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 S.C. Sortt-erf ie Id . 
 
 
 The, Lite rar, 7 ? elections 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 Of /Iclchsor-i find H «s 
 Chief 1 Co ntem joor'a . 
 
THE LITERARY RELATIONS OF ADDISON AND HIS 
 CHIEF CONTEMPORARIES 
 
 BY 
 
 STACEY CORBIN SATTERFIELD 
 A. B. Wheaton College, 1920 
 
 THESIS 
 
 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment 
 of the Requirements for the 
 
 Degree of 
 
 MASTER OF ARTS 
 
 IN ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE 
 
 IN 
 
 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 1921 
 

 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2016 
 
 https://archive.org/details/literaryrelationOOsatt 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 THE QUEEN ANNE AGE 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 
 1687 - 1709 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 1709 - 
 
 1719 
 
 CHAPTER IV 
 
 
 ADD I SOU* S POSITION IN HIS AGE IN 
 
 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
THE LITERARY - RELATIONS OF ADDISON AND HIS CHIEF CONTEMPORARIES 
 
 
 I 
 
 CHAPTER ONE 
 THE QUEEN ANNE AGE 
 
 The general c barac ter i sties of English literature and social life at the be- 
 ginning of the eighteenth century were the natural results of the conditions 
 immediately following the period of the Restoration. There were at this time 
 two distinct classes of society, apparently so irreconcilable that they seemed 
 like two nations. There was the remnant of the old order which still cherished 
 the renascence ideals of self assertion and irresponsibility in ^11 reared, 
 and moral, and social oblig'd ions, thrt had gained ro nrominent - ro^'tion 
 during the Restoration. But on hue o t Jr r hand rhoro v ^s the sob : r, conscien- 
 tious, middle class in all these metiers in drect opoo ri ion o the upper class 
 and its imitators. This citizen class had held aloof from culture and cor- 
 ruption since the Tudor times. These people, with their own moral, religious, 
 and ethical standards, we re no longer the unconsidered masses of the previous 
 
 generation: the civil war had given them a new political and commercial im- 
 
 ( 1 ) 
 
 portancel It was to this class the periodical, the great literary achieve- 
 ment of the age, was addressed. 
 
 In these days coffee-houses, which were not new institutions in ^usen Anne's 
 
 reign, were among the most influential institutions of English life in this 
 
 century and in it reached the zenith of their popularity. The coffee-house 
 
 was the center of news, the lounge of the idler, the rendezvous for appoint- 
 
 1. ‘ Cambridge History of English Literature', IX 
 Christie, ’’The Age of Dryden. : ' pp. 66-68 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 : 
 
 
 
( 2 ) 2 . 
 merits, a convenient post-office for its patrons, and the coamon place of re- 
 sort for masculine society of all classes and professions. 
 
 Among those oftonest mentioned were Caraway's, where tea was first retailed; 
 the Jerusalem, one of the earliest news rooms; Jonathan’s, the resort of the 
 brokers in ’Change Alley’; Tom’s in Cornhill; Dick’s and Will’s. At this 
 last named house it was c us tomary for men of literary tastes and professional 
 men to gather. Swift and Addison, as well as Steele and Congfleve, were fre- 
 quent guests. The cui’rent gossip of the book shops nl the theatre circul- 
 (6) (3) 
 
 ated here among the stalls. We find this gossip of the coffee-house given 
 
 # » 
 
 in the’journal to Stella along with that of he Cabinet and. the parlor, 
 
 [) 
 
 Students from the University, clergymen in go n r nd cassock, scribblers 
 thronged the rooms, olue with tobacco smoke, where they chatted am listened in 
 turn. It was in this very atmosphere that the ' Tati er* 1 was born. 
 
 Among these patrons, one of the most notaole ^nd influential figures at 
 Will’s was pryden; tere he occupied the seat of honor in his day, having his 
 chair placed bn a balcony in summer, and in winter occupying the warmest nook in 
 the room. Here it was that Pope, a boy of twelve years, was brought to look on 
 the great man and hear him talk. Dry den* s influence was noticeable in the 
 field of letters throughout the first half of the century. French models, as 
 
 2. ’’Presto ben* t angry, faith, not a bit only he will be in pain next Irish 
 
 Post, except he sees M.D.’s little handwriting in the glass frame at the 
 bar of St. James’s Coffee-House, where Presto would never go but for that 
 purpose.” Swift “Journal to Stella. "Bohn ed. pp. 102-103. 
 
 3. Ashton -"Social Life in the Deign of Queen Anne.” London 1890 - pp. 166-173. 
 
 4. ’’There are statutes to prohibit all scholars, of what kind of degree so ever, 
 from frequenting townsmen’s houses by day or by night ; and particularly from 
 frequenting any inns, cook-shops, taverns, or other public houses within 
 the university or the precincts thereof, in which wine or ny liquor (5) 
 
 or tobacco is commonly sold under severe penalty i r-m at r loss to 
 
 determine whether the observation of these statues is more neglected than 
 they are unreasonable.” Amhurst, ’’Terra e Filius” or "Secret Hit ory of 
 Oxford." London 1726 - p,£ 63. 
 
 5. "These coffe -houses sold alcoholic liquors as veil ss coffee.” Ashton, 
 "Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne.” p. 163. 
 
* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ( ’ . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
■ ~ »~r iiiVm 
 
 interpreted by him, and French fashions of literary style end composition were 
 imitated by the writers of drama and poetry who followed him. Dryden was also 
 an advocate of the classics ani did much tov/ard advancing their influence in 
 England. This reverence for and imitation of classic writers was naturally 
 accompanied by a decrease in originality and creative wonts. But while poetry 
 lost its spontaneity and imagination and became artificial it gained in correct- 
 ness of form and finish - the element of highest value in its later develop- 
 ment. On tne other hand, the development of prose during this period was 
 truly remarkable; this development of prose seems to have been the mission of 
 the age, and it was prose in the literal sense of the word. For the most part 
 the verse of the age would have lost little if it bad been cast into the mould 
 of prose, for it is practically devoid of any lyric qualities, 
 
 Dryden* s influence in this prose development was considerable. He had set 
 excellent examples of centra kinds; tY-r t is, he had shown the • ry +0 r djust 
 prose writing that would bo familiar yet not vulgar 0 well-bred end modem 
 conversation. But it was left to lrter essayists to complete and -perfect this 
 work. 
 
 In another literary field there was a great change in this age. The theatre, 
 that powerful regulator of the general tone of thinking and action, was domin- 
 ated at the beginning of the centoAlfy by the writers who had been educated in 
 the dramatic school of Charles II and who used their talents to vitiate all 
 the sources of morality, to inculcate debauchery, and paint vice in all its 
 grossness with wit and imagination. The dramas of Dryden, Wycherly, Congreve, 
 Farquhar, and Vanbrugh were the panders of wantonness and profligacy. (6) The 
 historian of literature and the student of drama have to read them, and they 
 are not quite the worst things that they have to read; but there is little of 
 
 6. "The ladies were then observed, to be decently afraid of venturing bare- 
 faced to a new comedy, ’till they had been assured they might do it, without 
 the Risque of an insult, to their modesty." Cibber - "An Apology for the 
 Life of Mr. Colly Cibber written by Himself." London 1939. p.154. 
 

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4 
 
 value or enjoyment to be found in t:iem. This is tne deplortule situation that 
 the Queen Anne writers found, and set about to correct at once. 
 
 The manners of the age were coarse and moral standards still suffered from 
 the orgie of the preceding age and its degrading influence; but the literature 
 of the eighteenth century is far from being immoral. The frankness and real- 
 ism that characterize it should be interjjreted not too critically but in the 
 light of the obvious purpose to inform and to correct. All the essayists were 
 moralists and looked upon life with a pleasant perception and understanding of 
 its humors as well as of its frailties. In no unkindly spirit they satirized 
 the follies and reproved the faults of their contemporaries. Their sincerity 
 in this matter is proved by the respect for virtue which they introduced and 
 
 the rousing of society to an appreciation of moral character, religion, and 
 
 XT' 
 
 the rights of others as well as the best in literature. 
 
 Another characteristic of the age is that it war 'rim^rily p mrn*r age, out 
 Addison and Steele did much to give woman r r>l ce •'nr 5 interest in literature. 
 
 The position of women in general was not pier rant. Fem-rle chrrrcter rince the 
 middle ages had been one of the favorite jutts of pop hr satire, end, all 
 through the two preceding centuries savage invectives against the moral charac- 
 ter of women had been common. During this age their ijosition was greatly ira- 
 proved. Women began to be recognized as a political and social force in society 
 an evidence of this is the fact that the Tatlesrs and spectators were addressed 
 
 as often to .the "fair -sex” as to men. But among the higher classes, there was 
 
 (?) 
 
 still much to be deplored in their occupation, education, and conduct. Women 
 v/ere at a disadvantage due to tneir lack of education; there were very few wo- 
 men with sufficient learning to attempt any literary work. Addison very aptly 
 • • • '* 
 
 states their position in"Spectator llo. IP* "You men are writers, and can re- 
 
 7. "The women in t/iese higher circles, read and thought of little but erotic 
 French romances, wore false eyebrows and jiatches, painted themselves, ges- 
 ticulated with their fans and eyes, intrigued in politics and passed their 
 time in dalliance." "Cambridge History of Erglish Literature." IX, 29. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
5 
 
 present us women as unbecoming as you xjleasa in your works while we are unable 
 to return the injury." It was taken for granted that woman was a fool or at 
 least that she should be flattered if any man condescends to talk intelligently 
 to her. 
 
 Apart from church going, opera, playing cards, and tea, women of the middle 
 class had little entertainment or means to amuse themselves. There was prac- 
 tically no home life as the men spent their leisure hours at the coffee-houses, 
 clubs, taverns, and plays. 
 
 Another noticeable characteristic of the ge is the influence of politics 
 and political writing upon the literature of the period. After the Be- olution 
 in 1688 popular interest and concern n government re- ■ n' : men of 11 classes 
 began to study the conduct of tne government. Tie result of the free speech 
 and individual thinking during the reign of King William was the growth of well 
 organized parties which began to displace in power the small groups of auto- 
 cratic leaders. This change was not fully accomplished at the accession of 
 Anne, but opinions of the city were powerful in shaping the politics of min- 
 isters, and transition had appeared in all social and literary activity. Men 
 of letters began to adapt their work to current demands, and the conception of 
 popular government permeated all the cultivated groups of the city. As a rule 
 the writer of the age of £ueen Anne selected a political topic because to do so 
 was profitable. There has never been an age when tbs man of letters had such a 
 great influence politically as he had at this time. HQ courted and was courted 
 by state officials and political leaders and his influence in politics was pow- 
 erful. High political positions were given him for his literary efforts in 
 behalf of the state or his party. The government or the -arty in power feared 
 
 i ( 8) 
 
 the literary men of the o nosing party, thus refoe “hen he became a menace, 
 was employed by the government, then under the control of I e gorier. Writers 
 
 8. Beljame, n Le Public et. les Hommer ae Lettree en Angle (er re 13th Siecle. 
 
 Paris, 2nd Ed. 1397. p. 231. 
 
 ff 
 

 
 
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6 
 
 have never had so brilliant or easy life. They passed from a life of uncertain- 
 ty and little esteem to positions of honor and seourity; they found themselves 
 occupying plaoes of high sooial rank. In view of these facts it is not strange 
 that political interests seem to have been the prevailing one in the minds of 
 literary men in the first decade of the eighteenth oentury. It was during 
 this first deoaae that the book trade was put on a stable and profitable basis. 
 
 The oopyright law was passed and \pdiolesiAe piracy by printers was oheoked. 
 
 Though the age is famous for the growth of party organisation and party 
 influence the political writings were not as virulent as those of the preceding 
 age. The literary expression of this intense party spirit, while bitter enough 
 in the satires of Swift, was by no means so abusively personal as it had been 
 in the political writings of Dryden. Nor was there anything that corresponded 
 to the brutality exhibited in the literary battles of the Puritans and Cavaliers 
 Argument, for this was the age of reason, and reason rather than abuse became the 
 weapon of attack; wit superseded malicious vulgarity; and men aimed to be po- 
 lite - at least in the form of expression - even in the heat of debate. 
 
 Closely connected with the political situation and interest was another 
 notable feature of the age, and importance and part of the literary patron. At 
 the head of the number stands Lord Somers, who never neglected an opportunity to 
 
 reward and promote writers of merit, next to him comes Lord Halifax, who was not 
 
 ( 9 ) ( 10 ) 
 
 unknown in his age as an author. Swift and Pope have ridiouled him as a 
 patron, but he was a munificent benefaotor, and Addison, Congreve, Newton, 
 
 Prior, and Stepney were all indebted to him. 
 
 In the Tory ministry, which succeeded that of these Whig patrons, Somers 
 and Halifax, Lords Bolingbroke and Oxford encouraged men of letters, and favored 
 the learned, regardless of party adherenoe, and in many cases amply rewarded them 
 for their “abilities in the republic of letters. ^ The leader of both parties 
 
 (9) Swift, "Works”, Bohn ed. X, 275. 
 
 (10) Pope, "Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot." 11.223-24&. 
 
 ( 11 ) Mirabeau, "Letters", London, 1S32, pp.!7#-179» 
 

 
 
 
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7 
 
 lenew the value of attaching to themselves the service of the ablest writers of 
 
 ( 12 ) 
 
 the day. It became their policy to mingle in a democratic way with men of 
 letters and promise them a share in the political spoils to be obtained by the 
 overthrow of their rivals. One of the results of this mingling was the liter- 
 ary-political clubs. The two most famous being the Kit-Cat of the y/higs and the 
 
 Brothers* of the Tories. The purpose of these clubs was to bring leading pol- 
 
 (13) 
 
 itical men and authors together and direct the patronage of literature. 
 
 The last outstanding characteristic of the age was the friendships of the lit- 
 erary men. There was a kind of mutual admiration ten ency wh' ch dip ting ashes 
 small coteries. One centered around Addisdra md smother scout Shift. The men 
 of these circles held each other, and parti culrrly uis more prominent members of 
 the group, in high esteem. They took up he cudgells for each other frequently 
 in the literary and political quarrels of the time. 
 
 The results of these close and friendly relations v/ere works produced in con- 
 junction, patronage of the younger writers by those of established reputation, 
 
 and criticism of each others works. They seemed to find in themselves self- 
 
 114) 
 
 sufficiency and dismissed the past with complacent contempt. 
 
 12. “Cos hommes, (Halifax and Somers) qui ^venaient de voir de leurs propres yevuc 
 quel effet un ecrit heureux porwait deja avoir sur 1* opinion, qui se rappel- 
 aient comment Dryden avait arret^ les Whigs dans leur premier triumphe, 
 comment luim&me avait ete refcdu impuissant par les replPques des y/higs , qui 
 avaient personnellement, par leurs orurages, contribue'a sa de^aite, devaient 
 montier et montrerent une sympathie parti culiere aux ecrivans. Par eux il 
 s’etablit dans les region, ministerielies une tradition de protection aux 
 lettres a laquelle leurs successeurs se conform^rent et qui dura plus de 
 trente ans. M Beljame "Le Public et Les Hommes De Lettres." pp. 227-228. 
 
 13. "St. John’s Letter to Orrery". June 11th, 1711. 
 
 14. "To all but a few the Prince of drama and the grand duke of the epic were 
 in spirit what taeir works were a little later in fact - handsomely bound 
 Volumes to lie on a drawing room table." 
 
 Saintsbury, "Peace of the Augustan Age". London, 1916, pp.3-4 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 1687-1710 
 
 Of the private life and real character of Addison there is little known; 
 unfortunately there was only one Boswell in that century. Pope gives us the 
 most interesting and vivid picture of the active and interesting period of our 
 author’s life* but Pope cannot be relied upon even in relation to his friends, 
 and he was not friendly with Addison when he wrote about him. We know, how- 
 ever, that the life of a literary man is not often exciting or crowded with 
 dramatic incidents and to the general rule the life of Addison was no excep- 
 tion. Though he was always in the midst of things snd took an active n?rt in 
 the politics of the day, he seemed to hold himself ^loof from t e current vio- 
 lent partisanship and strife, nevertheless, he must have possessed n fine 
 and charming personality to attract, as he did, men of such widely divergent 
 types as Steele, Swift, and Pope, and to exert upon them such a potent influ- 
 ence. 
 
 In 1687 Addison entered Queen’s College at Oxford where he devoted himself 
 diligently to the classic authors, both Latin and Greek, but chiefly to the 
 Latin poets. His classical ability brought him to the attention of Dr. Lan- 
 caster, Provost of Queen's College, who obtained for him in 1689 a damyship 
 
 ( 1 ) 
 
 at Magdalen College where he remained until he went abroad ten years later. 
 
 Of Addison’s college life and friends there are very few records left. We 
 (1) Aitken, George, ’’Life and Works of Arbuthnot," Oxford, 1892, p. 17. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 • • . . 
 
 , - i 
 
( 2 ) 
 
 know that he was an industrious student and that he was generally liked. (The 
 
 grounds at the rear of Magdalen were very popular with scholars in those days, 
 
 and there is one particular patfc. under the elms which fringe the meadow on the 
 
 banks of Cherwell which is still known as Addison’s walk. Furthermore, our 
 
 author has left a Latin poem on the bowling green of Magdalen, “JTiclcell in his 
 
 poem on Oxford, speaks of "Magdalen* s peaceful bowers," where, "ever: mure tps 
 
 fond of Addison." Among the friends of Addison during hi r Uni vers iy re si dene 
 
 we find the names of hr. Davenant, the author of the "Pol c.l Arithmetic," 
 
 so celebrated at the time. Colonel Frowde, Boulter, who was later Archoishop 
 
 (3) 
 
 of Dublin, and probably Sacheverell. Addison’s relation with the literary 
 men of the university is shown best in connection with the "Musae Anglicanae" 
 which was first published in 1691. 
 
 These "Musae Anglicanae" include!* eight poems, the second publication of 
 which appeared in 1695. The best of them is the "Pygnaeo-Gerano-Machia," 
 which is also interesting as showing traces of that rich vein of humor which 
 Addison afterwards exhibited in the "Tatler" and "Spec ta tor •’* The mock- 
 heroic style in prose and verse was sedulously cultivated in England through- 
 out the eighteenth century, Swift, Pope, Arbuthnot, and Fielding developed it 
 in various forms; but Addison’s Latin poem is one of the first compositions in 
 which the fine fancy and invention, afterwards shown in the "Rape of the Lock*’ 
 and "Gulliver’s Travels," conspicuously displays itself. Several of the Ox- 
 ford men of letters contributed to the "Musae Anglicanae" among whom were 
 Hannes, a learned physician of the University; John Philips, remembered as the 
 
 (2) "He was the Delight and Darling of the University, courted by everybody, 
 
 admir’d and imitat’d by the best, but equall’d ir. fe^." Jacob, "Memoirs of 
 Joseph Addison," London, 1719, p. 3. 
 
 (3) Courthope, "Joseph Addison, " "English Men of Letters Series," N. Y., 
 
 1906, V, 30. 
 
► / 
 
 
 
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 , 
 
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10 
 
 author of the "Splended Shilling" and “Cyder", an imitation of Virgil's 
 " Georg i os," also as an admirer and ohampion of Milton; Alsop, prominent as an 
 antagonist of Bentley; Edmund (more oommonly known as "Rag" ) Smith, the author 
 of the "Ode on the Deaih of Dr. Paoook." Smith seems to have been among the 
 more intimate friends of Addison and may well be remembered with him on aooount 
 of a similarity in their literary genius and the extraordinary difference in 
 their fortunes. Though apparently a man of unusual ability Smith was a lazy 
 and lioentious fellow who, after long forbearance on the part of the university 
 authorities, was finally dismissed. It was through the influence of Addison 
 
 that he was offered the opportunity to write the history of the Revolution; this 
 task he declined on account of political soruples. Smith, like Addison, in 
 later years also wrote a olassio tragedy, but it had not the political signifi- 
 cance of "Cato" and was unsuccessful. Forthermore, like Addison, he had the 
 chance to profit by the patronage of Halifax, but he failed to keep an appoint- 
 ment and thus lost his opportunity . ( 4 ) While still a comparatively young man 
 Smith died in poverty. 
 
 Addison's relations with Dryden began with the appearanoe of Dryden's 
 classical translations upon whioh Addison, who was still a demy at Magdalen, ad- 
 dressed a oopy of English verse of congratulation. This verse was printed in 
 Dryden's "Third Misoellany" and in the following year Dryden inserted in his 
 "Fourth Misoellany" Addison's translation of parts of the fourth "Georgia." 
 
 It was through the old poet, no doubt, that Addison oame to know Tonson, the 
 father of English publishers, who had for some time been a well known figure 
 in the literary world,<5> m i 697 Tonson engaged Addtscm> who beoame pr0 _ 
 
 bat ionary fellow this year, to superintend a translation of Herodotus. 
 
 (4-) Courthope, “Addison," V, 37-39. 
 
 (3) Tonson and Lintot were the principal publishers of the time. Tonson pur- 
 chased the copyright of "Paradise Lost;" he published Dryden's works, Addison's 
 poems, and the works of Congreve, Otway, Tate, Pope, Rowe's edition of Shakespeare 
 and the volumes of the "Tatler" and "Spectator". "National Dictionary of 
 Bibliography," "Tonson." y 
 

 dS 
 
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11 
 
 He was assisted in this work by Dr. Hannes, Mr. Boyle, Dr. Blaokmore, and Mr. 
 Adams. Some difficulty arose in the undertaking and it was never completed.^ ^ 
 At Tonson's instance, Addison translated the seoond book of the "Metamorphoses," 
 whioh was first published in the volume of "Misoellanies" that appeared in 1697; 
 but he had no great love for Ovid and wrote to the publisher that "Ovid had 
 so many silly stories with his good ones that he was more tedious to translate 
 than a better poet would be."^ 7 ^ 
 
 Addison acquired an extensive reputation for his translations of the 
 Latin poets and for his own compositions in that language. He entered into 
 the spirit of the Latin poets, oopied their manner with admirable skill, and 
 surpassed all their British imitators who had preoeded him, Buohanan and Milton 
 alone exoepted. Beyond this we oannot in Justice go in the praise of his 
 olassioal ability. How slight was his knowledge of Latin prose is rather 
 painfully revealed in his "Remarks on Italy" and the "Evidences of Christianity." 
 Addison appears to have been very partial to his Latin compositions and 
 collected them with oare in two volumes. His poem, the "Peace of Ryswick", of 
 1697, dedicated to Montague, was praised by Edmund Smith - a high authority - 
 
 / Q \ 
 
 as "the best Latin poem 3ince the 'Aeneidi'" v 
 
 (6) This ini erence of this difficulty is that some of Addison's assistants were 
 unequal to the task or at least never exerted themselves to complete their 
 portion of the work. Perhaps the following passage will explain the difficulty: 
 "Boyle is remembered chiefly as the nominal author of the worst book on Greek 
 history and philosophy that ever was printed; and this book, bad as it is, Boyle 
 was unable to produce without help. Of B1 aokmore 1 b attainments in the ancient 
 tongues it may be sufficient to say that in his prose he has oonfounded an 
 aphorism with an apothegm, and that, when in his verse he treats of classical 
 subjects, his habit is to regale his readers with four false quantities to a 
 page." Maoaulay, "Addison," "Works," XVI, 67. 
 
 ( 7 ) Additon, "Works," Bohn ed. London, 1911. V, 321. 
 
 (£) Courthope, "Addison," "English Men of Letters Series," V,37-3S. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
12 
 
 It was through his Latin poems that ha later gained an interview with the old 
 French critic, Boileau. The critic probably knew or cared little about English 
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 literature, but he had read and admired Addison’s Latin verses. By the time of 
 
 his continental tour, Addison was well known both in London and abroad for his 
 
 Latin poems and had taken his place among the English authors of his time. 
 
 The character of the literary productions of Addison in these first years of 
 
 his writing were largely determined by his friendships. This fact is very 
 
 well illustrated by his next publication, a poem to Henry Sacheverell, M A 
 
 Character of the Greatest English Poets," from which number he cur'.ously enough 
 
 omits Shakespeare and includes Montague , or *rlifr>x rs he ir better known. 
 
 Before he became a celebrity as a patron of liters ture, and a statesman, Halifax 
 
 had paid his devotions to the muses. He wrote epigrams, some diffuse verses on 
 
 the death of Charles II, and the work for which he is most noted, "The Story of 
 
 , « 
 
 the Country Mouse and the City Mouse, a clever burlesque on Bryden’ s "Hind and 
 
 the Panther", which he produced in conjunction with prior. The surest way to 
 
 obtain his favor was to praise his verses, and the enrollment of his name 
 
 among the first bards of England was a passport to promotion which Addison pro-* 
 
 bably knew he could obtain and did not choose to neglect. Soon after writing' 
 
 this poem he was introduced by Congreve to Halifax, through whose xsrsuasion 
 
 Addison probably gave up entering the ministry, Halifax was so in earnest 
 
 about this matter that he wrote to the head of Magdalen, Dr, Hough, requesting 
 
 him to insist that Addison stay out of the church, and gave as a reason the 
 
 ( 10 ) 
 
 great need for educated men in civil service. 
 
 Through his poem to the king in 1695 and its dedication to Lord Somers, 
 
 { 9 i "It is easy, we think, to discover in the "Spectator" and the "Guardian" 
 traces of the influence, in pa r t §alut§ury and in pferl pernicious, which 
 tne iiiiaa ox Boileau .n.u. on one mind of Addison." Macaulay, "Essay on ^ddisont 
 XVI , 100 . 
 
 liO) Brake, "Essayo critical and Biographical, " London, 1805, I, 310. 
 
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13. 
 
 Addison secured another life long friend# Addison could not have made a wiser 
 
 ft 
 
 choice of friends or patrons than he made in choeing these two men. Besides 
 their political importance, Somers as Whig leader in the House of Lords and 
 Halifax that of the House of Gonrnons, they were both munificent patrons of 
 letters who neglected no chance to encourage authors. Through their efforts a 
 pension was secured for Addison which enabled him to travel and study abroad 
 
 t 
 
 in preparation for diplomatic service# While crossing Lit. Cenis, Addison 
 
 amused himself with composing his "Letter to Lord Halifax," which in Court- 
 
 hope^ opinion contains his best English verses. 
 
 Addison was abroad traveling thru southern Europe some three years and in 
 
 December, 1701, when he reached Geneva on his return to England, he learned that 
 
 he had been selected as secretary from the King to attend the army under 
 
 Prince Eugene. This selection was nrobably made at the suggestion of Mancher- 
 
 ( 18 )* 
 
 ter whom Addison knew in Paris# He accordingly waited in the city for official 
 confirmation of this intelligence; but his hopes were doomed to disappointment. 
 William III died in March 1702 and Anne who felt an aversion - political, 
 personal, and religious - for the Jhig party struck off Halifax, on whom Add- 
 ison’s prospects chiefly depended, from the Privy Council# Thus Addison’s 
 three patrons were powerless to help him. Therefore his return to England in 
 1703 must have been a gloomy one as he was without any employment or prospect 
 of livelihood. Through his Oxford acquaintances and Whig friends and patrons 
 Addison readily obtained a welcome to the resorts of the town: Will’s, the 
 resort of the Wits; St. James’s, the Whig coffee-house, and the Kit-Cat club 
 to the membership of which he was doubtless admitted through the recommendation 
 of Tlotyson, the founder of the club, and Halifax. For some months after his 
 return to England Addison’s fortune «as at its lowest ebb. But the political 
 changes and events of the year 1703 removed forever his financial diff iculities. 
 (12) "National Dictionary of Biography," I, "Addison," IT, Y. 1903. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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14. 
 
 A brief review of this polltioal situation is neoessary to understand the 
 extraordinary suooess of Addison's poem "The Campaign." 
 
 The aooession of Anne, as has been already noted, was a Tory success. 
 
 The more radical members of the party expeoted a great ohange in the ministrial 
 polioy ; but in this they were disappointed and began to withdraw their support 
 from the ministry. To maintain their polioy the ministry found Whig votes were 
 neoessary. These votes could be obtained in only one way, that of oonoession, 
 and further concessions the Queen was induoed to make. 
 
 In 1704 the throne was surrounded by men supposed to be attached to the 
 prerogative and the ohuroh. Among these men none stood so high as Lord Treasurer 
 Godolphin and the Captain-General Marlborough. As yet there had been no coalition 
 of the Whigs and the moderate Tories, but such a ooalition seemed inevitable. 
 
 This was the situation when the news of the great victory at Blenheim on August 
 thirteenth reached England. The Whigs were filled with joy and pride; no longer 
 were they able to remember anything against the Commander. The Tories regarded 
 the event otherwise. They could not openly express regret, but their congratula- 
 tions were cold and sullen and gave offense to the General and his friends. 
 
 Godolphin, while not a reading or literary man, was too good a politiciar 
 not to realize the danger to his polioy and set about to remedy it. He knew the 
 power of literature and the way in which the Whigs had strengthened their party 
 by their patronage of good writers. Doubtless he was exceedingly mortified by 
 the kind of poems he received in oelebration of the victory, and in his des- 
 peration he consulted Halifax. The latter affected to decline the position of 
 adviser and gave as the reason for his refusal the faot that literary men of 
 merit were unrewarded by the government for their services while the un- 
 desexving were heaped with favor. Godolphin, who was an expert in appeasing 
 the wrath of others, replied that this had doubtless been true, but that a man 
 

 
 
 ' 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
15 
 
 whom Halifax would recommend would be generously rewarded, thereupon Halifax 
 
 named Addison ,but he refused to take the commission to Addison and insisted 
 
 that Godolphin do it himself. This Godolphin promised to perform. 
 
 At this time Addison was living in a mean garret in Hayraarket. We can 
 
 readily imagine his surprise at receiving here a visit from the Right Honorable 
 
 Henry Boyle, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, whom Godolphin had sent with the 
 
 (13) 
 
 request for the poem. Addison readily undertook the task; and when the poem 
 was about half completed he showed it to Godolphin, who was ro pleesed with it, 
 especially with the famous simile of the angel and the storm, that he imme f 'irte- 
 ly appointed Addison to the Commissionship of Appeals in Excise to be under- 
 secretary of State to Sir Charles Hedges with © salary of two hundred pounds a 
 year. 
 
 The "Campaign" was a complete success. It praised the victory and the 
 
 victor properly, thus pleasing Godolphin, and secured for the author a politi- 
 
 cal position a promise of advancement. The composition has no particular merit 
 
 as literature and barton’ s disposition of it as a "gazette in rhyme" is partly 
 
 just. The poem is not poetical either in design or expression, but this was 
 
 the deliberate plan of the author. Of the numerous other poems on this famous 
 
 battle the best, probably, is that written by that redoubtable critic and fire 
 
 (14) 
 
 eater, John Dennis. 
 
 (13) "In return, it is said for his good offices on this occasion, the third 
 volume of the "Spectator" was dedicated to Boyle, with the eulogy that among 
 politicians no one had made himself more friends and fewer ene&ies." "Diction- 
 ary national of Bibliography", Boyle, II, 1018. 
 
 (14) "Through Dennis’s "Blenheim" contains of course no such passages as the 
 famous one of the angel and the storm in Addison’s description of the seme 
 battle , it ranks as one of the best of the numerous poems evoked by the 
 
 victory’.’ Paul, "John Dennis", XT. Y. 1911, p. 36. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 « 
 
 I MH'j .. *6 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 
 
16 . 
 
 The following year, 1705, Addison published his "Travels in Italy". For 
 obvious reasons this work was not popular. To a reading publio looking for 
 comments on ourrent politioal, oustoms, and gossip of a oountry, the considera- 
 tion of soenery and historic plaoes designed to show his beloved poets, Horace 
 and Virgil, would not be enthusiastically reoeived. Addison sent a oopy of 
 this work to Swift with the inscription:- "To Dr. Jonathan Swift, the most 
 
 Agreeable Companion, the Truest Friend, and the Greatest Genius of his Age 
 
 ( 15 ) 
 
 thi6 Book is presented by his Most Humble Servant, the Author." We do not 
 know exaotly when the friendship of Addison and Swift began but it was doubtless 
 previous to this year, as we find frequent entries in Swift’s note book showing an 
 intimate intercourse with Addison. Swift was a well known figure at Will's and 
 St. James’s as early as 1703 for in that year he wrote verses in Vanbrugh's 
 house • 
 
 Addison's next literary endaavor, "Rosamond," deserves mention here for 
 only two reasons, its dedication to the Duchess of Marlborough^ 16 ^ and the faot 
 
 that through his verses in praise of the opera Tickell gained the friendship 
 and patronage of Addison. 
 
 In the years between 1707 and 1709, Addison's literary work was sus- 
 pended. He held a secretaryship under Lord Sunderland^ 17 ^ until his employer 
 lost his office in the politioal change of 170S. He then went to Ireland as 
 under-seoretary to Lord Wharton, in which position he remained for a year. 
 
 In the meantime his friend Richard Steele had been appointed government 
 gazetteer at the sguggestion of Addison and in this position he served his 
 
 (15) Forster, "Life of Jonathan Swift", N.Y. 1876, pp. 159-161. 
 
 (16) "A woman without skill or pretension to skill in poetry or literature. His 
 dedication is, therefore, an instance of servile absurdity." Johnson, "Lives of 
 the Poets", Oxford, 1905, II, £ 9 . 
 
 (17) "Sunderland was the son-in-law of Marlborough and the youngest of the 
 Whig junto of five, Somers, Halifax, Wharton, Orford, and the first of them to 
 attain office under Anne. He was secretary of state for the southern depart- 
 ment and ' implacably odious to Harley.'" "Dictionary of Rational Biography," 
 XVIII, Charles Spencer. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 : 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
17 
 
 S 
 
 apprenticeship for Ills imijortant work. This brings A to the consideration of 
 the periodical and Addison's most intimate and lomgest friendship with any of 
 his contempories. 
 
 With all the chief men of letters of his age except hefoe, Addison was at 
 one time or another on intimate terms; but his name has come down to posterity 
 as closely linked to that of Steele as are those of Beaumont and Fletcher of 
 the preceding century. The comradship of Addison and Steele began at the old 
 Charter-house school in London. Their close friendship and Steele's admiration 
 of Addison were not due to the younger boy's tendency to here- worship, as 
 Thackeray would have us think, because Steele was a few weekr older than Addi- 
 son, but primarily to Steelfis warm and affectionate nature. hey were at Ox- 
 ford at the same time, where Steele was postmaster at Merton about the year 
 
 
 (13) 
 
 that Addison became a fellow of Magdalen College. They were probe ly intimate 
 here, but there are no particulars of their intercourse, Steele left Oxford 
 without taking a degree, from an ardent desire to serve in the army, thereby 
 sacrificing his prospect of succeeding to a family estate; his extravagance and 
 dissipation while serving in the Horse Guards were notorious; yet this did not 
 dull the clearness of his moral perceptions, for it was while in this position 
 that he wrote his "Christian Hero," which he dedicated to his conmander. Lord 
 Gutts. This work is the reflections on religion of the middle class as en- 
 countered by Steel*, and it is important only for the fact that it taught Steele 
 to realise that his power lay in his pen. 
 
 Throughout his whole career Steele was always ready to take up the cudgels 
 in defense of his friend. The first instance occurred in the paper warfare of 
 1700 between Sir Richard Blackmore and the wits of Will’s Coffee-house. Black- 
 
 more was a successful -ohysician of the time and had formerly aided Addison in 
 
 (19) 
 
 the translation of Herodotus; he now wrote long and tedious epic noems, In 
 
 (18) Courthope, "Addison," V, 98-99. 
 
 (19) Addison, "Works, "V, 319. 
 

 
 
 
 ? 
 
 
 . 
 
 
vs. 
 
 answer to Dryden's attaok upon him in the Prefaoe to his “Fables," Blackmore 
 oomposed a pamphlet oalled "A Satyr against Wits." The wits ralliod around the 
 old poet and prepared to squeloh the Dootor by a oolleotion of Epigrams direoted 
 against him. Before this work was oompleted Dryden died; and the leadership 
 in the attack was assumed by Tom Brown, a dissipated writer of the town. Among 
 the oontributors were Sedley, Lord Anglesey, Dennis, Vanbrugh, Colonel Codring- 
 ton, Garth, and Captain Steele. Steele's wirry verses which brought some rather 
 caustic remarks from the Dootor were occasioned by the following allusion to 
 Addison's wit : 
 
 "But Wit as now 'tis managed would undo 
 The skill and virtues we admire in you. 
 
 In G(arth) the wit the dootor has undone. 
 
 In S(mallwoo )d the Divine, 
 
 Heav'ns guard poor Ad(di)son." 
 
 Steel's retort was addressed "To the Mirrour of British Knighthood, 
 the Worthy Author of the Satyr against Wit; occasioned by the Hemistich 
 
 "Heav'ns guard poor A - n." 
 
 "Must I then passive standi And oan I hear 
 The name I love abused, and yet forbear? 
 
 Yet must I thank thy favor to my friend, 
 
 •Twas some remorse thou didst him commend. 
 
 Thou dost not all my indignation raise. 
 
 For I prefer thy pity to thy praise." eto. 
 
 Blackmore replied with "De commendatory Verses," among which are some "To the 
 Noble Captain," whofwas in a damned confounded Pet because the author of the 
 Satur Against Wit was pleased to pray for his Friend." Furthermore, he oalls 
 Steele a senseless bard, who oannot atone for his rhyme . ' 20j 
 
 ( 20 ) Aitken, "Steele," I, 61-62. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 V 
 
 
 ' 
 
 ' 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
19. 
 
 It was not until some five years later that the names of --.ddison and 
 Steele are again connected in a literary production. Addison had n§ part in 
 the stage controversy between Collier and the dramatists, that engaged a number 
 of his contemporaries during the closing years of the seventeenth century, and 
 the opening ones of the eighteenth. Nowhere do we find that he had any connect- 
 ion with the theater until he assisted Steele in the production of the latter* s 
 third comedy "The Tender Husband." Addison wrote the prologue, which has littlr_ 
 to recommend it. Perhaps his work can be found in the scenes in which the 
 Country Squire, Sir Harry Gnbbin, appears; this, however, is uncertain. The 
 assistance thus received from Addison is very generously acknowledged by Steele 
 in "Spectator" number 555* "Many of the best strokes" were from the Ten of hir 
 friend and again in the dedication of the play to Addison. Steele said "My pur- 
 pose in this application is only to show the esteem I have for you, and that I 
 
 look UDon my intimacy with you as one of the most valuable enjoyments of my 
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 life." This is their last literary work until the periodical "The Tatler" was 
 started in the year 1709. 
 
 Apparently the number of periodicals in circulation attracted general atten- 
 tion in 1704, as an organ of moderation for the government, political journals 
 
 »> /* 
 
 had multiplied. The Review with its discussion of current topics and "Scandal" 
 page doubtless gave Steele and Addison many hints for their essays, but it is 
 not solely to the "Review" that they were indebted for the inspiration for thei>* 
 sketches on the "Varied doings of mankind." The primary object of the "Review" 
 was political, and we must look elsewhere for the real transition from the 
 political journal to the periodieal of discursive comment on the social life of 
 the day. This transition was effected to c considerable extent by Punton’S 
 
 III) 
 
 Athenian Gazette." Addison and Steele were also indebted to t 'e cl°ssic 
 
 (21) Aitken, "Steele," I, 108. 
 
 (22) "Cambridge History of English Literature, IX, p. £5. 
 
. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 . ■ 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
20 
 
 authors, the French oharaoter writer. La Bruyere, and to the English oharuoter 
 writers. Overbury, and Earle, of the early seventeenth oentury for other ideas 
 in their entertaining papers. 
 
 To Swift belongs the oredit for the name under which Steele wrote, that 
 
 of Isaao Bickerstaff. In 170 8 Swift was in London and in constant assocation with 
 
 ( 23 ) 
 
 both Addison and Steele. In March of this year swift, with his love for 
 
 praotioal jokes and hoaxing, began an attaok on John Partridge, ohief of the 
 
 astrologioal almanao makers, who were unprincipled rogues, trading upon the 
 
 ignoranoe of the poor. The jest was taken up by the wits including both Steele 
 
 and Addison. When Steele adopted Swift’s name, Biokerstaff, he gave its 
 
 author due credit for making it famous. 
 
 The '"Tatler" was the child of the coffee-house. Into its genial pages 
 
 Steele infused the tone of easy familiarity, the vivaoious wit, and the ready 
 
 omniscienoe of the coffee-house oracle. He gave expression to the ideas of the 
 
 serious -minded, progressive class of citizens that frequented these shops. 
 
 Thus was the victory of the "cloth breeches" over the "velvet breeohes", complete. 
 
 Matthew Arnold has said that when "England entered the prison of Puritanism" it 
 
 "turned the key on its intellectual progress for two hundred years." But it 
 
 was from precisely this class, the inheritors of Puritan narrowness, that a 
 
 new oulture was oreated for England out of its coffee-houses. 
 
 ( 23 )x 
 
 Addison was in Ireland when Steele began the "Tatler" and did not 
 
 discover who was the author until the sixth number. He sent a few essays from 
 Ireland, but did not become a regular contributor until about the eightieth number, 
 after which his essays appeared frequently. The work of Addison in the "Tatler"was 
 
 (23) "The triumvirate of Addison, Steele, and me, come together as seldom q.8 the 
 sun, moon and earth; but I often see each of them, and eaoh of them me and each 
 other." Aitken, Steele, I, 210. 
 
 (23 )x April 22, 1709> Addison to Swift from Dublin: "We arrived yesterday at 
 Dublin." Addison, "Works," V, 377. 
 

 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
21 
 
 
 in no small part influential in making the periodical popular. Of the "Tatler" 
 papers forty-one are attributed to Addison alone, end thirty-four --ere written 
 by him in conjunction with Steele. The statements of news end n -renter niyn- 
 ber of the essays were written by Steele; there were, however, ot ^r contribu- 
 tors besides these two and among them was Swift. 
 
 Three times a week appeared these sketches of gallantry, entertainment, 
 political criticism and news, both foreign and domestic. To Steele’s variable 
 and versatile nature, the breadth and scope of the plan were admirably suited, 
 more so, perhaps, than to the genius of the other contributors. His changeable, 
 nature made prolonged and steady work irksome; but his ready wit, lively fancy, 
 quickness of perception, and ease in composition fitted him well for his task. 
 
 As I remarked, the plan was perhaps less suited to some of the other contribu- 
 tors than to its originator; an evidence of this statement is the fact that the 
 character of the paper began to change after Addison became a regular and in- 
 
 despensable ally. Gradually less and less snace was given to news until finally 
 
 (24) J 
 
 this part of the paper was dropped altogether, for this change in the "Tatler" 
 
 Addison, whose influence in the councils of the paper was undoubtedly great was 
 
 (25) 
 
 largely responsible. From the first he had cared nothing for news. 
 
 That Steele should have one department of his paper devoted to news is 
 quite natural under the circumstances. When he started the "Tatler” Steele’s 
 experience in periodical writing was solely that of a newsproer men. News- 
 papers were an established success while essays in the later manner of the 
 ’’Tatler” were still undeveloped. Yet he had shown, even before Addison’s re- 
 
 (24) "Steele dans san premier numero, annonca qu’il donnerait des nottt/elle^r 
 
 etrangeres et domesteques, car Steele ne £upprime pas encore la politique, non 
 plus que Defoe; mais tandis que dans la "Revue” elle est encore la partie, prin 
 cipale et le poste d’ honneur, elle est dans le Babillard au simple accessoire 
 
 et relsguee un second plan. Feu a'pen merne les notttfelles furent moins impor- 
 tantes at plus rares, et a partir du 83 e numdro elles disparurent." 
 
 Beljame, "Essay on Joseph Addison,” p. 277. 
 
 (25) "Tatlers," nos. 18, 55. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 
(26) 22 
 
 turn from Ireland that the !?Tatler" was to be no mere newspaper. The view of 
 
 Courthope, though not developed at length, concerning this matter seems tho- 
 roughly sound; that after the hundredth number the news ia less frequent, when 
 news does appear it is usually used as the text of a literary disquisition, and 
 that Steele recognized the superiority of Addison's style, and with his usual 
 
 quickness accomodated the form of his paper to the genius of the new contiibu- 
 
 (27) 
 
 tor. 
 
 Since none of the papers in the "Tatler" was signed by the writer, it is 
 occasionally difficult to know who was the author of an essay or parts of an 
 essay. Steele in the Preface to the "Tatler" furnishes us with the first re- 
 liable information as to the authorship of certain numbers. Further aid is 
 rendered by the incomplete list of Addison's papers given by Steele to ^JTiclcell. 
 The incompleteness of this list is explained by Steele in the Preface to the 
 second edition of "The Drummer" as follows; tfWhat I never did declare w s Mr, 
 Addison's I had his direct injunction to hide many of his writings now pub- 
 
 lished as his I have very patiently traduced and caluniniatedfor, as they were 
 
 1 (28 
 
 pleasantries and oblique strokes upon certain of the wittiest men of the age." 
 That Swift refused to acknowledge some of his papers is also a well known fact , 
 There are, therefore, some few papers respecting the authorship of which a 
 doubt remains. 
 
 The popularity and success of the periodical was immediate and widespread. 
 
 (29) 
 
 It was imi.tated everywhere as Addison humorously in pretended dismay reveals. 
 
 (26) "Tatlers," nos. 4, 5, 41. 
 
 (27) Courthope, "Addison," "English Men of Letters Series," V, 97. 
 
 (28) Aitken, "Steele," I, pp 257 - 258. 
 
 (29) "Tatler" Ho. 229. "I was threatened to be answered weekly "Tit for Tat;" 
 I was undermined by the "Whisperer;" haunted by "Tom Brown’s Ghost;" scolded 
 at by a "Female Tatler." - I have been Annotated, Be-tatled, Examined, and 
 Condoled." 
 
•j 
 
 % ■ % 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * 
 
 > 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 
23 
 
 The attitude of the "Review" was friendly, and Defoe recogmized the work 
 
 (30) 
 
 Addison and Steele were doing for society. The respective merits of the work 
 of authors of the "Tatler" will he discussed in connection with th9"Spectator," 
 
 (30) "When first this paper appeared in the World, I erected a Court of Just- 
 ice, for the censuring and exposing Vice but tired with the mess of filth, 
 
 the stench of which was hardly endured, I laid aside the r erculeen labor for a 
 while, and am glad to see the society honored by the succession (in those 
 first endeavors) of the Venerable Isasc ickerstaff Esq." 
 
 Defoe, March 2, 1710. VI, Do. 1-1. 
 

 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
24 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 171C<* 1719 
 
 By 1710 the older generation, that of Dryden, had died or given place to the 
 younger men who were centered around Addison and Steele, or Swift and Pope, It 
 is not strange then that Dennis, who was some fifteen years Addison’s senior, 
 should have had no very intimate relations with him. In this second dr cade of 
 the century Dennis was perhaps the only one of this group of authors who ? 
 not greatly concerned about political patronage. In principle he was a violent 
 Whig, a fact that made any substantial reward for his service to the state im- 
 possible in the first years of the decade, Sv/ift, likewise, by his "Tale of 
 the Tub" which offended the <4ueen, had rendered his political friends power- 
 less to help him. The Dean in 1710 was again in London ready to accept service 
 with either party. Swift did not realize that he had offended the ^ueen by his 
 "Tale of the Tub," thereby destroying any chance for promotion in the church* 
 
 He considered this negligence on the part of the Whigs a personal insult, there - 
 fore, the Tories had no great difficulty to persuade him to join their forces. 
 Swift finally made every social and literary interest subsidiary to party mat- 
 ters and wrote only to satisfy current demands. In this respect, like Addison 
 and Defoe, Swift represents the blighting effect of political patronage upon 
 fiien possessing the genius for creative work. 
 
 In spite of this deadening effect of political influence upon letters, the 
 first few years of this decade were remarkably active ones in the world of lit- 
 erature. And the central figures in this activity were those of Addiroh and 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 ..... , - ... - . , 
 
 * 
 
 , 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
25 
 
 Steele who were still publishing the "Tatler." On January 2, 1711, we read in 
 the '•Journal to Stella," "Steele’s last "Tatler"came out to-day. You will seo 
 it before this comes to you, and how he takes leave of the world. He never 
 
 told so much as Mr# Addison of it, who was as much surprised as I • To my 
 
 knowledge he had several good hints to go upon, but was so lazy '-•no '-eery of 
 the work he would not improve them," Swift’s statement about hie vo^ytile 
 contemporary is probably incorrect; for while Steele quickly tirec- of the work 
 in hand, he was ever ready in the course of his busy, if not industrious life 
 to plunge into some new and rao*€. alluring project# Usually he dropped an under 
 taking because he saw a way to improve it by beginning it again under some 
 slightly different form. Such was the case with the"Tatler," for in two monons 
 he started another periodical called "The Spectator." This time he took Addi- 
 son into his confidence, and together they planned the work# 
 
 Their experience in the former venture led them to plan the "Spectator" 
 with a greater limitation in scope, hach paper was to have a central purpose 
 or theme as, for, instance, a consideration of some moral or religious thought. 
 Above all the periodical was to be endowed with personality# For the "Spec- 
 tator" more nearly than any other periodical of the age was an embodiment of the 
 Puritan spirit and an example of its culture. 
 
 The idea of a club had already been used by Steele in the "T&tler" where he 
 had introduced several members to describe different phases of life. This 
 club never gained the importance acquired by the club of the "Spectrtor" in 
 this latter periodical the idee was developedfrora the outset. It rss oy the 
 conjoined efforts of Addison and Steele that the members of the cluo were con- 
 ceived; but it was Steele who gives us the first sketch of them, Addison fill- 
 ed in these portraits and has gained himself immortal fame and honor by his 
 development of Steele’s first sketch of Sir Roger and by stamping his own per— 
 

 
 
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 <■ 
 
 - • •'« y- - - 
 
 ♦ 
 
 - ‘ •• ' ■ . ...... 
 
 • - 0 *~ 
 
 * 
 
 
 
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 • » » 
 
 
 ■ - 
 
 
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 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 • 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
26 
 
 ( 1 ) 
 
 sonality upon the old knight. Miss Aiken regards it as a '’singular circum- 
 stance" that the first hints of this character are by Steele; as if the charac- 
 ter drawer of the "Tatler" was incapable of such a sketch. 
 
 The purpose of the "Spectator" like that of the "Tatler"was to record the 
 manners and character of the day. The omission of political news from the pages 
 of the "Spectator" perhaps made it appeal to a larger number of people than had 
 the" Tatler.” Another very probable reason for its popularity v/as the fact that 
 even at the Royal breakfast table it became the fashion of the hour to read this 
 paper. Toward the close of its career, the circulation reached the enormous 
 number of ten thousand each day, by far the greatest circulation of any period- 
 ical of the time. It also had a wide sale when the numbers were published in 
 book form; Steele says in the concluding issue of the"S r ’ectator" that nine 
 thousand copies of each volume were sold. Another source of this popularity 
 may be discovered in the author’s further purpose of giv ng mor^l instruction, a 
 design that is more obvious in the "Spectator" turn in the "Trtler". The 
 didactic tone and finespun dissertations of Addison in the "Spectator" give this 
 periodical a more artificial and less original appeal than that of the "Tatler"# 
 This difference was due to the predominating influence in each paper, Steele in 
 the “Tatler" and Addison in the "Spectator." A further difference in the two 
 
 periodicals is their general plans; the "Tatler" was composed of several depart- \ 
 
 | 
 
 ments, while the "Spectator" had only one theme in each number. Bicker staff 
 
 was a disinterested gossip who took part in everything that interested man, while 
 Mr. Spectator was a speculative onlooker of all professions but a partaker in 
 none. He is the ideal of the protestant middle class and combined the morality 
 of books with experience, thereby humanizing puritanism. 
 
 ’’As for distinct papers of the Spectator," says Tickell, "They were never or 
 
 seldom shown to each other by their respective authors; who fully answered the 
 
 promise they had made, and far outwent the expectation they had raised, of pur- 
 
 1. "Steele throughout Addison’s career seems to have waved the way for his suc- 
 ^^jsesses". John Dennis, "Studies in English Literature" London. 1383. ?.1?9 . 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
in 
 
 suing their labour in the same spirit and strength with which it was begun.” (2) 
 
 They differed greatly in their method of compositions Steele wrote as he lived, 
 
 freely and carelessly scattering the "coinage of his brain." His papers were 
 
 often incorrectly written; but his audience was not hard to please, and what he 
 
 (3) 
 
 lacked in con*ectness his contemporary and helper sunplied. Addison labored 
 
 over his compositions polishing, balancing, and recasting his sentences to attain 
 
 perfection of diction and rhythm. He carried this pract ice • o r ch en ertent 
 
 that he often times made his work thin end vire-arr-vn, it hr s not the reedy 
 
 * 
 
 flow and spontaneity of Steelts work; but he far surpasses his associate in the 
 perfection of literary form. Addison’s reserve and adherence to t,e rules of 
 
 the school of taste led him to shrink from all bold, vigorous, or profound state- 
 ments. Consequently his writings lack emphasis and fire. Steele was entirely 
 responsible for the paper, and if some of his numbers are of unequal merit, it 
 must never be forgotten that he was compelled to write whenever he had no article 
 by his friends ready to hand, whereas they only wrote when they found some sub- 
 ject which specially interested them. 
 
 Addison and Steele had no definite or limited number of subjects upon which 
 
 each one wrdte. We may safely say, however, that the realm of childhood and the 
 
 study of lower life belong to Steele, since it is hard to conceive of Addison 
 
 choosing a subject in either of these fields. Regarding the respective merits 
 
 of these two friends in the realm of literary criticism, opinions vary. In 
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 the early numbers of the "Spectator", Addison ran a series of witty attacks on 
 the Italian opera to which the English stage was being subjected at that time. 
 After this series on the drama, in which he taught his readers to distinguish 
 true wit from false, and the requirements of dramatic production, he began a 
 
 2. Aitken - "Steele" I, p. 311. 
 
 3. "Mr. Richard Nutt, ... rememoered txi&t tne press was stopped, and not seldom, 
 but not always by Addison, as has been affirmed, solely for the sake of in- 
 serting new prepositions or conjunctions; it was often stopped, he said, for 
 want of copy. In these cases he had sometimes a hard task to find Steele, who 
 frequently furnished him with the needful supply, written hastily in a room 
 adjoining the printing office." "A& d -i son i a " » PP» 20-21. 
 
 
 J 
 

 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 . • . 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
28 
 
 study of "Pradise Lost”, a work offering a wide range apt for quotation* Of 
 these passages Addison made ample use* Steele had loyally supported ^ddison 
 
 in his dramatic criticism by contributing when an opportunity opened that woul . 
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 admit a paper of a humerous character. But Steele was unable to follow Addison 
 in his dogmatic criticism of '’Paradise Lost*" 
 
 Steele had a real dramatic sense, which Addison did not possess; further- 
 more he knew and loved the drama, especially Shakespeare* He criticized Shake- 
 speare’s plays as no other critic of the age did, that is to say, not from the 
 classical standpoint* Shakespeare was his standard of authority and his model 
 
 for stage reformation. Steele maintained as high a standard in other literary 
 
 (7) 
 
 fields as he did in drama. He frequently referred to end quoted from Milton 
 
 with admiration and reverence; and he thus led the way to Addison’s more ©lab- 
 
 (3) 
 
 orate yet not so appreciative papers on "Paradise Lost." 
 
 Addison's success in allegorical writing was due, in ps.ru at least, to the 
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 assistance of Steele and Swift. Steele had carelessly tried his hand at allegory 
 thus showing Addison how it might be done, and Addison, acting on a hint from 
 Swift, revived the classical myth, taking Plato and Ovid for his chief models. 
 Swift in "Tattler" number 67 suggested that the most famous characters of all time 
 
 .l,V> 
 
 & 
 
 might be represented as seated at a banquet, addison, ^this suggestion in mind, 
 
 produced his first allegorical masterpiece on the two kinds of immortality in 
 
 collaboration with Steele in "Tatler” number 81 and followed it up with other 
 
 ( 10 ) 
 
 numbers* These visions and dreams point very commonplace morals, but they 
 astonish by their boldness of fancy and eompell belief by their realism of de- 
 tail. 
 
 (6) ’’Spectators” 22, 36, 65* 
 
 (7) "Tatlers” Nos. 40, 98, 149. 
 
 (8) ’’Even the purpose of literary criticism, afterwards so fully elaborated by 
 Addison, are anticipated by his friend, who may fairly claim the honor to have 
 been the first to speak with adequate respect of the genius of Milton.” 
 
 Gourthope, "Addison," "English Men of Letters,” V, 104. 
 
 (9) "latler" no. 48. 
 
 (10) "Spectators" nos. 97, 100, 120, 123, 146, 147, 161. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 * 
 
 
 
 
29 
 
 In August of 1712. tha Stamp Act was passed. This was one of the last 
 measures of the Tory ministry which Bolingbroke introduced hoping thereby to 
 
 (ID 
 
 destroy the influence of ’’Grub Street.” Evidently this tax had been contem- 
 plated for some time before it became a law, for we find a reference to it as 
 
 ( 12 ) 
 
 early as January in the "Journal to Stella." All the papers except the "Spec- 
 tator" advanced their price just the value of the stamps, a half-penny extra. 
 
 a fact that caused no little grumbling - and that made Addison i t for , *11 
 
 (13) 
 
 his powers of special pleading to vindicate tae additional r*ise. 
 
 This tax caused a wholesale slaughter of the imitators of tne "Spectator" anc 
 "Tatler", but the "Spectator" did not chuckle over their fall. Addison says, 
 ("Spectator" number 445, July 31, 1712.) "This is the hay on which many imi- 
 nent authors will probably publish their Last tfords. I am afraid that few of 
 our weekly Historians, who are men that above others delight in War, will be 
 able to subsist under the weight of a Stamp, and a»^approaching Peace." 
 
 The contributor of the third member of what Swift himself called this 
 "triumvirate" to these periodicals was slight. After Swift joined forces with 
 the Tories a coldness sprang up between him and his friends. Swift had con- 
 scientiously tried to keep on good terms with Addison and Steele, and few, if 
 any, men of letters ever had such splendid opportunities for aiding his fellow 
 craftsmen as had Swift during these years, or ever used these opportunities 
 more freely. He tried to keep the Gazettership for Steele and his efforts 
 
 would no doubt have been successful if Addison had not interfered as Swift said 
 
 (11) "national Dictionary of 3iography,"Uew York, 1908. XVII, 62?. 
 
 (12) "Do you know that Grub Street is dead c ' gone las 5 reek? Do more ghosts 
 or murders now for love or money. I plied it pretty close the lsst fortnight, 
 and published at least seven penny papers of nr- own, besides some of other 
 neoples; but now every single half sheet pays a half penny to the Queen, 
 
 The Observer is fallen; the lledleys are jumbled together with the Plying Post; 
 the Examiner is deadly sick; the Spectator keeps up, and doubles its price; I 
 know not how long it will hnld." "Journal to "Stella,” p. 379. 
 
 (13) "Spectator" no. 448. 
 
„ 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 • . - •'1 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .1 
 
 . 
 
 . . 
 
 
30 
 
 "out of spite.” To us, however, it seems more probable that Addison's course 
 was here influenced by his belief that the submission and apology to Harley 
 would savour of party infidelity. A coldness followed; "All our friendship is 
 over," says Swift of Addison, and though good feeling revived between the prin- 
 cipals, their intimacy ceased. Swift, swept into the vortex of politics, 
 practically lost sight of Addison; though at times they met on c vil terms. 
 
 There are occasional references to the "Spectator" in the "Journal to Stellr" 
 
 which show Swift's attitude toward the periodical end air opinion of it. "I rm 
 
 sorry I sent you the Examiner, for the printer is going to orint them in a 
 
 small volume The Spectators are likewise printing in a larger and a smaller 
 
 volume, so I believe they are going to leave off, and indeed people grow weary 
 
 114) 
 
 of them, though they are often prettily written." 
 
 Swift was quite right in his conjecture that the "Spectator" was drawing to 
 
 its close, but quite wrong in the reasons he suggests for the public was by no 
 
 means weary of it. The periodical was discontinued in the year 1712 for no 
 
 apparent reason except the fact that Addison and Steele were interested in 
 
 other things. In preparation for this the various members of the club had been 
 
 disposed of by their creators; but Steele ceased printing the paper before the 
 
 (15) 
 
 date agreed upon and without either Addison's knowledge or consent. The 
 "Spectator" is a lasting monument to the friendship of these men. Steele had 
 expressed a wish that they might produce a work together expressly for this 
 purpose but it is doubtful if any other form of literature would heve served the 
 purpose as effectively as does this periodical. Addison, doubtless, had trie- 
 same idea in mind when he wrote the lines of the well known hymn 'Tinted in 
 "Spectator" number 453. 
 
 ( 14) "Journal to Stella," Bohn edition, p. 272. 
 
 (15) "The reason for this reticence are not obvious, but the fact is note- 
 worthy as exhibiting Steele's confidence in his own judgment and resources. 
 
 Hr was always 0 — .u. receive literary aid from Addison, but in no instance doe 
 he seem to have acted as if dependent upon it." John Dennis, "Studies in 
 English Literature," p. 180. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 ■ •- 
 
 
 ♦ 
 
 
 
 ■ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
31 
 
 11 Thy bounteous hand with world bliss 
 Has made my oup run o’er. 
 
 And in a kind and faithful friend 
 Has doubled all lay store." 
 
 The paper was afterwards revived by Addison, but it never regained its 
 former popularity. In this additional volume, however, Steele had no part. 
 
 In this literary partnership Steele was the pioneer, he blazed the 
 
 trail in all their undertakings and supplied the rough but original conceptions. 
 
 He had greater originality but less effectiveness than Addison. He conceived 
 
 the idea of the union of the personal essay and periodical magazine and Addison 
 
 perfected it; he discovered the essential elements of the short story, he was 
 
 on the verge of inventing the epistalatory novel, without substantially in- 
 
 (16) 
 
 fluencing the development of either genure. This ineffectiveness is of oourse 
 partly due to his own dilatory nature and unstable life, but it was also largely 
 due to Addison's influence. Steele turned from developing his own ideas toward 
 the novel to follow Addison who had invented the serial essay. While they 
 worked together, Addison in his self-oontained way and lofty superiority, seems 
 to have restrained the initiative of his more impulsive friend. But, while 
 Addison curbed his companion's talents, he developed his own with the utmost 
 efficiency and without either a large fund of ideas or sympathy he won for him- 
 self immortal fame. 
 
 Considered as a whole, Addison's life between 1693 and 1710 was a time 
 of waiting upon the wishes of the Whig leaders; while doing literary v/ork he had 
 been in readiness to serve his party. In the year 1712, when the "Spectator" 
 was dropped and Button's established, he became a politician instead of a man 
 of letters. From an amusing, instructive essayist he beoau.e a practical man of 
 affairs. Like Swift among the Tory writers, he stood, in 1712, as advisor 
 
 (16) "Cambridge History of English Literature," IX, 72 
 

 
 
to the minor writers among the Whigs, and consequently became medirry oet7veen 
 them and the party leaders. 
 
 When the "Spectator" was dropped, Addison was busy on his drama "Cato," 
 and Steele soon started a new periodical, "The Guardian," This paper never 
 attained the degree of litorary merit and popularity of its predecessors. In 
 the first issues Addison had no part but later he became a regular contributor 
 and a considerable number of the hundred and seventy-five papers were written 
 by him. In the collected edition Steele gave his usual hearty appreciation and 
 acknowledgnent of Addison's help: "All those papers which are distinguished by 
 
 the mark: of an hand were written by a gentleman who has obliged the world with 
 productions too sublime to admit that the author of them should receive any 
 addition to his reputation from such loose occasional thoughts as make up these 
 
 (IV) 
 
 little treatises. For which reason his name shall be concealed," 
 
 If Swift in former days had grumbled rightly over the Whig tone of the "Spec- 
 tator", he found greater cause for offense in this new daily, Steele announced 
 at the beginning of the paper that political discussion and ne- s would be admit- 
 ted in its columns and he am soon made it e party organ. The papers became 
 more and more con ,rovers&l until finally the literary charm of the earlier num- 
 bers disappeared, luring his work on the previous periodicals Steele had been 
 subservient to Addison in politics; but Addison no longer had the influence to 
 chech Steele in his political activities, or if he had the influence he did not 
 care to exert it. After the predominance of politics had given "The Guardian" 
 its death blow, after which Steele started "The Lover," Addison contributed one 
 paper to this new venture and two essays to Steele's next project, 11 The Reader," 
 Then each of them began a separate paper, "Town-Talk" by Steele, and the "Free- 
 holder" by Addison. The former was for news and gossip and the latter was a 
 political paper written in behalf of the Hanoverian dynasty. The "Freeholder" 
 (17) Aitken, "Steele." 
 
 I, 364 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
33 
 
 contains so many appeals to the fair sex that we are not surprised that Steele 
 
 might think the government had employed a flute when they ought to have taken 
 a trumpet. The ••Freeholder," however, was very successful, for its argument is 
 sound, its humor (particularly in the characterization of the Tory Fox Hunter) 
 is delightful, and its style is nearly flawless. 
 
 In this same year, March 10, 1716, Addison’s comedy "The Drummer" war scted 
 
 at Drury Lane. There has been some doubt about; the authorship of this tedious 
 
 play as Tickell did not include it in the edition of Addison's collected works 
 
 (13) 
 
 which he published soon after the author's death. Concerning txiis dreme Steele, 
 in one of the daily numbers of "The Daily Courant"in which it was published, 
 said that it had been in the hands of the author for some years and at last thru 
 his persuasion it had been produced on the stage after some alterations which 
 he had suggested to the author, MLso, in the last number of "Town Talk", Steele 
 spoke of it as a comedy "written with wit, humor, good sense, good breeding, 
 and knowledge of the world. The whole is like a tale told by a well-bred gentle- 
 man, who pleases you in every part of it, but fails to make you laugh in any. 
 
 1 should rather say that, as ridiculous as many parts of this play are, they 
 are ridiculous only to polite people." This is a piece of excellent criticism; 
 Addison’s style was too refined to suit the taste of an ordinary audience. 
 Furthermore, Addison had little dramatic power, and nractically no knowledge of 
 the requirements of the theatre, such as Steele had gained through actual con- 
 tact and practical experience in theatrical mane percent . 
 
 The year 1716 was important in another sense in Addison's relations r t. Ms 
 
 contemporaries as it was the year of his mrrriage, after e long rnd assiduous 
 
 courtship, to the Countess of Warwick. It seems a commonly accented opinion 
 
 among the biographers of Addison that in this marriage ae was not particularly 
 
 happy; at any rate his habits were changed and he became less intimate with his 
 
 (18) It was attributed to Steele but the style and composition of the play are 
 unlike Steele's work. 
 
34. 
 
 former friends. Previous to his marriage he had set up his court at button’s 
 
 (19) 
 
 a former servant of the Countess, and his days -were snent in the following 7 /ay: 
 "He had in the house with him Sudgell end perhaps Philips. is chief comn-nion? 
 were Steele, Budgell, Philips, Carey, Davenent, and Colonel ; .utt. With one of 
 these he always breakfasted. He studied all morning, then cined eta tavern 
 
 J20I 
 
 and went afterwards to Button’s. 
 
 During these years Addison and Steele had drifted apart. There had been no 
 
 open rupture, but their difference in political views was the chief cause of 
 
 their coldness. Addison was a greater party man than Steele could over bring 
 
 himself to be, but he was less violent and more cautious than Steele. The 
 
 financial trouble of the first few years of the decade, upon which iiacaulay lays 
 
 so much stress, apparently cause no abatement in the friendship of ^.ddison and 
 
 Steele. If Addison meant his foreclosure, which threw Steele out of house and 
 
 home, to be an act of friendship, Steele took it in the sane spirit. But a 
 
 coolness sprang up between them soon after their work on the periodicals ceased 
 
 and in one of Steele’s letters to his wife he says "I do not ask of Ilr. Secretary 
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 Addison anything." This was the attitude between them in 1719 when the final 
 rupture occured. In this year a bill to limit the number of peers in PIngland 
 was introduced into Parliament. Steele opposed the bill and started "The 
 Plebian" for this purpose. The cudgels were at once taken up in behalf of the 
 bill by Addison in "The Old Whig," Addison began the exchange of personal in- 
 vectives and hot words followed. Steele said the author of "The Old Whig” was 
 "somebody used to masquerading" and Addison ridiculed the nemd of "Plebian" "a 
 
 (19) "It is said that when Addison had suffered any vexation from the Countess, 
 he 7/ithdrew the company from Button’s house." 
 
 Johnson, "Lives of the Poets," Hill ed. II, 122 - 123. 
 
 (20) Johnson, "Ibid," 122. 
 
 (21) Aitken, "Steele," II, 215. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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35 
 
 title which he is by no means fond of retaining if we may give oredit to many 
 shrewd guessers;" he also went out of his way to refer maliciously to the Fish 
 Pool soheme of Steele. The quarrel continued until Steele dosed it in the 
 last number of the ''Plebian' 1 by a dignified quotation from "Cato" preoeded by 
 these words, "Authors in these cases are named upon suspicion; and if it is 
 right as to "The Old Whig", I leave the world to Judge if this oause by compari- 
 son of this performance to his other writings. And I hhall say no more of vassal- 
 age but end this paper by firing every free breast with that noble exhortation 
 of the tragedian :- 
 
 "Remember, 0 my friends, the laws of the rights 
 The generous plan of power, delivered down 
 From age to age by your renowned forefathers, 
 
 (So dearly bought, the price of so muoh blood.) 
 
 0 let it never perish in your hands! 
 
 But piously transmit to your children." 
 
 Mr. Addison’s "Cato." 
 
 So ended this controversy, which Dr. Johnson called a "bellum plusquam 
 oivile." The quarrel was never made up as Addison died soon after its termina- 
 tion. Steele felt the death of his friend very keenly, and forgot all their 
 disagreeable differences in his words of praise for him. For several years 
 Steele had been Jealous of Addison’s friendship with Philips and Tickell, a faot 
 that possibly aids in explaining the coldness between him and Addison, and he 
 was genuinely grieved because Addison left to Tickell the task of collecting 
 and publishing his works. Steele was infinitely better qualified for the work, 
 sinoe Tickell, for all Addison’s patronage and friendship, looked upon his 
 benef aotor ooldly. The faot that Steele was Jealous of Tickell partly acoounts 
 for the annoyance whioh he displays in the following rather incoherent letter to 
 Tonson, written a month after the death of Addison:- 
 
* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 - 
 
Mr. Sr 
 
 36 
 
 I apprehend, certain persons desire to separate the works of Mr. Addison 
 from nine in a Book called the Tatler. Be pleased to observe tnai 1 insist 1 
 pay’d. !r .Addison for what he writ under that title, and a Title of the whole to 
 Nutt, as there is a remainder according to ^ct of parliament in Writings to 
 Authors of which my Family shall not be bereft. Mr* Addison is the last man who 
 shall be patiently suffer’d in doing unreasonable things (that he has you must 
 know ) to 
 
 Sr 
 
 Your Most Humble Ser nt 
 
 Richard Steele 
 
 July 19, 1719. 
 
 Steele’s old affection for his "dear and honored friend" soon returner] and 
 blotted out any resentment he felt. In the following February he wrote a n«“oer, 
 which was not published, on their long friendship and the differences of opinion 
 which separated them. "Thus these two men lived for some years last past, shun- 
 ning each other, but still preserving the most passionate concern for their 
 mutual welfare. But when they met they were as unreserved as boys, and talked 
 
 of the greatest affairs, upon which they saw where they differed, without press- 
 
 122 ) 
 
 ing (which they knew impossible) to convert each other." 
 
 In compliance with Addison* s wish, delivered to him by Tickell, Steele mark- 
 ed the papers from "The fatler" to be included in the Tickell edition of Addi- 
 son’ s"v;orks". Addison , himself, had marked his contributions to "The Spectator," 
 an act which in Steele's opinion showed too great a sensibility on the part of 
 the author. But since it was done Steele thought it better that it should be 
 supposed that the papers were marked by him rather than by Addison himself. By 
 this demand Tickell exposed the real state of Affairs. This act grieved Steele 
 
 (22) Aitken, "Steele," 
 
 II 216 - 217 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 4 ■ 9 irtv ] 
 
 
 
 
 
 , 
 
 
37. 
 
 as he was much prouder of his friendship with Addison than any literary fame he 
 might have gained by being thought the author of any of Addison's writings. 
 
 When Addison and Steele ceased working together, each of them became a second 
 
 I 
 
 rate writer, They did their best work in conjunction, each supplied what the 
 
 other lacked. Addison looked to Steele for initiative, end new ideas and in turn 
 
 taught Steele perserverance and perfection in coranosi tion. Thus t>>ere should 
 
 be no disparaging comparison to either of then, as each ram v'r re: t in : 
 
 particular contribution to the development of English literature. Nevertheless, 
 
 Steele's ungrudging praise for his famous contemporary ha:; often led Addison’s 
 
 admirers to praise their hero at hick's expense. Fielding has very aptly satir- 
 
 (23) 
 
 ized their efforts. He represents Virgil as putting Addison a little out of 
 
 countenance, upon which the critic "turned aside to a merry spirit, one hick 
 
 Steele," who embraced him, and told him he had been the greatest man on earth, 
 w- 
 
 that, readily resigned up all merit of his own works to him. Upon which Addison 
 gave him a gracious smile, and clapping him on the back with much solemnity, 
 cried out,*Well said, hick."’ 
 
 It was through the pages of the "Spectator" that Addison came to know Pope. 
 
 The "Essay on Criticism" was published in 1711 and in that same year in one of 
 the December numbers of the "Spectator" Addison praised highly this work of the 
 young poet, classing it as an equal of Dryden's, Roscommon's, and Sheffield's 
 critical masterpieces. He censured some attacks upon contemporaries, a reference 
 obviously to the lines upon Dennis, but quite overbalanced there censurer by his 
 compliments. As Pope was probably anxious to enter Addison's clique, he r 
 delighted to have this notice of his .appesr, especially 'fter Dennis’s furious 
 attack upon it. Pope immediately wrote a profuse letter of thanks to Steele, 
 who in answering it revealed to him the real author of the paper and also prom- 
 ised him an introduction to Addison. This meeting took place some time in the 
 following year for Pope says, "L3y acquaintance with Mr. Addison commenced in 1712i 
 (23) Fielding, "Journey from This World to the Hext," ch. 8. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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38 . 
 
 I liked him then as well as any man, and was very fond of his conversation. It 
 
 was very soon after that Ir. Addison advised me not to he content with the 
 
 applause of half the nation. He used to talk much and often to rae of moderation; 
 
 in parties: and used to blame his dear friend Steele for being too much of a 
 
 party man. He encouraged me in my design of translating the 'Iliad,’ which was 
 
 (24) 
 
 begun in that year and finished in 1718 •" 
 
 In this year, 1712, Pope was writing the “Rape of the Lock}" before publishing 
 it,. he asked Addison to read and criticize it. Addison did so and administered 
 “a little dose of cold water" with his advise in regard to Pope's proposed intro- 
 duction of fairy machinery. Addison did not think this innovation would add any- 
 thing to the beauty of the poem and he said it would be a pity to spoil the work. 
 But Fope did not take Addison's advice, and soon came to suspect that Addison had 
 designedly advised him wrongly. 
 
 It was in the early numbers of the “Guardian" that Addiron first aroused Pone’d 
 jealousy by praising, in a series of articles in pastoral poetry, the works of 
 Ambrose Philips. The pastorals of Philips were held up as models end Pope's 
 works of the same class were not mentioned. Pope, whose ambition was to be the 
 first English poet of his age, was extremely vexed and planned an ingenious re- 
 venge. He sent an anonymous article to Steele, professedly a continuation of 
 the previous articles and ostensibly to remove any partiality that Pope might 
 feel at the omission of his works. The design was admirably concealed in the 
 first part, but the irony was soon transparent. Philip's affectation was con- 
 trasted with the best selections from Pope's own pastorals to show the polish and jjj 
 originalit^of the treatment of the subjects by pope. Steele did not detect the 
 real purpose of the paper, nor did Addison enlighten him. The permission of Pope 
 
 was then secured to print it. Philips saw through the device at once and he was 
 
 ! 
 
 (24) Spence, "Anecdotes," London, 1820, pp £1 - 22 
 

 
 
 
 
 
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 ♦ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 , 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
furious at Pope 
 
 79 . 
 
 I 
 
 The grand climax of Addison’s literary career c&me he following /e-r, 1 1?, 
 
 with his tragedy on the death of Cato. his work hod been planner! -nr- largely 
 
 written during his travels aoroad. The first four sets were finished end hao 
 
 been shown to those who were likely to spread their reputation. Pope and Gibber 
 
 read the manuscript, and Pope advised Addison not to attempt a stage production 
 
 but to publish it. At last Addison was prevailed upon by his friends to allow 
 
 (25) 
 
 it to be produced. The completion of the play seemed distasteful to Addison 
 and he asked Hughes to write the closing act, Hughes agreed to undertake the 
 task, but when he returned with it partly written he found .addison hard at work 
 on the act himself, Steele said that the act was written in a week; and the 
 fact that it is brief, irregular, and hurried in structure makes this statement 
 quite probable. 
 
 Pope wrote the Prologue and in the spirit of the play said, ’’Britons, arise, 
 
 be worth like this approved,” meaning nothing more than, Britons, erect and 
 
 exalt yourselves to the approbation of public virtue. But Addison was fright- 
 
 ( 26 ) 
 
 ened at its rebellious sound and had the author change the wording to "attend." 
 
 The play was produced on April the fourteenth and Swift gives us a very in- 
 teresting picture of the rehearsal in which he says the drab who v- r to act the 
 
 (? 7 ) 
 
 part of Cato’s daughter did not know her lines. This is the only record we 
 have of Swift’s theatre attendance during these years. 
 
 Steele packed the audience, a precaution that was hardly necessary, but he 
 says," I promised before it was acted, and performed my duty according to the 
 author, that I would bring together so just; an audience on the first days of it 
 
 (£5) "His friends of the first quality and distinction prevailed with him to 
 put the last finishing fouch to it, at a time when they thought the doctrine 
 of liberty very seasonable.” 
 
 ”Addison’ s works," Preface, p. 9. 
 
 (26) warburton. Pope’s "Works”, I, p. 216. 
 
 (27) Swift, "Journal to Stella," p. 452. 
 
 

 
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 . 
 
 
 
40. | 
 
 that it should be impossible for the vulgar to put its success or due applause 
 
 to any hazard.” This success was due partly to its worth and partly to Booth’s 
 
 acting, but principally to its appeal to party spirit, the play was produced 
 
 (28) 
 
 for several weeks. 
 
 At the publication the Wits seemed proud to pay their r , ttendance to the 
 author of "Cato” by encomiastic verses. Among those who contributed were Steele, 
 Hughes, Young, Tickell, Jeffreys, Ambrose Philips, end Gay who afterwards 
 parodied a part of "Cato” in "The What D’ye Call It.” And when the play was 
 printed notice was given that tne siueen wished it dedicated to her; but the au- 
 thor had other designs and he was obliged, said Tickell, "by his duty on the 
 
 one hand, and his honor on the other, to send it into the world without a dedi- 
 (29) 
 
 cation. 
 
 ho sooner was "Cato” offered to the reader than it was attacked by the"Acute 
 Malignity” of the critic Dennis. The universality of applause had no other 
 effect than to harden Dennis in his fixed dislike for a successful play. His 
 dislike was not merely capricious - he found and showed many faults - he show- 
 ed them indeed in anger but he found them with acuteness. To understand the 
 basis of this attack by Dennis we must go back to Addison's critical works in 
 the periodicals. 
 
 I 
 
 Previous to 1710 neither Addison or Dennis has left any record of their dif- |j 
 ferences; and even in their greatest disagreement Dennis regarded his contemn- jj 
 orary as a man of remarkable parts. Both of them had contributed to the "Third 
 Miscellany" of Dryden, and Dennis’s poem cn the battle of Rrmille-s had been 
 praised by Addison. Through his opposition to the unmerited success of some 
 
 (28) Addison was the first to depart from the custom of distributing free tick- 
 ets. He gave the managers all his profits from this play and they cleared -fc 1350 
 each that year. Gene st," Hi story of the Drama" 1660 - 1830. London 1832, II , 512. 
 
 (29) Addison’s "Works”, Preface, p. 9. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 - 
 
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41 
 
 of the principal writers of the day Dennis brought on most of his conflicts. 
 
 By 1711 nearly every man of letters of this younger generation came under his 
 (30) 
 
 condemnation. But Addison and Dennis lived in at least nominal peace until the 
 appearance of '’Spectator” number 40, with its attack on the critic’s favorite 
 theory of poetic justice, which it branded as a "ridiculous Doctrine in llodern 
 Criticism," with, "no Foundation in Nature, in Reason, or in the practice of the 
 Ancients." Dennis sent a prompt reply to Steele as he naturally supposed he 
 was the author of the article# Addison made no direct rer>ly, but he returned 
 to the subject about a year later in tne 443rd number (July 16, 171?.) ?nd 
 again in the 548th. It -was only a few days after this, however, that he made 
 what seems to have been an attack on Dennis in the essay on butts. Dennis felt 
 this keenly as he had apparently expected a favorable recognition of his work 
 by the "Spectator". Under these circumstances his sarcastic letter to Steele, 
 whom he supposed to be the author, is quite natural. From his long letter to 
 Henry Cromwell it may be presumed that he had thought Steele the author of the 
 critique on old ballads which he censures. Several months later in “Spectator" 
 number 253 Addison devoted the issue to a discussion of the ill nature of critics 
 with too apparent reference to Dennis for him not to be justly offended. 
 
 Uhile the relations we re thus strained between Dennis and the authors of the 
 "Spectator" "Cato" was produced. Dennis, as we said above, could not sit quiet- 
 ly during a successful play; no doubt he was also prompted by his genuine desire 
 to promote the welfare of the drama, and thus welcomed with joy this chance as 
 an opportunity to "retort personal injuries" as well as do real literary work. 
 
 He was persuaded by his small circle of friends to prepare some remark? on "Or to' 
 "These remarks were not published immediately but his letter to uckinghera “ho 
 
 (30) "Had he died in 1710, Dennis would now be remembered as & small dramatist 
 and pamphleteer and as a much better critic - a man who, for the most part, was 
 esteemed and respected by his contemporaries; and he would have been spared a 
 petulant old ape filled with quarrels with some of his celebrated contemporaries 
 Swift and SteelLe, Addison and Pope, brawls which for two centuries have been 
 used to stig?natize him in literary history." Paul, H. 0. "John Dennis," p. 53. 
 
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tried to persuade him not to publish them showed his dee^ resentment Pt the 
 
 (51) 
 
 treatment he had received at the hands of the "Spectotor. " He describes it rs 
 
 "not only an assination but one of the bleckest sort. v;r- s done in the dnrk, 
 
 no Erovocation in the least given, no name to the Paper, and no Author Known, 
 
 (32) 
 
 when at the same Time, they openly profes’t Friendship to me," Dennis stated in 
 the Preface to these "Remarks" that he was laying himself open to abusive re- 
 plies, and he was not at all deceived. Pope saw in this attack an excellent 
 chance for a triple pleasure to himself, of seeing "Cato” attacked, Addison an- 
 gered at Dennis, and himself afforded another excuse for ridiculing the author 
 of the "Reflections Upon the Essay on Criticism." Under the guise of doing a 
 friendly service to Addison, Pope published a pamphlet entitled the "Narrative 
 of the Frenzy of John Dennis." It is written in the style of coarse satire of 
 which Swift was a master, but for which Pope was very ill-fitted. The result 
 was only an explosion of brutal, contemptuous, vulgar hatred. He says nothing 
 whatsoever of Dennis’s criticism which shows that his purpose was not to defend 
 Dennis’s victim but to pay a personal grudge. Addison, who was no stranger to 
 the ways of the world, very easily and naturally saw through this nretense of 
 friendship on Pope’s part, and resolved to let him reap the benefit of his 
 officiousness. Therefore, in his majestic vsy he commissioned Steele to -rite 
 the following letter to the publisher of the "Remarks on Cato:" 
 
 (31) Dennis, "Letters Familiar, Loral, and Critical," Londonl721, I,p.56. 
 
 (52) "In the "Remarks" Dennis’s shrewd, independent observation frequently 
 breaks through his respect for the rules, then so generously accepted in judging 
 the merits of a play. In his regard for the unity of place Addison had confined 
 his various scenes of conspiracy, senatorial council, and love making all to 
 the hall of the governor of Utica's palace, a weakness which Dennis was quick 
 to ridicule." 
 
 Paul, "John Dennis," 
 
 P. 68 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 August 4, 1713. 
 
 " Mr. nintot, 
 
 Mr. Addison desires me to tell you tiiat he wholly disapproves the manner 
 of treating Mr. Dennis in a little pamphlet by the way of Dr. Norris 1 s account. 
 When he thinks fit to take notice of Mr. Dennis's objections to his writings, 
 he will do so in a way that Mr. Dennis will have no reason to complain of. 
 
 But when the papers above mentioned were offered to be communicated to him, he 
 said he couldfleither in Honour or in Conscience be privy to such a Treatment, 
 and was very sorry to hear of it. 
 
 I am. Sir, 
 
 Your very humble Servant, 
 
 Richard Steele, " 
 
 It was not until September 10, 1714, over a year later that Add son replied 
 
 to Dennis in the "Spectator." He knew the policy of literature too well to 
 
 direct the attention of the public to the criticism of an enemy, which, though 
 
 sometimes over zealous, was often infrangible. This paper was his discussion 
 
 of modern cities, in which he censured those writers who make it a rule to fall 
 
 (33) 
 
 vehemently upon every successful play. He enforced his argument by an attack 
 upon the critic’s own plays, few of which had "ever been disgraced by a run of 
 Three Days." Then as a final shot he declared tiiat "the words Unity, Action, 
 Sentiment, and Diction pronounced with an air of authority, gave them, «* the 
 Critics,- a Figure among unlearned Readers, who are apt to believe tiiat they are 
 deep because they are unintelligible." 
 
 There were comparatively few personalities exchanged in this difference, and 
 it is quite probable that Congreve had no great difficulty in persuading Addi- 
 son, in 1717, to subscribe to the old critic's works. Nor was Dennis ungenerous 
 
 (35) "Cato" had other honors; it was ©ensured jy an Oxford scholar as a narty 
 play and it was acted at Oxford three times before a crowded ho re w' great 
 applause. And Tickell says it "was acted in most of t-.e languages of Christen- 
 dom." Addison's "Y/orks." Preface, p.9. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
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44 . 
 
 in his praise of Addison after the latter’s death. He said of Addison that 
 
 he "was certainly a Learned and Ingenious Man: And several of the "Tatlers" 
 
 and "Spectators" which were writ by him deserve the applause they met with.” 
 
 Addison attempted to explain the charm of the old ballads of "Chevy Chase" 
 
 ( 34 ) 
 
 and "The Child in the Wood", and subject them to the rules of neo-classicism* 
 
 In this work Addison was attempting to judge a class of literature by a stand- 
 ard that had no application to folklore, and thereby brought upon himself the 
 wrath of the old critic. Dennis declared that poetry accomplishes its end 
 through figurative language and harmony, and that these qualities were not 
 found in the ballads praised by Addison, To substantiate his statement he quot- 
 ed Horace, Hatpin, and 3oileau; he even compared passages from t e ballads with 
 
 excerpts from Virgil, dealing with similar subjects, to shot? t e lack of harmony 
 ( 35 ) 
 
 in the ballads. In this attack Dennis forgot to futility of such r comn^riron 
 of works quite different in their nature. To Addison’s statement that ell neo- 
 pie enjoyed ballads he retorted that the rabble might judge tue debased but an 
 education was necessary to enjoy the exalted. This attack was utterly ignored 
 by Addison. 
 
 In Addison’s most pretentious critical work, the Saturday papers on "Paradise 
 Lost", he is indebted to Dennis who had championed the Puritan poet, anticipat- 
 ing by a dozen years much of the appreciation that has been frequently credited 
 ( 36 ) 
 
 to Addison. Dennis's criticism of .-.ddison’s "Paradise Papers" appeared in 1721. 
 The old critic was not angry but he was hurt at the treatment he had received 
 from Addison, and he had ample cause for his attitude. He says, "Some persons, 
 who long since the publication of the forementioned treatises - (Remarks on 
 Prince Arthur; The Advancement of Reformation of Modern Poetry; etc.J - began to 
 write notes on "Paradise Lost," have made peculiar mention of the same Beauties 
 
 (34) "Spectators", 74, 75. 
 
 (35) Dennis, "Original Letters." p. 166, 
 
 (36) Paul, "John Dennis", p. 189. 
 

45 . 
 
 which I have marked, out before, without making any mention of me. Though you 
 know very well, sir, that I can bring unquestionable proof that those persons 
 had read the forementioned Treatises, and read them with applause; but I should 
 not be the least concerned at the treating me so unfairly, if they had done 
 justice to Milton, thru' the course of their criticisms." 
 
 That Addison was indebted to Dennis seems quite probable nr Denni: -md or'-is- 
 ed a number of the passages Addison used and had insisted upon tne sublimity 
 of Milton in quite the same manner as did Addison. On this point, however, 
 Addison may also be indebted to Defoe, who in his "Jure Divino," 1706, had call- 
 ed attention to the grandeur of Milton, so that Addison might not have had 
 Dennis particularly in mind. But there is no doubt that the praise of Dennis 
 influenced Addison in this work. 
 
 In some of his critical theories Dennis was in advance of his age and far 
 
 in advance of Addison; for example, he stoutly maintained that emotion should 
 
 be the basis of poetry as an indication of the exaltation and inspiration of the 
 
 poet. This theory, .directly opposed to the classical spirit of the age, earned 
 
 for him the derisive name of "Sir Longinus." Dennis also held the modern theory 
 
 that poetry should be considered and studied as a product of a creative mind. 
 
 (37) 
 
 "Like Addison he accepted in the main the psychology enunciated by Hobbes and 
 
 he attempted to apply it in an explanation of the nrocess of literary creation 
 
 (33) 
 
 many years before Addison took up the discussion of the imagination," The fact 
 is that in some respects Dennis was far superior to Addison or any of hir 
 
 (37) Hobbes had defined the imagination as "conception remaining and little by 
 little decaying from and after the act of sense" and had maintained (laid III, 
 p. 6) "that images are either simple or compound, and that the Drain or spirit 
 being stirred by divers objects ©omposeth an imagination of divers conceptions 
 that appear single to the sense." 
 
 (38) Paul, "Dennis" pp 131 - 13£ 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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46 . 
 
 contemporaries as a critic and he probably influenced both Addison and Pope 
 more than either would have oared to admit. 
 
 Soon after the appearance of "Spectator" number 40, in which Addison set 
 forth his dramatic theories, Dennis made an attach upon them. Addison maintain- 
 ed that on account of the nature of its ending, tragi -comedy was less effective 
 than tragedy. He also stated that it was the product os the English stage 
 alone. Dennis took up the matter at once end oointea out that several plays 
 used by Addison as illustrations of pure tragedy or comedy were examples of 
 
 tragi-comedy. He adds that the "Spectator" is" vitally mistaken if he thinks 
 
 (39) 
 
 Tragi-comedy is the growth of our English Theatres." He admitted, however, that 
 an unfortunate ending is more effective than a happy one, out he did not deny 
 the use of the latter as Addison had. Furthermore, he took Addison to task for 
 deliberately "poisoning the town with false ideas of tragedy" in preparation 
 for his own "Cato." The fact that Addison set forth these ideas of tragedy is 
 certain but ills motive is uncertain. 
 
 It is possible that Addison was not aware of Pope’s authorship of the attack 
 on Dennis when he commissioned Steele to write to the Critic clearing Addison 
 of any complicity in the matter. At any rate there was no direct break between 
 Addison and Pope at this time, but Pope was losing favor in Addison’s circle 
 and was passing to that of Swift. In these years from 1712 to 1714 when politics 
 were breaking long friendships and creating factions. Pope, who had literary 
 friends in both parties, tried to remain neutral. Such a posit ion, however, 
 seemed practically untenable, and on the publication of his "Windsor Forest" in 
 1713, he became definitely allied v/ith the Tories. Addison , who understood the 
 Tory influence upon Pope, interfered to find an alternative force to ettrsct 
 Pope’s attention. The greatest desire of Pope's life was to be recognized as 
 England's greatest poet, a fact that Addison understood perfectly. He also 
 
 (39) Dennis, "Letters," p. 419 
 

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 knew that an alliance with either party would interfere wit the pttrinment of 
 this desire; therefore, he took steps to prevent any distinct avowal of politi- 
 cal affiliations on Pope’s part. In this action Addison sacrificed literary 
 
 ambition to political expediency, for he had no desire for a literary rival and 
 
 (40) 
 
 consequently he had no particular love for the rising young poet. Pope’s pro- 
 posed plan for the translation of the ‘'Iliad” gave Addison the opportunity to 
 interfere, not too officiously, in Pope's plans. Therefore, Addison writes to 
 Pope on November 2, 1713: "You gave me leave once to take the liberty of a 
 
 friend, in advising you not to content yourself with one half of the nation for 
 your admirers, when you might command them all. If I might take the liberty to 
 repeat it, I would on this occasion. I think you are very happy that you are 
 
 out of this fray •{ i.e, political controversy ) and I hope all your undertakings 
 
 (41) 
 
 will turn to the better account for it.” 
 
 Soon after the Queen’s death, Addison expressed to Jervis, the artist, his 
 desire to oblige Pope in any way that he could, but Pope received these advances 
 
 coldly. 
 
 (40) ”1 don’t think the great Mr, Addison liked young Mr, Po ->e, the Pspist, much; 
 I don’t think he abused him. But when Mr. Addison’s men abused Mr. Pope, I don’t 
 think Addison took his pipe out of his mouth to contradict them,” 
 
 Thackerary, "Works, ""English Humorists,” Beacon ed. N. Y. XXIII, 53 - 54. 
 
 (41) Pope’s "Works,” VI, 402. 
 
 Warton also has an anecdote concerning "Windsor Forest,” to the effect that 
 Addison was very much chagrined both as a poet and politician. As a politician 
 because it celebrated the treaty of peace which he deemed pernicious to the 
 liberties of Europe; and as a poet because it excelled in poetic value his 
 "Campaign." 
 
 Courthope, "Addison," "English Men of Letters," 5, p. 84, questions the 
 authenticity of the anecdote. He thinks Addison was non-partisan in his literary ; 
 judgment but Stevens, "Politics and English Journalism," 1702 - 1734, p.22, in 
 a more recent study of the subject is of the opinion that Warton* s story is true, 
 and the circumstances make the opinion seem reasonable* 
 
. 
 
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48 . 
 
 However , in October of this same year, 1714, he wrote a polite letter to 
 Addison, hoping that their late coolness had worn off and asked him to look over 
 the first two books of his translation of the ’’Iliad.” A little later they met 
 at Button* s, where Addison asked Pope to dine with him, and after dinner he told 
 Pope that Tickell had a translation of the first book of the ’’Iliad” ready for 
 publication and wished him to look it overi he begged, therefore, to be excused 
 from looking over Pope’s work. Then Pope asked him to read his second book, 
 which Addison did, returning it with high praise. They were on friendly terms 
 again, but this renewed friendship was short-lived. 
 
 Pope’s first volume appeared in June, 1715, and in the same -eek Tickell’s 
 translation was published, with an explanation that it ws merely to oes^erk 
 
 ll 
 
 sympathy for a proposed translation of the Odyssey to appear later. Tne two 
 works were, very naturally, compared, and Pope’s anger was again aroused. Gay, 
 to add fuel to the fire, wrote to Pope on the eighth of July that Garth bid him 
 say that every one was pleased with Pope’s work, except a few at Button’s, and 
 that Steele had told him that Addison had said that Tickell's translation was 
 the best that ever was in any language. Thereupon, Pope wrote very bitterly of 
 Cato and his little Senate at Button’s. He said: ”1 translated Homer for the 
 
 public in general, ha, to gratify the inordinate desires of one man only. We 
 have, it seems, a Great Turk in poetry, who can never bear a brother on the 
 throne; and has his mutes, too, a set of nodders, winkers, and whisperers, 
 
 (42 ) 
 
 whose business is to strangle all other offsprings of wit in their birth.” 
 
 He also maintained that Philips and others were encouraged to abuse him by say- 
 ing that he and Swift were attempting to undermine the reputations of Philips, 
 
 Steele, and Addison. Then he declared there had been underhand work done in the 
 
 (43) 
 
 translation of "^ickell’s version. 
 
 (42) Pope, ’’Works,” London 1751, VII, 299. 
 
 (43) In the dedication of the 'Drummer" to Congreve, in 1722, Steele r oke of 
 Tickell as ”the reputed translator of the first oook of ^omer,” out Steele 
 was vexed with Tickell at this time. There is little douot tnat Tickell trans- 
 lated the work published under his name. 
 

 
 
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 Pope’s resentment grew till he finally sent Addison trie bitter liner pub- 
 lished some years later as a character of Atticus. Addison after receiving 
 these lines, took occasion in his ’’Freeholder" to speak of Pope’s Homer in the 
 most friendly terms, nevertheless. Pope did not hesitate to quote and ridicule 
 a passage '•f Tickell’s translation as Addison’s work; though on the other .iand, 
 in the last of the ’’Moral Essays," he associated Addison* snane with that of 
 Virgil. 
 
 "Or in fair series laurelled bards he shown, 
 
 A Virgil there, and here an Addison." 
 
 This was the end of Pope’s and Addison’s literary relations. They drifted apart 
 Pope to Swift’s circle, while Addison became more and more engrossed in politics 
 and his own affairs. In later life Pope was very anxious to show that he had 
 enjoyed the friendship of a man so generally beloved as Addison, and also to 
 show that he had been treated with injustice if not downright treachery in- 
 spite of his own generous actions. According to Pope his lines on Addison were 
 investigated by a communication from Addison* s step-son, & highly improbable 
 story. Pope further declared that he had sent a copy of Atticus privately 
 to Addison preferring to tell him of his faults to his face rather thrn nublic- 
 ly. In this attack he admits Addison’s excellencies which serves to shrruen 
 and raise the attack from the level of the lampoon to that of a masterpiece of 
 satire. This encounter with Pope and his record of it is the only black page 
 
 in Addison's quite spotless career. It started investigations that have not 
 always been to the credit of Addison, 
 

 
 
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50 . 
 
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 CHAPTER IV 
 
 ADDISON* S POSITION IN HIS AGE 
 IN SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 
 
 In many notable respects Addison was the most important literrry figure of 
 his age. This position was accorded him for learning, especially in the 
 classic literatures} his genius for making and retaining friendships; his 
 political position and influence; and his general literary aoility. He was a 
 typical Oxford man of his age, with his interest in politics, literature, and 
 devotion to the classics. His college had a pride and enthusiasm for him that 
 were fervid throughout his entire life and which still burn steadily. 
 
 During his Oxford residence he made important political friendships with 
 two of the great Whig leaders, Halifax and Somers. These men exercised a potent 
 influence upon the career and fortune of Addison. Through his writings lie ob- 
 tained his first official position and his patrons in return for his political 
 aid secured promotion for him. Thus he became a master in his party, a leader 
 and director of the minor literary men among the Whigs, and rose from one polit- 
 ical position to another until he reached the sumnit in the Secretaryship of 
 State. Consequently he stands as the best example in the history of English 
 literature of a state official who raised himself to his political prominence by 
 the employment of his pen. The chief recommendations of Addis Ion in noli tics 
 were his discreetness and conservatism. He was ruled by a sound judgment and p 
 common sense view of life. These qualities mude him a reliable m:n in the 
 ranks of his party, and one upon whom it was safe to confer positionsof author- 
 ity. Furthermore, he possessed a characteristic not found among any of his 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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51 . 
 
 literary contemporaries, namely a keen facility for sizing up and unobtrusively 
 directing the actions of men with whom he c&mein contact. 
 
 With his great contemporary Swift, Addison had no very clore literary relr- 
 tionst their intimacy came rather from personal regard for each other. Their 
 acquaintance and friendship began early in the century and lasted tnrougnout 
 Addison’s life, although rather intermittently after Swift allied nimself with 
 the Tories. Swift loved Addison, as did most of his acquaintances, and gave 
 expression to this affection in the "Journal to Stella; 1 ' "Hr. Addison and I 
 are different as black and white, and I believe our friendship will go off by 
 this damned busines of a party; he cannot bear seeing me fall in so with this 
 
 (I) 
 
 ministry; but I love him still as well as ever, though we seldom meet." or 
 the letter of almost a year later in which Swift says; "I know no man half so 
 agreeable to me as he is." But nowhere is there a similar record from Addison 
 after their political difference. 
 
 Like Addison Swift was a party leader but he was more of a man of affairs 
 than was Addison, whose record as a public official was far from brilliant. 
 Addison was a scholor and at heart a literary man rather than a politician. He 
 was never quite at home in the midst of the strife of political debate. Swift, 
 however, was just the opposite; no man enjoyed the direction of party policies 
 better than he did; nor did any high state official ever exercise a more 
 imperious dictatorship than the Lean did in his work with the Tory leaders; he 
 gave orders to ministers of state; he browbeat the caoinet officers and peers 
 of the realm; he openly insulted anyone who opposed him.. But for all tnis 
 authority he was unable to secure for himself any suitable reward from the 
 state. And at last after months of unremitting toil he retired to Lublin "to 
 die" as he said, "like a poisoned rat in a hole." 
 
 (I) "Journal to Stella," Bohn ed. pp75, 242. 
 

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52 
 
 In notable contrast with Addison’s almost purely personal relations with 
 Gwift were the almost wholly literary ones he bore with Dennis, I’hey lived on 
 peaceable terras until the old critic attacked Addison* s dramatic theories and 
 productions. It is quite true that Addison did not answer this attack at once, 
 but the fact that he did reply about a year later and then with considerable 
 asperity is sufficient evidence that he recognized the power of his adversary. 
 Dennis, himself, had attempted drama and failed and this failure lessened the 
 effectiveness of his criticisms. Furthermore, Dennis, who had rather soured 
 upon the world, had a peculiar satisfaction in finding the blemishes in the pro- 
 ductions of his contemporaries# All of these considerations made the criticisms 
 of the old critic of little importance in the estimation of the general puolic. 
 
 In regard to their political fortunes, Dennis, who was a violent ” r hif:. never se- 
 cured any prominence as an office holder although he wrote constantly n oehalf 
 of his party# Again, Addison's prosperous life is notable as a contrast with 
 the bitter disappointment and struggle against poverty by his older contemporary# 
 In his literary relations with the little papist poet, Addison came the near- 
 est to using the methods of some of his contemporaries in their literary battles# 
 Both Pope and Addison wished to be considered the chief figure in the literary 
 world. Addison was prominent as a prose writer and only moderately successful 
 as a poet. He had already made his name in poetry when Pope began to write and 
 it was in this field of verse that Pope first contested with Addison. 2herefore 
 when Addison criticised his poetic works Pope thought this criticism was largely 
 due to jealousy and did not hesitate to egress this opinion. A sure means to 
 arouse Pope’s enmity was the praise of a rival poet's works. Addison was well 
 aware of this and used it in regard to the productions of his proteges, Tickell 
 and Philips. Whether Addison praised the work of his friends with the intention 
 of arousing Pope's jealousy is an open question, but it would seem that he v?es 
 not averse to diminishing the younger poet’s feme. 
 

 
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53 . 
 
 In their literary relations both Pope and Addison were more or less 
 
 blinded by literary vanity; as Pope had not Addison's self-oontrol, he has quite 
 
 justly oome in for the lion's share of censure for their disagreements. They were 
 
 ( 2 ) 
 
 both so eager to be oounted first in the literary world that they forgot that 
 they were laboring in different fields, and that eaoh might be master in his par- 
 ticular sphere. Then, too, Addison, who was older and held an assured sooial 
 and political position, had no reason for his jealousy of Pope, who had nothing 
 to depend upon but his pen. Pope with all his faults has never been aooused of 
 one thing that Addison did: as Dr. Johnson said, "he never set genius to sale, he 
 never flattered those whom he did not esteem." Thus, he of all this group esoaped 
 this badge of servility. Unlike Addison, however, Pope had no hatred for moral 
 evils, his only hatred was for those who attacked his plaoe in literature.' - ^ ^ 
 
 It is not given every writer to make himself beloved as well as admired 
 as did Sir Walter Soott, but Addison and Steele succeeded in doing this to a re- 
 markable degree. Addison was perhaps less successful than Steele because his 
 very goodness and mummy-like aloofness made him less human and therefore less 
 loved by posterity. His goodness had about it a negative quality, and despite the 
 fact that he was involved in these numerous quarrels he had the faculty of avoid- 
 ing the rousing of real enmity. This goodness shows in his personal and literary 
 relations with his contemporaries. He was never wrong: he never admitted any 
 short -coming, and for these reasons he is sometimes irritating to the present day 
 reader and must have been very irritating to those who knew him personally. 
 
 (2) "Addison was so eager to be the first name; that he and his friend Sir Riohard 
 Steele used to run down Dryden's oharaoter as far as theyloould. Pope and Con- 
 greve used to support him."Tonson, Spenoe, "Anecdotes," pp 114-115. It must be 
 remembered that Spenoe disliked Addison. 
 
 (3 ) "He practioally never thinks for himself or sees for himself, while except 
 in some touohes of personal affeotion and many more of personal resentment and 
 spite, he soaroely ever feels for himself." Saintsbury, "Peaoe of the Augustan 
 Age," p.46. 
 
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 Steele was a novice in the game of great men which Ado ron pl-ycd very success- 
 fully and, everything considered, very honestly. In his political grme Addison 
 
 was aided by great men but it was only when he came to play Steele's game and 
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 in Steele’s manner that he gained immortal fame, Steele was a ''shuttle cock, on 
 the battledore of chance,” a striking figure, and one that it is impossible to 
 picture alone. He was active in every line of endeavor in his age, The treat- 
 ment he received at the hands of his friends would never have been submitted to 
 
 (5) 
 
 by Addison, whose bump of self-esteem was enormous. 
 
 The importance of Addison among his contemporaries was in a sense extra-liter- 
 ary for, though he took up a definite attitude toward the esthetic principles of 
 his time, he was interested not so much in their academic discussion and theory 
 as in their adjustment to life. He perhaps realized in a fuller and more practi- 
 cal way than his contemporaries did the two fundamental ideas of the classic 
 doctrine of taste - the one of restraint, ’temperance,* selection in the literary 
 purpose ;the other, arrangement, propriety, harmony of all parts of the literary 
 scheme. These he expressed in the correctness of his prose, in his development 
 of the short essay, the unity of the plan of the "Spectator” paners, in his 
 effort to avoid over-elaboration in his character protraiture of the club mem- 
 bers, and the not too frequent use of a particular vein of wit or homily. Thus 
 far he is in agreement with most of his contemporaries, but they with the excep- 
 tion of Steele confined their critical purpose to literature, and there almost 
 exclusively to technique. But he extended the application to manners, society, 
 politics, mere scholarship, or popular religion. All of these special questions 
 of reform, literary, social, and moral he connected and related to the broader 
 issues of classicism. This range in his critical work is the factor that gives 
 
 (4) ”I claim to myself the merit of having extorted excellent productions from a 
 person of greatest ability, who would not have let them appear by any other 
 means.” Steele, "Spectator, ” no. 532. 
 
 (5) "fio the excessive modesty of Addison’s nature we must ascribe another fault 
 which generally arises from a very different cause. He became a little too fond 
 of seeing himself surrounded by a small circle of admirers, to whom he was as a 
 
 king, or rather as a god.” Macaulay, "Works, ” VI, 125. 
 
55 . 
 
 him a unique place among his contemporaries, owift became irritated by his gos- 
 sip about the fair sex. He could not see the scheme ^ddison had in mind, or 
 foresee the effect upon society as a whole. After all, this difference between 
 Addison and his contemporaries was only one of method. He was in direct opposi- 
 tion, however, to the general tone of his age in his refusal to share its pessi- 
 mism. neither could he enjoy thfc. - gargantuan coarseness of conduct and artistic 
 expression which is so uncouthly opposite the elegancies of the time. Contenpory 
 writers speak constantly of Good Sense, True Wit, Good Breeding; but none of them 
 realized perhaps so fully as did Addison the meaning of these terms. There was a 
 studied moderation in the attacks of Addison for which one looks in vain in those 
 of Pope and Swift, who anathematized their victims as dunces and yahoos. It was 
 not Addison’s humor, although this was of great importance, irony, or *,v t, but 
 his tolerance that led the public to accept gracefully his censor shio of its 
 manners and morals. He was a dogmatic adviser to whom nothing was too trivial 
 
 to come under his direction from their intellectual ^na social life to me 
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 advisability of talcing cold baths and a diet of beef and mutton. To-day sucn a 
 self-imposed censor would be received with derision; out Addison’s public far 
 from resenting it, sougnt his direction eagerly. Addison's statement tnat he 
 had driven from his native land many ridiculous fashions and much degrading 
 
 ignorance is entirely justifiable. He was, in the deepest sense of the phrase, 
 
 vV 
 
 a civiling force. 
 
 A 
 
 On the whole, with due regard for the acts of his life that are not wholly 
 commendable, we can very justly apply the words of Addison himself to his life, 
 work, and relations with his friends, ’’When we, therefore, choose our compan- 
 ions for life, if we hope to keep both them and ourselves in good humor to the 
 last stage of it, we must be extremely careful in the choice we make — When the 
 
 (6) ’’Guardian” no. 102. ’’Tatler 11 X4S 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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56 
 
 persons to whom we join ourselves oan stand an examinat ion, and bear the 
 sorutiny, when they mend upon aoquaintanoe with them, when they disoover new 
 beauties the more we searoh into their oharaoters, our love will naturally rise 
 in proportion to their perf eotions Addison has borne the sorutiny for nearly 
 two oenturies and there have been few dark spots revealed, on the whole he has 
 proved himself a serene and noble spirit, and for those who love the good in 
 literature he has beoome a companion. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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57 
 
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