ROSELLI 
 
 Oval World Map 
 
 S^y® 
 
 Dr. George E. Nunn 
 
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 1 THE ROSELLI OVAL WORLD MAP, By George E. Nunn. 
 
 30 pp. (12 x 9^4) Illustrated. 500 numbered copies. Privately Printed. 
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 London Times Literary Supplement, Nov. i, 1928. 
 
 "Dr. Nunn's capable essay is one of real scientific importance. It will be immensely 
 interesting to students, and collectors of Americana will find it indispensable." 
 
 Notes on Rare Books, New York Times, Sept. 16, 1928. 
 
 ". . . well and attractively printed. . . . this scholarly piece of work." 
 
 American Historical Review, July, 1929. 
 
 Price, $3.00 
 
 2 PHOTOSTAT (positive) OF THE ROSELLI OVAL WORLD MAP. 
 
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 3 THE ORIGIN OF THE STRAIT OF ANIAN CONCEPT, By George E. Nunn. 
 32 pp. (9 x 6) Frontispiece. 200 numbered copies. Privately Printed. 
 
 Dr. Nunn traces the development of the idea of a waterway separating Asia from 
 America as finally visualized on the map of Bolognino Zaltieri MDLXVI. 
 
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THE LI9MRY 
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WORLD MAP 
 
 Of FRANCESCO ROSELLI 
 
 DRAWN ON AN OVAL PROJECTION AND 
 PRINTED FROM A WOODCUT SUPPLE- 
 MENTING THE FIFTEENTH CEN- 
 TURY MAPS IN THE SECOND 
 EDITION OF THE ISOLARIO 
 OF BARTOLOMEO DALI 
 SONETTI. PRINTED IN 
 ITALY ANNO DOMINI 
 MDXXXII. DESCRIBED 
 BY GEORGE E. NUNN 
 FROM THE COPY IN 
 THE COLLECTION OF 
 GEORGE H. BEANS 
 
 Privately Printed 
 
 PHILADELPHIA 
 
 1928 
 

 /■> 
 
 Respectfully Dedicated to My Friend 
 R. R. Chase 
 
 705838 
 
FIVE HUNDRED COPIES PRINTED 
 
 No. HI 
 
 Copyright, 1928, by 
 George H. Beans 
 
^Acknowledgment 
 
 It is but proper that I should acknowledge 
 the courtesy of Dr. Nunn in contributing, as 
 a labor of love, the fruits of his research upon 
 a subject of interest to both of us. If the 
 printer had been free to perform his portion 
 in a similar spirit the arrangement would have 
 been perfect. As it is, the best we can do 
 is to offer this volume at cost to other searchers 
 for the truth. 
 
 George H. Beans. 
 Glenside, Pennsylvania. 
 
THE ROSELLI OVAL 
 WORLD MAP 
 
 NEARLY forty years ago Baron Nordenskiold passed judgment on the maps 
 in the Isolario di Bartolomeo da li Sonetti, one of which was a mappemonde 
 by Francesco Roselli, the Florentine. Nordenskiold said that "although the maps 
 in the work of Sonetti are very insignificant, yet they are of a certain interest as 
 being the first printed maps of which it is expressly stated that they are founded 
 on actual measurements." 1 
 
 Recently the Trustees of the British Museum have printed 2 another map of 
 Roselli bearing the date of 1506. The monograph accompanying that map confined 
 itself to a very brief description of the 1506 map together with an alphabetical list 
 of the names and legends found thereon, segregated according to continents. It 
 has seemed, after a period of study, that Roselli and his maps are worthy of a much 
 more extended treatment. 
 
 Roselli and his co-worker Contarini are the makers of the first printed map 
 now known showing any portion of the new world. They apparently were the 
 first to make a world map, including the entire 360 degrees, on the conical pro- 
 jection. 3 Roselli seems to have been the first cartographer to use the oval pro- 
 jection which Ortelius later used for his world map. The Roselli maps, of which four 
 remain, appear to be an important record supplementary to the La Cosa map in 
 regard to the John Cabot voyage of 1497. The Roselli-Contarini and the Roselli 
 oval map are very important records of the Columbus fourth voyage. Finally, these 
 maps, belonging to the first decade of the Sixteenth Century, are a most important 
 link in the map series depicting the conflict between the Columbian and the Ptolemy- 
 Behaim schools of geography. 
 
 This monograph proposes to deal with the oval world map Figura & Scrittura 
 in soma di tutto lo habitato inserted in the 1532 edition of the Isolario of da li Sonetti, 
 a map which Nordenskiold says 4 has a resemblance to the oval map of the world 
 in Bordone's Isolario 1528. There are however most important differences between 
 the two maps which give to the Roselli map an importance not noticed by Norden- 
 skiold. The Bordone map is graduated with the longitude lines at 20 degree intervals. 
 
 1 A. E. Nordenskiold: Facsimile Atlas p. 37A. Periplus p. 1S6A. 
 
 2 A Map of the World designed by Gio. Matteo Contarini and engraved by Fran. Roselli, 1506. London, 1924. 
 
 * Edward Heawood: A Hitherto Unknown World Map of A. D. 1506, in the Geog. Journal Vol. LXII No. 4. Oct. 1923, 
 283-4. 
 
 4 A. E. Nordenskiold: Facsimile Atlas p. 36B and p. 37A. 
 
 1 
 
GREATEST PROBLEM OF EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY GEOGRAPHY 
 
 The entire 360 degrees of the earth's circumference are accounted for in 18 intervals. 
 Asia is drawn after the Ptolemy-Behaim concept. The right hand or eastern part 
 of the map indicates an open sea on the 270th meridian, counting the Canary 
 
 mp* 
 
 Fig. 1. BORDONE. 
 
 COLL. C. H. B 
 
 meridian as the first. By way of striking contrast the left or western portion of the 
 Bordone map shows the terra del laboratore — modo nouo region connected and 
 backed up against the same 270th meridian thus apparently indicating the 270th 
 meridian line as the shore line of the Eastern Ocean and the New World. This 
 meridian line throws us at once into the greatest problem of early Sixteenth Cent- 
 ury geography — the geographical relation of the Trans-Atlantic discoveries to the 
 lands of eastern Asia. 
 
 This problem may be understood most readily by tracing the conception of 
 eastern Asia through its several phases. During the early part of the Fifteenth 
 Century there prevailed a type of map of the known world apparently derived from 
 the Arab geographer, Edrisi, 5 who composed his book on geography at the court 
 of the Norman king of Sicily about 1150 A. D. This map is distinguished by an 
 Africa that faces southern Asia on the south side of an Indian ocean bearing some 
 resemblance to the Mediterranean. The whole of the known world is comprised in 
 a space of a little less than 180 degrees. The more prominent derivatives of the 
 Edrisi map are those of Marino Sanuto 6 1320, Andrea Bianco 7 1436, Johannes 
 Leardus or Giovanni Leardo 1448 8 and 1452. 9 
 
 5 J. Lelewel: Geographie du Moyen Age. Atlas plate X. 
 
 6 A. E. Nordenskidld: Facsimile Atlas p. 51. 
 
 7 A. E. Nordenskiold: Periplus p. 19. 
 " A. E. Nordenskiold: Periplus p. 61. 
 
 9 T. Fischer: Raccolta di Mappamondi e Carte Nautiche del XIII aj XVI secolo; published by Ongania, part XIV 
 
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PTOLEMY 
 
 In the meantime, the Geography of Ptolemy had been made generally avail- 
 able in western Europe. Two Greek scholars, Emanuel Chrysoloras and Jacobus 
 Angelus, translated not only the work but apparently also latinised the maps. 10 
 The translation was completed about the year 1410. The Ptolemy general map is 
 included in the Atlante of Andrea Bianco 11 1436. The influence of Ptolemy is 
 shown in the coast line of southern Asia on the Genoese world map 12 of 1457 and 
 the great world map of Fra Mauro 13 1457-9. On both of these maps the eastward 
 extension of Africa of the Edrisi map was greatly curtailed. 
 
 Shortly after the appearance of these last two maps, the maps of Ptolemy, 
 which had previously circulated in manuscript copies alone, began to be widely 
 distributed by frequently printed editions. 14 The scientific basis of the Ptolemy 
 geography, combined with the Renaissance reverence for the work of the ancients, 
 gave to Ptolemy's work a general acceptance that, aside from the portolan charts 
 for the Mediterranean, almost excluded any other conception of geography per- 
 taining to the 180 degrees Ptolemy had assigned to the known world. The only 
 modifications of Ptolemy's map before 1492 were those made as the result of the 
 activities of the Norsemen. A further modification was being prepared by the 
 adventures of the Portuguese on the coast of Africa. 
 
 Ptolemy's geography gave no information of any land or sea beyond his 180th 
 meridian. However, Ptolemy indicated more land beyond his extreme east, and 
 he made the Indian Ocean a closed sea by joining Africa to eastern Asia. The 
 most extreme eastern countries known to Ptolemy were the land of Serica and the 
 Sinarum Situs, the latter bordering the Sinus Magnus 15 and the two corresponding 
 to northern and southern China. 
 
 The mediaeval travelers who visited the Mongol court in the Thirteenth 
 Century, and particularly Marco Polo who visited Cathay and eastern Asia, were 
 the cause of an interpretation of Asiatic geography that was fundamental to the 
 work of Columbus. This interpretation is best known to us through the globe of 
 Martin Behaim made in 1492, although the interpretation probably was not 
 original with him. 16 
 
 Fundamental to this interpretation 17 was, first, the 180 degrees of the previously 
 known world as shown by Ptolemy, and second, the account of the westward 
 journey of Marco Polo 18 to the provinces of Mangi and Tebet. This journey is de- 
 scribed as one to the west from Cambaluc (Pekin) and taking a period of 132 days. 
 At the end of this time Marco Polo said that he was "very near India." Allowing 
 a rate of 20 miles a day for the 132 days travel would make a distance of 2640 
 
 10 A. E. Nordenskiold: Facsimile Atlas p. 9. 
 
 11 T. Fischer: Racoolta di Mappamondi etc., part IX. 
 14 E. L. Stevenson: Genoese World Map of 1457. 
 
 ls M. F. de Santarem: Atlas compos6 de Mappemondes etc., No. 43-48. 
 
 14 A. E. Nordenskiold: Facsimile Atlas pp. 9-28. 
 
 15 A. E. Nordenskiold: Facsimile Atlas plate I. Geo. E. Nunn: The Lost Globe Gores of Johann Schoner. A Review 
 The Geog. Review. Vol. XVII No. 3 July, 1927. 
 
 16 E. G. Ravenstein: Martin Behaim, His Life and His Globe, p. 64. 
 
 "Geo. E. Nunn: The Lost Globe Gores of Johann Schoner 1523-1524. A Review. Am. Geog. Review. Vol. XVII 
 No. 3 July 1927. 
 
 18 The Book of Ser Marco Polo. Two Vols. London 1921. Vol. 2 pp. 3-109. 
 
MARCO POLO 
 
 miles, which would equal approximately 53 degrees at the rate of 50 miles to a 
 degree on the 41st parallel. Behaim apparently used this data on his globe combin- 
 ing Ptolemy and Marco Polo, so that up to the 180th meridian east of the Canaries 
 Behaim's globe is almost entirely Ptolemaic; while beyond the 180th meridian 
 Behaim added 60 degrees of mainland, placing Cambaluc on the 41st parallel 
 approximately and about 53 degrees east of Ptolemy's 180th meridian, and locating 
 a great island called Cipangu 1500 miles or almost 30 degrees east of the mainland 
 of Asia. 19 Then he opened the sea way from the eastern ocean 20 into the Indicum 
 Mare, in accordance with Marco Polo's statement that he went by sea from Mangi 
 to India, passing so far south that the pole star was no longer visible. 21 Ptolemy's 
 tentative south coast of the Indicum Mare, which he has marked " Terra Incognita" 
 was opened to conform with Marco Polo's account and also with Behaim's own 
 oceanic theory of the world geography. 22 Then the southern sea was filled with the 
 great islands of Java Maior, Java Minor, Seilan, Zanzibar, and Madagascar. A 
 continuation of the Asiatic peninsula of Moabar, the islands of Madagascar and 
 Zanzibar and a projection of southern Africa were the Behaim equivalents of 
 Ptolemy's Terra Incognita. 
 
 This conception of eastern Asiatic geography persisted through the first 
 quarter of the Sixteenth Century and is apparently the basis of the geographical 
 concept that Johann Schoner 23 represented on his map of 1523. It persisted in the 
 idea that America might be connected with Asia until Vitus Bering, by discovering 
 the Bering Strait, finally dispelled it. 
 
 Columbus apparently employed a concept of Asia similar to the Behaim 
 Globe because we know that he had a map, furnished to Pinzon 24 while in Rome, 
 which placed Campanso (Cipango) 95 degrees west of Spain. This is substantially 
 the same as Behaim placed it. Columbus, however, modified his longitudes by a 
 different degree value. While in the service of Portugal, Columbus claimed that 
 he had verified the Arab measure of 56 2/3 Italian miles to the equatorial degree. 28 
 Columbus regarded the Italian nautical mile as equivalent to the Arab mile. 
 Neither the longitudes Columbus assigned to the supposed kingdoms, provinces, 
 and islands of eastern Asia, are known nor the method by which he calculated those 
 longitudes. We do not know whether he actually recalculated the longitudes of 
 
 19 Note: Wherever the name of Cipango appears in this monograph the spelling will conform with that of the source to 
 which reference is being made in that paragraph, otherwise the spelling adopted is Cipango. 
 
 30 E. G. Ravenstein: Martin Behaim, His Life and His Globe. Map in four sections in back pocket. 
 21 The Book of Ser Marco Polo, as cited. Vol. 2, p. 284. 
 M E. G. Ravenstein: Martin Behaim etc., p. 71. 
 
 23 Dr. F. Wieder: Monumenta Cartographica Vol. 1, plates 1-3. 
 
 Note: The Behaim concept of eastern Asia is shown on the following maps:— Henricus Martellus Germanus, about 
 |489, Nordenskiold's Periplus, p. 123; Hamy map about 1502, Nordenskiold's Periplus plate XLV; Waldseemiiller 1507, 
 Fischer and v. Wieser, The Oldest Map with the Name America; Bernardus Sylvanus 1511, Nordenskiold's Facsimile Atlas, 
 plate XXXIII; Glareanus 1510, Nordenskiold's Periplus, p. 173; Hydrographia sive Charta Marina 1513, Nordenskiold's 
 Facsimile Atlas, p. XXXV; Lenox Globe uncertain date, Mag. Am. Hist. Sept. 1879; Gregorius Reisch 1515, Nordenskiold's 
 Facsimile Atlas, plate XXXVIII; Schoner Globes 1515 and 1520, K. Kretschmer Die Entdeckung Amerikas, plate XIII; 
 Petrus Apianus 1520, Nordenskiold's Facsimile Atlas, plate XXXVIII; Laurentius Frisius 1522, Nordenskiold's Facsimile 
 Atlas, plate XXXIX; Robert Thorne 1527, Nordenskiold's Facsimile Atlas, plate XLI; Benedetto Bordone 1528, Fig. 1 
 present work; Petrus Apianus 1530, Nordenskiold's Periplus, plate XLIV; and Honter 1542, Nordenskiold's Periplus, p. 149. 
 
 24 M. F. deNavarrete: Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos, etc., 5 Vols. Madrid 1825-37. Tomo III, p. 560. 
 
 25 G. E. Nunn: The Geographical Conceptions of Columbus, pp. 1-30. 
 
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 Fig. 3. BEHAIM'S EASTERN EXTREMITY OF ASIA. 
 
 (E. G. Ravenstein: Martin Behaim His Life and His Globe. Twelve Gores in Back Pocket). 
 
THE TERRESTRIAL DEGREE 
 
 Ptolemy, using his 56 2/3 mile modulus, or whether he fully accepted the 225 
 degrees of extreme eastern longitude of Marinus of Tyre," and then applied to the 
 itineraries of Marco Polo in the supposed extension of Asia beyond Ptolemy's 
 180th or Marinus of Tyre's 225th meridian the 56 2/3 mile modulus. Either 
 method would have the effect of reducing the supposed longitudinal distance 
 between western Europe and Cipango by nearly one half, or approximately 45 
 degrees. Columbus is known from several sources" to have promised his crews that 
 land would be found within 700- 750 leagues west of the Canaries. Calculating on 
 the basis of the 56 2/3 mile equatorial degree, and allowing 50 miles to the degree 
 in the latitude of the Canaries, the 50 degrees would equal 2500 miles or 640 leagues. 
 In this case, it appears that the 700 leagues estimate was only a moderate over- 
 estimate for psychological reasons. 
 
 When Columbus returned from his first voyage, he reported that he had 
 reached eastern Asia and visited the island of Cipango, which he had renamed 
 Espano/a. 2a It was Cuba which he tentatively identified as Asia {Terra-Firm e) in 
 1492, and positively in 1494 when he compelled his crews to sign 29 a statement to 
 that effect. Acceptance of Columbus' claims involved necessarily a break with 
 Pto emy regarding the length of a terrestrial degree and the size of the earth, — a 
 thing many were not prepared to do. 50 
 
 The earliest map makers following the discovery by Columbus avoid com- 
 mitting themselves to either the Columbian or the Ptolemy-Behaim longitudes in 
 various ways. Nearly all of the first maps are not graduated with latitude and 
 longitude lines. They are provided instead with an equator and the tropics for 
 latitude and a mileage scale for distance east and west, as a plausible method of 
 handling a difficult subject. Many modern geographers have falsely concluded 
 that it would be safe to infer that the same scale as applied to the latitudes could 
 be applied to the longitudes. 51 This obviously misses the point that in the very 
 days in question there was an unsettled dispute over all longitudes and that the 
 only reconcilable method was to omit all longitudes and in their place provide a 
 mileage scale. Then each person using the map could follow his own theory. 
 However this method involved certain difficulties when dealing either with a globe 
 or a true world map purporting to show the whole 360 degrees of the earth's 
 circumference. 
 
 Among the earliest maps" of the world drawn after the discovery of America 
 is the Hamy-King chart shown by Nordenskiold. This map belongs to the period 
 
 26 Fr. R. v. Wieser: Die Karte des Bartolomeo Colombo, Innsbruck 1893, tafel III. 
 
 21 B. de Las Casas: Historia de las Indias, Vol. I, p. 287. Fernando Colombo: Historie, etc., ed. Venetia 1678, p. 98 ch. 
 XXI. Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos Relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las Antiguas posessiones 
 Espanolas de Ultramar, Segunda Serie, Tomo 8. De Los Pleitos de Colon, Vol. II, p. 127. Henry Vignaud: Historie Critique 
 de la Grande Entreprise de Christophe Colomb, Vol. II, pp. 172-209. 
 
 28 Henry Vignaud: Toscanelli and Columbus, p. 210, No. 206. 
 
 29 M. F. de Navarrete: Coleccion de los Viages, etc., Vol. II, p. 143-149. 
 
 30 Michele de Cuneo: Lettera, Savona 15-28 Ottobre 1495 in Raccolta di Documenti E. Studi — Pubblicati dalla R. 
 commissione Colombians, etc., parte III, Vol. II. Fonti Italiane per la Storia della Scoperta del Nuovo Mondo. Raccolta da 
 Guglielmo Berchet, pp. 95-107. Andres Bernaldez: Historia de los Reyes Catolicos; Vol. II, p. 43. 
 
 81 E. L. Stevenson: Marine World Chart of Nicolo de Canerio Januensis, p. 20. Edward Heawood: The World Map 
 Before and After Magellan's Voyage in Geog. Jour. Vol. LVII, No. 6, June 1921, p. 436. 
 
 32 A. E. Nordenskiold: Periplus, plate XLV. Dr. E. T. Hamy: Notice sur une Mappemonde Portugaise anonyme de 1502 
 in Bui. de Geog. Hist, et Descriptive. Anne 1886 No. 4, pp. 147-160 and 5 plates. 
 
THE TERRESTRIAL DEGREE 
 
 about 1502 or immediately following. It shows an Asia after the Behaim conception, 
 and indicates the American region as a series of islands probably lying very near 
 the coast of eastern Asia. Cipango is not shown on the Asiatic side of the map and 
 the map is not drawn with longitude lines. There is a scale but it does not correspond 
 to the degree scale for latitude. If the distance from the Canary islands to Cattigara 
 is taken as a measure and is accepted at the Ptolemy figure of 180 degrees the map 
 covers a longitude of approximately 340 degrees. 33 In that case the Cuba — Isabella 
 Islands are at substantially Cipango's correct distance from the mainland of Asia 
 according to the Behaim interpretation of Marco Polo. 
 
 If there is any doubt as to whether cartographers placed any credence in 
 Columbus' claim to have reached eastern Asia, as Vignaud claims they did not, 
 the two maps derived from Portuguese sources, known as the Cantino and Canerio, 
 ought to remove that doubt. These maps belong to about 1502, but as neither is 
 dated the date can only be fixed by other evidence. 33 ' 
 
 Stevenson estimated on the basis of the latitude scale on the left hand side of 
 the Canerio map that the map covered about 250 degrees of longitude. He assumed 
 that the latitude and longitude scales were interchangeable, but we know from the 
 Congress of Badajoz 34 that, down to about 1508 at least, the Portuguese continued 
 to accept the Ptolemy longitudes in general. In that case, we may assume, that on 
 this map the scale east and west is not the same as for latitude. This view is 
 strengthened by the fact that separate scales are given for the two directions. 
 Then, if we accept the Ptolemy longitude of 160 degrees for the west side of the 
 Malacca peninsula, identified by nearly all the early geographers as the same as 
 Ptolemy's Aurea Chersonesus, the Canerio map covers a Ptolemaic longitude of 
 approximately 328 degrees. If the Columbus modulus of 56 2/3 miles to an equa- 
 torial degree be employed in place of the Ptolemy measure of Gl}4 this 328 degrees 
 becomes 360 plus, or approximately the circumference of the earth. It would seem 
 from this fact that the maker of the Canerio chart had in mind a doubt as to the 
 correct size of the earth. He devised a scheme whereby both the Columbian and the 
 Ptolemic measurements could be shown and then gave a mileage scale so the user 
 of the map might take his choice. 
 
 To confirm this view that the maker of the Cantino map regarded the Colum- 
 bian discoveries as a part of eastern Asia there are several important pieces of 
 evidence. {A) Contrary to Stevenson and Harrisse neither the Cantino nor the 
 Canerio charts indicate a complete coast of Asia. On the contrary, at the northern 
 end of what corresponds to the Sinus Magnus the coast bends sharply into the edge 
 of the map 35 as though there was more land to the east. (B) The coast of the main- 
 land west of Isabella, sometimes taken for an early discovered Florida, contains a 
 
 33 The Hamy-King chart is interesting also for the two equators indicated, one Ptolemaic in the Indian ocean and the 
 other substantially modern in its correctness in the Atlantic. 
 
 S3s E. L. Stevenson: Marine World Chart of Nicolo de Canerio Januensis, p. 15. Henry Harrisse: Les Corte-Real, etc., 
 pp. 69-76 and 215-216. Henry Harrisse: The Discovery of North America, pp. 422-425. 
 
 34 M. F. de Navarrete: Coleccion de los Viages Tomo IV, pp. 350-355. 
 
 35 E. L. Stevenson: Marine World Chart of Nicolo de Canerio Januensis. For Cantino map see text, p. 50. 
 
NEWLY DISCOVERED LANDS BELIEVED PART OF ASIA 
 
 series of 23 names which the present writer has already shown 36 to be derived 
 mostly from Columbus' first and second voyage and partly from the Corte Real 
 voyages to the northeast coast, probably Labrador and Newfoundland. The 
 Columbus names were applied under the misimpression that Cuba was Asia. 
 
 (C) The Waldseemtiller Carta Marina" 1516 evidently derived from the Cantino 
 and Canerio type map names this so-called "Florida," "Terra de Cuba Asie Partis." 
 
 (D) On the Cantino chart there are three legends, one "a ponta d," which Stevenson 
 thinks is intended for "a ponta a" Asia" and to the eastward another legend reads 
 "Parte de Assia" the third and longest legend Stevenson 38 translates: "This land 
 which was discovered by order of the Most Excellent Prince Dom Manuel, King 
 of Portugal, they think is the end of Asia. Those who made the discovery did 
 not go ashore but they saw the land and described nothing but abrupt mountains. 
 That is the reason why, following the opinions of cosmographers, it is believed to 
 be the extremity of Asia." (E) Lorenzo Pasqualigo reported concerning Cabot 
 in his letter from London, 23rd August 1497, that he had discovered the mainland 
 of the Gran Cam. 39 (F) Pietro Pasqualigo reported, 39 19th October 1501: "A 
 native boy had two silver rings in his ears, which without doubt seem to have been 
 manufactured at Venice. This made me believe that it was the mainland, because 
 it is not possible that a ship could ever have reached that place without having 
 been heard of." 40 This seems, in view of the other facts related, to indicate Pasqu- 
 aligo's belief that the country was the mainland of eastern Asia and that the silver 
 came overland from Venice. (G) Finally, there is found a crescent 41 in the region 
 of the Pacific coast of the present Columbia, South America. This is another way, 
 according to many authorities, of showing the Asiatic relation of the Trans- 
 Atlantic countries. In view of the above facts it may be submitted that the Cantino 
 and Canerio maps did not terminate Asia in the region just east of Malacca. On the 
 contrary, these maps are in accord with all other maps of the early Sixteenth 
 Century in giving the same extension to eastern Asia that Behaim gave. That 
 portion of eastern Asia not placed on the right hand side of their maps appeared 
 on the left hand side as part of the discoveries of Columbus, Cabot and the Corte- 
 Reals. Neither Canerio nor the maker of the Cantino map indicates a question 
 about these newly discovered lands being a part of Asia. 
 
 Martin Waldseemiiller is the man largely responsible for the present con- 
 fusion regarding the Sixteenth Century conceptions of American Asiatic geography. 
 He is the person known to have been responsible for misnaming America in his 
 book called Cosmographiae Introductio, 42 published at St. Die, France, in 1507. 
 At the same time he published a large world map on a modified cordiform pro- 
 
 s'' G. E. Nunn: The Geographical Conceptions of Columbus, pp. 91-141. 
 
 37 Joseph Fischer and F. R. v. Wieser: The Oldest Map with the Name America. 
 
 88 E. L. Stevenson: Marine World Chart as cited, p. 24. 
 
 39 C. R. Markham: The Journal of Christopher Columbus and Documents Relating to the Voyages of John Cabot and 
 Gaspar Corte Real, p. 201. 
 
 40 C. R. Markham: The Journal of Christopher Columbus, p. 237. 
 
 41 E. L. Stevenson: Marine World Chart as cited. Map. 
 
 42 The Cosmographiae Introductio of Martin Waldseemtiller in facsimile, U. S. Catholic Hist. Soc Monograph No. 4. 
 
THE WALDSEEMULLER MAP 
 
 jection. The most important feature of this map was a reconciliation of the Colum- 
 bian longitudes with the Marco Polo-Ptolemy longitudes as shown on the Behaim 
 globe. 
 
 Waldseemiiller represented the world" according to the Behaim conception 
 with Ptolemaic longitudes on the right hand side of the map which terminates at 
 the 270th degree of longitude east from the Canary meridian, or just east of Zi- 
 pangri. The ocean east of Asia is named "Occeanus Orientalis Indicus." On the left 
 hand side of the map are the remaining 90 degrees necessary to make up the 360. 
 There is shown beyond the Occeanus Occidentalis two long slim islands corresponding 
 to North and South America but separated by a strait in the region of the present 
 Panama. The west side of both large islands is marked with legends "Terra ulteri 
 incognita" in the north and "Terra ultra incognita" to the south. The coast of the 
 land falsely supposed to be "Florida" is marked with twenty-three names just as 
 on the Canerio map, thus indicating it to be the same region Columbus mistook 
 for Asia. On the later Carta Marina 1516 Waldseemiiller named this "Terra de 
 Cuba Asie Partis." The cape of the "Florida" is in almost the same latitude as 
 that of the Zaitun region of the Behaim Asia, and the two differ in longitude by 
 55 degrees. However the island of Zipangri and the island of Espano/a, which 
 Columbus considered identical, differ by only 45 degrees on their west coast. This 
 is substantially the difference between the Columbian and the Behaim longitudes. 
 
 On account of this map and its numerous derivatives it is taken for granted 
 that as early, at least, as 1507 it was definitely known that America was distinct 
 from Asia. On the strength of such an assumption as noted an authority as Edward 
 Heawood" has asserted in regard to the Cantino-Canerio type of map that they 
 discarded the great Behaim peninsula of eastern Asia and indicated fairly correctly 
 the enormous expanse of the Pacific ocean before any part of it had been discovered. 
 Before, however, we accept this view of the case it is proper to point out that the 
 Waldseemiiller of 1507 and its derivatives are the only maps that in any way even 
 seem to indicate an ocean between the continent of North America and eastern 
 Asia until we come to the Ribero type and their immediate predecessors about 1520. 
 
 If at this point we introduce the map of 1506 attributed to Bartholomew 
 Columbus" we may clear up some of the difficulties of the early Sixteenth Century 
 geography. This map, small and rude as it is and little advertised as it is, is never- 
 theless probably the most important map historically ever drawn. The map was 
 found by Professor Franz R. von Wieser on the back of a letter. It is in three 
 disjointed sections. Section number one shows the north Atlantic between Spain 
 and Africa to the east and the Marco Polo Asia east of Cattigara and Ptolemy's 
 180th meridian on the west. The northern coast of South America under the name, 
 Mondo NovOy appears on the bottom of the section. Section two shows south Asia 
 
 41 Joseph Fischer and F. R. v. Wieser: The Oldest Map with the name America of the year 1507 and the Carta Marina 
 of the year 1516. 
 
 ** Edward Heawood: The World Map Before and After Magellan's Voyage, in Geog. Journ. Vol. LVII, No. 6, June 
 1921, p. 436. 
 
 45 Fr. R. v. Wieser: Die Karte des Bartolomeo Colombo, etc. 
 
 8 
 
THE BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS MAP 
 
 from Africa to the eastern coast of Asia. The third section depicts part of Africa. 
 The longitudes are marked on sections two and three from the Canary meridian to 
 Cattigara, after the Ptolemy manner. On the Atlantic section there are no numbers 
 
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 Fig. 4. SKETCH MAP BY BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. THE NORTH ATLANTIC. 
 (After the facsimile in R. F. v. Wieser, Die Carte des Bartolomco Colombo. Note 93.) 
 
 for the longitudes but there are thirteen spaces indicated. The key to the longitudes 
 is found on the African section in a legend to the effect that "according to Marinus 
 and Columbus, from Cape St. Vincent to Cattigara are 225 degrees or 15 hours; 
 according to Ptolemy to the confines of Cattigara are 180 degrees or nine hours. 
 
 This fairly presents the greatest problem of the early Sixteenth Century 
 geography. The Behaim globe represents the latest prediscovery conception of the 
 world combining Ptolemy with Marco Polo and placing extreme eastern Asia at 
 240 degrees eastern longitude counting from the Canaries and locating eastern 
 Cipango at 270 degrees east longitude. Columbus used a modulus of 56 2/3 Italian 
 nautical miles and with it or a combination of the modulus and Marinus of Tyre's 
 225 degrees longitude for Cattigara, Columbus made the eastern longitudes of the 
 extreme east of Asia about 285 and Cipango about 315 degrees respectively. In 
 other words, he placed Cipango about 700 leagues west of the Canaries and the main- 
 land of Asia 1100 leagues west of the same point. The Cantino and Canerio charts 
 apparently accepted the Columbus dictum. Waldseemiiller did not care to favor 
 one more than the other. Therefore when he drew his map he devised a scheme 
 whereby he indicated on the right hand side the Ptolemy-Marco Polo-Behaim 
 conception included within 270 degrees of longitude. On the left hand side, he 
 indicated the Columbian conception duplicating the same eastern Asia, once as 
 the west coast of the Occeanus Occidentalism and the other time as the west coast 
 of the Occeanus Orientalis Indicus. Take your choice. It was a plausible and ready 
 method of avoiding the solution of a difficulty at the time insoluble. 
 
 We are presenting herewith, a number of contemporary maps with the hope 
 that the different features of each may contribute to the solution of the problem, 
 What was the early Sixteenth Century conception of the geographical relation of 
 
THE BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS MAP 
 
 the Trans-Atlantic countries to the eastern Asia of Marco Polo and Ptolemy? 
 Among these maps a place of considerable importance must be assigned to the 
 
 
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 Fig. 5. SKETCH MAP BY BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. ASIA. 
 (After the facsimile in F. R. v. Wieser, Die Karte des Bartolomeo Colombo. Note 93.) 
 
 four maps of Francesco Roselli, the Florentine. One of these maps was purchased 
 recently for the British Museum. Heawood wrote an article concerning it for the 
 
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 (After the facsimile in F. R. v. Wieser, Die Karte des Bartolomeo Colombo . Note 93.) 
 
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 5 
 
THE FOUR ROSELLI MAPS 
 
 Geographical Journal 48 and subsequently the Trustees of the British Museum 
 published 47 a facsimile of the map. Another of Roselli's maps, as has been noticed, 
 was published in 1532 in a book known as the "Isolario di Bartolomeo da li Sonetti." 
 The other two were brought to the attention of Harrisse 48 by their owner, M. 
 Horace Landau, of Florence. Harrisse designated the three maps of Roselli known 
 to him as Roselli A, Roselli B, and Roselli C. 
 
 The map in the Isolario [see frontispiece] he designated as Roselli B. It differs 
 from Roselli A only in the addition of 172 lines of verse, dealing with geography. 
 This verse appears around the left and bottom margin of the map. but is of no 
 significance for this monograph. Harrisse thinks that the Roselli B map is a re- 
 issue of the earlier Roselli A map. The Roselli C [see Fig. 8] is quite similar in 
 concept to the A and B maps but is on a different projection. The Roselli A and B 
 maps are almost identical in geographical conception with the British Museum 
 map. The same is true of that part of the C map published by Harrisse except 
 that the island South America or Terra S. Cruets is placed much closer to Asia 
 and the island of Zipagu is omitted. The A and C maps are undated. The date of 
 1532 accompanying the B map is certainly not the date of the map but rather 
 belongs to the Isolario and probably is the date of the composition of the 172 
 lines of poetry about the edge of the map. 
 
 In order to correctly assess the value historically of these maps and to estimate 
 their influence on geographical conceptions it is necessary to know approximately 
 the date of their composition. The British Museum map is the only one of the 
 four really dated — 1506 — granting that this is the correct interpretation of the 
 inscription in the Indian Ocean east of the Cape of Good Hope with the peculiar 
 Latin wording 1506 notu. The dates of the other three maps can be determined 
 only by internal evidence, always a rather doubtful method. 
 
 Heawood thinks 4 * that the Roselli B (and consequently the Roselli A) map is a 
 reduced copy of the 1506 map on a different — the oval — instead of the conical 
 projection. The fact that the British Museum map is so much more full of detail 
 indicates that it is no simple copy of the others. Then, as Heawood says, it is 
 unlikely that, Contarini being the real author, his name should not have appeared 
 in the earlier versions (supposing the smaller maps to have been such) while 
 mentioned in the later. The converse supposition, — that Roselli, who had engraved 
 the first and more elaborate map for Contarini, should afterwards have reduced 
 it to suit purchasers who preferred a cheaper edition, — is far more probable. The 
 present writer, who would assign the Roselli A map to about 1507 accepts this view 
 and will add during the course of this study most important evidence in support 
 of the reasons advanced by Heawood. 
 
 « Edward Heawood: A Hitherto Unknown World Map of A. D. 1506. Geog. Jour. Vol. LXII No. 4, Oct. 1923, pp. 279- 
 293. Map in back, p. 320. 
 
 47 A Map of the World Designed by Gio. Matteo Contarini Engraved by Fran. Roselli 1506, London 1924. 
 
 48 Henry Harrisse: Decouverte et Evolution Cartographique de Terre-Neuve, etc., pp. 65-69. See also Raccolta di 
 Documente E Studi. Pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Columbiana. Roma 1893. Fonti Italiane per la Storia della Scoperta 
 del Nuovo Mondo. Guglielmo Berchet. Parte III, Vol. II, pp. 394-5. Map facsimile published under the name of Bartolo- 
 meo Zamberti. 
 
 » Edward Heawood: A Hitherto Unknown World Map of A. D. 1506 in Geog. Journ. Vol. LXII No. 4, Oct. 1923, p. 281. 
 
 11 
 
THE FOUR ROSELLI MAPS 
 
 The geographical conception of the British Museum map [Fig. 7] of 1506 
 and of the oval Roselli is that of the Ptolemy-Marco Polo-Behaim school, just 
 before the fourth voyage of Columbus. According to the longitudes indicated, the 
 claims of Columbus to have reached the mainland of Asia and to have discovered 
 the island of Cipango on his first voyage are apparently both rejected. It is 75 
 degrees along the latitude of Cuba's main axis between the east end of Cuba 
 
 Fig. 8. THE ROSELLI C MAP. 
 (After Henry Harisse: Decoverte et Evolution Cartographique de Terre Neuve.) 
 
 (Columbus' Asiatic mainland) and the mainland of Asia according to the 1506 map 
 and 70 degrees on the oval Roselli. On the same maps it is respectively 50 and 40 
 degrees between the east end of Espanola and the east side of Cipango. South 
 America is a very great island continental in size and distant from Asia along the 
 equator 90 and 65 degrees respectively. 
 
 It is apparently in the north Atlantic region alone that the Roselli maps made 
 any compromise with the Asiatic claims of the recent discoverers. The whole 
 province of Tangut, placed by Waldseemuller north of Cathay, was extended as a 
 vast peninsula so as to be east of the longitude of Cathay. On the 1506 map this 
 peninsula extends from 222 degrees east longitude to 350 degrees or within 15 
 degrees longitude of Ireland. However this extreme east longitude is found north 
 
 12 
 
THE CABOT VOYAGES 
 
 of the 80th parallel of latitude whereas north Ireland is only 60 degrees north 
 latitude. The oval map extends Cathai to 240 degrees east longitude and gives 
 Tangut the same extreme east longitude as the 1506 map, but, at latitude 57 north, 
 the south coast of this peninsula of Tangut faces the islands discovered by Columbus, 
 on the 1506 map generally north of the 60th parallel of latitude, on the oval map 
 along the 50th parallel. There are only two names of places besides the name of 
 the province, — Rio da Rosa and Terra de Caramella. The last seems to be derived 
 from the Portuguese and seems to signify the land of ice. 50 
 
 It would seem that this great peninsula is a cartographical record of the Cabot 
 voyages, especially of the one in 1497, although the absence of names on the coast 
 indicates as great a scarcity of knowledge about Cabot's work then as today. The 
 reports that came out of London were to the effect 51 that John Cabot had sailed 
 from Bristol. He laid his course from Ireland to the north and then west. At a 
 distance variously given as 400 and 700 leagues from England he reached a country 
 thought to be the mainland of the country of the Grand Cam. This land was in 
 later accounts called Bacallaos. Cabot coasted this country for 300 leagues. It 
 was thought possible to coast this country to a point opposite Cipango. He found 
 no inhabitants, but he found snares to take game, a needle for making nets, and 
 notched trees, from which he judged that there were inhabitants. On the return 
 voyage he saw two very large islands to the right but he did not land as his pro- 
 visions were scarce. Some thought that the land contained the legendary seven 
 cities. The land was described as excellent and the climate temperate. It was 
 reported that brasil and silk were produced there, while fish were very abundant 
 in the sea. 52 
 
 A great deal of confusion has been introduced into the history of the Cabots 
 by confusing the voyages of 1497 and 1498. According to one of the latest writers 53 
 Cabot left Bristol on Tuesday, 2nd May, 1497, with one ship, named the Mathew, 
 and 18 men. After 52 days at sea land was discovered at 5 o'clock, Saturday 
 morning, June 24th. This authority considers the land found as identical with the 
 extremity of Cape Breton Island. Cape Breton was named Cape Discovery, 
 Cavo Descubierto; and Scatari Island received the name of St. John; Cape Ray, 
 C. de S. Jorge; St. Pierre and Miquelon, ilia de la Trenidat; and Cape Race, Cavo de 
 Ynglaterra. On the return Cabot reached Bristol, Sunday, August 6th. 
 
 A second expedition with two ships (or five ships) and 300 men sailed from 
 Bristol early the next May. This expedition, in June, sighted the east coast of Green- 
 land and named it Labrador. Cabot followed this east coast to the north until, on 
 June 11th, in latitude 67° 30', the crews refused to proceed because of the ice and 
 because the land tended towards the east. Cabot thereupon turned back, rounded 
 Cape Farewell and proceeded up the west coast of Greenland as far as the Sukker- 
 toppen district in 66 degrees where his progress was stopped by icebergs from Disko 
 Bay. He thence crossed to Baffin's Land, passed the entrance to Hudson's Bay and 
 
 50 Henry Harrisse: Decoverte et Evolution Cartographique de Terre Neuve, p. 68. 
 
 51 C. R. Markham: The Journal of Christopher Columbus, etc., pp. 201, 202, 203, 209. 
 
 52 C. R. Markham: The Journal of Christopher Columbus, etc., pp. 201, 202, 204. 
 
 53 H. P. Biggar: The Precursors of Jacques Carrier, 1497-1534. Pub. of Canadian Archives, No. 5, Ottawa 1911, p. IX-XI. 
 
 13 
 
THE CABOT LANDFALL 
 
 coasted the North American continent as far as Chesapeake Bay in latitude 38 
 degrees. This is the interpretation of H. P. Biggar. 64 
 
 The accounts of these two voyages are so indistinct that for a long time many 
 scholars supposed all the accounts referred to the voyage of 1497. The facts re- 
 ferring to the first voyage above are taken mostly from the letters of Pasqualigo, 
 London, 23rd Aug., 1497; Raimondo di Soncino, 24th Aug., 1497; Raimondo di 
 Soncino, 18th Dec, 1497; Ruy GonzaWz de Puebla, 25th July, 1498; and Pedro de 
 Ayala, 25th July, 1498." With the exception of the last two letters the accounts of 
 necessity refer only to the first voyage. The later accounts given by Sebastian 
 Cabot, found in Peter Martyr, Ramusio, Gomara, Galvano, and elsewhere did not 
 distinguish between the two voyages, hence the confusion. Today scholars assign 
 to the second voyage all of the exploration in the far north and in the more southern 
 latitudes. 
 
 In regard to the first voyage, there is a sharp controversy over the identity of 
 the first landfall and the coast explored subsequently. One group, the largest, 
 follows the legend on the Cabot map of 1544 and makes the landfall on Cape 
 Breton Island." Then the subsequent exploration was along the south coast of 
 Newfoundland as described above. Another group contend that the original 
 landfall was on the east coast of Newfoundland. Others, including Harrisse in his 
 John and Sebastian Cabot 67 regard Cabot's first contact with the New World as 
 occurring at some point on the coast of Labrador. Harrisse later on in his Decou- 
 verte et Evolution Cartographique de Terre Neuve was very doubtful that the 
 landfall of Cabot would ever be determined. However all of the early charts mark 
 Cabot's landfall on Labrador. 68 
 
 Alexander von Humboldt, 69 using the La Cosa map, thought that Cabot prob- 
 ably crossed the Gulf of St. Lawrence from Cape Breton, explored the south shore 
 of the Labrador peninsula, and then returned to England by way of the Strait of 
 Belle-Isle. Kohl 60 could not accept this view while Henry Stevens 61 partially 
 favored it. In favor of the Cape Breton landfall, Dawson 62 argues that after Cabot 
 had sailed north from Ireland and then west he would have a northernly drift 
 while under the influence of the Gulf stream. This influence would cease after he 
 has passed the 40th parallel of west longitude. Then he would have entered the 
 Arctic or Labrador current which would have carried him south. To neutralize 
 this there is a prevailing south or southwest wind during June that would have 
 
 5< H. P. Biggar: The Precursors of Jacques Cartier, 1497-1534 as cited, pp. XII-XIV. 
 
 65 Clements R. Marlcham: The Journal of Christopher Columbus and Documents Relating to the Voyages of John Cabot 
 and Gaspar Corte Real, pp. 201-208. 
 
 66 Samuel E. Dawson: Voyages of the Cabots in 1497 and 1498, in Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society 
 of Canada, 1894. Vol. XII, Sec. II, p. 61. Also by the same, The Voyages of the Cabots in 1497 and 1498, a Sequel to a 
 Paper in the "Transactions" of 1894. Proceedings and Transactions, etc., second series, Vol. II, 1896, and the Voyages of the 
 Cabots. Latest Phase of the Controversy. Second Series, Vol. Ill, sec. II. 
 
 47 Henry Harrisse: John Cabot the Discoverer of North America and Sebastian His Son, pp. 69-84. 
 
 68 Henry Harrisse: Decourverte et Evolution Cartographique de Terre-Nueve, pp. 14-25. 
 
 '•Alexander von Humboldt: Introduction to Dr. Ghillany, Geschichte des Seefahres Ritter, Martin Behaim. 
 
 M J. G. Kohl: History of the Discovery of Maine, Vol. I Doc. Hist, of the State of Maine, pp. 121-146, 151-155 and 
 358-377. 
 
 61 Henry Stevens: Historical and Geographical Notes 1453-1530, p. 15. 
 
 61 Samuel E. Dawson: Voyages of the Cabots. Pro. and Trans, of the Royal Soc. of Canada, 1894. Vol. XII, Sec. II, 
 Ap. 62. 
 
 14 
 
THE CABOT LANDFALL 
 
 tended to carry the boat to the north. Moreover Cabot would have passed, about 
 23 degrees west longitude, the point of no variation of the compass. As the voyage 
 continued the variation would have increased up to 15 degrees west of north. 
 Therefore Cabot, while he was assuming that he was sailing west, might have 
 sailed a course, a point and a half south of west. In this way Cabot would have 
 reached Cape Breton for his first landfall. 
 
 Dawson contends for this landing because the letters speak of a mild climate 
 where brasil and silk might be produced and because there was an abundance of fish 
 in the month of June. He also assumes an exploration from the west towards the 
 east, of a coast that extended very nearly on an east-west line. All the time the 
 map of La Cosa 62 » is accepted as a cartographical record of the Cabot voyage. 
 Dawson objects to Harrisse's contention for a landfall on the coast of Laborador, 
 that the climate there is Arctic, that the fish do not arrive there in the month of 
 June, that there could be no thought of silk produced there, and finally that the 
 Laborador coast could be reached only with great difficulty during the month 
 of June on account of the ice of which there is no mention in any of the accounts 
 of the first voyage. 
 
 Some of these difficulties are more imaginary than real. It is true there is no 
 mention of ice in the accounts of the first voyage. However, Raimondo di Soncino 
 speaks of Cabot having wandered for a long time before he hit upon land. There 
 is in this expression evidence of some difficulty, — perhaps ice. Moreover the 
 Bristol sailors who were much engaged in fishing in Iceland waters would probably 
 not have regarded the presence of ice as a thing worth mentioning unless it was 
 impassable. 
 
 As for the arguments based on the presence of fish in large numbers it is a pure 
 assumption to ascribe that discovery to the day land was discovered. None of the 
 accounts assign a date to the finding of the fish. Any time during the presence of 
 the expedition on the American coast would conform with the accounts. Land 
 was discovered on the 24th of June and the expedition reached Bristol on August 
 6th. As Cabot allowed an interval of fifteen days S2b for a return voyage from Ire- 
 land to the "Newfoundland," we may assume that to be the time it took him for 
 his return from the first voyage. In that case, Cabot was on the American coast up 
 to about July 22nd. When it is further remembered that the English calendar" 
 was, in 1497, nine days in arrears, according to the Gregorian manner of counting, 
 Cabot did not leave the American coast until about July 31st — not too late to find 
 an abundance of fish on the Labrador coast according to Dawson's own data.* 4 
 
 M * See Dawson reference above, note 62. Appendix A, Champlain's Explanation of Two Maps of New France in His 
 "Voyages" 1613, etc., for instructions in navigating the Atlantic in order to arrive at the desired latitudes, pp. 93-95. For 
 Harrisse's answer see Decouverte et Evolution, etc., pp. 22-25. 
 
 Mb See La Cosa Map, Nordenskidld, Periplus, plate XLIII-XLIV. 
 
 • to C. R. Markham: Journal of Christopher Columbus, etc., p. 205. 
 
 M S. E. Dawson: The Voyages of the Cabots, Latest Phases of the Controversy. Proc. and Trans, of the Royal Soc- 
 of Canada, Second Series, Vol. Ill, 1897, p. 155. 
 
 M S. E. Dawson: The Voyages of the Cabots in 1497 and 1498. A Sequel to a Paper in the Transactions of 1894, Proc 
 and Trans, of the Royal Soc. of Canada, see Series, Vol. II, Appendix G, p. 28-29. Fish arrive at Conception Bay, New- 
 foundland, mean date, June 1st; Bonavista Bay, June 10th; Notre Dame Bay, June 20th; Chateau Bay, Labrador, June 20th; 
 Batteaux, July 12th; Indian Harbor, July 15th; Cape Harrison, July 18th; Aillik, July 20th and at Ukkasiksalik, Nain and 
 Okak, July 28th. 
 
 15 
 
THE CABOT LANDFALL 
 
 Moreover, if the Cabot map of 1544 is to be accepted as evidence in regard to the 
 first landfall it must also be accepted in regard to its description of the country. 
 The eighth legend 65 distinctly says of the land of Prima Tierra Vista that it is 
 "very sterile and there are in it many white bears." This is not a description of 
 Cape Breton but belongs rather to Labrador or Greenland. Polar bears and a 
 very sterile country are not in accord with the statement that the land is excellent 
 and temperate suggesting that brasil and silk grow there. In fact, it is a matter of 
 doubt whether Soncino refers to the "Newfoundland" or to the country of the 
 Tanais where Cabot had been, when he refers to the land being excellent and the 
 climate temperate. Another possible interpretation would assign the silk and 
 brasil to some art of the "Newfoundland" because it was assumed to be a part of 
 Asia and a part therefore of the land of the Grand Cam where both brasil and silk 
 were known to be produced. 
 
 The La Cosa map together with the four Roselli's, the Johann Ruysch map of 
 1508, and the Schoner maps after 1523, are in all probability records of the John 
 Cabot voyage of 1497. The Roselli oval map indicates that exploration along a 
 coast tending east-west in 50 degrees north latitude. La Cosa seems to place it 
 about 55 degrees north, Ruysch between 50 and 55 degrees north, Roselli British 
 Museum map above 60 degrees north, and Schoner 1523 almost 60 degrees north. 
 If these maps are based on contemporary accounts even of a hearsay nature derived 
 from John Cabot, then the Pasqualigo letter makes it necessary to find a coast 
 supposed to extend east and west for more than 300 leagues. Also, there must be 
 found two very large islands to the south of this coast. The south coast of New- 
 foundland offers only a little over 100 miles of east-west coast and this moreover 
 does not answer the needs of the La Cosa map because there are no very large 
 islands near and the two peninsulas at the southeast corner of the island offer too 
 great a prominence to be overlooked in a map record. On the whole it would seem 
 that the conditions of the letters and of the map series would best be served by a 
 combination of the Harrisse 68 and von Humboldt hypotheses. Cabot, probably 
 attempting to sail a great circle* route to Asia, set a course northwest from Ireland. 
 It is ridiculous to speak of his seeking a northwest passage when thdre was not 
 known to be any land between Europe and Asia. On his northwest course he 
 discovered his first land at some point on the Labrador coast north of the entrance 
 to the Strait of Belle-Isle. Then in a coasting voyage he entered the strait and 
 followed the north coast of the Gulf of St. Lawrence westward to a point west 
 of Anticosti Island. It was this coast that he expected to be able to follow west- 
 ward until he was opposite the island of Cipangu. On his return he retraced the 
 same coast because it was the shortest way back to England. Then the two very 
 large islands seen to the right were Anticosti and Newfoundland. 
 
 65 Eighth legend Cabot map, from a photographic copy of the original. Letter of Raimondo de Soncino, 18th December, 
 1497 in C. R. Markham: The Journal of Christopher Columbus, etc., p. 203-6. 
 
 ** Alexander von Humboldt, Biddle, Kohl, Henry Stevens and Harrisse incline to a Labrador landing. 
 
 *Note: If we give John Cabot credit for attempting to sail a great circle route, it is the first attempt of such a nature 
 to be found in the history of navigation. 
 
 16 
 
THE CABOT LANDFALL 
 
 Peter Martyr 67 reports that Sebastian Cabot found a current of the waters 
 towards the west but that the current was more gentle than the Spaniards found to 
 the south. There are no ocean currents to the west off the coast of northeastern 
 North America. The Gulf Stream flows northeast, the Labrador current southeast 
 and south, while the stream of the St. Lawrence River flows to the east. It may 
 well be that Peter Martyr misunderstood Sebastian Cabot and so made to flow 
 towards the west a current that came from the west. In that case the notice of this 
 ocean current becomes a further argument that John Cabot entered the Gulf of 
 the St. Lawrence. 
 
 The only important contradiction to this hypothesis is the assumed fact that 
 Cabot made his exploration from west to east. This assumption is made on the 
 theory that the Cavo descubierto represents the first land seen, and that C. Fastan- 
 astre stands for Cape Finisterre — the last land — when departing from America on 
 the homeward voyage. However, this assumption need not be an insuperable 
 obstacle to the hypothesis of a north coast of the St. Lawrence exploration if it is 
 noted that there is no proof whatever that either of these assumptions is true. 
 There are however several facts that militate against them. {A) There is a C. de S. 
 Johan instead of an island St. John at the eastward end of the Cabot coast on the 
 LaCosa map. (B) Cavo descubierta instead of being at eitherend of the row of 
 English flags appears about the middle of the series of five. (C) The name of the 
 sea along the coast of which the names and flags are placed, Mar descubierta por 
 ing/ese, indicates that it was regarded as something distinct from the main ocean 
 which is named Oceanus in general. If Cabot had passed between two bodies of land 
 as he would in sailing through the strait of Belle-Isle, then it would be proper to 
 speak of the sea beyond as a Mar as distinct from the main ocean. The name Mar 
 in the sense of a bay or gulf occurs several times on the La Cosa map 98 as Mar de 
 Espana y Mar de Libia, Mar Etiopia Oriental and Mare bermaja, while the main 
 Ocean is called Mare Ocean urn. 
 
 Finally the direction of the coast line itself is a most important indication of 
 the region discovered. The north shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence is the only shore 
 
 67 Peter Martyr: De Orbe Novo, McNutt edition, Vol. I, p. 347. 
 
 68 A. E. Nordenskiold: Periplus map of Juan de la Cosa, plate XLIII and XLIV. 
 
 LEGENDS ON THE LA COSA MAP ACCORDING TO DAWSON AND HARRISSE: 
 
 1. Cavo descubierto 
 
 8. 
 
 S. luzia 
 
 St. luzia (No. 9) 
 
 15. S. Nicolas 
 
 2. C. de S. Jorge 
 
 9. 
 
 C. de lisarto 
 
 16. Cavo de S. Johan 
 
 C° de S Jorge 
 
 
 C° de lisarte (No. 8) 
 
 Cauo de S. iohan 
 
 3. 1 ago for 
 
 10. 
 
 menistre 
 
 17. agron 
 
 lago fori 
 
 
 
 
 4. An for 
 
 11. 
 
 argair or argare 
 
 18. C. fastanatra 
 
 ansro 
 
 
 
 C fastanastre 
 
 5. C. de S. luzia 
 
 12. 
 
 fonte or forte 
 
 19. Cavo de Ynglaterra 
 
 C° de S. luzia 
 
 
 
 
 6. requilia 
 
 13. 
 
 rio longo 
 
 20. S. grigor 
 
 requila 
 
 
 R° longo 
 
 
 7. jusquei 
 
 14. 
 
 ilia de la trenidat 
 
 21. Y Verde 
 
 
 
 Isla de la trenidat 
 
 Y» Verde 
 
 S. E. Dawson: The Voyages of the Cabots, etc., Proc. and Trans, of the Royal Soc. of Canada, 2nd Series, Vol. II, 1896, 
 p. 17 and Henry Harrisse: Decouverte et Evolution Cartographique de Terre-Neuve, p. 215. The second reading is from 
 Harrisse. 
 
 17 
 
THE CABOT LANDFALL 
 
 anywhere on the east coast of North America where there is to be found such an 
 extensive east and west stretch of coast. The south coast of Newfoundland does 
 not offer it to the extent required and besides, the two extensive peninsulas at the 
 southeastern part of Newfoundland largely destroy the impression of an east-west 
 coast. The coast of Nova Scotia cannot answer because of its west-southwest, 
 east-northeast direction. In the latter case, the compass directions due to magnetic 
 variation as supposed by Dawson for the time of Cabot's voyage would exaggerate 
 the west-southwest, east-northeast direction of the Nova Scotia coast into a 
 southwest-northeast direction. 
 
 A most important confirmation of a Cabot exploration of the north shore of 
 the Gulf of St. Lawrence is found in a Portuguese map of the first years of the 
 Sixteenth Century. The map is known as Kunstmann's number three. 89 The map 
 is neither named nor dated but Kohl, 70 Peschel, 71 Harrisse, 72 and Winsor" assign 
 it to the years from 1502 to 1505. This map is derived from Portuguese sources 
 and is so much more strikingly accurate in its contours than other contemporary 
 maps of the northeastern part of North America as to at once arrest attention. 
 
 The position of Iceland, Greenland, and the opening between Greenland and 
 Labrador are hardly improved upon for a hundred years. The names on the 
 Greenland are in part those on the King-Hamy chart and the Kunstmann No. 11, 
 but the coast directions and geographical relations to America and northwestern 
 Europe are greatly different. 
 
 The feature which is most pertinent for this study is the long east-west coast 
 starting south of Cabo de Cocepicion. That this is not the south coast of New- 
 foundland is proven by the coastline extending south from Cabo de Cocepicion. 
 Concerning this coast Kohl 74 said he could not determine what it was intended to 
 represent. He accepted the east-west coast as that of the south coast of New- 
 foundland continuing as far west as Maine. The name of Cape Race does not 
 appear on the map. Taking this fact into consideration together with the position 
 of the east-west coast with reference to the unnamed south coast it would appear 
 that this map represents the entrance to the St. of Belle-Isle and the north shore 
 of the Gulf of St. Lawrence after the Cabot voyage of 1497, and in that case this 
 Portuguese map is a most important record of the Cabot exploration. 
 
 It must be admitted however that the whole Cabot exploration is a matter 
 of great obscurity. Nevertheless the four Roselli maps in common with the La 
 Cosa map, Kunstmann III, the Ruysch map of 1508, and the later Schdner maps, 
 seem to indicate an east-west exploration. This record cannot be due to the Corte- 
 Real voyages because all of the maps carrying the names derived from those voyages 
 indicate a north and south coast exploration. In this connection it is curious that 
 
 69 F. Kunstmann: Atlas zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Amerikas, plate III. 
 
 70 J. G. Kohl: History of the Discovery of Maine, Vol. I. Doc. Hist, of the State of Maine, pp. 174-177. 
 
 71 Oscar Peschel: Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeckungen, p. 331. 
 
 7 * Henry Harrisse: Les Corte Real, etc., pp. 146-151. Henry Harrisse: Decouverte et Evolution, etc., pp. 51-5 - *. 
 
 11 Justin Winsor: The Kohl Collection of Maps Relation to America, p. 31. 
 
 74 J. G. Kohl: History of the Discovery of Maine, Vol. I Doc. Hist, of the State of Maine, p. 177. 
 
 18 
 
THE FOURTH VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS 
 
 the Sebastian Cabot map of 1544 would seem to reflect the earlier cartography of 
 the northeastern coast of North America with its rio duce inlet north of the St. 
 Lawrence Gulf. This map seems to be derived in large part from the Pedro Reinel 75 
 map of about 1505. Cabot broke up the Newfoundland area into a series of islands 
 and placed the Cartier Gulf of St. Lawrence back of these islands meanwhile 
 retaining a considerable proportion of Reinel's names for the Newfoundland 
 island group. 
 
 One curious fact about this portion of the Roselli maps is that Roselli should 
 apparently reject the Columbus claims to have reached the mainland of Asia in 
 his Cuba on the first and second voyages while he so readily accepted the Cabot 
 claim to have reached the land of the Great Cam. In the one case, he rejected the 
 Columbus and adhered to the Ptolemy-Behaim Longitudes. In the other, he 
 distorted the whole northeast of Asia, moved the great province of Tangut out of 
 place and prolonged it so as to approach within 15 degrees of Ireland. 
 
 In a very much more definite way Roselli's maps are a record of Columbus' 
 fourth voyage in which he discovered Central America while seeking a passageway 
 into the Indian Ocean. The British Museum map 76 contains a lengend off the c ast 
 of eastern Asia as follows: — "Cristophorvs Colvmbvs vcerex Hispanie occidete 
 versvs navigans post mvltos labores et pericvla pervenit ad insvlas Hispanas Dein 
 illic solves navigavit ad provicia appellata Ciamba Postea cotvlit se in hvnc locvm 
 qui vd ipse Christophorvs diligentiss. Rervm marittimarum Pscrvtator asserit 
 habet vim avri maximam." 
 
 "Christopher Columbus, Viceroy of Spain, sailing westwards, reached the 
 Spanish Islands after many hardships and dangers. Weighing anchor thence he 
 sailed to the province called Ciamba. Afterwards he betook himself to this place 
 which, as Christopher himself, that most diligent investigator of maritime things, 
 asserts, holds a great store of gold." 
 
 This inscription appears in the space between the coast of eastern Asia and the 
 island of Zipagu. The space between the west end of Espanola (here Hespaniold) 
 and eastern Zipagu is about 37 degrees. The interval between Espanola and 
 eastern Asia is 75 degrees. The island of Yssabella from the Cantino map is changed 
 in name but not in outline to Terra de Cuba. The interval between the mainland of 
 South America — Terra S. Crucis — to the mainland of eastern Asia is 90 degrees 
 on the 10th parallel of north latitude. 
 
 From this it would seem that the maker of the British Museum map of 1506, 
 after having completed his world map on the Ptolemy-Marco Polo-Behaim concep- 
 tion with the Behaim longitudes for eastern Asia on the right hand side of his map 
 and the new Spanish, English and Portuguese discoveries on the left hand side, 
 received news of the fourth voyage of Columbus together with his claim that he 
 had reached eastern Asia and visited the coast of Ciamba. There was no time to 
 digest the Columbus reports or to reconcile the Columbian geography with the 
 already accepted Ptolemy-Marco Polo-Behaim geography. Apparently as an 
 
 75 F. Kunstmann: Atlas Zur Entdeckungsgeschichte Amerikas, map of Pedro Reinel, plate I, date about 1505. 
 
 76 A Map of the World Designed by Gio. Matteo Contarini, Engraved by Fran. Roselli, 1506, p. 12. 
 
 19 
 
THE FOURTH VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS 
 
 afterthought the legend concerning the Columbus fourth voyage was placed on the 
 map. No notice was taken of the inconsistency of the distance between Espanola 
 and Ciamba, of the fact that Cuba, — following the Cantino-Canerio pattern, — was 
 made an island while Columbus regarded it as part of the mainland of Asia, and of 
 the duplication of Espanola, which Columbus regarded as Cipango, with another 
 Zipagu so placed that Columbus must have found it on his voyage to Ciamba. 
 Finally the map maker showed no conception of the fact that Columbus seemed 
 to realize 78 • as a result of his fourth voyage that South America — the Mondo Novo — 
 was probably linked together with the mainland of what Columbus regarded as 
 Asia. Apparently the map was already completed or nearly so, when the first 
 news of Columbus' fourth voyage reached Italy. 
 
 It is different in the case of the oval map [frontispiece] known as Roselli B. 
 While the Roselli B map in all other areas is minus the detail in legends and names 
 found on the Roselli-Contarini map, it is crowded with names not found on the 
 latter on the coast of eastern Asia from Cathai to Moabar. These names are 
 almost all derived from the Columbus fourth voyage. This fact establishes this 
 map as one of the most important records left to us of the fourth voyage of Colum- 
 bus. It ranks next in importance to the map of Bartholomew Columbus and the 
 letters of the Admiral. In its portrayal of the contemporary understanding of 
 the work of Columbus it is a most important link, greatly assisting in the reconcili- 
 ation of the many conflicting types of contemporary maps. 
 
 There are fourteen names placed along the coast of eastern Asia from Qiiisei 
 (Kinsay) in the province of Mangi to Moabar. In order to trace the source of 
 Roselli's names there is listed below the names given by Columbus to the 
 coast of Central America as found in the Columbus Jamaica 77 letter, the 
 Bartholomew Columbus 78 map and letter, and the accounts of Fernando Colum- 
 bus, 79 Las Cases, 80 Peter Martyr, 81 Oviedo 82 and Enciso. 83 These names are 
 to be compared with those found on the Roselli B and C maps. 
 
 From the names north of Banassa it would appear that Roselli used the map or 
 letter of Bartholomew Columbus or information derived therefrom since the names 
 which appear to be intended for Oalava, Manava and Oaquecoco, appear on no other 
 source. The third of these names is so badly written on the Roselli B map as to be 
 entirely illegible but there appears no doubt as to what the name is when it is 
 compared with the corresponding name on the Roselli C map. Banassa and C. de 
 Gratia a Dios cause no difficulty. Banassa is evidently Guanaja, Guanas sa, or 
 
 76tt F. R. v. Wieser: Die Karte des Bartolomeo Colombo, Fig. 4, 5 and 6 this monograph. Peter Martyr: De Orbe Novo, 
 McNutt ed., Vol. I, pp. 271 and 330. 
 
 77 Christopher Columbus: Jamaica Letter, 7th July, 1503, in C. R. Markham: Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, 
 2nded., pp. 175-211. 
 
 78 Fr. R. v. Weiser: De Carte des Bartolomeo Colombo, etc. 
 
 "Fernando Colombo: Historie etc. ed. Venetia 1678, chap. 89-100, pp. 390-454. 
 
 80 B. de Las Cases: Historia de las Indias, Vol. Ill, pp. 108-152. 
 
 81 Peter Martyr: De Orbe Novo, McNutt ed., Vol. I, p. 316-327. 
 
 82 G. F. de Oviedo y Valdes: Historia General y Natural de Las Indias, Tomo I, pp. 77-81, lib. Ill, cap. VIII. 
 
 83 M. F. de Enciso: Suma de Geographia photostat copy, plates 73-75. 
 
 20 
 
COLUMBUS FOURTH 
 
 VOYAGE LETTER 
 
 FROM JAMAICA 
 
 7 JULY, 1503 
 
 Cabo de Gracias a Dios 
 
 Cariay 
 
 Ciamba 
 
 Carambaru 
 
 Veragua 
 
 Ciguare 
 
 Catigara 
 
 Bastimentos 
 
 Retrete 
 
 Puerto Gordo 
 
 Belem 
 
 Bel puerto 
 
 BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS MAP 
 
 BARTOLOMEW 
 
 COLUMBUS LETTER 
 
 OF 1506 
 
 Oalava 
 
 Manava 
 
 Oaquecoca 
 
 Cao de Lama 
 
 Banassa 
 
 Porto di Casermas 
 
 R di Cobre 
 
 Tena baxa 
 
 porto di Consucla 
 
 Mai a 
 
 Cariai 
 
 Carambaru 
 
 Careba 
 
 Beraga 
 
 Porto Grosso 
 
 El Bel Porto 
 
 P de Bastimentos 
 
 Retrete 
 
 Gol/o di denol 
 
 This coast is the same as that 
 bracketed above but coasted 
 in a reverse direction. 
 
 [ Fig. 4 ] 
 Serica 
 
 serica montss 
 
 oalaua 
 
 manaua 
 
 oaque cocao 
 
 c. de luna 
 
 R. de pinos 
 
 banassa 
 
 Asia 
 
 tena baxa 
 
 p. de consucla 
 
 semathini monies 
 
 c. del I a serpe 
 
 cariai 
 
 carambaru 
 
 bele 
 
 beragnia 
 
 p. gora 
 
 bel porto 
 
 p. de bastimentos 
 
 retrete 
 
 Sinus Magnus 
 
 Sinarum Situs 
 
 Cattigra 
 
 FERDINAND 
 COLUMBUS 
 
 Guanara 
 
 punta di Casine 
 
 costa dell Orecchia 
 
 Capo di Gratie a Dio 
 
 disgratia 
 
 isola Qjiiriui 
 
 Cariai 
 
 Hucita 
 
 Cerabora 
 
 Aburema 
 
 Guaiga 
 
 Cateva 
 
 Cobrava (Aurira) 
 
 Beragua 
 
 Cubiga 
 
 Belporto 
 
 Porto del Bastimento 
 
 Guiga 
 
 Cerago 
 
 Retrete 
 
 le Barbe 
 
 marmoro 
 
 Huiua 
 
 Pennon Pegnone 
 
 Costa de contrast! 
 
 Betlem 
 
 Monti de San Christojoro 
 
 Urira 
 
 Dururi 
 
 Zobraba 
 
 [Fig. 5] 
 oalaua 
 manaua 
 c. de luna 
 p de casin 
 banassa 
 p. sucl 
 R. del desara 
 c. della serpe 
 cariai 
 carambaru 
 Beragua 
 boicin 
 
 porto grosso 
 bel puorto 
 bastimeto 
 Retrete 
 las bat os 
 Catticara 
 sinarstatio 
 
 NAMES GIVEN BY 
 
 COLUMBUS ON 
 
 FOURTH VOYAGE 
 
 LAS CASES 
 
 Guanaja 
 
 Isle de Phi os 
 fCyguare 
 ? Veragua 
 
 punta Caxinas 
 
 Costa de la Oreja 
 
 Cabo de Gracias a Dios 
 
 Rio del desastre 
 
 la Huerta 
 
 Caravaro 
 
 A bur en a 
 
 Catiba 
 
 Hurira 
 
 Cubeja or Cubiga 
 
 puerto Bello 
 
 puerto de Bastimentos 
 
 Guija or Guiga 
 
 Retrete 
 
 la costa de los Contrastes 
 
 Yebra — Belem 
 
 mountains of 
 Sant Cristobal 
 
 rio Urird 
 
 Cobraba 
 
 Cateba 
 
 Barbas 
 
 Tortugas 
 
OVIEDO Y VALDES. 
 G. F. DE 
 
 Guanaxes 
 
 Puerto de Honduras 
 
 Punta de Caximes 
 
 Gracias a Dios 
 
 Veragua 
 
 rio de Be/en 
 
 Yebra 
 
 rio de Lagartos 
 
 Bastimentos 
 
 Puerto Bello 
 
 rio de Francisca 
 
 Retrete 
 
 Sanct Bias 
 
 Cabo del Marmol 
 
 ROSELLI 1532 
 [Frontispiece] 
 
 Tagut Provicia Magna 
 
 polisancu f. 
 
 Provicia 
 
 Cathai 
 
 Cathaio 
 
 quisei 
 
 Provl 
 
 magi 
 ?TaBa (Tebe = Tebet) 
 
 c de luna 
 
 Oalauia 
 
 Manaia 
 foaque cocao 
 
 banassa 
 
 c de gracia a dios 
 Ppota dmarador 
 
 carabaro 
 
 aburema 
 
 Beragua 
 
 Careba 
 
 belpuorto 
 
 Chime 
 
 metro (polis) 
 p de bastimento 
 
 Catogara 
 
 Moabar 
 
 lava Maior 
 
 PETER MARTYR, 
 DEX)RBE NOVO 
 
 Guanassa 
 
 Qu iriquetana — Cia m ba 
 
 Ta'ia 
 
 Mai a 
 
 Quatro Tempore 
 
 Limonares 
 
 Quicuri 
 
 Cariai 
 
 Mirobolan 
 
 Cerabaroa 
 
 Aburema 
 
 5 villages of Chirara, 
 Puren y Chitaza, 
 Jurech and Atamea. 
 
 many rivers 
 
 Acateba, Quareba, 
 Zobroba, Aiaguitin y 
 fVrida, Duribba and 
 Veragua. 
 
 Ebetere 
 
 Embigar 
 
 rio Zahoran 
 
 rio Cubigar 
 
 Vibba 
 
 Porto Bello 
 
 Xaguaguara 
 
 Hiebra 
 
 M. F. De ENCISO 
 
 Cartagena 
 quodego 
 Caramari 
 islas de Baru 
 puerto del Cenu 
 Mocri 
 Cubea 
 Cuda 
 
 golfo de Uraba 
 islajuerte 
 la tortuga 
 Darien 
 Rio Grande 
 rio del dabayne 
 puerto de car eta 
 puerto perdido 
 nombre de dios 
 conogie 
 pocurosa 
 baya de San Bias 
 Veragua 
 puerto bello 
 jurmia 
 coroboro 
 
 Cabo de Gracias a Dios 
 Caxines 
 
 
 ROSELLI C 
 
 
 [Fig. 8] 
 
 Tan gut Provincia Magna 
 puliteacul 
 
 R de lo coga 
 
 c. de gratia a dia 
 
 coromora 
 
 
 Caraba 
 
 Cathaye 
 
 
 Tanaba 
 
 oman 
 
 
 ius p. 
 
 Mangi 
 
 
 aburema 
 
 c de luna 
 
 Tebe 
 
 ciamba 
 
 
 fgruga 
 
 belpuorto 
 ?Frana 
 
 p deca 
 
 
 p de bastimento 
 
 Teiau 
 oalava 
 
 
 c de buelrer (c de Vuelta) 
 frarote 
 
 oaqeo 
 
 
 falnp 
 
 coma 
 banassa 
 
 
 c pinsado 
 iaua Maior 
 
 R. de inos 
 
 
 
THE FOURTH VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS 
 
 Guanaxes, of the early Spanish accounts. The name following C. de Gratia a Dios 
 cannot be deciphered but may refer to rio del desastre, or a place called by Fernando 
 Columbus disgratia, where Columbus lost a boat and its crew. There follows this 
 name four others that, by themselves, might be read many ways, but by com- 
 parison with the names given in the various accounts appear beyond doubt to be 
 carabaro, — for Carambaru, Aburema, Cateba and Beragua. The succeeding name is 
 quite clearly Belpuerto (Puerto Bello). Likewise P. de Bastimento causes no diffi- 
 culty. To the west of these last two names, near the coast of the Sinus Magnus, 
 is a city which seems to read chime merto, but which, by comparison with the 
 British Museum map, is clearly thine Metropolys and is located a little north of 
 Catigara, a place often mentioned by Columbus. The whole coast explored by 
 Columbus is that part of the east coast of the Ptolemy-Marco Polo-Behaim Asia 
 extending from the Province of Mangi — Columbus' Cuba — through Ciamba to 
 Moabar. In the sea, southeast of P. de Bastimento, Roselli placed the islands of 
 Candi, Java Maior, Java and Sielan, after the Behaim manner. 
 
 The Roselli C map contains several names written over the land part of the 
 Asiatic coast, most of which are not decipherable. It moreover contains two 
 names beyond the p de bastimento of the B map, one of which seems to be C de 
 buelrer, and the other C. pinsado. The first of these is probably C de Buelta or 
 Vuelta — the Cape of the Return. None of the maps which the writer has been 
 able to inspect, contain the name of a Cape Pinsado but Fernando Columbus said 
 that the last place his father saw on the coast, before sailing for Espanola, was 
 Marmoro. This appears on the map in the 1511 edition of Peter Martyr's work as 
 el Marmol. Oviedo calls the same place Cabo del Marmol. There is a place men- 
 tioned in the Bartholomew Columbus letter of 1506 by the name golfo di denol 
 which seems to be the same as Marmoro or el Marmol. C Pintado may refer to 
 C Marmol, as the dictionary lists a substance marmol pintado or spotted marble. 
 
 The greatest interest in these Roselli maps as a record of Columbus' fourth 
 voyage and indeed of the whole Columbus work lies in their relation to the remain- 
 ing cartographical record of what contemporaries understood in regard to the 
 relation of the Trans-Atlantic regions to eastern Asia. Without this one map of 
 Roselli B the record would be incomplete. No other mappemonde remaining to us 
 shows a Columbus exploration on the coast of Asia according with his 7th of July 
 letter from Jamaica in such a manner that it may not be maintained that the 
 cartographer really represented a land midway between the eastern coast of Asia 
 and Europe, excepting of course the map sketches of Bartholomew Columbus. 
 
 With the Roselli B map we may arrange a complete series 84 illustrating the 
 conflict of the Columbian and the Ptolemy-Behaim schools of geography. If the 
 date of 1500 be accepted for the La Cosa 85 map, it is the first mappenonde made 
 after the discovery in 1492 and may be accepted as type I of the early maps. It 
 represents the world from a point a little east of the mouth of the Ganges to a point 
 
 84 For an excellent map classification somewhat different in result and based on different principles see E. L. Stevenson: 
 Typical Early Maps of the New World. Bui. of the Am. Geog. Soc, April 1907. Vol. XXXIX, No. 4, pp. 193-200. 
 
 85 There are no other maps known which follow the La Cosa map as a type. 
 
 23 
 
EARLY MAP TYPES 
 
 in Central America. Just what portion of the entire world this was intended to 
 represent is a question that involves of course the identity of the Trans-Atlantic 
 lands. Were the western shores of the Atlantic a part of a new world or a part of 
 eastern Asia? Ravenstein employs a measure of 41 degrees 86 for the length of the 
 Mediterranean as the unit for measuring maps not provided with longitude gradu- 
 ation. The measure is taken from Gibraltar to Issus. The whole map is r? the 
 length of the Mediterranean. If this length is 41 degrees the whole map covers a 
 space of 217 degrees. If however we remember the general acceptance of Ptolemy 
 and use his value of 62 degrees for the Mediterranean La Cosa's map extends 
 through a longitude of 328 degrees. In that case it becomes highly probable that the 
 Columbian discoveries were supposed by La Cosa to be a part of eastern Asia. 
 If however we remember that Columbus used a modulus of 56 2/3 Italian nautical 
 miles to a degree, and convert the Ptolemy degrees of 62>£ miles into the Columbian 
 degrees, then the La Cosa map represents f? x -^^ 6 = 360 + degrees. Since 
 La Cosa divided his east from the west in the middle of Asia it is impossible to say 
 what was intended to be the relation of the two extremes of his map, and there 
 are no names or legends on his map to help us. 
 
 The Cantino and Canerio charts 87 may be taken as type II. Both of these 
 maps divide the east from the west in the same manner as La Cosa. The separation 
 in this case occurs east of the Malacca peninsula through the middle of what 
 corresponds in other maps to the Sinus Magnus, here unnamed. We have shown 
 above however [page 6] that there are a number of criteria by which we may be 
 assured that the makers of both of these maps regarded the west shore of the 
 Atlantic as assuredly a part of eastern Asia. 
 
 A third type is the Hamy-King chart 88 usually considered to belong to the 
 period about 1502. This chart indicates on the right hand side a completed Asia 
 of the Ptolemy-Behaim pattern, but minus the island of Cipango. On the left hand 
 side are found the islands discovered by Columbus but since there is no longitude 
 graduation we cannot say what was the relation of these islands to the mainland 
 of Asia. (See above page 9). 
 
 The conflict of the Columbian geography with the Ptolemy-Behaim concept 
 becomes more apparent with type IV represented by the Lenox globe. 89 When the 
 cartographer placed his map on a globe or when he used a longitude graduation he 
 was forced to abandon the device of separating his map somewhere in eastern Asia. 
 He had to account for the entire 360 degrees of the earth's circumference. Then he 
 
 86 E. G. Ravenstein: Martin Behaim, His Life and His Globe, p. 64. 
 
 87 A map of the Cantino-Canerio type is The Carta Marina of Waldseemiiller 1516. Fischer and v. Wieser: The Oldest 
 Map with the Name America, etc. 
 
 88 A. E. Nordenskiold, Periplus, plate XLV. 
 
 Other maps of the Hamy-King type are Hydrographia sive Charta Marina in the 1513 Ptolemy, Nordenskiold Facsimile 
 Atlas, plate XXXV, and the Laurentius Frisius map 1522 in the Ptolemaemus Argentorati 1522, Facsimile Atlas, plate 
 XXXIX. In this last case the entire 360 degrees of the earth's circumference are accounted for in a longitude scale at the 
 bottom of the map. 
 
 89 B. F. DeCosta: Lenox Globe, Mag. of Am. Hist., Sept. 1879. 
 
 Belonging to type IV are the socalled Da Vinci globe and the Bernardus Sylvanus map of 1511. Da Vinci Globe, R. H: 
 Major: Memoir on a Mappemonde by Leonardo da Vinci, etc. London 1865, Bernardus Sylvanus; A. E. Nordenskiold. 
 Facsimile Atlas, plaf XXXIII. 
 
 24 
 
EARLY MAP TYPES 
 
 was compelled to show a relation between the Columbian discoveries and eastern 
 Asia. The Lenox globe indicates an Asia of the Ptolemy-Behaim pattern with the 
 island of Zipancri in the eastern ocean. Separated at a longitudinal distance of 60 
 degrees from the east coast of Zipancri lies the east end of Spagnolla. the Columbian 
 Cipango. 
 
 Martin Waldseemuller 90 solved the problem in a different way in his famous 
 map of 1507, type V. On the right hand side within 270 degrees longitude east of the 
 Canary meridian he represented the concept of Ptolemy-Behaim. Then in the 90 
 degrees on the left hand side he drew the Columbian discoveries. This accounted 
 for the entire 360 degrees of the earth's circumference. On the same map he showed 
 both the Columbian and the Ptolemy-Behaim concepts. There were drawn two 
 eastern Asias on the same map. The only thing sacrificed was the Columbian 
 longitudes of eastern Asia. Apparently also, Waldseemuller indicated the existence 
 of a Pacific Ocean before it had been discovered. However the western shore of his 
 America is not a proper shore line, but instead bears the two inscriptions mentioned 
 above, showing that what is apparently a shore line is unexplored land. Waldsee- 
 muller in effect devised a map scheme where he could let his reader take his choice 
 between the Columbian and the Ptolemy-Behaim concept. 91 (See above page 9). 
 
 Still another manner of dealing with the Columbian-Ptolemy-Behaim conflict 
 was devised by Ruysch in his 1508 map 92 published in the Ptolemeus Romae 1508, 
 our type VI. Ruysch greatly modified the Ptolemy-Behaim contours of southern 
 Asia and distorted in northeastern Asia a great province called Tangut which he 
 converted into a peninsula reaching almost to Ireland. On this peninsula he 
 represented the discoveries of Cabot and of Corte-Real. Then he placed a scroll 
 over the west side of Cuba and South America indicating more land. The Cuba 
 contains parts of the Cantino-Canerio names indicating its was eastern Asia. 
 Finally there is a legend to the effect that Spagnola (Espanola) is regarded as 
 identical with Sipagv (Cipango), which does not otherwise appear. In this way 
 Ruysch practically adopted the Waldseemuller device for the Columbian dis- 
 coveries but treated in a special manner the work of the Corte Reals and the Cabots. 
 
 We have already shown how the three map sketches of the Bartholomew 
 Columbus letter presents another version, Type VII of this problem, and have 
 called attention to the legend that is the key to the solution. All seven of these 
 types belong to the first eight years of the Sixteenth Century. Ruysch, Wald- 
 seemuller, Bartholomew Columbus, the maker of the Cantino chart, Canerio, the 
 maker of the Lenox globe, La Cosa and the maker of the Hamy-King chart all had 
 
 90 Waldseemuller map 1507. J. Fischer and F. R. v. Wieser: The Oldest Map with the name America. Plate I. 
 Waldseemuller type. Waldseemuller gores 1507, A. E. Nordenskiold Facsimile Atlas plate XXXVII; Glareanus 1510, 
 A. E. Nordenskiold Periplus, p. 173; Johann Schoner globe 1520, K. Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerikas, tafel XIII; 
 Johann Schoner globe 1515, Dr. F. v. Wieser: Magalhaes-Strasse, plate II; Petrus Apianus 1530, A. E. Nordenskiold Peri- 
 plus plate XLIV. 
 
 91 A curious variation of the Waldseemtiller map is shown in Gregorius Reisch 1515, A. E. Nordenskiold Facsimile Atlas, 
 plate XXX VIII; Robert Thome 1527, A. E. Nordenskiold Facsimile Atlas, plate XLI, and Benedetto Bordone 1528, Fig. 1 
 this monograph; in all three of which the world ends to the east or right hand side in open sea but on the west or left hand 
 side it ends in land, and on two of these maps there is a longitude scale accounting for the full 360 degrees. 
 
 92 [Fig. 9.] Aside from the Roselli maps the Ruysch map stands alone in type VI. The Roselli maps have certain features 
 which the present writer prefers tp treat in a separate type. 
 
 25 
 
EARLY MAP TYPES 
 
 77~l 
 
 Type I. JuandeLaCosa 
 
 Type II. Nicolo de Canerio 
 
 Type III. Hamy-King 
 
 Type IV. Lenox Globe 
 
 Type VI. Ruysch 
 
 Type V. Waldseemuller 
 
 L* 
 
 T 
 
 Type VII. Bartholomew Columbus 
 
 Type VIII. Contarini-Roselli 
 
 26 
 
. I 
 
 VI19 W 
 
 
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EARLY MAP TYPES 
 
 substantially the same information at their disposal. The one most important 
 item not possessed by the last three was the knowledge derived from the fourth 
 voyage of Columbus. 
 
 At this point the introduction of the Roselli maps, type VIII, will add an 
 important factor in the proper consideration of this greatest of problems of Sixteenth 
 Century geography. The Roselli-Contarini map of 1506 [Fig. 7] is the earliest of 
 the four Roselli maps. On it Europe-Asia is drawn after the Ptolemy-Behaim 
 conception, the province of Tangut is distorted from its Behaim position so as to 
 form a peninsula approaching Ireland and so offering a compromise over longitudes 
 on the Cabot Corte Real explorations supposed to have been in northeastern Asia. 
 It is probably from this map that Ruysch borrowed the Tangut peninsula conception 
 for his 1508 map. The Columbus explorations were treated differently. His 
 Espanola was not accepted as Cipango and Cuba was made an island rather than 
 a part of the mainland of Asia. However his fourth voyage during which Columbus 
 explored Central America was accepted as actually having reached Ciamba in 
 Behaim* s eastern Asia. The fact was recorded in a legend. As was noted above, 
 however, Roselli involved himself in many inconsistencies. When the Roselli B 
 map was made, probably very soon after the 1506 map, Roselli was in possession 
 of the details of the Columbus fourth voyage. This map is the only one we have 
 remaining from an independent contemporary cartographer showing Columbus' 
 own conception of his fourth voyage. There was no question as modern scholars 
 would have us believe that Columbus sought a passageway into the Oceanus Ori- 
 entalis. He was already in the Oceanus Orientalis. He was seeking the seaway 
 between the mainland of Asia and the Terra Sancta Cruets or Mundus Novus by 
 which he might sail into the Indian Ocean and so reach the Sinus Magnus, the 
 Spice Islands, the Aurea Chersonesus, and the mouth of the Ganges River. While 
 in Veragua he was on the eastern shore of the peninsula enclosing the Sinus Magnus 
 to the east, not very distant from Catigara. The two sides of this peninsula bore 
 the same relation to each other as Venice and Pisa 94 or Venice and Genoa.' 5 
 
 The Roselli C map still later in date added a few names to the Roselli B map, 
 omitted the island of Zipagu and placed the Terra-San cta-Crucis much closer to Asia. 
 It, in common with the Roselli B map, did not share the Columbian conception 
 as shown in the 1506 Bartholomew Columbus map sketches that the Mundus 
 Novus was a part of Asia's mainland. 
 
 The various methods of presentation of the relation of the Trans-Atlantic 
 countries to the Behaim lands of eastern Asia makes fairly evident that the carto- 
 graphers were all agreed in regarding the Trans-Atlantic countries as a part of 
 Asia. They had eight different ways of showing it. The root of the difficulty lay 
 in the unwillingness to abandon the Ptolemy degree value for the Columbian and 
 yet, without doing that very thing, there was no satisfactory way of representing 
 the Columbian discoveries as a part of Asia. Of these various methods, the Wald- 
 seemuller plan offered the most satisfactory results until more knowledge was 
 
 94 R. H. Major: Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, 2nd ed., p. 182. Columbus letter from Jamaica, 7th July 1503. 
 
 95 Peter Martyr: De Orbe Novo, McNutt ed. Vol. I, p. 330, also see Vol. I, p. 271. 
 
 27 
 
THE SCHONER GLOBES 
 
 available. That is probably the reason why more of the Waldseemuller type of 
 map than of any other remain to this day. 
 
 After the Columbus fourth voyage the rivalry of Spain and Portugal to secure 
 possession of the Spice Islands was the motive of many expeditions. During the 
 years of this rivalry a third concept of longitudes and consequently of the size of 
 the earth developed, — that of the Portuguese. We can trace the development of 
 the concept only indistinctly in the proceedings of the Congress of Badajoz." The 
 Portuguese king ordered the pilots to alter the charts of the route to the Indies, as 
 the Spanish delegates charged, in order to place the Spice Islands within the 
 Portuguese sphere. The Portuguese adopted the degree value of 70 miles to an 
 equatorial degree, each mile of which was slightly longer than the Italian nautical 
 mile. Then there was the Columbian degree of 56 2/3 Italian nautical miles, the 
 Ptolemy of 62^ or, according to some, 66 2/3 Italian nautical miles, 97 and the 
 Portuguese one of over 70. 
 
 The Portuguese views and degree values appear on a map known as the 
 Munich-Portuguese map 98 between 1516 and 1520, in which the Trans-Atlantic 
 countries are separated from eastern Asia by a great interval. However the 
 unexplored coasts are not laid down according to any theory as was the custom on 
 the earlier maps. Therefore we cannot say what was the view held by this particular 
 cartographer as to whether America was or was not a part of Asia. 
 
 Magellan's voyage brought about a simplification in some respects. The 
 enormous distance across the Pacific revealed by him practically forced the aband- 
 onment of the Columbian degree value. Thereupon the Spanish fell back upon the 
 Ptolemaic 99 standard. Meanwhile, the Portuguese had gone over from the Ptole- 
 maic measure to their own measure, 100 very nearly the one held today. Therefore, 
 there still existed between the Spanish and the Portuguese longitudes nearly the 
 same difference, about 50 degrees, that had existed in the days of Columbus' 
 discovery between the followers of Columbus and the Ptolemists. 
 
 In Germany, Johann Schoner compromised the Columbian and the Ptolemy- 
 Behaim concepts, both of which he had exhibited on his 1515 and 1520 globes, 
 after the Waldseemuller pattern. He made a new globe 101 in 1523. This was lost 
 for a long time but recently has been satisfactorily identified 102 and published by 
 Dr. F. Wieder. We have had, however, two articles from the pen of Schoner 
 concerning this map that are extremely significant in regard to the geographical 
 concepts noted above. One is his letter to Reymer von Streytpergk 103 in 1523. In 
 
 96 M. F. de Navarrete: Coleccion de los Viages, etc., Vol. IV, pp. 301-371, ibid, p. 344-348 and 352. 
 
 97 J. T. Reinaud and Stanilaus Guyard trans. Geographie d'Aboulfeda, Vol. I, Introduction, pp. CCLXIX-CCLXXII1. 
 
 98 E. L. Stevenson: Typical Early Maps of the New World, Bui. Am. Geog. Soc. April 1907, p. 210. 
 
 99 M. F. de Navarrete: Coleccion de los Viages, Vol. IV, pp. 339 and 354. 
 '0° Ibid, Vol. IV, p. 344. 
 
 101 Dr. F. Wieder Monumenta Cartographica, Vol. I, plates I-III. 
 
 102 George E. Nunn: The Lost Globe Gores of Johann Schoner 1523-1524, A Review in the Geog. Review, Vol. XVII, 
 No. 3, July 1927. For another opinion see also Geog. Journ., Feb. 1928. Monumenta Cartographica: Review, E. G. R. T., 
 pp. 186-188. 
 
 103 Henry Stevens of Vermont: Johann Schoner, etc., p. 99. 
 
 28 
 
THE SCHONER GLOBES 
 
 this letter Schoner said, "Being desirous to make some small addition to this 
 wonderful survey of the earth so that what appears very extraordinary to the 
 reader may appear more likely, when thus illustrated, I have been at the pains to 
 construct this globe, having copied a very accurate one which an ingenious Spaniard 
 has sent to a person of distinction. I do not however wish to set aside the globe I 
 constructed some time ago, as it fully showed all that had, at that time, been 
 discovered; so that the former, as far as it goes, agrees with the latter," 
 
 Schoner partially described this globe in his Opusculum Geographicum. 104 
 From this we know that he made South America a peninsula of Asia and Mexico 
 City was identified with Marco Polo's Quinsay. Schoner made his compromise of 
 the Columbian and Behaim geography on the basis of the discoveries of Magellan 
 and Cortes. The longitudes of Ptolemy-Behaim were adopted to the exclusion 
 of those of Columbus but the Columbian lands were made a part of Asia. The 
 Mondus Novus was made a peninsula replacing the Behaim Catigara-Moabar 
 peninsula. The Sinus Magnus was widened and was renamed the Mar de Sur, 
 Cipango disappeared as a separate identity as on the Waldseemiiller maps, and was 
 accepted as the island of Espanola according to the Columbian-Ruysch hypothesis. 
 Then Florida and the Cabot-Corte Real country were added as a foreland to the 
 Behaim eastern Asia. 105 In other words Schoner combined as one, Waldseemuller's 
 two eastern Asias as drawn on his 1507 map. 
 
 There is a whole school ,06 of maps that follow down to about 1550, this con- 
 cept of Schoner; it was this concept that was accepted by Las Casas when he 
 wrote his Historia de los Indias. 107 It was apparently the concept shared by 
 Hernando de Soto 108 and Coronado' 09 when they explored the southern portion of 
 the United States. 
 
 Parallel with the Schoner 1523 type of map there was another to which the 
 Ribero 110 maps belong. These maps were probably based on the Padron Real of 
 the Casa de Contratacion. They are characterized by the omission of unexplored 
 coasts and are in every way much superior to the work of the geographers of Italy 
 and Germany. 
 
 However, these maps do not seem to be in conflict with the concept of the 
 Schoner 1523 map, because the Sebastian Cabot map unquestionably belongs to 
 the Ribero type and it is also certainly derived from Cabot, who was pilot major 
 
 104 Henry Harrisse: The Discovery of North America, pp. 524-525. 
 
 105 Dr. F. Wieder: Monumenta Cartographica, Vol. I, plates I— III. 
 
 106 Franciscus Monachus map, A. E. Nordenskiold Periplus, p. 98; Orontius Finaeus map of 1531, A. E. Nordenskiold 
 Facsimile Atlas, plate XLI; Paris wooden globe, H. Harrisse: The Discovery of North America, p. 613; Paris gilt globe, H. 
 Harrisse: The Discovery of North America, p. 562; Johann Schoner globe 1533, H. Harrisse: The Discovery of North America, 
 p. 520; Nancy gilt globe, A. E. Nordenskiold: Periplus, p. 159; British Museum Ms. map, E. L. Stevenson: Typical Early 
 Maps, etc., Bui. Am. Geog. Soc, April 1907, p. 222; Hieronymo Girava map 1556, A. E. Nordenskiold Facsimile Atlas, 
 plate XLV; Gastaldi map 1562, A. E. Nordenskiold: Periplus, p. 165. 
 
 107 B. de Las Casas: Historia de los Indias, Vol. I, pp. 279 and 315, Vol. II, pp. 205 and 465, Vol. V, p. 329 and pp. 
 371-376. 
 
 108 w_ b. Rye: The Discovery and Conquest of Terra Florida, pp. 11-14. 
 
 109 G. P. Winship: The Coronado Expedition. Ann. Rept. Bur. of Amer. Ethnology for 1892-3, pp. 512-3, 525-6 and 539. 
 
 110 Turin Spanish map 1523-5; Salviati map 1525-30; Wolfenbtittel-Spanish map 1527; Weimar Spanish map 1527 and 
 Ribero 1529; E. L. Stevenson; Maps Illustrating Early Discovery and Exploration in America. Alonzo de Santa Cruz map 
 1542, A. E. Nordenskiold: Periplus, plate L; Sebastian Cabot map 1544. 
 
 29 
 
CONCLUSION 
 
 of Spain. The connection with the Schoner maps is betrayed by the inscription, 
 Terra Incognita, placed across the map between Cathay and the mouth of the 
 St. Lawrence river. In addition, the Grand Khan was pictured seated in a tent 
 out in what was otherwise the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 Soon after the middle of the Sixteenth Century a new conception of the re- 
 lation of America to Asia began to displace the Schoner 1523 conception. The two 
 regions were separated by the mythical strait of Anian. The Ortelius 111 map 
 illustrates this latter theory. The question of the connection of Asia and America 
 however remained unsolved until, as noted above, the explorations of Vitus Bering 
 resulted in the discovery of Bering Strait. 
 
 1,1 Ortelius oval map of the world 1570, A. E. Nordenskiold: Facsimile Atlas, plate XLVI. 
 
 30 
 
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