 the city. While on the north the Federal forces were 
 advancing slowly and surely southward to form a 
 junction with the blue-coated armies at the mouth of 
 the river. 
 
 Early in the year the people of the North were 
 dismayed by the news that the Merrimac, whose con- 
 struction and formidable character had been widely 
 heralded, had attacked the fleet off Hampton Roads, 
 and had sunk or disabled a number of the stanchest 
 ships, which were powerless to harm their adversary. 
 Anxiously did they throng the telegraph offices the 
 next day, awaiting news which the most sanguine 
 could not hope to be favorable. But a new factor 
 had appeared upon the scene, one of those products 
 of man's ingenuity which special emergencies some- 
 times call forth. The story of the Merrimac and 
 Monitor has passed into history, and is familiar to 
 every school-child.
 
 26o ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 It is not generally known that Mr. Lincoln was, in 
 a large measure, responsible for the building of the 
 Monitor. The plans had been presented to the Navy 
 Department, but had excited but little interest. Fi- 
 nally, the projectors of the enterprise solicited an 
 interview with the President, at which Captain Erics- 
 son's plans were displayed and fully described. After 
 making a thorough examination of them, Mr. Lincoln 
 said : " Well, I don't know much about ships, though 
 I once contrived a canal-boat, the model of which is 
 down in the Patent Office, the great merit of which 
 was that it could run where there was no water, but 
 I think there is something in this plan of Ericsson's." 
 And, shortly afterwards, the Government entered into 
 a contract for the construction of the boat as a result 
 of this interview. The result amply vindicated the 
 claims of the great inventor and his friends. 
 
 At the time of the capture of Norfolk and the de- 
 struction of the A/errimac, the President was at For- 
 tress Monroe with several of his Cabinet. He had 
 witnessed with deep interest one of the struggles 
 between the little Monitor and the rebel iron-clad, 
 and awaited anxiously the result of the expedition 
 against Norfolk. His account of the reception of the 
 news of its downfall is as follows : 
 
 " Chase and Stanton," said he, " had accompanied 
 me to Fortress Monroe. While we were there, an 
 expedition was fitted out for an attack on Norfolk. 
 Chase and General Wool disappeared about the time 
 we began to look for tidings of the result, and after 
 vainly waiting their return until late in the evening, 
 Stanton and I concluded to retire. My room was on 
 the second floor of the commandant's house, and
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 261 
 
 Stanton's was below. The night was very warm, the 
 moon was shining brightly, and, too restless to sleep, 
 I sat for some time by the table reading. Suddenly 
 hearing footsteps, I looked out of the window and 
 saw two persons approaching, whom I knew by the 
 relative size to be the missing men. They came into 
 the passage, and I heard them rap at Stanton's door, 
 and tell him to get up and come upstairs. A mo- 
 ment after, they entered my room. ' No time for cer- 
 emony, Mr. President,' said General Wool — 'Norfolk 
 is ours ! ' Stanton here burst in, just out of bed, clad 
 in a long night-gown, which nearly swept the floor, 
 his ear catching, as he crossed the threshold. Wool's 
 last words. Perfectly overjoyed, he rushed at the 
 General, whom he hugged most affectionately, fairly 
 lifting him from the floor in his delight. The scene 
 altogether must have been a comical one, though at 
 the time we were all too greatly excited to take much 
 note of mere appearances." ^ 
 
 The North had become impatient at the meager 
 results of the war hitherto, and from east to west, 
 from Canada to the border-land, the imperious cry 
 resounded, " On to Richmond ! " A vast and well- 
 disciplined host lay upon its arms within sight of the 
 great dome of the Capitol at Washington, and impa- 
 tiently demanded that it be led against the enemy. 
 The time was ripe, the opportunities favorable, and 
 the men were ready; but the great leader, unerring 
 in judgment, quick to strike and cool in temper, was 
 wanting. McClellan started out with the most bril- 
 liant prospects, a good soldier, an honest patriot, but 
 
 » Browne.
 
 262 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 unfitted to conduct a great campaign. The onward 
 movement was undertaken with undue deliberation 
 and utter neglect of caution. Opportunities were 
 overlooked which might have contributed much tow- 
 ards the success of the expedition, and yet the great 
 army arrived almost within sight of the defenses of 
 Richmond, carrying consternation to the inhabitants, 
 but was then compelled to turn back by the adriot 
 manoeuvres of the opposing generals. Then followed 
 the skillfully-conducted but disastrous retreat, the 
 seven days' fighting and the bloody struggle in the 
 Wilderness, and, at last, the broken fragments of the 
 once splendid Army of the Potomac returned, with 
 banners torn and laurels gone, leaving behind a path- 
 way strewn with the mangled remains of the hus- 
 bands and sons of the North. How the eyes of the 
 people were turned towards that spot on Virginia's 
 sacred soil, and how the hearts of mothers and wives 
 and children were breaking, as they pictured their 
 loved ones bleeding and dying in that lonely swamp ! 
 Such scenes of woe the pen can never describe nor 
 the brush picture. The broken heart alone knows 
 the depth of its suffering. 
 
 The retreat of McClellan was followed by an ad- 
 vance of the rebel armies into Maryland. Flushed 
 with victory, General Lee permitted his forces to be- 
 come widely separated, when he was suddenly con- 
 fronted by the Federal army, which was much 
 superior in numbers, at Antietam. But McClellan, 
 w^ith characteristic inactivity and indecision, delayed 
 until the scattered forces of the Confederates could 
 be collected, and then engaged the enemy. What 
 might have been a glorious victory, resulted practi-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 263 
 
 cally in a drawn battle, and Lee was permitted to 
 retire unmolested across the Potomac. The battle of 
 Antietam ended General McClellan's military career, 
 and he was succeeded by General Burnside, who was 
 shortly afterwards disastrously defeated at Fred- 
 ericksburg, and was in turn succeeded by General 
 Hooker. 
 
 It is related that, on the morning after the battle 
 at Fredericksburg, Hon. I. N. Arnold called on the 
 President, and, to his amazement, found him engaged 
 in reading " Artemas Ward." Making no reference 
 to that which occupied the universal thought, he 
 asked Mr. Arnold to sit down while he read to him 
 Artemas' description of his visit to the Shakers. 
 Shocked at this proposition, Mr. Arnold said : " Mr. 
 President, is it possible that, with the whole land 
 bowed in sorrow and covered with a pall in the pres- 
 ence of yesterday's fearful reverse, you can indulge 
 in such levity ?" Throwing down the book, with the 
 tears streaming down his cheeks, and his huge frame 
 quivering with emotion, Mr. Lincoln answered, " Mr. 
 Arnold, if I could not get momentary respite from 
 the crushing burden I am constantly carrying, my 
 heart would break ! " ^ 
 
 At the beginning of the year 1863, the situation was 
 not materially changed from the preceding year. The 
 emancipation proclamation had been issued, and the 
 result of the step was anxiously awaited. The dis- 
 asters in the East had inspired a feeling of gloom and 
 discouragement, which the victories in the West had 
 hardly been able to counteract. General Grant was per- 
 
 Browne.
 
 264 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 sistently continuing his efforts to open the Mississippi, 
 and had gained possession of the territory on both 
 sides of the river as far south as Vicksburg, which 
 was now the only important Confederate stronghold 
 on the river. The city was in an exceptionally strong 
 position, and was seemingly impregnable. Moreover, 
 as it was the last position held by the Confederates, 
 it was believed that their Government would exert 
 every effort to maintain it. Hence there were few 
 who believed that it could be captured. General 
 Grant, however, in spite of all obstacles, determined 
 to invest the city. He tried one plan after another 
 and failed, yet, with a tenacity of purpose which has 
 rarely been equalled, he persisted in the effort and, 
 finally, July 4, 1863, had the satisfaction of planting 
 the "Stars and Stripes" upon the ramparts, and 
 taking possession of Vicksburg in the name of the 
 Federal Government. Like an electric shock, the 
 news passed through the North, and gave birth to 
 exultation and a renewed feeling of confidence in 
 ultimate success. No one was more delighted by 
 this achievement than Mr. Lincoln, and he took an 
 early opportunity to write the following congratu- 
 latory letter to him: 
 
 " Executive Mansion, j 
 
 "Washington, D. C, July 13, 1863. \ 
 " Major-General Gratit. 
 
 " My dear General—I do not remember that you and 
 I ever met personally. I write this now as a grateful acknowl- 
 edgment for the almost inestimable service you have done the 
 country, I write to say a word further. When you first 
 reached the vicinity of Vicksburg, I thought you should do 
 what you finally did — march the troops across the neck, run the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 265 
 
 batteries with the transports, and thus go below ; and I never 
 had any faith, except a general hope that you knew better than 
 I, that the Yazoo Pass expedition, and the like, could succeed. 
 When you got below, and took Port Gibson, Grand Gulf and 
 vicinity, I thought you should go down the river, and join Gen- 
 eral Banks ; and when you turned northward, east of the Big 
 Black, I feared it was a mistake. I now wish to make the per- 
 sonal acknowledgment that you were right, and I was wrong. 
 
 " Yours truly, 
 
 " A. Lincoln." 
 
 Vicksburg's capture was undoubtedly the greatest 
 achievement of the war up to this time, 3'et General 
 Grant's work was but begun. The Department of 
 the Tennessee was under the command of General 
 Rosecrans but, after the disastrous battle of Chicka- 
 mauga, he was superseded by Grant who arrived 
 just in time to fight the battle of Chattanooga and to 
 vidtness the gallant and desperate ascent of Mission- 
 ary Ridge. A more glorious spectacle is not 
 described in the annals of war. The rugged moun- 
 tain lifting its precipitous heights into the clouds, 
 where might be seen the Confederate lines intrenched 
 behind formidable defenses of rocks and crags. At 
 its base a long slender line of blue-coated soldiers, 
 whose eyes swept the heights and whose faces were 
 eagerly set towards the foe so far above them. Once, 
 twice, six times the signal cannon bellowed forth its 
 thunderous sound and like a sword from its scab- 
 bard the impatient line sprang forth, impetuous, 
 undaunted by the rugged heights and frowning 
 redoubts. From crag to crag, amid the tempest of 
 iron, which raged round about them, splintering the 
 rocks and hurling many a brave soldier to the ground
 
 266 ABRAHAM MN'COLX. 
 
 in his death agony, the}' dash onward and upward, 
 with the starry flags leading far in the advance. The 
 foe was met and despite his advantage of position 
 was hurled back by the avalanche of steel, thus 
 turned back from its natural course. So the battle 
 of the clouds was fought and the proud banner of 
 freedom floated over another State rescued from 
 the polluting clutch of treason. 
 
 In the East affairs began to take a more favorable 
 turn. Encouraged by his almost unbroken career 
 of victory General Lee determined to carry the war 
 into the enemy's country. The broad and fertile 
 fields of Pennsylvania and the wealthy and populous 
 cities of New York and Philadelphia offered tempt- 
 ing prizes to the invader, whose soil had been the 
 scene of so many sanguinary conflicts and whose 
 resources had been exhausted by destructive war. 
 Swiftly the legions of the South moved down the 
 Shenandoah and crossed the Potomac, hotly pursued 
 by the Federal army under the command of General 
 Meade, which now, for the first time, found a hostile 
 army between itself and the North. 
 
 Upon Northern soil, in a State founded upon the 
 principles of peace and good-will towards all, in a 
 place where the echoes of the guns could almost be 
 heard in the " City of Brotherly Love," was the decis- 
 ive battle of the war destined to be fought. Neither 
 general had planned to fight here but by accident, 
 or rather by the hand of Providence, a collision 
 occurred between a squadron of Federal .cavalry 
 and a division of Lee's army and the great engage- 
 ment was brought on. For three days the battle 
 continued ; each side recognizing that then and
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN". 267 
 
 there the issue must be fought out. Deeds of bravery 
 and daring were performed which will ever redound 
 to the glory of American heroism. Charges and 
 counter-charges, artillery duels and broadsides of 
 musketry, together with the minor refrain of groans 
 and dying prayers, mingling with the shrill shrieks 
 of death and hoarse cries of command, all go to make 
 up the battle of Gettysburg. But at last the tide of 
 invasion was turned and the rebel army, in full retreat, 
 sought the regions which it had left so hopefully, 
 but a few days before, defeated but not dishonored. 
 No braver men ever breathed or more gallant hearts 
 ever beat than those in the gray coats, save alone those 
 in the blue, whose greatest mead of praise was that 
 they had beaten their brethren of the South. 
 
 The tide of the war had turned. With the begin- 
 ning of 1864, the last act in the great tragedy opened. 
 General Grant was made Comnrander-in-Chief of the 
 National forces and now for the first time all the tre- 
 mendous power of the army was swayed by one mind, 
 intelligently to the accomplishment of one purpose — 
 the putting down of the rebellion as quickly and 
 effectively as possible. Obedient to command. Gen- 
 eral Sherman, who was soon to be ranked in ability 
 as a commander only second to the great chief him- 
 self, set out, in pursuit of Johnston, on his great 
 march to Atlanta and thence to the sea. Straight 
 across the very centre of the Confederacy he 
 marched, overcoming all opposition and capturing 
 Atlanta, then breaking loose from all communica- 
 tions, in the heart of the enemy's country, he started 
 with sixty thousand men for the Atlantic coast. In 
 five weeks he had marched three hundred miles and
 
 268 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 captured Savannah. The effect of this daring expe- 
 dition cannot be overestimated. The enemy's coun- 
 try had once more been cut in two and the interior, 
 for the first time, was made to feel the rigors of des- 
 tructive and uncompromising war. 
 
 The advantage of having all the Federal armies 
 under the direction of one cool, vigilant and unweary- 
 ing mind soon became apparant. The operations of 
 the national forces covered a vast field, but they were 
 no longer conducted at cross purposes; each army, 
 division and brigade became like the pieces in the 
 hands of a chess-player, and were skilfully and har- 
 moniously manipulated. Sherman in the South, 
 Thomas in Tennessee, Sheridan in the Shenandoah 
 Valley, Butler in eastern Virginia, Dupont along the 
 Atlantic seaboard, and Porter and Farragut in the 
 Gulf of Mexico with the great General himself at the 
 head of the vast armies advancing towards Richmond 
 worked with a vigor and unity of purpose which, 
 exhibited in the earlier stages of the w^ar, would have 
 brought it to a close long before. Once more was 
 Richmond the objective point and slowly but relent- 
 lessly the Union armies were closing around the Con- 
 federate Capital. All the genius of Lee and his 
 accomplished generals was exerted to turn back the 
 tide of invasion, quick marches, flank movements and 
 bloody battles were all unavailing, and in the spring 
 of 1865 the Wilderness had been once more passed in 
 the face of the Confederate hosts. The army left a 
 broad swath behind strewn with its dead but still it 
 pressed on past the numerous defenses until the 
 strongholds of the rebellion were one by one secured 
 and the victorious but sore-stricken lines were at
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 269 
 
 last within sight of the city. Its defense was bravely 
 conducted but ineffectual and, at last, on the morning 
 of April 3, the " Stars and Stripes " were borne in tri- 
 umph through the streets and flung once more to the 
 breezes fresh from the South, where for four years 
 the proud but ill-fated " St. Andrew's Cross " had 
 flaunted. 
 
 Close upon the capitulation of Richmond followed 
 Appomattox and the shattered remnants of the gal- 
 lant foe laid down their arms and their cause was lost 
 forever. The fearful penalty of the nation's sin, con- 
 ceived in her infancy and cherished and strengthened 
 in her vigorous youth, was now paid and a united 
 country was ready to take its place among the nations 
 on a firmer basis and with grander prospects than 
 ever before. 
 
 The conflict was inevitable. It had been begun at 
 the time of the adoption of the Constitution. It had 
 gained strength amid strife and mutual distrust. 
 More than once it had broken out in open rebellion, 
 and finally it burst like a tempest upon the land. It 
 can hardly be believed that the election of Lincoln 
 hastened secession, much less that it was the cause of 
 it. The time had come and a pretext only was sought. 
 In the dark days that succeeded his inauguration he 
 was confronted with a situation whose difficulty had 
 never been surpassed in the history of the country. 
 Though few had believed him to be possessed of the 
 elements of greatness he exhibited an adaptability to 
 circumstances, a keenness of foresight and a readiness 
 to adapt means to the accomplishment of a desired 
 end that will undoubtedly rank him among the great 
 rulers of the world. In his energy and versatility he
 
 270 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 was the peer of Caesar ; in the magnitude of the oper- 
 ations which he conducted, he vied with Alexander ; 
 while his patience, persistence and devotion to the 
 right were never excelled by Washington. 
 
 To what extent the success of the war was due to 
 him cannot be estimated. The North was far stronger 
 than the South, both in material resources and 
 the men from whom armies are recruited. Her im- 
 mense extent of seacoast, east and west, would have 
 prevented a successful blockade; or, if successful, her 
 vast domain of fertile territory would have rendered 
 it nugatory. Her people were patriotic and devoted 
 and equal, at least, man for man to their Southern 
 brethren. On the other hand, they were taken una- 
 wares and were for the time helpless in the presence 
 of armed rebellion. It was Lincoln who combined 
 and utilized the giant forces, which were otherwise 
 helpless, because without a rallying point. It was 
 Lincoln who planned and organized, who encouraged 
 the people in their gloom, and pointed out the way to 
 victory, not only pointed it out but led the advance, 
 often but a forlorn hope, until the desired end was at- 
 tained. What Washington was to the Revolution Lin- 
 coln was to the Rebellion and more. More, because 
 a domestic foe is more formidable than a foreign ene- 
 my; because the interests he controlled and conserved 
 were immeasurably greater than those in the hands of 
 Washington.
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 Nowhere in the management of the war did tlie Gov- 
 ernment show greater weakness than in the selection 
 of commanders. It is hardly just to blame the Pres- 
 ident or his advisers exclusively for this. The diffi- 
 culty was largely the result of circumstances, entirely 
 beyond the control of the administration. In i860 
 there were comparatively but few men, North or South, 
 who were trained in the art of war. The Mexican 
 War had been too short and on too limited a scale to 
 educate many men in military tactics, and the officers 
 of the regular army, in large part, deserted their 
 colors to enlist in the Southern armies. Nor were 
 the President and his Cabinet prepared for the emer- 
 gency suddenly thrust upon them. Mr. Lincoln was 
 obliged to feel his way slowly and carefully along an 
 unknown track without precedent to guide him. It 
 was evident that the proper man to guide and control 
 the affairs of the great armies could be found only by 
 experiment and in large measure must be educated 
 up to his position. Mr. Lincoln realized most keenly 
 the difficulties of the situation and exercised the ut- 
 most patience as long as he saw his appointees pro- 
 gressive and earnest He still continued to have faith 
 in McClellan after the country had begun to clamor 
 for his removal, and still upheld and offered him full
 
 272 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 support if he would only make an effort to redeem 
 his reputation. 
 
 His policy was vigorous and he earnestly advised 
 and finally directed a general advance towards the 
 centre of the Confederacy, and yet, in spite of all, he 
 constantly saw his advice rejected and his plans dis- 
 concerted. No one will ever realize the keenness of 
 his disappointment when he became convinced that 
 he was mistaken in his man and that only disaster 
 could be expected so long as McClellan remained at 
 the head of the army. Nor was his disappointment 
 entirely upon public grounds. He felt a sense of per- 
 sonal bereavement in the wholesale slaughter to 
 which the army had been subjected and his grief was 
 all the more poignant because he recognized the fact 
 that much of it was unnecessary and useless. The suf- 
 fering and misery occasioned by the war met him on 
 every side. In Washington more than any other city 
 of the North was the terrible physical' suffering, the 
 mutilation and sickness of the soldiers seen. The 
 city was full of hospitals and the streets were thronged 
 with ambulances bearing the sore-stricken soldiers 
 from battlefield to hospital. 
 
 He once said to a friend, while gazing at a long line 
 of ambulances, with an expression of deepest dejec- 
 tion on his face, "Look at those poor fellows, I can- 
 not bear it ! This suffering, this loss of life is dread- 
 ful ! " 
 
 From his windows he could see the rebel flag float- 
 ing at Arlington while the magnificent Union army 
 lay idly upon its arms. Yet he seldom criticised the 
 inactivity of McClellan, except in a humorous way. 
 He once said to a friend: "If McClellan does not
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 273 
 
 want to use the army for some days, I should like to 
 borrow it and see if it cannot be made to do some- 
 thing." At another time he said: "General McClel- 
 lan is a pleasant and scholarly gentleman. He is an 
 admirable engineer, but he seems to have a special 
 talent for a stationary engine." 
 
 After the battle of Antietam he visited the army 
 with Hon. O. M. Hatch, a former Secretary of State 
 of Illinois. He arose early in the morning and with 
 Mr. Hatch walked out upon a hill and looked down 
 upon the great expense of white tents extending as 
 far as the eye could reach. As they looked upon the 
 wonderful scene the deepest emotions were stirred 
 within them as they thought of the multitudes, who 
 were already sleeping their last long sleep on South- 
 ern soil, and the unknown but terrible possibilities of 
 the future. The President suddenly leaned forward 
 and said in a whisper: 
 
 "Hatch, Hatch, what is all this?" 
 
 "Why, Mr. Lincoln," said he, "that is the Army 
 of the Potomac." 
 
 The President hesitated a moment, and then said: 
 " No, Hatch, no. This is General McClellan's body- 
 guard." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was often reproached for his levity and 
 was often misjudged. People thought that he had 
 but little feeling or appreciation of the gravity of the 
 situation. As in many other things the people failed 
 to understand the character of their President. The 
 stories and humorous illustrations, which he con- 
 stantly used in his conversation, were a relief to him 
 and for the moment diverted his mind from the dis- 
 tressing responsibilities resting upon him, and, with-
 
 274 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 out such distraction, the burden would have been too 
 great for him to bear. Without it lie once said he 
 should die. 
 
 He realized as fully as any one the necessity of some 
 positive movement which would enable the army to 
 retrieve its former defeats, and, despairing of any in- 
 dependent action on the part of McClellan, towards 
 the end of January, 1862, he issued a proclamation 
 known as " the President's General Order, No. i," 
 directing a general onward movement of the whole 
 army, to take place Feb. 22. While no great result 
 followed, it indicated the temper of the administra- 
 tion and tended to awaken the army out of its apa- 
 thy. 
 
 General Burnside's lack of qualification was shown 
 in the battle of Fredricksburg, and Chancellorsville 
 revealed the same in regard to Hooker. Mr. Lincoln 
 had never fully approved of Hooker and when he ap- 
 pointed him cautioned him pointedly against the repe- 
 tition of several mistakes which he believed him to have 
 previously made. The news of Chancellorsville was 
 a terrible blow to Mr. Lincoln. Still his main thought 
 was for its effect upon the country. " Oh, what will 
 the country say, what will the country say ? " was 
 his first ejaculation. The country's welfare, not his 
 own, was always in his heart, and for that was his 
 greatest anxiety. He often spoke of himself as the 
 attorney for the people, and, as he quaintly expressed 
 it, "was the lead horse in the team and must not kick 
 over the traces." 
 
 He found himself compelled to defend his policy 
 to his friends, and to that end made speeches, held 
 interviews and wrote letters, explaining and justify-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 275 
 
 ing his course. He felt that the people had a right 
 to know everything in regard to his measures which 
 could be divulged without injury to the cause. No 
 President has been more indefatigable in his efforts 
 to make himself understood by the people. He was, 
 in a measure, compelled to resort to this course by the 
 open opposition of his political enemies and the con- 
 tinual carping of those who should have been his 
 friends. 
 
 He was frequently called upon to make speeches to 
 the troops who were passing through the city, as well 
 as to delegations of citizens who were continually ap- 
 pealing to him upon some subject. Although quick 
 to detect insincerity or selfishness, and unsparing in 
 his rebuke of it and frequently manifesting weari- 
 ness or impatience, he never made a mistake in his 
 speeches. His utterances were always dignified and 
 pointed. In them he frequently alluded to the tren- 
 chant points of his policy, especially if they had been 
 criticised, and in plain terms made clear the points 
 misunderstood or criticised so that the reasons for 
 his actions might be seen. Although he seemed to 
 speak extemporaneously, he generally prepared the 
 principal points of his speech with great care in order 
 that he might allow no unguarded expression to es- 
 cape his lips. 
 
 Not one of the least elements of his greatness was 
 this power of saying just the right thing at the right 
 time, and the fact that although the opportunities 
 were many and the temptation great, he never in- 
 dulged in intemperate language or said anything which 
 would in the end prejudice his cause. His care and 
 painstaking are especially shown in his public papers.
 
 276 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 No President has left behind a collection of more 
 able and dignified State-papers. His reasoning was 
 always cogent and convincing. He had a way of get- 
 ting at the important features of a matter and pre- 
 senting them clearly in a few words, overriding op- 
 position and carrying conviction. 
 
 During the whole continuance of the war no influ- 
 ence was more potent in forming and directing public 
 sentiment than that of the President. The country 
 anxiously scanned his utterances and awaited the ex- 
 pression of his opinions and guided their actions by 
 them. It is probably not too much to say that no 
 President had ever before exercised so powerful an 
 influence in the halls of Congress as he. His mes- 
 sages were deemed almost oracular and his advice 
 was eagerly sought by both Senators and Represent- 
 atives. The impress of his thought may be distinctly 
 seen upon the legislative acts of his administration 
 and is preserved in the archives of the nation. 
 
 In his message of December, 1862, he felt called 
 upon to demonstrate the utter impracticability of the 
 formation of two Governments upon the American 
 continent, and never was the foolishness of the 
 attempt to sever the Union more conclusively shown. 
 It may be that at this trying time he was disheart- 
 ened and feared that the North might, after all, be 
 defeated and thus sought to strengthen the hearts 
 and hands not only of Congress, but also of the peo- 
 ple. He said : 
 
 "... That portion of the earth's surface 
 which is owned and inhabited by the people of the 
 United States, is well adapted to be the home of one 
 national family ; and is not well adapted for two or
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 277 
 
 more. Its vast extent and its variety of climate and pro- 
 ductions are of advantage in this age for one people, 
 whatever they may have been in former ages. Steam, 
 telegraph and intelligence have brought these to an 
 advantageous combination for one united people. 
 . . , . There is no line, straight or crooked, suita- 
 ble for a national boundary, upon which to divide. 
 Trace through from east to west upon the line 
 between free and slave territory and we shall find a lit- 
 tle more than one third of its length are rivers, easy 
 to be crossed, and populated, or soon to be populated, 
 thickly on both sides ; while nearly all its remaining 
 length are merely surveyors' lines over which the 
 people walk back and forth without any conscious- 
 ness of their presence. No part of this line can be 
 made any more difficult to pass by writing it down 
 upon paper or parchment as a national boun- 
 dary. . . . But there is another difficulty. The 
 great interior region bounded east by the Allegha- 
 nies, north by the British Dominions, west by the 
 Rocky Mountains and south by the line along which 
 the culture of corn and cotton meets, already has 
 above ten millions of people and will have fifty mil- 
 lions within fifty years, if not prevented by any politi- 
 cal folly or mistake. It contains more than one- 
 third of the country owned by the United States, 
 certainly more than one million square miles. A 
 glance at the map shows, that, territorially speaking, 
 it is the great body of the Republic. The other parts 
 are but marginal borders to it. The magnificent 
 region, sloping west from the Rocky Mountains to 
 the Pacific, being the deepest and also the richest in 
 undeveloped resources. In the production of provi-
 
 278 ABRAHAM LIN'COLN. 
 
 sions, grains, grasses, and all which proceed from 
 them, this great interior region is naturally one of the 
 most important in the world. . . . And yet this 
 region has no seacoast, touches no ocean anywhere. 
 As a part of one nation its people may find, and may 
 forever find their way to Europe by New York, to 
 South America and Africa by New Orleans and to 
 Asia by San Francisco. But separate our common 
 country into two nations, as designed by the present 
 rebellion, and every man of this great interior region 
 is thereby cut off from some one or more of these 
 outlets, not perhaps by a physical barrier but by 
 embarrassing and onerous trade regulations." 
 
 His appreciation of the services rendered by Gen- 
 eral Grant was keen. Up to the capture of Vicks- 
 burg it had not been satisfactorily shown whether 
 Grant was a great general or whether his successes 
 had been partly the result of circumstances. But the 
 conquest of the stronghold of the Mississippi, in the 
 presence of almost insuperable difficulties proved his 
 metal. The knight had won his spurs. The eyes of 
 the nation were turned upon him, and the President 
 became convinced that at last he had found the man 
 who could lead the armies of the North to victory. 
 There were strong bonds of sympathy between the 
 sorely tried President and the plain but successful 
 general. They were both men of the people who 
 had risen to commanding positions from the lower 
 walks of life by the force of sterling character and 
 native ability. Each retained his sympathy with the 
 masses and utter carelessness for all the pomp and 
 display of high official position. Each one formed 
 opinions and plans deliberately but adhered to a
 
 ABRAHAM LINXOLN. 279 
 
 principle or line of action, once adopted, with a te- 
 nacity that at times amounted almost to obstinacy. 
 Each was unexcelled in the sphere to which the 
 exigency of the war had called him. Grant leading 
 the great armies in the field and executing long and 
 complicated campaigns, was the exact complement 
 of Lincoln directing the vast affairs, military, politi- 
 cal and civil, of a disrupted country, and framing and 
 carrying out policies requiring the most consummate 
 wisdom and tact. Lincoln had followed Grant's 
 career with profound interest and had more than 
 once congratulated him upon his achievements. 
 After the relief of Knoxville, in December, 1863, he 
 said in a letter : " ... I wish to tender you and 
 all under \^our command my more than thanks, my 
 profoundest gratitude for the skill, courage and per- 
 severance with which you and they, over so great 
 difficulties, have accomplished that object. May God 
 bless you all." 
 
 Lincoln never hesitated to speak in highest terms 
 of him. Soon after the capture of Vicksburg, he 
 said : " I guess I was right in standing by Grant, 
 although there was a great pressure made after Pitts- 
 burg Landing to have him removed. I thought I saw 
 enough in Grant to convince me that he was one 
 upon whom the countrj' could depend. That * uncon- 
 ditional surrender ' message to Buckner, at Donelson, 
 suited me. It indicated the spirit of the man." 
 
 It was not until Grant had been appointed Lieut- 
 enant-General that Lincoln first saw him. He was 
 much pleased with his appearance, and afterwards 
 commented upon his unobtrusive and quiet character, 
 saying, "The only evidence you have that he is in
 
 28o ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 any place, is that he makes things^//. Wherever he 
 is things move." 
 
 Being afterwards asked for his estimate of Grant, 
 he said that he was the first general he had had. 
 His other generals had been accustomed to form 
 plans for campaigns and ask him to shoulder the 
 responsibility for their outcome; "but," said he, 
 " Grant does nothing of the kind. He hasn't told me 
 what his plans are. I don't know, and don't want to 
 know. I am glad to find a man who can go ahead 
 without me. . . . He doesn't ask impossibilities of 
 me and he is the first general I have had that 
 didn't. The great thing about him is his cool persist- 
 ency of purpose. He is not easily excited, and he 
 has the grip of a bulldog. When he once gets his 
 teeth in, nothing can shake him off." 
 
 After the fall of Vicksburg there was some dissatis- 
 faction manifested by captious people, because Grant 
 had permitted Pemberton's men to leave on parole, 
 to re-enforce the ranks of the enemy, as they said. 
 A delegation of these men visited Lincoln and voiced 
 their complaint. He answered with a characteristic 
 story. " Have you ever heard," said he, " the story 
 of Sykes' dog? Well, I must tell you about him. 
 
 " Sykes had a yellow dog he set a great store by; 
 but there were a lot of small boys about the village 
 and that's always a bad thing for dogs, you know. 
 These boj's didn't share Sykes' vievv'S and they were 
 not disposed to let the dog have a fair show. Even 
 Sykes had to admit that the dog was getting unpop- 
 ular ; in fact, it was soon seen that there was a prej- 
 udice growing up against that dog that threatened 
 to wreck all his future prospects in life. The boys,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 28 1 
 
 after meditating how they could get the best of him, 
 finally fixed upon a cartridge with a long fuse, put 
 the cartridge in a piece of meat in the road in front 
 of Sykes' door, and then perched themselves on the 
 fence, a good distance off, with the fuse in their hands. 
 Then they whistled for the dog. When he came out 
 he scented the bait and bolted the meat, cartridge 
 and all. The boys touched off the fuse and in about 
 a second a report came from that dog that sounded 
 like a clap of thunder. Sykes came bouncing out of 
 the house and yelled, ' What's up ? Anything busted ? ' 
 And looking up, he saw the air filled with pieces of 
 yellow dog. He picked up the biggest piece he 
 could find — a portion of the back with the tail still 
 hanging to it — and, after turning it around and look- 
 ing it all over, he said : 'Well, I guess he'll never be 
 of much account again — as a dog.' And I guess 
 Pemberton's forces will never be of much account 
 again — as an army." * 
 
 Grant's opinion of Lincoln was most favorable. 
 Shortly before his (Lincoln's) death, he said of him : 
 " I regard Lincoln as one of the greatest of men. 
 The more I see him and exchange views with him 
 the more he impresses me. I admire his courage and 
 respect the firmness he always displays. Many think 
 from the gentleness of his character that he has a 
 yielding nature ; but while he has the courage to 
 change his mind, when convinced that he is wrong, 
 he has all the tenacity of purpose which could be 
 desired in a great statesman. His quickness of per- 
 ception often astonishes me. Long before the state- 
 
 » Browne.
 
 252 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 meat of a complicated question is finished, his mind 
 will grasp the main points; and he will seem to 
 comprehend the whole subject better than the person 
 who is telling it. He will rank in history alongside 
 of Washington." 
 
 The battle of Gettysburg marked the turning of 
 the tide. It was the decisive struggle which was to 
 determine the future of the land. The anxiety of 
 the North during those eventful first three days of 
 July was intense and feverish. Would the invasion 
 be turned back or would the peaceful regions of the 
 North be devastated by the cruel hand of war. 
 Would Lee be checked in his victorious career, or 
 would he bear the St. Andrew's Cross in triumph 
 over the blood-stained soil of Gettysburg and plant it 
 in the heart of the North to wave over burning 
 cities and desolated firesides. 
 
 It was a struggle for life or death, and the gloomi- 
 est forebodings were indulged in on every side. The 
 revulsion of feeling which occurred, when the tele- 
 graph announced that Lee was in full retreat, and 
 the Union army, though shattered, was victorious, is 
 past description. The President was overwhelmed 
 with congratulations and, being serenaded on the 
 night of the 4th, said: "I do most sincerely thank 
 Almighty God for the occasion of this call. . . . 
 Eighty odd years since, on the Fourth of July, for 
 the first time in the history of the world, a nation, by 
 its representatives, assembled and declared as a self- 
 evident truth, that all men are created equal. That 
 was the birthday of the United States of America. 
 And now, at this last Fourth of July just past, we 
 have a gigantic rebellion, at the bottom of which is
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 283 
 
 an effort to overthrow the principle that all men are 
 created equal. We have the surrender of a most im- 
 portant position, and an army, on that very day." 
 
 On July 15, he issued a proclamation to the people 
 in which he referred to the great victory that had 
 been won and the brightening prospects of the na- 
 tional cause, not failing to speak in touching words 
 of the sorrow and suffering, the broken homes and 
 stricken hearts. He then called upon the people to 
 assemble, August 4, for thanksgiving, praise and 
 prayer, and to render homage to the " Divine Maj- 
 esty " for the wonderful things He had done in the 
 nation's behalf. He asked the loyal people to pray 
 that the hearts of the insurgents might be turned to 
 better counsels, and the officers of the Government 
 might have their hands upheld and their judgments 
 directed by divine wisdom; and that the Great 
 Father might console and comfort the stricken ones, 
 and lead the nation through all the trials and vicissi- 
 tudes of war to unity and fraternal peace. 
 
 There were many things that combined to make 
 Gettysburg the most notable battle of the war. It 
 was the only great battle that was fought on North- 
 ern soil, and was the most stubbornly contested. 
 Deeds of individual valor and daring, such as grace 
 the annals of chivalry, were here performed in count- 
 less numbers. There was hardly a communit}'' in the 
 North which did not feel a sense of personal bereave- 
 ment, when Gettysburg was mentioned. The tear- 
 dimmed e)^es of a great people were turned towards 
 its fields and hills rendered sacred by the precious 
 blood in which it was baptized. Hence it was pecul- 
 iarly fit that the spot should be chosen as the site of
 
 284 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 a great national cemetery, where the Nation's dead, 
 the soldiers, who had offered up their lives on her 
 altars, might sleep their last sleep. And where the 
 serried columns of armed men once stood in martial 
 array, now stretches long avenues of funeral mounds, 
 with their white headboards, recording the simple 
 annals of the dead or marking the resting-places of 
 those whose names earth has long since forgotten, 
 but whose deeds shall be remembered as long as the 
 "Stars and Stripes" wave over an united country. 
 Where once the roar of battle convulsed the earth and 
 echoed through the air, is now heard the song of 
 birds and the soft moaning of winds. Once, a pall of 
 sulphurous smoke, lit up by the cannon's glare, now 
 the clear blue sky or the summer clouds gently 
 weeping o'er the slain! 
 
 It is fitting, too, that the great commonwealths of 
 the North should erect obelisks and monuments to 
 commemorate the resting-place of their heroes, until 
 the great mausoleum shall become the most hallowed' 
 spot on American soil, save only that place where the 
 Pilgrims first landed to found a nation, for whose 
 maintenance these Boys in Blue so bravely died. 
 
 On the 19th of November, the cemetery was dedi- 
 cated, with solemn and imposing ceremonies. The 
 President and his Cabinet were present, together with 
 Members of Congress, Governors and the representa- 
 tives of foreign Powers. The principal address was 
 delivered by Edward Everett, one of the most accom- 
 plished scholars and eloquent speakers of the day. 
 His oration was long and masterly and the audience 
 did homage to the polished orator, whose faultless 
 style and flowing sentences excited a feeling of
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 285 
 
 admiration for the living speaker as well as for the 
 voiceless dead. After the oration vi'as ended Mr. 
 Lincoln was called upon to speak. He had bestowed 
 but little time and thought upon his speech. On the 
 cars, while on his way to the battlefield, he had called 
 for a pencil and piece of paper and had hastily- 
 written out the few sentences which were destined to 
 produce so profound an impression. He arose slowly, 
 adjusted his spectacles and, with his whole frame 
 quivering with emotion and his voice shrill and 
 penetrating, read the following address : 
 
 " Four score and seven years ago, our fathers 
 brought forth upon this continent a new nation, con- 
 ceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition 
 that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged 
 in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or 
 any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long 
 endure. We are met on a great battlefield of that 
 war. We are met to dedicate a portion of it as the 
 final resting-place of those who here gave their lives 
 that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting 
 and proper that we should do this. 
 
 " But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate — we can- 
 not consecrate — we cannot hallow this ground. The 
 brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have 
 consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. 
 The world will little note nor long remember what 
 we say here, but it can never forget what they did 
 here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated 
 here to the unfinished work that they have thus far 
 so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here 
 dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that 
 from these honored dead we take increased devotion
 
 286 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 to the cause for which they here gave the last full 
 measure of devotion, that we here highly resolve that 
 the dead shall not have died in vain ; that the nation 
 shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom ; and 
 that government of the people, by the people and for 
 the people, shall not perish from the earth." 
 
 But a few minutes were necessary for the address, 
 yet, never before had words so wrought upon the 
 feelings of an audience. The devotion and self-for- 
 getfulness of the simple man before them, himself the 
 central figure of the scene, as he was the inspiration 
 of the whole people, affected them as the words of 
 the polished orator had not. 
 
 As Mr. Lincoln finished amid the tears and sobs 
 and cheers of the audience, he turned to Mr. Everett 
 and, grasping him by the hand, warmly congratulated 
 him upon his oration, seemingly unconscious that 
 he had himself said anything worthy of note. "Ah, 
 Mr. President," said Mr. Everett, "how gladly would 
 I exchange all my hundred pages to have been the 
 author of your twenty lines ! " Though short, the 
 address ranks as one of the greatest American classics, 
 and as such it is recognized both at home and abroad. 
 The Westminster Review said of it : 
 
 "It has but one equal, in that pronounced upon 
 those who fell in the first year of the Peloponnesian 
 war, and in one respect it is superior to that great 
 speech. It is not only more natural, fuller of feeling, 
 more touching and pathetic, but we know with abso- 
 lute certainty that it was really delivered. Nature 
 here takes precedence of art — even though it be the 
 art of Thucydides." 
 
 A great meeting of all Union men in Illinois was
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 287 
 
 called to assemble at the State Capitol, September 3, 
 1863, for the purpose of strengthening the Union sen- 
 timent and upholding the hands of the administration. 
 The movement was timely and grateful to the Presi- 
 dent. It seems almost incomprehensible that many 
 of his worst enemies should have been found in the 
 ranks of his professed friends, yet such was the case. 
 Open opposition and honest criticism every public 
 official must expect, but he has a right to the earnest, 
 unreserved support of those who have raised him to 
 the position of responsibility which he may occupy, 
 just so long as he shall honorably fulfill the duties of 
 that office to the best of his ability. Even though he 
 shall prove himself unfitted naturally for the position, 
 a lack of support will only aggravate the difficulty of 
 the situation. What then shall be said of numerous 
 influential men, who assisted to raise Mr. Lincoln to 
 the Presidency and then afterwards, because of 
 differences of opinion, deliberately sought to break 
 down his influence and prejudice the people against 
 him. 
 
 The opposition of such men as Horace Greeley, 
 whose patriotism and honesty of purpose were 
 undoubted, though captious and annoying, could be 
 forgiven. But there were multitudes of men, more or 
 less influential, who never lost an opportunity to 
 assail him and his policy, by open attack or secret 
 innuendo; they were scattered throughout the country 
 and were found even in the halls of Congress, where 
 opposition might be made especially embarrassing to 
 the President. As the Hon. A. G. Riddle, of Ohio, 
 once aptly said in a speech : 
 
 " The outspoken comments here and elsewhere have
 
 288 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 at least the merit of boldness ; but what shall be 
 said of that muttering, unmanly, yet swelling under- 
 current of complaining criticism, that reflects upon the 
 President, his motives and capacity, so freely indulged 
 in by men having the public confidence? Whisper- 
 ings and complainings and doublings and misgivings 
 and exclamations, predictions by men who are never 
 so happy as when they can gloat o'-^er the sum of our 
 disasters, which they charge over to the personal 
 account of the President." 
 
 In the midst of such opposition it was more than 
 pleasant for the President to receive assurances of 
 confidence and hearty support from the people of his 
 own State by whom he was best known. Two years 
 and a half had passed since he had left Illinois. 
 During that time his neighbors had eagerly watched 
 his career and observed with surprise the ability he 
 displayed in coping with the adverse circumstances 
 that were constantly closing around him. It was 
 with constant astonishment that they watched the 
 development of the greatness of his character. No- 
 where had he more ardent supporters tnan among 
 these, his old time friends. On the other hand he 
 delighted in the revival of old memories and always 
 greeted with hearty cordialty any of his Illinois 
 friends. He earnestly desired their approval and 
 rejoiced when he received evidences of it. 
 
 He was deeply disappointed that his duties in 
 Washington would not permit him to be present at 
 the September meeting and sent a long letter in 
 which he gave his neighbors and friends a simple, 
 frank and complete exposition of his principles, 
 showing that he both desired and merited their confi-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 289 
 
 dence. In the course of the letter he said : " There 
 are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I 
 would say : You desire peace, and you blame me that 
 we do not have it. But how can we attain it ? There 
 are but three conceivable ways : First — to suppress 
 the rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to 
 do. Are you for it ? If you are, so far we are agreed. 
 If you are not for it, a second way is to give up the 
 Union. I am against this. Are you for it ? If you 
 are, you should say so plainly. If you are not for 
 force nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some 
 imaginable compromise. I do not believe that any 
 compromise, embracing the maintenance of the 
 Union, is now possible. All that I learn leads to a 
 directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebel- 
 lion, is its military, its army. That army dominates 
 all the country and all the people within its range. 
 Any offer of terms made by any man or men within 
 that range, in opposition to that army, is simply 
 nothing for the present, because such man or men 
 have no power whatever to enforce their side of the 
 compromise, if one were made with them. . . . 
 You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and per- 
 haps would have it retracted. You say it is uncon- 
 stitutional. I think differently. I think the Consti- 
 tution invests its Commander-in-Chief with the law 
 of war in time of war. The most that can be said, if 
 so much, is, that slaves are property. Is there, has 
 tliere ever been, any question that by the law of war, 
 property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken 
 when needed ? And is it not needed whenever it 
 helps us and hurts the enemy ? Armies, the world 
 over, destroy enemiies' property when thej'^ cannot
 
 290 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 use it ; and even destroy their own to keep it from 
 the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their 
 power to help themselves or to hurt the enemy, 
 except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. 
 Among the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished 
 foes and non-combatants, male and female. . . . 
 The signs look better. The ' Father of Waters ' again 
 goesunvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great North- 
 west for it ; nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred 
 miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone 
 and Jersey, hemming their way right and left. The 
 sunny South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a 
 helping hand. On the spot their part of the history 
 was jotted down in black and white. The job was a 
 great national one and let none be slighted who bore 
 an honorable part in it. . . . Peace does not 
 appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon 
 and come to stay ; and so come as to be worth the 
 keeping in all future time. It will then have been 
 proved that among freemen there can be no success- 
 ful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they 
 who take such appeal are sure to lose their cause and 
 pay the cost. And there will be some black men, 
 who can remember that with silent tongue, and clinch- 
 ed teeth and steady eye and well-poised bayonet, they 
 have helped mankind on to this great consummation, 
 while I fear there will be some white ones unable to 
 forget that, with malignant heart and deceitful speech 
 they have striven to hinder it. Still let us not be 
 over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us be 
 quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, 
 never doubting that a just God, in His own good 
 time, will give us a rightful result."
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 29I 
 
 The letter was enthusiastically received and heartily- 
 indorsed. Its hopeful spirit was infectious ; its calm 
 logic was convincing, and the Illinois Convention 
 sent back its congratulations and its prayers for the 
 success of the cause. Not alone on the broad prairies 
 of Illinois was this letter read, but from east to west 
 it went, with its cheering message, and everywhere 
 was confidence in the final outcome renewed, 
 and a more cheerful view taken of existing cir- 
 cumstances. Still more was this feeling fostered 
 and strengthened by the Thanksgiving proclamation 
 of October 3. 
 
 As time passes on the words of Lincoln are assum- 
 ing more and more significance and are perused with 
 an increasing interest. Many writers conceal their 
 personality and give no single glimpse of it in their 
 works. This is necessarily not the case with Lincoln. 
 For while he has left behind a great many works of 
 literary merit, he did not distinctly enter the field of 
 literature. The occasions that called forth his pro- 
 ductions and the productions themselves were of such 
 a character as to call out more or less of his opinions 
 and personality. While his autobiography was never 
 written, his published works afford a better ground 
 for character-study than the story of his life other- 
 wise. In view of this fact no biography is complete 
 which does not contain copious selections from his 
 own words. His October proclamation contains 
 many noteworthy sentiments, a few of which are 
 quoted below : 
 
 " The year that is drawing towards its close has 
 been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and 
 healthful skies. To these bounties, which are so con-
 
 292 
 
 ARRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 stantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the 
 source from which they come, others have been added 
 which are of so extraordinary a nature that they can- 
 not fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which 
 is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful provi- 
 dence of Almighty God. In the midst of a civil war 
 of unequalled magnitude and severity, which has 
 sometimes seemed to invite and provoke the aggres- 
 sion of foreign States, peace has been preserved with 
 all nations, order has been maintained, the laws have 
 been respected and obeyed, and harmony has every- 
 where prevailed, except in the theatre of military con- 
 flict, while that theatre has been constantly contracted 
 by the advancing armies and navies of the United 
 States. . . . Population has steadily increased not- 
 withstanding the waste that has been made in the 
 camp, the siege and the battlefield ; and the country, 
 i-ejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength 
 and vigor, is permitted to expect a continuance of 
 years with a large increase of freedom. No human 
 counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked 
 out these great things. They are the gracious gifts 
 of the most high God, who, while dealing with us in 
 anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered 
 mercy. It has seemed to me fit and proper that they 
 should be solemnly, reverently and gratefully 
 acknowledged, as with one heart and voice, by the 
 whole American people." 
 
 The President had awaited anxiously the Fall elec- 
 tions of 1863, for their result would proclaim the 
 popular verdict upon his policy. The general drift of 
 public opinion could be readily discerned in the 
 larger places, but the pulse of the great agricultural
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 293 
 
 districts could not be so readily felt, hence the party 
 leaders awaited the result with much anxiety. The 
 news was more than reassuring and showed that the 
 nation reposed abiding confidence in its rulers and 
 their ability. Every State gave large majorities for 
 the Republican tickets, except New Jersey. In Ohio 
 the notorious Vallandigham was the Democratic 
 candidate for Governor and was defeated by over one 
 hundred thousand majority. When the news was 
 announced to Lincoln he telegraphed back the words: 
 " Glory to God in the highest ! Ohio has saved the 
 Nation." 
 
 The name of Lincoln is inseparably connected with 
 the abolition of American slavery. While, owing to 
 the stress of circumstances, he had issued the proc- 
 lamation of emancipation, it was contrary to his 
 often-expressed belief as to the best method of deal- 
 ing with the evil. As a war measure the proclama- 
 tion was a success, but could not be permanent and 
 complete in its results. Until it should become a 
 part of the fundamental law of the land the doom of 
 American slavery would not be sealed. The only way 
 to accomplish this was by securing a constitutional 
 amendment. On February 10, 1864, Senator Trum- 
 bull, the old-time political friend of Mr. Lincoln, 
 introduced into the Senate what was destined to 
 be known as the Thirteenth Amendment, as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 " Article XIII, Section i. — Neither slavery nor 
 involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for 
 crime, whereof the parties shall have been duly con- 
 victed, shall exist within the United States or any 
 place subject to their jurisdiction.
 
 294 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 " Section 2. — Congress shall have power to enforce 
 this article by appropriate legislation." 
 
 The question was long and ably discussed and 
 finally passed the Senate, April 8, 1864, by a vote of 
 38 to 6. In the House the hostility to the bill was 
 pronounced and uncompromising. For nearly three 
 months the battle was waged and finally lost as the 
 vote did not show a necessary two-thirds majority. 
 Lincoln was disappointed at the result and feared 
 that the cause of freedom had received a serious set- 
 back. In his annual message, December 5, 1864, he 
 declared himself to be uncompromisingly in favor of 
 the bill, and urged that Congress take immediate and 
 favorable action upon it. He closed by saying that 
 whatever should be the action of Congress, he would 
 not retract or nullify the emancipation proclamation, 
 nor would he retire from his position on the subject. 
 If the people desired to return the former slaves to 
 servitude he would not be the instrument to do it. 
 He did not content himself with simply urging this 
 matter in his message, but he personally sought to 
 induce the opponents of the measure to change their 
 votes. He was entirely committed to the measure 
 and determined to use his whole influence to secure 
 its adoption, and this time he was not disappointed. 
 January 13, the bill passed by more than the requisite 
 majority, and the amendment was now ready to be 
 presented to the States for their ratification or rejec- 
 tion. The feelings of Lincoln can hardly be appre- 
 ciated. At last the crowning achievement of his life 
 was to be perpetuated in the organic laws of the Na- 
 tion, which was destined once more, as the fruit of his 
 labors, to be united and harmonious. Well might he say:
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 295 
 
 " The great job is ended. The occasion is one of 
 congratulation, and I cannot but congratulate all pres- 
 ent, myself, the country and the whole world upon 
 this great moral victory." 
 
 The work thus begun he never saw completed. On 
 December i8, 1865, Secretary Seward made proclama- 
 tion that the Thirteenth Amendment had been rati- 
 fied by the requisite number of States, and hence had 
 become a part of the organic law. Thus was the 
 great revolution, begun with bullet and blood, irrev- 
 ocably settled and established by the ballot. But 
 its illustrious leader, the " defender of the Constitu- 
 tion ," never lived to see the result. Already the 
 shadow was approaching and wrapping the doomed 
 President in its folds. His work was nearly done ; a 
 few more victories and defeats; a few more anxieties 
 and wearying cares, and then the triumph. His 
 work had been well done, and the results were sub- 
 stantial and permanent. 
 
 From the time when he had been brought first into 
 contact with the horrors of the system, in New 
 Orleans, to the time when the last blow had been 
 struck and its doom sounded, he had been more or 
 less active in opposition to it. Not with the opposi- 
 tion of the fanatic, who would achieve his ends at 
 any sacrifice of justice and happiness, but rather with 
 the feelings of a patriot who recognized the enormity 
 of the evil, but would suppress it by just and lawful 
 measures. He had not plunged into the struggle 
 suddenly, without preparation, but was rather led 
 gradually up to it by the irresistible logic of events 
 which, all unseen and unrecognized, was gradually 
 fatting him for, and advancing him to the great
 
 296 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 career which was destined to place his name among 
 the few great liberators of earth. 
 
 It is said that the President of the United States 
 can have no domestic life ; that he is so constantly 
 and prominently in public, that the opportunities for 
 privacy and retirement with his family, which the 
 ordinary citizen enjoys, are entirely lacking for him. 
 Nor is this to any large extent untrue of Lincoln. 
 Ev'en before he became President he was so con- 
 stantly engaged in business that occupied him away 
 from home, that his homelife was limited and unsatis- 
 fying. No doubt this was increased by a certain lack 
 of congenialty and harmony of tastes. In his family 
 he was always kind and forbearing, patient with his 
 children, almost to the verge of indulgence. He knev.- 
 nothing about sev^ere discipline and could never bear 
 to see his children punished. He loved them with 
 all the strength of his great heart, and when one of 
 them, William Wallace, died in the White House, he 
 could hardly be comforted. During the latter years 
 of the v/ar, Robert was away at college, leaving only 
 Thomas, or "Tad," as he was universally called, at 
 home. He was a general favorite everywhere, and 
 free to go and come as he pleased. His father was 
 never too busy to welcome him, nor too tired and 
 weary to enjoy his companionship. They frequently 
 took long walks together, and more than once Tad 
 accompanied his father while reviewing troops, and 
 the boy was generally received with as much enthu- 
 siasm as his father. He even had free entrance into 
 the Cabinet meetings which he more than once inter- 
 rupted with some tale of childish uoe. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln v/as possessed of a v.-onderfully reten-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'. 297 
 
 tive memon'. If he liked anything, after once read- 
 ing or hearing it, " it just seemed to stick." He 
 delighted especially in poetry, and could repeat 
 poems, that struck his fancy, after once hearing them. 
 Shakespeare was his especial favorite. Early in the 
 war, in company with a number of Cabinet officers 
 he visited Fortress Monroe, and. on his way down the 
 river, he sat for hours repeating from memory the 
 finest passages of Shakespeare's works, page after 
 page of Browning and whole cantos of Byron, to the 
 intense surprise of his auditors. He was not a Latin 
 scholar and was not ashamed to acknowledge his 
 ignorance and he once stated that he had never read 
 an entire novel in his life. 
 
 As the duties of his position began to weigh more 
 heavily upon him and his trials and perplexities con- 
 tinued to increase, he came more and more to look to 
 Divine Providence for aid and strength. Feeling the 
 insufficiency of his own powers, and noting the 
 perils which assailed the nation on everj* side, he 
 early recognized the fact that there was no help in 
 man, that God alone could rescue the nation by his 
 providence. He not only possessed the true spirit of 
 religion, but so far as |X)ssible he observed its require- 
 ments and ordinances. The following proclamation 
 in regard to the obser\'ance of the Sabbath by the 
 army well illustrates this point. 
 
 "The President, Commander-in-Chief of the Army 
 and Navy, desires and enjoins the orderly obser\-ance 
 of the Sabbath by the officers and men in the military 
 and naval service. The importance to man and beast 
 of the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights 
 of Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming defer-
 
 298 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 ence to the best sentiment of Christian people, and a 
 due regard for the Divine Will, demand that Sunday- 
 labor in the army and navy be reduced to the measure 
 of strict necessity. The discipline and character of the 
 national forces should not suffer, nor the cause they 
 defend be imperiled by the profanation of the day 
 or name of the Most High. 'At the time of public 
 distress,' adopting the words of Washington in 1776, 
 ' men may find enough to do in the service of their 
 God and their country, without abandoning them- 
 selves to vice and immorality.' The first general 
 order ever issued by the ' Father of his Country,' 
 after the Declaration of Independence, indicates the 
 spirit in which our institutions were founded and 
 should ever be defended : ' the General hopes and 
 trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to 
 live and act as becomes a Christian soldier defend- 
 ing the dearest rights and liberties of his country.' "
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 The approach of the national elections in the 
 autumn of 1864 was viewed with grave apprehensions 
 by patriotic men generally. The heated campaigns 
 incident upon a general election always have a depres- 
 sing effect upon trade and in many localities, especi- 
 ally where the opposing parties are of nearly equal 
 strength, a spirit of rivalry and jealousy is engen- 
 dered that sometimes leads to serious results. It is a 
 trying ordeal for a country to pass through even when 
 everything is in a normal condition. How much 
 more trying, then, when in the midst of civil war, 
 when business is interfered with, resources taxed to 
 the uttermost and evil passions and distrust excited, 
 in a struggle with a captious minority which was 
 bitterly hostile to an administration whose every 
 energy was engaged in the prosecution of the greatest 
 war of the century. Every one realized that the 
 coming election would be the severest test to which 
 republican institutions had ever been subjected. 
 Could they stand the test ? Patriotic citizens hoped 
 for the best but feared the worst, hence, as the season 
 approached, a feeling of gloomy apprehension over- 
 spread the North and infected many of the leaders 
 with a fear approaching a panic. 
 
 Meantime he, who was personally most interested 
 
 (299)
 
 300 ABRAHAM LINCO1.N. 
 
 in the outcome of the election, seemed to be the least 
 concerned in regard to its dangers. This was not 
 because he was insensible to them but because he had 
 an abiding faith in Providence and the American 
 people and he believed that their better sense and the 
 strength of the Constitution would triumph over all 
 dangers. While he was anxious for a re-election and 
 would have been deeply wounded if he had failed to 
 receive it, he yet was ready to surrender his claims 
 whenever the welfare of the country seemed to 
 demand it. He desired a re-election both as showing 
 the approval of his past actions by the people and to 
 give him the opportunity of completing the arduous 
 labors which had occupied his attention during his 
 first term. He said to a friend, in speaking on the 
 subject, before the Baltimore Convention, that ' "he 
 was not quite sure whether he desired a renomination. 
 Such had been the responsibilities of the office — so 
 oppressive had he found its cares, so terrible its per- 
 plexities — that he felt as though the moment, when 
 he could relinquish the burden and retire to private 
 life, would be the sweetest he could possibly experi- 
 ence. But, he said, he would not deny that are-elec- 
 tion would also have its gratification to his feelings. 
 He did not seek it, nor would he do so ; he did not 
 desire it for any ambitious or selfish purpose, but 
 after the crisis the country was passing through under 
 his Presidency, and the efforts he had made conscien- 
 tiously to discharge the duties imposed upon him, it 
 would be a very sweet satisfaction to him to know 
 that he had secured the approval of his fellow-citi- 
 
 • Browne.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 30I 
 
 zens, and earned the highest testimonial of confidence 
 they could bestow." 
 
 There was a strong opposition to his candidacy 
 manifesting itself within the party. This opposition, 
 which amounted almost to hostility, centred in 
 Horace Greeley and his paper, the New York Tribune. 
 This paper circulated widely through the rural dis- 
 tricts and probably was more influential than any 
 other paper published in America. Mr. Greeley 
 believed that the war was being unnecessarily pro- 
 longed and that blood and treasure were being need- 
 lessly expended. He appealed again and again to the 
 President, beseeching him to make peace by compro- 
 mise or concession, anything to put an end to the 
 war, which was exhausting the " poor, suffering, dis- 
 tracted country." Had his counsel been heeded the 
 war would have been stopped on the verge of its tri- 
 umphant issue ; the country would have been divided 
 and all the fruits of the terrible struggle would have 
 been lost. But the Tribune went on its daily and 
 weekly mission sowing the seeds of distrust and appre- 
 hension and doing much to enhance the difficulty of 
 the situation. Mr. Greeley, however, was not the only 
 prominent party-leader to withdraw his confidence 
 and support from the President. The seeds of dis- 
 affection were sown in his very Cabinet. Mr. Chase, 
 the Secretarj'- of the Treasury, had long been ambi- 
 tious to be Mr. Lincoln's successor. He had adminis- 
 tered the affairs of the Treasury with signal ability. 
 As a financier he had shown himself incomparable. 
 Not Necker nor Calonne found greater problems to 
 deal with than did Chase, and the European bankers 
 met with failure where the American minister tri-
 
 302 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 umphed over the entangled and almost hopeless state 
 of affairs with which he was compelled to cope. Not 
 only had he rendered distinguished services in the 
 Treasury Department, but he was recognized as the 
 most stalwart champion of the Abolition party. 
 Severe and uncompromising, he hated with righteous 
 hatred both slavery and the slaveholder, both sin and 
 the sinner. Moreover, his character was far more 
 self-centred than that of the President, leading him 
 to do full credit to his own transcendent abilities and in 
 some instances to disparage those of his rivals. He had 
 early conceived the idea of becoming a candidate, in 
 opposition to Mr. Lincoln, for the Republican nom- 
 ination, and he used all the tremendous influence of 
 his great office to further his ambition. His self- 
 aggrandizing effort: early came to the notice of Mr. 
 Lincoln, but he magnanimously refused to take 
 notice of them, preferring to leave the whole matter 
 to the decision of the people and even went so far as 
 to assure Mr. Chase that he need fear no opposition 
 from him, if he (Chase) should prove to be the choice 
 of the party. But his candidacy was as short-lived 
 as it was inauspicious. He soon perceived that the 
 tide of popular opinion was setting strong towards 
 Mr. Lincoln and he acquiesced as gracefully as possi- 
 ble in the situation. He exhibited such a spirit, how- 
 ever, towards the President that his resignation was 
 asked for and accepted. Senator Fessenden was 
 appointed to take his place. Shortly afterwards Mr. 
 Lincoln happened to meet Mr. Chase, and upon an 
 inquiry by the future Chief Justice as to how 
 matters looked generally, Mr. Lincoln quietly re- 
 marked :
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 303 
 
 "Oh, pretty well! pretty well! The only thing 
 is that I've had a litte trouble about the Cabinet, but 
 it's all happily settled now, I'm glad to say." 
 
 *' Why, how is that, Mr. President ? " queried Chase, 
 in earnest and sympathetic tones ; "I'm sure it could 
 not have been anything very serious." 
 
 " No, not at all, not at all ! " cried the President, in 
 his cheery way. " You see," he continued, dropping 
 his voice a little, and with a merry twinkle in his eye, 
 " although I am by no means an extremist myself, still 
 I have always been devoured by an overmastering 
 anxiety regarding the religious tenets and profession 
 of faith held by the various members of my official 
 famil}^ Now, Fessenden is quite a recent addition to 
 the Cabinet and I have been a little undecided where 
 to place him, in a religious point of view." 
 
 " Well, Mr. President," timidly ventured Chase, 
 " I'm glad you satisfied yourself upon such an impor- 
 tant point." 
 
 " Oh, yes ! " responded Lincoln. " I haven't the 
 slightest doubt upon the subject now. You see Fes- 
 senden is a pretty evenly-balanced man, but once in a 
 while he gets real, hoppin' mad, and then he swears 
 so all-fired hard, just like Seward, that I know, sure 
 as faith, that he's an Episcopalian." 
 
 In 1864 Chief-Justice Taney died, the man whose 
 decision in the " Dred Scott " case had done so much 
 to precipitate the rebellion and who had lived to see 
 his decision nullified by force of arms and the 
 institution which he had done so much to foster abro- 
 gated and destroyed. After a short delay Mr. Lin- 
 coln appointed Mr. Chase to the position overlooking 
 all the criticism and animadversion to which Mr.
 
 304 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Chase had subjected him with a rare forbearance 
 and magnanimity. 
 
 The National Republican Convention had been 
 called to meet at Baltimore, June 8, 1864. May 31, 
 a convention met at Cleveland, made up of dis- 
 appointed politicians and a few visionary spirits who 
 had from the first arrayed themselves with General 
 Fremont against the administration. Many of the 
 prominent men, who had been expected, failed to 
 attend and the proceedings were characterized by 
 neither dignity nor fairness. The movement very 
 soon "petered out," to use Mr. Lincoln's phrase, and 
 the only vestige of the convention that survived the 
 early summer was the candidacy of General Fremont. 
 He had been nominated as Lincoln's successor and 
 had accepted in a letter in which he severely attacked 
 Mr. Lincoln's course, alleging incompetency and a 
 needless disregard of the rights and privileges of 
 American citizens. The nomination was received 
 with so much apathy that General Fremont finally 
 withdrew his name but seized the opportunity to re- 
 new his denunciations of Mr. Lincoln. He said : 
 
 " I consider that his administration has been politi- 
 cally, militarily and financially a failure and that its 
 necessary continuance is a cause of regret to the 
 country." The attitude of General Fremont was one 
 to be deplored, not because of any material influence 
 it might exert upon the country, but because he was 
 one of the founders of the Republican party, its first 
 nominee for President, and because his name v/as 
 held in highest esteem and veneration by tliose who 
 had grown old in the struggle against slavery. 
 
 The Republican Convention met at Baltimore,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCNLN. 305 
 
 June, 1864. It was a foregone conclusion that Mr. 
 Lincoln would be the nominee of the Convention. 
 Nothing could influence popular opinion against him. 
 The masses of the people were more than satisfied 
 with his conduct of the war, indeed they regarded 
 him much as the Israelites did Moses, and believed 
 that the interests of the country were safer in his 
 hands than in those of any one else. The intrigues of 
 politicians and the open and covert attacks that were 
 m.ade upon him had no appreciable effect. The 
 Convention did little beyond reiterating the funda- 
 mental, principles of the part}^ They cordially in- 
 dorsed the administration and then quickly made the 
 nominations. The platform in brief pledged the 
 party to aid the Government unreservedly in quelling 
 the rebellion ; approved the acts of the adminis- 
 tration in regard to slavery and its refusal to enter 
 into any compromise ; returned thanks to the soldiers 
 and sailors who were so nobly fighting to preserve 
 the Union; and especiall}'' deprecated any interference 
 by European powers in American affairs. The nomi- 
 nation of Mr. Lincoln was made unanimously, except 
 that Missouri, at first, cast her twenty votes for Grant. 
 Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, a pronounced Union 
 man, who had rendered valuable service to the national 
 cause in a State where a severe contest had been 
 carried on between rebels and patriots, and whose 
 retention in the Union was largely due to his efforts, 
 was nominated for Vice-President. Though the 
 nomination afterwards proved an unfortunate one, at 
 the time it seemed a graceful recognition of faithful 
 service on the part of a true patriot and an able man. 
 Wasliington was so near Baltimore that a com-
 
 J 
 
 06 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 mittee waited upon the President the same day the 
 non^inations were made and presented him with a 
 copy of the platform and officially notified him of the 
 action of the Convention. He spoke to them as 
 follows : 
 
 ** Having served four years in the depths of a great 
 and yet unended national peril, I can view this call 
 to a second term in nowise more flattering to myself 
 than as an expression of the public judgment that I 
 may better finish a difficult work, in which I have 
 labored from the first, than could any one less severely 
 schooled to the task. In this view and with assured 
 reliance on that Almighty Ruler who has so graciously 
 sustained us thus far, and with increased gratitude to 
 the generous people for their continued confidence, I 
 accept the renewed trust, with its yet onerous and 
 perplexing duties and responsibilities." 
 
 His letter of acceptance, written June 27, v^as brief, 
 expressing his concurrence in the resolutions passed 
 by the Convention and its platform, and gratefully 
 accepting the nomination. He said : 
 
 " I am especially gratified that the soldier and the 
 sailor were not forgotten by the Convention, as they 
 forever must and will be remembered by the grateful 
 country, for v/hose salvation they devote their lives." 
 
 The Democratic Convention had been called for 
 August 29, in the hope that in the interval the events 
 of the war might be of such a character as to prepare 
 the people to accept a peace policy and thus they 
 would be able to create a distinct issue. Nor was 
 the situation without elements of encouragement to 
 the opposition. The political situation, in the inter- 
 vening months, had taken on grave aspects. Congress,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 307 
 
 just before its adjournment, had prepared and passed 
 an elaborate plan for reconstruction, but the President 
 had failed to sign it, giving the reasons for his dis- 
 approval in a proclamation soon after issued, in 
 
 which he presented the plan to the public and offered 
 executive support to any rebel State which should 
 decide to adopt it, but declining to commit himself 
 and the Government to an}?^ one method of reconstruc- 
 tion, especially if that plan should require the undo- 
 ing of the work which had been done in the already 
 partially reconstructed States. His course was 
 severely criticised and two of the most prominent 
 Republican members of Congress, Messrs. Wade and 
 Davis, issued a manifesto, which was printed in the 
 New York Tribune ^.nd which contained a most bitter 
 and uncalled for attack upon the President's motives 
 and course. Another thing which militated against 
 Mr. Lincoln was the outcome of a proposed peace 
 conference to be held between representatives of the 
 Confederate Government and of the President. It 
 was undertaken at the earnest solicitation of Mr. 
 Greeley. The circumstances turned out to be not as 
 represented and the Conference was broken off. 
 Mr. Lincoln's course in regard to it was consistent 
 and dignified, but being misunderstood gave another 
 weapon to his enemies to be wielded against him. 
 It is very evident now that the South was not ready 
 to accept peace upon the only terms upon which it 
 could be offered and that the President could not 
 have entered into negotiations without stultifying 
 himself. 
 
 The approaching Democratic Convention was 
 anticipated with apprehension by the Republicans.
 
 3o8 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 It is true that the Democrats were numerically in the 
 minority, but there was not only a discontented ele- 
 ment in the Republican party, but also many who 
 had become tired of the war and who would be glad 
 to purchase peace at almost any price. How large 
 this element was no one could tell, but its very exis- 
 tence was cause for alarm. When the Convention 
 assembled Mr. Vallandigham, of Ohio, appeared as 
 one of its leading spirits and, was himself, the author 
 of the platform. The Convention was especially 
 emphatic in its condemnation of the President and 
 his policy, and demanded the cessation of the war. 
 Mr. August Belmont, in opening the Convention 
 said : 
 
 "Four years of misrule by a sectional, fanatical 
 and corrupt party have brought our country to the 
 very verge of ruin. The past and present are suffi- 
 cient warnings of the disastrous consequences which 
 would befall us if Mr. Lincoln's re-election should be 
 made possible by our lack of patriotism and unity. 
 The inevitable results of such a calamity must be the 
 utter disintegration of our whole political and social 
 system amid bloodshed and anarchy, with the great 
 problems of liberal progress and self-government 
 jeopardized for generations to come." 
 
 These words formed the keynote of the Conven- 
 tion and of the platform and upon the issue thus 
 made the campaign was to be fought. After a long 
 discussion General McClellan, a war Democrat, was 
 nominated for President and George H. Pendleton, 
 a consistent member of the peace-party, was nomi- 
 nated for the Vice-Presidency. The promulgation 
 of the peace platform was followed by a storm of
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 309 
 
 popular indignation, which in many cases branded 
 those who had taken part in the Convention as cow- 
 ards and traitors. A large part of the Democracy- 
 disapproved of the policy and General McClellan has- 
 tened to repudiate it in his letter of acceptance. 
 
 While the Convention was in session the clouds 
 had already begun to lift from the political and mili- 
 tary horizon, and every occurrence tended to 
 strengthen Mr. Lincoln's position. The persistent 
 campaign which General Grant had been pursuing 
 around Richmond began to break the spirit of the 
 rebels and lessen the power of their resistance. 
 Already the end could be seen in the near future. 
 Appomattox was foreshadowed and that at no dis- 
 tant day. Four days after the Democratic party had 
 declared that the war was a dismal failure and had 
 demanded peace at any price, President Lincoln 
 issued a proclamation of Thanksgiving for the Union 
 victories. Irresistibly the tide of victory swept on, 
 each success proving a potent campaign speech, each 
 advance increasing the majority for the administra- 
 tion. Mr. Lincoln said in regard to the prospects : 
 "With reverses in the field the case is doubtful at 
 the polls. With victory in the field the election will 
 take care of itself." 
 
 The majority was strong and decisive. Indeed, 
 Mr. Lincoln lacked but little of being unanimously 
 elected, his competitor securing but three out of the 
 twenty-two States voting. The victory in the nation 
 was the most complete ever achieved in an election so 
 hotly contested. It could no longer be said that Mr. 
 Lincoln was a sectional President, for four Southern 
 States had given him their electoral votes. He
 
 310 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 would have been less than human if he had not 
 been gratified with this result. Yet his rejoicing was 
 utterly free from the taint of a selfish ambition or of 
 personal triumph. He said to a number of gentlemen 
 who had called to congratulate him upon the result : 
 
 "I am thankful to God for this approval of the 
 people. But while deeply grateful for this mark of 
 their confidence in me, if I know my heart, my grati- 
 tude is free from any taint of personal triumph. I 
 do not impugn the motives of any one opposed to 
 me. It is no pleasure to me to triumph over any 
 one ; but I give thanks to the Almighty for this evi- 
 dence of the people's resolution to stand by free gov- 
 ernment and the rights of humanity." 
 
 He subsequently said : " It has demonstrated that 
 a people's government can sustain a national election 
 in the midst of a great civil war. Until now it has 
 not been known to the world that this was a possi- 
 bility. It shows also how strong and sound we still 
 are. . . . Being only mortal, after all, I should have 
 been a little mortified if I had been beaten in this 
 canvass before the people ; but that sting would have 
 been more than compensated by the thought that 
 the people had notified me that all my official respon- 
 sibilities were soon to be lifted off my back." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's re-election took away the last hope 
 of the Confederacy. There was to be no change in 
 policy or in leaders. The war was to be pushed just 
 as persistently and uncompromisingly as before. No 
 ill-judged mercy would be extended to rebels in arms, 
 and peace could only be hoped for when all armed 
 opposition to the Government should cease. The 
 prospects still continued to brighten and when Con-
 
 AP.RAIIAJM LINCOLN, 31I 
 
 gress assembled the President greeted it with a 
 hopeful and encouraging message. He reviewed the 
 situation and showed the substantial results attend- 
 ant upon the year's campaigns, speaking of General 
 Sherman's march to the sea, which was then in 
 progress, as the most remarkable feature of the mili- 
 tary operations for the year. The message was, how- 
 ever, mainly concerned with arguments in favor of 
 the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment. 
 
 The winter's work was eminently satisfactory, both 
 in the field and in Congress. Although the fall of 
 the Confederac}'' was imminent, no precaution was 
 neglected, no preparation omitted, which looked 
 towards the completion of the war. When the day 
 of Mr. Lincoln's second inauguration dawned. Gene- 
 ral Sherman had captured Savannah and was march- 
 ing northward ; General Grant was slowly but surely 
 approaching Richmond and directing the operations 
 of his magnificent army, with the almost certain 
 assurance of success. The military power of the Con- 
 federacy had been destroyed in the West and South- 
 west and the field of operations was rapidly narrowing 
 down to the territory of Virginia. 
 
 The day was indeed an auspicious one and it was 
 joyously saluted by the people of the nation which 
 was now on the verge of a peaceful union. The con- 
 trast between this day and the one four years before, 
 when Mr. Lincoln had stood before the people of the 
 countr}'-, untried and distrusted, was most remarkable. 
 Then the gulf of civil war yawned before him, the 
 partially fulfilled threat of a divided sovereignty. 
 He stood anxiously, almost timidly, in the presence 
 of a future dark and uncertain. He had sought to
 
 312 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 console and reassure the people and to heal the 
 breach if possible. Earnesth^ almost plaintively, he 
 had pleaded with the discontented spirits to pause 
 and reflect before taking action and urged upon them 
 his own friendliness and the absence of any intention 
 to inflict upon them the evils which they foreboded. 
 Now — the tempest of civil war had nearly spent its 
 power, the clouds were dispersing and the sun of 
 peace was breaking through the gloom to shed his 
 joyful rays upon a country shattered and bleeding, 
 but saved. The triumph was not far off and surely 
 the President would find cause for gratulation and 
 glorying. But not so. His address was pitched in a 
 minor key. He indulged in no boastings of victories 
 won or predictions of coming triumph. His memory 
 was too active with the terrible scenes of the past four 
 years. He saw the laurel crown but dimly through 
 the tears flowing for the dead. His eyes were turned, 
 not to the future, but to the battlefields of the past. 
 He saw the wounded and the dying, the "Stars and 
 Stripes " tattered and bullet-riven, stained with the 
 life-blood of its gallant defenders. And may it not 
 have been that his prophetic eye discerned dimly the 
 shadow into which he had already entered, the crown- 
 ing catastrophe, the last sacrifice, and the greatest, 
 upon the country's altar ? 
 
 Heroic figure ! Standing there in all the majesty of 
 thy greatness! Great, because self has been lost in 
 others good ! Sublinie, indeed, was the picture, with 
 the glorious achievements of the past in the back- 
 ground, and the central person of them all standing, 
 unconscious, face to face with death ! Where can his- 
 tory show the counterpart ?
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 313 
 
 The morning of March 4 was stormy, but towards 
 noon the rain ceased, the clouds rolled away and the 
 sun shone brightly. Vast crowds had gathered to 
 witness the inaugural ceremonies. Congress, as 
 usual, adjourned at noon, but the Senate was called to 
 meet in special session, at which Hon. Andrew Johnson 
 appeared, took the oath of office and became its pre- 
 siding officer. The Senate-chamber was filled with a 
 brilliant and distinguished assembly, in the midst of 
 which were seen many an uniform whose wearer had 
 become distinguished during the last four years. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was accompanied by the Judges of the 
 Supreme Court, in their judicial robes, many repre- 
 sentatives of the Diplomatic Corps, in their national 
 costumes, and a large number of military and naval 
 officers, resplendent in their glittering uniforms. As 
 he stepped upon the platform the air was filled with 
 cheers and acclamations, which did not cease until 
 he waved his hand in the air to indicate that he was 
 ready to speak. The crowd, which had gathered in 
 front of the Capitol, was vast, extending far beyond 
 the reach of Mr. Lincoln's voice, but enthusiastic and 
 contented if their eyes could but rest upon his form. 
 The most touching and suggestive feature of the 
 crowd was the large number of maimed and crippled 
 soldiers, whose eager attention and hearty applause 
 were but faintly indicative of their devotion to their 
 illustrious chief. The simple oath of office was ad- 
 ministered by Chief Justice Chase, after which, in a 
 clear but melancholy voice, Mr. Lincoln read his 
 second inaugural as follows: 
 
 • " Fellow-Countrymen : — At this second appearing 
 to take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less
 
 314 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 occasion for an extended address tlian there was at 
 the first. Then, a statement somewhat in detail of a 
 course to be pursued, seemed very fitting and proper. 
 Now, at the expiration of four years, during which 
 public declarations have been constantly called forth 
 on every point and phase of the great contest, which 
 still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies 
 of the Nation, little that is new could be presented. 
 The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly 
 depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, 
 and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encour- 
 aging to all. With high hope for the future, no 
 prediction in regard to it is ventured. r._. 
 
 " On the occasion corresponding v/ith this, four 
 years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an 
 impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to 
 avoid it. While the inaugural address was being de- 
 livered from this place, devoted altogether to saving 
 the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the 
 city, seeking to destroy it with war — seeking to dis- 
 solve the Union, and divide the effects by negotia- 
 tion. Both parties deprecated war, but one of them 
 would make war rather than let the Nation survive, 
 and the other would accept war rather than let it 
 perish; and the war came. One-eighth of the whole 
 population were colored slaves, not distributed gen- 
 erally over the Union, but localized in the southern 
 part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and 
 powerful interest. All knew that this interest was 
 somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, per- 
 petuate and extend this interest, was the object for 
 which the insurgents would rend the Union by 
 war. While the Government claimed no right to
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 315 
 
 do more than to restrict the territorial enlarge- 
 ment of it. 
 
 " Neither party expected for the war the magni- 
 tude or the duration which it has already attained. 
 Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict 
 might cease with, or even before the conflict itself 
 should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, 
 and a result less fundamental and astounding. 
 
 " Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same 
 God, and each invokes His aid against the other. It 
 may seem strange that any men should dare to ask a 
 just God's assistance in wringing the bread from the 
 sweat of other men's faces. But let us judge not, 
 that we be not judged. The prayer of both could 
 not be answered. That of neither has been answered 
 fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. ' Woe 
 unto the woi^ld because of offenses, for it must needs 
 be that offenses come, but woe to that man by whom 
 the offense cometh.' If we shall suppose tliat Ameri- 
 can slavery is one of these offenses, which, in the 
 Providence of God, must needs come, but which, 
 having continued through His appointed time. He 
 now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North 
 and South this terrible war as the woe due to those 
 by whom the offense came, shall we discern there any 
 departure from those divine attributes which the 
 believers in a living God always ascribe to Him ? 
 Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this 
 mighty scourge of Vv'ar may speedily pass away. Yet, 
 if God wills that it continue until all the wealth 
 piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty 
 years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every 
 drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid
 
 3l6 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 by another drawn by the sword, as was said three 
 thousand years ago, so still it must be said, that 
 'the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous 
 altogether.' 
 
 " With malice towards none, with charity for all, 
 with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the 
 right, let us finish the work we are in, to bind up the 
 Nation's wounds, to oare for him who shall have 
 borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphans, 
 to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a 
 lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." 
 
 Never had more impressive words been uttered by 
 a nation's ruler. Did his character need aught to 
 prove his greatness, this address would fully establish 
 the claim. 
 
 As the procession moved from the Capitol to the 
 White House a star was observed to be shining with 
 a brilliancy which made it visible, even in the midst 
 of the sunlight, and it was joyously hailed as a har- 
 binger of brighter times; like that other star whose 
 appearance was the heralding of "peace on earth, 
 good-will to men."
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 In the latter part of March, it became apparent that 
 Richmond could not hold out much longer, and, as 
 Mr. Lincoln had always been desirous of visiting the 
 army while engaged in the work of actual warfare, 
 he made arrangements to spend several days with 
 General Grant at City Point. 
 
 He was much interested in the details of the siege, 
 and would sit and watch the soldiers for hours. He 
 did not wish to interfere with the military move- 
 ments in any way, and hence took pains not to in- 
 quire into the plans of the campaign. It was here 
 that the famous conference occurred between Gen- 
 erals Grant and Sherman and Admiral Porter, at 
 which the President was present, and which was sub- 
 sequently made the subject of a notable painting by 
 Healy, now in the possession of the Calumet Club of 
 Chicago. The object of the conference was to per- 
 fect the details of the closing campaign, in order that 
 the army and navy might work harmoniously to- 
 gether. Mr. Lincoln was much interested in the 
 discussion and, when the conversation turned upon 
 the probability of another great battle being fought 
 before the war could be ended, he asked more than 
 once: "Must more blood be shed ? Cannot this last 
 bloody battle be avoided ?" 
 
 (317)
 
 3l3 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 April 3, Lee evacuated Richmond, and tliecity was 
 taken possession of by the Union troops. Mr. Lin- 
 coln expressed a desire to visit the city, and in com- 
 pany with Admiral Porter and a file of marines 
 succeeded in reaching it by water. The remarkable 
 scenes that followed are thus graphically described 
 by the admiral: ^ 
 
 ^' There was a small house on the landing, and be- 
 hind it were some twelve negroes digging with 
 spades. The leader of them was an old man, some 
 sixty years of age. He raised himself to an upright 
 position as we landed, and put his hands to his eyes. 
 Then he dropped his spade, and sprang forward : 
 * Bress de Lord,' he said, * dere is de great Messiah ! 
 I knowed him as soon as I seed him. He's bin in my 
 heart fo' long yeahs, an' he's come at las' to free his 
 chillun from deir bondage ! Glory, Hallelujah ! ' 
 And he fell upon his knees before the President, and 
 kissed his feet. The others followed his example, 
 ar d in a minute Mr. Lincoln was surrounded by these 
 people who had treasured up the recollection of him 
 caught from a photograph, and had looked up to him 
 for four years as the one who was to lead them out 
 of captivity. It was a touching sight — that aged 
 negro, kneeling at the feet of the tall, gaunt-looking 
 man, who seemed in himself to be bearing all the 
 grief of the nation, and whose sad face seemed to 
 say, ' I suffer for you all, but will do all I can to help 
 you.' Mr. Lincoln looked down on the poor creatures 
 at his feet; he was much embarrassed at his position. 
 ' Don't kneel tc me,' he said, ' that is not right. You 
 
 ' Porter's Leading Incidents in the Civil War.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 319 
 
 must kneel to God only, and thank Him for the lib- 
 erty you will hereafter enjoy. I am but God's hum- 
 ble instrument; but you may rest assured that, as 
 long as I live, no one shall put a shackle on your 
 limbs, and you shall have all the rights which God 
 has given to every other free citizen of this 
 Republic' 
 
 " It was a minute or two before I could get the ne- 
 groes to rise and leave the President. The scene was 
 so touching, I hated to disturb it, yet we could not 
 stay there all day; we had to move on; so I requested 
 the patriarch to withdraw from about the President, 
 with his companions, and let us pass on. * Yes, mars,' 
 said the old man, ' but after bein' so man)?- yeahs in 
 de desert widout water, it's mighty pleasant to be 
 lookin' at las' on our spring of life. 'Scuse us, sir; we 
 means no iisrespec' to Mars' Lincoln; we means all 
 love an' gratitude.' And then, joining hands together 
 in a ring, the regroes sang a hymn, with melodious 
 and touching voices, only possessed by the negroes 
 of the South. The President and all of us listened 
 respectfully while the hymn was being sung. Four 
 minutes, at most, had passed away since we first 
 landed at a point where, as far as the eye could reach, 
 the streets were entirely deserted; but now what a 
 different scene appeared as that hymn went forth from 
 the negroes' lips ! The streets seemed to be suddenly 
 alive with the colored race. They seemed to spring 
 from the earth. They came tumbling and shouting 
 from over the hills and from the waterside, where no 
 one was seen as we had passed. The crowd immedi- 
 ately became very oppressive. We needed our 
 marines to keep them off. I ordered twelve of the
 
 320 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 boats' crew to fix bayonets to their rifles and sur- 
 round the President — all of which was quickly done; 
 but the crowd poured in so fearfully that I thought 
 we all stood a chance of being crushed to death. 
 
 " At length the President spoke. He could not move 
 for the mass of people — he had to do something.' 
 * My poor friends,' he said, ' you are free — free as air. 
 You can cast off the name of slave and trample upon 
 it ; it will come to you no more. Liberty is your 
 birthright. God gave it to you as he gave it to oth- 
 ers, and it is a sin that you have been deprived of it 
 for so many years. But you must try to deserve this 
 priceless boon. Let the world see that you merit it, 
 and are able to maintain it by your good works. 
 Don't let your joy carry you into excesses. Learn 
 the laws and obey them ; obey God's Commandments 
 and thank Him for giving you liberty, for to Him 
 you owe all things. There, now, let me pass on ; I 
 have but little time to spare. I want to see the Capi- 
 tol, and must return at once to Washington to secure 
 to you that liberty which you seem to prize so 
 highly.' 
 
 " The crowd shouted and screeched as if they would 
 split the firmament, though while the President was 
 speaking you might have heard a pin drop." 
 
 As he proceeded through the streets, the windows 
 on either side were full of ptople who were curious 
 to see the "dreaded Lincoln." There Avas no 
 unfriendly manifestation and many of the citizens 
 gave him a cordial welcome. He passed through the 
 city, visiting several places of interest and especially 
 the deserted mansion of Mr. Davis, the President of 
 the now defunct Confederacy.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLK. 32 1 
 
 Admiral Porter, relates an incident occurring in 
 this trip, which well illustrates Mr. Lincoln's feelings, 
 towards the South and his intentions in regard to 
 reconstruction. He says : 
 
 " In the strife between the North and South there 
 was no bitterness in Mr. Lincoln's composition ; he 
 seemed to think only that he had an unpleasant duty 
 to perform and endeavored to perform it as smoothly 
 as possible. He would, without doubt, have yielded 
 a good deal to the South, only that he kept his duty 
 constantly before his eyes, and that was the compass 
 by which he steered at all times. The results of a 
 battle pained him as much as if he were receiving the 
 wounds himself for I have often heard him express 
 himself in pained accents over some of the scenes of 
 the war. ... I know that he was determined the 
 Confederacy should have the most liberal ternjs. 
 ' Get them to plowing once,' he said, * and gathering 
 in their own little crops, eating pop-corn at their own 
 firesides, and 3'ou can't get them to shoulder a mus- 
 ket again for half a century. . . . 
 
 " One morning, at ten o'clock, Mr. John A. Camp- 
 bell, late Justice of the Supreme Court of the United 
 States, sent a request to be allowed to come aboard 
 with General Weitzel. He wanted to call upon the 
 President. He came on board, and spent an hour. 
 The President and himself seemed to be enjoying 
 tliemselves very much, to judge from their laughter. 
 " I did not go down into the cabin. In about an 
 hour, General Weitzel and Mr. Campbell came on 
 deck, asked for a boat, and were landed. 
 
 " I went down below for a moment, and the Presi- 
 dent said: 'Admiral, I am sorry you were not here
 
 322 
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 when Mr. Campbell was on board. He has gone on 
 shore happy. I have given him a written permission 
 to allow the State Legislature to convene at the 
 Capitol, in the absence of all other government ! 
 
 " I was rather astonished at this piece of informa- 
 tion. I felt that this course would bring about com- 
 plications, and wondered how it had all come to 
 pass. . . . 
 
 "When the President told me all that had been 
 done, and that General Weitzel had gone on shore 
 with an order in his pocket to let the Legislature 
 meet, I merely said: 'Mr. President, I suppose you 
 remember that this city is under military jurisdiction, 
 and that no Courts, Legislature or Civil Authority 
 can exercise any power without the sanction of the 
 General commanding the Army. This order of yours 
 should go through General Grant, who would inform 
 you that Richmond was under martial law; and I am 
 sure he would protest against this arrangement with 
 Mr. Campbell.' 
 
 " The President's common sense took in the situa- 
 tion at once. 'Why,' he said, 'Weitzel made no 
 objection, and he commands here.' 
 
 '"That is because he is Mr. Campbell's particular 
 friend, and wished to gratify him.' 
 
 "'Run and stop them,' exclaimed the President, 
 ' and get my order back ! Well, I came near knock- 
 ing all the fat into the fire, didn't I ? ' 
 
 " To make things sure, I had an order written to 
 General Weitzel, and signed by the President, as fol- 
 lows: ' Return my permission to the Legislature of 
 Virginia to meet, and don't allow it to meet at all.' 
 There was an ambulance wagon at the landing and,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Z^Z 
 
 giving the order to an officer, I said to him: 'Jump 
 into that wagon, and kill the horse if necessary, but 
 catch the carriage which carried General Weitzel and 
 Mr. Campbell, and deliver this order to the General.' 
 
 " The carriage was caught after it reached the city. 
 The General and Mr. Campbell were surprised. The 
 President's order was sent back, and they never 
 returned to try and reverse the decision." 
 
 The same writer relates the following incident, 
 which occurred a little later: 
 
 " He was one day discussing the generals of the 
 war — what difficulties he had in making appoint- 
 ments, etc. He illustrated each case with a story. In 
 speaking of one general, he said it reminded him of 
 a friend of his, a blacksmith, he knew out in the West 
 when he was a boatman. 
 
 " This old friend was celebrated for making good 
 work, especially axes, which were in great demand 
 at that day. No boatman had a complete outfit 
 unless he had a good ax. 
 
 " ' One day,' he said to me, ' Lincoln, I have the 
 finest piece of steel you ever saw; I got it on purpose 
 to make an ax for you, and if you will sit down and 
 tell me a good stor}', you shall have the ax when it 
 is finished.' 
 
 "'Go ahead,' I said, and I sat down to tell the 
 story, while he made the ax. 
 
 " My friend, the blacksmith, first put on a huge 
 piece of fresh coal, and blew it until it was at a 
 proper heat — the coals glowing; he picked up the 
 piece of steel, and locked at it affectionately, patted 
 it all over, then, ' Lincoln,' he said, ' did you ever 
 see a piece of steel equal to that .'' It will make you
 
 324 ABRAHAM LINX'OLX. 
 
 a companion you will never want to part with; and 
 when you are using it, you will think of me. ' Then 
 he put it into the fire, and began to work his bellows, 
 while I began to tell my story. 
 
 " He blew and bletv until the steel was at a deep 
 red heat, when, taking it out of the fire and laying 
 it on the anvil, he gave it a clip with a four-pound 
 hammer. Lord bless you, how the sparks flew, and 
 the big red scales also ! ' Lincoln,' he said, ' here's 
 a go, and a bad one too. This lump of steel ain't 
 worth the powder that would blow it up. I never 
 was so deceived in anything in all my life. It won't 
 make an ax. But I'll tell you what it will make. It 
 will make a clevis,' and he put it in the fire again, 
 and went through the same performance as before. 
 Then, when it was heated, he laid it upon the anvil, 
 and commenced to hammer it. The sparks flew, and 
 so did the scales, and in a minute half of it was 
 gone. 
 
 "The blacksmith stopped and scratched his head, 
 as men often do under difliculties. 'Well,' he said, 
 'this certainly is an onery piece of steel, but it may 
 get better nearer the heart of it. I can't make a 
 clevis out of it, but it will make a clevis-bolt. It may 
 have some good in it yet. After all, a good clevis- 
 bolt is not a bad thing.' 
 
 " He put it into the fire again, and this time got it 
 to a white heat. 'I think I have it now, Lincoln,' 
 and he pounded away at it until I was nearly blinded 
 by the scales. 
 
 '"This won't do,' he said, ' I certainly don't know 
 my trade to let a thing like that fool me so. Well, 
 well, it won't make a clevis-bolt, but I have one resort
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 325 
 
 yet; it will make a tenpenny nail. You will have to 
 wait for your ax,' and he put the metal into the fire 
 again. 
 
 " This time he didn't blow it ; he let it get red-hot 
 naturally, and when it was as he wanted it, he put it 
 on the anvil again. 
 
 "'This,' he said, ' is a sure thing. I am down to 
 the heart of the piece. There must be a tenpenny 
 nail in this.' But he was mistaken; there was only a 
 small piece of wire left. He was actually dazed. 
 
 " ' Durn the thing ! ' he said, ' I don't know what 
 to make of it. I tried it as an ax, and it failed me. 
 Then it failed me as a clevis. It failed me as a clevis- 
 bolt, and the thing won't even make a tenpenny nail ! 
 But I'll tell you, old fellow, what it will make,' and 
 he put it in the fire again until it and the tongs were 
 at a white heat. Then, turning around, he rammed 
 it into a bucket of water. * There, you will make a 
 big fizzle, and that is all you will make.' And it 
 sputtered and fizzled until it went out, and there was 
 nothing left. 
 
 " Now that is the case with the person I am 
 speaking of,' continued the President. ' I tried him 
 as an ax. I tried him as a clevis. He was so full of 
 shakes, he wouldn't work into one. I tried him as a 
 clevis-bolt. He was a dead failure, and he wouldn't 
 make even a tenpenny nail. But he did make the 
 biggest fizzle that has been made in this war, and 
 fizzled himself out of the army." 
 
 On Sunday, April 9, he returned to Washington 
 and there received the tidings of Lee's surrender and 
 that of his entire army. His joy at the news can be 
 imagined. For the time he seemed to have had a new
 
 326 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 life infused into his worn and weary frame, and he 
 showed his happiness like a great, overgrown school- 
 boy. His enthusiasm was shared by the whole 
 country. Business was suspended as the tidings were 
 borne through the length and breadth of the land ; 
 flags were flung out to the breeze ; cannon boomed, 
 and there was one constant scene of wild jubilation. 
 For the moment the horrors of the war were forgot- 
 ten, and every man helped to swell the grand chorus 
 of thanksgiving, whose echoes were borne on every 
 wind to the remotest shores of the world. In Wash- 
 ington, which had suffered more than any other city 
 from the gloom and shadow of the war, the celebra- 
 tion of the news was most unrestrained. The White 
 House was thronged by those who were anxious to 
 extend their congratulations to the President and to 
 share in his joy. He appeared at the window over 
 the main entrance in view of the multitude and in 
 declining to make a speech, said : 
 
 " I am very greatly rejoiced that an occasion has 
 occurred so pleasurable that the people can't restrain 
 themselves. I suppose that arrangements are being 
 made for some sort of formal demonstration, perhaps 
 this evening or to-morrow night. If there should be 
 such a demonstration, I of course shall have to 
 respond to it, and I shall have nothing to say if I 
 dribble it out before. I see you have a band. I propose 
 now closing up by requesting you to play a certain 
 air or tune. I have always thought ' Dixie ' one of the 
 best tunes I ever heard. I have heard that our adver- 
 saries over the way have attempted to appropriate it 
 as a national air. I insisted yesterday that we had 
 fairly captured it. I presented the question to the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 327 
 
 Attorney General and he gave his opinion that it is 
 our lawful prize. I ask the band to give us a good 
 turn upon it." 
 
 On the evening of April ii, the city was illuminated 
 and a vast crowd gathered around the east window 
 to listen to the last speech Mr. Lincoln ever made. 
 He began with the following modest words : " We 
 meet to-night not in sorrow but in gladness of heart. 
 No part of the honor or praise is mine. To General 
 Grant, his skillful officers, and brave men, all 
 belongs." 
 
 The greatest problem that presented itself in the 
 closing up of the war was that of reconstruction. The 
 difficulty of dealing with the rebellious States and of 
 establishing the terms upon which they might regain 
 their proper status in the Union was a colossal one. 
 The policy which Mr. Lincoln had outlined was lib- 
 eral. He did not wish to witness the humiliation of 
 the commonwealths nor the execution of American 
 citizens as traitors even though they had raised their 
 hands in rebellion against the Constitution. When 
 asked what he intended to do with the leaders of the 
 revolt, he answered with a characteristic story : 
 
 "A Springfield boy once caught a coon which he 
 took home in triumph to his parents. For a time the 
 animal was the pet of the household and attracted 
 much attention. But after a time the novelty wore 
 off and the awkward beast became a nuisance, yet no 
 one could suggest a way to get rid of it. One day, 
 the boy was observed sitting on the doorstep, holding 
 a cord to which the coon was attached, while his 
 attention was turned earnestly in another direction. 
 A passer-by noticing the boy's disconsolate appear-
 
 328 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 ance stopped, and asked what was the matter. * Oh,' 
 was the repl}% ' this coon is such a bother to me.' 
 
 " ' Why don't you get rid of him, then ? ' said the gen- 
 tleman. 
 
 " ' Hush,' said the boy, ' don't you see he is gnaw- 
 ing his rope off? I am going to let him do it, 
 and then I will go home and tell the folks he got 
 away from me.' " 
 
 Mr. Lincoln continued : " This talk about Mr, 
 Davis tires me. I hope he will mount a fleet horse, 
 reach the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and drive so 
 far into the waters that we shall never see him 
 again." 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's wise and merciful policy of granting 
 amnest}"- to all rebels except a few of the most culpa- 
 ble leaders and not to make a special effort to secure 
 their persons was undoubtedly the best that could 
 have been put in force, yet it could not have been 
 wholly popular. When the people of the North 
 reflected upon the war which had been brought on 
 by the South, and the terrible cost of it, both in 
 resources and human life, they felt that leniency was 
 not a virtue, but rather a condoning of crime. The 
 men who had desolated their homes and all but 
 ruined their country should be made an example of 
 so that in the future all such efforts would be dis- 
 couraged. Had Lincoln lived he would have encoun- 
 tered much opposition and adverse criticism. He 
 might have found a large wing of his own party 
 opposed to his policy. Yet his persistence and care- 
 lessness of opposition, when he had once decided 
 upon a policy, would undoubtedly have enabled him 
 to overcome all opposition, and, in the end, carry into
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 329 
 
 operation the policy which had, to some extent, been 
 outlined in the States already partially reconstructed. 
 So far as it is possible to forecast the future from 
 the past, it is certain that if he had lived, many of the 
 unfortunate complications would have been avoided 
 which were destined to leave a lasting impress upon 
 the South in sectional bitterness perpetuated in 
 crippled prosperity, and a general feeling of distrust 
 between the sections which two and a half decades 
 have scarcely been able to heal. 
 
 But it is useless to speculate as to what might have 
 been. It is certain that there was no moment in 
 his whole career so fitted to bring about his apo- 
 theosis. Had he lived longer his career might have 
 been clouded by adverse circumstances over which he 
 could have had no control ; for it is well known that, 
 when a country is at war, in a condition of great 
 peril, all the diverse elements are concentrated to the 
 support of a government, which, in times of peace, 
 many of them would violently oppose. Hence much 
 might have occurred to tarnish his brilliant reputa- 
 tion and lower him from the high place to which his 
 successful conduct of the war had raised him. The 
 bullet struck him at the zenith of his glory. The war 
 was ended. The country was once more united. The 
 fresh woven wreath of victory was on his temples. The 
 country rejoiced in its preservation and revered him 
 as its preserver. Riding on the crest of the tidal wave 
 of success naught but the martyr's crown could add 
 to his laurels. It came, and Lincoln's memory was 
 forever enshrined in the hearts of his countrymen. 
 It is heartrending to think of the great chief, bearing 
 all the terrible burden of the conflict and passing
 
 S3° ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 hence just when the fruits of the victory were to be 
 enjoyed ; the pilot, bringing the ship safely into port 
 through raging tempests and opposing tides but not 
 permitted to step upon the solid land of peace and 
 union. 
 
 Yet it was not his loss. The earthly crown he laid 
 aside for a brighter and eternal one. He left the 
 field of battle for the realms of everlasting peace. 
 The tired head and weary heart were forever at 
 rest.
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 The season of rejoicing had come. For the 
 moment the gloom and darkness which had over- 
 spread the land had been dispelled. The cruel war 
 was over. No longer would the papers be scanned 
 eagerly, yet with sickening dread to find the news of 
 some battle and tidings of dear ones overwhelmed, per- 
 chance, by the crimson tide of war. Gayly the old 
 flag floated from every masthead. Joy and gladness 
 abounded. Friends joyfully greeted each other, the 
 smile of gladness breaking over faces even yet suf- 
 fused with tears. But amid the blare of trumpets 
 and the sounds of martial music, amid the clanging 
 chimes and ringing cheers, might be heard the mono- 
 tone of tolling bells and the sobs of a country 
 about to be bereft of its ruler. 
 
 As sometimes on a summer's day a dark cloud 
 passes quickly over the face of the sun, and its black 
 shadow falls upon the earth, rejoicing in the bril- 
 liancy of day, like a pall upon the landscape, gliding 
 over the distant hillsides, approaching noiselessly, 
 perhaps unseen, until suddenly it covers the whole 
 champaign with its sable mantle, leaving in its wake 
 darkness and gloom, where but a moment before had 
 been all light and joy and peace. So now amid the 
 festivities and rejoicing, when all fears had been laid 
 aside and naught of harm was dreaded, the shadow 
 
 (33O
 
 332 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 of death was fast approaching. Already it was glid- 
 ing down the distant hillsides and none saw it. Its 
 sable folds were growing thicker and blacker as it 
 approached, and yet the sun was shining never more 
 brightly. So sudden was the transition from hope 
 to despair, from joy to mourning. 
 
 His last day was a memorable one and largely free 
 from the care and anxieties which had weio-hed him 
 down with their burdens in the days and months that 
 had passed. He had often been oppressed by pre- 
 monitions and forebodings, but to-day he caught no 
 glimpse of the shadow so close upon him. He was in 
 exceptionally good spirits and was already beginning 
 to enter with keen zest upon the new duties and 
 questions suggested by tl e closing war. In the 
 morning the family lingered long at the breakfast- 
 table listening to a description of Lee's surrender 
 given by Robert Lincoln, who had just returned from 
 the front on a short furlough. He had been present 
 at the historic scene and gave many details which the 
 President had not before heard, and in which he was 
 deeply interested. 
 
 After breakfast, he proceeded to his office, where 
 he despatched some routine business and received a 
 number of calls from Senators and Representatives, 
 and from one or two of his old Illinois friends, all 
 anxious to congratulate him upon the glorious close 
 of the war. He greeted them all with cordiality, and 
 afterwards went out for a short drive with General 
 Grant, who was spending a few hours in Washington 
 on business connected with the army. The sight of 
 the illustrious General and his still more illustrious 
 chief, was greeted with enthusiastic cheers, which
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ^;^^ 
 
 they smilingly acknowledged. After his return, Mr. 
 Lincoln attended a Cabinet meeting, his last on 
 earth. After congratulations, inquiries were made 
 into the condition of the army, and the terms of sur- 
 render. General Grant, who was present, was asked 
 regarding the whereabouts of General Sherman, but 
 could not give much information on the subject, as 
 he had not recently heard from him. Mr. Lincoln 
 seemed especially anxious about him, and pressed 
 the inquiry. Finding that nothing further could be 
 ascertained, he said: 
 
 " Gentlemen, I feel sure we shall hear news of Sher- 
 man, either good or bad, before night." Upon being 
 asked why he thought so, he replied that he had had 
 a dream the night before, which he had regularly had 
 the night before some great event, and, as there was 
 no other place in which to apprehend a catastrophe, 
 he feared it for Sherman. He said that he had had 
 it before the great battles of Bull Run, Antietam, 
 Stone River and others. Some one asked him what 
 the dream was, and he replied that he seemed to be 
 on a great ship, under full sail on the ocean, ap- 
 proaching an unknown shore. The dream had never 
 failed, and he believed that something would happen. 
 Yet he did not seem to attach any personal meaning 
 to it, nor apprehend that the disaster might be to 
 himself. 
 
 After lunch, he went out for a drive with Mrs. 
 Lincoln, for the day was a beautiful one, such a day 
 as only the spring can bring, and that in the latitude 
 of the Capital City. During the ride, he recalled 
 many old memories and familiar scenes of his Spring- 
 field life, and a vein of sadness came over him, such
 
 334 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 as memories of by-gone days, forever past, produce. 
 He spoke of the trials and worries of the last four 
 years, recalling rather the sad scenes they had passed 
 through than the glorious triumphs he had achieved, 
 and speaking in tenderest terms of the son, William 
 Wallace, who had died at the White House and whose 
 memory he cherished with the warmest affection. He 
 then spoke hopefully of the future, remarking that 
 they would be able to save but little from the Presi- 
 dential salary, and that, at the close of his term, they 
 would return to Chicago or Springfield, buy a house 
 and he would resume his law practice, and they 
 would pass the remainder of their lives in peace and 
 quiet. He longed for the time to come when he 
 might throw aside the cares that were so oppressive, 
 and enjoy the much-needed rest. Sweet and com- 
 forting was this planning for the future. But abiding 
 rest was much nearer the weary frame than he knew. 
 Already the darkness of the shadow was upon him. 
 
 Upon his return he found on his desk an applica- 
 tion for the discharge of a rebel prisoner, upon taking 
 the oath of allegiance. He took his pen, which had 
 always been so ready to do an act of mercy and so 
 reluctant to confirm a sentence which law and justice 
 had passed, and wrote across the back of it the words, 
 *' Let it be done." His last official order ! 
 
 He had that morning accepted an invitation to 
 attend Ford's Theatre that evening and witness the 
 presentation of the popular play, " Our American 
 Cousin." He seldom allowed himself time for rest 
 and recreation, but he felt that he could better do so 
 now. He did not stop to consider the danger that 
 he incurred by thus appearing in a public resort,
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 335 
 
 without an escort or any means of protection. But 
 during the whole war he had been accustojned to 
 expose himself, at times almost recklessly, upon the 
 streets unattended at all hours of day and night, and 
 at times when the streets were thronged with desper- 
 ate characters in sympathy with the South, and who 
 would hesitate at nothing to bring about their nefari- 
 ous ends. It is marvellous that he had never before 
 suffered from violence. Opportunities had been 
 numerous, and more than once attempts had been 
 made on his life but had failed. During the latter 
 part of the war, he was out riding one evening, when 
 the officer in charge at the White House heard a 
 pistol-shot down the avenue, and a moment later the 
 hoof-beats of a horse galloping furiously. A moment 
 later the President rode up hurriedly without his hat. 
 Upon being asked what the matter was, he replied, 
 that some one had fired off a pistol unexpectedly, down 
 the street and had frightened his horse, causing him to 
 run, and he had thus lost his hat. A search was made 
 and his hat was found with a bullet-hole through it. 
 Even when he saw this evidence he ridiculed the idea 
 of any one trying to shoot him, claiming that it must 
 have been an accidental shot, but at the same time 
 requesting that nothing be said about it lest it 
 frighten the people and excite their apprehensions. 
 
 How many plots were formed during the adminis- 
 tration, which were in one way and another frustrated, 
 no one will ever know. 
 
 On the evening of the fourteenth, the President con- 
 versed for some time with Hon. George Ashmun, who 
 had acted as President of the Convention which had 
 nominated him, and with Hon. Schuyler Colfax,
 
 33^ ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 whom he invited to go to the theatre with him, but 
 who pleaded a previous engagement. 
 
 Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln entered the theatre at about 
 nine o'clock. As they approached the door of the 
 box, which had been reserved for them, the whole 
 audience arose and cheered them, waving their hand- 
 kerchiefs and applauding. Mr. Lincoln stopped and 
 bowed, then entered the box, which was profusely 
 decorated with flags in honor of the event. And 
 the cloud which had been so swiftly approaching 
 closed in about the doomed President and enveloped 
 him in its sable folds. In the midst of a scene of 
 extraordinary brilliancy, with blazing gas-jets, glitter- 
 ing jewels, fair women and brave men on every side. 
 Surely if there were any scene which could dispel the 
 shadow and drive away grim death, it was this ! Did 
 the victim feel any dim prescience of the swift 
 approaching fate ? Did that sensitive brain perceive 
 aught of the enveloping darkness ? Truly the " grand 
 ship was approaching an unknown country." The 
 tempest was filling the sails ; the roar of the breakers 
 was heard louder and louder ; the harbor lights shone 
 full upon the view ; and soon, ah, so soon, the anchor 
 would drop in the fair haven of rest. 
 
 At half-past ten a pistol-shot was heard in the 
 direction of the President's box, a wreath of smoke 
 lingered for a moment in the air, then a man, a 
 demon in human form, leaped from the President's 
 box upon the stage. His spurred heel caught in the 
 draperies of the flags, as if the banner whose defender 
 he had slain would detain him in his flight until the 
 hand of justice had seized him. He fell, arose again, 
 ran across the stage, flourishing a bloody dagger in
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 337 
 
 his hand, shouting, ^'^ Sic semper tyrannis" and dis- 
 appeared through one of the stage-doors, whence a 
 second later came the sound of horse's hoofs in furious 
 flight over the pavement. Meantime, a woman's form 
 leaned far out over the railing and pointed towards 
 the fleeing figure, while a woman's voice, in all the 
 agony of despair shrieked out, " He has killed the 
 President." Who can picture the scene of wild con- 
 fusion which followed ! For a moment the audience 
 sat, struck dumb, as when the rumble of some earth- 
 quake, mysterious, awful, paralyzes the limbs which 
 fain would flee, the tongue as it struggles to utter the 
 cry of despair, and then, there were shouts and 
 screams and curses ; women fainted or rushed aim- 
 lessly about, a hundred rushed towards the box 
 where lay the prostrate form of the President. The 
 stage was thronged in an instant with frantic men, 
 eager to be of service but knowing not what to do. 
 And through it all that prostrate form was lying 
 quiet, unheeding, with the precious life-blood oozing 
 slowly out upon the velvet carpet and dyeing to a 
 deeper crimson the draperies around. The panic 
 spread. From lip to lip passed the words, " The 
 President is killed." On into the street it echoed. 
 A platoon of soldiers rushed in with bayonets fixed 
 and charged upon the helpless throng, burning with 
 passion, ready to die for their beloved leader or to 
 stain the ground with the blood of his murderers. 
 
 The conspiracy to murder him had originated in 
 the brain ot John Wilkes Booth, an actor of hitherto 
 illustrious name, but henceforth to be hurled to a 
 deeper gulf of infamy, and to bear a reputation more 
 cursed and black than any master of crime painted
 
 338 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 by Shakespeare's matchless hand, whom he was wont 
 to personate upon the stage in mimic life. The 
 details of the plot have never, perhaps, been fully 
 revealed, but it contemplated not only the murder of 
 the President, but also of his leading advisers. 
 Whether there were tliose back of the plot whose 
 names have never been revealed, will probably never 
 be ascertained. Booth, learning that the President 
 was to visit the theatre on the evening of the four- 
 teenth, chose that day for the culmination of the plot. 
 He entered the theatre and made his plans for the 
 accursed deed. 
 
 When the fatal shot was fired the attention of the 
 President was directed towards the stage, and no one 
 saw the assassin enter. The box was occupied by 
 Miss Harris, the daughter of Senator Harris of New 
 York, who sat at the right, next the stage ; close to 
 her sat Mrs. Lincoln, while in the rear sat Major 
 Rathbone and the President. Booth placed his pis- 
 tol, a small Derringer, close to the head of Mr. Lin- 
 coln and fired. The bullet entered the brain and he 
 fell to the floor. Major Rathbone, hearing the shot, 
 sprang up and grappled with the murderer who 
 struck at him with a knife which he held in his hand, 
 wounding him in the shoulder. Booth then leaped 
 over the rail to the stage below, a distance of ten or 
 fifteen feet, and running across the stage he passed 
 out into the alley in the rear where he had a 
 swift horse awaiting, which he mounted and rode 
 away. 
 
 The inanimate form of the President was tenderly 
 lifted and carried to a house opposite, where a cur- 
 sory examination showed that the wound was fatal.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 339 
 
 There quickly gathered around the bedside of the 
 man, whose life was evidenced only by the faint 
 breathing and feebly beating heart, a crowd of sor- 
 rowing friends: Secretaries Welles and Stanton, the 
 Surgeon-General, Vice-President Johnson and many 
 others, who sadly awaited the end. Robert Lincoln 
 spent the sad hours of the night with his almost 
 frantic mother in an adjoining room, striving to com- 
 fort her who could not be comforted. In the gray 
 dawn of the morning, just as the sun was rising, the 
 last feeble breath was drawn, the last fluttering beat 
 came and the great heart was still. Slowly and sadly 
 they bore his mortal remains to the White House, his 
 " shop," as he used to call it, vv^hile the dark cloud 
 which had enveloped him, borne on by tlie swift cur- 
 rents that carried the news, settled down dark and 
 forbidding, sorrow-breeding and tear-laden upon the 
 length and breadth of the land ; nay, and wherever 
 throughout the world there was a heart that loved 
 liberty, there was sorrow for its brave champion 
 whose career had been so rudely cut off. The news 
 fell like a blight upon the land. Men started to their 
 labors, blithe and gay, and they returned to their 
 homes stricken and mourning. The newsboys stood 
 on the street corners and silently handed their black- 
 bordered papers to their customers, while they wiped 
 with tattered sleeves the tears of genuine sorrow 
 from their eyes. Men looked at each other in dis- 
 may. The shock was too sudden, too terrible, to bring 
 at first its most acute suffering, dazed and shocked 
 they could but stand in mute horror. Men returned 
 from their offices and children from their schools, and 
 the wives and mothers meeting them at the door
 
 340 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 with anxious inquiry received the simple answer, 
 "Our President is shot." 
 
 The flags which had floated so proudly at the mast- 
 heads were lowered to half-mast. Crape fluttered at 
 every door and hung in funeral folds from the 
 windows. Stores were closed and business was sus- 
 pended. In the cities the very car-horses seemed to 
 feel the prevailing gloom and proceeded to their 
 tasks with hanging heads and dejected mien. " Our 
 President is dead," was echoed from the tolling bells 
 as their solemn cadences lingered in the tremulous 
 air. " Our President is dead," the very birds hushed 
 their songs and flitted disconsolately from tree to 
 tree. "Our President is dead," were the words that 
 fell sadly from every tongue and brought to each 
 heart a grief such as all the exigencies of a cruel war 
 had not yet inflicted. Nor was the grief confined to 
 the western continent Dispatches of sympathy and 
 condolence, genuine and hearty, poured in from all 
 over the civilized world. He had once been the sport 
 of Europe ; his awkward and homely figure had been 
 the object of jest and ridicule, at the court and in the 
 cabin ; but prince and peasant had, long ere this, 
 learned to respect the plain, simple man, whose 
 character and deeds had given to their scoffs the lie 
 and taken from their ridicule its sting. No grander 
 man or one better fitted to rule ever sat upon Euro- 
 pean throne, or held the sceptre of power. They 
 recognized it now and did honor with sorrowing 
 hearts to the dead peasant prince. 
 
 The President had been shot on Friday, an ill- 
 omened day, dark with sorrow and anguish. The 
 body was removed to the White House, Saturday
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 34I 
 
 morning where, after being embalmed, it was placed 
 in a coffin resting upon a great catafalque, embowered 
 in flowers. Memorial services were held Sunday 
 throughout the land, and from thousands of pulpits 
 were spoken words of heartfelt sorrow and eloquent 
 eulogies upon the life now ended. The week which 
 was thus ushered in was one of the most remarkable 
 in the annals of the country. Never before had a 
 whole people mourned a hero so spontaneously and 
 with such a unanimity of grief. Never before had 
 there been such elaborate manifestations of popular 
 sorrow, funeral orations, imposing processions, mar- 
 tial bands with muffled drums and solemn dirges, 
 while in palace and cottage alike the swift-flowing 
 tears, the choking sob and breaking voice attested to 
 the sincerity of the almost universal grief. 
 
 Monday morning there was a meeting of the Con- 
 gressional Committee appointed to make the arrange- 
 ments for the funeral. In the afternoon their report 
 was made, outlining the exercises and appointing the 
 pall-bearers and the committee to attend the remains 
 on their long journey to their resting place on the 
 far-distant prairies of Illinois. At ten o'clock, Tues- 
 day morning, the doors of the White House were 
 thrown open and the public were permitted to file in, 
 and take their last look at the face of the dead lying 
 enshrined in beds of roses and lilies not whiter or 
 more unstained than the character of him whose 
 inanimate form they pillowed. 
 
 All day in ceaseless procession the people passed 
 across the grounds, up the marble steps and through 
 the corridors to the coffin, paused to drop a tear and 
 departed, rich and poor, white and black, in satins
 
 342 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 and in rags, made one by the community of their 
 grief. The simple funeral occurred Wednesday 
 morning. All the public offices were closed and 
 business was suspended, while the Government build- 
 ings were all heavily draped with crape. Vast crowds 
 gathered around the White House and thronged its 
 spacious rooms. In the East room stood the cata- 
 falque and around it were grouped the family and 
 friends of the deceased, save only Mrs. Lincoln, 
 who was too much prostrated to attend, the high 
 State officials and the representatives of foreign 
 governments. 
 
 The ceremonies were solemn and impressive, being 
 participated in by Rev. Dr. Hale of the Episcopal 
 Church, Bishop Simpson, who was a special friend of 
 Mr. Lincoln, and Rev. Dr. Gurley of the Presbyterian 
 Church which Mr. Lincoln and his family had been 
 wont to attend. Dr. Gurley paid a noble and worthy 
 tribute to the memory of the dead, in the course of 
 which he said : 
 
 " Probably no man since the days of Washington 
 was so firmly and deeply imbedded and enshrined in 
 the hearts of the people as Abraham Lincoln. Nor 
 was it a mistaken confidence and love. He deserved 
 it ; deserved it well ; deserved it all. He merited it by 
 his character, by his acts and by the tenor and 
 tone and spirit of his whole life. . . . His integrity 
 was thorough, all-pervading, all-controlling and incor- 
 ruptible." 
 
 In speaking of the power of Mr. Lincoln to rise to 
 an emergency, he truly said : '' He rose to the dignity 
 and momentousness of the occasion ; saw his duty as 
 the Chief Magistrate of a great and imperilled people ;
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 343 
 
 and he determined to do his duty and his whole duty, 
 seeking the guidance and leaning upon the arm of 
 Him of whom it is written, ' He giveth power to the 
 faint, and to them who have no might he increaseth 
 strength.' Yes, he leaned upon His arm. He recog- 
 nized and received the truth that the kingdom is the 
 Lord's." 
 
 After the services were over, the casket was taken 
 from its resting place, and borne to the rotunda of the 
 Capitol, where it lay in state until April 21. The 
 funeral procession was long and the route over which 
 it passed was thronged with people, with sad eyes, 
 waiting to pay their simple tribute of sorrow. The 
 trees were just bursting out into leaf ; the air was 
 sweet and fragrant ; and all nature seemed to be 
 pointing to the resurrection and the new life into 
 which he, who was not dead, had now entered. As 
 the hearse entered the Capitol grounds, drawn by six 
 white horses, there was a burst of martial music as 
 the great bands played requiem and dirge, while all the 
 guns of the fortifications added their roar to swell the 
 solemn chorus. 
 
 It was a scene never to be forgotten, and probably 
 never to be repeated in the future history of the 
 country. Nor were such scenes witnessed alone in 
 Washington. In New York, Philadelphia, Chicago 
 and all the great cities, in smaller towns and villages, 
 and in the sparselj^-settled country, men and women 
 left their daily avocations and assembled in the 
 churches to participate in memorial services, and join 
 in great and imposing processions where all the 
 solemn pageantry of sorrow was displayed. 
 
 Thus did a nation mourn its dead ; thus did the all-
 
 344 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 absorbing grief penetrate each heart, as the thought 
 came of the great and good man Avho had died in 
 their behalf; not as Caesar had died, the victim of 
 his own ambition ; not as Alexander II. had died, the 
 oppressor, suffering at the hands of the oppressed ; 
 nor yet as died the soldier upon the battlefield, fight- 
 ing for his country in the hour of her sorest need 
 against an open enemy. But his life had been offered 
 up after the tide of battle had flowed and ebbed, and 
 the victory had been declared ; when thoughts of 
 peace and harmony filled the hearts of all ; at the 
 time when the nation had laid aside the weeds of 
 mourning for the laurels of triumph, then had been 
 raised the hand of the assassin, more accursed than 
 Ravaillac of old, of memory more execrable than any 
 whose hands have been stained with innocent blood, 
 save only he whose arch-treason had delivered up his 
 Master, the Saviour of a lost humanity ; and then had 
 fallen the blow that pierced the heart of the nation 
 and wounded all mankind. And yet the horror of 
 the blow had for the moment led the people to forget 
 the author of it. Their sorrow was too deep to 
 admit of the feelings of hatred and revenge which 
 would, in less heartfelt sorrow, have been in the 
 ascendency. 
 
 It was decided that the funeral cortege should 
 return, as nearly as possible, over the same route as 
 Mr. Lincoln had followed in coming to Washington 
 in the beginning of the eventful four years. It 
 seemed almost cruel to subject the worn body to so 
 long a journey, but the people, whose he was, 
 demanded the right once more to look upon his feat- 
 ures and to pay the last tribute of respect. So in a 
 
 /
 
 ABRAHAM LIN'COLX. 345 
 
 train drawn by the " Union," the engine, which had 
 four years before drawn him to Washington, the 
 funeral cortege set out. All the cars and the engine 
 were heavily draped in black and the national colors. 
 Besides the larger casket was a small one which con- 
 tained the mortal remains of Willie, the son who died 
 at the White House and whose death his father had 
 so deeply mourned. 
 
 The route lay through the cities of Baltimore, Har- 
 risburg, Philadelphia, New York, Albanj', Buffalo, 
 Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati, Indianapolis and 
 Chicago to Springfield. In each city imposing dem- 
 onstrations had been planned, each striving to outdo 
 the others, not in vulgar rivalry but in the genuine 
 love and sorrow thus expressed. At Baltimore the 
 train was met by thousands of citizens who did all in 
 their power to testify to the sincerity of their grief. 
 In this city but four years before had been formed 
 the first conspiracy against the life of Mr. Lincoln. 
 But now the tragic outcome of the last conspiracy 
 against his life was as sincerely mourned here as any- 
 where else in the Union. What a revulsion ! So 
 marked the change as to seem almost incredible ! 
 The downright honesty and the hearty good-will of 
 the man had brought it to pass and nothing less. 
 
 From Harnsburg to Philadelphia the railway was 
 thronged, seemingly all the way, with people who 
 gathered to see the black-robed train pass by like 
 some meteor in its flight. At Philadelphia the same 
 scenes were enacted, of long processions and tolling 
 bells, of mourning people and the pomp of black- 
 robed grief. The casket was placed in Independence 
 Hall, which was literallv embowered in flowers.
 
 346 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 At his head was the old " liberty bell," upon which 
 were engraved the words, " Proclaim liberty through- 
 out the land to all the inhabitants thereof." There 
 was the iron tongue which had first sounded out the 
 sweet notes of liberty and freedom from the tyrant's 
 oppression. There, too, lay the tongue, which almost 
 a century later, had uttered the words which had 
 given freedom to a down-trodden race, and the hands 
 which had knocked off their fetters. It was in this 
 hall four years before that he had made that memo- 
 rable speech on the anniversary of Washington's 
 birthday, in which he had uttered these prophetic 
 words : 
 
 " Now, my friends, can this country be saved on the 
 basis of the Declaration of Independence ? If it can, 
 I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the 
 world, if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved 
 upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this 
 country cannot be saved without giving up that 
 principle, I was about to say I would rather be assas- 
 sinated on this spot than surrender it." 
 
 All day Sunday the unending procession swept 
 monotonously by the silent form, and then once more 
 its rest was disturbed and it was taken on to New 
 York, that city where first he had gained for himself 
 a national recognition, and where first, by his Cooper 
 Union speech, his availability for the Presidency had 
 been demonstrated. As New York was the metrop- 
 olis of the continent, so here the demonstration was 
 most grand and impressive. In the escort were 
 fifteen thousand soldiers, and it was estimated that 
 one hundred and fifty thousand people passed by the 
 coffin one by one, while more than twice that number
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 347 
 
 were disappointed in the attempt to catch a glimpse 
 of the dead face. 
 
 As the train approached Albany a most impressive 
 tableau had been arranged. Just as the sun was 
 setting behind the distant Catskills, the train came 
 into view, dark and sombre, like the funeral barge 
 that came to claim the body of ancient Britain's last 
 and greatest king. An open grave was dug on a 
 beautiful green champaign, and a woman, majestic and 
 beautiful, robed to represent the Goddess of Liberty, 
 was observed leaning over the open grave, into which 
 she proceeded to drop the crown of laurel. 
 
 The same sad scenes were repeated at Albany, 
 Buffalo, Cleveland, Columbus and Cincinnati, and all 
 the region through which the sad train passed was 
 black with crape and sprinkled with tears, as if in 
 every cottage there was a funeral and in every heart 
 the sting of a personal bereavement. But it was in 
 Chicago that the home-scenes were first reached. 
 Those streets he had walked in his earlier days, there 
 he was known personally to many of the people and 
 much of the activity of his life had been exerted 
 there. While the grief was no more heartfelt and 
 unrestrained than elsewhere, there was the added 
 sentiment of personal affliction, and never had the 
 city by the lake been more profoundly grieved. The 
 demonstration was such as a friend renders to the 
 memory of another whom he has long loved. 
 
 Here had been the home of Douglas, and here 
 reposed his body under a majestic monument, reared 
 upon the shores of the lake whose blue waters he 
 loved so well, and here now lay the speechless body 
 of his great and successful rival Well and bravely had
 
 348 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 they fought life's battles, each winning by true 
 native worth and honesty of purpose, and now 
 the grand old State, their foster mother, received 
 them back once more to rest in her bosom till the 
 last great day ; the one beneath the green sod 
 of the prairies, whose spring-tide freshness was 
 beautified by the many-hued flowers that dyed 
 the level plain with their brilliant colors ; the other 
 by the side of the great lake, whose waters gently 
 murmured as they dashed almost against the foot of 
 his granite monument or roared with mighty 
 power upon the sands — all alike to him whose ear 
 could ne'er be soothed again by their musical 
 cadences. 
 
 At last the funeral train set out upon its final trip, 
 across the two hundred miles of prairies that stretched 
 between Chicago and the State Capital, scenes all 
 familiar to the mute occupant of the funeral car. Here 
 he had ridden in circuit with his brother lawyers 
 from one county-seat to another, and here were 
 achieved the first triumphs that paved the way for the 
 greater ones to follow. Here he had carried the 
 chain and compass and split the rails which after- 
 wards gave him the name of the " rail-splitter Presi- 
 dent." Here he knew the people and here they knew 
 him as a friend and trusted him as a father. 
 
 At last the train bore him into the depot from which 
 he had departed four years before, beseeching his 
 assembled friends to bear him up and sustain him 
 with the strength of their prayers. 
 
 The casket stood in state in the State House until the 
 day arrived when the earth should claim its own and 
 the weary pilgrimage of earth be ended. Some wished
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'. 349 
 
 his tomb to be made near the State House, so as to 
 be easy of access, but at the request of Mrs. Lincoln, 
 Oak Ridge, a quiet and peaceful cemetery, was 
 chosen. 
 
 At one time, while riding in the country with his 
 wife, Mr. Lincoln had passed by a quiet, country 
 graveyard and, attracted by the peaceful aspect of the 
 place, they had alighted and walked slowly through 
 it. The President seemed to be affected by the melan- 
 choly beauty of the place and said, " Mary, I am older 
 than you and you will probably outlive me. When I 
 die I want you to lay me to rest in some quiet, re- 
 tired spot like this." Taking this to be the expression 
 of his desire, this quiet, suburban cemetery was 
 selected. 
 
 Finally, the body was taken from the State House, 
 where it had been viewed by thousands of sorrowing 
 friends, and was placed in the hearse as a choir of 
 two hundred and fifty singers sang the familiar hymn, 
 " Children of the Heavenly King." Followed by a long 
 procession the hearse passed slowly over the mile and 
 a half to the cemetery, where the body was consigned 
 to the grave, and by its side was placed the coffin con- 
 taining the body of " little Willie." The funeral 
 oration was pronounced by Bishop Simpson and was 
 an eloquent and touching tribute to the dead Chief. 
 But in the whole sermon occurred nothing more 
 touching in the light of recent events, than a quota- 
 tion from one of Lincoln's speeches, made in 1859, 
 in which, speaking of the slave-power, he said : 
 " Broken by it I too may be, bow to it I never will. 
 The probability that we may fail in the struggle 
 ought not to deter us from the support of a cause
 
 35© ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 which I deem to be just; and it shall not deter me. 
 If ever I feel the soul within me elevate and expand 
 to those dimensions, not wholly unworthy of its Al- 
 mighty Architect, it is, when I contemplate the cause 
 of my country, deserted by all the world besides, and 
 I, standing up boldly and alone, and hurling defiance 
 at her victorious oppressors. Here, without contem- 
 plating consequences, before high Heaven and in the 
 face of the world, I swear eternal fidelity to the just 
 causes as I deem it, of the land of my life, my liberty, 
 and my love."
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 It has been said that Mr. Lincoln was not an 
 ambitious man, but this is not wholly true. In a 
 broad sense he was ambitious. It is true that his aspi- 
 rations were not selfish and that he did not desire to 
 obtain honor and renown for their own sake alone. 
 He felt that Providence had placed him in an humble 
 station in life, but had endowed him with gifts which 
 entitled him to occupy a more exalted and honorable 
 position. This he strove to gain by first becoming 
 worthy of it. He hoped to attain distinction, but not 
 until he had earned it. 
 
 No man with the ordinary endowments of nature 
 could feel that honor and wide reputation were 
 within his reach without the desiring to secure them. 
 Mr. Lincoln was no exception. He desired office, 
 partly because of the wider and higher sphere of 
 action it would open up to him, and partly to satisfy 
 his honest pride. 
 
 He was not ambitious as Napoleon, Caesar or Alex- 
 ander, but the exalted ambition of Cromwell and 
 Washington dwelt within his breast, the ambition 
 which would make his own aggrandizement redound 
 to the advantage of his country and of humanity. 
 It is. such ambition that has inspired the grandest 
 deed: of the past, and without it the American slaves 
 might yet be in chains. 
 
 It is natural that he should be deeply gratified at 
 
 (350
 
 352 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 tlie honor conferred upon him by his nomination and 
 election to the Presidency, yet he was never led to 
 magnify his own ability nor the importance of his 
 services. He felt a deep sense of his own unworthi- 
 ness and did not hesitate to express his sentiments 
 publicly. 
 
 In his address at Assembly Hall, Albany, February 
 i8, 1861, he said: "It is true, that while I hold myself, 
 without mock modesty, the humblest of all individu- 
 als that have ever been elevated to the Presidenc}', I 
 have a more difficult task to perform than any one of 
 them." 
 
 While his modesty led him to disparage himself no 
 man has ever invested the office, which he was called 
 upon to fill, with a higher dignity. All his personal 
 interests, desires and feelings were sacrificed to the 
 demands of his position. Lincoln, the private citizen, 
 disappeared forever, on the 4th of March, 1861, 
 and Lincoln, the President, the servant of the people, 
 the constitutional head of the Government, took his 
 place. 
 
 He was never overbearing and dictatorial, for he 
 felt that he was but the servant whom the nation had 
 deputed to perform certain important duties. 
 
 He never exhibited a spirit of undue partisanship 
 nor made unfair distinction between his political 
 friends and foes, for, although he was elected as the 
 standard-bearer of the Republican party, he conceived 
 himself to be the President, not of r party, but of the 
 whole country. From his pomt of view political sen- 
 timents formed no basis for appointment to respon- 
 sible positions. The only requirements were patriot- 
 ism and fitness.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 353 
 
 The same spirit of humility which he had exhibited 
 in his earlier life followed him throughout his career. 
 The praise and honors that were accorded to him he 
 seldom received as due to himself personally but 
 rather to the high office which he occupied. 
 
 At a reception tendered him at Indianapolis he 
 said: " Most heartily do I thank you for this magnifi- 
 cent reception, yet I cannot take to myself any share 
 of the compliment thus paid, more than that which 
 pertains to a mere instrument, an accidental instru- 
 ment, perhaps I should say, of a great cause." 
 
 At Cincinnati he said: "My friends, I am entirely 
 overwhelmed by the magnificence of the reception 
 which has been given, I will not say to me, but to the 
 President-elect of the United States of America." 
 
 At Harrisburg he said: "I thank your great com- 
 monwealth for the overwhelming support it recently 
 gave, not to me personally, but to the cause which I 
 think a great one, in the recent election." 
 
 In his homely phrase he frequently referred to him- 
 self as the " lead-horse " of the national team. 
 
 If there was ever a time in his career when he 
 might have been expected to indulge in self-gratu- 
 lation it was when he was informed of his second 
 nomination for the Presidency by the Republican 
 party. The war was in its last stages. The beginning 
 of the end was at hand. The crowning victory could 
 even then be foreseen, and to him more than to any 
 other one person was this result due. Yet his wonted 
 modesty did not forsake him. In his reply to the 
 congratulations of the National Union League, June 
 9, 1864, he said: 
 
 "Gentlemen: — I can only say in response to the
 
 354 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 remarks of \'our Chairman, that I am very grateful 
 for the renewed confidence which has been accorded 
 to me, both bv the convention and the National 
 League. I am not insensible at all to the personal 
 compliment there is in this, yet I do not allow myself 
 to believe that any but a small portion of it is to be 
 appropriated as a personal compliment to me. The 
 Convention and the Nation, I am assured, are alike 
 animated by a higher view of the interests of 
 the country, for the present and the great future, 
 and the part I am entitled to appropriate as a com- 
 pliment is only that part which I may lay hold of 
 as being the opinion of the Convention and of the 
 League that I am not entirely unworthy to be intrusted 
 with the place I have occupied the past three years. 
 
 "I have not permitted myself, gentlemen, to conclude 
 that I am the best man in the country ; but I am re- 
 minded in this connection of an old Dutch farmer, 
 who once remarked to a companion that ' it was not 
 best to swap a horse wlien crossing a stream.* " 
 
 His patience and forbearance in the presence of 
 insult and criticism were remarkable. For the good 
 of the country he could rise above all personal con- 
 sideration and become invulnerable to all the shafts 
 of malice. This quality is most strikingly illustrated 
 in his relations to General McClellan. The world 
 will never know just how much he was compelled to 
 bear from this distinguished General. McClellan not 
 only disregarded his authority as Commander-in- 
 Chief, but he even went so far as to violate the cour- 
 tesy due from one gentleman to another. 
 
 Judge Kelly relates the following incident, which 
 illustrates this fact.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 355 
 
 ** When the President, impelled by anxiety for the 
 country, waived questions of official etiquette and 
 proceeded to the headquarters of the army, the 
 announcement of his presence was more than once 
 greeted with boisterous and derisive laughter, evi- 
 dently intended for his ears; and there was one occa- 
 sion when it was more than w^hispered by those 
 immediately about the President, that he was made 
 to wait nearly an hour while men who denied the 
 right of the Government to maintain the Union by 
 force of arms engaged McClellan's attention ; and 
 when at his own good time the General concluded to 
 see his Commander-in-Chief, his departing guests 
 visibly sneered at that officer as they passed the door 
 of the cold chamber in which he had been so long 
 imprisoned." ^ 
 
 Notwithstanding such treatment, added to abso- 
 lute insubordination, the President bore Avith General 
 McClellan and supported him heartily just as long as 
 the public interests seemed to demand it. 
 
 Under other circumstances and where less vital 
 interests w^re concerned such patience would be 
 attributed to meanness of spirit, but here it only 
 serves to confirm more fully the greatness of Lin- 
 coln's character. 
 
 He never shrunk from taking upon himself the 
 responsibility of any movement or policy which had 
 resulted disastrously, if it had been entered upon by 
 his advice or consent. 
 
 When he re-instated General McClellan in the 
 command of the army he was severely criticised on 
 
 ' " Lincoln and Stanton " page 7.
 
 356 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 all sides. It was probably the most unpopular move 
 he could have made. When it was announced in the 
 Cabinet meeting, Mr. Stanton expressed his dis- 
 approval and stated that no such order had been 
 issued from the War Department. 
 
 " No, Mr. Secretary," replied Mr. Lincoln, "the 
 order was mine and I will be responsible for it to the 
 country." 
 
 When Mr. Lincoln succeeded to the Presidency, he 
 found the administrative offices filled by Mr. 
 Buchanan's appointees, many of whom were known 
 to be disaffected and others were under grave sus- 
 picions. Mr. Lincoln feared to intrust any of them 
 with important Government business and, therefore, 
 called to his assistance several private citizens, who 
 were known to be able, honest and patriotic. This 
 was done largely through the agency of Mr. Cameron, 
 the Secretary of War, to whom the President had 
 given the necessary instructions. 
 
 Congress failed to appreciate the situation knowing 
 only that private citizens had been intrusted with 
 large sums of public money without giving any secur- 
 ity for its proper application. A resolution was there- 
 fore passed censuring the Secretary. Mr. Lincoln 
 was unwilling that his Secretary should rest under a 
 false imputation, and immediately sent the following 
 remarkable communication to Congress." 
 
 "May 29, 1862. 
 
 " To the Senate and House of Representatives : 
 
 " The insurrection, which is yet existing in the United States 
 and aims at the overthrow of the Federal Constitution and the 
 Union, was clandestinely prepared during the winter of i860 
 and 1 861 and assumed an open organization in the form of a
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 357 
 
 treasonable provisional government at Montgomeiy, in Ala- 
 bama, on the 1 8th day of February, 1861. On the 12th day of 
 April, 1 861, the insurgents committed the flagrant act of civil 
 war by bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter, which cut off 
 the hope of immediate conciliation. Immediately afterwards all 
 the roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, and the 
 Capital was put into the condition of a siege. The mails in 
 every direction were stopped, and the lines of telegraph cut off 
 by the insurgents ; and military and naval forces, which had 
 been called out by the Government for the defense of Washing- 
 ton, were prevented from reaching the city by organized and 
 combined treasonable resistance in the State of Maryland. 
 There was no adequate and effective organization for public 
 defense. Congress had indefinitely adjourned. There was no 
 time to convene them. It became necessary for me to choose 
 whether, using only the existing means, agencies and processes 
 which Congress had provided. I should let the Government fall 
 at once into ruin, or whether availing myself of the broader 
 powers conferred by the Constitution in cases of insurrection, 
 I would make an effort to save it, with all its blessings, for the 
 present age and posterity. 
 
 " I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, the heads 
 of all the Departments, to meet on Sunday, the 20th day of 
 April, 1 861, at the office of the Navy Department, and then and 
 there, with their unanimous concurrence, I directed that an 
 armed revenue cutter should proceed to sea, to afford protec- 
 tion to the commercial marine and especially to the California 
 treasure-ships then on their way to this coast. I also directed 
 the commandant of the navy-yard at Boston to purchase or 
 charter and arm as quickly as possible five steamships for pur- 
 poses of public defense. I directed the commandant of the 
 navy-yard at Philadelphia to purchase or charter and arm an 
 equal number for the same purpose. I directed the command- 
 ant at New York to purchase or charter and arm an equal num- 
 ber for the same purpose. I directed Commander Gillis to pur- 
 chase or charter and arm, and put to sea, two other vessels. 
 Similar directions were given to Commodore Du Pont, with a
 
 358 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 view to opening the passages by water to and from the Capital, 
 I directed the several officers to take the advice and obtain the 
 aid and efficient services in the matter of his Excellency, Edwin 
 D. Morgan, the Governor of New York, or, in his absence, 
 George D. Morgan, William M. Evarts, R. M. Blatchford and 
 Moses H. Grinnell, who were, by my directions, especially 
 empowered by the Secretary of the Navy to act for his Depart- 
 ment in that crisis, in matters pertaining to the forwarding of 
 the troops and supplies for the public defense. 
 
 "On the same occasion I directed that Governor Morgan and 
 Alexander Cummings, of the City of New York, should be 
 authorized by the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, to make 
 all necessary arrangements for the transportation of troops and 
 munitions of war, in aid and assistance of the officers of the 
 Army of the United States, until communication by mails and 
 telegraph should be completely re-established between the 
 cities of New York and Washington. No security was 
 required to be given by them, and either of them was author- 
 ized to act in case of inability to consult with the others. 
 
 " On the same occasion I authorized and directed the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury to advance, without requiring security, two 
 millions of dollars of public money to John A. Dix, George 
 Opdyke and Richard M. Blatchford, of New York, to be used 
 by them in meeting such requisitions as should be directly con- 
 sequent upon the military and naval measures necessary for the 
 defense and support of the Government, requiring them 
 only to act without compensation, and to report their transac- 
 tions when duly called upon. The several Departments of the 
 Government at that time contained so large a number of dis- 
 loyal persons that it would have been impossible to provide 
 safely, through official agents only, for the performance of the 
 duties thus confided to citizens favorably known for their 
 ability, loyalty and patriotism. 
 
 " The several orders issued upon these occurrences were 
 transmitted by private messengers, who pursued a circuitous 
 way to the seaboard cities, inland, across the States of Penn- 
 sylvania and Ohio and the northern lakes. I believe that by
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 359 
 
 these and other similar measures taken in that crisis, some of 
 which were without any authority of law, the Government was 
 saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar of the 
 public funds thus confided without authority of law to unofficial 
 persons was either lost or wasted, although apprehension of 
 such misdirection occurred to rne as objections to these 
 extraordinary proceedings and were necessarily overruled. 
 
 " I recall these transactions now because my attention has 
 been directed to a resolution which was passed by the House of 
 Representatives on the 30th day of last month, which is in 
 these words : 
 
 " ' Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, 
 by investing Alexander Cummings with the control of large 
 sums of the public money, and authority to purchase military 
 supplies without restriction, without requiring of him any 
 guarantee for the faithful performance of his duties, when the 
 services of competent public officers were available, and by 
 involving the Government in a vast num.ber of contracts with 
 persons not legitimately engaged in the business pertaining to 
 the subject-matter of such contracts, especially in the purchase 
 of arms for future delivery, has adopted a policy highly injuri- 
 ous to the public service and deserves the censure of the 
 House.' 
 
 " Congress will see that I should be wanting equally in can- 
 dor and in justice, if I should leave the censure thus expressed 
 in this resolution to rest exclusively or chiefiy on Mr. Cam.eron. 
 The same sentiment is unanimously entertained by the heads 
 of departments, who participated in the proceedings which the 
 House of Representatives has censured. It is due to Mr. Came- 
 ron to say that, although he fully approved the proceedings, 
 they were not m.oved or suggested by himself, and that not only 
 the President but all the other heads of Departments were, at 
 least, equally responsible with him for whatever error, wrong 
 or fault was committed on the premises. 
 
 "A. Lincoln," 
 
 General Palmer tells this story of- Lincoln : " I was
 
 360 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 once called to Washington to see Mr. Lincoln on a 
 matter of business. It was in 1865. I was shown 
 into an ante-room and waited for some time. I saw 
 Senators and others going in, and finally I was called, 
 Mr. Lincoln was being shaved. He said I was home 
 folks and he could shave before me. I said to him : 
 * Mr. Lincoln, if I had supposed at the Chicago Con- 
 vention that nominated you that we would have this 
 terrible war, I would never have thought of going 
 down to a one-horse town and getting a one-horse law- 
 yer for President.' I did not know how he would take 
 it, but rather expected an answer I could laugh at. But 
 he brushed the barber to one side and with a solemn 
 face turned to me and said : ' Neither would I, Pal- 
 mer. I don't believe any great man with a policy 
 could have saved the country. If I have contributed 
 to the saving of the country it was because I attended 
 to the duties of each day with the hope that when to- 
 morrow came I would be equal to the duties of that 
 day,' and he turned to the barber." 
 
 No man could have been more careless of his own 
 labor and suffering and more careful of that of others. 
 Bloodshed and suffering on the field and in the camp 
 caused him the deepest pain. " Oh, when will this 
 cruel war cease ? " was often the burden of his 
 thought. The whole weight and responsibility of the 
 war seemed to fall upon his shoulders and no one will 
 ever know the anguish of his heart when he felt that 
 the victory which he hoped to win must be bought 
 with the price of thousands of precious lives. Well 
 might one say of him, " truly he was the saddest man 
 I ever saw." 
 
 His nature was exceedingly tender and compassion-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 361 
 
 ate and sometimes led him to sacrifice the demands 
 of justice to those of mercy. To maintain the proper 
 degree of discipline in the army it was necessary at 
 times for the officers to inflict the severest punishment 
 upon those who were guilty of cowardice or who had 
 wantonly disobeyed important regulations. 
 
 If there were the slightest grounds upon which 
 such a sentence could be commuted or annulled Mr. 
 Lincoln never failed to take advantage of them. The 
 stricken mother or wife was seldom turned away 
 in disappointment. His subordinates accused him 
 of too often mingling mercy with justice and it 
 is more than possible that discipline in the field was 
 less rigid because of the gentle heart of the President. 
 
 A personal friend of his says : " I called on him one 
 day in the early part of the war. He had just written 
 a pardon for a young man who had been sentenced to 
 be shot for sleeping at his post as a sentinel. He 
 remarked as he read it to me : 
 
 " ' I could not think of going into eternity with the 
 blood of the poor young man on my skirts.' 
 Then he added : ' It is not to be wondered at that a 
 boy, raised on a farm, probably in the habit of going 
 to bed at dark, should fall asleep, when required 
 to watch ; and I cannot consent to shoot him for 
 such an act."' 
 
 It is said that this young man was killed at the 
 battle of Fredericksburg and that a photograph of 
 the President was found on his body next to his heart, 
 with these words written upon it, "God bless Presi- 
 dent Lincoln." 
 
 Rev. Newman Hull relates that an officer in the 
 army once said to him :
 
 362 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 " The first week of my command, there were 
 twenty-four deserters sentenced by court-martial to 
 be shot, and the warrants for their execution were 
 sent to the President for his signature. He refused 
 to give it. I went to Washington and had an inter- 
 view with him, I said : 
 
 '"Mr. President, unless these men are made an 
 example of, the army itself is in danger. Mercy to 
 the few is cruelty to the many.' 
 
 " He replied : * Mr. General, there are already too 
 many weeping widows in the United States. For 
 God's sake, do not ask me to add to the number, for 
 I won't do it.' " 
 
 During the war hundreds of lives were spared, from 
 what now seems a needless sacrifice, by executive 
 clemency. 
 
 In this respect Lincoln and Stanton were in striking 
 contrast. The great War Secretary had a kindly 
 heart under his gruff exterior and it caused him deep 
 pain to confirm death sentences, but he felt that 
 the discipline of the army and the welfare and safety 
 of the country demanded it. When applications for 
 mercy were made to him he often assumed the inex- 
 orable sternness of a just judge, in order that he 
 might not be influenced by the grief, which appealed 
 so strongly to his heart. 
 
 Lincoln could not conceal his feelings and his 
 sympathy showed itself in every word and look and 
 sometimes led him to extend clemency where his 
 reason could not approve. 
 
 In an earlier age of the world such merciful inter- 
 ference to mitigate the severity of military law would 
 have been attended with disastrous results to the
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 363 
 
 country and the cause ; at this day it is doubtful if it 
 can even be called a weakness. It is apparent, from 
 the vantage-ground of a quarter of a century that the 
 President's course was the wiser one. 
 
 In his personal habits he was abstemious and 
 simple. He wore the plainest and most unpreten- 
 tious garments and was satisfied with a simple and 
 homely fare. Charges of drunkenness, which were at 
 one time made against him, never had less founda- 
 tion in fact. 
 
 When Mr. Lincoln was visited at Springfield by the 
 committee appointed to notify him of his nomination, 
 he thought, at the close of the ceremony, that custom 
 would require him to treat the committee with some- 
 thing to drink. Opening a door that led into a room 
 in the rear, he called out, " Mary, Mary ! " A girl 
 responded to the call to whom Mr. Lincoln spoke a 
 few words in an undertone. In a short time the girl 
 returned bringing a large server, upon which were a 
 pitcher and several glasses, and placed it upon the 
 table. Mr. Lincoln arose and gravely addressing the 
 compan)"-, said : "Gentlemen, we must pledge our 
 mutual healths in the most healthy beverage God has 
 given to man. It is the only beverage I have ever 
 used or allowed in my family, and 1 cannot conscien- 
 tiously depart from it on the present occasion. It is 
 pure Adam's ale from the spring." Raising his tum- 
 bler, he pledged the company in a cup of cold water. 
 
 His first printed composition, written when a mere 
 boy was a vigorous denunciation of the evils of 
 intemperance among the settlers in the frontier, and 
 from that time he was a total abstainer. At one time 
 during the war, a number of gentlemen clubbed
 
 364 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 together and bought a large assortment of the finest 
 wines and liquors and sent them as a gift to the Presi- 
 dent. The gift was courteously acknowledged and 
 immediately transferred to the city hospitals where 
 it was put to a worthy use.
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln stands before the world as one 
 of the most remarkable characters in modern history, 
 such an one as America alone could produce. In no 
 other country could a boy, born in the lowest walks 
 of life, oppressed by seemingly hopeless poverty and 
 without any external advantages save those which 
 nature furnished, aspire to so lofty a career. And 
 even here it is still a marvel that the ragged, ignorant 
 and uncouth backwoods boy may yet become Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 From his earliest boyhood Lincoln's intellectual 
 growth was regular and vigorous. His adverse sur- 
 roundings only served to stimulate him to increased 
 effort. He had the heart of a pioneer and was not 
 afraid to forsake the paths which had been trodden 
 by his ancestors to strike out into roads which were 
 as dangerous as they were unknown. 
 
 His boldness in ignoring precedent, and his confi- 
 dence in his own ability to overcome the difficulties 
 with which he was surrounded, had their origin in the 
 hardships and privations of his early life. The 
 barren farm and the gloomy woods were hard train- 
 ing schools, but they were thorough and effective, and 
 his whole life showed their influence. Had he been 
 brought up under more favorable surroundings, his 
 
 (365)
 
 366 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 charactt-r could never have developed the peculiar 
 traits which made his career possible. The strength 
 of the oak was in his frame, and the brightness and 
 originality of Nature in her simplicity and purity were 
 in his mind. 
 
 In his daily life he frequently showed a lack 
 of culture, but his rudeness was like the rough 
 bark of the oak which proclaims, while it conceals, 
 the solid timber within. The very ruggedness of his 
 character was rendered attractive by the nobility of 
 his nature and kindliness of his disposition. 
 
 One remarkable feature of his life is that he was al- 
 ways in advance of his surroundings. His mind was so 
 sensitive and vigorous that, while he did not despise 
 the circumstances by which he was surrounded, 
 he was filled with a discontent which was continually 
 urging him onward to increased exertions. Of this 
 feeling he seldom spoke, but there is abundant evi- 
 dence of its presence throughout the whole of his 
 earlier life. 
 
 The constant tendency of his environment was to 
 bind him down to a dull, plodding life. If he had 
 been content to remain the creature of circumstance 
 his name would have been unknown to the world. 
 Even before he was old enough to recognize the pres- 
 ence of aspirations he had a vague consciousness that 
 the life he was living was not the best attainable. 
 As this consciousness developed into a fixed ambition, 
 evidences of its power and influence multiplied. 
 
 In school he was the leading scholar in his classes 
 and easily outranked those whose advantages were 
 far superior to his own. 
 
 An illustration of his intellectual superiority over
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 367 
 
 his associates is given by a lady who was a former 
 schoolmate of his. 
 
 "One evening," says she, "Abe and I were sitting 
 on the banks of the Ohio ; I said to him that the sun 
 was going down. He replied: 'That's not so; it 
 doesn't really go down; it seems so. The earth turns 
 from west to east and the revolution of the earth 
 carries us under ; we do the sinking as you call it. 
 The sun, as to us, is comparatively still ; the sun's 
 sinking is only an appearance.' I replied, 'Abe, what 
 a fool you are !' I know now that I was the fool, not 
 Lincoln. I am now thoroughly satisfied that Abe 
 knew the general laws of astronomy and the move- 
 ments of the heavenly bodies. He was better read 
 then than the world knows or is likely to know ex- 
 actly. He was the learned boy among us unlearned 
 folks." 
 
 His family and associates were easily content with 
 their humble station and had little ambition to rise 
 in the world. They were satisfied to toil unceasingly 
 if they could thereby win their scanty fare and humble 
 raiment. For more they cared not. But young Lin- 
 coln was of different mould. He was not content to 
 live for the present alone, but worked and thought 
 and planned for the future. While others slept he 
 studied. 
 
 He was moved by vague and restless aspirations, 
 to what end he hardly knew; but, like a drowning man, 
 he grasped at every straw hoping that in some way 
 he might lift himself a little above the dead level of his 
 surroundings. From boyhood the purpose was strong 
 within him to excel his companions and if possible to 
 make himself distinguished.
 
 368 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 This ambition manifested itself, perhaps uncon- 
 sciously, in his every-day life. He gloried in his 
 physical prowess and never rested until he was recog- 
 nized as the champion of the neighborhood. But the 
 hand that could fell his rival to the ground with a 
 single blow and bury an ax deeper in a tree-trunk 
 than any one else could also hold the pen. His am- 
 bition looked forward to literary distinction, and his 
 rude compositions, which passed for poetry, were the 
 marvel of the neighborhood. 
 
 It was not until he came in contact with one of the 
 leading lawyers of the day, that his aspirations took 
 definite shape. Then was placed clearly before him 
 an object which he persistently endeavored to attain. 
 It was a long step from Lincoln the ragged, av/kward, 
 backwoods boy to Lincoln the lawyer, )^et he was 
 convinced of his ability to take it. Henceforth, he 
 was dominated by a fixed and persistent purpose. 
 
 When he had no money to buy books he borrowed 
 them. When he was compelled to labor during the 
 day he studied far into the night by the flickering 
 light of a fire. His purpose never faltered, although 
 oppressed by discouragements and financial failure. 
 At New Salem he was recognized as the most learned 
 man in the community, and when he moved into the 
 more cultured society of Springfield it did not take 
 him long to rise to its level, and even to become an 
 intellectual leader. 
 
 As a technical lawyer he did not gain a wide repu- 
 tation. He recognized the law as the business by 
 which he must support himself, but his tastes ran in 
 other and diverse channels. 
 
 In his legal associations he was brought into con-
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 369 
 
 tact with many bright, keen minds, and from them he 
 gained a stimulus to his own mental powers. The 
 morality of the bar was not irreproachable, but Lin- 
 coln never lent himself to those practices which, al- 
 though of questionable character, were yet common 
 among his fellow-barristers. Others might know- 
 ingly defend a guilty man, but he would never do so. 
 It mattered not how large the fee offered, he scorned 
 to do or defend or in any way to countenance a dis- 
 honorable deed. 
 
 In legal learning he was excelled by many of his 
 associates, but in correctness of judgment, fertility of 
 resources and skill in the conduct of a case he had 
 few equals, perhaps no superiors. 
 
 Yet as a lawyer alone he would never have gained 
 an extensive or a lasting reputation. 
 
 Much of the success of his after career, however, 
 was due to the training which his legal experiences 
 gave. His quick insight into character and motives, 
 his unerring judgment and the rapidity with which 
 he arrived at right conclusions are all directly trace- 
 able to this period of his life. 
 
 In politics he was a born leader, standing not only 
 before the rank and file of his party, but far above 
 them as well. He led the advance not as a trained 
 woodsman, who tracks the pathless forests by means 
 of landmarks which others have located, but rather 
 like a mariner, who sets out upon an unknown sea, 
 trusting the unerring compass to guide his course. 
 
 In the sparse backwoods settlements in his boy- 
 hood the political fever was not wont to run high. 
 His father was a Democrat, but not an ardent one; 
 hence, when a biography of Henry Clay fell into the
 
 37° ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 boy's hands it is a matter of no surprise that he be- 
 came an earnest believer in the political principles 
 which found one of their ablest advocates in Clay, 
 who for years was the object of Lincoln's ardent 
 admiration. 
 
 But Lincoln's character and disposition would not 
 permit him to become an old line Whig. As he had 
 pushed on away from the conservative Democratic 
 party, so he soon found himself entering new fields 
 and advancing fresh political doctrines as startling as 
 they were novel. 
 
 He was compelled to labor at his legal practice, but 
 his heart was in politics and he never was so happy as 
 when engaged in heated discussions or addressing an 
 audience with fei"vid eloquence from stump or plat- 
 form. Few trained debaters could gain an advantage 
 over him. By argument and ridicule, by a plain and 
 convincing presentation of his points or by illustrat- 
 ing them with apt stories he seldom failed to dis- 
 comfit his adversary. 
 
 He not only excelled in the ability to present, his 
 thoughts, but also in clear and logical thinking. In 
 all his mental processes he was careful and pains- 
 taking, never sparing the labor necessary to perfect 
 his knowledge. His habits of thinking, as well as of 
 speech were moulded by his early life. The Bible 
 formed his chief text-book and he studied it until he 
 appropriated many of the characteristics of its sub- 
 lime style and his mind was shaped by its precepts. 
 
 His ability as a speaker established for him a per- 
 manent sway over the simple-minded people who 
 made up the bulk of the population. He never failed 
 to win and retain the attention of his audience, no
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 371 
 
 matter what the subject of his discourse might be. 
 He accomplished this by having something to say 
 and being able to say it well. 
 
 At the bar, on the platform and in the legislative 
 halls he had but one real rival, and that was Douglas. 
 On whatever field they met their rivalry was ever 
 present, generally amicable, sometimes heated, but 
 always intense. 
 
 In politics Lincoln was always in advance of his 
 party, so much so, indeed, that he often appeared as 
 the leader of a forlorn hope, apparently courting cer- 
 tain destruction. Although often called a radical the 
 term could never be properly applied to him; while 
 his political ideal was far higher than that of either 
 great party, he was cautious and conservative when 
 any great step was to be taken, and always counted 
 the cost and planned the way with close attention to 
 the smallest details. 
 
 He early determined to take a positive and consis- 
 tent stand against slavery, for he saw that this insti- 
 tution must continue to be the one paramount ques- 
 tion at issue between the North and South until it 
 should be settled either peaceably or by force. He 
 did not often give utterance to his feelings, nor was 
 his opposition of that blind, fanatical sort which chose 
 to destroy the institution, even if at the same time con- 
 stitutional rights should be violated. 
 
 The Abolitionists no doubt did a great work in 
 educating the North in anti-slavery sentiments, yet 
 alone they would never have accomplished their pur- 
 poses. They would oppose violence to violence, law- 
 lessness to lawlessness. Their actions were heroic 
 and self-sacrificing and -their names will always be
 
 372 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 honored by lovers of freedom everywhere ; but their 
 role was agitation. The final blow must be struck by 
 stronger hands guided by cooler heads. 
 
 With the radical principles of the Abolitionists 
 Lincoln was never in sympathy, partly from a natural 
 repugnance to their methods, and partly from his 
 association with a class of people who tacitly favored 
 Southern principles. 
 
 He believed that the institution was radically 
 wrong ; the sound of the lash upon human flesh stung 
 his sensitive feelings to the quick ; the horrors of the 
 slave pen were utterly repugnant to him ; yet slavery 
 was tacitly recognized by the Constitution, and the 
 Constitution was the organic law of the land, hence 
 the institution could not be attacked without as- 
 sailing the very rock upon which the nation was 
 founded. 
 
 He reverenced the Constitution, and recognized 
 that the safety of Republican institutions could only 
 be maintained by an implicit observance of its provi- 
 sions. Therefore, he could have no sympathy with 
 those who would destroy the Constitution to attain 
 their end, even if that end should be in itself most 
 desirable. On the other hand, he was an uncompro- 
 mising foe to all attempts to extend slavery beyond 
 the bounds imposed upon it by the Missouri Compro- 
 mise. Here, then, was the pith of his political doc- 
 trines, the one policy he never deviated from. His 
 position was open to attack on both sides and excited 
 bitter hostility from both friend and foe. 
 
 He did not enter actively into the struggle until 
 the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and from that 
 time he devoted his whole soul to the conflict from
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 373 
 
 which he was destined never to rest until slavery had 
 been eliminated from American institutions. In the 
 very beginning he found himself pitted against his 
 old-time rival, Douglas, and until his election to the 
 Presidency they represented the opposing forces in 
 the great issue. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln became the soul of the Republican 
 party in the West and its political censor. It was 
 difficult to impress upon his constituents the truth of 
 his ideas in a time when intense and heated partisan- 
 ship was the rule, and moderation was not recognized 
 as a virtue. He ran the risk of being repudiated by 
 his party and suffered a temporary defeat rather than 
 modify his principles in the least. " I would rather be 
 defeated on this platform," said he, " than win upon 
 any other." 
 
 On this question he was so far in advance of his 
 surroundings that it took his party years to learn the 
 wisdom of his views. When the great Senatorial 
 conflict began he felt that the time and opportunity 
 had arrived to demonstrate the truth of his doctrines 
 to the people. He and Douglas entered into the con- 
 test with widely varying motives. Douglas sought 
 vindication and re-election, Lincoln sought to edu- 
 cate and convince the people. He felt that the result 
 immediately in view, the Senatorial election, was 
 trivial in comparison with the uplifting impulse which 
 might be given to the cause of freedom and Republican 
 principles. During the whole debate he stood on a 
 higher level than Douglas and made the more pro- 
 found and lasting impi-ession. 
 
 His views were given greater prominence by the 
 great Cooper Union address, which formulated and
 
 374 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 fixed tlie doctrines that were to define the real issue 
 between the North and South. 
 
 During the dark days that followed between his 
 election and inauguration he did not fail to appre- 
 ciate the gravity of the situation and was ready to 
 make any concession to avoid war up to a certain 
 limit, beyond that he would not go. In an interview 
 printed in the New York Tribune, January 30, 1861, he 
 said : 
 
 " I will suffer death before I will consent or advise 
 my friends to consent to any concession or compro- 
 mise which looks like buying the privilege of taking 
 possession of the Government to which we have a 
 Constitutional right; because, whatever I might think 
 of the merit of the various propositions before Con- 
 gress, I should regard any concession in the face of 
 menace as the destruction of the Government itself, 
 and a consent on all hands that our system shall be 
 brought down to a level with the existing disorgan- 
 ized state of affairs in Mexico. But this thing will 
 hereafter be, as it is now, in the hands of the people, 
 and if they desire to call a convention to remove any 
 grievances complained of, or to give new guarantees 
 for the permanence of vested rights, it is not mine to 
 oppose." 
 
 He recognized the fact that the threatened war was 
 the legitimate outgrowth of a century of strife, and 
 that the exciting cause was slavery, to preserve which 
 the Southern people were ready to sever their Con- 
 stitutional relation with the North, and establish a 
 separate government. He could not fail to appreci- 
 ate how disastrous would be the blow to the pros- 
 perity of both sections, yet he did not base his actions
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 375 
 
 upon the plea of expediency, but rather on the funda- 
 mental principle of the unity of the nation and the 
 binding power of the Constitution. He impatiently 
 brushed aside the fallacy enunciated by Buchanan, 
 who said that it was no doubt contrary to the Con- 
 stitution for a State to secede, but when it had once 
 seceded, there was no power in the Constitution to 
 compel it to resume its former relations. In Lin- 
 coln's opinion the Constitution was a solemn compact 
 which, as it had been ratified by all the States, could 
 only be dissolved by the consent of all. 
 
 He could not at first believe that the better sense 
 of the Southern people would sanction secession, and 
 he was willing to make every reasonable concession 
 to them if he might thereby secure peace. In the 
 light of subsequent history it seems passing strange 
 that the Southern people could so persistently mis- 
 understand him. The truth is that they were taught 
 by their leaders to believe him to be the personifi- 
 cation of all the most radical elements which were 
 arrayed against slavery. They believed him to be 
 only waiting his opportunity to coerce them by force 
 of arms and to destroy their pet institution with a 
 malignant hatred which would inflict fiery punish- 
 ment upon the innocent and helpless. The men, 
 who inspired such beliefs, knew better, but they be- 
 lieved the time to be ripe for their purpose and could 
 find no better v/ay to arouse the common people than 
 by warning them of the terrible results that would 
 follow the election of Lincoln. 
 
 Through it all the South had no better nor wiser 
 friend than the President-elect. He had frequently 
 denied that he had any desire to interfere with slavery
 
 376 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 v.-hile kept within Constitutional bounds; and so de- 
 cided had been his position on this question that he 
 had almost alienated the abolition element from his 
 support. For slavery he would never call out an 
 army nor declare war. But to preserve the unity of 
 the country and the authority of the Constitution he 
 would not hesitate to enter upon the most destruc- 
 tive and desolating war of modern times. 
 
 It is marvellous that in this distracting period, 
 when surrounded by multitudes of counsels, and be- 
 set by men of all shades of political belief, each one 
 determined to win him over to his views, and when 
 almost overwhelmed by the most complicated politi- 
 cal problems which modern civilization has ever 
 presented, that Mr. Lincoln, an untried man, 
 should have the sagacity to see his only true course 
 and the firmness to maintain his position when 
 opposed by the wisdom and prejudice of his political 
 friends, as well as by the malignant passions of his 
 enemies. 
 
 At the very time when many believed that he was 
 demonstrating his unfitness for the position, he was 
 really giving the best evidence of his superiority over 
 all the political leaders of the day. History hardly 
 affords a parallel case and America alone of all coun- 
 tries offers the possibility of its occurrence. A man of 
 little culture, inexperienced in the details of govern- 
 ment, coming from the lowest walks in life, steps for- 
 w^ard and solves the difficulties of a situation in the 
 presence of which the oldest and most astute statesmen 
 stand helpless. No other evidence than this is needed 
 of the fact that an all-wise Providence presides over the 
 destinies of the great Republic and directs its affairs.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN'. 377 
 
 Without Lincoln the secession would have become 
 an accomplished fact. 
 
 In the general conduct of the war he seldom erred. 
 Where a principle of action was involved he arrived 
 at the right decision by an unerring judgment that 
 amounted almost to intuition. He made many mis- 
 takes, but they were largely the results of inexperi- 
 ence, and were mainly in the working out of details. 
 
 He tried the patience of many good patriots by not 
 declaring war as soon as hopes of a peaceful solution 
 of the difficulty had passed away, but he saw the 
 immense moral advantage to be gained by compelling 
 the South to become the aggressor, and he did the 
 hardest of all things when he waited while all his sur- 
 roundings seemed to summon him to action. 
 
 The dreadful disasters of the first year of the war 
 are traceable only indirectly to him : they were the 
 legitimate results of the weak, compromising policy of 
 his predecessor and the, as yet, undemonstrated in- 
 efficiency of responsible officers. 
 
 History shows the surprising fact that no great 
 military movement which was undertaken contraiy 
 to his judgment, ever resulted in permanent advan- 
 tage, while no policy originated and inforced by him, 
 failed to meet with some degree of success. And 
 yet he was an utter stranger to the art of war on the 
 March day when he first assumed the duties of the 
 Presidential office. 
 
 His profound sagacity was again shown in the 
 events which preceded and led up to the emanci- 
 pation proclamation. As a political policy, emanci- 
 pation never found an advocate in him, for he believed 
 it to be contrary to the previsions of the Constitution.
 
 3/8 ABRAHAM LIXCOLX. 
 
 It was only when the exigencies of the war plainly 
 demanded it that he issued the proclamation, and 
 then only as a military measure. 
 
 His delay was ascribed to every possible motive. 
 Many trusted him and were ready to await the oppor- 
 tunity which should be approved by his judgment. 
 Others fretted and bewailed his hesitation and sought 
 to end it by every means in their power. Pressure 
 was brought to bear upon him from all quarters. 
 Delegations of clergymen quoted the words of the 
 Crusaders of old '' God wills it." Philanthropists 
 besought him in the name of humanity ; statesmen 
 demanded it as a political necessity; Abolitionists 
 asked it as a consummation of their half century of 
 labor and suffering; military officers told him that it 
 was the only thing that would quell the rising dis- 
 affection in the army and unite in the support of the 
 Union all right-minded people. Countless dele- 
 gations thronged his reception rooms and the mails 
 were flooded with appeals, yet he could not be moved 
 by any of them. Though deeply affected, neither 
 prayers, commands nor threats could induce him to 
 take action until his judgment approved the oppor- 
 tunity. 
 
 The will of one man alone stood between the 
 country and incalculable disasters, but that will was 
 strong as adamant. 
 
 He made himself not only the civil but military 
 leader of the country. In every department of the 
 Army and Navy, his directing influence was felt. 
 Necessarily the most of the details were intrusted to 
 his subordinates and wherever an official proved him- 
 self worthy he gave him the widest latitude.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 379 
 
 Had Lincoln been in the field in command of the 
 national forces the war would have been fought more 
 vigorously and more quickly. Strict military tactics 
 might not always have been regarded, and some 
 movements not recognized by the manual, might have 
 been executed, but even if it were unconventionally 
 waged, the war would have lacked nothing of vigor 
 and directness. 
 
 It is detracting nothing from the glorious services 
 of officers and men, whether in the Cabinet and 
 Capitol or on the field, to say that the President 
 formed one of the chief elements in the success of 
 the Federal arms. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln never had the opportunity to demon- 
 strate his sagacity in the solution of the great prob- 
 lems developed by the successful issue of the war. 
 The reconstruction of the seceded States involved 
 many complicated questions and delicate considera- 
 tions. There were many theories whose value could 
 only be proven by application, and their application 
 might be disastrous. 
 
 He had given a long and careful consideration to 
 the matter, and it is known that he had earh* formu- 
 lated a policy by which to guide his actions. This 
 policy was a generous one, more generous than ever 
 a conqueror had dictated to a conquered people 
 before. It was never subjected to a satisfactory test 
 for he was assassinated before the opportunity 
 arrived. There is little reason to doubt, however, 
 that it would have been at least as successful as the 
 one which was afterwards put in force. 
 
 The angularities of his character often over- 
 shadowed his great merits, but the verdict of history
 
 380 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 is unaffected by many of the characteristics which 
 were most evident to his associates. His greatness 
 grows as time passes by and his character is better 
 appreciated.
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 In regard to his religious views he was always 
 extremely reticent. He seldom referred to the sub- 
 ject in conversation, even with his friends, yet it is 
 plain that during the last years of his life he was 
 actuated by high religious principles. Now and then 
 a chance utterance, together with the deep reverence 
 which pervades his proclamations and other public 
 addresses, afford nearly all the authentic testimony 
 we have on the subject. 
 
 He cared little for doctrinal beliefs or sectarian 
 differences, but rather grasped the broad principles 
 of religion which are common to all devout people of 
 whatever denomination. 
 
 Mr. Fell, an old acquaintance, says of him : " His 
 religious views were eminently practical and are 
 summed up, as I think, in these two propositions : 
 the Fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man. 
 He fully believed in a superintending and overruling 
 Providence that guides and controls the operations 
 of the world, but maintained that law and order, and 
 not their violation or suspension, are the appointed 
 means by which this Providence is exercised. "' 
 
 Mrs. Lincoln once said to Mr. Herndon : *' Mr. 
 Lincoln had no faith and no hope in the usual accept- 
 
 » Herndon's " Life of Lincoln," p. 444. 
 
 (3SO
 
 382 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 ation of those words. He never joined a church ; 
 but still, as I believe, he was a religious man by 
 nature. He first seemed to think about the subject 
 when our boy Willie died, and then more than ever 
 about the time he went to Gettysburg ; but it was a 
 kind of poetry in his nature and he was never a tech- 
 nical Christian." ' 
 
 Mr. Herndon, who had exceptional opportunities to 
 observe his inner life, says " The world has always 
 insisted on making an orthodox Christian of him, and 
 to analyze his sayino-s or sound his beliefs is but to 
 break the idol. It only remains to say that whether 
 orthodox or not, he believed in God and immortality ; 
 and even if he questioned the existence of future eter- 
 nal punishment, he hoped to find a rest from trouble 
 and a heaven beyond the grave. If at any time in his 
 life he was skeptical of the Divine origin of the Bible, 
 he ought not for that reason to be condemned ; for 
 he accepted the practical precepts of the great Book 
 as binding alike on his head and conscience. The 
 benevolence of his impulses, the seriousness of his 
 convictions, and the nobility of his character are evi- 
 dences unimpeachable that his soul was ever filled 
 with the exalted purity and sublime faith of natural 
 religion." ^ 
 
 He was particularly impressed with the efficacy of 
 prayer and more than once bore testimony to his 
 belief in it. 
 
 " I have been driven many times to my knees," he 
 once remarked, " by the overwhelming conviction 
 that I had nowhere else to go. My owm wisdom, and 
 
 » Herndon's " Life of Lincoln," p. 445. 
 '^The same p. 446.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 383 
 
 that of all about me, seemed insufficient for that 
 day." 
 
 In speaking of his mother he said to a friend : " I 
 remember her pra}-ers and they have always followed 
 me. They have clung to me all my life." 
 
 Upon the death of his son Willie, a Christian lady 
 assured himi that many Christians were praying 
 for him, he replied : " I am glad to hear that, I want 
 them to pray for me. I need their prayers." 
 
 A clerg3-man once said in his presence that he 
 hoped " the Lord was on our side." 
 
 "I am not at all concerned about that," replied Mr. 
 Lincoln, " for I know that the Lord is always on the 
 side of the right. But it is my constant anxiety and 
 prayer that I and this nation should be on the Lord's 
 side." 
 
 It is but just to say that many of his early friends 
 affirm that in his younger days he was not only irre- 
 ligious but that he was a positive atheist. It is said 
 that he delighted to deny the inspiration of the Bible, 
 the divinity of Jesus Christ and the existence of God, 
 and, furthermore, that he once wrote a bold, atheis- 
 tical treatise which he intended to have printed but 
 which a wise friend secured and destroyed. These 
 allegations are so at variance with his character in 
 after life that it is difficult to believe them. It is cer- 
 tain that, if they are true, he gained wisdom with ad- 
 vancing years and abandoned his atheistical belief. 
 
 It is pleasant to turn from these statements to his 
 proclamations aud public addresses during the war. 
 No President has ever evinced a more exalted piety 
 or deeper reverence for the Supreme Being in his 
 public utterances than did Lincoln, and no one who
 
 3^4 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 knows the native sincerity and honesty of the man, 
 can believe they were assumed. 
 
 In a letter to Rev. Alexander Reed, the General 
 Superintendent of the Christian Commission, dated 
 February 22, 1863, he said : 
 
 "Whatever shall be, sincerely and in God's name, 
 devised for the good of the soldiers and seamen in 
 their hard spheres of duty, can scarcely fail to be 
 blessed; and whatever shall tend to turn our thoughts 
 from the unreasoning and uncharitable passions, prej- 
 udices and jealousies incident to a great national 
 trouble, such as ours, and to fix them on the vast and 
 long enduring consequences, for weal or woe, which 
 are to result from the struggle, and especially to 
 strengthen our reliance upon the Supreme Being for 
 the final triumph of the right, cannot but be well for 
 us all." 
 
 During the summer of 1863 the feelings of the 
 people were wrought up to the highest pitch. The 
 air was full of the rumors of a Northern invasion. It 
 was known that Lee was making extensive prepar- 
 ations for an expedition into Pennsylvania with the 
 intention of carrying the war into the hitherto peace- 
 ful regions of the North. The siege of Vicksburg 
 was dragging along with little apparent prospect of 
 ultimate success. When the news came of the fall of 
 the Southern stronghold and, almost at the same 
 time, of the great victory at Gettysburg, the rejoicing 
 of the people was unrestrained. It was during this 
 period of jubilation that Mr. Lincoln issued a proc- 
 lamation, 
 
 " To set apart a time in the near future, to be ob- 
 served as a day for national thanksgiving, praise and
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 385 
 
 prayer to Almighty God, for the wonderful things he 
 had done in the nation's behalf, and to invoke the 
 influence of his Holy Spirit to subdue the anger 
 which has produced and so long sustained a needless 
 and cruel rebellion, to change the hearts of the in- 
 surgents, to guide the councils of the Government 
 with wisdom adequate to so great a national emer- 
 gency, and to visit with tender care and consolation 
 throughout the length and breadth of our land, all 
 those who, through the vicissitudes and marches, 
 voyages, battles and sieges, had been brought to suffer 
 in mind, body or estate, and finally to lead the whole 
 nation through paths of repentance and submission 
 to the Divine will, back to the perfect enjoyment of 
 Union and fraternal peace." 
 
 " It has pleased Almightly God to hearken to the 
 supplications and prayers of an afiflicted people, and to 
 vouchsafe to the Army and Navy of the United States, 
 on the land and on the sea, victories so signal and so 
 effective as to furnish reasonable grounds for aug- 
 mented confidence that the Union of these States will 
 be maintained, their Constitution preserved, and their 
 peace and prosperity permanently secured ; but these 
 victories have been accorded, not without sacrifice of 
 life, limb and liberty incurred by brave, patriotic and 
 loyal citizens. Domestic affliction in every part of 
 the country follows in the train of these fearful 
 bereavements. 
 
 " It is meet and right to recognize and confess the 
 presenceof the Almighty Father and the power of His 
 hand equally in these triumphs and these sorrows." 
 
 His proclamation, issued at the close of the event-
 
 386 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 ful summer of 1863, setting apart a day for national 
 thanlcsgiving, has rarely been excelled in beauty of 
 language and exalted sentiment. It is not possible 
 that the man who penned these lines cherished any 
 doubts as to the existence of God or that he believed 
 Him to be only a beneficent first principle pervading 
 the universe. 
 
 " The year that is drawing towards its close has 
 been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and 
 healthful skies. 
 
 " To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed 
 that we are prone to forget the source from which 
 they come, others have been added which are of 
 so extraordinary a nature that they cannot fail to 
 penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitu- 
 ally insensible to the ever-watchful Providence of 
 Almighty God. 
 
 *' In the midst of a civil war of unparalleled magni- 
 tude and severity, which has sometimes seemed to 
 invite and provoke the aggressions of foreign States, 
 peace has been preserved with all nations, order has 
 been maintained, the laws have been respected and 
 obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere 
 except in the theatre of military conflict, while that 
 theatre has been greatly contracted by the advancing 
 armies and navies of the Union. 
 
 " The needful diversion of wealth and strength from 
 the fields of peaceful industry to the national defense 
 has not arrested the plow, the shuttle, or the ship. 
 
 "The ax has enlarged the borders of our settle- 
 ments, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of 
 the precious metals, have yielded even more abun- 
 dantly than heretofore.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 387 
 
 " Population has steadily increased, notwithstand- 
 ing the waste that has been made in the camp, the 
 siege and the battlefield ; and the country, rejoicing 
 in the consciousness of augmented strength and 
 vigor, is permitted to expect a continuance of years, 
 with large increase of freedom. 
 
 " No human council hath devised, nor hath any 
 mortal hand worked out these great things. They 
 are the gracious gifts of the most high God, who, 
 while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath, 
 nevertheless, remembered mercy. 
 
 " It has seemed to me fit and proper that they 
 should be solemnly, reverently and gratefully 
 acknowledged, as with one heart and voice, by the 
 whole American people. I do therefore invite my 
 fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and 
 also those who are at sea, and those who are sojourn- 
 ing in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last 
 Thursday of November next as a day of thanksgiving 
 and prayer to our beneficent Father, who dwells in 
 the heavens ; and I recommend to them that while 
 offering up the ascriptions, justly due to Him for 
 such singular deliverances and blessings, they do 
 also, with humble penitence for our national per- 
 verseness and disobedience, commend to His tender 
 care all those who have become widows, orphans, 
 mourners, or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in 
 which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently 
 implore the interposition of the Almighty hand to 
 heal the wounds of the Nation, and restore it, as soon 
 as may be consistent with the Divine purposes, to the 
 full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tranquility and 
 union."
 
 388 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 In a letter written to Mrs. Eliza P. Gurney, dated 
 September 30, 1864, the following passage occurs: 
 " I am much indebted to the good Christian people 
 of the country for their constant prayers and consola- 
 tions, and to no one of them more than yourself. The 
 purposes of the Almighty are perfect and must pre- 
 vail, though we erring mortals may fail to accurately 
 perceive them in advance. We hoped for a happy 
 termination of this terrible war long before this ; but 
 God knows best and has ruled otherwise. We shall 
 yet acknowledge His wisdom and our own errors 
 therein ; meanwhile, we must work earnestly in the 
 best light He gives us, trusting that so working con- 
 duces to the great end He so ordains. Surely He 
 intends some great good to follow this mighty con- 
 vulsion which no mortal could make, and no mortal 
 could stay. Your people, the Friends, have had, and 
 are having, very great trials on principles and faith 
 opposed to both war and oppression. They can only 
 practically oppose oppression by war. In this hard 
 dilemma some have chosen one horn and some the 
 other. 
 
 " For those appealing to me on conscientious 
 grounds I have done and shall do the best I could 
 and can, in my own conscience, under my oath to the 
 land. That you believe this I doubt not and, believ- 
 ing it, I shall still receive for my country and myself 
 your earnest prayers to our Father in heaven." 
 
 A few words of his illustrate a different aspect of 
 the same question, and give more than a hint at the 
 practical, every-day character of his religion. 
 
 Late in 1864, two ladies from Tennessee came to 
 the President to beg for the release of their husbands.
 
 ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 389 
 
 who were held as prisoners of war at Johnson's 
 Island. They were accorded several interviews be- 
 fore their request was granted, and at each visit one 
 of the ladies urged, as additional grounds for her 
 husband's release that he was a religious man. Fi- 
 nally their request was granted, and the order was 
 given for their release. Mr. Lincoln said to the lady, 
 who had reminded him so persistently of her hus- 
 band's religious character : 
 
 " You say your husband is a religious man ; tell 
 him when you meet him that I say I am not much of 
 a judge of religion, but that, in my opinion the 
 religion that sets men to rebel and fight against this 
 Government, because, as they think, that Govern- 
 ment doesn't sufficiently help some men to eat their 
 bread on the sweat of other men's faces, is not the 
 sort of religion upon which people can get to 
 heaven." 
 
 These illustrations show that his thoughts were 
 not wholly centred on the things of this world, but 
 that he had pondered deeply upon the higher prob- 
 lems of life, that he had felt the need of light, and 
 had sought until he found it. 
 
 He was not a constant attendant upon church ser- 
 vices, but this is far from proving that he was heed- 
 less of religious influences. The seeds of true religion 
 are not necessarily planted within the walls of a 
 sanctuary. 
 
 That religion is truest and best whose profession is 
 made in a pure life and a self-sacrificing love for 
 humanity. The spirit of Christ may manifest itself 
 more perfectly in deeds than in words. 
 
 If ever a man lived a religious life that man was
 
 39° ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln. Love to God and love to man 
 was his creed. Tlie world was his church. His ser- 
 mons were preached in kindly words and merciful 
 deeds. His loving benediction still rests upon the 
 heads of millions of his fellow-men, whom he raised 
 up from the humiliation of bondage to the level of 
 manhood and womanhood. 
 
 • " O, slow to smite and swift to spare. 
 Gentle and merciful and just ! 
 Who, in the fear of God, didst bear 
 The sword of power — a nation's trust ! 
 
 " Thy task is done ; the bond are free ; 
 We bear thee to an honored grave, 
 Whose proudest monument shall be 
 The broken fetters of the slave. 
 
 '• Pure was thy life ; its bloody close 
 
 Has placed thee with the sons of light, 
 Among the noble host of those 
 Who perished in the cause of Right."
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Albany, Lincoln's Speech at, 183-184. 
 Anderson, Lieut. Robert, 47-48. 
 Antietani, 263. 
 Appomattox, 269. 
 
 Ashmun, Hon. George, notifies Lincoln of his nomination 
 to the Presidency, 160. 
 
 Baker, Col., death of, 216. 
 
 Ball's Bluff, Battle of, 216. 
 
 Bateman, Dr. Newton, Conversation with Lincoln, 162-163. 
 
 Blackhawk War, 45-48. 
 
 Blair, Judge, 192. 
 
 Boone, Daniel, 13. 
 
 Booth, J. Wilkes, 337-338. 
 
 Breckenridge, John, 29. 
 
 Buchanan, James, elected President, 117; his Cabinet, 
 
 176-177. 
 Bull Run, Battle of, 214-215. 
 
 Cabinet, Buchanan's, 176-177; Lincoln's, 188-192. 
 
 Cameron, Hon. Simon made Secretary of War, 191-192. 
 
 Campaign of i860, 169-170. 
 
 Capital of Illinois, location at Springfield, 64. 
 
 Cartwright, Rev. Peter, runs for Congress, 94-95. 
 
 Chancellorsville, 274. 
 
 Chase, Hon. Salmon P., character, 191 ; candidate for 
 
 Presidency, 301-302; made Chief-Justice, 303. 
 Chicago, National Republican Convention at, 157-160; 
 
 National Democratic Convention at, 306-309. 
 Cincinnati, Lincoln's speeches in, 143-144, 182. 
 Cleveland, Convention of malcontents at, 304.
 
 392 INDEX. 
 
 Clingman, Hon. Thomas, Speech in Congress on Slavery, 
 
 172-173. 
 Confederacy, Southern Provisional Government, 177. 
 Congress, special session of, 213-214; action in regard to 
 
 slavery, 239-240. 
 Congressional Committee meets to arrange Lincoln's funeral 
 
 services, 341. 
 Cooper Institute, Lincoln's Speech at, 145-150. 
 
 Democratic National Convention at Chicago, 306. 
 
 Douglas, Stephen A., his life, 108 ; comparison with Lincoln, 
 108-109; Address at State Fair, 118; challenged by Lin- 
 coln to a discussion of political questions, 129; debates 
 «'ith Lincoln. 129-140; speeches in Ohio, 143; canvass for 
 Presidential nomination, 155 ; Prophecy in regard to the 
 war, 203-204; Attitude towards Lincoln's Administration, 
 210-21 1 ; Death of. 211. 
 
 Election of 1S64, 309. 
 
 Emancipation, Lincoln's policy in regard to, 238-239; 
 Northern sentiment in regard to, 241 ; Lmcoln's account, 
 of, 243-246, 248-249; final proclamation, 247-248; influ- 
 ence of, 249-251 ; 13th Amendment, 293-295. 
 
 Everett, Edward, Speech at Gettysburg, 284. 
 
 Five Points Sabbath School, Lincoln's Speech at, 1 51-152. 
 
 Ford's Theatre, 336. 
 
 Forquer, answered by Lincoln, 61. 
 
 Fredericksburg, 263. 
 
 Fremont, Gen. John C, nominated for Presidency, 112, 304. 
 
 Gentry ville, 21. 
 
 Gettysburg, Battle of, 266-267, 282-283; dedication of ceme- 
 tery, 284-286; Lincoln's Speech at, 285-286. 
 
 Grant, Gen., character of, 258; capture of Vicksburg. 263; 
 Lincoln's letter to, 264-265 ; Battle of Missionary Ridge, 
 265-266; made Commander-in-Chief, 267; his opinion of 
 Lincoln, 281.
 
 INDEX. 393 
 
 Greeley, Horace, opposition to Mr. Lincoln, 301. 
 Gulliver, his estimate of Lincoln's oratory, 152-153. 
 Gurley, Rev. Dr., tribute to Lincoln, 342- 34;. 
 
 Hall, Rev. Newman, story of Mr. Lincoln, 361-362. 
 
 Hanks, Nancy, 16. 
 
 Hardin, John J., elected to Congress, 92. 
 
 Harrison, Gen., elected President, 85-86. 
 
 Herndon, Wm. H., enters into partnership with Lincoln, 94. 
 
 Illinois, character of, 35 ; Lincoln's letter to friends in, 
 
 289-290. 
 Inaugural Address, Lincoln's first, 193-202 ; Lincoln's second, 
 
 313-316. 
 Indianapolis, Lincoln's reception by Legislature, 181. 
 Internal improvements, 63, 
 
 Kansas-Nebraska biii, 109^ 
 Knob-Cruk, 17. 
 
 Lee, Gen., invasion of Pennsylvania, 266-267 '• surrender at 
 Appomattox, 269. 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, family, 12; birth, j/; early disposition, 
 18-23; removed to Indiana, 19; education. 21-22; per- 
 sonal appearance, 24 ; habits of reading, 24-25; reference 
 to speech at Trenton, 25-26 ; death of his mother, 26-27 J 
 his father's second marriage, 28 ; studious habits, 29 ; first 
 attempts at public speaking, 30; poetical productions, 31; 
 strength, 32 ; love of the water, 32 ; trip to New Orleans, 
 33; first contact with slavery, 33-34; reputation, 37-38: 
 habit of story telling, 38 ; second trip to New Orleans, 39 ; 
 settles in New Salem, 41 ; conflict with the Clarj^'s Grove 
 Boys, 42 ; whips a rowdy, 42-43; "Honest Abe," 43; 
 Blackhawk war, 45 ; elected captain, 45 ; saved life of a 
 fugitive Indian, 46-47 ; candidate for Legislature, 48-49 ; 
 first political speech, 49-50 ; enters into partnership with 
 Berr}^ 50; failure in business, 50; commences study of 
 taw, 50-51 ; appointed postmaster, 51-52 ; appointed
 
 394 INDEX. 
 
 deputy surveyor, 53; his accuracy, 53; election to Legis- 
 lature, 54; political manifesto, 54; campaign, 55-56; love 
 for Annie Rutledge, 56-57 ; candidate for Legislature, 58; 
 avowal of political principles, 58 ; canvass, 59 ; reply to Col. 
 Taylor, 60 ; reply to Forquer, 61 ; second election to Leg- 
 islature, 62 ; resolution in regard to slavery in District of 
 Coliimbia, 65-66 ; removal to Springfield, 68 ; " Logan and 
 Lincoln," 68 ; address in "The Perpetuation of our Free 
 Institutions," 70-73; political address, 73-74; defense of 
 the son of an old friend, 75-76; character, 'JT-'jZ ; joke on 
 Judge Logan, 78-79 ; story of the horse-trade, 80; story 
 of the jackknife, 81 ; stor\^ of the drunken coachman, 81- 
 82 ; story of the pig,82 ; his tenderheartedness,83 ; kindness 
 to his step-mother, 83-84 ; third term in Legislature, 85 ; 
 campaign of 1840, 85-86 ; Mar\- Todd, 86-87 : storj^ of his 
 awkward dancing, 87-S8 ; duel with Gen. Shields, 88-90; 
 date of wedding set, 90; marriage, 91 ; speech at Gentrj-- 
 ville, 93 ; " Lincoln and Herndon," 94; elected to Con- 
 gress, 94; Congressional experience, 96 ; position in regard 
 to the Mexican war, 97-98 ; speech on " The Presidency 
 and General Politics," 98 ; candidate for government 
 position, 98 ; appearance, 98-99 ; honesty, 101-102; com- 
 parison with Douglas, 108-109; joins Republican party, 
 III ; speech in Chicago, 113; helps a colored woman, 1 13- 
 114; refuse a nomination to State Legislature, 114; can- 
 didate for Senator, 114-115; Bloomington speech, 116; 
 speech at State fair, 118; speech at Peoria, 119-121 ; nom- 
 inated for U. S. Senate, 121 ; speech accepting nomination, 
 121-124; readiness to turn a point, 125; visit to Cincin- 
 nati, 126-128; challenges Douglas to a political discussion, 
 129; Lincoln-Douglas debates, 129-140; fitness for Presi- 
 dency, 141-142 ; speech in Cincinnati, 143-144; Cooper 
 Institute speech, 145-150; speech at Five Points Sabbath 
 School, 151-152; Gulliver's estimate of his oratorical 
 powers, 152-154; State Convention at Decatur, 156-157 ; 
 Chicago Convention, 157-160; nominated to Presidency, 
 159; official notification, 160; reputation, 161-166; con-
 
 INDEX. 395 
 
 versation with Dr. Newton Bateman, 162-163 '< character 
 164, 165, 223-224, 255, 269-270, 279; position in regard to 
 slaver)', 165 ; incidents of campaign, 167-168 ; elected 
 President, 169; electoral votes counted, 178; policy in 
 regard to extension of slaver)% 178; desire for harmony, 
 179; leaves Spr'ngfield, 180; farewell speech, 180-181 ; 
 reception at Indianapolis, 181; trip to Washington, 180- 
 187; speech at Cincinnati, 182; personal appearance, 183; 
 speech at Albany, 183-184; speech at Trenton, 184; speech 
 at Philadelphia, 184-185; speech at Harrisburg, 186; hur- 
 ried trip to Washington, 187 ; political doctrines, 
 188-189; forms his Cabinet, 189-192; inauguration, 
 193-202; difriculties, 206-207, 221; war policy, 210; 
 Proclamation calling for volunteers, 211; his view of the 
 war, 212-213. 237-238; Battle of Bull Run, 214-215 ; Trent 
 aftair, 216-221 ; personal appearance and tastes, 225, 227- 
 228; his ofiice, 226-227; death of his son Willie, 229-231 ; 
 reply to delegation from New York, 232 ; carelessness of 
 criticism 233; belief in p: aver, 234; reply to Mr. Greeley, 
 236-237 ; militar)' emancipation, 238-239 ; answer to 
 Quaker delegation, 241 ; decides to issue Emancipation 
 Proclamation, 242; his story of the Proclamation, 243- 
 246, 24S-249 ; Second Annual Message, 247 ; Proclamation 
 of Emancipation, 247-248 ; War Policy, 253, 258, 271-272 ; 
 receives news of the capture of Norfolk, 260-261 ; at 
 Antietam, 273; Message to Congress, 276-278 ; appreciation 
 of Grant's services, 278-2S0; story of Syke's dog, 281 ; 
 speech at Gettysburg, 285-286 ; letter to Illinois friends* 
 289-290; Proclamation, 291-292; passage of 13th Amend- 
 ment, 293-295 ; domestic life, 296-297 ; enjoins Sabbath 
 obserxance, 297-298; election of 1864, 299-300; second 
 candidacy, 301 ; second nomination, 305 ; response to 
 committee, 306; letter of acceptance, 306 ; remarks on 
 election, 310; Second inaugural, 311-316 ; at City Point, 
 317; at Richmond, 31S-320 ; incident related by Admiral 
 Porter, 321-325; reception of news of Lee's surrender, 
 324-327 ; story of the boy and the coon, 327-32S ; his last
 
 396 , INDEX. 
 
 day. 332-339 ; last Cabinet meeting, 333 ; last ride with 
 Mrs. Lincoln, 333; lastoflicial order, 334; attempts on his 
 life, 335 ; at Ford's Theatre, 336 ; assassmation, 336-337 ; 
 death, 338-339; general mourning, 340-341; funeral 
 ceremonies, 341-350; at the White House, 342; at the 
 Capitol, 343; at Baltimore, 345 ; at Philadelphia, 345-346; 
 at New York, 346 ; at Albany, 347 ; at Chicago, 347-348 ; 
 at Springfield, 348-350; his ambition, 351; his modesty, 
 352; his response to the Union League, 353-354; his 
 patience, 354-355 ; his message to Congress, May 29, 1862, 
 356-359; his compassion, 360-362; his personal habits, 
 363; his temperance, 363; in advance of his surround- 
 ings, 365 ; incident narrated by schoolmate, 367 ; reputa- 
 tion as a lawyer, 368-369; in politics, 369, 371 ; relations 
 to the Abolitionists, 371-372; interview in N. Y. Tribime, 
 374 ; sagacity, 376 ; general conduct of the war, 377-379 ; 
 religious views, 381 ; Mr. Herndon's opinion of his relig- 
 ion, 382; belief in prayer, 382-383; devout tone of his 
 proclamations and letters, 383-388 ; interview with two 
 ladies from Tennessee, 389-390. 
 
 Lincoln, John, 12, 13. 
 
 Lincoln, Mordecai, 12, 15. 
 
 Lincoln, Samuel, 12. 
 
 Lincoln, Thomas, 15. 
 
 Lincoln-Douglas Debates, 129-140. 
 
 Lincolnshire, 12. 
 
 Long Nine, 62. 
 
 Lovejoy, Owen, Speech on Trent AfTair, 218-219. 
 
 McClellan, Gen., first campaign, 214; character of, 222-223; 
 peninsula campaign, 261-263 ; rudeness to the President, 
 
 354-355- 
 Mercer County, 13. 
 Merrimac, 259-260. 
 Mexican War, 96-97. 
 Missionary Ridge, 265-266. 
 Monitor, 259-260.
 
 INDEX, 397 
 
 Negroes allowed to enlist, 240. 
 
 New Salem, 39-40. 
 
 Norfolk, Capture of, 260-261. 
 
 North, the. Effect of siege of Sumter upon, 208-209. 
 
 North Carolina passes secession ordinance, 205. 
 
 Offutt, Denton, 39. 
 
 Palmer, Gen., story of Lincoln, 360. 
 Philadelphia, Lincoln's Speech at, 184-185. 
 Porter, Admiral, account of Lincoln's visit to Richmond, 
 318-320; anecdote of Lincoln, 321-325. 
 
 Republican Convention, 111-112, 305. 
 Republican Party, in. 
 Republican Platform, 305. 
 
 Richmond, Campaign around, 268; capture of, 269; Lin- 
 coln's visit to, 318-320. 
 Rutledge, Annie, 56-57. 
 
 Sangamon River, 49. 
 
 Secession, 170, 172; discussed in Congress, 172-175; of 
 
 States, 176; outbreak of war of, 207-209. 
 Seward, Hon. Wm. H., Character of, 190, 191. 
 Shields, Gen., duel with Lincoln, 88-90. 
 Slavery, Position of Illinois in regard to, 65 ; resolutions in 
 
 Illinois Legislature, 65-66 ; growth and development of, 
 
 103-106; Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 109-111; Congressional 
 
 action in regard to, 239-240! 
 South, Blockade of, 256-257. 
 Speed, Joshua F., 68. 
 Springfield Bar, 68. 
 Squatter Sovereignty, no. 
 Stanton, Hon. E. M., at Cincinnati, 126-128. 
 State Convention at Decatur, 156-157. 
 State Sovereignty, 171. 
 Stevens, Hon. Thaddeus, speech on slavery in Congress, 
 
 172.
 
 398 INDEX. 
 
 Taney, Chief-Justice, administers oath to Lincoln, 201. 
 
 Taj'lor, Col. Dick, 59-60. 
 
 Todd, Mary, 86-87. 
 
 Toombs, Hon. Robert, speech on slavery in Congress, 173- 
 
 174- 
 Trent Affair, 216-221. 
 Trenton, Lincoln's Speech at, 184. 
 Tribune, New York, War policy of, 235-236. 
 
 Vandalia, Capital of Illinois, 56. 
 Vicksburg, Capture of, 263-265. 
 Voodoo Fortune-teller, 34. 
 
 Westminster Review, Estimate of Lincoln's Gettysburg Ad- 
 dress, 286.
 
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