REASONS FOR THE ENFRANCHISEMENT OF WOMEN. 13Y Mrs. BODICHON. Read at the Meeting of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science, at Manchester, Oct. 6 , 1866 . 1, ADAM STREET, ADELPHI, LONDON, W. C. (chambers of the social science association). 1866 . Price One Penny . REASONS FOR THE ENFRANCHISE OF WOMEN. That a respectable, orderly, independent body in the state should have no voice, and no influence recognized by the law, in the election of the repre» sentatives of the people, while they are otherwis acknowledged as responsible citizens, are eligible for many public offices, and required to pay all taxes, is an anomaly which seems to require some explanation, and the reasons alleged in its defence are curious and interesting to examine. It is not however my pre- sent purpose to controvert the various objections which have been brought forward against the exten- sion of the suffrage to women. Passing over what may be called the negative side of the question, I propose to take it up at a more advanced stage, and assuming that the measure is unobjectionable, I shall endeavour to show that it is positively desirable. Mr. Anthony Trollope, speaking in reference to the restrictions on voting in some departments of the Civil Service, says : — “ A clerk in the Custom- house, over whom no political ascendancy from his official superior could by any chance be used, is debarred from voting. I once urged upon a Cabinet minister that this was a stigma on the service, — and though he was a Whig, he laughed at me. He could not conceive that men would care about voting. But men do care ; — and those who do not, ought to be made to care. 5 ’ The case is very similar as regards women. Many people, besides Cabinet ministers, are unable to conceive that women can care about voting. That some women do care has been proved 3 the Petition presented to Parliament last session. I shall try to show why some care, — and why those who do not ought to be made to care. There are now a very considerable number of open- minded unprejudiced people, who see no particular reason why women should not have votes, if they want them, but, they ask, what would be the good of it ? What is there that women want which male legislators are not willing to give? And here let me say at the outset, that the advocates of this measure are very far from accusing men of deliberate unfairness to women. It is not as a means of ex- torting justice from unwilling legislators that the franchise, is claimed for women. In so far as the claim is made with any special reference to class interests at all, it is simply on the general ground that under a representative government, any class which is not represented is likely to be neglected. Proverbially, what is out of sight is out of mind, and the theory that women, as such, are bound to keep out of sight, finds its most emphatic ex- pression in the denial of the right to vote. The direct results are probably less injurious than those which are indirect, but that a want of due consideration for the interests of women is apparent in our legislation, could very easily be shown. To give evidence in detail would be a long and an invidious task. I will mention one instance only, that of the educational endowments all over the ^country. Yery few people would now maintain that the education of boys is more important to the State than that of girls. But as a matter of fact, girls have but a very small share in educational endow- ments. Many of the old foundations have been 4 reformed by Parliament, but tbe desirableness providing with equal care for girls and boys, has very seldom been recognised. In the administration of charities generally, tbe same tendency prevails to postpone the claims of women to those of men. Among instances of hardship traceable directly to exclusion from the franchise and to no other cause, 'may be mentioned the unwillingness of landlords to accept women as tenants. Two large farmers in Suffolk inform me that this is not an uncommon case. They mention one estate on which seven widows have been ejected, who, if they had had votes, would have been continued as tenants. The following letter is from the unmarried sister of these gentlemen, herself a farmer in the same county : — " It is not perhaps sufficiently considered how large a proportion of women occupy and cultivate farms entirely on their own account, nor how sensibly a share in the suffrage would affect their interests. In strictly agricultural counties, like those of Norfolk and Suffolk, it is a thing of daily occurrence for leases to be granted or renewed to the widows, daughters, or sisters of farmers, and many tenant- farmers are unwilling to hire of landlords who, as the phrase is, ‘ turn out the women.’ In these districts the agricultural class is richer than almost any other, and the female portion of it receive as a rule, a much better education than the daughters of clergymen and the poorer professional men. In fact they receive the best within reach. I think you would find very few farmers who do not consider their wives or daughters quite as capable of voting as themselves, and would not show their faith in their business capacities by making them executrixes and administrators of their property. Land proprietors, as a rule however, like, and with reason, to have their estates represented in Parliament, — and here 1 come to the chief point I would urge upon your attention. In- stances daily occur of* the widow of a deserving tenant being ejected from her farm with a large young family unprovided for, simply because she cannot vote. Farming is a healthful, easy, and natural profession for women who have been brought up in agricultural counties, and have thus been learning it from childhood. Moreover, for holders of capital, it is a tolerably lucrative one. I know many and many a single woman living upon the narrow income 5 derived from a fair property invested in the funds, who would gladly hire land instead, and thus obtain a higher interest for her money. It seems to me not a little hard, that a woman possessing capital should be deprived of the privileges other capitalists enjoy, but it seems harder still that she should be robbed of her livelihood,, simply because an anomalous custom has shut her out from such a. privilege. “ Take for instance the following cases which have come under my own notice, which show the working of the law both ways : — The other day a widow was left with a large family, in a farm her husband had occupied for years. The landowner was one of those gentlemen who highly estimate parliamentary influence ; his unfor- tunate tenant was only saved from want by a generous public subscription. People might say, — if she had sufficient capital to carry on a farm, how was it that she was in need of assistance ? But such a question shows an utter misconception of the subject. Any one at all acquainted with farming will understand how ruinous is a sudden ejection, admitting as it does no opportunity of preparing for high valuation ; and any one acquainted with general business will understand what an advantage it is for capital to be used. A sum quite adequate for carrying on a moderate sized farm would bring in a miserable income, if ‘ safely’’ invested. “ Take another case. My next door neighbour, a respectable widow lady, has gained a competent living for herself and daughter, on a farm she has occupied since the death of her husband, twenty years ago. Had she been ejected then, she must have eked out a miserable income by keeping a third-rate school, or thrown herself upon friends. As it is, she has mantained a respectable and inde- pendent position, and has of course, employed her capital to the utmost advantage. It seems a little hard that this lady, who in every way performs the duties of an employer, should have no' vote, whilst the keeper of a low beerhouse close by, who demoralises labouring men, and is hardly able to write his name, exercises the right from which she is denied. “In conclusion, I beg to say that I have been a farmer for some years, that I know few parishes in which women are not owners or occupiers of land, and that every practical farmer with whom I have discussed the subject of the extension of the franchise to women, has recognised the justice of such a claim. They certainly see no reason why we should be entrusted with property, and not entrusted with the influence pertaining to it. The only wonder is that the attention of the public has not been drawn to this matter before. “ M. B. Edwards.” The case, as stated by Miss Edwards in behalf of 6 farmers, is scarcely less strong as regards all women, who, as heads of a business or a household, fulfil the •duties of a man in the same position. Their task is often a hard one, and everything which helps to sustain their self-respect, and to give them consi- deration and importance in the eyes of others, is likely to lessen their difficulties, and make them happier and stronger for the battle of life. The very fact that, though householders and taxpay- ers, they have not equal privileges with male householders and taxpayers, is in itself a deconsi- deration, which seems to me invidious and useless. It casts a kind of slur on the value of their opinions, and I may remark in passing, that what is treated as of no value is apt to grow valueless. Citizenship is an honour, and not to have the full rights of a citizen is a want of honour. Inconspicuously it may be, but by a subtle and sure process, those, who without their own consent and without sufficient reason, are debarred from full participation in the rights and duties of a citizen, lose more or less of social consideration and esteem. These arguments, founded on considerations of justice and mercy to a large and important class, might, in a civilized country and in the absence of strong reasons to the contrary, be deemed amply sufficient to justify the measure proposed. There remain to be considered those aspects of the question which affect the general community. And among all the reasons for giving women votes, the one which appears to me the strongest, is that of the influence it might be expected to have in increasing public spirit. Patriotism, a healthy, lively, intelligent interest in everything which concerns the nation to which we belong, and an unselfish devotedness to the public service, — these are the qualities which make a people great and happy; these are the virtues which ought to be most sedulously cultivated in all classes of the community. And I know no better means at this present time, of counteracting the tendency to prefer narrow private ends to the public good, than this of giving to all women, duly qualified, a direct and conscious participation in political affairs. Give some women votes, and it will tend to make all women think seriously of the concerns of the nation at large, and their interest having once been fairly roused, they will take pains, by reading and by consultation with persons better informed than themselves, to form sound opinions. As it is, women of the middle class occupy them- selves but little with anything beyond their own family circle. They do not consider it any concern of theirs, if poor men and women are ill-nursed in workhouse infirmaries, and poor children ill-taught in workhouse schools. If the roads are bad, the drains neglected, the water poisoned, they think it is all very wrong, but it does not occur to them that it is their duty to get it put right. These farmer- women and business-women have honest sensible minds and much practical experience, but they do not bring their good sense to bear upon public affairs, because they think it is men’s business, not theirs, to look after such things. It is this belief — so narrowing and deadening in its influence — that the exercise of the franchise would tend to dissipate. The mere fact of being called upon to enforce an opinion by a vote, would have an immediate effect in awakening a healthy sense of responsibility. There 8 is no reason wiry these women should not take an active interest in all the social questions — education, public health, prison discipline, the poor laws, and the rest — which occupy Parliament, and they would be much more likely to do so, if they felt that they had importance in the eyes of Members of Parliament, and could claim a hearing for their opinions. Besides these women of business, there are ladies of property, whose more active participation in public affairs would be beneficial both to themselves and the community generally. The want of stimulus to energetic action is much felt by women of the higher classes. It is agreed that th^y- ought not to be idle, but what they ought to do is not so clear. Beading, music and drawing, needlework, and charity, are their usual employments. Reading, without a purpose, does not come to much. Music and drawing, and needlework, are most commonly regarded chiefly as amusements intended to fill up time. We have left, as the serious duty of indepen- dent and unmarried women, the care of the poor in all its branches, including visiting the sick and the aged and ministering to their wants, looking after the schools, and in every possible way giving help wherever help is needed. Now education, the relief of the destitute, and the health of the people, are among the most important and difficult matters which occupy the minds of statesmen, and if it is admitted that women of leisure and culture are bound to contribute their part towards the solution of these great questions, it is evident that every means of making their co-operation enlightened and vigorous should be sought for. They have special oppor- tunities of observing the operation of many of the 9 laws. They know, for example, for they see before their eyes, the practical working of the law of settlement — of the laws relating to the dwellings of the poor — and many others, and the experience which peculiarly qualifies them to form a judgment on these matters, ought not to be thrown away. We all know that we have already a goodly body of rich, influential working-women, whose opinions on the social and political questions of the day are well worth listening to. In almost every parish, there are, happily for England, such women. Now every- thing should be done to give these valuable members of the community a solid social standing. If they are wanted, and there can be no doubt that they are, in all departments of social work, their position in the work should be as dignified and honourable as it is possible to make it. Rich unmarried women have many opportunities of benefiting the community, which are not within reach of a married woman, absorbed by the care of her husband and children. Everything, I say again, should be done to encourage this most important and increasing class, to take their place in the army of workers for the common good, and all the forces we can bring to bear for this end are of incalculable value. For by bringing women into hearty co-operation with men, we gain the benefit not only of their work, but of their intelligent sympathy. Public spirit is like fire : a feeble spark of it may be fanned into a flame, or it may very easily be put out. And the result of teach- ing women that they have nothing to do with politics, is that their influence goes towards extinguishing the unselfish interest — never too strong — which men are disposed to take in public affairs. 10 Let each, member of the House of Commons con- sider, in a spirit of true scientific inquiry, all the properly qualified women of his acquaintance, and he will see no reason why the single ladies and the widows among his own family and friends should not form as sensible opinions on the merits of candidates as the voters who returned him to Parliament. When we find among the disfran- chised such names as those of Mrs. Somerville, Harriet Martineau, Miss Burdett Coutts, Florence Nightingale, Mary Carpenter, Louisa Twining, Miss Marsh, and many others scarcely inferior to these in intellectual and moral worth, we cannot but desire, for the elevation and dignity of the parlia- mentary system, to add them to the number of electors. It need scarcely be pointed out that the measure - has nothing of a party character. We have prece- dents under two very different governments, those of Austria and Sweden, for something very similar to what is now proposed. With regard to voting in Austria, Major Noel, who has resided many years in Germany, writes as follows : — “ In all the so-called ‘ crown and hereditary lands’ of the Austrian empire, the principle has been established by the Imperial Patent of 1864, of the representation of classes and interests in the respective Diets. One class repre- sented is that of the large landed proprietors. In this class all females, whether of noble or citizen blood, if they possess the property qualification, have votes just the same as males. Women in their corporate character, as stiftsdamen or nuns, have the franchise too, if their revenues are derived from land. As regards the representation of citizens 11 proper (townspeople), I know that in some of the electoral districts, widows carrying on business, or spinsters possessing houses and paying the necessary taxes, vote likewise. But when I made more par- ticular inquiries on this head last January, Count Thun wrote me that the law as regards the female franchise, with the exception of the class of large landed proprietors, was very vague and undecided. It was the intention of the Government, however, to introduce laws for the acceptance of the various Diets, whereby independent women should have votes like males in everyone of the represented classes. Whether such laws have been introduced and carried, I know not. I must mention however, that in the P Hungarian Constitution of 1848, when so many democratic changes were introduced, there is an express clause excluding women of any class of society from the franchise.” In Sweden the Reform bill passed in December, 1865, gave the election of members of the Upper Chamber to municipal and county bodies, called Stads-full-maktige , and Lands ting sman. In the elec- tion of these bodies, women take part. In order to be an elector, a woman must be unmarried or a widow, and must have attained her majority (twenty- five years), and be possessed of more than 400 riksdalers riksmynt (about £22.) per annum.* In England, the extension proposed would inter- fere with no vested interests. It would involve no * Article 15 of the Italian Electoral law, provides, “ That the taxation paid by a widow, or by a wife separated from her husband, shall give a vote to whichever of her children or relations of the first or second degree of propinquity she may select. In the same way, a father, who pays direct imports in several electoral districts, shall be able to delegate his vote in the one which he does not inhabit himself, to either of his sons he may select. These delegations of power can be cancelled 12 change in the principles on which our Government is based, but would rather make our Constitution more consistent with itself. Conservatives have a right to claim it as a Conservative measure. Liberals are bound to ask for it as a necessary part of radical reform. There is no reason for identifying it with any class or party in the State, and it is, in fact, impossible to predict what influence it might have on party politics. The question is simply of a special legal disability, which must, sooner or later, be removed. It was said by Lord Derby, in his speech on entering upon the office of Prime Minister last Session, in reference to Reform- — that “ there were theoretical anomalies in our present system which it was desirable, if possible, to correct ; that there were classes of persons excluded from the franchise who had a fair claim and title, upon the ground of •their fitness to exercise the privilege of electors ; and that there was a very large class whom the particu- lar qualifications of the Act of 1832 excluded.” I venture fo submit, that the exclusion of female freeholders and householders from the franchise is an anomaly which it is vety desirable, and not impossible, to correct ; that there is no class of persons having a fairer claim and title upon the ground of their fitness to exercise the privileges of electors ; and that whatever may be deemed expe- dient with regard to other classes, this class, at any rate, should not be excluded by the particular qualifications of the Reform Act of the future. Barbara Leigjh Smith Bodichon. Ba&e, Printer, 78, Great Titchfield Street, Marylebone. W,