L I B RAR.Y OF THE U N IVER.SITY Of ILLINOIS ...THE. Wonder City. ...BY... EUGEN SEEGER. CHICAGO : 1893- Copyright 1893 By EUGEN SEEGER. Published by The Geo. Gregory Printing Company 123-125 La Salle Avenue Chicago 73 5 i i 310253 MW PREFACE. To compress the history of Chicago into four hundred and fifty pages is no easy task. With what success this has been done in " CHICAGO, THE WONDER CITY," the reader must judge. It has of late become quite a lucrative business to write his- tories of cities and interweave them with detailed biographies of their wealthier citizens. The present volume was not written on that plan. It is a history of Chicago, not a series of biographical notices of men whom the city's rapid and enormous growth has lifted into prominence. Nature designed the site of the city for a great metropolis, but no man or set of men has made Chicago. Chicago has made many men, but it is the great body of the people, the industrial and indus- trious middle classes that have brought about the greatness of Chicago. Since the body of the book was written, it has, in true Chicago fashion, been overtaken by some important events, notably the pardoning of the anarchists, the decision in regard to Sunday opening of the World's Fair and the estimation of the present population of the city, based on the figures given in the new city directory. This volume contains five hundred and forty thousand names, which would under ordinary cir- cumstances represent, according to the usual methods of computation, over two million people, but owing to condi- tions created by the World's Fair this basis of calculation is undoubtedly too large, and it is probable the two million mark has not been reached yet. */ On June 26, 1893, John P. Altgeld, the present governor of Illinois, added perhaps the final chapter to the anarchist case by granting absolute pardon to the three men sent to the penitentiary in 1887 Fielden and Schwab to life terms and Oscar Neebe to a fifteen-year term. On the question of the pardon itself there has been but little discussion, most people believing that the clemency they themselves prayed for should be extended to them; but the manner of the pardon is loudly and well-nigh universally condemned. The prisoners peti- tioned for mercy- they were given a vindication. Governor Altgeld explained his action in a carefully prepared message of seventeen thousand words, and based his pardon on the grounds of a packed and incompetent jury, a prejudiced and unfair judge and the failure of the State to establish the guilt of the prisoners. Not content with placing the crown of martyrdom on the heads of the men convicted of a heinous offense, the governor saw fit to go out of his way to attack a co-ordinate branch of the government, to impugn the honor of a judge of untarnished reputation and insolently to over- ride the decisions of not only the lower courts but also of the state Supreme Court. For this action on the part of the governor the people of Illinois were entirely unprepared. An official utterance such as this pardon of the governor, is well calculated to shatter the confidence of the people either in the wisdom of their laws and the justice of their execution or in the competency of iheir chief executive. The isolated posi- tion of Gov. Altgeld is the only redeeming feature of the situation. The decision of the United States Court of Appeals per- mitting the opening of the World's Fair on Sunday, was a victory for the liberal element, and it is a matter for congratu- lation that the decent and orderly behavior of the Sunday crowds is fast reconciling to the new order of things those who had thought that a study, on Sunday, of human progress and achievements would necessarily prove a desecration of that day. The Fair is already a success from every point of view even from the financial one, conservative judges VI estimating that shareholders will be reimbursed the larger part of their contributions. The facts given in the chapter on the '48ers are largely taken from an essay by Emil Dietzsch, himself a '48er and a keen observer withal. The photographs of the descedants of the Algonquin Indians who played such an important part in the early history of Chicago, were taken by Grabill (113 Monroe street), who visited the west for this purpose. The particular acknowledgments of the author are due to Mr. Robert Kennicott Reilly for help in arranging and compil- ing parts of the work and assistance in editing it. EUGEN SEEGER. July 4, 1893. VII e e c t: "5 OF THE UNIYLKSITY OF ILLINOIS TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE Preface 5 Early History. PART ONE. A chapter from Wayback The Indians French Navigators sail through the Straits of Belle Isle and discover Canada Cartier, Champlain, Nicolet, Perrot New France The first victims of the white con- querors Jolliet and Marquette Bitter conflicts in the land of the Illini An Indian Jeanne d'Arc Robert Cavelier and his conquests Dismal failure of the French coloniza- tion scheme Chicagou, the Garlic River i 38 PART Two. The rule of the English Emigration of the French The Pontiac War A fateful love intrigue Pontiac's tragic end The Americans take the helm 39 44 Chicago. Early documents A miscarriage in land speculation The earliest settlers Erection of Fort Dearborn Tecum- seh Massacre of Fort Dearborn Tedious development of the village Black Hawk End of Indian War in Illinois and beginning of the rapid development of the future metropolis 45 88 The City, Chicago 89 Chicago as a commercial center before the fire The industrial develpment 91 Chicago's Progress. Early German settlers The Forty-eight- ers Social and military growth in the Fifties Beer riots Americans and Germans unite in opposing slavery Early breweries Douglas and know-nothingism Underground railroad Chicago's part in the war of the rebellion 105. . 120 The Chicago Fire 121 The catastrophe of October 8th and 9th 125 The beginning of the great fire on the West Side 127 The destruction of the business center of Chicago 131 Street scenes during the fire 142 The burning of the North Side 148 On the "Sands" 153 A woman's story of the fire 157 Scenes at the mouth of the river 162 xi On the prairie 169 Incidents 171 A walk through the ruins 178 Action of the police 182 The fire department 184 Losses and insurance 187 Chicago's Architectural Development 193 Chicago's Art Development 212 The Public Library 232 The Labor Movement. History of the Eight-hour agitation 247 The Chicago Anarchists 254 The Cronin Case 272 Chicago. The Main Exhibit 300 Libraries, Educational and Charitable Institutions 324 The Chicago Press 331 Germans and German Influence in Chicago 343 Population 353 Trade, Commerce and Manufactures 356 Miscellaneous Information. Chicago's municipal resources^ Statistics Public Schools Municipal Health Department The Drainage Channel The City Government 372 382 The World's Fair 383 xn IARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS Early History. PART ONE. ^ . A Chapter from Wayback The Indians French Navigators sail through the Straits of Belle Isle and discover Canada Cartier, Champlain, Nicolet, Perrot New France The First Victims of the White Conquerors Jolliet and Marquette Bitter Conflicts in the Land of the Illini An Indian Jeanne d'Arc Robert Cavelier and his Conquests Dismal Failure of the French Colonization Schemes Chicagou, The Garlic River. From the time of the great flood to a later but equally indefinite period, the territory comprising the present state of Illinois was the basin of a great inland sea, for Lake Michigan formerly extended southward far beyond its present shores. Later through the parting waters broke the primeval forests with their clumsy inhabitants : the mastadon filled the swampy desert with its hoarse bellowing, fat and self-satisfied saurians lumbered complacently about in the rank and slimy vegetation while the primeval bird, the monstrous archas- opteryx, lurched lazily through the sultry air. It is as unimportant as it is impossible to determine how long this idyllic period lasted, but finally the future of this awkward, earliest creation lay all behind it and it disappeared from the scenes of the world-stage. Afterwards, and heaven only knows how long afterwards, the red man made his entrance, coming probably from the west or southwest, from the Gulf of Mexico or the Pacific coast; but over what roads and under what circumstances no man can tell. The first reliable information about the northwest and its inhabitants dates from about the middle of the seventeenth century and comes from the brave French discoverers who made exploring trips from Canada throughout the region. With the exception of the Iroquois, Hurons and Winne- bagoes (the Winnebagoes belong to the Sioux or Dakota family) the Indians who at that time peopled the northwest belonged to the great Algonquin family and came from the region around the Ottawa river in Canada. The number of Indians then" living in North America is estimated at 190,000. Of these 20,000 belonged to the Huron-Iroquois and 90,000 to the Algonquin family. The Algonquins play an interesting and important part in the historical development not only of the northwest but also of Illinois and even of Chicago. Their principal tribes, each with many smaller branches, may be geographically divided as follows: in the north, above the St. Lawrence and the great lakes, the Nasquapees, Montagnais, Algarkins, Ottawas and Kilistinous or Creeks ; on the Atlantic coast, the Micmacs, Abenakis, Sokokis, Massachusetts, Narragansetts, Mohicans, Delawares and Virginias; in the west, the Chippewas, Me- nominees, Blackfeet, Sacs and Foxes; in the south, the Shawnees. Although united by ties of kinship and language, these tribes differed essentially as to customs and characteristics, even in regard to looks and mechanical skill. Some were peaceful and docile, others warlike and intractable. While those who first came to the southern shores of Lake Michigan beyond doubt wandered there afoot, had not the slight- est idea of navigation and in more than one regard showed a strong antipathy to water and an equally strong antipathy to fighting, on the other hand their cousins, who afterwards invaded the country from the north, proved themselves daring sailors and wild and cruel warriors. Of course none of these Indian tribes were very highly civilized ; their endeavors were directed primarily to satisfying their bodily wants, and their implements, arms and clothing were as primitive as possible. Some of the chiefs, however, were men of talent; bold,. heroic, eloquent, prudent and of great influence among their tribes. His contact with the whites never benefitted the Indian. He is weighed down with many an evil race characteristic, but treaty-breaking and lying are not among them. These he first learned from his white brother, and by him also he was tainted by terrible, hereditary diseases, before unknown to him. After the noble priests and explorers, who came from the far east to brave the manifold dangers and priva- tions of missionary life and to turn the savages to milder customs and instruct them in the arts of peace, followed a class of men by no means adapted to furnish the aborigines of the New World models of European civilization. Indeed, the official reports prove that for the purpose of increasing the number of its colonists the French, as well as the English government from time to time emptied its prisons and asylums and transported the wretched prisoners, sometimes even in chains, to America. Not all the western pioneers were what poets and writers of romance are wont to depict. Together with the hardy explorer, the high-minded idealist, the hard-working farmer and mechanic came many of that class of gentry one does not wish to meet after dark, ne'er- do-wells of all kinds and both sexes. Such a crowd, naturally enough, did nothing to help the Indian physically, improve him morally, or to make the intercourse between the natives and immigrants more harmonious. At the time when the first white reached the present site of Chicago, and for the following half century, the "land of the Illini " was the home of the following Indian tribes : Illinois, Miamis, Kickapoos, Mascoutins, Pottawatomies, Sacs and Foxes, Winnebagoes and Shawnees all, with the excep- tion of the Winnebagoes, being members of the Algonquin family. Of their early history we know only that they claim to have lived always in America, or, as they put it, that their ancestors sprang up from the earth itself, the Shawnees alone preserving a tradition to the effect that they came originally from a far-distant land. The names by which the Indians were designated by the newly-arrived whites were, for the most part, determined by chance or derived from the then or former dwelling places or from characteristic peculiarities of the respective tribes. The first explorers do not seem to have been at all particular as to the orthography of Indian names, for we find the same name spelled in a dozen different ways and not infrequently mutilated beyond easy recognition. Thus, for instance, the Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Tamaroas, Peorias and Mitchigamies, with characteristic Indian modesty called themselves the "Inini," an Algonquin word meaning "superior men." The French found "Inini" a hard word to pronounce and con- verted it into "Illini," soon thereafter affixing the French termination "ois." Thus from "Inini" were derived Illinois, Illinoies, Illinoues, Illimonek, Illiniwek, etc. The principal settlements of the "Inini" or Illinois were in the middle and northern part of the territory now forming the State of Illinois. In La Salle county, near the present site of Utica, there formerly stood a flourishing Indian village called La Vantum, which, in 1680, contained no less than 8,000 inhabitants. In the territory mentioned there were probably twenty other villages of similar character, although smaller. The accompanying map, made for his government by the young French engineer, Franquelin, in 1684, affords a good idea of the Indian villages and the settlements and forts of La Salle and the French missionaries. The settlements of the Illini reached along the various river banks down as far as opposite the present city of St. Louis, and at the beginning of the i8th century the farthest outpost reached even to the mouth of the Ohio. This land of the Illinois was at that time a veritable Indian paradise: luxuriant meadows, heavy forests, splendid farm land, an abundance of fish in lake and river, and of game in wood and open; buffalo, deer, bear, panther, wildcat, wolf, fox, beaver, otter, marten, ground-hog, raccoon, rabbits, wild swan, geese, ducks, wild turkeys, partridges, quail and enormous flocks of pigeons; such vegetables as the red man cared for as, for instance, maize, beans, cabbages and various roots, nuts and wild fruit in plenty the Indian's insurmountable abhorrence of work was of small consequence in those golden days. But no rose without its thorn, no cup of bliss without its drop of bitterness. The very blessings of the Illinois proved the cause of their misfortune. Even without the aid of tele- graph and newspapers, the report of the extraordinary rich- ness of the country spread to the farthest corners of the land, and there soon sprang up among the noble red men a social- istic-communistic warfare which would have brought joy to the soul of even the most advanced of modern "walking 5 delegates." The first who came to " divide " were the Sioux from the far west; from the north came the Sacs and Foxes; theKickapoosandPottawatomies from the northeast, and last but not least from the remote east rushed in the wild hordes of the Iroquois. Then the skull-cracking began and many a worthy predecessor of Johann Most bit the dust, before the great communistic principle of division in its various stages and repetitions, first found a practical application on the virgin soil of this free country. The strongest, cruelest and wildest of course came out ahead in the deal, in this case the Iroquois, who undertook several bloody expeditions to " divide " with the Illini, till the latter were almost wiped out of existence. The history of the Indians of the northwest from the middle of the xyth till toward the end of the i8th century reads like the last act of Hamlet, bloodshed without end, a battle of all against all to annihilation. But even this wild can-can of bestial selfishness was not without romance, as is proven by the following historically authenticated incident, recounted all the more willingly as it throws some golden rays on the gloomy picture of the times and forms one of those rare excep- tions where an Indian woman participated actively and trium- phantly in the affairs of men. It was about the year 1673. The Iroquois had again undertaken one of their looting expedi- tions, had plundered a village, driven away the inhabitants and indulged in one of their beastly orgies of victory which was not interrupted even by the set of sun. Helpless and listless, the vanquished Illini watched from afar the revels of their enemies. Then the youthful Watchekee or Watseka as the scribes of the whites were wont to call her appeared before them. Her eye flashed with the fire of inspiration. Her cheeks glowed with righteous anger at the wrongs wrought upon her people and at their spiritless endurance of them. She besought the warriors to avail themselves of the cover of night and the disorganized condition of the victors for revenge and retaliation. But the men were not disposed to again cope with the powerful enemy and sat in sullen submission to their fate. Then Watseka addressed the women and begged them to shame the cowardly warriors and in their place to march forth against the foe. The squaws, each armed with bow and arrow, responded in hordes. Then, at last, the men bestirred themselves and, led by the brave girl, this strange band sur- prised the Iroquois and almost exterminated them. The place where this battle occurred more than 200 years ago is now the county seat of Iroquois county, and in honor of this Indian Jeanne d'Arc is called Watseka. After the French took possession of the Northwest territory the history of the red man becomes blended more or less with the story of the priests and soldiers of Charles V, the explorers of the region. It was in 1534 that Jacques Cartier (or Quartier as the name is often spelled), an experienced Breton sailor, who made fishing trips from the west coast of France to the north coast of Labrador drifted into the Straits of Belle Isle while on a voyage of discovery in the interests of the French government. His expedition consisted of two vessels, each of 61 tons burden and the crews numbered 61 men. From the Atlantic Cartier made his way down the Straits of Belle Isle, lying between Labrador and Newfound- land, to the Gulf of St. Lawrence and finally landed in the Gaspe district on the northeast point of Canada, between the Gulf of St. Lawrence and Chaleur's Bay. In this desolate spot, inhabited by only a few Indians, the French sailors erected a large wooden cross which bore the arms of Charles V and the inscription, "Vive le roi de France," and thus took possession of the newly-discovered country. It is reported that the Indians, the Canadagnois (Nasse- quapes), who were much disturbed at the sight of these strange men and their mysterious ceremony, asked for an explanation, whereupon Cartier replied that the cross had been erected simply to mark the harbor and so allayed the Indians' suspicions/ Alas, their first meeting with the whites had a sad sequel, for Cartier stole two of their boys and carried them back with him to France. May 19, 1535, Cartier started on another expedition to Labrador, this -time with three ships. Again he passed through the Straits of Belle Isle, but this time kept to the west and continued up the St. Lawrence to the isle of Orleans, which, on account of its luxuriant vegetation and heavily-laden wild grape vines, he called the "Isle of Bacchus." The Indians of this island, especially their chief Donnacona, treated the French in the kindliest manner, helped them to explore the country and accompanied them up the Hochelaga (St. Lawrence) to the big Indian camp, Stadacone, on the site of t^e present city of Quebec. Here, too, they were received in a friendly manner, but the natives tried by artifice and persuasion to prevent the strangers from going further up the stream. Cartier, however, persisted and on October 2, 1835, successfully reached the great Indian camp at that time called, like the river, Hochelaga to-day Montreal. Amid the blowing of trumpets and waving of flags the French landed. The Indians, who believed them of divine origin, were beside themselves with joy. They overwhelmed the newcomers with all possible proofs of their hospitality and with great pride showed them their fortified camp, consisting of about fifty immense block-houses, and finally even brought out their sick, requesting that Cartier should touch and so heal them. The clever Frenchman made the most of the situation. He made the sign of the cross over the ailing, read a few verses from the Bible and prayed for them all in French. Then he distributed axes, knives, glass beads, looking-glasses and various small trinkets among the delighted aborigines and with another flourish of triumph left his new friends, promising to return. Highly pleased with his adven- tures and successes, Cartier returned to Stadacone, where he built a fort and spent the winter. His gratitude for the hospitality shown him by the Indians the Frenchman proved 8 by capturing Donnacona and some of the other chiefs and taking them as prisoners to France. It was on July 16, 1536, when the expedition arrived at St. Malo. The Indian chiefs were immediately baptized, but this attention did not prevent their dying shortly after from homesickness. Cartier made several other voyages to the New World before his death in 1555. The country discovered by him was called Canada because its great stream, the St. Lawrence, was sometimes called by the natives the "Canada" river. According to other French explorers the word "Canada" signifies "city," and still others translate it " continent." In the writings of Cartier, however, the title "Canada" is used to designate a strip of land lying between Quebec and the Isl$ aux Coudres. During the sixteenth century many other explorers visited the country that Cartier had described, but the first perma- nent settlement was made early in the seventeenth century by the celebrated Samuel de Champlain. Champlain was born in Brouage, on the Bay of Biscay, in 1567, of an old and illustrious family which had for gener- ations followed the sea. In addition to being a thoroughly equipped sailor, Champlain received an excellent military training. In 1599, in command of the St. Julien, a vessel belonging to his uncle, he sailed for some time along the coast of the West Indies, Panama and Mexico, and in 1601 returned to France. While in Panama he looked into the question of a canal to join the Atlantic and the Pacific, and on his arrival in France pointed out the advantage of such a work. He thus became the father of the great Panama Canal scheme, which was finally taken up by Ferdinand do Lesseps some years ago and which only lately, after the squander- ing of four hundred million dollars, culminated in the great- est public scandal of the century, and almost destroyed the French Republic. March 25, 1603, Champlain organized an expedition for North America and on May 24th landed near Tadoussac at the confluence of the Saguenay and St. Lawrence. From there he visited the places discovered by Cartier in 1535. In August he returned to France, pub- lished extensive reports about his travels and the next spring again started out on an exploring trip. He first touched at Nova Scotia and afterwards coasted along the shore to the Chesepe-ake bay. In 1607 he returned to France and agitated the question of establishing a French trading post on the St. Lawrence and successful in his endeavors, he returned in 1608, sailed up the St. Lawrence to the place called "Stada- cone" by Cartier but then called Quebec (narrows) by the Algonquins. Here Champlain built houses, sowed grain, in- augurated an extensive fur trade and thus founded the city of Quebec. As the friendly Algonquins were hard pushed by the Iroquois who lived to the southeast of them, Champlain, in the summer of 1609, united with them in an expedition against their enemies. This was about the same time that the .English- man Henry Hudson, in the service of the East India Com- pany of Amsterdam was exploring the Hudson river and in his little vessel, the "Half Moon" first encountered the red men. On his expedition Champlain discovered the beautiful lake which now bears his name, and on it swarms of Iroquois. When the hostile forces caught sight of each other they immediately put to shore and fortified themselves. The next morning at sunrise the fight commenced. Awkward as the arquebuse now appears, it proved a terrible weapon in com- petition with the simple bows and arrows of the naked savages. Champlain killed two chiefs with the first shot fired and with a second bullet mortally wounded a third. Thereupon the Iroquois fled. This was the first Indian blood shed by the whites in North America and in course of time the French paid dearly for their easily won victory. As long as they were in power in Canada and when they established colonies in 10 Illinois the Iroquois were persistently after them and, partly on their own account and partly as hirelings of the English, relentlessly worried and tormented them. In the fall of 1609 Champlain visited France and in the following spring returned to America with a well equipped fleet and a considerable number of mechanics. Shortly after reaching Quebec he organized another campaign against the Iroquois and at about the same time that his king and patron, Henry IV, fell a victim to the dagger of Ravaillac, he himself, while storming a fortified camp of the enemy near the Sorel river, was dangerously wounded by an Indian arrow. He sought and found health in his native land and in 1612 was made lieutenant-governor of New France (Canada). He straightway assumed the duties of his new office and for a number of years discharged them with the greatest discretion and ability. In the autumn of 1613 he revisited France in the interest of the colony and on his return in 1615 brought with him Father Denis Jamay, two other Franciscan monks and a priest, all of whom rendered him valuable services both in his exploring voyages along the St. Lawrence river and through lakes Huron and Ontario and also in his efforts to civilize the Algonquins. These Franciscan monks were the first spiritual teachers to leave the Old World to bring to the savages of the north instruction in the Christian religion and European civilization. At this time his old enemies, the Iroquois began to harass Champlain, and in the fall of 1615 he was not only twice dan- gerously wounded by them, but was even repulsed on account of the insubordination of his allies, the Hurons. The star of the new settlement seemed to be now waning. It was in vain that Champlain, after his recovery, redoubled his exertions to increase the trade of his colony and awaken in the mother country a more active interest in it. The young common- wealth could not yet stand alone, and the Italian adventurers who during the minority of Louis XIII exercised such an ii unfortunate influence upon the French regent, Maria de Medici, felt not the slightest concern for it. Only after Car- dinal Richelieu became a member of the council of state, was there felt a decided change for the better in regard to the struggling colonies of the New World. The settlement of Quebec was energetically pushed, the commerce with the natives materially increased, and the colony itself adequately fortified. Richelieu, who paid particular attention to trans- Atlantic affairs, especially during the first year of his power, appointed the duke of Ventadour as viceroy of New France (1625), and the first official act of the latter was to send over a number of Jesuit priests to participate in the work of civiliz- ing and converting the natives. This act, as will be soon seen, was of the greatest importance in the development of the northwest and especially of Illinois. Shortly after the arrival of the Jesuits some lively con- troversies took place between them on the one hand and the Franciscan fathers and the colonial government on the other ; but the Jesuits soon gained control in the affairs of the colony. A fateful event in the history of the settlement was the arrival in July, 1628, of English men-of-war under the com- mand of Sir David Kirk and his two brothers, who demanded the unconditional surrender of the fortress and its commander, Champlain. The Canada company, organized in Paris by Cardinal Richelieu, had at almost the same time dispatched from France several vessels laden with provisions, arms, etc., and these were anxiously awaited by the little French colony at Quebec. Before arriving at their destination, however, the vessels were intercepted and captured by the English men-of- war. In consequence of this mishap the poor colonists passed a miserable winter, and just one year after the arrival of the English, Champlain was forced to capitulate. He was taken to England and there held as a prisoner until 1632. At this time the French government had apparently lost all hope for the future of the Canadian colony, for when by the peace of 12 vSt. Germain-en-Laye the English offered to give up their claims to the settlement in Quebec the French were at first undecided as to whether they should accept the offer. But in the spring of 1633 -Champlain, with three excellently equipped vessels, returned once more to his colony this time as its governor. There was boundless joy among both Indians and whites when the old and tried leader made his appear- ance. Immediately after his arrival Champlain fortified Riche- lieu Island, founded the city of Three Rivers and established a school for young Indians. The great explorer did not, how- ever, long enjoy the fruits of his labor, for he died in Quebec Christmas day, 1635. The powerful impulse given by Champlain to the settle- ment and civilization of the New World did not cease at his death, for his companions followed the same path toward the west. Among them was Jean Nicolet, who lived for years among the various Algonquin tribes, learning to speak their language fluently and finally becoming so thoroughly Indian- ized that the red men treated him like one of themselves. His services as interpreter and negotiator, in fact his whole influ- ence on the Indians, were of the greatest value to the Canad- ian government. On the 4th of July, 1634, Nicolet discovered Lake Michigan, or as it was first called Lake Illinois, "Lac des Illinois," and afterwards explored a large part of the northwest, visiting the Chippewas in Green Bay, the Mas- coutins on the Fox river, and the Menominees and Winne- bagoes on the lake named after the latter. Wherever Nicolet went there were great Indian gatherings which the explorer invariably addressed, producing a strong impression on the red men. As a matter of curiosity it may be mentioned that on the occasion of his last visit the Indians honored this Frenchman with a banquet at which not less than 120 beavers were served. Nicolet was the first white man, whose foot touched the territory of Wisconsin and Illinois. The first white man to see the upper Mississippi was Pierre Esprit 13 Radisson, 1658, an indefatigable explorer and fur-trader, who on all his travels kept an accurate diary, and to whom his contemporaries are indebted for much important information. Jointly with his brother-in-law, Medart Chouart, he established a settlement on Hudson Bay, which afterwards developed into the well-known Hudson Bay company. The Jesuit fathers, Menard and Guerin, both of whom afterwards perished on an exploring tour, are also reported to have seen the upper Mis- sissippi more than ten years before Jolliet and Marquette. The next of the French discovers was Nicholas Perrot, who from 1670 to 1690 distinguished himself in explorations of the upper lakes, the Fox river valley and the upper Mississippi. He was the discoverer of the lead mines in the west. Louis Jolliet (frequently spelled Joliet) was the first of the French pioneers to lead an exploring expedition to the Illinois country and to set foot on the site of modern Chicago. He was a child of the New World. Born in Quebec in 1645, the son of a poor mechanic he was brought up in the local Jesuit school and destined to become a priest. But the free air of the forest had more charm for him than the close atmosphere of a monastery. In 1669, in commission of the colonial gov- ernment, he visited the copper mines on the shores of Lake Superior. On his return he explored Lake Erie. Owing to his success with all his undertakings, he received a commis- sion from Governor Frontenac to visit the " South lake in the Mascoutin country and the great Mississippi river " (from the Indian "Miche-Sepe," great river). At that time the Canad- ians did not know that the mighty stream discovered by De Soto in 1541 and explored from the White river to the Gulf of Mexico was identical with the " Miche-Sepe " of which they first learned from the Indians, and whose upper part was navigated by their missionaries. In the fall of 1672 Jolliet set forth on his new expedition, accompanied by a trusty servant and four Indians. December I he arrived at the Straits of Mackinaw connecting Lakes Huron and Michigan. On the northern shore at that time there stood the French Jesuit Mission of St. Ignace whose superior, Father Marquette, was well-known for his zeal and success iri civilizing and converting the natives. Thither Jolliet first went to invite Marquette, who spoke six Indian dialects fluently, to accompany him on his perilous trip to the far west. Marquette was only too glad to accept. On the 1 7th of May, 1673, they left Mackinaw and a few days later arrived at Green Bay from where they went up the Fox river. Then they got the Mascoutin Indians to guide them to the Wis- consin river down which they floated to the Mississippi, which they reached June 17? 1673. They were nearly a week on the Mississippi before discovering the first trace of human beings, an Indian trail leading from the western shore of the river to a beautiful prairie. The boats were made fast and Marquette and Jolliet went ashore and after fervently praying for heaven's blessing, marched along the newly discovered trail in anxious anticipation. How the hearts of the two bold discoverers must have beaten as they suddenly saw three Indian villages spread out on the green meadow before them. A loud call from the new comers was the signal for a lively scene. The astonished Indians rushed out of their wigwams and from a distance care- fully regarded the peculiar looking strangers. After a short pause four old chiefs approached slowly and with dignity, carry- ing in their hands pipes of peace. Close up to the two white men they marched, and then without saying a word stood before them. From this Father Marquette perceived that the Indians were well disposed toward their unexpected visitors and asked them in the Algonquin dialect: "Who are you?" "We are Inini," was the reply. The pipes of peace were then passed around and afterwards a regular Indian feast was held to celebrate the newly formed friendship between the whites and the redskins. The next day 600 of the natives accom- panied the explorers to their boats and won from them a 15 promise soon to return a promise which unfortunately they were never able to keep. Then they went further down the Mississippi how far it is not definitely known. Marquette himself, in a report prepared much later, after a long illness, and without written notes, the diaries of both having been lost through the cap- sizing of the boat, maintained that he and Jolliet had gone as far south as the 32 of latitude, but LaSalle and other con- temporaries vigorously disputed this. It is a fact that Mar- quette and Jolliet on the iyth of July, just four weeks after their first meeting with the Indians on the Mississippi, turned homeward, so that, considering the possible speed of their boat, it would seem probable that they scarcely went further south than to the mouth of the Missouri or at most to the con- fluence of the Ohio, near the present site of Cairo. The reason for their return, as given by Marquette, was their fear of falling into the hands of the Spaniards. In this regard it is worthy of note that the Indians, whom they met in the southernmost part of their journey, had fire-arms, axes, knives and beads which they claimed to have received from the "Europeans in the east." On their return voyage Jolliet and Marquette went from the Mississippi into the Illinois river as the Peorias, living at the mouth of the Illinois, told them that this was the shortest way to Mackinaw. In Kaskaskia, a village of the Illinois, they were received in the kindliest manner possible and indeed a chief with a picked band of young Indians accom- panied them to lake Michigan, along whose western shore the Frenchmen rowed to Green Bay, which they reached in September. In the Jesuit Mission at this place, Jolliet passed the winter and in the spring betook himself to Quebec. Here in Fort Frontenac he talked over with La Salle the events of his trip and made a written report to the colonial authorities who immediately turned it over to the French government, 16 which in turn had it printed. His request to found a colony in the land of the Illinois was peremptorily refused by Colbert, the famous minister of Louis XIV, on the ground that Canada itself should first be more strongly fortified and thickly peopled. Jolliet thereupon devoted his attention to the north and northeast of Canada, received in 1680 from the French government the isle of Anticosti and other land grants, and was successful in all his undertakings, until death in 1700 put an end to his remarkable career. Far more tragic was the end of his brave companion, Marquette. In consequence of his great exertions and of the privations which he endured in his travels throughout the far west, he was still sick when Jolliet returned to Quebec. He had to remain in Green Bay and not until the fall did he feel strong enough to return to the land of the Illinois. On the pre- sent site of Milwaukee, sick and exhausted, he passed a miser- able winter in a wretched log-hut. In March he had so far recovered as to continue his journey to the Indian settlement at Kaskaskia, where he arrived on the 8th of April. He was received by the natives with the greatest joy. By the hundreds they listened to the words of their noble, white friend, who was able to exercise the greatest influence over them. On Easter Sunday of the same year Marquette founded an Indian mission after he had converted scores to Christianity. His rapidly increasing illness, however, compelled him to make immediate preparations for a return. Something like the pre- monition of death may have come to the high-minded man, as he took his departure from his Indian converts and promised to send them a friend from the north. So unwilling were the Indians to part with their teacher that hundreds accompanied him to Lake Michigan from the eastern shore of which he embarked for home. Alas, it was not permitted him to reach his lonely cloister in the far north. He became weaker and weaker, and at last so helpless that his two comrades had to carry him in and out of the boat. May 18, 1675, having 18 reached a point about thirty miles north of the present city of Manistee, Marquette caused a halt to be made at the mouth of a little river, which long afterwards bore his name. Then he informed his friends that he felt his end was near. On a hill near the water's edge they hastily constructed a hut of bark and fir branches, and here the next night ended the blessed life of this great but still young man. After the body was consigned to earth, Marquette's companions continued their sorrowful journey to their northern home. In the win- ter of 1676 a number of his Indian adherents showed their gratitude and affection by disinterring the body of the missionary, placing it in a carefully constructed birch-bark coffin and taking it to the monastery at St. Ignatius, where it was reburied under one of the flag-stones of the chapel. For two hundred years the bones of the illustrious man rested in the silence of the cloister, forgotten by all, until the year 1877? when they were discovered and brought to the attention of the world. It was no easy path they trod, who led the way for modern bank presidents, speculators, beer brewers and pork packers ! At the time Marquette founded the mission at Kaskaskia, there was among the various tribes of the Algonquins a fairly brisk trade, reaching from the St. Lawrence river to the con- fluence of the Ohio and Mississippi, and having its center in the region of the great lakes. The number of French hunters, fur-traders and hangers-on, having commercial relations with the Indians, was already very considerable. And while the red men were ever at loggerheads with such Englishmen as wandered thither, in regard to the French they seemed to be of Heine's opinion that even a cursing Frenchman was pre- ferred by the Lord to a praying Englishman. The Iroquois alone formed an exception to the rule, but they were never reinforced by the other tribes, unless the English made it to their material advantage to do so. It is worthy of note that as early as June 14, 1671, at a French-Indian conference held near the Falls of St. Marie (Sault Ste. Marie) St. Lusson, in behalf of the French government in Canada, took possession, in the name of Louis XIV, of the great lakes and the adjacent territories as well as of all land "south to the ocean that is already discovered or is still to be discovered." The ceremony was imposing, and after it was over a great wooden cross was raised in honor of the church. On this occasion were present repre- sentatives of seventeen Indian tribes, from all parts of the before mentioned territory among them the Menominees, Pottawatomies, Sauks and Winnebagoes and many French- men, including Jolliet, Perrot, Moreau and many Jesuit missionaries. The Canadians gave the chiefs numerous presents, whose value, however, was not so great, so the chronicles tell us, but that it was offset by the rich furs and trophies of the chase which the noble red men had brought with them for their white brothers. The natives and foreigners at that time were in splendid accord. Volumes could be written of the adventures and labors of the various travelers and explorers in the north and north- west, but to a complete understanding of certain events, especially bearing upon the development of the state of Illinois and the city of Chicago, it is especially necessary to consider the life and labors of one man whose figure stands out most clearly and prominently among the pathfinders and martyrs of his time, and whose name is closely united with the early history of the lake region : Robert Cavelier, Sieur de La Salle. Cavelier was born in Rouen, November 23, 1643. His father, a well-to-do merchant, gave him a scientific education, and before he was twenty he held the position of teacher in a Jesuit school in his native city. Soon, however, the ambitious youth left the narrow life of his home for the broader sphere of activity offered in the new world. Thither his older brother 20 ROBERT CAVELIER, SIEUR DE LA SALLE. 21 had already gone as a teacher in the Jesuit college of St. Sulpice at Montreal. In the year 1666 he arrived at Montreal, and through the influence of his brother received from the Jesuits a large grant of land which he straightway caused to be settled by his numerous followers. Immediately upon his arrival La Salle conceived the most daring plans. He wished to find a passage to China by way of the American continent. His means were in no proportion to the magnitude of his schemes, but the courageous youth was not to be deterred on that account. From the Indians with whom he was in con- stant communication he learned of the great rivers of the west, and to them he first turned his attention. To gain a part of the money necessary for their exploration, he sold his lands and arranged an expedition from which he did not return for two years. He went to the south and west and discovered the Ohio, up which he went to the rapids at Louisville. On his exploring tours he did not neglect the fur trade through which he hoped to secure the means for still more extended trips. In 1672 he visited the eastern shore of Lake Michigan and upper Illinois. In the year 1673 Cavelier, taking with him the warmest kind of letters of recommendation from Gov- ernor Frontenac to Louis XIV and his powerful minister, Col- bert, returned to France to obtain a letter of nobility and a grant of land and to interest influential people in his under- takings. Louis' insatiable rapacity and greed for land greatly aided the young explorer. Successful in all that he had planned, Cavelier, now Sieur de La Salle, on his return to America, took possession of Fort Frontenac and the territory belonging to it, all of which had been granted him by the French government. Henceforth he devoted himself with great activity to his colonization schemes, and especially to the fur trade from which he still had to obtain for the most part the means for his various enterprises. His purpose to find a passage from America to China, La Salle now abandoned, and devoted himself to a plan to build 22 forts along the shores of the great lakes as well as on the Illi- nois, St. Joseph and Mississippi rivers, and especially at the mouth of the latter, on the Gulf of Mexico, to unite all the Indians of the west, and thus acquire for France possession of the region of the great lakes and the Mississippi valley and to monopolize its commerce. In the year 1677 La Salle again betook himself to France in order to win over to his cause Colbert, the influential minister of Louis, and again he was eminently successful. He returned to his colony with extended authority, enormous land grants, valuable privileges, among them the monopoly of trading in buffalo hides, considerable money and trusty subordinates and business associates. Among the men under his leadership were the Italian Chevalier de Tonti, who afterwards, as La Salle's trusty friend and lieu- tenant, played an important role in the history of Illinois, and the Franciscan monk, Louis Hennepin, the discoverer of coal in America, (near Ottawa, 111.) who afterwards made a repu- tation by his thorough exploration of the upper Mississippi and discovery of St. Anthony's Falls. Incidental mention may here be made of the characteristic fact that in furthering La Salle's plans, the French govern- ment by no means had in view the development of the rich resources of the immense territory in which he was to rule. It hoped that the young explorer might discover an easy road to Mexico, then regarded as the inexhaustible Dorado from which Louis' ever-empty coffers might be replenished. In November, 1678, bold, pious and joyous, La Salle's expedition started off for its distant goal. He was glad, indeed, to leave behind him the creditors who made his life a burden, and the Canadian traders, who, fearing his competi- tion, harassed him in every possible manner. From the wild men and wild beasts among whom he was going he had nothing to fear. He was leaving his enemies behind. The winter of 1678-79 he passed above Niagara Falls and there built a small vessel, which he called the " Griffon," 23 and which was launched in August, 1679. September 18 he sent the "Griffon" back to Canada heavily laden with furs, which were to appease his clamorous creditors. From Green Bay, where he had laden his vessel, La Salle pushed on in four canoes, going down the west shore of Lake Michigan, past the present site of Chicago, and up the eastern shore to the mouth of the St. Joseph river, where the little band of explorers La Salle with nineteen companions, among them two mis- sionaries landed November i. Here La Salle expected to find his friend, Tonti, with twenty men who were to have made the trip down the eastern shore, but they did not appear until three weeks later. On this spot La Salle built a fortified camp (Fort Miami) in which he left a small garrison, and then con- tinued the expedition up the St. Joseph, through the Kankakee, into the Illinois river, and to the great Indian village, La Van- turn. This, however, he found entirely abandoned. On January 4, 1680, La Salle came to Peoria lake, and on it he found a village of the Peoria Indians. The conduct of these Indians, and the fact that six of his men had deserted, caused him to erect a fort in this neighborhood, which, for obvious reasons, he called "Crevecoeur" "Heavy Heart." From every side misfortune befell him. His patience and endurance were submitted to the severest tests. The first thing he learned after his arrival among the Peorias was that his creditors had seized his possessions in Canada, and that the " Griffon," which he had daily expected with almost indispens- able supplies, had been sunk. To arrange his affairs at home, La Salle had to hurry thither as quickly as possible hurry in winter, with the rivers and lakes covered with ice, a distance of over a thousand miles. His trusty friend, Tonti, with a part of the men, he left in the new fort ; another party he sent down the Mississippi with Father Hennepin and one Indian, and four Frenchmen he took with him to Canada. He started March ist, reached the St. Joseph river March 24th and Fort Frontenac, his home, on May 24 6th, having accomplished this terribly trying journey in 65 days. While La Salle in the north was moving heaven and earth to straighten out his affairs and to obtain new means for his various enterprises, a fateful tragedy occurred at Fort Heavy Heart. On his way to La Vantum, La Salle had noticed a STARVED ROCK. great rock on the Illinois river (eight miles from the present city of Ottawa), where later the Illini were overcome by their terrible fate. Since that time it has been known as " Starved Rock." It is an erratic block, 135 feet high, completely 25 isolated, and with an upper surface of three-fourths of an acre. It is absolutely inaccessible, except by one small, steep path on the eastern side. Appreciating the strategic importance of this point, La Salle, on his departure, commissioned Tonti to erect a fort on top of the rock. Tonti, jointly with the missionaries, Membre and Ribourde, and three other Frenchmen, immediately set to work, leaving the rest of the men with the provisions, ammuni- tion and other supplies at Fort " Heavy Heart." To his great amazement, Tonti discovered a few days afterwards that the fort had been plundered and destroyed by its own garrison, and that the latter had fled. He immediately dispatched two messengers to inform La Salle of this new misfortune, and with the few men who had remained faithful to him retired to La Vantum, where he spent the summer. The two messen- gers on the way north learned that the deserters had also ran- sacked Fort Miami and the large fur depots at Mackinac, but succeeded in advising La Salle in time for him to capture the insurgents after killing two of them. The remainder were sent to Quebec, where they were properly punished. Alarmed at the possible fate of his friend Tonti, La Salle, August loth, 1680, with a force of twenty picked men, once more started on a trip to the Illinois country. Exactly a month later the blood-thirsty Iroquois again made a raid on the peaceful Illini in La Vantum, and during this attack the flourishing settlement was entirely destroyed, 1,200 of the Illini massacred, and the remainder driven across the Mississippi. Even the burying ground of their victims was not spared. The hostile Iroquois dug up the dead, scattered the bones on the ground and stuck the skulls up on long poles. Tonti and his men fled, but during their escape Father Ribourde was mur- dered by a Kickapoo. Completely exhausted, they finally found shelter among the Pottawatomies. It was the 4th of November when La Salle reached the mouth of the St. Joseph and learned from the Miamis the sad 26 fate of affairs. Crevecoeur, whither he next went, was a scene of the cruelest devastation, with wolves battling with each other over the unburied bodies of the slain. Hoping to find traces of Tonti, La Salle went down to the mouth of the Illi- nois. In vain. On a tree he fastened a letter for his missing friend, and near by left a canoe, some furs and an axe, and then turned back to Fort Miami, which he reached January 31, 1 68 1. The rest of the winter he spent in allying to himself the Indians of the region, and on the 25 of May, having learned from a Pottowatomie that Tonti was still alive, hastened to Mackinac, where the two friends met again. La Salle had reason enough to rejoice, for the dangers and difficulties which beset his undertakings were scarcely to be overcome and he more than ever needed the services of the cautious but energetic Tonti. As bad news came from Fort Frontenac the two straightway returned to Canada. Of course it was money that had caused the trouble old debts that La Salle had contracted to further his scheme. With the aid of Governor Frontenac and rich rela- tives La Salle again extricated himself from his difficulties and even succeeded in raising means for another expedition to the goal of his ambition the Gulf of Mexico. It consisted of twenty-three Frenchmen, eighteen Indians, ten squaws and three papooses and on December 23, 1681 they sailed off in Indian canoes. Their first destination was the Chekogoua river (as it is spelled in a report of La Salle) where Tonti with seven men had already gone. The title "Chekogoua" river is here applied to the Calu- met and in the early days it was very often, not only in verbal intercourse, but even in writings and on maps applied with the most varied orthography, to the St. Joseph, Des Plaines and Illinois rivers. On the oldest maps the present Chicago river does not appear at all and in later years is given simply as a canal. No especial importance was ever attached to it by the poineers. The origin of the name can be only conjectured. 27 By " Getchi-ka-go " the Illini meant something big and strong, by "Shecaugo," pleasant water; in the dialect of the Potta- watomies "Choc-ca-go" signified a desert; the Chippewas called the skunk "Shegog" and the wild skunkweed "She- gougawinze," and in many of the writings of the second half of the eighteenth century we find the expression " Chicagou, or Garlic creek." One can therefore attach such significance to the name " Chicago " as suits his own fancy. The fact, however, that in former times, there were in this vicinity great quantities of wild skunkweed (allium ursinum) would suggest that the Indian probably called the stream " Schegog " river (skunk river) on this account. The Calumet in those days formed the chief means of communication between Lake Michigan and the Illinois and Mississipi rivers, but sometimes, depending on the state of the weather, the time of the year and the amount of water in the streams, the St. Joseph or the present Chicago river was chosen. The chief thing to consider was always the " portage," that is, the places where on account of the interruption of the navigable waters, both boat and con- tents had to be carried. But let us return to our Argonauts who had been rowing down the Des Plaines to the Illinois river and on this, past many devastated Indian villages to its confluence w y ith the Mississippi, at which point they landed February 6, 1682. At first detained by ice and later by his many sojourns in Indian villages along the route, La Salle finally passed the mouth of the Arkansas March 12, and at last on April 7, had the joy of reaching the valiantly and persistently fought for goal of his hopes and ambitions the Gulf of Mexico. Amid the singing of the Te Deum and huzzas for the king of France, all of which sounded strangely enough in the magni- ficent wilderness, a pillar was erected bearing the French arms, and La Salle, " by virtue of his right as discoverer and with the consent of the natives," took formal possession of the spot on which he had landed (in the region which Hennepin 28 at an earlier period had named Louisiana in honor of Louis XIV) as well as of "all the territories and provinces lying along the shores of the Mississippi and of the cities, mines and fisheries therein contained," from the Alleghanies to the Rocky mountains. (*) The next work for La Salle was to properly fortify the newly discovered country. But here again he had to meet his old difficulties and indeed in increased measure. His means and the greatness of his undertakings were in pitiful contrast. The Canadian merchants feared that his increasing influence would prove injurious to their interests and sought to injure him. His creditors were clamorous as ever and to fill the measure of his misfortune his friend Frontenac, through the influence of the Canadian Jesuits, was relieved of his posi- tion as governor and replaced by De La Barre a man any- thing but kindly disposed toward La Salle. Two days after taking possession of Louisiana La Salle started on his homeward journey. In December of the same year he had reached that great rock in the neighborhood of La Vantum whose intended fortification had brought such dis- aster to poor Tonti. Now, however, the scene was joyously animated; a strange, gay picture presented itself to the view of the returning voyager. The great rock was properly for- tified and called Fort St. Louis. Under its protection the chief tribes of the Indians who had allied themselves with the French had again assembled. To the south of the fort were the Illini, numbering 7,000 souls; about 2,000 Miamis had chosen a dwelling place on the neighboring " Buffalo " island on the north side of the river; to the east were 200 Shawnees and 600 Pickashaws in all not less than 3,880 Indian war- riors were gathered around the fortress. In addition there * This event, so fateful in the historical development of our country, gave the French possession of the greatest and most important part of the New World, and took place scarcely six months after that great marauder. Lfiuis XIV, had surprised the rich and beautiful city of Strassburg in the midst of peace and wrenched it from the German empire, and at the same time that his allies, the Turks, were marching on, plundering and burning as they went, to attack the \valls of Vienna. 2 9 was the usual large number of camp followers and hangers on, who, despite their white skins, did not constitute the best ele- ment in the new settlement. Many of these men had become wholly savage, both in body and mind, as far as appearances went scarcely to be distinguished from the most neglected of the red skins and in their moral conduct far worse. Some, however, were honest fellows, skilled in hunting and trapping, or industrious farmers or mechanics, who carried on their var- ious trades and so put upon the little community springing up in the far west, the stamp of European civilization. Here were the primitive elements for a future great city and the brave explorer and leader seemed at last to have a fair pros- pect of carrying out his bold plans. Very many western cities and future great cities were, scarcely more than a generation ago, in a worse condition than Fort St. Louis. The best understanding existed between La Salle and his Indians. He afforded them effective protection and labored to instruct and elevate them. They, on the other hand, made his profitable fur trade possible, exchanging all kinds of skins for weapons, ammunition, calico, agricultural implements, trinkets for the women and other supplies. The summer which La Salle spent in the colony which he himself had founded formed the few days of real happiness which he had enjoyed since the time when, as a youth, his heart full of high hopes, he had first touched the soil of the New World. Toward fall however his troubles returned. First the necessary supplies from the north ceased and then his agents there were prevented from returning to the colony and it was again molested by the Iroquois. His land-grant Frontenac was seized upon by the provincial government under some vain pretext, and finally, to add the last drop to the cup of his unhappiness, La Salle was deprived of his com- mand of Fort St. Louis, that child born of his sorrows, and one Chevalier de Beaugis made commandant leaving the intrepid explorer, dishonored, robbed, homeless. It was the before mentioned Governor De La Barre who was responsible for this foul blot on the page of French history in America. That his trusted friend Tonti was allowed to remain in the colony was the only circumstance to lighten the sorrow of La Salle's leave-taking. Woodland and meadow were covered by the gray mists of autumn when the sore-tried man cast his last glance upon the young creation of his unselfish energy. In the spring of 1684 La Salle was again in Paris. After having again triumphed over his enemies he busied himself with preparations on a large scale for a new expedi- tion to America. Four ships were equipped and manned with 100 soldiers; mechanics and common laborers flocked to La Salle, and even a few dozen bankrupt nobles and speculators joined his standard. Their destination was the mouth of the Mississippi. A naval officer named Beaujeu commanded the squadron. But even on the voyage across the ocean some serious misunderstandings arose between this man and La Salle. When entering Matagorda bay in the Gulf of Mexico one of the vessels containing the most valuable and indispen- sible supplies and implements foundered with its whole cargo. Many of the men believed that this catastrophe was simply an act of revenge on the part of Beaujeu. The expedition had got about 600 miles too far west and La Salle made a fatal error in taking Matagorda bay as a western outlet of the Mississippi. After several fruitless endeavors to find the great river Beaujeu set sail with his squadron for home, leaving La Salle and the colonists on the Texan coast. The privations and miseries of the new comers increased from day to day. From day to day it was more difficult for La Salle to maintain discipline. With a courage born of despair he tried for two years to find the mouth of the Mississippi in order to obtain from Canada succor for his starving immigrants. It was in March, 1687, that, during one of his searching expeditions he got in a western outlet of the Trinity river, about the present site of Galveston, and here the bold explorer was overtaken by his tragic fate. He was murdered from ambush by one of his own men. Shot through the head he silently breathed his last, but his death marks the beginning of the end of the French rule in the New World. His contemporaries had neither the sense to appreciate nor the ability to maintain the advantages which his venturesome spirit and marvelous energy had gained for his fatherland. Besides, that crowned robber, Louis XIV and his ministers, were at that time too much busied with plundering Europe to form an idea of developing the immeasurable resources of the New World, the full extent of which they had not even a vague notion. The famous devastation of the Palatinate by the French commenced about two years after La Salle's assassination and from that time on for fully eight years, they were occupied with the work of destruction in Germany. Then up to I7J4 the war of the Spanish succession prevented Louis from interesting himself in the works of peace in his trans- Atlantic possessions. Thus it was that the French never brought any of La Salle's far- reaching plans into reality. About the same time that La Salle arrived in Paris on his last trip, the Iroquois, 2,000 strong, appeared before his rocky fortress on the Illinois river. But the stronghold proved to be a complete success and Tonti, after six days of seige, punished the hostile redskins so thoroughly that they never had any desire to return. In the year 1686, while La Salle was wandering along the Texan coast seeking the mouth of the Mississippi, Tonti, apprehensive for his friend's fate, organized an expedition for the Gulf of Mexico, but had to come back without accomplish- ing anything. Returning to the fort he learned of the sad death of La Salle, whereupon he again went south, visited the scene of the tragedy and provided for the helpless immi- grants. Later with fifty of his own men and 200 Indians Tonti made a successful campaign against the Iroquois in Canada. His return from there to the fort caused quite a 32 change in the life and activity of the colonists, inasmuch as the families of many of the soldiers, hunters and traders came with him to join the settlement around the fort Their arrival was the signal for an almost endless jollification and formed the beginning of the development of family life in the new community. This does not signify however that the new commonwealth distinguished itself as a model of morals and manners. Quite the contrary. After the inhabitants were freed from the fear of the Iroquois, they, whites as well as Indians, gave themselves up to unbounded excesses. The great mistake of the French leaders was that they neglected to create a solid moral and material basis for the colony by fostering agriculture and industry. It was impossible also to keep from the colony a class of people who had left their country only for their country's good and whose intercourse with the Indians acted like the breath of a pestilence. Upon the redskins the missionaries after all never gained much hold in spite of untold efforts and terrible privations. On the whole the Indian has very little talent for Christianity and when he allowed himself to be "converted" he did so largely "for revenue only." The copper-colored aborigines were far more partial to the fire-water of the French traders than to the holy water of the French priests. All these circum- stances acted against the healthy development of the young community ; it was a scrofulous condition of affairs. What a difference between this French colony and that founded by Pastorius in Germantown at almost exactly the same time ! From the first the Pennsylvania settlement was a model of industry, good order, earnest endeavor and excellent morals. Not that its founders rested on beds of roses, for Pastorius himself writes that " enough can neither be written nor believed by our more favored descendants, of the extent of the poverty and destitution in which this Germantownship was founded by colonists, distinguished alike for their Christian frugality and indefatigable industry." 3 33 The German settlement received at the beginning a town- ship organization and judiciary. Property rights were strictly regulated and official records kept. Agriculture, viticulture and various industries were developed, and in 1691 the first paper mill in America was established there. There, also, at this early period the first agitation against slavery in this country was inaugurated, an event which John G. Whittier extolled in his poem, "The Pennsylvania Pilgrim." In a comparison between the development of Germantown and Fort St. Louis lies the explanation of the historical fact that while the Germans have come to be an important element in the New World, the French influence was only transitory and local, and left no perceptible stamp on the national develop- ment, neither socially nor politically. In 1702 Fort St. Louis, the population of which had given itself up to a happy-go-lucky mode of existence, was abandoned by the Canadian government. Poor Tonti lost his position and possessions, but afterwards participated in the colonization of Louisiana and died a poor pauper in a little settlement on Mobile bay. Fort St. Louis existed, but only as a trading post, until 1718, when it was totally destroyed by the Indians of the vicinity. It is interesting to note that the savages gave as an excuse for this act the statement that the French had become intolerably immoral. Intolerance from a moral point of view and supersensitiveness were never prominent charac- teristics of the Indian nature. Their peculiar act and more peculiar explanation, therefore, form a valuable commentary on the methods of life then and there prevailing. As a whole the Illini lost more than they gained by their intercourse with the French, and the brandy introduced by the latter had as demoralizing an effect as opium exerts on the Chinese. Effeminated and morally corrupted, these Indian associates of the French soon became unable to defend themselves against their robust enemies in the north and east; most of them, therefore, went south, down the Mississippi, where they 34 dissolved their tribal relations, and, to a large extent, were lost sight of. Those that remained in their old country, the last of their tribe, were the victims of a cruel fate. Under the pre- text of their having been implicated in the murder of the Ottawa chief, Pontiac, whose death was probably instigated by the English, the remnant of the Illini was surprised by his tribe (1769) and driven to their old settlement at La Vantum, where a bloody engagement took place. Beaten here, they fell back, under cover of a stormy night, to the isolated rock where once stood La Salle's formidable Fort St. Louis. Here they sustained a twelve days' seige, at the end of which their provisions were completely exhausted. Then those who still felt strength enough for the ordeal left their rocky eyrie to sell their lives as dearly as possible. They were slaughtered to the last man. With a wild war-whoop the cruel enemy, after this bath of blood, hurried up the rock, where the mad carnage began anew. Pitilessly the tomahawk flew through the air and fell upon the heads of the poor victims who, sick and exhausted, had remained behind. Only one, an Indian half-breed, escaped from the terrible butchery. Such was the end of this once numerous and powerful tribe, which has given our state its name, and which not only always kept faith with the white pioneers, but even helped them in their enterprises. Verily they merited a better fate the poor Illini. After the peace of Ryswick (1697), which put an end to his plundering and devastation in Europe, Louis XIV again found leisure to cultivate his trans- Atlantic colonies. He es- tablished a fort in Louisiana, but its existence was precarious. First, the garrison and settlers were attacked by yellow fever, and later, on account of being fully occupied with the war of the Spanish succession, Louis found himself unable to assist his Mississippi fort. In consequence of this the French saw themselves obliged to govern Louisiana independently of Canada, or, more properly speaking, to turn their southern possessions over to the tender mercies of a set of tax 35 gatherers different from those who bled the colonists elsewhere. Boomers began to turn their attention to the valley of the lower Mississippi, which they expected to find a land of fabulous wealth. The Scotchman, John Law, to whom the inflationists and silver cranks ought long ago to have reared a monument; that prince of financial jugglers and speculators, who, by his bank of issue, contributed so much to the financial and moral ruin of France in the reign of Louis- XV, established the India company (Compagnie de 1'Inde), which leased from the French government the exclusive right. to "govern" and tax the provinces of Louisiana and Illinois, acquired the monopoly of the tobacco, slave, East India, China and South Sea Island trade, and procured the sole privilege of refining gold and silver. Under the influence of this rich and powerful company, and especially under the bold schemer Law, there began in the colonies on the Gulf, the Mississippi and in Illinois, an activity that was lively in spite of being unhealthy, forced and tainted with fraud. In 1718 New Orleans was founded and near Kaskaskia, in the Mississippi bottom, Fort Chartres, and this post, around which a flourishing, industrious and, considering the times, even fashionable little city devel- oped, was henceforth the seat of the French government in Illinois. In that year not less than 800 immigrants landed at the mouth of the Mississippi and from then on they came at regular intervals and in great numbers. Many negro slaves were also brought to the new colonies. In i7 22 > in Cahokia, as well as in Kaskaskia, mills, factories and stores were erected. In Kaskaskia a stone church and a stone dwelling house for the Jesuits were erected. The settlement of the whole terri- tory from New Orleans to Kaskaskia was so rapid that its division into nine civil and military districts was considered necessary. Illinois, the seventh district, was, next to that at New Orleans, the largest and most thickly settled. The com- merce of Illinois was henceforth carried on, not by way of Canada, but via New Orleans, which city gained rapidly in 36 importance. In the year 1732 the India Company was dissolved and from then on the colonies were again governed by French officers whose rule, if never brilliant, was at least tolerable. After an unfortunate campaign against the Chick- asaws, during which the youthful commander of the Illinois district, Pierre d'Artaguiette, together with some of his officers and two missionaries, fell into the hands of the Indians and were burned at the stake, the Illinois colony enjoyed a long and profitable peace, while commerce, agriculture and manu- factures developed very satisfactorily. Thus, for instance, not less than 1,000 sacks of flour were sent by them in 1745 to the New Orleans market, with a large quantity of lard, hides, leather, lumber, lead, furs and even wine. The trans- portation was effected in clumsy barges, which usually traveled together, and a round trip from New Orleans to Kaskaskia ordinarily lasted four to five months. But these long and slow journeys were were not devoid of pleasure. The boat- men landed in friendly settlements and enjoyed fishing, hunting and other sports. The return of these barges from the young metropolis at the mouth of the Mississippi was usually the cause for great jollification, for they not only brought new supplies of sugar, rice, tobacco, ammunition, etc., but also news from abroad and letters from home. It can well be said that about the middle of the i8th century the French colonies in Illinois reached their highest point of prosperity. Spared the attacks of hostile Indians and other calamities since 1736, they could develop themselves nat- urally and according to their inherent peculiarities, and that is what they did. But the end was pitiful. " The last result of wisdom stamps this true : He only, earns his freedom and existence Who daily conquers them anew." The last of the French colonial days in North America re- mind one vividly of these words of Faust. Here the material prosperity caused the moral downfall. Man cannot live by 37 bread alone. The leading spirits, busied with cares for the material welfare of the colonists, neglected their spiritual and moral needs; the commonwealth lacked in ideal force, in spiritual endeavor; it stagnated and the rank growth of a coarse sensuality killed out the tender shoots of the growing state so that its total destruction was only a question of time. Bold and energetic as the French were in discovering and exploring new territories, they were weak and unsuccess- ful in the maintenance and organic development of the same, in state formation. For eighty long years they reigned unin- terruptedly over the immense and rich domain stretching from the St. Lawrence and great lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. They erected forts, trading posts and missions ; but in spite of all their efforts they did not succeed in colonizing more than 4,000 whites in their enormous possessions. While fully ap- preciative of their great services in the exploration of the New World and their attempted civilization of the natives, we can- not exempt the French missionaries from censure for their neglect to use their influence and means to establish public schools and to foster the education and elevation of the com- mon people. Significant is the single fact that during the whole French rule, from beginning to end (after the battle of Quebec, September I3th, 1759), not a printing press was to be found in any of their colonies, while in the other colonies newspapers and books aided materially in the intellectual growth of the commonwealth. The northern part of Illinois, especially the region of the present Chicago, was totally neglected by the French after the death of La Salle. Only when the Anglo-Saxon appeared, were the first foundations laid for the Wonder city of to-day. PART TWO. The Rule of the English Emigration of the French The Pontlac War A Fateful Love Intrigue Pontiac's Tragic End The Americans Take the Helm. " Short is the reign of tyrants," says an old proverb, and short was the English reign over the conquered north- west. Of small advantage was it to either the ruled or the rulers, and as far as the latter were concerned, it was anything but creditable. At the time the British rule began in Illinois there were five settlements, having a total white population of 1600 persons, divided as follows: Kaskaskia Joo, Cahokia 450, New Chartres 220, Prairie du Rocher no and St. Philip 120. Fort Chartres was the last French military post to pass over into the hands of the English. It was October 10, 1765, that the French flag had to yield to the English on the walls of the fortress, and thus disappeared the last symbol of French rule in Illinois. It goes without saying that the French immigrants had no love for these conquerors. Not less than one-third of them preferred to leave the homes they had won after so many struggles and sacrifices, rather than to submit to the rule of the despised Britons. They went to New Orleans, Natchez, Baton Rouge, Genevieve and to the trading post of St. Louis. This was founded in 1764 by Pierre Laclede and about it there soon sprang up a flourishing little village which remains to mark the spot to this day. Only one man was left in St. Philip, and only a half-dozen in the neighborhood of Fort Chartres where formerly the elite of the French pop- ulation had been found. 39 But the native population of the Illinois district was far more dissatisfied with the new order of affairs than even the French. Their opposition sprang from both heart and head. The French had never been despotic, but had lived with them on terms of friendship, almost of equality, sharing with them their joys and sorrows, instructing them and even intermarry- ing with them, so that it galled the redskins that their friends should quietly submit to the rule of the hated, heartless, sel- fish English. In regard to their own interests too, the rule of the English was very disagreeable to the Indians so much so that they at once set about opposing them. The seat of the English government in the northwest was at that time Detroit, which in 1763 came into possession of the English, and was put under the command of Col. Henry Hamilton, lieutenant-governor of the territory. Some of the duties of this gentleman cannot be better described than as char- acteristically English. Thus, for example, he was instructed to "drive back the settlers across the Alleghanies. " For the English had no intention of colonizing the territory of the great lakes and Mississippi river; they wished rather, on account of import and export trade, to have the settlements as thickly peopled as possible along the coast. Another order given the commandant at Detroit, was to cause the Illinois settlers, who rebelled against the British rule, or rather misrule, and also their Indian allies, to be tantalized and opposed by Indians from the northeast, especially by the Iroquois to whom the government did not hesitate to offer a considerable reward for any scalps they brought in, whether of men, women or children. The first result of British supremacy in the northwest, was the so-called Pontiac war, which marks the bloodiest epoch in western colonial history. Pontiac, a chief of the Ottawas, and the recognized leader of the whole Algonquin family, an Indian of imperious nature and far more than average ability, formed the bold plan 40 of forcibly putting an end to British rule in the northwest. His remarkable talent and his almost white skin, would suggest that this crafty warrior was a French half-breed; at any rate he succeeded, without raising the least suspic- ion, in forming a powerful federation of the Indians of the Ottawa, Chippewa, Pottawatomie, Menominee, Miami, Shawnee and Wyandotte tribes. He then arranged, on a certain day in May, 1763, to capture, either through force or cunning, all the forts in the northwest held by the English. This bold plan, which was executed with marvelous skill, came within a hair's breadth of complete success. Mackinac, Sandusky, Green Bay, St. Joseph, Presque Isle (Erie) and Venango fell into the hands of the Indians. But Detroit, the strongest, and strategically the most important point, whose capture Pontiac himself had undertaken, escaped a similar fate through chance. Here again it was an Indian girl who took a prominent role, and thus saved the English garrison. She belonged to the Ojibway tribe and had a love affair not a Platonic one with Major Gladwin, commander of the troops stationed at Detroit. Suspecting the danger in which her lover was placed, she did not rest until she had fully learned of Pontiac's plan to surprise the fort. The chief and 400 of his warriors, each with his weapons concealed under his blanket, entered the fort with permission of the commander, and according to program, started what was ostensibly to be a peaceable pow-wow. It had been arranged, however, by the conspirators that at a signal from Pontiac, the unsuspecting garrison should be attacked and murdered. But the cunning Indian had not made his reckoning with the Ojibway maiden, who had duly informed her lover of all that was going on. Pontiac in the grotesquely solemn fashion of the Indians, had begun an harangue and threateningly, and ever more threaten- ingly addressed Gladwin, who was quietly sitting before him. The critical moment seemed to be at hand. Suddenly, how- ever, there sounded a peal of trumpets and a roll of drums. In a moment the amazed and dumfounded Indians were surrounded with glittering bayonets and drawn sabres. Rapid as this dramatic transition was, the change in the conduct of the redskins, and in the tone of their demands, was more so, and they thanked their lucky stars when they were finally dismissed with a stern warning, but with whole skins. This scare however did not deter them from making an attack on the fort the next day. But they were repulsed. Pontiac seemed to take his failure and humiliation at Gladwin's hands very much to heart, and for three months harrassed the fort almost daily, making several particularly desperate but unsuc- cessful attempts to capture it. When he finally perceived that he had underestimated the force of the English in the same degree that he had overestimated the power of the Indian federation, the embittered chief turned to the French officers, who, after the surrender of their forts, had been dismissed on parole by the English, and asked aid and support from them. Indeed he dispatched messengers as far as New Orleans, and could not comprehend that his former comrades and brothers- in-arms had to look idly on at the desperate struggle he was waging for the rights of both. Many another bitter conflict took place between the red warriors and their hated English foes, many another settlement was devastated, and many an emigrant's family killed or dragged into slavery before Pontiac finally (August 1765) made peace in the name of all the tribes commanded by him. Broken in spirit and bodily strength, the great chieftain, after his last disaster, disappears from the scene of events, and all that is henceforth heard of him, is, that in April, 1769, he was befuddled with liquor, at the instance of an English trader named Williamson, and murdered by a Kaskas- kia Indian. St. Ange, the gray-haired commander of Fort Chartres, felt affection enough for the grim warrior to have his body removed to St. Louis and buried there. Thus at least his bones did not rest in hostile earth, and none of the despised English could tread upon the grave of their fallen foe. 42 Had Pontiac lived ten years longer, he would have had the great satisfaction of witnessing the disgraceful defeat of the English in Illinois and the final dissolution of English rule in the northwest. George Rogers Clark, a brilliant and patriotic Kentuckian, conceived the idea in 1778, of capturing Fort Chartres, Kas- kaskia, Vincennes in short, the whole Illinois territory from the English. On laying his plans before Virginia's great governor, Patrick Henry, he was assured arms, ammunition and the necessary authority, and at once set out on his campaign. He first captured Kaskaskia, taking the Creole commandant of the British fort by surprise, and, making friends of the French colonists, won over to his cause the inhabitants of Cahokia and Vincennes. This was in the summer of 1778 and thus far the very audacity of Clark's plans had made them successful. He had captured the Illinois territory without a struggle. But in the fall Col. Hamilton with a large force of English and Indians set out from Detroit, fully intending to capture Clark and his handful of "buckskins" and restore the British rule in short order. He reached Vincennes early in the winter and captured the town without a fight. Here he entered winter quarters, postponing his annihilation of Clark until spring. This was his great error, and the American's good luck, for in February, 1779, Clark, with 170 men under his command, attacked his fort and compelled his surrender. From that day the whole northwest territory has been in undisputed and peaceful possession of the United States. It was first incorporated as one of the counties of Virginia but that state afterwards (1782) ceded it to the general government. In 1800 Ohio was separated from this " northwest territory " and Michigan and Indiana a few years later. There still remained the state of Illinois, Wisconsin and a part of Minne- sota, with a combined white population of 12,282 souls. December 3, 1818, Illinois was admitted to the Union as a 43 separate state with Kaskaskia as its first capital. Later Vandalia became the seat of the state government and in 1836 Springfield. The earlier immigrants settled for the most part in the southern portion of the state and flourishing settlements of highly educated people sprung up in Vandalia, Belleville and other tows of southern and central Illinois. Among the first settlers in Belleville was Gustav Koerner, who afterwards became governor of the state. He is still (1893) enjoying robust health and is actively engaged in political and literary labors. Chicago was, to a certain extent, avoided by the early- comers and it was not until years after that the flood of immi- gration turned to the city on the southern shore of Lake Michigan. FIRST CAPITOL BUILDING IN ILLINOIS. 44 Chicago. Early Documents A Miscarriage in Land Speculation The Earliest Settlers Erection of Fort Dearborn Tecumseh Massacre of Fort Dearborn Tedious Develop- ment of the Village Black Hawk End of the Indian War in Illinois and Beginning of the Rapid Development of the Future Metropolis. The bold deeds of Frederick the Great, the bloody Turkish war, which so violently agitated all Europe, the storming of the bastille, the murder of Louis XVI, the appearance of Napoleon on the world's stage, the important events in Eng- land, even the war for American independence and its immediate consequences none of all these important scenes which were enacted in the drama of nations in the i8th and beginning of the ipth centuries, affected Chicago. The wonder-city of to-day was then only a geographical concep- tion, an unimportant and insignificent meeting-place of fur-traders and Indians. At the time of La Salle and Tonti there was, of course, a comparatively active trade in Chicago and as early as September 14, 1699, the Jesuit priest Buisson de St. Cosne was warranted in making to the bishop of Quebec a favorable report on the Jesuit mission in the neigh- borhood. But this was given up about the middle of the last century and the trading post of " Chicagou " was soon outdistanced by those of Melwarick (Milwaukee) and St. Joseph. Unfortunately there is a lack of reliable documents and reports on many an interesting event in the development of Illinois and its chief city and absolutely no care is being taken by the proper state authorities to gather and preserve such material as is still existing. One of the oldest documents re- lating to Chicago affords a glimpse of the early speculators. 45 A venturesome Englishman named William Murray, who had turned up in Kaskaskia eight years before, established in 1773 the " Illinois Land company " and in the presence of the civil and military officers of the town held a pow-wow with the chiefs of several of the Illinois tribes and received in trade from them two enormous tracts of land east of the Mississippi. In consideration of this cession he gave the Indians five shill- ings in cash, 250 blankets, 250 strouds (a thick cloth), 250 pairs of stroud-and-half-thick stockings, 150 stroud breech- cloths, 500 pounds of gunpowder, 4000 pounds of lead, one gross of knives, thirty pounds of vermillion, 2000 gun flints, 200 pounds of brass kettles, 200 pounds of tobacco, three dozen gilt looking glasses, 10,000 pounds of flour, 500 bushels of Indian corn, twelve horses, twelve horned cattle, twenty bushels of salt and twenty guns. In the deeds, which, however, were afterwards declared null and void by Congress, one of the boundary points was des- ignated as " Chicagou or Garlick creek," and the site of the present city would be included in % this grant. The present spelling of Chicago is found for the first time in a letter of an Indian trader named Burnett, written from St. Joseph, Mich., in 1780, and containing this laconic sentence : " The Pottawatomies at Chicago have killed a Frenchman about twenty days ago. They say there is plenty of Frenchmen. " The name " Chicago " was officially recognized by the gov- ernment of the United States in the treaty which Gen. Anth- ony Wayne made in Greenville, Ohio, in i795> with the Indians of the northwest. The territory which the Indians at that time were forced to cede to the United States, included "one piece of land, six miles square, at the mouth of the Chicago river, emptying into the southwestern end of Lake Michigan, where a fort formerly stood." Within this boundary, and on the northern side of the river, where Kinzie street commences, only one man lived at that time, Jean Baptiste Point de Saible, as the historians call him. 46 This first Chicago settler, who drifted here about the year i779> originally came from the island of Hayti. By the peace of Ryswick, (September 20, 1697,) the western part of this island was ceded to the French and thereafter made extra- ordinary progress in its material development. As here in the west they had joyfully accepted the opportunity of intermarry- ing with the Indians, so among the negroes of the West Indies the French accepted the same privilege. Many of the half-breeds of Hayti, whose origin may be attributed to this Gallic peculiarity, were educated in the schools of France and afterwards attained positions of prominence at home, while the Spanish Haytiens, the inhabitants of Santo Domingo, led a precarious, semi-barbarous existence. The slaves formerly brought by Renault to Fort Chartres, came from Hayti. Point de Saible (or perhaps more correctly Point de Sable or Sabre,, for there is no French word " Saible ") was a French mulatto of the before mentioned type. Together with one Glamorgan, an adventurer from Santo Domingo, he came by way of New Orleans, to the Peoria Indians and later wandered up to Lake Michigan, where he met the Pottawato- mies. Here he organized an extensive and very remunerative trade, reaching as far as Detroit and Mackinac. He was, therefore, the first Chicago wholesaler, and made Chicago, for the first time, a commercial center. Personally he is described as a good looking and very pleasant fellow who, in his solitude, had acquired but one bad habit, he would get drunk. In the year 1796 Monsieur de Saible retired from business a wealthy man. In spite of his material success, however, he does not seem to have liked Chicago, for after making his fortune here, he vanished from the scene and was heard of no more. His dwelling and storeroom, a large block- house built by his own hands, passed into the possession of a French trader, Le Mai, who in 1804 sold it to John Kinzie. During the last three years of his stay in Chicago, Saible had neighbors, three French Canadians, Guarie, Ouillemette and 47 Pettell, the first of whom lived on the West Side, the two others near the place on which in 1803 the fort was erected. None of these gentlemen had held himself aloof from the French-Indian race mixing process, for the four firesides in the four log-houses were presided over by four full-blooded Indian squaws. Immediately after his treaty with the Indians of the north- west, Gen. Wayne recommended to the government at Wash- ington, the establishment of a fort in Chicago, as a protection for American traders, and he afterwards came here himself to supervise the preliminary steps in the undertaking. Eight years, however, elapsed before the United States government acted on this recommendation. Capt. John Whistler with a small command of United States troops reached here July 3, 1803, in the government schooner " Tracy." He at once began, at the corner of the present Michigan avenue and River street, to erect a fort which was completed about the first of the following December. In honor of Gen. Henry Dearborn, at that time secretary of war, the new fort was called Fort Dearborn. Except for the French settlers and John Kinzie, who came here in 1804, there then lived between the Chicago and Des Plaines rivers, only Pottawato- mie Indians, whose principal settlement was on the Calumet river near the present site of South Chicago. A correct idea of the then existing condition of affairs may be gained from the following letter of Mrs. Julia Whistler, wife of the commander of Fort Dearborn : . " The United States Schooner ' Tracy, ' * * * * on arriving at Chicago, anchored half a mile from the shore, discharging her freight from boats. Some 2000 Indians visited the locality while the vessel was here, being attracted by so unusual an occurrence as the appearence in these waters of 'a big canoe with wings.' There were then here but four rude huts, or trader's cabins, occupied by white men, Canadian French with Indian wives. * * * # There was not at that time, within hundreds of 48 miles, a team of horses, or oxen; and as a consequence, the soldiers had to don the harness, and with the aid of ropes, drag home the needed timbers. " Only once a year did the soldiers of the fort receive their sup- plies from the government, and then generally from a govern- ment vessel. How wise was the recommendation of Gen. Wayne, that a fort be erected in this neighborhood, the occurrences of the folio wing year am ply proved. To gain an adequate idea of the situation, it is necessary to view the Indian treaties effected by Gen. Harrison, and to note the dissatisfaction caused by them. President John Adams appointed as governor of the northwest territory, created by an act of Congress May 7, 1800, Gen. William Henry Harrison, who at that time was a member of Congress. He had formerly gained much exper- ience under Gen. Wayne in Indian fighting, and proved him- self a brave soldier. Gov. Harrison confined his efforts principally to making treaties with the Indians by which their lands came largely into possession of the United States. That the national government was ever cheated in these transac- tions is hardly to be believed, and the Indians always main- tained the contrary, claiming to have been most unmercifully duped. Be this as it may, it is a fact that the United States government gained possession of the lands of the Indians of the northwest very cheaply, as is proved by the following figures : DATE OF THE TREATY. NAME OF THE INDIAN TRIBE. NUMBER OF ACRES. PUR- CHASE PRICK. Fort Wayne, June 7, 1803 i Delawares, Shawnees . . . ) j Miamis, Pattawotomies. . > ' and Kickapoos ) 2,038,400 $4,000 Vincenues, Aug. 15, 1803 ( Kaskaskias, Cahokias I ( and Mitchigamies ) 8,911,850 12,000 St. Louis, Nov. 3, 1804. . . Sacs and Foxes 14 803,500 22.234 Vincennes, Dec. 30, 1805. Piankashaws 2.676,150 4,100 Vincennes Dec 9, 1809 Kickapoos 138 240 2 700 In the same measure as the government succeeded in get- ting possession of the Indians' lands in the northwest the 49 discontent among the natives increased. In addition is the fact, that the white settlers as well as the government agents, frequently acted with unnecessary harshness toward the Indians and that the English in Canada lost no opportunity to create discontent among the red men and incite them to begin hostilities against the federal government. In consequence of the conditions thus created it was inevitable that the decision as to the final possession of the great northwest, east of the Mississippi be left to the sword. An important and in many respects highly interesting role in this crisis was played by Tecumseh, a gifted and influential chief of the Shawnees. He was born near the present site of Springfield, Ohio, in 1768. While he was still a child his father fell on the battle field, a fact not calculated to inspire him with any high degree of affection for the whites. His own baptism of fire he received in Kentucky at the age of 20 when at the first volley he succumbed to the " bullet fever " and ran away as fast as his legs could carry him. Through more than ordinary prudence and valor, however, he dis- tinguished himself in the bitter conflicts which preceded the treaty of Greenville. About the year 1805 he also tried to execute the plan which had caused the downfall of Pontiac to form a union of all the Indian tribes of the west against the whites. He was greatly assisted in all his undertakings by his brother, Ellskwatawa, commonly called the " Prophet," who exercised a remarkable influence upon the redskins. The dissatisfaction among the Indians was, of course, favorable to the plans of the brothers. They asserted that the chiefs were unduly influenced, by brandy or bribes, to make the various treaties effected by Gen. Harrison, that the territ'ory affected by these treaties belonged to the various Indian tribes and families and that therefore individual chiefs had no right to dispose of it or any part thereof. In spite of the most import- unate warnings of Gov. Harrison the two brothers, with 50 indefatigable zeal and persistency, labored hard to arouse a warlike spirit among all the Indian tribes from the region of the great lakes to the Gulf of Mexico. In the year 1806 they came to the vicinity of Chicago to incite the Pottawatomies to deeds of violence and to induce them to join the federated Indians. Their failure to accom- plish their purpose was due partly to the officers of the fort but chiefly to the efforts of John Kinzie, who was highly regarded by the Indians. In August, 1810, Tecumseh was invited by Gov. Harrison to a " quiet talk " and with 400 warriors, all fully armed, betook himself to Vincennes, where Gov. Harrison's headquarters then were. He was asked to take a seat on the veranda of the governor's house but proudly refused, saying : " Houses were built for you to hold councils in and Indians hold theirs in the open air." Thereupon Gov. Harrison went out to meet the haughty chief who received him with a speech, elo- quent in the true Indian fashion. At the conclusion of his harangue he was asked to take a seat beside his " father " (Gen. Harrison) but gravely refused, saying : " The sun is my father and the earth is my mother. On her bosom I will repose." In the discussion which followed, Tecumseh deported him- self in such a violent and threatening manner that negotiations were broken off. The next day he apologized for his conduct and the conference was resumed, but without result, and the agitation of the brothers, and the general discontent of the Indians continued. Soon the Pottawatomies, the savages near Chicago, began to grow uneasy; the young warriors heeded not the advice of the older and wiser chiefs, and began to listen to the schemes of the brothers. While Tecumseh was engaged in organizing the Indians of the south, the Prophet, November u, 1811, made an attack at Tippecanoe on the troops of Gen. Harrison, but was repulsed with heavy losses on both sides. After the breaking out of the war of 1812, Tecumseh allied himself with the English in order to wreak his vengeance on Gen. Harrison, whom he hated bitterly. From the English he received command of the Indian forces, and took a promi- nent part in the principal conflicts of 1812 and 1813. In recognition of his bravery and ability, he was made a brigadier- general on the battlefield of Maguaga where he had been dangerously wounded. The cut here given represents him in his uniform as an English general. His aversion to Gen. Harrison and his staff was so great that he refused to participate in any conference where one of them was present. This fact, however, did not deter him, after the successful siege of Fort Meigs, where he commanded 2000 Indian warriors, from preventing the proposed slaughter of the American prisoners. During the retreat of the British, after the battle of Lake Erie, Tecumseh who always fought des- perately, in the very front ranks, was again severely wounded. Pathetic to a high degree is the end of this remarkable chieftain. Even before the decisive battle on the Thames in Canada, October 5, 1813, where he commanded the right wing of the English, he believed defeat inevitable and rather than survive the triumph of his enemies decided to seek death on the field of battle. He laid aside his sword and uniform and once more put on the regulation war dress of an Indian chief. With a wild war-whoop he dashed into the midst of the conflict and soon found the desired end. Tccumseh was indisputably one of the most prominent and intelligent of the Indian leaders, and would undoubtedly have become a states- man and soldier of renown had his earlier education been of a different character. Closely connected with the agitations of Tecumseh, and the Prophet and the intrigues .of the agents of the English, was an event which cast its awful shadows over the very beginning of Chicago, the massacre of the garrison of Fort Dearborn. This took place in August 1812. Saturday, August 9, a friendly Pottawatomie chief, Winnimeg, hurried unexpectedly into the fort. He brought a letter from Gen. Hull, commander of Fort Detroit, to Capt. Heald, who, after the transfer of Col. Whistler, had command of Fort Dearborn. For weeks the situation of the garrison had been very critical. The Indians who hung around the fort day by day became more threaten- ing and now bad news from the east! The letter announced that the United States had declared war against England June 12, 1812. Three weeks before Mackinac had fallen into the hands of the enemy. Fort Dearborn was to be abandoned and the garrison, if possible, was to go to Detroit by land. The supplies and ammunition in the fort were to be disposed of according to the discretion of the commander. It was believed that the contents of the letter could be kept secret from the Indians, but Tecumseh had taken good care to fully advise his red brothers of the turn affairs had taken and they were in no mood to forego any of the advantages offered by the situation. Allured by the prospect of plunder, new bands of Indians arrived almost hourly. Besides a great 53 quantity of various kinds of merchandise there were stored in the fort immense supplies of powder and whisky, and powder and whisky were just what the Indians desired. They decided therefore, to butcher the garrison and only awaited a favorable opportunity. Capt. Heald had only forty-five men and two officers under his command and there were but twelve militia men in addition. Part of his men were sick so that only forty of the garrison were able to bear arms. Their chief duty was to protect twelve women and twenty children. The Indians surrounding the fort were 700 strong. After the arrival of Winnimeg a council of war was held in the fort, but on account of the decided difference of opinion no definite action resulted. Winnimeg advised leaving the fort at once, abandoning to the Indians, arms, ammunition, whisky everything. Capt. Heald, however, wished to give the Indians in return for a promise of safe conduct, everything but what they wanted i. e., arms, whisky and ammunition. Lieut. Helm, Ensign Ronan and a majority of the men were in favor of remaining as long as possible in the fort in hopes of reinforcements. None of the unfortunates had much hope of escape. The arrival, on August 13, of Capt. William Wells, Indian agent in Fort Wayne, with thirty friendly Miamis, cast the last faint ray of sunshine into the gloomy camp. Wells, the uncle of Mrs. Heald, had received news of the precarious con- dition of the garrison, and had voluntarily come to afford it relief if possible. He well knew how to deal with Indians, in peace or man to man on the battlefield. When a boy of 12, during an Indian war in Kentucky, in which his father played a conspicuous part, he was stolen by a Miami and adopted by their great chief, Little Turtle. Then he became the chief's son-in-law, having married one of the Misses Little Turtle. But he soon tired of this interesting family, and of Indian life, and one fine morning told his wife's relatives that he would take his family and return to the whites. Later, under Gen. Wayne, he distinguished himself in many a hot combat against the 54 red men. Since the peace of Greenville, however, he lived in perfect harmony with the tribe to which his wife had belonged. Wells urged an immediate abandonment of the fort, and agreed with John Kinzie and Capt. Heald as to the advisa- bility of destroying the arms, whisky and ammunition. This was done. When the Indians saw keg after keg of their beloved fire water rolled into the lake, their wrath knew no bounds. On the morning of August 15, about 9 o'clock, the gates of the fort were opened and the garrison marched out. Fifteen of Capt. Wells' Miamis march at the head. Then came the band playing a funeral march ! In the middle, in wagons or on horseback came the women, children and the sick, guarded by the few able-bodied soldiers ; the other fifteen Miamis formed the rear guard. John Kinzie, although warned by a friendly Indian, also went along, hoping that if worst came to worst, his influence with the natives might prevent bloodshed. His family had already been taken in canoes by friendly Indians to a hiding place in the vicinity of St. Joseph. The last man had hardly left the fort when the Indian hordes like a pack of hungry wolves, rushed ^howling into the building, but of that which they most eagerly sought, whisky and powder, they found no trace. According to an agreement with Capt. Heald 500 Potta- watomies escorted the garrison from the fort. They marched along the lake shore on an Indian trail. About 100 yards west of this trail, and perhaps a quarter of a mile south of the fort, there was a row of sand-hills which completely cut off the view to the prairie. As soon as the Indians arrived at the first of these hills they made a detour to the right, march- Ing along to the west of them and cut completely off from the the sight of the people from the fort who continued along the shore between the lake and the hills. Availing themselves of their protection the Indians hastened on and about a mile and 55 a half from the fort made an ambuscade and awaited the approach of the unsuspecting garrison. They did not have long to wait. Soon Capt. Wells, riding well in advance of the troop, appeared, but caught sight of the Indians almost as soon as they did of him. Realizing in a moment what had happened, he wheeled his horse and dashed back to report to Capt. Heald. Their worst fears had come to pass. The hundreds of Indians had lured them from the fort and now meant to butcher them. There was but one thing to do sell their lives as dearly as possible and protect the helpless women and children to their last breath. The soldiers did not stop to draw up the wagons and make of them a rude shelter from the bullets of their foes but dashed on up the hill, hoping by a brilliant charge to dislodge their enemy. In this they were partially successful, but new hordes of the red devils suddenly appeared in the rear and in an instant captured the almost helpless wagon train. The soldiers came back, but too late ! The wagons were already captured and the red men out- numbered the soldiers twenty to one. Around the wagons the struggle was fiercest. Hand to hand the white and red men fought and fell. Among the first who was cut down was Capt. Wells. Mortally hurt with the blood pouring from a wound in his head the brave fellow rode up to Mrs. Heald to bid her farewell and send a 'last message to his wife and children. Then he rode back to fight while his strength lasted. In a moment he fell dead from his horse, but the red fiends instantly picked up the body and carried it away. The head was hacked from the trunk and the brave heart torn from the breast, cut into little pieces and given by bloody fingers to the various chieftains, who ate the still warm flesh, hoping thus to gain for themselves some portion of the heroic spirit that had dwelt therein. Wells was not the only man to fall, however. The whole encounter lasted but ten or fifteen minutes and when it was over there remained of the 132 white persons, who had but a few moments before left the fort under 56 promise of safe guidance from the Indians, but twenty-five men, two women and eleven children all more or less severely wounded. The most horrible incidents in this massacre were the slaughter of a whole wagon load of little children by a youftg buck, and later the murder by the squaws of the sick and wounded soldiers. Capt. Heald had surrendered only on the express condition that the lives of the prisoners be spared but in spite of this many of the helpless whites were killed in cold blood, and all were cruelly treated. The scene of this horror was near i8th street where it crosses Prairie and Indiana avenues. Besides Capt. Wells, Ensign Ronan and Surgeon Van Voorhis were among those slain. Capt. Heald, Lieut. Helm and their wives were among those severely wounded. The escape of Mrs. Helm, a daughter of Kinzie, was remarkable. A young warrior had seized and was trying to tomahawk her, when an older Indian, evidently a chief, ran up and dragged her away from her captor. He then carried her to the lake and plunged her into the water and the unhappy woman expected to be drowned. Soon, however, she noticed that the old chief was carefully holding her head above water, and looking closely she saw that her captor was Black Partridge, her husband's friend, who had used this strategy to save her life. She was afterwards taken to her parents in Detroit. Her husband also escaped with his life, but was held captive by the Indians until the payment of a heavy ransom. Mrs. Heald was wounded six times. She, with her husband, was taken to St. Joseph, and there kept until both had recovered. Capt. Heald was afterwards paroled by the English. In the evening after the massacre, the Indians celebrated their bloody work by firing Fort Dearborn. The ruins of the fort were still smoking when the red devils left the scene of their carnage, taking their booty with them leaving their victims unburied behind. Quiet reigned 57 once more in the youthful settlement a quiet as profound as when the first French explorer put foot upon the virgin soil. The log huts were desolate and deserted, the tilled fields were laid waste and the store houses empty and plundered. The only man who escaped the great disaster without injury was the French half-breed, Antoine Ouillemette, who still dwelt, as before, with his family on the West Side, tried to get his fur trade in shape again and finally founded, a few miles north of Chicago, the little villiage of Wilmette. The plan of connecting Lake Michigan with the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, proposed by Joliet as early as 1673, came one step nearer realization in 1814 when President Madison, in a message to Congress, pointed out the great advantages to be derived from such a connection. The first direct effect of the message was the re-erection of Fort Dear- born. Capt. Hezekiah Bradley, appointed by the govern- ment for this purpose, arrived in Chicago July 4, 1816, with two companies of soldiers. The first act of the new comers was to gather the bleached bones of their predecessors and bury them in the garrison cemetery, which was then located on the spot now occupied by the Lake Front Park. The new fort was erected on the site of the old one but was built on a better plan and was considerably larger. In consequence of peace being declared between England and the United States, February 17, 1815, and the rebuilding of Fort Dear- born, trade and commerce began to flourish once more in the neighborhood of Chicago. The first to return to their deserted home was the Kinzie family (1816). The firm of Detroit fur-traders, Conant and March, founded a branch establish- ment in Chicago in 1817, and a certain John Crafts was their foreman. John Jacob Astor, a German of New York, who had succeeded in establishing a fur-trading business that soon rivaled that of the Hudson Bay company, sent his agent, Gur- don S. Hubbard, to Chicago in 1818. John Kinzie, who was by trade a silver-smith, and at first dealt in furs only incidentally, 58 was among those who did business with Hubbard. The Astor branch became so successful that Conant and March could not compete with it and were compelled to sell out to Astor. In 1819 the first Milwaukee man came here and he never had cause to regret the change this was Jean Baptiste Beaubien, an old fur-trader, who afterwards played an import- ant role in the development of the city. He was an enterpris- ing man and very rich, for those days. Furs, at this time, comprised the staple article of Chicago's trade. At regular intervals the Indians brought into town the results of their hunting expeditions. The fur-traders then sent the skins in small vessels to the Atlantic coast, from where they were shipped to Europe. That this trade was carried on with any remarkable degree of honesty cannot be asserted. Those Indians who had been in constant intercourse with the whites, had become more and more demoralized since their first con- tact with the French, and by the beginning of the present cen- tury, were helpless slaves to alcohol. Characteristic is the fol- lowing remark of Topenebe, a prominent Pottawatomie chief of not less than 80 years, who, during a public address before the great Indian meeting in Chicago in 1821 with impressive sol- emnity said : " We care not for the land the money or the goods ; it is the whisky we want, give us the whisky. " After the conclusion of the treaty made at this gathering, the appetites of the noble advocates of fire-water were partially, at least, appeased by the government land commissioner who gave them seven kegs of whisky. During the next twenty- four hours not less then ten cowardly murders were committed in the Indian camp. Among the Americans in those days there were of course some humanitarians who tried, both by kind teaching and stern laws, to save the Indian from the ter- rible consequences of whisky; but the traders, who reaped their profit from the misery of the redskins, did not favor thes& kindly measures, nor in their time did the French officers and post commanders. In this regard the following letter, written 59 in 1695 by Cadillac, the commander of Fort Michilimackinac, to a friend in Quebec, may be quoted as showing the attitude of the French. With true Gallic cynicism he writes : " What reason can one assign that the savages should not drink brandy bought with their own money ? This prohibition has much discouraged the Frenchmen here from trading in the future. It seems very strange that they should pretend that the savages would ruin themselves by drinking. The savage him- self asks why they do not leave him in his beggary, his liberty, and his idleness; he was born in it and wishes to die in it it is a life to which he has been accustomed since Adam. Do they wish him to build palaces and ornament them with beauti- ful furniture? He would not exchange his wigwam and the mat, on which he squats like a monkey, for the Louvre ! " Whisky was the principal article which the traders gave the Indian in exchange for his furs a fact due not only to the redmen's natural love of " fire-water, " but quite as much to his utter inability to drive a shrewd bargain when in a mild state of inebriety. Often dishonest traders would get an Indian befuddled with liquor and then mercilessly fleece him. Naturally enough the after effects of a redman's debauch were peculiarly exasperating, for almost invariably, as his brain cleared, came the cheerful consciousness that he had been stripped of all his worldly possessions. As a result the com- mercial relations between the Indians and the whites were often unpleasant, and not infrequently called for government interference. Soon after Fort Dearborn was rebuilt, the sec- retary of war established, both there and at a fort in Green Bay, factories, so-called, or agencies through which the Indians and traders were to make exchanges on an honest basis. But the experiment was not a success. The factories fell into the hands of unscrupulous and dishonest men, and the Indian soon learned that he had merely fallen from the frying pan into the fire. Both he and the government were cheated while the whisky anarchy grew stronger than ever. So strong, in 60 fact, that the government found itself obliged to give up its paternal and quasi-socialistic factory system, which, in 1822, passed into the hands of Astor. The Knickerbocker pelt-dealer thus got control of the fur trade of the northwest, and so made an enormous fortune. Fortunately Chicago commerce soon outgrew these primitive business methods, and became much more diversified and healthful. As early as August 24, 1816, a national commission con- sisting of Gov. Edwards, of Illinois, William Clark and A. Chouteau, met in St. Louis, the representatives of the Potta- watomies, Chippewas and Ottawas, and tried to secure the surrender by the Indians of enough land for the already pro- jected Illinois and Michigan canal. According to the official documents, this canal was "to connect Buffalo with New Orleans, " and it was in its interest that the great Indian meet- ing of 1821 was held in Chicago. This was a most important event in the development of the city. By virtue of the treaty then concluded with the Indians by Gen. Lewis Cass, and Solomon Sibley, with the assistance of John Kinzie and Beaubien, certain lands necessary for the construction of the canal were obtained, and the troublesome redmen crowded away from the eastern shore of Lake Michigan. The preparations which had to be made for this meeting by the national commission and by the few residents of Chicago, were in keeping with the importance of the occasion. Fifteen thousand Indians had to be so fed and cared for that they should be satisfied and yet not so well entertained that they become unmanageable. The task of the national commission was by no means easy : to come to a satisfactory understand- ing with the sixty-four chiefs who represented the various tribes interested. The Indians were loath to give up the rich and fertile hunting grounds they had learned to love and they noted with grave apprehensions how, more and more they were being crowded out of the fruitful region of the great 61 rivers and lakes of the northwest and into the inhospitable and remote sections of the country. The negotiations lasted several weeks and were not always conducted in the smooth- est manner possible. Many an eloquent and poetic word was spoken by the red man, many a one which sounded like a lamentation for the inevitable destruction of a once powerful people, but there was also many a word which showed the utter demoralization into which some of the tribes had already fallen. It was on August 29 that the treaty was finally arranged to suit all parties and was subscribed to by the chiefs. The formality of their signing the document was complied with by having each chief mark a cross after his name which had already been written down in English char- acters. Sixteen white witnesses then signed their names and the transfer to the United States of five million acres of land was concluded. In return the Ottawas and Chippewas were to forever receive an annual payment of $1000 from the gov- ernment and the Pottawatomies one of $5000, and in addition $2500 a year was to be expended by the government in pro- viding the Indians with instruction in blacksmithing. agriculture, etc. By this treaty the great canal project was assured and from it dates the first powerful impetus to Chicago's development. By the ordinance of March 30, 1822 Congress gave the state the right to construct a canal through the government lands according to certain fixed plans. In addition, the state of Illinois was granted a strip of land ninety feet wide on each side of the canal and Congress appropriated $10,000 to defray the cost of the preliminary survey. Thus were made, on paper at least, the beginnings of the canal, but not until much later, July 4, 1836, was the first shovelful of earth turned in the great undertaking. In the meantime enormous financial diffi- culties had been met and overcome. During this period the political history of Chicago was less important than vicissitudinous. Shortly after the organization 62 of the territory of Illinois, the region in which Chicago lies was a part of St. Clair county, soon thereafter it was assigned to the new county of Madison; in 1819 it was transferred to Clark county, which extended to the Canadian boundary; then in 1821 it belonged to Pike, in 1823 to Fulton and in 1825 to Peoria county. The settlement, Chicago, was then scarcely deserving of a name. The number of the settlers varied. The increase was slow and irregular. Only after the survey of the region by the canal commission, August, 1830, did the village of Chicago receive a fixed organization. It was bounded by Kinzie, State, Madison and Des Plaines streets, and contained about one-half a square mile. In 1831, Cook county was organized, and Chicago became the county seat. The county was named in honor of Daniel C. Cook, who played an important role in the history of Illinois as a politician, newspaper-man, first member of Congress from this district and as judge. In 1823 the authorities of Fulton county levied a tax of one- half per cent on all personal property with the exception of household effects. The result of the levy was $11.42, and the value of the assessed property, $22.84. At this time the town collectors were still honest. A tax levied in Peoria county in 1825, gave a better result $90.49. The fur company paid the highest tax, $50.00, then followed Beaubien with $10.00, Jonas Clybourne with $6.25, Alexander Wolcott with $5.72, John Kinzie with $5.00, Antoine Ouillemette with $4.00 and Beaubien's rich father-in law, La Framboise, with $1.00. The first election took place December 2, 1823. John Kin- zie was elected justice of the peace, and two years later Archibald Clybourne, Chicago's first butcher, who had come from Virginia in the meantime, was elected constable. At an election held August 7, 1826, in the house of the Indian agent, Wolcott, a son-in-law of John Kinzie, there were thirty-five voters, almost three-fourths of whom were French Canadians 63 or half-breeds. The judges of election were John Kinzie, John Baptiste Beaubien and a half-breed named Archibald Caldwell or Sauganash. This Caldwell is one of the most inter- esting figures among the pioneers a man who served to such good advantage, both Indians and whites, that he deserves to be held in grateful remembrance by future generations. Archibald Caldwell, or "Billy" Caldwell, as he was more commonly called, was born in 1 780, and was the natural son of a certain Col. Caldwell, an Irishman, stationed in the British fort at Detroit, and a Pottawatomie maiden, who is reported to have been of remarkable beauty and extraordinary intelligence. As the son, in addition to possessing a singularly sweet and straightforward nature and a helpful and kindly disposition, had inherited all his mother's wit and not a little of her famous beauty, it is to be regretted that no picture of either has been preserved. When a boy he attended the Jesuit school in Detroit, learned to read and write English and French, and mastered the prin- cipal Indian dialects of the northwest. But little else is known of him during his youth, except that on account of his fine, slim figure the Indians called him " Tall Tree," Later both the whites and redskins of the northwest called him merely "Sauganash" (the Englishman). In early manhood he became a close and devoted follower of Tecumseh, and from 1807 to the latter's death on the battle- field of the Thames, October 5, 1813, he was the great chief's most trusted friend, his messenger and secretary. In all the bloody scenes through which he passed at Tecumseh's side, he distinguished himself by his strength, skill and valor. He first came to the region around Chicago as a messenger from Tecumseh to the Pottawatomies, shortly before the massacre of Fort Dearborn. As he was, like his chief, a humane man, and not inclined to the cruelties practiced by the Indians, he did his best to prevent the massacre of the whites and failing in this, he accomplished, at least, the salvation of the Kinzie 64 family. Later, as he became better acquainted with the Americans, his love for the English grew cold, and about the year 1820 he cut loose from his former allies and settled in the neighborhood of Fort Dearborn. In 1826 he was appointed justice of the peace in Peoria county and during the early elec- tions regularly officiated as judge or clerk. He was a true friend of the whites and exercised in their favor a strong influence upon the Indians. The threatened revolt of the Winnebagoes and Pottawatomies in 1827, which would undoubtedly have been but a repetition of the horror of 1812, was prevented only through Sauganash and his friend, Shaw- bonee, chief of the Pottawatomies. The fact that the Indians in the neighborhood of Chicago did not go on the war-path with Black Hawk is due solely to the healthful influence of Sauganash. He always endeavored to make the blessings of Caucasian civilization accessible to the Indians, and when in 1832 a certain Watkins established a private school in Chi- cago he offered to pay for the clothing, books and tuition of all Indian children who would attend it. No one, however, accepted this generous offer, for the Indians did not wish their children to be dressed after the fashion of the whites. Sauganash also strove to check polygamy 'among the Indians, thereby, however, giving rise to sarcastic criticism his red brothers alleging as the reason of his objection to polygamy, that he had been unfortunate in the choice of a wife and found one more than sufficient. His spouse was the daughter of a well known Indian chief and soon after her marriage won for herself a reputation as an Indian Xantippe. Strong and courageous as Sauganash otherwise was, before her he struck his colors, and his white neighbors were fond of relating how shrill and angry words from his wigwam used to break the stillness of the night and the voice was not that of Sauganash. The only child of this marriage died in infancy. In adjusting difficulties among the Indians, or between them and the whites, as well as in negotiating treaties, Sauganash 5 65 rendered his contemporaries many an important service. It was in recognition of this fact that the government granted him a pension. Proof of his nobility of character is an incident which forms, as it were, the finale of his public career. In the year 1836 the government caused the Indians in the vicinity of Chicago to assemble in the town for the last time before being transferred to their new reservation on the Missouri near Council Bluffs. The Indians did not take at all kindly to this change and the plans of the government would undoubtedly have failed of peaceful execution but for the aid of Sauganash. He volunteered to give up the home near Fort Dearborn, which had grown very dear to him, and to leave his many friends in order to share the fate of his people. He then per- sonally superintended the removal of the Indians, which was successfully accomplished. Another kindly deed of Sauganash was to deny certain campaign stories circulated in 1840, about his former foe, Gen. Harrison, then a presidential candidate. The general was charged with cowardice, and Sauganash and his friend Shaw- bonee, both of whom had opposed Harrison under Tecumseh, wrote a pathetic letter, in which they speak not only of the bravery, but also of the humanity and kindness of the old Indian fighter. Sauganash did not long survive his transfer to the " Wild West " of that day, dying when 62 years old, in Council Bluffs, September 28, 1841. One of the first hotels built in Chicago, and the first build- ing not a log-house, was named after Sauganash. While it was in course of construction, the friends of the proprietor, Mark Beaubien, suggested that it be named in honor of some great man. Thereupon Beaubien delighted his friends and neighbors by declaring that the new hotel should be called the " Sauganash." Young Chicago was very proud of this frame palace, which was situated on the corner of Lake and Market streets. For 66 nearly three decades, under various proprietors, it enjoyed an excellent reputation, but on the night of March 4, 1851, together with various other buildings, it was burned down prob- ably by an incendiary. A great many historical facts are coupled with the Saug- anash hotel. For years it was the center of social and political Chicago; here J. B. Beaubien founded his debating society in which the inhabitants of the young city were wont to spend many of their leisure hours. In the evening Mark Beaubien "THE SAUGANASH," AS ERECTED BY BEAUBIEN IN 1832. would delight the dancers with his tuneful fiddle; once in a while a ventriloquist or juggler gave exhibitions an event which never failed to cause a joyful break in the monotony of frontier life. Finally in 1837, the "Sauganash" was even transferred into a theatre, for the use of a band of itinerant players who, having reached Chicago, determined, for good and sufficient reasons, to remain here. In spite of the 67 protests and prayers of these pioneers of art, the relentless city fathers straightway proceeded to impose a tax of $100 on this new temple of Thespis. Aside from the saltatory delights afforded by Beaubien's fiddle, Chicago, in the earliest days, enjoyed few social pleas- ures. Once in awhile there was a big wolf or duck hunt, in which all took part, but the hunting ground was usually con- fined to what is now the businesss center of Chicago then but thick woods or dreary swamps. The debating society however was not the only method of culture enjoyed by the pioneers of Chicago. In 1816 the first public school was established by a superannuated soldier, form- erly of the garrison of Fort Dearborn. Besides five of the Kinzie children, he had to instruct four youngsters from the fort. In 1820, a sergeant, also from the fort, continued the work of education begun by the old private. In 1832 the school system had assumed very considerable dimensions. When John Wat- kins came to town and announced himself as professor of sciences and belles-lettres, Col. Richard T. Hamilton generously put a stable at his disposal. The room was twelve feet square and desks and benches were manufactured with a view less to elegance than durability, out of old dry-goods boxes. There were twelve pupils who sat at Watkins feet four white child- ren and eight half-breeds of various degrees. The first baptism took place in 1821, when the Jesuit father, Stephen D. Badin, baptized a son of Beaubien. The first ser- mon was delivered in 1825 by a Baptist minister, Isaac Mc- Coy, who on invitation of Indian Agent Wolcott came to Chicago on ration day of the Indians, and attempted to instruct his red brothers in the Protestant religion. During the early '3o's a certain progressive turn of affairs is noticeable in the flourishing settlement; the characteristically Indian and the half-savage began to yield to a better civiliza- tion. Heretofore the men had been in the habit of dressing more or less in the Indian fashion, and beard and hair had been 68 neglected. At this epoch, however, modern clothing made its appearance, and there was a more frequent and general use of comb, brush and razor; and the women! Most of them now rejoiced in leather shoes and many went to church in dresses and hats of modern material, where but recently the naive barefoot, with colored kerchief and home-spun and home- made garments, had set the prevailing style. The list of voters in 1830 contained but twenty-four names, or eleven less than in 1826, but more of the voters were Amer- ican and fewer French-Canadians. Things were already getting too fine for the French half-breeds, and they com- menced to seek less civilized regions. Chicago at that time contained fifteen log houses and about one-hundred inhabi- tants, most of whom had settled on the West Side, at Wolf's Point, where the Chicago river divides into the north and south branches. The course of the stream in these days dif- fered from the one of to-day. There was a bend near the lake and it ran south for some distance, parallel to Michigan avenue, and finally emptied into the lake at the foot of what is now Washington street. It was as late as 1833 tnat the United States government straightened the stream out into its present channel, which from time to time has been made deeper and wider by the city authorities. On the West Side also was the store of Robert A. Kinzie; on the North Side there was only the little house of John Kin- zie, which stood opposite to the fort, and on the South Side, on the corner of Lake and Market streets, stood the " Green Tree " hotel, not so proud and fine, to be sure, as the " Sau- ganash " but fully able to satisfy all the demands at that time made of it. Commerce between the three sides was carried on by ferries of the most primitive description. They were private enterprises belonging to Samuel Miller, Archibald Clybourne and Mark Beaubien, but in spite of the high fare charged they never paid and on this account were continually neglected. The first German settler, Johann Wellmacher, arrived in 69 Chicago in 1830. He was from Frankfurt, was a baker by trade and but 17 years old when he came to America. He made $2,500 working in the lead mines at Galena, 111., and brought this sum with him to Chicago, where he went into business for himself. He was not successful however and died, years after, a pauper in Joliet. Soon after Wellmacher, the first Jew appeared, bearing the common enough surname of Cohen. His given name, Peter, was, however, rather remarkable for a Jew, but is attributable to the fact that his mother was a Christian. Nobody will be surprised to learn that in the first newspaper (Calhoun's Democrat, November '26, 1833) which appeared in Chicago, he advertised his " immense stock of winter clothing " at " greatly reduced prices " and that he thanked the public for the " enormous patronage" accorded him. Trade and commerce developed in many directions at the beginning of the '3o's and the immigration was large, every- one looking hopefully to the future. Suddenly, however, like a clap of thunder from a clear sky, came the news of a bloody Indian uprising the " Black Hawk war " had begun. It is greatly to the advantage of us Americans that the Indians cannot write. It is on this account, perhaps, that in our conflicts with the red men, we are ever the magnanimous heroes, the defenders of innocence, the noble victors in a strife into which we are always unwillingly forced, while the Indians, on the other hand, are so often bloodthirsty savages and treacherous cowards. In the interest of truth one could wish that there were an Indian historian who could describe the origin and course of the conflicts between his race and the whites. We call savages those first Americans who were discovered with this country, but neither barbaric nor savage was their treatment of Cartier, Champlain, Jolliet, Marquette, La Salle, Tonti and a host of other early explorers and missionaries who were almost invaribly regarded by the natives as higher beings and whose wish was law. 70 Only when, with the little bands of the best people of Europe, came also the very worst classes in great numbers, did the character of the Indian become vicious and his treat- ment of the new comers change. The numberless Indian horrors, chronicled in the histories of the last three centuries, appear in a far milder light when it is remembered how much the Indians suffered from the greed, brutality and viciousness of those whom they had joyously welcomed as strangers but who in their turn had abused, oppressed or driven away their red hosts. Indeed, it is not necessary to turn to past centuries to show how many Indian wars and Indian horrors have been caused by conscienceless whites, especially by rascally contractors and thievish Indian agents who have exposed the wretched redskins to death from cold or starvation in order to use the plunder thus obtained in drinking bouts, or by frontiersmen and adventurers of the wild west who, far removed from all restraining influences of civilization, lent emphasis to their pass- ing w r ishes and whims with rifle or bowie-knife. Thus, for the so-called " Black Hawk " war, the whites were in the first instance responsible, having driven the Indians to the very verge of despair; and even if, as the historians of the northwest comfortably relate at some length, the Indians deserved their annihilating defeat, still no one won any laurels in its administration. Were the pitiful causes less significant less characteristic of the then existing conditions, and had the antecedent events less powerfully influenced the development of the northwest, it would not be worth while to detail them. For the less said about them the better for all concerned but especially for those supernumeraries who, in the role of saviours of their country, lounged about the stage of public events and on this account long afervvards attracted undue attention by their self-assumed importance. The cause of the war may be told briefly : " Ote toi de la que je m'y mette" (clear out of here, so I can come). The Sacs, who for almost a century had held the eastern bank of the Mississippi, and who had once possessed the whole region between the mouth of the Wisconsin and that of the Missouri, had, a short distance above the mouth of the Rock river, their principal settlement, which they called Saukenuk. Here 500 families lived, forming the largest of all western Indian towns, and the main meeting place of the Sacs and Foxes. Here all their big pow-wows were held, their feasts celebrated, their religious ceremonies performed and their dead buried. For Indians, they had a remarkable and unusual love for this home of theirs, and were especially proud of the adjoining fields, some 3000 acres of the most fertile soil, which they cultivated as well as they knew how. There they were in no one's way; the nearest settlement of whites was more than fifty miles from Saukenuk and rich and fertile soil was at that time to be had elsewhere for the asking. In spite of this, many of the pioneers turned greedy eyes toward the possessions of the savages, and moved heaven and earth to, either alone or with the help of the government, drive the Indians out of their homes. Since the agitation of Tecumseh the relations between the Indians and whites had been reasonably pacific; but now on both sides numerous attacks and deeds of violence took place none of them to be sure attaining any considerable dimensions. To take for granted that the white population of that thinly settled region consisted at this time entirely of people of ideal characters, concerned only in honestly and honorably complet- ng their hard days toil in the service of progress and cul- ture, were an error. Together with the pioneers from Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana, who were partly hunters, partly farmers and stock-raisers, there was no lack of that class of border ruffians who even to-day form the inevitable companions of the worthy settlers of the far west and are as much a plague as reptiles and poisonous serpents 72 in the hot zones. For this gang, which goes withersoever there is little danger of having to work, and where police and penitentiaries are still reposing in the womb of time, an Indian war forms an ever welcome diversion for then there is blood and whisky and plunder. But even the best of the pioneers have but little to interpose against such a war, for it brings money to the people and that BLACK HAWK. is what they lack, opens up new and fertile lands to be divided as soon as their red occupants are killed or driven away, and last but not least, furnishes an opportunity for wiping out all old scores and beginning over again. If, in addition to these facts, the reader will bear in mind that the English never lost an opportunity to stir up trouble between 73 the whites and Indians, even going so far as to send agents down from Canada for this very purpose, he will be able to form a fairly accurate idea of the situation at the outbreak of the unhappy war whose inglorious course might easily have been conjectured by any one knowing the miserable condition of affairs. From whatever point of view the Black Hawk war be considered, the facts remain that by it more than a thousand human lives were sacrificed, eight thousand militiamen and fifteen hundred regulars had to take the field to drive five hundred Indians, with their women and children, from hearth and home, that the campaign lasted for more than three months and cost several millions of dollars. "Black Hawk," a chief of the Sacs, was the last Indian to play a prominent role in the history of Illinois, the Black Hawk war forming, as it were, the close of the Indian era in the state. An adherent of Tecumseh, under whom he led over 500 warriors in campaigns against the Americans, Black Hawk disputed the legality of the treaties made by Gen Harrison in St. Louis in 1804. His principal contention was that the signatures of the Indians were fraudulently obtained by intoxi- cating chiefs before asking them to sign. Nevertheless he himself in the year 1816 was induced to sign a similar treaty, by which the Sacs and Foxes relinquished to the United States all their land east of the Mississippi river, with the pro- viso, however, that members of these tribes could dwell and hunt in these lands, as long and as far as they were under the sole control of the United States government. In conse- quence of this treaty by far the greater number of the Indians, under the leadership of Chief Keokuk, went to Iowa in 1823, settling on the west bank of the Mississippi. Black Hawk and his adherents, however, refused to quit their old home at Saukenuk. There they stayed, going out on their regular winter hunting expeditions and in the summer diligently 74 cultivating the soil. Thus they comfortably provided for themselves and families. At the instigation of the settlers, however, Gov. Edwards induced President Jackson to order the military authorities to eject the Indians (1829) in case they should not voluntarily relinguish their lands before April i, 1830, and take up their abode on the further side of the Mississippi river. Black Hawk resolved to defend what he believed to be his rights and to defy the government. He did not make the slightest preparation to move. When, however, in the spring of 1830 the tribe returned from their hunt, Black Hawk found that a number of white squatters had seized the greater part of the land and had even burned down the Indians' wigwams and desecrated their graves by leveling off with plow and harrow the mounds of the dead. Without retaliation but not without protest, Black Hawk submitted to the inevitable, con- tenting himself with the little the whites had left him. At the beginning of the next winter he and his warriors went on their hunting trip as usual. The season was uncommonly severe, the hunt not at all successful, and it was with much discouragement that the Indians returned to Saukenuk, from which the whites straightway attempted to drive them. Black Hawk announced with much dignity that the land belonged to him and that upon it he intended to dwell. Thereupon the squatters petitioned the governor (Reynolds) to have the Indians removed by force. As a result 2500 militiamen and regulars advanced on foot and on horseback June 5, 1831, against Saukenuk and its little band of poorly armed, meanly clad and scantily provisioned Indians, numbering all told not more than 1300 souls. In the face of the imposing military array of the whites, who were more awful in appearance than in reality, Black Hawk and his people, under cover of night, fled to the western shore of the Mississippi, leaving the little village of Saukenuk to be destroyed by the brave army of white men. 75 Black Hawk then allowed himself to be scared into going to Gen. Gaine's headquarters, where he was compelled to sign a document by which he pledged himself never to return to the eastern shore of the Mississippi. This was the first act of the tragedy. In the second, Black Hawk and his band, almost crazed by the pangs of hunger, are found in a wilderness beyond the Mississippi. Neapope, one of Black Hawk's lieutenants has been hastily sent with a secret message to Canada and also to the Pottawatomies and Winnebagoes, and has returned with good news. The English, as well as their old Indian allies and relatives, stand ready to aid the refugees. April 6, 1832, the chief prepared to return to Saukenuk, and with his 500 warriors, their wives and children, bag and bag- gage, crossed the Mississippi and marched straight toward his old home. This of course was in violation of the agreement Gen. Gaines had forced from him the year before. Black Hawk had intended, as he afterwards assures us, to obtain permission to remain in Saukenuk, and in case this was denied him, to help the Winnebagoes with their farming. Hardly, however, had he crossed the Mississippi, before he saw he had committed a fatal error. Through the influence of Sauganash, the Pottawatomies around Chicago resolved at the last minute not to join him, and of the Winnebagoes but few appeared. Without allies the struggle against the soldiers would be hopeless, and Black Hawk resolved to embrace the first opportunity to return to the further shore of the Mississippi, and if possible avoid bloodshed. But fate had willed other- wise. The military authorities of the United States, in the person of Gen. Henry Atkinson, in Fort Armstrong, and the gover- nor of Illinois, attempted jointly to carry out plans which would result in the suppression or annihilation of Black Hawk and his warriors. Not less than 100 militia companies and 1300 regulars, 300 from Fort Crawford and Fort Leavenworth, were gathered at Fort Armstrong, May 7> 1832. Besides 76 these troops, 200 cavalrymen did guard duty between Rock Island and the Illinois river, and 200 more, under Maj. Stillman, patrolled the eastern shore of the Mississippi. Jefferson Davis and Abraham Lincoln each commanded companies in this campaign, and Zachary Taylor, afterwards president, was a colonel. The army, divided into two troops, commanded by Gen. Atkinson and Gen. Whiteside, reached Dixon May 12, 1832. Here they met the two cavalry companies. While the infantry- men of the militia were scantily provisioned, the proud cavalry had good things in abundance, and not only both ate and drank their fill, but had large quantities of ammunition. On this account they wished to operate independently of the infantry, and were commissioned by Gov. Reynolds to patrol the country along " Old Man's Creek." It was May 14; Stillman's bold horsemen had just secured a well-protected position about thirty miles northeast of Dixon, and had made themselves comfortable, and pictures- quely grouped around the camp fire, they leisurely ate a copious meal, and the whisky flask was being diligently passed, when one of Black Hawk's spies caught sight of them. He immediately rushed back to camp with the news and Black Hawk, believing them to be Atkinson's army, sent three of his young warriors with a flag of truce to announce that the Indians w r ere willing to enter into peace negotiations. Five other w r arriors were dispatched to watch from secluded points how the three were received. The bearers of the flag of truce were halted by the guard, taken to Stillman's head- quarters and made prisoners. The five spies were discovered, pursued and shot at. Two received mortal wounds, but the others escaped to Black Hawk's camp. The chief was just getting ready to himself carry the white flag to the headquarters of the soldiers, but when he learned the fate of his emissaries he tore the flag in shreds and passionately asked his handful of warriors, some forty, 77 who were then with him, to avenge their comrades. (*) The little band of Indians, maddened by this treacherous treatment, hastened at once toward the hostile camp. No sooner did they come in sight of Stillman's heroes than the latter in the wildest confusion galloped forth to meet them. Black Hawk sought shelter and calmly awaited the attack. When within gunshot of the Indians the brave cavalrymen seemed suddenly to remember that discretion hath charms as well as valor, and so halted. Then far and wide resounded the the wild war cry of the Sacs, and Black Hawk galloped forth from his concealment brandishing his tomahawk. Behind him dashed his forty warriors firing at the valiant 200. Hardly ever has anyone disappeared so quickly from a scene of intended heroism. Like 200 madmen, the soldiers, agonized by a ter- rible fear, galloped away toward their camp ; past it they flew, leaving all behind, past creeks and hills they sped and slack- ened their speed only when they arrived once more in Dixon where they believed themselves comparatively secure. Many, no longer burning to pluck the laurel wreath of fame, hastened directly home. " Black Hawk has broken loose with 2000 of his blood- thirsty warriors." This cry of terror resounded through the whole state ; the fear which the homeward-rushing cavalry- men had spread everywhere was unparalleled. The demoral- ized settlers rushed hastily to the nearest forts and there sought refuge even up to Chicago the fugitives hurried men, women and children, and at one time Fort Dearborn sheltered not less than 1000 of them. No one was more surprised at the turn affairs had taken than was Black Hawk himself. The half-starved chief, who a thousand times had cursed his crossing of the Mississipi, forsaken by his former allies, sadly anxious for the immediate * According to thoroughly trustworthy reports, this stupid violation of the rules of all civilized warfare, was caused by a too frequent use of the whisky bottle in Stillman's camp. 78 future and only too ready to surrender to the whites had all at once become a much dreaded man, a terror to tens of thousands. The benefit which Black Hawk and his followers derived from this change, consisted primarily in a hearty meal, for Stillman's cavalry was, as above mentioned, abundantly pro- visioned. Weapons also had been captured, and blankets and ammunition the Indians were happy. After their meal they collected the spoils and set off in a northeasterly direction, up the Keshwaukee river to the swamps of Lake Koshkonong. After here concealing the women, children and baggage, Black Hawk set out on a recruiting expedition to the Potta- watomies and Winnebagoes. Then commenced the terrible guerrilla warfare from which the inhabitants of northwestern Illinois suffered so much. Divided into small bands the hostile Indians scattered in all directions and robbed and stole wherever they could. Many a dastardly murder and cow- ardly incendiarism marked their path. Especially cruel and feared was the murderous half-breed, Mike Girty, who led a band of Pottawatomies and was responsible for many of the terrors of the war. Meanwhile the militia had lost their interest in military life to such a degree that the enforcement of discipline was out of the question and the commander was compelled (May 28) to send them home. Gen. Winfield Scott with one thousand men was then ordered to Illinois from the east, a circumstance which was fateful to the little village of Chicago, crowded full as it was, of fugitives, for it was thus that Asiatic cholera was here introduced. It first broke out in the vessels which had transported the troops. The scenes at the landing mocks description. The sick soldiers were encamped by the hundreds along the sandy shore of the lake. Nearly half of them died at once. The news of this terrible scourge spread to all places connected with Chicago and the town was consequently avoided by everyone, commerce and trade were at a standstill and the 79 terrified inhabitants fled. The remnant of Gen. Scott's men were transported as soon as practicable to the seat of war, but arrived there too late to participate in the slaughter of the Indians. Besides the regular United States troops several thousand volunteers, recruited after the inglorious dismissal of the militia, were engaged in the extermination of the Indians. There were many skirmishes with the small, roving bands, but no battle. Black Hawk, knowing that he could not drive the troops before him, was clever enough to drive them after him. Finally Gen. James D. tlenry, commanding the third brigade, got reliable information from a French-Indian fur- trader as to the movements of the elusive Black Hawk. The Indians were hastening by forced marches westward to the Mississippi, evidently intending to escape to the further side and thus avoid punishment. When the soldiers learned of the flight of the Indians and of their desperate condition they could hardly be restrained. A wild chase began. Abandoned supplies scattered along the road, cloths, blankets, cooking utensils, worn-out and starved horses, Indian warriors too sick to flee, indicated the haste with which the enemy was attempting to escape. Where Madison, the capital of Wis- consin, now stands the rear guard of the Indians, commanded by Neapope, was overtaken by the soldiers about 3 o'clock in the afternoon of July 24, 1832. Fierce conflicts, lasting until late at night, then took place on the heights along the shore of the Wisconsin river. Black Hawk himself, who was satis- fied that the whites had determined to completely annihilate his tribe, hastened to the assistance of Neapope with twenty warriors and fought desperately, hoping to cover the retreat of the main body of his followers. Under the cover of night several rafts were hastily constructed and, together with such boats as had been carried along, were filled with the sick and the helpless old men and a part of the women and children and So sent down the Wisconsin. In spite of the capture of his flag- bearers through whom he had asked for peace and mercy and the unjustifiable killing of their comrades who had been sent out to see what had become of them, and in spite of many an other unmistakable sign that the white officers bore a bitter hatred towards the Indians, Black Hawk had hopes that the garrison at Fort Crawford, which guarded the mouth of the Wisconsin river, would let the old men and defenceless women and children pass by and so enable them to cross the Mississippi. But the people in the fort had no sooner caught sight of the boats than they commenced extensive pre- parations to kill the passengers. Fifteen Indian women and children fell dead in the boats and rafts after one of the murderous musketry volleys from the fort, fifty, who, during the panic had jumped into the river, were drowned, four old men and thirty-two women and children were captured and of the remainder, who succeeded in reaching the woods on the shores of the Wisconsin river, all but twelve either starved or were tomahawked by the merciless Menominees, who had been hired for that purpose by the whites After Black Hawk and his warriors had dispatched the boats and rafts to their horrible fate, they again succeeded in eluding their pursuers and it was a week before the whites got traces of them and such traces! The young trees and bushes had been peeled and their bark had served the Indians for food. Starved horses lay along the road in great numbers, but all had been carefully stripped of every edible portion. Many a warrior's dead body also, bore stern witness of the terrible want of the fugitives. Finally they had reached the Mississippi a few hours more and they were safe but while, inspired by new hope, they were at work on rafts on which to cross the river, a new mis- fortune suddenly and unexpectedly befell them. The United States steamer "Warrior," which had been sent up the river with instructions to its commander to unite the Sioux against 6 8l Black Hawk, was returning and reached the camp of the fugitives before the almost exhausted Indians were able to seek shelter. In token of his surrender Black Hawk himself displayed the flag of truce, but when for lack of a boat he was unable to comply with the order of the commander of the " Warrior " to go on board, the latter ordered a volley of grape-shot to be fired at the half-dead savages, so killing and wounding many of them. The Indians returned the fire, and the captain thereupon continued on his trip to Prairie du Chien. The Indians now hastened their preparations for crossing the Mississippi. But the delay caused by the attack of the steamer was fatal. The soldiers were already hard on their heels. As long as he could, Black Hawk used his few, hastily constructed rafts to send as many of his warriors as possible across the river and then, forseeing the inevitable fate of his tribe, took advantage of night to flee, and sought refuge among the Winnebagoes. The next morning, August 2, the soldiers finally reached the Indians and the longed-for slaughter commenced. With bayonets, clubbed muskets and cold lead the last of the Sacs were dispatched even those who had thrown themselves into the river and those who had dragged their starved bodies into the branches of trees became the easy prey of the well- directed bullets of the sharp-shooters. Neither women nor children were spared. The Indians, intending to sell their lives as dearly as possible, killed twenty whites and wounded twelve. Of the red men, 150 lay dead on the battlefield and as many more were drowned. Forty Indian women and girls were captured and about 300 of the fugitives succeeded in gaining the western shore of the river. A more pitiable crowd of humanity has been seldom seen: sick, emaciated, starved, bleeding from undressed wounds this was the last of Black Hawk's warriors. Here they were finally, where the government wanted them! There was nothing in the wide world that they could call their own, and most of their 82 friends and relatives had been sent by the whites to the happy hunting grounds of the great father. But the poor wretches were at least alive, and the constant race for life or the agonies of death were passed. Thus may have reasoned these creatures of sorrow who took it for granted that their cup of bitterness was full to overflowing. Alas! It was not long before they learned to what degree of beastly brutality even whites could degrade themselves; for Gen. Atkinson disgraced the name of humanity and civilization by letting loose upon the defenceless fugitives a band of bloodthirsty Sioux, who with their tomahawks and stone battle axes mercilessly crushed the skulls of all who could not run away or creep into the reeds along the swamps. More than 100 corpses covered the scene of the Sioux carnage. Many of the Sacs died from exhaustion while fleeing and of all who had left with Black Hawk in the spring but a mere handful returned to the place of banishment. The Black Hawk war was at an end and with this bloody finale the Indian era in Illinois terminated the red dawn of a new and fairer day already glowed on the horizon. Black Hawk was turned over by the Winnebagoes to the United States, August 27, and after the signing of the formal treaty of peace on September 21, he, the "Prophet," and Neapope, were kept for a time as hostages in Fortress Monroe. Later on Black Hawk was put in charge of the friendly Sac chief Keokuk, his former rival a fact which more than any- thing else in his life pained the proud old warrior, who, when but 15 years old, had distinguished himself on the battlefield and who for forty-five years had been the most prominent leader of his people. In the unhappy role of one deposed, he did something which the fallen great have of late often resorted to, but which before Black Hawk's time had never been done by an Indian he dictated his memoirs to an enterprising publisher, and they appeared in book form in 1834. October 3, 1838, Black 84 Hawk, after almost completing his 7ist year, finally found eternal repose that is to say, he did not find it, for his body was stolen, and sic transit gloria! his skeleton was publicly exhibited as a curiosity. Even his bones had a remarkable career until in 1855, when among other curiosities of the historical society in Burlington, they were destroyed by fire. With all due deference to the reputation of his mother, it is very probable that this celebrated Indian was a Frenchman, or, rather a French half-breed. His personal appearance, the fact that he left memoirs, and the circumstance that in his na- tive place, Kaskaskia, the relations between French and Indians were not well calculated to preserve the purity of either race, make this theory probable. * * * The Black Hawk war, the annihilation of the last Indians to fight for hearth and home, caused a sensation throughout the land. One result was that the crowd of officers, newspaper correspondents and speculators who had come from the east to the seat of war, called public .attention in a new and almost unheard of manner, to the west and its rich resources, and an influx of interprising, energetic men soon followed. Manufac- turing industries made great strides and speculation took its first bold chances. Various railroad projects, engineered by G. S. Hubbard, Chicago's representative in the state legis- lature, and by others, found but little favor outside, but the canal project made steady, although sometimes slow progress. In 1833, Congress appropriated $30,000 to deepen the mouth of the Chicago river and thus made that stream accessible to the commerce of the great lakes. In the summer of that same year, no less than 150 frame houses were erected. Chicago was incorporated as a village, August 5, 1833, and at an elec- tion, held immediately thereafter, 1 1 1 votes were cast. At that time the tax levy amounted to $48.90. In 1834 was completed the first wooden drawbridge, a most important undertaking for the domestic trade of the town. 85 The bridge was erected at the foot of Dearborn street and connected the North and South Sides. In 1833 but four ships arrived at Chicago, but in 1834 no less than two hundred vessels entered the enlarged and improved harbor. The immigration, both by land and water, increased rapidly, and in 1835 Chicago could boast a population of 3265 souls. There were 398 dwelling houses, 4 warehouses, 29 dry goods CHICAGO'S FIRST DRAWBRIDGE stores, 19 grocery stores, 5 hardware stores, 3 drug stores, 19 taverns, 26 wholesale establishments and, also, not less than 17 law offices. The first county court house, erected on the southwest corner of Clark and Randolph streets a brick building, remarkably fine for the times, was opened to the public in 1836, and the same year the " Chicago American," a Whig organ in opposition to the " Democrat," issued its first paper. 86 In the spring following a branch of the " State Bank of Illinois" was established in Chicago. In May, 1836, the first sailing vessel built in Chicago was launched, and on July 4th work on the new canal was formally begun. This important event was marked with a grand celebration, speeches being made by Dr. Wm. B. Egan and Gurdon S. Hubbard, after which there was a general jollification. It was in 1827 that Daniel P. Cook had put the canal project on a firm footing FIRST CHICAGO COURT HOUSE. by securing the passage of a bill granting the state alternate sections of land for six miles on each mile of the channel, to aid in its building. In 1836 the state legislature passed its canal bill, a measure of vital importance to the undertaking. The canal was finally completed April 19, 1848, almost twelve years after Col. Archer had " turned the first shovelful of earth." 88 The City, Chicago. DESPITE Chicago's characteristic trinity, the North, West and South- siders, in mass-meeting assembled, October 26, 1836, unanimously agreed that the town should be given a regular municipal organi- zation. Accordingly the legisla- ture was petitioned and shortly after Chicago received its city charter. On the first Tuesday in May, 1837, the first election was held in the new city. William B. Ogden, later one of the western railway kings, was elected mayor. Chicago was at this time divided into 6 wards and the city boundaries were North avenue on the north, Wood street on the west, Twenty- second street on the south and the lake on the east, save for a part of section 10, which was reserved by the United States Government for a military post; in addition, there belonged to the city a half-mile strip, known as the old city cemetery, lying along the shore of the lake east of north Clark street and north of North avenue. The Chicago of 1837 was laid out on a generous scale, covering a surface of about 10 square miles, although the pop- ulation numbered but 4179 people. But the city soon enough covered the whole territory, and in 1847, an annexation of new territory was found necessary. The year 1853 brought a new extension of the city limits, and 1854 still another. In 1863, Wild Leek The Emblem of Chicago. Bridgeport and Holstein were annexed and the city made to embrace 24 square miles, divided into 16 wards. The ordi- nance of 1869, added still more territory to Chicago, which, shortly before the fire, contained 36 square miles, divided into 20 wards, each of which sent two aldermen to the city council. That political greatness and commercial prosperity do not always go hand in hand the future metropolis was to learn to its sorrow. Soon after Chicago's organization as a city, a great financial panic swept over the land. A complete crop failure, in consequence of an extraordinary drouth, an unsound bank-note and paper money system, gross mismanagement of the treasury, cessation of work on public improvements and a malarial epidemic, popularly called canal cholera, numbering its victims by hundreds, added to the misery of the people of Illinois. Besides all this, Chicago suffered from a veritable craze for speculation. All branches of industry were affected, but the greatest havoc was wrought with real estate values. The price of property, especially of such as lay inside the city limits, increased with fabulous rapidity for a time, but finally a tremendous reaction set in. The result was complete business stagnation. Trade and commerce were paralyzed, goods in the warehouses could not be disposed of at any price, laboring men could find no employment, money disappeared from circula- tion, immigration ceased, contracts could not be fulfilled in short, the only activity to be seen was in the seventeen law offi- ces, where a feverish energy was displayed. Finally, to cap the climax, the United States Government removed (1837) the garrison from Fort Dearborn and sent it further west. It was not until the middle of the 4o's that under the influ- ence of active, energetic men, the effects of the crisis began to wear off and a strong, healthy commercial spirit reasserted itself. In the last of the 4o's and the early 5o's, especially at the time of the German revolution, immigrants in large numbers, including thousands of Germans, came to the city; trade devel- oped rapidly and a vigorous intellectual progress was noticeable. 90 CHICAGO AS A COMMERCIAL CENTER BEFORE THE FIRE THE INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT. The construction of the Illinois and Michigan canal made, or rather changed Chicago into a trade center for the region commercially dependent on and tributary to the new. water- way, which stretched 96 miles, from Chicago (Bridgeport) : to La Salle, on the Illinois river. The influence of this water connection, however, was felt only gradually by the farmers of the district, for the work on the channel was frequently interrupted and the canal fully completed only in j 1848. How cheap the future of Chicago was held, even in the first of the '4o's, is shown by the fact that many of the laborers, who had been employed on the canal at 50 cents a day, preferred to invest their savings in land near Dunkley's Grove, Schaumburg and Elk Grove, settlements about twenty miles from town, and become farmers rather than buy two or three acres a few miles out on State street. Meanwhile the population of the city, except during the crisis of 1837 and the immediately subsequent stagnation, grew steadily but not as rapidly as in the beginning of the 5o's the era of the railroads. In 1848 Chicago had but 20,023 inhabitants; in 1850, 25,269; but during 1852 and 1853 not less than 22,000 new-comers settled in the city. It was the railroads that caused Chicago's unparalleled development, that marvelous outstripping of all other western cities, which has ever produced and ever will produce the world over, such wonder and amazement. The pioneer road was the Galena & Chicago Union Railway. Its charter was dated 1836, a time when in all the United States there were less than a thousand miles of railroad. Track laying, however, was not commenced until 1847, and 9 1 as the construction of roads was still an infant industry but 42 miles, from Chicago to Elgin, were built within the next three years. Although outside capital has constructed most of Chicago's roads, local enterprise was responsible for the " Galena Union." Several times it seemed that the project would have to be abandoned, at first the line failed to pay even the operating expenses and public sentiment did not favor the innovation. Chicago's few capitalists were not daunted however and pushed the road on to Elgin. As soon as that point was reached the new venture proved a success and the earnings made handsome returns on the investment. From Elgin the road was extended to Freeport, where connec- tions through to Galena were effected with the Illinois Central. Later the Galena & Chicago Union made arrange- ments with the Central to run its trains from Chicago through Galena to Dunleith, a point on the Mississippi opposite Dubuque. This was the Central's own terminal and gave Chicago the benefit of a direct railroad connection with the Mississippi river. In 1864 the Galena Union was absorbed by the Chicago & Northwestern, a powerful company, con- trolling even then 1176 miles of road and reaching northward to the iron region of the upper peninsula of Michigan and westward through Illinois and Iowa to Omaha, the starting- point of the first great trans-continental road, the Union Pacific. Another early road was the Chicago, Burlington & Quincy, which in 1852 had but 15 miles of completed track, reaching from Aurora to Junction. In 1853, 45 miles, from Aurora to Mendota, were constructed, and in 1863 the road for the first time entered Chicago over its own tracks (on Sixteenth street) , having previously used the right of way of the Galena Union. Another road to reach Omaha and later to compete with the Northwestern and Burlington for the through freight of San Francisco and New York, was the Chicago & Rock 92 Island, now the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific. Its costruction began in April, 1852, and by February, 1854, ^ e ^ ne ^ad reached the Mississippi at Rock Island, opposite Davenport. The Illinois Central was the first road to receive, through the exertions of the Illinois senators and some of the repre- sentatives, Stephen A. Douglas, Gen. Shields, Sydney Breese and John Wentworth, a land grant from the United States. This consisted of 2,595,000 acres of land, almost all of it fertile, lying on either side of the right of way. In the course of time immense sums were realized by the road from this enormous land grant. The Illinois Central did not at first enter Chicago, but ran from Cairo in the extreme southern part of the state to Dunleith in the northwestern part. When it built its branch to Chicago it was given a right of way into the city along the lake shore. By the building of the North Pier an eddy had been created in the lake which began to eat away the shore line south of the pier. Various attempts were made to check the encroachments of the waves, but although millions of dollars worth of property was threatened no adequate defence against the lake currents was secured. The city referred the matter to the state and the state in turn referred it to the national government. Meanwhile the eddying waters had washed their way clear to Michigan avenue, and immediate action was imperative. Just then the Illinois Central appeared with its petition for a right of way into the city. It was given and accepted the privilege of building a track east of the Lake Front park, or in other words over the lake itself. The railway company straight- way built, at large expense, a line of stone cribs some five hundred feet beyond the shore line and then inside the cribs drove piles on which the track was laid. Of course the cribs protected the shore from further action of the lake and at the time seemed a very happy solution of that difficulty. The right of way too, leading as it did into the heart af the city, was excellent, and both road and city were for a time 93 satisfied. Later, however, many complications and expensive litigation resulted from the Central's claim to all the " made " land east of its tracks. Only during the present year (1893) has the Supreme Court of the United States settled the controversy by denying the claims of the road and vesting the ownership of the made lands in the city of Chicago. Chicago's importance as a railroad center is demonstrated /by the fact that the great trunk lines, connecting the Atlantic coast with the west, have always been anxious to secure terminal facilities here, while other cities, such as St. Louis, Cincinnati and Milwaukee, have had to incur heavy debts by issuing or endorsing bonds, in order to secure railroad con- nections. The Galena Union in 1852, shared the railroad honors of Chicago with the Michigan Central and Michigan Southern roads, which in that year pushed through from the east. Then, after the Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific and Chicago, Burlington & Quincy in 1854, Game tne Chicago & Alton and Chicago & Northwestern in 1855, the Illinois Central and Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne & Chicago in 1857, and the Chicago & Great Eastern in 1861. The completion of the Grand Trunk road gave Chicago direct railroad communication with Quebec, Montreal and other Canadian points; just as the Michigan Southern and Michigan Central first connected it with New York and the Atlantic ports. During the next decade the railroad achievements of Chicago consisted mainly in the extension of its trunk lines over the territory lying west and northwest of Illinois. The completion of the Union Pacific in 1868, brought all the through business between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts under the control of Chicago, gave to commerce with Japan and China a new and lasting impetus, and made Chicago the distributing center for the Asiatic import trade for the millions of consumers of the Mississippi valley, just as it already was, the distributing point for Euro- pean merchandise. 94 Through the Chicago & Northwestern, Chicago was enabled to make important conquests in Wisconsin and the iron and copper regions of the upper lakes. Like the other pioneer roads of Chicago, the " Northwestern " has shared the prosperity of the city, and is to-day one of the largest railroad systems in the world. It first appeared in 1854, under the name of the Illinois & Wisconsin Railroad, and ran from Chicago to Crystal Lake, hardly 40 miles away. At that time it did its whole passenger business in one coach attached to the regular daily freight train. All told, there were shortly before the fire, 12 trunk lines and 29 branch roads terminating in Chicago, with 7019 miles of track. Each succeeding year increased the mileage of the roads, and with it the territory tributary to Chicago. Tables giving the earnings of the roads from 1849 to the fire, afford an approx- imate idea of the development of the city during this period. In 1849, the Galena Union stands in this table solitary and alone. It was operated only in the latter half of that year, and its gross earnings were but $27,418. In 1854, the gross earnings of all roads terminating in Chicago were but $6,3 30,- ooo; in 1855, $10,500,000; in 1857, $16,750,000; in 1861, $17,750,000; in 1863, $27,500,000; in 1864, $40,300,000; in 1867, $49,000,000, and in 1870, over $7o;ooo,ooo. Even before the fire, Chicago was the greatest railroad cen- tre in the world. The commerce of the great lakes of the northwest, far from being injured was first built up and strengthened by the develop- ment of the railroads. While at the beginning of the century, the schooner "Tracy" made but one trip a year, between Buf- falo and Chicago, in order to provision the lonely garrison of Fort Dearborn, in 1840, Chicago's eastern horizon was white with the sails of the lake, grain and lumber fleet. The schooner " Clarissa" had been launched here in 1836, and in 1840 the first side- wheeler, the " George W. Dole," named in honor of its builder, appeared. In 1842, the first 95 propeller, the " Independence " left the first wharf Averill's. Accurate reports of the tonnage of the vessels clearing the port of Chicago before the 5o's are lacking. In 1854 the total tonnage of the vessels entering the Chicago harbor was 1,092,644; in 1857, 1,453,417 and in 1864, 2,172,866. From that date a new system of registration was introduced, whereby the tonnage of each vessel was registered only once a year, regardless of the number of voyages made. Accord- ing to this new system the Chicago fleet of 1323 vessels had in 1865 a tonnage of 228,115; in 1866, 251,077 and in 1867, 289,765. More than half of these vessels, including 8 side- wheelers, 13 propellers, 33 tug boats, 41 barges, 257 schooners and 227 canal boats, wintered in the Chicago river. The development of the commerce of the great lakes may be judged from the fact that its tonnage considerably exceeds that of the whole foreign trade of the United States and of this immense commerce Chicago receives the lion's share. In 1838 Walker & Co. shipped the first grain from Chicago, only some 78 bushels, but before the fire the city became the world's most important grain market. The growing problem of handling the immense masses of grain was solved by the invention of the steam elevator, which cheaply and quickly lifted the grain from the cars and canal boats by which it had been brought from the country, and loaded into the ships waiting to bear it by way of the great lakes to Buffalo and the Canadian ports. The inventor of the elevator was Capt. R. C. Bristol, who erected the first steam elevator in 1848. In January, 1855, the storage capac- ity of all the Chicago elevators amounted to only 750,000 bushels. In 1857 there were 12 elevators, holding 4,025,000 bushels and ten years later, in 1867, the capacity of the seventeen elevators then in use exceeded 11,500,000 bushels. These ele- vators could load and unload a million bushels of grain daily. Through them passed the grain of the northwest and its value, converted in the east into manufactured merchandise of all kinds, was returned to Chicago for distribution through the western railroads to the original producers, the farmers. Thus Chicago became the great distributing center of the northwest, then containing a prosperous population of over 12,000,000 people. The " hard times " of 1857-58 were less felt by Chicago, perhaps, than by most of the cities of the country. In the United States and Canada there were 5123 bankruptcies with liabilities of $299,800,000. In New York every bank but one, the Chemical, failed, but in Chicago several stood firm. The Illinois Central and Michigan Southern roads both assigned in 1857, and temporary insolvency in all busi- ness seemed the rule. Things grew but little brighter during the next two years, but with 1861 came a change. Its cause, strangely enough, was the civil war. Far from impeding the city's growth or checking the volume of its business the great struggle caused an even more rapid development of the new western metropolis. Cincinnati, St. Louis and Louisville lost their southern trade on account of the war and a great deal of capital was transferred from them to Chicago, which in consequence soon excelled them even in branches of industry in which they had formerly taken the lead. Thus, for instance, the great packing industry of Cincinnati (Porkopolis) was transferred to Chicago and assumed enormous propor- tions. Just as necessity had produced the elevator to facilitate the handling of grain, it later brought into existence the Union Stock Yards for the handling of cattle. These yards were first opened for business December 25, 1865, and covered an area of 345 acres. The pens alone covered over 100 acres, and hotels and other buildings 45 acres more. The capacity of the yards when opened was 21,000 head of cattle, 755 hogs, 22,000 sheep, 200 horses, a total of 118,200 animals. There were 31 miles of drains, 7 of streets and alleys, 3 of water troughs and TO of feed troughs. There were 2300 gates, 1500 open pens and 800 covered ones. The water was i 97 supplied by an artesian well, noo feet deep. A " belt" line connected the yards with every railroad entering the city. Thirty years ago it seemed that these yards would prove ample for all times, but though their capacity has been repeatedly increased, the stock men and packers are still cramped for room. The advantages of the stock yards sys- tem were so apparent that the cattle business of the northwest was soon concentrated in Chicago, though other western cities, in order to save at least a part of their business, now copied Chicago's stock yards just as they had before copied its elevators. The cattle and grain trade in Chicago is organized to such a degree of perfection and smoothness that a stranger, neither in the streets nor elsewhere, would be reminded that he is in the world's leading cattle and grain market. He sees neither wagons loaded with grain nor droves of cattle, the whole immense business being done, as it were, behind the scenes. Another of Chicago's business enterprises to early assume considerable proportions was the lumber trade and the allied manufacturing industries In 1871 the value of all imported merchandise exceeded $400,000,000. Eighteen banks, with a capital of $10,000,000 and $17,000,000 deposits were nec- essary to transact this enormous commerce, and the clearing house business amounted $810,000,000. Just as the city grew in population and business, so the individual inhabitants grew in prosperity. There is no city in the world containing so many small property owners in com- parison with the whole population as Chicago no city in which the working classes are so independent. The rapidity with which the city had been raised from the swamps, the ingenuity with which the purest water (this was before the fire) was introduced into every house and the drainage system, using Lake Michigan to cleanse that great open sewer, the Chicago river, justly attracted the attention of the world to the western metropolis. 98 Prior to 1840 the city had been poorly supplied with drink- ing water, which was either obtained from wells or was brought in from the lake in large barrels and sold by the gal- lon. The Chicago City Hydraulic Company, "incorporated in 1836 with a capital of $2,000,000, had for its purpose the erection of public water works, but it was 1840 before its plant was put in operation. - PUMPING STATION OF 1854. The pumping station was situated on the corner of Lake street and Michigan avenue, but its capacity was very limited the steam pump used having but 25 horse power. In 1851, by an act of the state legislature, a board of three water com- missioners was created and the city authorized to issue bonds to the extent of $400,000 for the erection of new water works. The building was situated on the lake shore at the foot of 99 Chicago avenue, and in 1854 the new works were put in operation. The water, however, was taken from near the shore, and was soon found to be impure at times, especially when the wind blew the contents of the Chicago river out into the lake. As a consequence it was decided a few years later to construct an inlet crib two miles from shore, and a tunnel to connect it with the pumping station, and this work, commenced in May, 1864, was completed December 6, 1866. Water was first let into the new tunnel March 8, 1867, and for a long time Chicago boasted of a water supply unequaled in purity, price and plenty. The early 5o's were cholera years, the fatal cases in 1854 being no fewer than 1424 out of 3834 total deaths in the city. From 1854, however, Chicago's development was rapid. In that year the inhabitants numbered 65,872 persons; in 1857 93,000; in 1861, 120,000; in 1867, 220,000; in 1871, 334,270. In 1856 it was found necessary, in order to secure a better drainage system, to raise the streets of the city. On the average the grade was raised six feet, which secured sufficient " drop " for the sewers to empty by gravitation and also put them far enough underground to be protected from frost. Of course the houses had to be raised with the streets and the result was an exceedingly active, if not pleasant, operation. Even the largest and most massive buildings had to be raised. The gigantic undertaking was begun on the South Side, but the North and West Sides soon followed suit. Steam power was used to a considerable extent and the work progressed rapidly. So cleverly were the arrangements made and executed that the use of the buildings and the business in hotels and commercial houses were not interrupted even during the time the contractors were actually engaged in raising the structures. One of these contractors was George M. Pullman, who, in this manner, laid the foundations for his future fortune. A characteristic incident took place under the administration of Mayor Wentworth, along in the 5o's. On the lake shore 9 zoo between Kinzie and Erie streets, there had grown up, in the course of time, a settlement of which Chicago was anything but proud. Numerous tumble-down wooden shanties, scat- tered helter-skelter over the beach, formed an ideal nesting place for an anarchistic proletariat, rogues, whose lives were forfeit to the gallows, robbers and rascals of all degrees, in short, the lowest kind of men and women, who, in the open prosecution of their business, had become a public nuisance. The rough and ready mayor determined to rid the city of this precious crowd and chose a novel method to carry out his determination. He notified the shanty dwellers, that on a certain day their whole quarter would be burned down and he left it to the individuals to draw their own conclusions. The mayor was known as a man of his word and as one who could not be trifled with. Consequently very many took his hint and quietly decamped. Promptly, at the appointed time, Mr. Wentworth appeared with a full detail from the police and fire departments and caused the shanties to be fired. In a few moments the flames had completed their work of puri- fication; the anarchistic republic was resolved into its primi- tive elements, which were then, as quickly as possible, rendered harmless and inoffensive. In May, 1858, the first horse-car system was put into oper- ation; there were five cars, and their run was from Lake street to Twelfth. In the following year a line was put in operation on West Madison street, and in 1860 a third line began running on North Clark street, going as far as Division. Up to this time, in spite of the prosperity of the city and the well developed business activity, there had been a marked lack of public art institutions, higher educational facilities and substantial places of recreation theatres, concert halls and the like. In 1855, however, the Rush Medical College was founded, and 1859 saw the establishment of the Chicago Medical College. Rice's theatre was opened in 1847, but ten 101 A years elapsed before there was another first-class play-house. Then McVicker's first welcomed the public, and with " Money " for its attraction, of course scored a great hit. Aside from the temporary depreciation of paper money, trade and commerce thrived in Chicago during the civil war; money was abundant, business active, wages large in brief, so pros- perous were the times, that many a man was able to make his fortune then and there. Aside from the numerous bridges and viaducts which were constructed at this period, the tunnel under the river at Washington street was completed in 1869, and the one at La Salle street two years later. By an ordinance of the city council, passed in 1864, tne Lincoln Park system was established, and a few years later the state legislature enacted a statute providing for the whole splendid park and boulevard system. The development of the school system of Chicago, after 1850, was in keeping with the general progress of the city. In the year 1871, there were 40 school sites, on which were erected 41 buildings, and 1 1 other buildings stood on leased ground. The school houses and equipments represented a value of $1,200,000. There were 572 teachers whose salaries amounted to $444,635. At this time also chere were 192 parishes or separate religious communities, all but 36 of which had church buildings. Among them were 25 Catholic parishes with 12 convents and numer- ous parochial schools. There were also five Jewish syna- gogues. The value of all Chicago church property, shortly before the fire, was $10,350,000. The development of the architecture of private houses kept even pace with that of public buildings. In 1837 Chicago consisted of 450 houses, almost all of which were frame. In 1871 the city numbered 60,000 buildings, 40,000 of which were of wood. In 1832 one could easily count the brick buildings. In 1854 the only marble building stood on the southwest corner of Clark and Lake streets, opposite the 102 two-story brick " Saloon Building," which was pointed out as an edifice of considerable pretensions. In time, however, men ceased to look on Chicago as merely a place to make money and then desert, and began to regard it as a permanent home to whose adornment and beautification they were willing to generously contribute. Soon the streets were covered with fugitive frame houses, which, driven out of the town proper, sought a resting place on the outskirts of the city. As these outskirts constantly stretched out further and further the unfor- tunate houses were compelled almost yearly to begin again their peregrinations. As the frame structures yielded to the brick, so in turn they yielded to the stone and iron buildings. Palaces took the place of two-story buildings, colossal ware- houses crowded out more modest stores, and simple dwellings gave place to magnificent and architecturally stylish resi- dences. Michigan and Wabash avenues on the South Side, Washington street on the West Side and the portion of the North Side lying east of Dearborn street formed the favorite home-spots for the wealthy. Even the New Yorkers, with their Fifth avenue, had to yield the palm to Wabash avenue. The value of the new buildings erected in 1864 was $4,700,000; in 1865, $6,950,000; in 1866 over $11,000,000 and in 1870 no less than $20,000,000. Owing to the haste with which buildings were erected before the fire it was but natural that the proper building laws were not observed, and that, owing to a lack of expert, faithful police supervision, even the ordinary rules of safety were grossly violated. Thus it came about that even before the great fire Chicago, with its numerous frame houses and its enormous lumber districts, to say nothing of its location on an unprotected prairie, was known to be one of the worst fire sufferers in the Union. In 1863-64 there were 186 fires, doing over $355,560 worth of damage, and in 1869-70 the number of destructive fires reached 600 and inflicted loss to the amount of $871,000. In 1870-71 there were 660 fires, destroying property valued at 103 During the nine years before the great fire there were 3697 destructive fires in Chicago, and the amount of loss sustained was $13,779.848, of which $10,851,942 was covered by insurance. Surely, Chicago had warning cncu^fh. 104 Chicago's Progress. Early German Settlers The Forty-Eighters Social and Military Growth in the so's Beer Riots Americans and Germans Unite in Opposing Slavery Early Breweries Douglas and Know-nothingism Underground Railroad Chicago's Part in the War of the Rebellion. The part played by Irishmen and Englishmen in the devel- opment of Chicago, is so vital and intimate as to need no treat- ment separate from the story of the city itself. Allied so closely to the Americans by ties of language and kinship the Irish and English settlers of Chicago early lost their individu- ality as foreigners and became Chicagoans, quite after the manner of the man from Massachusetts, New York or Ohio. Their activity cannot be easily differentiated from that of the native-born citizens. The Germans on the other hand have not lost their identity as such. Had their manners and cus- toms more nearly approached those of the Americans, the barrier of language would have still remained. It is therefore easy to point out the effect of their influence on Chicago's development. Among the early settlers of the city, there were relatively few Germans, and these few were not, as a rule, men of cul- ture or education. The cream of early German immigration to Illinois went to the southern part of the state. With the end of the great German revolution of 1848, however, came a change. The revolutionists were defeated and forced to flee from Germany. Thousands came to America where they were soon discovered to be very different from the earlier German immigrants. The revolutionists, as a rule, were enthu- siasts, visionaries. Erratic, though the rank and file undoubt- edly were, many of them were also liberal, progressive and well educated. Guided by sentiment, their mistakes had been those of youth. 105 They embraced all classes of men; thousands were simple artisans, but in their ranks were also found hundreds of pro- fessors, poets, musicians, artists, editors and professional men. As a rule, these latter were the leaders and many of them proved themselves remarkably clever and talented. Although radically progressive as a class, they had among them few competent leaders, no mature statesmen, no profound philos- ophers. Those who afterwards achieved success and fame in their new fatherland were mostly inexperienced young men when they came, and owe a great deal of what they are or have been to the conditions that surrounded them in the new world. They were able men but their ideas were impractical, immature, or at best, ahead of time. When they left Germany they hoped to put into execution in America the ideas which had been rejected in the fatherland. Eager, enthusiastic, impatient of delay, they reached their new home only to find here elements similar to those which had opposed them in Ger- many the conservative elements. It was a conflict between the old German settlers and the new-comers, between the " moss- backs " and the " green-horns," as they respectively desig- nated each other. The Germans, who had lived for some time in the United States and become accustomed to American ways or had formed communities in which they lived according to the customs of the fatherland, looked with disdain on the new- comers, who, without waiting to learn of American institu- tions, wished immediately to reform and re-organize the whole country. They even held a convention for this purpose in Wheeling. W. Va., and one enthusiast actually proposed to solve the Teutonic trouble by annexing Germany to the United States. They were not, however, men who wished to upset things merely for the pleasure of it. They were in no wise like the anarchists of later days. They were simply lovers of freedom, and later became strong abolitionists. Carl Schurz, Col. Fred Hecker, George Schneider, Lorenz 1 06 Brentano, Hermann Raster, William Rapp, Emil Preetorius, Caspar Butz, Emil Dietzsch, General Sigel, General Oster- haus and Governor Salomon, were the most prominent of the 48'ers. The conflict between the old-timers and the revolutionists was carried on here in Chicago, as throughout the whole country. The former believed that they had become pretty well informed on things American, were firmly convinced of their smartness in business matters, and were proud of the manner in which they butchered the English language. They ridiculed, in their self-satisfied way, what they considered the absurd and exaggerated political ideas of the newly arrived revolutionists, whom they were pleased to call " Latin fel- lows," because they were educated, and " theorists," because they had ideas of their own. The revolutionists on the other hand, looked with supreme^ contempt on the " moss-backs," whom they were fond of alluding to as " German-American voting cattle," because of the obstinate persistency with which they clung to the old slavery party. They did not even regard the " moss-backs " as being worthy of living in a free country, and scornfully announced that the latter were per- fectly happy if some native American would clap them on the back and hail them as "Jack" or " Charley." Among the revolutionists there were many skilled artisans, and these had no difficulty in finding work. But the profes- sional men, the journalists, artists, doctors, lawyers and professors, had plenty of spare time to discover the evils in America, to make merry over the Yankees and to plan a great campaign of reformation. These gentlemen were for- ever lounging around saloons, where, at all hours, they carried on almost endless debates on weighty political and social questions and, while thinking of the old home from which they had been mercilessly driven, comforted one another and waited for happier days in most cases, for the hour of return to the fatherland. All day long one could find in the 107 various saloons the best of fellowship among men of good breeding and good wit. They drank and argued criticised bitterly and praised loudly. On Sundays, headed by a brass band, they marched through the streets of the city, delighting in parading past crowded churches, and finally reaching a suburban grove where things went merrily. Conventionalities were forgotten and the beer flowed in streams. In short, what they claimed to be " German customs " were introduced often with more energy than dis- cretion, and the Yankees were taught what a " free German " was. In their enthusiastic moments when all went well, the revelers would praise their meetings with the proud words: " Grad' wie in Deutschland," (just as in Germany). Finally, however, the 48'ers carried thirgs a little too far. While calling themselves the educated part of the community, they often forgot entirely to take any account of other people, the result of which was that a bitter hatred of foreigners sprang into existence. The know-nothing spirit made its appearance all over the country, and it was directed especially against the Germans. At this crisis there happily appeared the German newspapers to urge their readers to conduct themselves differently toward those Americans who differed from them in opinion, and on the other hand to demand of the Americans that they afford to foreign born citizens equal rights with themselves. Most of the German papers particularly and emphatically disapproved of slavery, and in time their repeated demands for its abolition won for the Germans great respect and popularity among the free-minded American element. In 1852 the Chicago Turnverein was formed, and its mem- bers, sharing the bitter anti-slavery views of the Illinois Staats Zeitung, which had been founded a few years before, formed the first German phalanx for the future but ever nearing struggle against slavery. The Turnverein grew and prospered. Its miserable hall on Griswold street was superseded by a splendid building, and 1 08 from a band of enthusiasts the association became the most influential German organization of the city, vitally assisting in the political and intellectual development of the Germans of Chicago. Following the Chicago Turnverein came a host of other clubs and societies. There were singing, shooting, turning and military clubs. The number grew until finally almost every German state was represented by its own turning or singing society. In some clubs all members had come from one German city, and no others were admitted. The man from Hamburg would not turn or sing with one from Frank- furt, and so on. This peculiarity, although typical of life in the fatherland, worked against the best interests of the Ger- mans in Chicago. They became divided, and failing to act as a unit, did not exercise an influence commensurate with their numbers. The same want of harmony is still noticed among the Germans to-day, and works against them. The general effect of the clubs was, of course, good, and developed not only the social but political life of the Germans. Nor was it the Germans alone who were affected. After the singing societies had introduced German songs into the city, it was an easy matter for German opera to follow, and thus great impetus was given to the musical development of Chicago. The most amusing and comical feature of life in the early 5o's is indisputably the extraordinary importance with which many, otherwise very worthy and steady-going citizens, invested military affairs. Those who saw in the new order of things a gentle, peaceful and practical means of advancing in busi- ness or politics, devoted themselves to Mars with remarkable ardor, but it was the gentlemanly saloon keeper who reaped the greatest profit. After the fatigues of drilling and march- ing, the parched throats of the warriors had to be moistened, and a saloon was always found to be the best and most suita- ble place for holding an important council of war. The saloon log keepers all joined companies. At certain hours their white aprons were doffed and gorgeous uniforms donned, and then out they went with the other warriors to valiantly storm the saloon of some comrade for the fatherland had called, not exactly because it was in danger, but just to test the hearts of its sons and to keep the swords from rusting in the scabbards. On Washington's birthday, Fourth of July, at funerals and at other times of danger, the streets were thronged with brave cavalrymen on foot and infantry officers on horseback. After a "treat all around for the company" the lieutenant expected that at the next council of war he would be made a captain, for, though he had captured no breastworks, he had won the hearts of his men. Should a major buy a keg of beer, he was sure of a marshal's baton at the first favorable opportunity. Consequently the militia of Chicago, at this time, comprised about eight generals, seventeen colonels, three dozen majors, two companies of captains, a battalion of lieuten- ants and five privates. As the latter were for the most part hard-working men, who had no time to spare, the regiment, when it turned out on the occasion of a funeral or some event of minor importance, consisted very frequently of nothing but officers. At the local election, held in March, 1855, Levy D. Boone, a dyed-in-the-wool "know-nothing," was elected mayor of Chicago. He firmly believed that it was his duty to make all " foreigners " fully understand that America was to be gov- erned only by Americans. A saloon license of $300 was imposed, and the police were strictly enjoined to close all saloons on Sunday, especially if they were conducted by "foreigners." If conducted by "respectable Americans" the police might strain a point and ignore the open doors. Even before Boone's time the Sunday and temperance crusade was waged. At that time Americans did not drink beer at all; whiskey was their favorite tipple, and in 1854 tne commonest grades cost but 15 cents a gallon. no On Sundays then, the Americans could wet their parched gullets, but the drink of the fatherland was denied the sons of Germany. Up to this point the Germans had fully complied with the law, but at last some of them resolved to defy it, and run their saloons without the necessary license. But Mayor Boone was not to be trifled with; he had the offending saloon keepers summoned before him and, as they refused to pay for their licenses, caused them to be imprisoned. As a conse- quence, the Germans of the North Side organized a relief party, armed themselves with guns, revolvers and pitch-forks ? and one Saturday marched over the Clark street bridge, up to the court house and demanded the release of their country- men, the martyr saloon keepers. A crowd of several thous- and Americans, Germans and Irishmen at once collected and stood eagerly awaiting further developments. The entrance to the court house yard, which was surrounded by a tolerably high iron fence, was guarded by the police, and the great door of the court house itself was closed. Down in the base- ment of this building were the prisoners, and those on the outside believed they could hear a confused murmur of voices coming from the various cells. The Germans on the outside stood there for some moments, undetermined as to how to proceed, as no one appeared willing to lead the attack, when suddenly the court house doors were flung wide open, and out upon the now thoroughly frightened and demoralized mob rushed about fifty special policemen. All were armed with clubs, and every man made good use of his weapon. A few shots were fired. At the attack of the police, one of the rioters threw away his weapon and started to flee, but was overhauled and shot down. A German cigar maker shot a policeman in the arm. After quiet 'had been restored in the vicinity of the court house, the great militia general, A. K. Swift, felt in duty bound to call upon the soldiers to rush to arms and the rescue. They responded slowly, only about 90 men from the whole regiment appearing, and they in were all pale with fear. In spite of their pallor every man of them was ready, with a lion's courage, to plunge into the struggle for whisky and against beer. But, happily, the conflict had already passed. Two old cannon, which, rumor said, had in 1812 been abandoned as worthless by the British in Detroit, were lugged out from the city arsenal and placed, one on Clark and one on La Salle street, both pointing toward the North Side. The . mayor and his council seemed firmly convinced that the chief struggle would be in the afternoon. In fact, a second and a well planned attack had been arranged, for the shameful defeat of the forenoon was keenly felt. Men gathered in all the prin- cipal streets, prepared for a bitter struggle. One rioter ran to the North Market hall and rang the alarm bell. Fortunately, however, the threatened butchery was prevented by the ready wit of an Irish bridge-tender, who, as the valiant attacking column approached the river on Clark street, swung his bridge wide open and kept the doughty warriors off the South Side. As a consequence of this simple artifice, the forces of the " Beerocrats " stood helpless and irresolute, for in this emer- gency their brave leaders were unable to display their knowl- edge of the arts and strategies of war. The end of this rather grotesque campaign was that every- one began to laugh at the peculiar, not to say ridiculous position of the revolutionary army of the North Side. Many of the warriors themselves were right well pleased at being prevented from spilling blood, for in their rage they might have dealt too severely with the foeman. And so it came about, that within half an hour not a trace of the great army of rebels was to be seen. On the South Side, meantime, the streets had been garrisoned and were kept so until Monday morning, the militia forces increasing in numbers all day Sunday in the same measure as the reports of the likelihood of more trouble grew less frequent and emphatic, In order to avoid further ill-feeling, the trial of the various 112 cases growing out of this episode known in the history of the city as the " beer riots," was postponed some weeks, and then, in order that immigration might not be driven away from Chi- cago, the prisoners were released on straw-bail and harmony was once more restored. Occurrences such as those just narrated, increased the feeling between the native and German born citizens. As far as business was concerned, the two dealt with each other, the Americans recognizing the Germans not only as excellent clerks and workmen, but also as profitable customers, but after business hours they separated and had absolutely nothing to do with each other. The Americans had no desire to know more intimately the " Dutchmen," and the Germans in their turn saw no necessity of making advances to the '< Yankees." A prominent feature of the German is his easy adaptability to foreign habits, customs and methods of thought. If ( he is kindly received by strangers, he adapts himself read- ily to his changed conditions of life. If, however, the stranger seeks by force to forbid him his native customs or to ridicule these as barbaric, then the true Teuton rebels and clings with a remarkabk persistency to the habits of his forefathers. It was rather remarkable, therefore, that the German revolution- ists advocated in the German press that their countrymen should forget personal grievances and unite with Americans for the suppression of slavery. The Americans had no sym- pathy with the Germans. They did not understand them, and did not care to. But the German revolutionists passed all that, and with one accord, preached over and over again from the text, " Down with Slavery." " We Germans, above all others," they cried, " should oppose as one man, this accursed institution, even if in so doing we act against our own welfare, and are forced to unite with our enemies, the know-nothings." Of course such precepts found many enemies as well as many friends, and so the con- flict between the old German settlers, most of whom belonged to the democratic or pro-slavery party, and the newiy arrived revolutionists waxed fiercer. New England, where there had been but few foreigners, was, strangely enough, the stronghold of the know-nothings. There too, however, were found the great opponents of slav- ery, and so the two extremes met. The foreign-born Ger- man in the west opposed slavery as strongly and as vigorously as did the Yankee abolitionist in the east. For a time the native born Chicagoans paid but little attention to the German anti-slavery movement. They did not know the leaders nor their motives, and it was not until George Schneider, Caspar Butz, Ernst Pruessing, Hermann Kreisman, Ernst Schmidt, Emil Dietzsch and Fritz Bauman on the one side, and Isaac N. Arnold, Norman B. Judd, John C. Haynes, Thomas B. Bryan and "Long" John Wentworth on the other, met and learned to know each other, that the two races joined forces for a common end. While now the Germans and Americans were coming to a better understanding on political questions, there quietly and modestly developed a branch of industry destined to strongly affect the whole social life of the American people. Up to this time, as already said, the only American tipple was whisky and it had ruined mentally and physically thousands upon thousands. But all this was to be changed, for the Americans gradually became acquainted with the excellence of the German national beverage, and beer and even wine began to share, if not usurp the place in the American heart so long held by whisky. In spite of almost a thousand years of struggling and suffer- ing, Germans have retained a happy and contented disposition. On the soil of their fatherland the terrible decision of the sword has settled many a question pregnant with the fate of all mankind. The German may be always dreaming, but his dreams spring from a joyous and idealistic nature, and though oftimes interrupted by the loud tocsin summoning the dreamer 114 to a combat for existence, still in the midst of the struggle, come the pleasant clink of glasses and tender love-songs, like saving genii in the moment of anxiety. And so, inspired by the pretty and natural desire to be able here, across the sea, in his foster fatherland, in the home of freedom, to live according to his old, honorable and long-inherited cus- toms he planted on the sunny hills of Ohio the vine brought from the Rhineland, trained the fragrant hops, and on the black, virgin soil of the prairies he sowed the vigorous barley. It was to supply an already keenly felt demand that in the 5o's even, men all over the west turned their attention to wine growing and beer brewing. In Chicago a large and ever increasing industry was founded, and the breweries later yielded almost untold riches. Mathias Best (father of the well-known Chicagoan, Henry Best) was Chicago's first brewer. He came here from Bavaria in 1841, but found so few Germans in the city that he did not think it worth while to start a brewery, and turned his attention to the manufacture of vinegar. In 1844. he began beer brewing on a small scale, serving his customers in little wooden casks, which he made himself, and carried around on his back. About 1850 he built a small brewery, with a summer garden attachment. Later he leased his establishment to Conrad Seipp, and when Seipp started a brewery of his own, he leased it to Downer & Bemis. When they in* turn built their own brewery some years later, Chicago's original brew-house stood unused until 1871, when it was destroyed in the great fire. In 1849, m a brewery on the corner of State and Randolph streets, where the Central Music Hall now stands, Adolph P. Mueller brewed the first lager beer for Chicagoans. Among the later brewers were John A. Huck and his son Louis, Peter Schoenhofen, A. Gottfried, Busch & Brand and Bar- tholomae & Leicht. "5 German influence on Chicago business, society and art was early felt, but it was 1857 before much attention was paid the Germans by the politicians. At that time it was not deemed advisable, on account of German opposition, to again run the know-nothing mayor, Thomas Dyer, and at the suggestion of George Schneider, of the Illinois Staats Zeitung, " Long " John Wentworth received the nomination. Wentworth was triumphantly elected, and thereafter the Germans paid more attention to real politics and less to visionary plans for sweep- ing reforms. Under the leadership of Schneider and others they continued their opposition to slavery, and formed the nucleus of the republican party in Chicago. January 29, 1854, George Schneider called a meeting to oppose the Nebraska bill and the extension of slavery. At this gathering, probably the first public assembly held in the United States for this specific purpose, both Germans and Americans were present. Stephen A. Douglas, then senator from Illinois, and from 1847 a resident of Chicago, was the great opponent of know- nothingism, and marshaled the democrats against the hosts of intolerance, fanaticism and political and religious bigotry. But the majority of the Germans stood firm against slavery, and as Douglas at first wished to compromise on the question, they violently opposed him. On the evening of September i, 1854, Douglas called a meeting at North Market Hall, where he intended to explain his action in support of the Kansas-Nebraska bill, but a howl- ing mob met him and prevented the ''little giant" from being heard. During the afternoon flags on all vessels and build- ings owned by abolitionists had been hung at half-mast, and at dusk the church bells were tolled as if for an impending calamity. Most of those in the hall were bitter know-nothings and abolitionists, and many had come heavily armed in antici- pation of bloodshed. Finally, after facing the mob for two hours, Douglas yielded to the inevitable and returned to his 116 hotel, followed by a shouting, cursing, threatening crowd. From that day Chicago never ceased to be on the extreme verge of anti-slavery excitment, and became the center of the western movement which made Kansas a free state. The first general anti-slavery meeting was held in Chicago in the "Saloon Building" in 1838, and in January, 1840, the Chicago Anti-Slavery Society held its first public meeting. Chicago early became one of the principal points on the "underground railroad," which was the name given to a system of co-operation of certain active abolitionists to secretly assist fugitive slaves to escape into Canada. In 1839 gener- ous and zealous Zebina Eastman sent the first passenger on the "underground railroad" through Chicago, and Captain Blake, of the steamer Illinois, took him to Canada. In 1860 Chicago was selected as the place for holding the republican national convention, and the hearty support of Chicago abolitionists secured the nomination of Abraham Lincoln. In the fall the election passed off quietly enough, Lincoln being chosen president. He was inaugurated in March, 1861, and in less than six weeks the roar and crash of the guns bombarding Fort Sumter ushered in the war of the rebellion. April 18 the Union defense fund was started in Chicago, and three days later, at the call of Governor Yates, Gen. R. K. Swift started for Cairo, which important post he occupied with a force of 595 men and four six-pounders, his command consisting of Companies A and B, Ellsworth's Chicago Zouaves, the Chicago Light Infantry, Turner Union Cadets, Lincoln Rifles and the Chicago Light Artillery. When the President called for 75,000 volunteers, Chicago at once raised two companies, which were assigned to the Twelfth Illinois Volunteer Infantry. The Nineteenth Illinois also contained several Chicago companies. Indeed, so rapid was the enrollment of Chicago volunteers that Governor Yates, owing to the refusal of the Secretary of War to authorize him to accept more troops than the state's pro-rata 117 proportion of the whole number of volunteers, was unable to put many of the early companies into commission, and several Chicago companies left the state and enlisted elsewhere, principally in Missouri and Kansas. Nearly every member of Ellsworth's famous zouaves held commission during the war, but they were scattered through the regiments of various states, Ellsworth himself commanding the Eleventh New York Volunteers (Fire Zouaves). The Twenty-third Illinois was the famous " Irish Brigade," organized by Col. James A. Mulligan, and consisted of Irish- Americans living in Chicago and neighboring towns. It was accepted by the Federal government as an independent Illinois regiment, being mustered into service June 15, 1861. After three years of service, marked by conspicuous bravery and ability, Colonel Mulligan was killed at Kernstown, July, 1864. The Twenty-fourth Illinois, or the " Hecker-Jaeger regi- ment," composed exclusively of Germans, was mustered in July 8, under the colonelcy of Frederick Hecker, who 12 years before had fought for liberty in the fatherland. Afterwards Colonel Hecker resigned, and organized the Eighty-second reg- iment, and was succeeded in the Twenty-fourth by Geza Mihalotzy, a trained Hungarian officer, who died March, 1864, fr m wounds received in the service of his foster father- land. The Twenty-fourth was largely composed of men who had served in the German and Austrian armies, and was made up of excellent fighting material. The Thirty-seventh, " the Fremont Rifle regiment," was organized in the summer of 1861, and three of its companies were recruited in Chicago. Few regiments saw more service than the Thirty-seventh and few reaped more honors. Gen. John C. Black entered the army as lieutenant-colonel of this regiment. The Thirty-ninth, the " Yates Phalanx, " was distinctively a Chicago regiment, as were also the Forty-second, Fifty-first, Fifty-seventh, Fifty-eighth, "the McClelland brigade," and the Sixty-fifth, "the Scotch regiment." 118 The Seventy-second was the first, the Eighty-eighth the second, and the One hundred and thirteenth the third Board of Trade regiment. The Eighty-second, the second Hecker regiment, was like the Twenty-fourth, largely German. Its losses exceed those of almost any other regiment in the history of the war. The Eighty-ninth was the " Railroad " regiment, the Ninetieth, the " Irish Legion," the One Hundred and Twenty-seventh, mustered in September 6, 1862, was the last of the list of the gallant Chicago regiments during the rebellion. Besides these infantry troops, Chicago furnished many re- cruits to the Fourth, Eighth, Ninth, Twelfth, Thirteeth cavalry regiments and to various artillery batteries. From first to last Chicago rendered the federal government every possible assistance in carrying on the war; nor was all the loyalty displayed by the soldiers on the field, trained nurses, Sisters of Mercy and surgeons, all more or less assisted by the city proceeded to the scenes of battle and cared for the wounded and sick left in camp and hospital. Money was liberally subscribed and great work was done by the Board of Trade, Mercantile Association, Y. M. C. A., Young Men's Association and various other societies. In September, 1861, Camp Douglas was established on the South Side, as a rendezvous for all volunteers, but it was later used as a northern prison, over 12,000 rebels being confined there at one time. In 1864 Jacob Thompson, formerly a member of Buchanan's cabinet, formed a plot to free all these prisoners of war, and with them as a nucleus, form a union of all southern sympathizers in the north, and so aid the rebels by a northern insurrection. Enough of the plot, however, was discovered to prevent any serious developments. In November, 1860, befell the greatest single fatality Chi- cago ever suffered: the wreck of the Lady Elgin. The boat was one of the finest of lake steamers, and on Friday, Novem- ber 7, started from Chicago for Milwaukee with 393 persons 119 on board, most of them being excursionists returning home to Milwaukee. In the night the Lady Eigin was run down by a lumber schooner and sank within thirty minutes, carrying down with her 297 human beings. This was the inauspicious beginning of a stormy and tumultuous decade, but the end of the 6o's was peaceful enough; the war was well over, new industries had sprung up and times were prosperous. "But with mighty destiny Union sure, there ne'er can be. Woe advances rapidly." 1 2O The Chicago Fire. October jth, 8th and pth, 1871. For fourteen weeks scarcely a drop of rain had fallen on the strong young city on the shores of Lake Michigan. Of its 60,000 buildings, 40,000 were frame, and owing to the long drouth, both the buildings and the pine sidewalks were like tinder. Broken by neither hills nor forests, the prevailing west and southwest winds swept over the prairies and burst with full force upon the city. The days were growing shorter, and in the early falling evenings the horizon could be seen red-tinted with its reflec- tion of distant prairie fires. In the city itself, fires had been numerous without exciting more than passing comment. In America fires concern only the firemen and insurance compan- ies. The 335,000 Chicagoans were all busy. The end of navigation was near, and grain traffic heavy. Fall trade the distribution of the world's merchandise to 11,000,000 neigh- boring people absorbed the attention of business men. Sud- denly into the feverish activity, the high nervous tension of a fully developed commercial life, entered an enormous fatality, and the heart of the young city stood still. Quiet reigned over the vast field of ruins, and a hundred thousand people, who, care-free on the evening of October 8th, laughed and sang in happy homes, found themselves on the gloomy morn- ing of the pth without house or goods shelterless and home- less on the bleak prairie, struggling with relentless elements, while three hundred of their fellows, dumb in death, bore ghastly evidence to the terrors of the night of fire. Nor was the great tragedy which laid Chicago in ashes with- out a fit prelude. On the evening of the 7th of October, there burned in a few hours three hundred houses on the West Side, 121 2500 people were made homeless; 3000 were thrown out of employment, and property worth $750,000, and but little more than half insured, was destroyed. Twenty-four hours later and the homeless were numbered by tens of thousands, the losses computed by hundreds of millions, and the insurance an unknown quantity. The fire October 7th, \vas the largest Chi- cago had ever known, but the immense conflagration that fol- lowed on the 8th made it seem insignificant. Little is heard about the great battle of Ligny, because it was followed immediately by the greater Waterloo. But the story of the first fire is important in explaining the one that followed. South of Adams street and immediately west of the south branch of the Chicago river were numerous lumber and coal yards, planing mills and factories full of highly inflammable material, and here, at n o'clock Satur- day evening, October 7th, fire was discovered in the planing mill of Lull & Holmes (on Canal street, a block from the river). The authorities never learned how it started, but the flames had made great headway before the fire department reached the scene. A strong wind was blowing directly from the south, and the fire spread northward with the greatest rapidity. Later the wind veered to the southwest, and the flames leaped across Canal street and worked toward the river. Within two hours they had swept over an area of more than twenty acres, completely devastating the whole district bounded by Adams street on the north, Clinton on the west, Van Buren on the south and the river on the east. Except for the National elevator, which, though on fire several times, finally escaped destruction, one saw nothing but an empty field before him no trace of ruins or debris, a peculiarity even more noticeable in the fire of the following day. The rapidity of the conflagration even at the beginning was so great that all engines had to be called into play, and it was only by the greatest effort that the fire was checked at the corner of Adams and Clinton streets, and its progress 122 northward stopped. Had this not been done the flames would have attained sufficient force to have jumped the river there 150 feet wide, and the terrible tragedy of October 8th would have been earlier enacted. At one time the woodwork of the viaduct on Adams street caught fire and from it the flames spread northward, threatening the many railroad cars crowded together there and the passenger and freight depots of the Pittsburgh, Ft. Wayne & Chicago and Chicago & Alton roads. The danger, however, was happily averted by tearing down one of the big freight sheds. The wonderful spectacle had attracted hundreds of people to the bridges spanning the river, from which one could look down as from a hill upon the awful scene. Little did the spectators dream that only twenty-four hours later they would themselves be dragged to the stage and employed as actors in one of the greatest tragedies of the century. Still there was no lack of uncanny premonition. The roof of a shed from which hundreds of people looked down into the fierce sea of fire, suddenly gave way and all were precipitated to the ground and several wounded. Many of the high sidewalks on Clinton street gave way under the pressure of surging masses and caused serious accidents. A number of men in Sheriff's lumber yard and in adjacent coal yards, were so cornered by the fire, that seizing whatever pieces of lumber they could find, they leaped into the river, preferring the water and its doubtful dangers to the awful certainty of the flames. One human victim fell a prey to this earlier fire, for the next day the charred body of a woman was found on Clinton street on the spot where her home had stood. After a battle of five hours the firemen succeeded in curbing the terrible element. Exhausted, they retired to their berths above the steamers with no suspicion of the awful defeat to follow this Pyrrhus victory. The morning of Sunday, October 8th, gave no cause for apprehension of the terrors of the night to come. Bright and 124 beautiful shone the October sun, and only its clear light bringing the barren burnt area into bold relief, made a weird impression upon the beholder. The supremacy of the ele- ments over human power was boldly shown. In vigorous wise fate had already knocked on the door, and thousands and thousands of spectators, who, on the bright Sunday morn- ing gathered from all parts of the city to witness the scene of devastation, might have heard the knocking on their own doors. But the pleasure resorts in the afternoon were overcrowded, Lincoln Park was full of pedestrians and car- riages. No one dreamed that he was enjoying the last day a doomed city. THE CATASTROPHE OF OCTOBER 8th AND pth. Closely following the powerful prelude of October 7th, was the gigantic tragedy which forms the topic of this description. It calls to mind the old Greek tragedies, in which the chorus gives expression, not only to public opinion about the acts of the leading personages, but also on especially impor- tant occasions, takes part in the action itself; it differs only in this, that finally all parts of this divided chorus became principal actors relentless fate involving first one division, then another, with steadily increasing effect. The three local- ities in which the action took place form the most natural lines on which to divide the tragedy into acts, the more so as the climaxes of feeling on the part of the people correspond to such division. As long as the fire was confined to the West Side, the South Siders, who viewed it from the bridges and eastern shore of the river, felt more pity for the repeated misfortunes of their neighbors than fear for themselves. The second act began when, about midnight, the fire leaped across the river and attacked its prey on the other side. Now the inhabitants of the South Side are hurled with frightful rapidity 125 into the whirlpool of action. The battle between fate and heroes, between the destroying element and the saving fire department, fighting step by step the on-marching flames, reaches its climax. Buildings on Harrison street and Wabash avenue are blown up by gunpowder, and the fire is prevented from spreading further south, and by reason of this relative triumph of human ingenuity over the unchained element, the hopes of the sore-tried victims are for a time revived. The third act, the almost complete destruction of the North Side, shares with the other two the characteristic feature that the passive spectators are thrown with fearful velocity into the midst of the action into as wild a flight as the world has ever witnessed. The army is routed help himself who can ! The retreat across the bridges on Chicago avenue, Division street and North avenue, where men, women and children, horses and wagons are precipitated in almost inextricable confusion, into the unburnt part of the Northwest Side, recalls the horrors of the celebrated crossing of the Beresina. Even the character of the architecture varied essentially in the three divisions of the city, the flames in the first act meet- ing only frame buildings. Indeed, it has been argued that the rapid development of the conflagration is due almost entirely to this fact, and it may be possible that if at first the fire had had to deal with less inflammable material, its spread might have been slower and its resistance by the firemen success- fully accomplished. But the complete devastation of the busi- ness center proved that a fire of such dimensions as that which finally jumped the river could not be resisted by even the most fire-proof buildings. The business center contained about one and a half square miles, bounded on the north by the main river, on the west by the south branch, on the east by Lake Michigan and on the south by Harrison street, and its buildings were chiefly of stone, iron and brick. , To be sure, there were vulnerable spots the wooden window frames, 126 which the fire reached in spite of the iron shutters, the wooden cornices, and last, but not least, the tarred gravel roofs. The pine shelves, ornaments, fittings, the large number of newly emptied dry goods boxes, and the tinder-like interior of even the most solid and imposing stone structures, furnished abun- dant food for the conquering flames. The fire originated half a mile southwest of the center of the city, on the West Side, attacked the center, destroyed it and swept over the North Side, suburban in its character, until it reached the lake and bare northern prairies. The burnt district was on an average a mile wide and four miles long. The burnt buildings, placed side by side, with ten feet between each, would form a line 150 miles long. According to the estimate of Frederick Law Olmstead, a well-known New York architect, who visited Chicago immediately after the great disaster, one-third of the roof surface and half the cubic contents of all the buildings of the city were destroyed by the fire, in other words, a much greater part of the city was burned than would appear from comparing a map of the burnt district with one of the whole city, because in the business portion buildings stood close together and were from four to six stories high. , THE FIRST ACT. The Beginning of the Great Fire on the West Side. The wind which on Sunday afternoon had been blowing at a moderate rate, grew stronger toward evening, and finally became a terrific gale. At 9 128 in the evening the watch- man in the central fire station in the court house discovered that fire had broken out on the West Side, and located it near the corner of Canalport avenue and Halsted street, and an alarm for that point was at once turned in. As a matter of fact the fire was in the rear of 137 DeKoven street, near the corner of 127 Jefferson, and the watchman had misjudged it by almost a mile. The neighborhood was principally occupied by Bohe- mians and Irishmen, their houses were of frame and cheaply constructed, and behind many of them were barns and cattle sheds filled with hay. In the O'Leary's stable in which the fire originated, the floor was covered with shavings, which were used instead of straw to bed the cattle. It was at first supposed that Mrs. O'Leary was milking her cow by lantern light, and that the cow kicked over the lantern and set fire to the stable. During the official investigation, however, the O'Leary's swore that they had not been in the stable since dark, but this fact does not prevent people from clinging to the old tradition that Mrs. O'Leary's cow kicked over her lantern. Later, the story found a champion in Chicago's well-known and efficient fire marshal, Mat. Benner, who reports as the result of his private investigations, that he believes the cow undoubtedly kicked over a lamp or lantern, but that it was not Mrs. O'Leary's. The Irish family who lived with the O'Learys had been jollifying all that Sunday in honor of a newly arrived son of Erin, and in the evening, needing milk for a punch, it is supposed that one of them volunteered to milk Mrs. O'Leary's cow. He attempted to do so, but the cow rebelled, and kicked over the lantern with dire results. Just what time the fire began it is impossible to definitely state. One engine reached the scene as early as 9:15? having been summoned by a " still " alarm. The preponderance of evi- dence goes to show that the fire had at that time been burn- ing for at least half an hour, but another half hour elapsed before other engines reached the scene, and the flames were then beyond the control of the firemen. At least four of the best engines were misled by the error of the watchman in the court house tower, and this fact, taken in connection with the exhaustion of the men on account of the preceding night's fire and the crippled condition of the apparatus permitted the great catastrophe. Second and third alarms were turned in, 128 and finally every engine in the city, with the exception of one which remained on the South Side, were summoned by the big alarm bell in the cupola of the court house. By 9:30 the flames crossed Taylor street and attacked several blocks at once, while the howling winds drowned the noise of crackling flames and crashing rafters. Vain were all efforts to check the fire, which, swelled to fearful proportions by the ever increasing fury of the southwest gale, advanced northward in two columns, one between Canal and Clinton streets, the other between Clinton and Jefferson. All that could be done was to prevent the fire spreading west to Desplaines street, and in this the firemen were suc- cessful. Meantime the foe marched northeasterly almost unhindered. Those who tried to oppose it, soon felt its furious power. The crew of engine No. 14, having run their machine into a narrow alley, suddenly found themselves almost sur- rounded by flames, and were forced to abandon the steamer and flee for their lives. One block after another fell before the raging element which became stronger every minute. Polk street was reached, then Harrison, and finally Van Buren, the boundary of the burnt district of the day before. Here, had there been only an ordinary gale, the flames would have stop- ped. Behind were 150 acres of fire, in front 20 of ashes, and the flames had not yet strength enough to leap over the four burnt-out blocks. This empty space that is to say, the scene of Saturday's fire saved the West Side from destruction and proved a blessing in disguise. Had it not been checked at this point, the column of fire which progressed to the north- east would have undoubtedly destroyed the whole West Divis- ion north of Adams street, and have stopped only on reaching the extreme city limits. But just as men began to hope that the fire would burn itself out for lack of fuel, the terrible and unexpected happened : the conflagration, checked in its north- ward course, turned to the east, and a thing unheard of in previous Chicago fires the river no longer proved a barrier P 129 and protection. The flames leaped across the stream and carried along by the tempest fell upon the buildings on the opposite bank. The second and principal act had commenced. With rapid strokes, the great alarm bell announced the new and fearful change in the course of the great disaster. Again, it is found difficult to accurately time the progress of the flames. Before 10 o'clock showers of sparks and burning brands were swept across the river into the South Side, and some were carried far into the North Division. The keeper of the crib, two miles out in the lake, testified that from 1 1 o'clock the sky was full of brands and that he was kept busy preventing the wooden roof of the crib from becoming enkin- dled. It is probable that as the West Side fire extended ten blocks along the river, the flames crossed in several places. At least as early as n :3O, the new building of the Parmelee Omnibus and Stage Co., on Jackson street, corner of Franklin, was ignited and in an instant more was literally engulfed in flame. The group of wretched wooden dwellings known as " Conley's patch," on Fifth avenue, between Adams and Mon- roe streets, took fire at midnight and the gas works followed immediately. The flames attacked the court house at 1 130, and at the same time, State street bridge began to burn. At 2 130, Wright's stables on the North Side caught fire, and at 3 :2O the water works were in flames. " Conley's patch," the court house and Wright's stables, were in a straight line between the O'Leary shed and the water works, which were about 2^ miles due northeast from the spot where the fire began. Such was the progress of the conflagration during the first 6j/2 hours! On account of eddies in the wind, however, the fire burned not only straight northeast, but also turned back, " ate into the wind " and spread on either side. Brands blown ahead, kept the flames well scattered, and at times there were ten or more different fires. But as each ate forward, all were finally united into one great element of destruction. THE SECOND ACT. K The Destruction of the Business Center of Chicago. From the thousands who had gone from the South Side to witness the conflagration in the West Division, burst a cry of horror when they saw that the flames had crossed the river and were burning fiercely in their rear, threatening to cut off their retreat by the bridges and imperilling their very homes. Back in a mad rush swept the people, and through them the fire engines, on their way to fight the flames in the new quarter, thunderingly forced their way. The bridge scenes at midnight were pandemonium each narrow way choked up with a struggling, cursing mob, fighting to get beyond the line of fire. It was 1 1 130 when the Parmelee building on Jackson street was attacked, and "Conley's patch," two blocks further north, was also set by brands blown from the West Side. About midnight a huge, blazing board was seized by the wind, borne across the river and lodged on the tinder-like roof of a three-story tenement on Market street. All around were low wooden buildings, saloons, hovels and sheds, the dens of the lowest classes in the city. This terror spot, the very home of crime, \vas to be purged by fire. Most of the male inhabit- ants were across the river, and, as the flames laid hold of the wretched buildings, squalid women and children rushed out in droves awe-struck and terrified, they wandered about in hopeless, helpless bewilderment. Most of them finally escaped, but scores perished miserably in the great wilderness of flame. Some of the wretched fugitives were joined by their sisters from Fifth avenue and Jackson street and by the tribes of thieves which infested .the locality; saloons were broken open, and hellish orgies added to the night's hideousness. At this time, between I and 2 in the morning, no one in or near the heart of Chicago slept. On the burning streets surged throngs of men and crowds of vehicles laden with property all driving toward the lake shore. As soon as the news of the calamity reached the aristocratic mansions on Calumet, Prairie and Indiana avenues, business men hastened down-town. With dire apprehension and heavy hearts they made their way toward stores and offices. An awful sight met their gaze. Like lightning the fire rushed up the wooden sidewalks and moved simultaneously on Market, Franklin and Fifth avenue northward to Madison street, the entrance to the wholesale district. For a moment there was hope that the destroying fiend would move directly toward the lake and so skip a part of the business center. But suddenly the wind veered, and the fate of hundreds of Chicago business palaces and of millions of dollars worth of merchandise was sealed. With a mighty leap the fire reached La Salle street from Fifth avenue, and from Jackson another column of flames came rolling on to make common cause with the advance guard in the great destruction. This was the first fire which had worked its way from the Parmelee building east to the new Grand Pacific, the first of the better class of build- ings to be attacked. The great hotel, stretching a block, from La Salle to Clark street, had just been roofed in and had cost almost $1,000,000. As if in anger at its imposing dimensions the fire swept over it, shone luridly from every window space and in a moment more left it tottering in ruins. Just a block to the south the splendid and massive depot of the Rock Island and Michigan Southern roads was enveloped in flames, which came from a third crossing of the river at Van Buren street. After the destruction of the depot a wing of the fire spread southward, threatening the residence portion of the South Side beyond Harrison street; but the immense stone freight depot on Griswold street offered an impregnable front and for the time at least prevented the further southward march of the conflagration. From the Rock Island depot the flames licked up some shabby buildings, and worked northeasterly 132 toward the magnificent Bigelow House, then just completed and ready to be thrown open to the public on that very day. It stood on Dearborn street, between Adams and Quincy, and from it the all-consuming element swept grandly over Honore's two blocks and the Academy of Design, filled with noble works of art. Now the waves of fire took on greater proportions. Hundreds of buildings far in advance of the on-rushing column were blazing pillars of fire, but the main body of the flames was all-devouring, systematic, relentless everything fell before its wasting power. Huge tongues of flame stretched out for acres, sheets of fire covered entire blocks, enwrap- ping every building in a surging, seething, billowy and tumultu- ous sea. The heat was almost inconceivable. Six-story buildings were attacked, shone with a wild red glow, flames burst forth, and within five minutes the whole structure literally melted to the ground. The fiercest tornado ever known here was blowing, and, as William B. Ogden pointed out, its effect was like the action of a blow-pipe, causing so perfect a combustion that the brilliant blaze consumed even the smoke, and the heat was so intense as to melt iron girders and crumble into dust and ashes most of the building stones used in the city's construction. Despite its awfulness, the scene was one of wild beauty and imposing grandeur. So continuous was the crash of falling buildings that, although the ground trembled as if from an earthquake, the people paid no heed./ Hardly 20 minutes after the north-marching column from the Grand Pacific cut its swath through the magnificent buildings on La Salle street, the Chamber of Commerce, corner of La Salle and Washington streets, was reached, and soon fell a crumbling heap of ruins. An attempt was now made to check the progress of the flames by blowing up buildings with gunpowder, and the Merchants' Insurance building was leveled by a tremendous explosion. But all was 133 in vain the pitiless fire leaped the broad black chasm as if there had been no intervening space, and fell upon the struc- tures beyond. The flames from the Grand Pacific spread eastward as well as to the north, and occupied but a moment in working across the Lombard and Reynold's blocks, and at 3 o'clock in the morning attacked the postoffice and custom house on the northwest corner of Dearborn and Monroe streets. This was a supposedly fire-proof edifice, but all the iron shutters had been removed from the first floor, which was filled with wooden furniture and fittings and inflammable mail matter. The blaze soon found the vulnerable points, and the first floor became a sheet of fire. The intense heat melted the iron beams supporting the floors above, and the whole inside of the building, fire-proof vaults, safes and all, fell crash- ing to the basement in common destruction. The building contained the United States depository, in which there were about $2,000,000. Of this amount about $1,500,000 were green-backs and national bank notes, which were destroyed. Of the specie, most was recovered, but almost all was melted and run together in a great mass of gold, silver and copper. The burning of the court house illustrates one peculiarity of the fire; the flames did not progress continuously, but there were constantly advance fires. The court house was a sub- stantial structure in the middle of the square bounded by Washington, La Salle, Randolph and Clark streets. The wooden cupola took fire as early as midnight, but watchmen stationed there repeatedly extinguished the blaze. Finally at 1 130 o'clock the heat grew so intense and the flames laid such firm hold upon the wooden roof and cupola that the watchmen were obliged to abandon the building and none too soon, for both were severely burned before they made their escape. As they went down the stairs they set in motion the machin- ery that rang the alarm bell, which then, without human aid, continued to peal forth its terrible warnings for half an hour. Finally at 2 105 it fell, carrying down with it the iron stairs and 134 burning rafters of the cupola. In the court house were archives, deeds, abstracts, titles to all buildings and lots, and other priceless papers, but all were destroyed. On the lower floor were the county prisoners, 150 or more, and when the building took fire all but the murderers were set free. With a wild yell the wretches, many of them half-naked, rushed out of the building, attacked a passing dray laden with ready made clothing and disappeared. Officers handcuffed those prisoners charged with murder and led them out of the building, which was already glowing like a furnace. As many as twelve different fires were now raging at once. Skirmishing lines swept forward, far in advance of the main columns, which continued more slowly their resistless march, checked now and then by a sterner battle waged around some great building, as the larger hotels, postoffice and court house. Since midnight the air had been hot with the breath of the fire demon, which shriveled and scorched all things. Cinders, ashes, coals and brands were falling in showers. The Sherman House on Clark and Randolph streets, opposite the court house, as yet withstood the attack. On its immense flat roof hundreds had gathered, who with tireless energy extinguished the fire brands which rained down thick and fast. But all endeavors were in vain. Suddenly out of the hun- dreds of windows burst the fiery tongues, and so rapid was the work of destruction that those in the building escaped only with the greatest difficulty. It was 4 o'clock in the morning when this great hotel fell in ruins. The same fate overtook all the other leading . caravansaries of the city. At 3 o'clock the Matteson House, corner of Dearborn and Randolph streets, was destroyed, at 3 130 the Tremont House went up in smoke, and at 4 the Briggs House followed. The course of the fire east from the court house took in Hopley's Opera House (on the site of the present Grand Opera House) the Republican office and the big newspaper buildings on Dearborn street, those of the 135 Post, Times, Mail, Staats-Zeitung and Evening Journal and scores of other buildings, many of them models of architectural beauty. Then Crosby's magnificent Opera House fell. It had just been renovated, and was to have been opened Mon- day night by the Thomas Orchestra. From it the flames spread to the St. James, corner of State and Washington streets, the last of the big hotels to crash a heap of ruins to the earth. Opposite the St. James were the First National Bank building, which resisted the flames until 5 o'clock in the morning, and the dry goods palace of Field & Leiter, which lasted but a half hour longer. These State street build- ings were all north of Madison, and at 5 o'clock the fire south of Madison had not crossed even Dearborn street. The Trib- une office, though threatened several times, had thus far escaped, as had McVicker's theatre and the Palmer House. As late as 6:30 in the morning it seemed that a part of Chi- cago that lying between Madison and Harrison streets, east of Dearborn was to be saved, and exhausted humanity began to seek food and rest. But the end was not yet. About 7 o'clock a sudden gust of the still raging tempest swept with fiercer violence through Dearborn street, near Jackson. The rioting elements, renewing the attack with increased fury, were to win a complete victory. Live coals were caught up from the ruins of the Bigelow House and hurled against the wooden buildings across the street, the triumphant flames swept once more-to the north and east, and the last chance to bring the terrible devastation to a halt had passed unimproved. All that had been left untouched from Dearborn street to the lake shore was doomed to destruction. McVicker's theatre fell, the flames covered the Palmer House on Quincy and State streets, and finally the new Tribune building yielded to des- perate assaults. This structure was of Joliet marble and of the most massive style of architecture, and had been consid- ered really fire-proof. Up to 8 o'clock the men employed to fight the flames stood at their posts, but then of a sudden 136 the fire burst out on all sides, seeming to come from the interior of the building itself, and so rapidly did the blaze spread that the watchmen barely escaped. As the fury of the hurricane died down, the fire progressed to the south and southwest, along Wabash and Michigan ave- nues, through beautiful stores and magnificent dwellings, melt- ing its way through the thickest masonry, right into the teeth of the wind. It seemed impossible to stop it. Past Jackson, Van Buren and Congress streets it swept, threatening to eat its way to the very limits of the city. No engines were at hand, and the only thing to do was to blow up the buildings standing in the path of the flames. Gen. Philip H. Sheridan personally superintended this work, which was begun at Har- rison street. Several buildings were blown up and others were pulled and chopped down and the southward march of the fire finally checked. The substantially built Wabash avenue Methodist church also helped in the salvation of the southern end of town and its heavy, honest walls proved the turning point in the battle. Terrace Row, a palatial block of residences on Michigan avenue, between Congress and Van Buren streets, was the last group of buildings burned in the south end of the city. When its last wall fell about noon, there remained in the South Division north of it, only the Lind block at the east end of Randolph street bridge and the Illinois Central elevator, just north of the once splendid depot of the company. A large share of the costly equipments of the beautiful Terrace Row homes were transferred to safety further out on the South Side. The lake front was filled with men, women and child- ren and property of every description. Significant of the stern mood of the people on that memorable Monday morning is the fact that the thunder of the powder explosions infused them with new courage. Perhaps some parts of the business center might have been saved notably, the portion of the city east of Dearborn street and south of Madison had not the water works on the North 137 Side been destroyed shortly after 3 o'clock in the morning. The roof of the massive and otherwise thoroughly fire-proof water works building was a temporary affair, constructed of highly inflammable material which readily ignited from the cinders and burning brands which fell on it, after being carried by the wind for miles through the air. Soon the roof crashed in, burying in a blazing heap of debris the colossal steam pumps, and the water supply in the hydrants was soon exhausted. To add to the terror of the situation, the gas supply also gave out, the gas works on the South Side on Market street, and later, those on the North Side being burned down. From this time the fate of the still unburned portion of the business center and of all the North Side was sealed. The loss of the water works rendered useless all further resistance to the flames. Only at some of the bridges, notably at Lake, Randolph and Madison streets, where the engines could pump water directly from the river, was the great battle still waged. It was no longer a question of saving certain South Side build- ings, but the salvation of the whole West Side, threatened by the on-rolling flames, was at stake. Had the fire succeeded in re-crossing the river by means of the bridges leading into the West Division, that whole quarter of the city, with its depots, factories and numerous dwellings, reaching to the northern city limits, would have been doomed. Thousands of spectators witnessed the struggle with intense excitement and alarm. The wasting tongues of flame were already licking up two great warehouses on Market street, near Lake street, and very near the bridge. Out of doors and windows the blaze was already shooting, and the heat was as intense as in a furnace. The crowd on the west bank of the river felt the terrible glow and drew back, but the firemen did not stir. Although but forty feet from the fiery sea, they held their ground and poured streams of water upon the wooden bridge and the approach until both were fairly flooded. Finally, just 138 as the sun appeared, blood-red and rayless, over the gray waters of the lake and looked down upon the scene of devasta- tion as with the single eye of a demon, the heroic efforts of the firemen were crowned with success, the march of the flames checked, the West Side saved. At Madison street there was another victory over the fire. Many thought to see the flames cross the river at this point, and the situation for a time was remarkably critical. No fire engine was at hand, but before the flames reached the bridge, hose was attached to the immense steam pump of, Norton's Oriental Mills (just across the river on Madison street) and for hours two powerful streams of water were thrown upon the exposed property, which was thus effectually protected./ When the court house burned, the fire-proof vaults proved of little value, and all the official records, deeds and abstracts were destroyed. This loss would have resulted in endless confusion and difficulty in establishing and re-establishing titles to property within the limits of Cook county had not some well-kept private records been preserved. These were afterwards substituted for the official records, and adequate laws were passed to that effect. The abstract firm of Shortall & Hoard saved most of their books and records, and other abstract firms saved enough to make a complete file. John G. Shortall was personally responsible for saving the books of his firm, which were to be of such inestimable value, not to himself so much as to every property owner of Chicago. When he.reached his office in the Larmon block, near the court house, it was past midnight, and burning brands were falling like hail upon the roof, windows and awnings of the building. Shortall tore down the awnings, several of which were already in flames, and did what he could to fight the fire, but by i o'clock it was apparent that the building was doomed. In his anxiety to save his records Shortall approached no less than fifteen expressmen, offering large sums to anyone who would carry the precious books to 139 a place of safety. Finally, when the court house began to burn, the immediate procuring of a wagon became absolutely necessary, and a friend of Shortall pressed an expressman into service at the point of a revolver. But few of the books would go into the wagon and Shortall was in despair, when help finally appeared in the shape of a heavy two-horse dray, sent by Joseph Stockton. Into it the books were piled, and with the flames roaring all around were successfully taken to Shortall's house, 852 Prairie avenue. The fire had now destroyed all the bridges between the North and South Sides, the last to go, being the Rush street bridge, which fell at 4:30 in the morning. The loss of this last bridge and the fact that smoke and steam prevented the use of the La Salle street tunnel, cut off all avenue of escape from the down-town district to the North Side, while the flames, rapidly progressing along Harrison street, checked all retreat to the south. This left the lake front as the only place of refuge for the thousands who were in the business center, and the burning of the great Illinois Central passenger station, at the foot of Lake street, and of the vari- ous buildings along Michigan avenue, literally encompassed the unfortunates between walls of fire on three sides while the cold waters of the lake lay on the other. Huddled together on this narrow strip of land the poor wretches watched the gorgeous spectacle of the burning city, with a sensation of weary despair and a grim acceptance of their crushing fate. Since the burning of Field & Leiter's magnificent store, second only in size and value of contents to one dry goods house in the land, this changed mood had come over the people. A sense of their utter helplessness seemed to weigh upon them. The heroes of a few hours before became indifferent, and thieves robbed and pillaged openly and recklessly. Thous- ands of valuable books were lugged away from the great book concerns on State street, only to be later thrown away or burned up. At Field & Leiter's the most elaborate 140 preparations for defense had been made. The whole front of the building was covered with wet blankets, and the roof filled with people ready to extinguish the falling embers and fire- brands. The flames were fought back to the last possible moment, but when their victory did come, it was instanta- neous. From all the numerous windows of the palatial build- ing, the blaze shot forth its fire tongues simultaneously, the white marble fronts were illuminated with a terrible glow, and in a moment more the enormous structure fell in ruins, crushed, as a toy house would tumble under the hands of a giant. STREET SCENES DURING THE FIRE. / The South Side streets during the fire were a panorama of remarkable spectacles. As in a shipwreck, every one showed himself in his true colors. Selfishness in all its phases and stages was seen. It was represented by the cowardly egotist who thoughtful only of his own salvation was ready to trample on every one and everything in his way, and by the daring robber who plundered large stores and carried away valuable merchandise by the car load. But there were also examples of the most noble self-sacrifice and touching readiness to assist the helpless and unfortunate. The development of the street scenes runs parallel with the development of the fire. The effects of the former increase with that of the latter. First, the streets seemed only very lively. The hundreds of fire victims who, with a portion of their hastily saved property, were looking for a place of safety, resembled a river which strug- gles to leap from the narrow confines of its banks into the broad ocean. But after the fire had seized the very heart of the city and the destruction proceeded with such terrible rapidity, the mass of people running to save their lives, swelled to a wild torrent over which nobody could exercise control. As soon as it became evident that the saving of the business cen- ter was out of the question, uncanny figures mingled with 142 the multitude and began their work. First, they broke into stores under the pretext of assisting in saving goods, though most merchants preferred seeing their property burn to having it so securely saved that they would never see it again. Finally the thieves and robbers threw off every mask and used open violence. The police, of whom 150 out of a force of 450 were themselves burned out, left the streets and at most watched only the millions of dollars worth of property which was piled up in Dearborn Park, within the high fences of the base-ball club or in Lake Front Park, where it was finally over- taken by the flames. Lake street, with its dry goods and jewelry stores, was a choice field for the operation of the robbers, who made com- mon cause with the expressmen and operated on a wholesale plan. In aiding the thieves the expressmen reduced the number of vehicles at the service of honest merchants, many of whom, seeing their helplessness between robbers and flames, threw open their doors and invited all in to help themselves to what- soever they fancied. The coolness of the rascals stood them in good stead, and they chose only what was of cash value. Whole car loads of precious rugs, shawls, silks and laces were carried away, and but seldom recovered, though one merchant got track of some of his property in St. Louis. Owners of wag- ons, with few exceptions, were grossly exorbitant in their charges for even the slightest service, and invariably demanded cash in advance. In numerous cases when a man had loaded a wagon with his most valuable property some armed villain calmly mounted the seat and drove of with it. Other richly laden wagons were looted by the mobs through which they passed. The pillaging went on in all the stores of the city, and when a man succeeded in getting some of his most valuable posses- sions from his burning house or store he was not infrequently relieved of them directly afterwards at the point of a revolver. Jewels were torn from the fingers and necks of women and H3 children. In front of Shay's magnificent store a thief drove up, and in spite of the remonstrances of the employes, pro- ceeded to load up his wagon with valuable silks and laces. When the wagon was finally loaded some one threatened to shoot the robber if he attempted to take his plunder away, but he was not so easily cowed, and coolly said "shoot and be damned," whereupon the man put his pistol in his pocket and the thief drove away with his booty. East of Shay's store immense quantities of all kinds of fancy goods were scattered over the streets, and over them swept the streams of people and wagons until the fire burnt up what had already been crushed and ruined. Toward morning the streets not yet reached by the fire were the scene of a veritable pandemonium. Barrels of whisky, bot- tled liquors of all kinds, partly given away by dealers who could not save them and in part stolen, inflamed the most beastly passions and aroused the lower classes to deeds of violence. As the fire progressed men seemed to be possessed with the idea that they needed the stimulation of liquor, and drank heavily at the great saloons and wholesale houses, where whisky was given so freely. This was true of women as well as men, and hundreds drank then who never had before. Not nearly all were drunk, but the drunken phase was terri- bly prominent. Among the better classes, the stimulants pro- duced that humor of despair which in so momentous a tragedy appears as the ghastly caricature of true mirth. An eye witness gives the following description of scenes on the South Side: For miles around was a circle of red light. The brute creation was crazed. Horses maddened by heat and noise, irritated by falling sparks, neighed and screamed with affright and anger, roared, kicked and bit each other or stood with drooping tails and rigid legs, ears laid back and eyes wild with amazement, shivering as if with cold. Dogs ran hither and thither, howling dismally. Great brown rats, with bead-like eyes, were ferreted out from under the sidewalks by the flames and skurried along the streets, kicked at, trampled upon, hunted down. Flocks of beautiful pigeons, so plentiful in the city, wheeled up aimlessly, circled blindly, and fell into the raging fire beneath. The people were mad. They crowded upon frail coigns of vantage, on high side- walks, which fell beneath their weight and hurled them bruised and bleeding in the dust. They fell over broken furniture and were trampled under foot. Seized with wild panic I 44 they surged together, backwards and forward-, m the narrow streets, cursing, threatning, imploring, fighting to get free. Liquor flowed like water, for saloons were broken open and despoiled, and men were to be seen on all sides frenzied with drink. Fourth and Pacific avenues emptied their denizens into the throng. Ill-omen and obscure birds of night were they, villainous, debauched, pinched with misery they flitted through the crowd, ragged, dirty, unkempt negroes with stolid faces, and white men who battened on the wages of shame they glided among the mass like hyenas in search of prey. They smashed windows with their naked hands, regardless of the wounds inflicted, and with bloody fingers rifled till and shelf and cellars, fighting viciously for the spoils of the forage. Women, hollow-eyed and brazen faced, with filthy drapery tied over them, their clothes in tatters and their feet in trodden-over slippers, moved here and there, scolding, stealing, fighting, laughing at the beautiful and splendid crash of walls and the falling roofs. On Lake street bands of thieves broke into stores and threw whole bales of goods to their confederates, who fought openly for the plunder. * * * * When I reached Wabash avenue I found that immense street filled with objects of every possible description, and crowded with masses of fugitives. All those who had been driven from their homes by the advancing flames, had taken with them as much of their personal property as they could stagger along with, and as their onward march was getting extremely difficult for the bridge was even more jammed than the streets many of the panic-striken mob threw their property away. Streets and sidewalks presented a remarkable scene of broken mirrors, torn paintings, ruined books and wrecked pianos. Added to this was the fact that the merchandise dragged from the stores had taken fire while the drunken rabble, having broken into a liquor store, brandished champagne bottles and executed a fire can-can. One drunken man chose a piano for his pulpit, and addressed the mob. The fire, he argued, was the friend of the poor. He wanted each to take the best liquor he could find, and in this strain continued until some one as maudlin as himself brought him down with a well- aimed bottle of whisky. In this chaos hundreds of lost children rushed around crying and screaming for their parents. I noticed a little golden haired girl, whose long, loosely hanging locks caught fire. The child shrieked and ran past me, when someone threw upon her head a glass of brandy, which instantly caught fire and enveloped the little one in a blue flame. It was impossible for me to work my way to Rush street bridge, and I returned to Randolph street bridge, which I finally crossed in safety. As the fire pressed on toward the lake the more difficult progress on the unburnt streets became, and the more terrible the rush for the lake shore. At 2 o'clock in the morning, people on State street south of Van Buren felt perfectly safe, but a few hours later this sense of security had so entirely van- ished that from Harrison street, the final limit of the fire, to Twelfth street, everyone abandoned his house and rushed furiously toward the lake shore there to remain exposed to the choking smoke and bitter wind all that long Monday, although as a matter of fact none of their houses had been burned/ Loss of human life added sorrow to the terrible scenes of the fire. Just how many of the wretched creatures who lived in the top stories of business blocks were surprised by the 10 M5 flames and burned to death in the midst of their % Jd orgies will never be known. Even human bones do not resist the fierce intensity of a fire which reduces stone itself to ashes. In one of the four-story windows of Speed's block on Dear- born street a man, evidently just aroused from bed, was seen to appear after the upper and lower parts of the building were on fire. The stairways were already in flames and he was 60 feet from the ground. No ladder was at hand. The suffo- cating smoke grew denser momentarily some desperate chance must be tried. Suddenly the man left the window. Soon he re-appears and mechanically throws down a mattress then some bedding. Once more he looks down the fright- ful depth. For a moment he halts undecided, then disappears for an instant. But there is no escape and in despair he dares all. Climbing out of the window he swings by his hands from the sill. The gleam of the flames plays on his naked limbs. Now he lets go and the next second catches the projecting cap of the third story window, another fall and he clings to the sill. The multitude below watching breathlessly this struggle for life and death, breaks out in a cry of joy. The man enters the window but can evidently find no means of escape from within for he returns again and repeats his daring feat twice so successful. Again he succeeds and now he hangs on the window sill but 30 feet from the street. Below him the wall is smoothness itself. There is nothing to cling to and he tries to swing to the roof of a low structure adjoining, but it is too far away. The people below call to him to make the attempt once more. He does so, but it is impossible for him to swing himself so far. He tries it repeatedly, holding on with one hand and swings like a pendulum. Motionless finally, he hangs there, then slowly turns his head and looks below. The flames are hot around him and he at last releases his hold. A second later and he crashes through the flimsy sidewalk and lies in the basement a corpse. The fall has broken his neck. The mad flames rush onward and in the fierce heat the crowd 146 becomes panic stricken and flees. Such is the fate of one of the scores of victims to the fire. " On to the lake ! " was the cry in the business center. Whatever might become of the marble and iron blocks, Dear- born and Lake Front parks were generally believed to be secure from all danger of fire. During the whole night the most valuable merchandise from various stores was piled up there and left in the custody of reliable persons. No one thought it would burn at the very edge of the lake. Following the merchandise came thousands of people seeking refuge from the blazing streets. But the fire pursued them even here, and the property piled up in the parks became a prey of the flames. The base-ball pavilion in which the tired throng had rested, was attacked and flared up like paper the people were finally driven into the stormy waters of the lake itself, and there at last found safety. :; 4Awful as was their position it was far more desirable than that of thousands of North Siders who were hemmed in on the narrow strip of beach north of the river, formerly notorious under the name of the " Sands." Even more dangerous was the position of those who shortly after midnight hastened to the steamers, barges, and schooners at the mouth of the river. In this crowd were many of Chicago's best citizens and the strangers who had been driven from the burning hotels. All believed the ships, and especially the steamers, perfectly safe, and no one dreamed that this place of refuge would later prove to be the most dangerous that could have been chosen. THIRD ACT. The Burning: of the North Side. After the citadel of a fortress is taken, .the conquering army has little trouble with the outworks, whose garrison must choose between immediate surrender and hasty retreat. After the strongholds on the South Side had been devastated 148 the North Side, with its numerous light frame houses, could offer no resistance to the victorious flames. So much the less so as the water works, although a mile from the river, were among the first buildings on the North Side to be attacked by the fire. Their destruction rendered futile all efforts of the firemen to check the great onward rush of the flames. Only in the immediate vicinity of the north branch of the river, where it saved some coal yards near the Indiana street bridge, was the fire department at all successful. The fact that the North Side began to burn in several quarters at once all being some distance from the main fire gave rise to the suspicion that incendiaries had been at work. This suspicion proved entirely groundless. The origin of these separate fires was due merely to the firebrands scattered for miles by the furious gale. The water works began to burn about 3 o'clock in the morning, while the two great steam pumps were in full operation. Although the roof fell in on them, they were comparatively little damaged, and were quickly repaired, the larger pump being put in operation eight days after the fire. It was due to the heroic efforts of engineer M. Trautmann and his firemen, McKant and Prinsing, that an explosion of the boilers and the consequent ruin of all the machinery, was avoided. As soon as the building caught fire Trautmann realized the great danger from an explosion, and resolved to prevent it at all hazards. The explosion would be inevitable if the steam could not be let out of the boilers. The safety valves were opened and, although the building was on fire in a dozen places, Trautmann stood before his engines with his hand on the regulator firm as a rock. Then the ropes by which the safety valve levers were suspended, burned off, and allowed the valves to close, but the men forced them open again. The noise of the hissing steam was drowned out by the crackling of the flames and the howling of the gale. Those outside called to the engineer to save himself before it was too late, but the officer stood 149 true to his post. The clothes of one of the firemen began to burn while he was assisting his chief, but he did not flinch. Cinders and fire-brands fell around them like hail, but the men did not desert their engines until enough steam had escaped to save the boilers, engines and machinery from total destruction. Then, half suffocated, they rushed for the open air and barely escaped. A terrible panic seized the North Siders when they discov- ered that both gas and water supply had been destroyed. There was no longer a thought of resistance all fled. While the history of the fire on the South Side is divisible into different stages as first one massive building and then another was conquered, no similar division can be made in considering the devastation of the North Side. The fire flew on the wings of the wind, and while the main column was still busy at Kinzie street, its advance had already been mapped out by various burning buildings over a mile further north. So powerful and solid was the onward rushing mass of flames that it was impossible for spectators to remain for even an instant in any spot near the scene of action. The hot, stifling air, filled with cinders and burning brands, warned all to flee. Some wretches who had got drunk in North Water street dives were surprised by the flames, and being unable to run away fell an easy prey to the destroying demon. Because all fled, and no one had time to observe, there is a lack of reliable information concerning the progress of the fire. Uhlich's block, on North Clark street, and the big breweries near the lake were the only buildings to make much resistance to the flames. As on the South Side men deluded themselves into believing that the fire would some- where suddenly halt, and working eastward to the lake, die out. They could not realize the terrible proportions and relentless fury of their foe. Over half the total surface of the North Side was swept by the flames, and 10,000 buildings were destroyed. The escape of the residence of Mahlon D. Ogden, standing as it did in the very path of the flames, was remarkable. The house was isolated,, occupying the center of a square, and was more or less protected by trees. In ad- dition, the roof and side walls were covered with quilts, blankets and carpets soaked with water from private cisterns on the grounds. A large number of people assisted in right- ing the flames, which finally swept on, leaving the house stand- ing, a lone monument to dogged persistence and hard work. Another but unsuccessful fight was made to save Unity church on Dearborn avenue, facing Washington Park. It was a massive and expensive structure and on account of its excel- lent construction and comparative isolation, the neighbors near and far believed it perfectly safe and an excellent repository for their valuables. Robert Collyer, the famous pastor, himself believed for a time that it would be saved. Together with a number of the younger members of his congregation he went to work to remove the wooden sidewalks and everything inflammable from the immediate vicinity of the building. Being without tools, they had to rely on their hands. From the cis- tern of the neighboring house of Mahlon D. Ogden water was generously furnished to wet down the frame work around the doors and windows. A part of his books Dr. Collyer removed from his studio in the church to the middle of the park. The wisdom of this action was soon seen, for within a few moments the roof of the church caught fire in a dozen places and began to burn fiercely. Collyer saw that all was lost and immediately told those about the church to flee, but he himself entered the doomed building once more and brought out the church bible. The most characteristic feature of this third act of the great catastrophe was, as mentioned before, not the resistance to but the flight from the flames. As a rule, this flight was merely a series of retreats, the people falling back to positions of fancied security only to be driven further by the terrible blaze. Men seemed unable to grasp the fearful power of the fire. Hardly arrived at a supposedly secure point the victims were driven away again by the persecuting flames. Much of the property saved from the first attack of the enemy was lost or destroyed in these repeated retreats before the fire demon, while the price for cartage rapidly increased, $50 to $100 a load being common charges. The loss of human life was particularly large on such streets as were suddenly and unexpectedly attacked by the fire, as Chicago avenue and Erie street. The number of victims perishing near the Chicago avenue bridge has never been determined. Early Monday morning there surged across this bridge an indescribable human chaos. Vehicles of all kinds and sizes, men and women of all ages and conditions, struggled across the narrow passage into the land of safety. Finally the bridge itself caught fire, cutting off the one means of escape still left to the poor creatures hemmed in by the advanc- ing walls of fire. Not a few preferred death in the river to perishing in the flames and others were pushed into the water. Some tried to save themselves by running to Bremen, Town- send and Wesson streets only to learn that these streets had no outlet and death was inevitable. Many of those who remained near the burning bridge were saved by boats, which were found and bravely manned in spite of the deadly peril of approaching the east bank of the river. After the destruction of this bridge, there remained only those at Division street and North avenue to furnish transit to the fugitives hastening to the West Side. From Monday morning till late Tuesday a constant stream of people poured across the river. Many North Siders, especially those in the northeastern part of the division, fled to Lincoln Park, where not less than 10,000 persons camped upon the graves of the old city ceme- tery, then incorporated as a part of Lincoln Park. But even in this place of eternal rest there was no repose for the unhappy fugitives. The fire suddenly took a northeasterly turn, and feeding on the masses of piled up household goods 152 ate its way through the cemetery, and the refugees were once more compelled to flee this time to the prairies to the north or wade far out in the rough and chilly waters of the lake. In the cemetery all gradually grew still again, but it was the quietness of desolation. The ruined dead-house, the crosses and tombstones, blackened, burned and cracked by the heat even the bark burned off the trees, which stretched out their leafless branches as if in despair. It seemed as if a demon had vented his rage on the holy spot. Those who fled to the prairies, as the flames rushed for- ward all the long Monday, suffered terribly. Without protec- tion from the bitter wind, without food, or even water, there cowered on the bare ground, tired men, exhausted women, children, invalids even all hungry, and only a few well clothed. The clouds, colored blood-red by the fires still fiercely blazing in various parts of the burnt district, seemed to indicate that the West Side had been attacked, and thus an added horror was lent a situation already almost unendur- able. About midnight the heavens finally opened their tardy flood gates, and it rained. Drenched, shivering and cold the poor sufferers hailed the shower with unspeakable joy and gratitude. It meant that the fire must end. Unfortun- ately, however, the fearful exposure to the fury of the elements on the bleak prairies told on many a vigorous constitution, and diseases later developed were in countless cases traced back to the nights of the great fire. The crowd was motley. Every class, every age and condition was represented the aged, the weak, the sick, the young and helpless all were there. Several persons died from exposure during the night, and numerous births occurred. In short, life with its endless change went on, reckless of time or place, or circumstance. ON THE SANDS." Severe as were the sufferings of those on the prairies, they were almost insignificant as compared with the hardships and 153 anguish endured at the same time by the hundreds on the lake shore, between the mouth of the river and Erie street. When the fire first appeared on the North Side, it was principally the western part of the division that suffered while that east of Dearborn street remained unscathed for some time. This was the aristocratic residence quarter. The houses for the most part were stately mansions, isolated in fine, large grounds. Here lived, among others, W. B. Ogden, Chicago's first mayor, Julian Rumsey, also an early mayor, I. N. Arnold, Perry H. Smith, and other old settlers. Their houses were furnished with elegance, and contained remark- ably fine libraries, costly paintings and priceless art treasures. But all this luxury and magnificence no more escaped the fury of the flames tfian the modest homes on Michigan and Illinois streets. When the fire, after devouring Lill's great brewery, finally turned its attention toward this still unburnt portion of the North Division, the flames rushed in from the north by way of the brewery and from the south over Rush street bridge. All avenues of escape, except those leading to the lake shore, were shut off by walls of fire. The shore in this neighborhood, stretching three quarters of a mile from the government pier to the pier at Lill's brewery, was the notori- ous " Sands," famous, when John Wentworth was mayor, as the plague spot of the city. Now it was covered with thous- ands of men, women, children and domestic animals of all kinds. Trunks and household furniture stood in piles round about, and there were vehicles of every description, from wheelbarrows to great four-horse trucks, each laden with property rescued, for the time at least, from the flames. Here it was that the two extremes met: wealth and poverty had dwelt side by side in the quarter of the city that had emptied itself upon this stretch of sandy waste. The aristocrat was elbowed by the pauper, the high-born dame wept with the workingwoman, and innocent girlhood was ogled and insulted by foulest vice. The air was full of smoke, cinders and 154 brands and the red-hot sand was blown about by the furious gale until breathing became almost an impossibility. About daylight the household goods began to burn, and the smoke grew so dense that man and beast were alike compelled to enter the water to avoid suffocation. Hundreds clung to the horses and wagons standing far out from shore, and others, with their backs to the storm, stood unsupported in the waves. One woman, the wife of a well-known musician, was separ- ated from her busband and compelled to wade out, breast deep, in the water, carrying in her arms a little child and an infant not yet three months old. Finally the immense lumber piles to the south and south- west, along the river, began to burn, and the terrific heat, dense smoke and noxious gases threatened the very lives of the fugitives. Many succumbed. Here a family of sons and daughters mourned the mother, who had just died before their eyes, but heard no word of consolation. An invalid, brought to the water's edge on a mattress, breathed her last, but the knowledge of her death was received with stolid indifference. Not until late in the afternoon did the position of those on the " Sands " grow less precarious. At last the fury of the fire abated somewhat, and some of the more daring ventured to cross over into the West Side, others made their way out onto the- pier and were rescued by tugs and steamers, but most of the unfortunates did not leave the beach until Tuesday morning. But man himself added the greatest horror to the terrible situation, as is brought out with fearful intensity in the follow- ing description of an eye witness: The tragedies upon the " Sands " differed from those where broader limits marked the encampment of victims of the fire. The prairies seemed to give relief to pent-up agonies and nerve the soul to silent endurance; even the park and graveyard, bleak and sombre as they were, seemed to impart an atmosphere of personal security, that was not possible upon the "Sands." There, on the scorching earth, that held the heat and sent a shimmering, ceaseless wave of blasting air and sand from underneath the feet, parching the flesh and drying up the fountains of blood and life, the spirit of infernal revelry prevailed. As in the region of the damned, told of by Dante, the evil nature of man- kind glared forth to vex the tender souls of those whom fate had sent into their presence. 155 Imagine the scene of the horrid drama. No possibility of escape a raging fury at the rear a p!t;less expanse of lake in front, a small area filled with human creatures, maddened animals, delicate and refined women, pure and innocent children, the aged, the infirm, the weak, the dying, the despairing; young girls whose artless lives were unfamiliar with even the name of crime, men of well ordered lives and Christian minds, brutes in human form, who were not only ready to do acts of crime, but whose pollut- ing wickedness was rank, and cast off prison fumes upon the air. All kinds and conditions and grades of life all forms of death, from calm and peaceful passing to a welcome rest to that which follows in the train of vicious deeds. Here, huddled close and helpless, the purest girlhood was forced to endure the leering of the vile, and if a chance protector spoke in her defense, the wicked laughed and jeered and cursed until the stoutest heart grew faint with apprehension. Women whose claim to womanhood was long since lost, tookfiendish delight in adding indefinable shame and terror to the misery of those who shrank from crime. Think what it would be to place a loved one in the lowest haunts of vice, and there bend over the death bed of that failing friend while all about the din of wickedness was sounding in the ears. Increase the circumstance of grim necessity and add the weight of a consciousness that home, treasures, everything was gone, and this the only, the enforced spot where death must meet the loved father, mother, sister, friend. Could all the powers of hell itself devise a keener form of anguish? Yet these lines are drawn from actual knowledge, and the shudder awakened at the recollection of sights stays the pen. The creatures who there tortured the helpless were no longer human vice had dulled their moral instincts and despair transformed them for the moment into demons. Their orgies were born in malice, they delighted in their sins; they shrieked aloud with glee to see the innocent rush from them and plunge into the lake, that for the instant the sight might be shut out. The dying were not always comforted with the caress of love. Upon a burned and blackened blanket lay the dead body of one poor woman whose babe lay by her side crying in shrill alarm. The crowd about this type of life and death gave no more heed than if it was the natural order of events. All night the corpse lay there untouched. If fate preserved the babe, the writer does not know of the fact. Above the terror of the fire for that emotion grew pangless as the hours progressed; above the loss of worldly riches; above the grief of death, for death seemed then the only mercy-bringing power; above all the conditions of the scene that added elements of horror, the mingling of the hvo extremes of vice and virtue, and the momentary triumph of the bad, in their malicious show of wickedness, seemed the most appalling quality of this immediate spot. Among the first to arrive at the " Sands " was I. N. Arnold, with his servants and children. He had fought the flames from his beautiful mansion to the last moment, and when finally compelled to flee, he could save only a small bundle of valuable papers. All else was destroyed his choice library, costly bric-a-brac and fine paintings. Arrived at the lake shore he took in the situation, and resolved, if possible, to work his way out on the long pier just then being com- pleted by W. B. Ogden. This pier, which prolonged the left bank of the river out into the lake, was not as yet planked over, and it was with difficulty that the party clambered over the rock filling to the end. A small row boat was found, and all 156 were taken to the ligut-house, lying beyond the pier, and there they, with Judge Goodrich, Edward I. Tinkham and others, were hospitably received. Even here, however, the fire threatened them, and a fire company was formed to fight the "flames from a burning propeller, which drifted past them, and to put out the brands blown from the lumber piles further up stream. About 4 o'clock in the afternoon the tug " Clifford " rescued the prisoners, and after a perilous voyage up the river landed them in safety on the West Side. A WOMAN'S STORY OF THE FIRE. * Telegraphed to the New York Tribune. CHICAGO, October I2th. Where shall I begin? How shall I tell the story that I have been living during these dreadful days? It's a dream, a nightmare, only so real that I tremble as I write, as though the whole thing might be brought to me again by merely telling of it. We lived on the North Side, six blocks from the river. We were quiet people, like most of the North Siders, flatter- ing ourselves that our comfortable wooden houses and sober, cheery New England looking streets were far preferable to the more rapid, blatant life of the South Side. Well, on Sunday morning, October 8th, Robert Collyer gave his people what we felt to be a wonderful sermon, on the text : " Think ye, that those upon whom the tower of Siloam fell, were sinners above all those who dwelt at Jerusalem?" and illustrated it by a picture of the present life and our great cities, their grandeur, their wickedness, and the awful though strictly natural, consequences of our insatiable pursuit of worldly prosperity, too often unchecked by principle. I came out, gazing about on our beautiful church, and so we passed the pleasant, bright day, some of us going down to the scene of the West Side fire of Saturday night, and espying * By Miss Cordelia Kirkland, now living in California. 157 from a good distance the unhappy losers of sc much property. About 5 :3<3 o'clock our neighboring fire telegraph sent forth some little tintinnabulations, and we lazily wondered, as D played the piano and I watered my ivy, what they were burning up now. At 10 o'clock in the evening the fire bells were ringing constantly, and we went to bed, regretting that there must be more property burning up on the West Side. Eleven o'clock, 12 o'clock, and I awoke my sister, saying: "It's very singular; I never heard anything like the fires to-night. It seems as if the whole West Side must be afire." One o'clock, 2 o'clock; we get up and look out. "Great God! The fire has crossed the river from the south! Can there be any danger here?" And we look anxiously out, to see men hurrying by, screaming and swearing, and the whole city to the south and west of us one vivid glare. " Where are the engines? Why don't we hear them as usual?" we asked each other, thoroughly puzzled, but even yet hardly person- ally frightened by the strange aspect of the brilliant and surging streets below. Then came a loud knocking at the door : " Ladies, ladies, get up ! Pack your trunks, and prepare to leave your house. It may not be necessary, but it is well to be prepared." It was a friend who had fought his way through the La Salle street tunnel to warn us that the city is on fire. We looked at each other with white faces. Well we might. In an inner room slept an invalid relative, the object of our ceaseless care and love, the victim of a terrible and recurring mental malady, which had already sapped much of his strength and life, and rendered quiet and absence of excitement the first prescription of his physicians. Must we call the invalid? And, if we did, in the midst of this fearful glare and turmoil, what would be the result? We determined to wait till the last minute, and threw some valuables into a trunk, while we anxiously watched the ever approaching flame and tumult. 158 Then came a strange sound in the air, which stilled for a moment the surging crowd. Was it thunder? No. The sky was clear and full of stars, and we shuddered as we felt, but did not say, it was a tremendous explosion of gunpow- der. By this time the blazing sparks and bits of burning wood, which we had been fearfully watching, were fast becom- ing an unintermitting fall of burning hail, and another shower of blows on the door warned us that there was not another moment to be lost. "Call E " (the invalid), " do not let him stay a minute, and I will try to save our poor little birds." My sister flew to wake up our precious charge, and I went down stairs repeating, to make myself remember, " birds, deeds, silven jewelry, silk dresses," as the order in which we would try to save our property if it came to the worst. As I passed through our pretty parlor how my heart ached ! Here lay a relic of my father's library, a copy of a bible printed in 1637, on one table; on another my dear Mrs. Browning, the gift of a lost friend. What should I take! What should I leave ? I alternately loaded myself with gift after gift and dashed them down in despair. Lovely pictures and statuettes, left by a kind friend for the embellishment of our little rooms, and which had turned them into a bower of beauty must be left? At last I stopped before our darling, a sweet and tender picture of Beatrice Cenci going to execu- tion, which looked down at me though the dismal red glare which was already filling the rooms, with a saintly and wierd sweetness that seemed to have something wistful in it. I thought, " I will save this if I die for it," but my poor parrot called my name and asked for a peanut, and I could no more have left him than if he had been a baby. But could I carry that huge cage ? No, indeed. So I reluctantly took my poor little canary, who was painfully fluttering about and wondering at the disturbance, and kissing him, opened the front door and set him free only to smother, I fear. What a sight our usually quiet street (Dearborn avenue) 159 presented? As far as I could see a horrible wall a surging, struggling, encroaching wall like a vast surface of grimacing demons, came pressing up the street a wall of fire, ever nearer and nearer, steadily advancing on our midnight help- lessness. Was there no wagon, no carriage in which we could coax our poor E , and take him away from these mad- dening sights ? Truck after truck, indeed, passed by, but filled with loads of people and goods, and carriages rushed past drawn by struggling and foaming horses, and lined with white, scared faces. A truck loaded with goods dashed up the street, and, as I looked, flames burst out from the sides, and it burned to ashes in front of our door. No hope, no help for property ; what we could not carry, we must lose. So, forcing my reluctant parrot into the little bird's cage, I took him under one arm and a little hand-bag on the other, just as my sister appeared with E , who, thank God, was calm and self-possessed. At last the good friend who had warned us appeared, and, leav- ing all his own things, insisted on helping my sister save ours, and he and she started on, dragging a trunk. They were obliged to abandon it at the second corner, however, and walked on, leaving me to follow with E . ' Come E , let us go," said I : " Go where ? I am not going. What is the use ?" he answered, and he stood with his arms folded as if he were interested merely as a curious spectator. I urged, I begged, I cried, I went down on my knees. He would not stir, but pro- posed going back into the house. This I prevented by entreaties, and I besought him to fly as others were doing ; but no. A kind of apathetic despair had seized him, and he stood like a rock while the flames swept nearer and nearer, and my entreat- ies and even my appeals to him to save me, were utterly in vain. Hotter and hotter grew the pavement, wilder the cries of the crowd, and my silk and cotton clothing began to smoke in spots. I felt beside myself, and seizing E , tried to drag him away. Alas ! what could my woman's strength do ? 1 60 There followed another shout, a wild push back, a falling wall, and I was half a block away, and E was gone. Oh ! God, pity these poor worms of the dust and crush them not utterly, was my prayer. How I passed the rest of that cruel Sunday night, I scarcely know. Wandering, staring, blindly carrying along my poor parrot, who was too tired to make a sound, I seemed to go in a dream. Starting north to get help, running back as near the flame as I could, in the vain hope of finding E , bitterly reproaching myself that I had ever left him for an instant, I passed three hours of which I can hardly give any account. I know that, as I turned wildly back once more, I saw the beautiful Episcopal church of St. James in flames. They came on all sides, licking the marble buttresses, one by one, and leaving charred or blackened masses. But the most wonderful sight of all was the white and shining church tower, from which, as I looked, burst tongues of fire. Constantly faces that I knew flashed across me, but they were always in a dream, all blackened and discolored,- and with an expression I never saw before. Very little selfishness and no violence did I see. * * * * Some friend it was days before I knew who took my parrot and forced a little bottle of tea and a bag of crackers into my hand as I wandered. At last I found myself opposite Unity church. I was grieving enough, heaven knows, over my private woes, but I awoke to new miseries when I saw our pastor's great heart, which had sustained the fainting spirit of so many, freely give way to lamentations and tears, as his precious library, the slow accumulation of twenty laborious and economical years, fell and flamed into nothingness in that awful fire. I turned away, heart-sick, and resumed my search for the face which I now felt almost sure I should never see again. A new sight soon struck my eye. What in the world was that dark, lurid, purplish ball ? that hung before me, constantly changing its n 161 appearance, like some fiendish face that grimaces at our misery? I looked and looked again. May I never see the sun, the cheerful, daily herald of comfort and peace look like that again. It looked devilish, and I pinched myself to see if I was not losing my senses. It did not seem ten minutes since I had seen the little moon look out, cold, quiet and pitiless, through a rift in the smoke cloud, from the deep blue of the sky. * * * * Exhausted and almost fainting, weeping and sorely distressed, I finally landed in a friendly house far up on La Salle street. As I stepped inside the door, E appeared, quite composed, and almost indifferent. Burnt? Oh, no; he was all right. Did I suppose he was fool enough to stay and be burned? There was D too, if I wanted to see her, in the parlor. Did I feel reverently thankful. Ask yourself. SCENES AT THE MOUTH OF THE RIVER. By midnight Sunday the down town streets were thronged with fugitives from across the river and spectators from the North and South Division. When it became evident that the city was doomed the people fled to the North and South Sides and the lake front. Thousands also, among them many of the guests of the big hotels, made their way to the mouth of the river below Rush street bridge. Here, on the very brink of the stream, with the great lake just beyond, all believed themselves safe the more so as the spot was shut off from the flames by the massive stone depot building of the Illinois Central railroad and by the substantial brick and stone ware- houses at the foot of Randolph and Lake streets. Hundreds of persons crowded on the vessels lying in the river, thinking that if the worst came, the boats would put out into the lake: and so escape destruction. As long as Rush street bridge stood untouched hundreds hastened across it into temporary safety on the North Side. But when it burned those who still remained at the mouth of the river were numbered by the 162 thousands, and not nearly all of them could crowd on the neighboring ships. The terrible flames were steadily advanc- ing on the wretched fugitives, and there were no small boats at hand by which they could gain the opposite bank of the stream. Suddenly the great Illinois Central elevator "A" caught fire from one of the blazing pieces of wood that were borne aloft by the wind, and in an instant more the whole structure burst into flames. But a few hundred feet away stood elevator " B," and in the slip between the two were vessels which would readily communicate the flames to the further elevator. The smoke and heat from the burning building were stifling, and it seemed that all those not on the vessels were caught in an awful trap. As the flames had grad- ually approached the ships and steamers had crossed to the north bank of the river so as to be as far as possible out of harm's way, and now when they tried to get out into the lake it was found that the terrific southwest gale bound them as with steel cables to the bank. Then it was in that moment of terrible need that Providence furnished a rescuer. The sav- ing of the vessels and people at the mouth of the river was due to the heroism of the captain and crew of the tug "Mag- nolia," and in those hours of brave deeds and cool courage the acts of Captain Joseph Gilson and his crew, stand unex- celled as to bravery, unequaled as to the amount of good accomplished. Owing to the heavy southwest wind no vessels were mak- ing the harbor, and so there was no towing to be done. All the tugs but the " Magnolia " were lying up the river in the neighborhood of South Water and Wells streets. When needed at the river's mouth the burning of the intervening bridges prevented them from getting below even Clark street. The " Magnolia," however, chanced to be lying in the Illinois Central slip and her steam was up. When Captain Gilson learned of the enormous proportions of the fire he resolved to leave the tug in the hands of the engineer and 163 fireman, Nicholas Dutcher and Joseph Sweetman, and to himself go over to the North Side to save what he could from his house. So the "Magnolia" landed Gilson on the north bank and the crew were given orders to take her well out into the lake, where she would be safe. In another moment the little tug was cleaving her way to safety. Gilson turned and started for his home. Suddenly, obeying an irresistible impulse, he looked toward the lake, and in a second more the horror of the situation flashed upon him. Providence had called this man back for the salvation of thousands of human beings. In the fierce glare of the burning elevator he saw the black masses of humanity standing on the decks of the ships and the struggling, surging mob on shore. With the quick eye of a sailor he noticed that not all the vessels were steamers and instinct told him that even the propellers could not swing clear of the river bank to which they were bound by the gale. All this came to Gilson in the twinkling of an eye, and scarcely realizing what he did, he shouted for his tug to return. The men heard his call and obeyed. Leaping aboard his boat Gilson started for the burning elevator. As he went down the stream he got two life-boats from the har- bor master, and gave them to volunteer crews who straight- way began the transfer of persons from the south to the north shore of the river. Gilson himself transferred several hundred people, among others, General McArthur, then president of the Board of Public Works, and Edward I. Tinkham, a promi- nent banker. McArthur was hurrying over to see what could be done to protect the water works, and Tinkham was trying to save a roll of money, almost a million dollars, from his bank. But soon more important work demanded the services of the " Magnolia." Gilson began to tow out the vessels in the slip between the two great elevators. It was hoped that the flames would not leap across to elevator " B." Soon, however, the fire attacked the building from the coal shed adjoining, and it seemed that nothing could save it. / Some one, 164 however, had discovered, on a flat car near by, a new steam fire engine, marked for forwarding to Racine, Wisconsin, and had fired it up and gotten it into such a position that water could be drawn from the river. Hose was at hand, and the flames were vigorously attacked. Just as victory seemed certain the steamer stopped running for want of oil. The elevator had been shut down for some time, and no lubricants could be found in it. The " Magnolia " was finally hailed and Gilson was called upon to divide his scanty supply of oil, which he did willingly. The steamer started again, and this time the flames in the coal shed and engine room of elevator " B " were entirely extinguished and the great structure saved. In the meantime the immense lumber piles on the north bank of the river in the yards of the Peshtigo Company began to burn. Lying near these yards were the propellers : " Ira Chaffee"and "Navarino," the steamer " Alpena," the barge " Advance " and a Canadian schooner. Not one of these boats could move from the northern shore of the river, and the various captains signaled furiously for the " Magnolia." Gilson first towed out the " Ira Chaffee," and so preserved a place of refuge for more than a thousand persons. Then he saved the " Advance," on which there were several hundred persons, among them Judge McAllister. On attempting to move the " Navarino," Gilson found that his boat did not have power enough to stir the big propeller, and although he blew out his government valve, (raising the steam pressure on the "Magnolia's " boiler to 150 pounds, or 60 pounds more than allowed by law), he had to give her up. The refugees were transferred from the " Navarino " to the "Alpena," and "Manitowoc," and with the "Magnolia's" aid, both these vessels reached the outer harbor in safety. The "Navarino" and the Canadian schooner were now wrapped in flames and Gilson had just time to get a tow-line on the propeller " Sky Lark " and start her down the river, when 166 the fire swept up to the very spot where she had been lying. In addition to the fugitives on board the " Sky Lark," were many valuable books and papers of the Goodrich steamer line. The flames were now sweeping the river in one place, from shore to shore, but Gilson turned the " Magnolia " back for the last time. Ringing for full steam, he sent his boat through the sheet of fire and came out on the other side unhurt. There he picked up two policemen whom he found standing in despair on the south shore of the river. Then the little tug was turned around and the run under the flames made once more. This time Captain Gilson was not so fortunate, and the woodwork of the tug was found to be blazing in several places. The fire was finally put out, but not until after considerable dam- age had been done. Nothing now remained for Gilson to do at the mouth of the river, and the "Magnolia'" was turned toward Light House (or Ogden's) slip, near where the fugitives on the "Sands" were congregated. Here again Gilson's arrival was most op- portune. The fierce heat had driven hundreds of people into the lake near the slip, and just as the " Magnolia " appeared the schooner " Swallow," which had been lying in the slip, caught fire, burned her moorings, and enwrapped in flames bore down upon the poor wretches in the water. Before this they were almost suffocated, and had the smoke ,and heat from the burning schooner been allowed to increase their suf- ferings, the loss of life would have been appalling. Three hundred feet away iron railroad tracks were curling up like shavings in the terrible heat, and now they were threatened with this burning vessel in their very midst! But Gilson skillfully approached the blazing schooner, got a line on her. and before it was burned off, had the boat well out of the neighborhood. Returning to the shore, the " Magnolia " began carrying people from the water and the west pier to the propellers lying out in the lake. His boat would hold only 50 or 75 persons, and Gilson was forced to make repeated trips 167 . ,.' to get all the fugitives to a place of safety. Large sums of money were offered him by the wealthy if he would save them first, but the plucky captain showed no favor and as before refused all money offers for his heroic work. In the afternoon the "Magnolia " made her way back to the mouth of the river. It was an exploring tour to discover whether the city had been totally destroyed. Slowly the little boat made the dangerous journey. Near Rush street the groans of a man were heard, and finally a poor fellow was discovered in the river clinging to a post. He was fearfully wounded and burned about the head and arms and had been almost suffocated by the smoke. For eight hours he had been in his dreadful position, keeping under water as much of the time as possible, and lifting his face up only often enough to breathe. Gilson immediately put about and took him to one of the propellers in the lake. Then he returned and was rejoiced to find that the West Side was still unburned. On reaching South Water street he notified the various tug own- ers of the condition of affairs, and a fleet of forty tugs was soon at work bringing the people from the vessels in the outer harbor to the West Side. The daring and bravery of Captain Gilson and his crew and their noble self-forgetfulness, stand out in white beauty in the darkness and gloom that had fallen around Chicago; their actions restore that faith in humanity which had been shaken by the story of the pillaging of the South Side and the terrible scene on the " Sands." * 'Joseph Gilson was horn in Chicago in 1846 in the old "Coffee Exchange." As a mere youth he gained celebrity by the reckless daring he displayed in saving the crew of the schooner "Albany" during a terrific gale, in which none of the thousands of spectators, who lined the lake shore, dared venture forth. The schooner was being pounded to pieces on a sand bar and Gilson, in his tug, was forced to make six trips out to her before he could get near enough to rescue the men. The water was so shoal that when the tug 3ank in the trough of the sea, her stern post struck the bottom of the lake and heavy leaks were sprung. Gilson persisted in his efforts, however, and finally brought off every man from the vessel, which in another moment was merely a mass of wreckage, beaten about by the great billows. In 1892 Gilson, then in command of one of the World's Fair steamers, again saved the crew of a wrecked vessel, which he discovered in the lake. At present Captain Gilson commands one of the fleet of steamers which run from Chicago to the World's Fair grounds. 1 68 ON THE PRAIRIE. Slowly and heavily rose the sun on the morning of October loth. The air was close and sultry; smoke and vapor still lay over the whole city. It was a desolate, a heart-rending scene. There on the prairie lay many a man, broken in spirit, who but the day before had fought the battle of life with undaunted courage. But the situation had already changed the reac- tion had set in. After the intense exertion of all the forces of body, mind and soul, followed a corresponding relaxation. What had been undergone was enough to severely test the moral and physical power of the strongest. It had been a fearful night, hardly less cruel and terrible than the preceding one when the fire columns had marched relentlessly northward. Their danger had keyed the people up to the highest pitch of nervous tension but it had passed now and they broke down helpless. They could have continued their flight but this awful quiet they could not endure. With rest came reflection and the thought of horrors undergone. From the gloom of his present misery rose each man's happy past as in a vision, but when he roused himself it was to see the future barren and hopeless before him. With mental anguish came worry as to the uncertain fate of friends and families and the lack of physical necessities tortured the fugi- tives. Small wonder that many lost their reason, that the eye of many a soul was blinded forever; small wonder that many a life conceived the germs of death during the horrible hours of that long Monday night, and that the number of those who languished and died only weeks after the fire was far greater than of those who met death in the flames. Twilight should have fallen about 6 o'clock, but on that Mon- day evening no darkness followed the setting of the sun, for great columns of fire still illumined the scene. On the prairie lay 50,000 persons, who wondered if their cup of misery was 169 not already filled. Was the uncontrollable element to leap the river for a third time, and so return to the side of the city whence it had come? All eyes were turned toward the fire which was working its way to the Division street bridge. It was but a matter of moments when the flames would reach the bridge, when at last the long-prayed for rain began. With tears of joy the multitudes gave thanks for heaven's blessing the fire ceased to spread and gradually died out. All too soon however, the wretched, houseless, ill-clothed fugitives realized that they were exposed to the cold, drenching rain. All night and all day they had been scorched by the heat of the conflagration and stifled by its smoke and gases, now unfed and unprotected, they shivered and gasped in the down-pour- ing torrents. Side by side stood the beggar who, having had nothing, lost nothing, and the millionaire rendered penniless over night. Wherever the eye turned, the same picture : wagons, laden with household goods, piles of rescued property, cows, horses, dogs, men, women and children all huddled together in the greatest confusion. On her trunk sits the wife of a rich mer- chant, holding in her arms some saved trinket, and on her trunk sits the wife of a poor laborer, and in her arms holds the babe whose eyes reflect all her happiness and all her misery. Happy he who can count his dear ones all. Many a family is sep- arated to remain so for days. The stronger had stayed behind to fight the flames or to try to save property while the weaker had gone on in advance. In the great throng on the prairies search for missing friends is a fruitless task. Meanwhile the rain has formed little puddles and pools of water, and these serve to moisten parched lips and cleaving tongues. Dire necessity stimulated as ever the genius of invention. Tents were made from carpets and blankets, and held up by such sticks and branches as could be found. Hundreds found some shelter under sidewalks and in culverts, and every inch of neighboring houses and barns was occupied. But the great mass of the people on the prairies was unprotected. 170 They were crowded together, but on the whole behaved well. Misfortune purified their instincts. While contemplat- ing his own loss, no one could forget that his neighbor's was as large. All were equally miserable. After a time the men became resigned to their fate, and later felt a certain reckless- ness as to what the future might have in store. The women distinguished themselves by greater energy, and proved their greater mental elasticity. They had their children to care for, and it was ever the mother who, when the camp fire burned low, kept it going, or, when the rain fell mercilessly, covered her loved ones as best she could even with her own body. So the night wore on, and before darkness fell again almost every one had found more comfortable shelter./ INCIDENTS OF THE GREAT FIRE. Most of the human lives sacrificed to the flames on the North Side were lost on Wesson and Townsend streets. This, to a certain extent, is explained by the fact that these streets were short and narrow, terminating abruptly in culs- de-sac. As soon as Chicago avenue bridge became impass- able first because of the congestion of vehicles there, and later in consequence of the fire sweeping away the bridge itself a great many wagons and pedestrians started north for Division street bridge, on Wesson and Townsend streets, but were caught in a fiery trap, from which escape was almost impossible. Scores perished; but in almost all cases the charred remains of the victims could not be identified. Besides those who came down these streets from Chicago avenue, the flames surprised not a few of the persons who lived in this locality. On Townsend street lived a Mr. Geyerstanger, publisher of a German humorous paper. With his wife and his four children he succeeded in saving a part of his house- hold goods. While three of the little ones and his wife went to the West Side with what had already been saved, he and his twelve year old daughter attempted to save some books from his splendid library, but the flames were down upon them before they were aware of it, and they were unable to escape. Of the seven bodies afterwards found in this locality, it was impossible to tell which were those of the unfortunate man and his little girl. A neighbor, named Hecht, met his death in the same manner, while attempting to save his old invalid father-in-law. When the fire attacked his home, Hecht, Aneas-like, took the weak old man on his shoulders, and carried him from the burning house. In the yard he put down his precious burden, and, as it is supposed from the position of the bodies when found, returned to the house for some valuables. While inside he was overtaken by the flames, and the unfortunate old man also fell a victim to the fury of the fire. A horrible incident occurred near the water works. Three men had stayed too long in the brewery near by and on com- ing out were forced to seek instant shelter from the flames. They crept into some large water mains which were lying in the street, but the fierce heat of the conflagration turned the pipes into iron shrouds, and the next moring the bodies of the men were found roasted almost beyond recognition. The loss of an occasional life aroused but little attention. Alexander Frear, a New York alderman, was crossing Lake street bridge, the rail of which had been torn away. In front of him was a man with a heavy load of clothing. Sud- denly he noticed the poor fellow stumble and fall into the water. The crowds on the bridge rushed madly on, and no one in the many passing boats paid the slightest attention to the drowning wretch, who finally disappeared, swallowed up in the black waters of the river. A driver fell from the high seat of his heavily laden truck, striking his head OP the stone street and breaking his neck the horses dashed on and the crowds passed by heedless of the corpse lying near at hand. A woman near the St. James hotel knelt in the street holding a crucifix before her. Her dress skirt blazed up, but she did not notice it. In another instant a runaway truck dashed her to the ground. On another bridge the crushing mob lifted a young girl from her feet and literally forced her over the hand- rail of the bridge. For a moment she clung feebly to this slight support, but was soon brushed off, and with a despair- ing cry, fell into the water below. No action to save her was taken either by those in boats on the river or by those hurry- ing across the bridge. Terror had banished every feeling of chivalry, even of common humanity. At the Sherman House three hundred guests were quartered Sunday night. Among them were many ladies without escorts, and five single ladies were sick in bed. Early in the evening the night clerk and his assistant had all the valuable papers of the hotel conveyed to a place of safety, and when the flames threatened the hotel the guests were all aroused. The ladies were taken to the lake shore and put in charge of police offi- cers. The sick were put in a carriage and started off, when suddenly the clerk was seized with an awful foreboding. A glance through the carriage windows showed but four persons inside and he knew there were five invalids in the house. Wrenching an axe from the hands of a fireman, and with a cry to his assistant, he rushed back through the smoke-filled corri- dors of the great hotel. Reaching the door of the room where he believed the fifth sick woman lay, he forced an entrance with a couple of blows of his axe. The woman was there, sitting up in terror in her bed, having had no previous knowledge of the fire. The men hastily threw a heavy dress and cloak about her, dashed the contents of the water pitcher on a woolen blanket, and wrapping the woman up in this and protecting their own heads as well as they could, hurried down stairs with the invalid in their arms. The clerk was quite badly burned, but all finally reached the street. In a few moments more the upper stories of the hotel had fallen into the fiery embraces of the basement, 173 The saving of the Lind block, directly east of the Randolph street bridge, was due to the energetic efforts of Alderman Walsh and I. C. Richberg, a well known attorney. These gentlemen saw at a glance the danger the West Side would be in the moment Lind's block should be attacked. They immediately organized a volunteer corps, and after consider- able difficulty induced the crew of the engine " R. A. Wil- liams " to take their steamer from Canal street, where it was lying idle, to Market street. By keeping the exposed side of the building drenched with water, drawn from the river, and by tearing down all awnings and wooden signs the structure was finally saved. This prevented the flames from crossing to the West Side by the Randolph street bridge, but there was also great danger that the fire would leap the river at the foot of Erie street, or cross by means of the Chicago avenue bridge. The prevention of this calamity was largely due to the efforts of John Buehler, the banker. He took charge of the firemen sent down from Harvard station and of a part of the Milwau- kee fire department. He also had the local steamer " Chicago " put on a tug boat and in this way secured excellent service. When the burning tar from the gas works, on the east side of the river, drifted across the stream, Buehler pressed the spectators into service and extinguished the flaming mass. After all danger to the West Side was over, Buehler took his steamer to the North Side pumping station to render such aid as was possible. Several men on the top of the big Wheeler elevator tried to save it by throwing from its roof the burning shingles and brands which rained upon it, but despite their efforts the flames attacked the building from a lower story, and they suddenly found it necessary to flee for their lives. Four of the eight on the roof dashed through the fire and smoke of the interior and reached the ground safely; the other four were cut off from the skylight by the flames. One piece of the roof after the other fell into the fiery sea below, leaving smaller and smaller the spot where the men huddled together. Repeated attempts were made to throw them a rope, but all failed. Flames and dense black masses of smoke were now pouring from the ele- vator. At times the men were concealed from the view of the anxious spectators. Finally a piece of brick was fastened to a long twine and thrown them. By means of the twine, the heavy rope was pulled up and the end quickly made fast. In another moment all were in safety but none too soon, for the last man touched the ground just as the rope, burned through at the top, fell in coils around him. Besides the mansion of Mahlon D. Ogden but one house stood in the burnt district of the North Side after the fire. This was the little wooden cottage on Lincoln place, belong- ing to Bellinger, a policeman, who saved his property only after a terrible struggle. He made every preparation for defense tearing up the wooden sidewalk, raking up and burn- ing the dry leaves in his yard, and finally covering his little home with carpets and blankets soaked with water. At the critical moment the water supply gave out, but Bellinger had a quantity of cider in his cellar, and with this he kept the blankets and carpets drenched until the fire had swept past. The last house to burn was probably that of Dr. John H. Foster, on Fullerton avenue, near Lincoln park, which was attacked at 10:30 Monday night, about twenty-six hours after the fire began. Some authorities give the house of John A. Huck, north of the city limits, as the last one to burn; but the flames raged in coal and lumber yards and in other places where there were piles of combustible material, until far into Tuesday. An unfinished stone building in the South Division, corner of La Salle and Monroe streets, did not burn, as there was absolutely no wood work about it, even the partition walls and floors being of brick. The scores of people, who found temporary safety on the old North Pier, were furnished with some food by the crib keeper, but this provision was soon exhausted, and the prospects for a very hungry night seemed most excellent. Finally a true American remedy was tried: a meeting was held, with Judge Goodrich presiding. It was proposed to send a tug up the river in search of provisions, and all being agreeable a tug was hailed, and twa young men were sent with an order in blank from Judge Goodrich and E. I. Tink- ham, the banker. Supplies were in this manner procured, and the hungry hundreds relieved. About 3 o'clock Monday morning, when the Washington street tunnel was crowded with men trying to get to their down-town stores and offices, to personally satisfy themselves of their losses, and with others trying to get from down-town to the unburnt West Side, the gas lights suddenly went out. The gas works had exploded, and Stygian darkness reigned in the long, narrow pathway. The danger of a collision between the streams of humanity running in different directions was the greater, as many of the fugitives from the South Side were heavily laden with effects saved from the conflagration. All at once a man with remarkable presence of mind called out in a stentorian voice : " Keep to the right," which cry imme- diately passed from mouth to mouth, from one end of the tunnel to the other, and all confusion was averted. Hundreds of children were lost during the fire, and for days afterwards the police were kept busy finding parents to match the various youngsters who filled the station houses. One officer found a baby, three months old, alone in a blazing street. Two children of H. Claussenius, the German consul, were separated from their parents, and it was Wednesday evening before they were heard from. A friend of the family had found them and taken them to his home in Evanston. Property was saved with the greatest difficulty. A bank officer got $600,000 from his vaults, and had to pay an expressman $1000 to take him to the depot, where he could 176 take a train for Milwaukee. Ex-Lieutenant Governor Bross saw a wagon standing in front of his beautiful home, and supposing that some member of the family had hired it, filled it with the most valuable property from his house, but when the wagon was loaded the driver quietly drove away, and was never heard of again. Louis Ibach had just furnished a new hotel on Wells and Randolph streets, and when he went to save some few of the fine blankets he had just purchased, he found thieves already looting the place. On introducing himself and good-naturedly asking for a blanket or two, the rascals gave him one and told him to clear ou/ When the roofs of a block of houses on State street, near Van Buren, suddenly flared up, a ghastly scene was wit- nessed. The occupants of the upper stories, anxious to save their property, began to throw things down into the streets below. Out flew books, pictures, looking glasses, beds and finally, a coffin, containing the body of a man. A procession of men, carrying elegant coffins down to the lake front, was one of the strange sights of the fire. They were saving the contents of an undertaking establishment, but when the lake shore was reached every coffin was filled with some tired mortal, eager to enjoy a few hour's repose in the soft upholst- ery. The appearance of these coffins, filled with sweetly sleeping men and women, presented a singular picture as dawn broke over the lake. Of course there were ludicrous as well as pathetic incidents. Before the burning Bigelow House an old lady marched up and down, shouldering a .cavalry sabre. Another old lady, wanting more light on the subject, paraded through the streets with a burning lantern in each hand. The mania for saving something no matter what was epidemic. Men and women were seen with empty bird cages, old boxes and dirty baskets, with bedding, tinware and wash tubs. Women, who supposed they were saving their jewel boxes, often found, after a time, that they were hugging some bundle of 12 177 worthless rubbish. Many carried anything that v^ .s forced upon them, and one well-known banker was found carefully treasuring .a caM-away frying pan. A WALK THROUGH THE RUINS. It was a dismal, wet morning which dawned on tht. unfortu- nate, city after the terrible night of the pth. A stiff north- west wind was blowing over the still smoking ruins, but the copious rain which had fallen had stopped the spread of the flames. The picture presented by the burnt district was that of gloomy waste and overthrow. Now for the first time the immensity of the calamity was realized. When the fire was driving the fugitives from place to place, no other thought than that of self-preservation entered men's minds. But now the poor victims could comprehend in its full extent the terrible blow which so quickly and unexpectedly had fallen upon them. From so small an elevation as the top of a wagon one could see men standing on the ground three miles away, across what had been the most densely and substantially built por- tions of the city. In awful desolation the spectacle was one to boldly challenge that which burned Rome or Persepolis once displayed. Of the proud marble buildings that had seemed built for all time, there remained but shapeless piles of debris. Here and there portions of a church still stood with bald walls rising sadly to heaven. Only with great effort can one work his way through the blackened ruins which block- ade the streets. , Yesterday this was South Water street. Here lay the treasures of all zones, brought by the ships of enterprising merchants to the banks of the Chicago river. Here were the immense storehouses in which the products of the world were heaped up. This formless mass is wet with precious wine from the Rhine and Burgundy; in it, destroyed and buried, lie sweet fruits ripened by the sun of the tropics, the spices of the 178 West Indies, boxes of tea from China, rich stuffs from the Orient. It is difficult to keep the right road. Of the splen- did court house the four walls still stand, but "in the windows gloom abideth." Where but yesterday the hum of busy mul- titudes was heard, where deliberative bodies held session, where justice had her seat and an army of men kept the machinery of the local government in operation, all is now grewsome and deserted, and only the storm howls through the empty window openings and threatens to shake down the tot- tering walls. Clark street is leveled flat. From a distance the federal building seems still intact, and one thinks that here at last some work of man has defied the elements. Mere delu- sion ! In the interior all is burnt out. The walls stand, but unfit for future use. Even the "fire-proof" vaults are destroyed. Only the Tribune building is found to have made any real resistance to the flames. The interior is completely wrecked, but the walls are not damaged, and can be used again in the erection of a new home for the paper. With the exception of the walls of the postoffice and of the build- ings mentioned, nothing meets the eye of the beholder but shapeless heaps of rubbish. Where formerly stately edifices, stood, signs are now being put up bearing the laconic inscription : " - REMOVED TO ." A walk down Wabash avenue seems a dream this vast chaotic field was once Chicago's " Broadway." The branches of half-burned trees which once ornamented the Corso of the Garden City and made this street particularly attractive, stretch dismally upward. Where is Michigan avenue the Faubourg St. Germain of the city? The overthrown pillars which only a few hours ago adorned the palaces now strewn in dust, alone answer the question. They have shared the fate of the mod- est frame houses the fierce flames have leveled all. The place where once stood the great hotels, the Palmer, the Sher- man, the Fremont, the St. James and the others, are now marked only by smoking debris. i So The picture of the burned North Side is not as interesting as the modern Herculanum of the South Division. It is more pathetic however, to all who know how many happy homes once stood upon this scene of barren desolation. There are few picturesque ruins the frame houses and stores that haas, stood there are swept away, leaving no trace behind. Here \* ' s and there stands a wall of a church or brick building everything else is bare and level from the river to Lincoln Park. But already the sound of the carpenter's axe fills the air and strong arms are erecting little shanties in the midst of the fire's havoc. American pluck and self-reliance, undaunted by disaster, start out at once to repair the work of devastation to rebuild a city. Men do not await help from outside, but begin at once to help themselves. They had built a great metropolis on a swamp and are now determined that Chicago shall rise again more splendid than before. Hundreds of men have lost everything and are glad to earn a penny in any way. One man, dressed in the broad-cloth suit he had on when the fire drove him from his home, and with a pasteboard sign fastened to his high silk hat, is peddling cigars, another has dug up various odd things from the ruins and is selling fire relics. Here the way is blocked by a group of men trying to open a safe just drawn from a basement. The face of the owner is a study. His whole future depends on the condition of the contents of the safe his money, papers and valuables. The door is at last wrenched open and in a moment more he sees the inside is nothing but charred paper and ashes, w r hich the wind whirls away into the air. Then the strain is over and the man knows he has to begin life again with nothing but his two hands and his own energy. One can turn to no spot in the burnt district without finding evidences of activity, courage and hope. The gas and water works are quickly repaired and one great source of inconvenience and discomfort is done away with. 181 ACTION OF THE AUTHORITIES. THE POLICE. On the day after the fire the popular excitement resembled a panic. For a time most persons firmly believed that the great disaster was the work of a band of incendiaries. Vigi- lance committees were formed on the South and West sides and absurd rumors of the capture and summary disposal of the incendiaries filled the city. Every citizen claimed to have seen one of the wretches strung up to a lamp post or shot down in the act of firing a building, and the newspapers con- tained numerous rumors of the application of " Lynch law." On the West Side it was dangerous to light a cigar on the public street. While it is not to be denied that various attempts were made to start another general conflagration, and that several men were killed for so doing, still the majority of the rumors of lynching, etc., were due to the over- heated imagination of the narrators. When a great disaster has occurred it is but human nature to seek for some tangible object to hold accountable for all the misery caused, and to punish accordingly. The people demanded a sacrifice, and as they could not call Providence or any other abstract being to account, they sought some living creature on whom they could revenge themselves for the misery that had befallen them. In consequence of this feeling among the people, the police authorities swore in 1500 special policemen, but this force had to be disbanded very shortly, as a number of thieves and criminals were found in its ranks. Allen Pinker- ton, chief of detectives, issued a characteristic proclamation informing the public that the police had orders to shoot on the spot any man who touched property that did not belong to him. At 3 o'clock on the loth, Mayor Mason issued his first bulletin as follows : PROCLAMATION. Whereas, in the providence of God, to whose will we humbly submit, a terrible calamity has befallen our city, which demands of us our best efforts for the preservation of order and the relief of the suffering, be it known that the faith and credit of the city 182 of Chicago is hereby pledged for the necessary expenses for the relief of the suffering. Public order will be preserved. The police and special police now being appointed will be responsible for the maintenance of the peace and the protection of property. All officers and men of the fire and health departments will act as special policemen without further notice. The mayor and comptroller will give vouchers for all supplies furnished by the different relief committees. The headquarters of the city government will be at the Congregational church, corner of West Washington and Ann streets. All persons are warned against any acts tending to endanger property. All persons caught in any depredation will be immediately arrested. With God's help, order and peace and private property shall be preserved. The city government and the committees of citizens pledge themselves to the com- munity to protect them and pave the way for a restoration of public and private welfare. It is believed that the fire has spent its force and all will soon be well. R. B. MASON, Mayor. CHARLES C. P. HOLDEN, President Com'n Council. F. B. BROWN, President Police Board. Never before had Chicago stood in so great need of a strong, firm hand at the municipal helm, and never had a more incapable man stood at the head of the city government. In his private capacity the aged mayor was worthy of the highest esteem, but he could not fulfill the demands of his public position in those hours of need. He completely lost his head, and no longer knowing how to help himself, and cherish- ing the absurd idea that the ruins of Chicago were overrun with robbers and cut-throats, he sought military protection, " entrusting the preservation of the good order and peace of the city to Lieutenant-General Philip H. Sheridan, United States Army." This act, contrary to the sovereign rights of the State of Illinois, caused considerable friction, as Governor Palmer had already dispatched to Chicago his adjutant- general, with several hundred state troops. Soon the control of the military proved an intolerable nuisance, the more so in view of the fact that exemplary order and quiet prevailed. Among the private citizens enlisted for guard duty were a lot of youngsters, with no idea of the seriousness and responsi- bility of their position. The culmination of the bitter feeling against martial law was reached on October 2oth. On the evening of that day Col. Thomas W. Grosvenor, a universally esteemed citizen, who had served throughout the civil war with honor and distinction, was shot and killed by a Douglas University student, named Treat, who was acting as guard. Colonel Grosvenor was returning home about midnight, and when the guard called to him to halt and give the countersign, he passed on without reply* The guard called to him again, and as no answer was returned, he was shot down. Treat was tried for murder but was acquitted, as the jury decided he had acted in good faith and that the responsibility for the affair devolved upon those who had organized the body of militia, to which Treat belonged. A lively correspondence sprang up between Governor Palmer and Mayor Mason and President Grant, but without definite* result. At the time many people believed that the United States troops, which Sheridan ordered to Chicago, were of the greatest use in preserving order, but the emergency was one which the state militia could have met fully, and there was not the slightest necessity for the regular troops. The result of the action of the mayor in putting the city under martial law, was to spread abroad false impressions of the real state of affairs in Chicago. There was no anarchy here, there were no lynching outrages; the people of the city deported themselves with the most admirable conservatism and discretion. The police did their full duty, and public recog- nition of their bravery and faithfulness is the more due them as there was at one time a tendency to make scape-goats of them and the firemen. Neither department was in any way responsible for the great calamity which had befallen Chicago ; both had done all that men could do. THE FIRE PEPARTMENT. Owing to the unprotected position of Chicago on the fiat prairie, storms from whatever direction swept over it with full fury. This circumstance and the fact that, like other quickly constructed American cities, it consisted largely of 184 wooden buildings, so greatly increased the danger of fire that a most excellent fire department was organized. It consisted of twenty-one steamers, with the necessary hose carts and hook and ladder trucks. The men had given repeated proofs of their courage and ability, and the populace placed the greatest confidence in this department of the local government. As a matter of fact Chicago owes it to the excellence of the fire department that the catastrophe of October 8th and pth, 1871, was so long deferred. On the day of the fire the firemen did all that could have been expected of resolute, brave, efficient men. They yielded to the flames only when their clothes began to burn. During the fire eight steamers, three carts and three trucks were abandoned, as the men had kept up their stubborn resistance to the flames so long that these machines could not be gotten away before the fire was upon them. An official account of the fire and the work of the" department fully exonerates the men from any cow r ardice or inefficiency. In an interview after the fire, Chief Fire Marshal Williams said: " When I got to the fire, I should think there were six or seven buildings ablaze sheds and out-houses. We got it under control, and it wouldn't have gone a foot further, but the next thing I knew they came and told me that St. Paul's church, two squares north, was on fire. The ' Rehm' stood on the corner of Church and Mather streets, working that plug, and it was so hot the engineer had to put up a door to protect himself. The 'Gund' was on the east side of the church, and the 'Coventry' on the north. * * * * The next thing I knew the fire was in Bateham's planing mill. When I got there I found that the match factory was going, as was the lumber just north of it. We got two streams in there, but couldn't do any good, as the fire was thick and heavy, and ran along to another lumber yard, north, and spread east to the old red mill. I went north to head it off, and found it was down to Harrison street. Commissioner Chadwick came to me, and 185 said: ' Don't you know the fire is ahead of you?' I told him it was getting ahead of me in spite of all I could do; it was just driving me right along. I got down to Van Buren street and was working the engines there, but it was so hot the men were obliged to run for their lives, leaving their hose on the ground. They came to me and asked what they were to do about hose. I said, ' God only knows.' We got the ' Gund ' located at the corner of Van Buren and Canal streets. * * * * The flames rolled over the men who were with the engine on the corner, and I told the foreman to get her out or we would lose her. I asked some citizens to help, and we ran up to uncouple the suction from the plug, and others commenced to uncouple the hose. Just then a wave of flame came rolling over the street, and I was obliged to get away. Hose was afterwards attached to the axle of the ' Gund,' and the citizens pulled her up on the side- walk, where she was burned up. " I met Alex. McGonigle, fireman of the ' Long John,' and he told me there was a fire on the South Side. I told him to go for it, and I jumped on a hose cart and went over too. I got the ' Economy ' to work on the corner of Washington and La Salle streets and lead the hose in through the stairway opposite. We were not in there three minutes before a sheet of flames rolled over us and the boys dropped the pipe and ran for their lives. The wind was blowing so hard that the water would not go ten feet from the nozzle of the pipe. We could not strike a second story window. I then went to work and got my two engines to play on the Sherman house. I thought we would be able to save it on account of the open space opposite. But, my God! there was a piece of board six feet long that came over and landed right on top of the old Tribune building on Clark street, and it was not two min- utes before that row was on fire. While I was wetting down the Sherman house, I heard that the water works were on fire. I jumped into my wagon and drove over to see if it was true, 1 86 and when I got near there I saw that the roof was all on fire, and the flames rolling out of every opening of the building. I saw that the fate of the city was sealed, that we could no more save the North than the South Side." The facts here given will prove to those who did not wit- ness the catastrophe, that nothing but a cloud burst or the ces- sation of the hurricane could have checked the flames. The water works were a mile from the Sherman house, but both were on fire at the same time. Even the strongest and best fire department must yield to a gale which carries burning brands for miles and scatters them on frame houses that a long continued drouth has turned to tinder. LOSSES AND INSURANCE. The losses occasioned by- the great fire were enormous Chicagoesque. To give the area of the burnt district, the number of houses destroyed or of persons rendered homeless, affords but little idea of the enormity of the catas- trophe. Although, for example, the burned buildings were less than a third of the whole number of buildings in the city 17,450 burning and 42,000 remaining still the value of the ones destroyed equaled that of those which were uninjured. The most authentic report as to the area burned over and the amount of property destroyed, states that in the West Side, where the fire originated, the number of acres burned over was 194. There were 500 buildings, mostly of an inferior class, destroyed, which were inhabited by about 2500 persons. The burned area in the South Division comprised 460 acres. This district, though comparatively small in extent, was the business center of the city. It contained a majority of those structures which were costly and magnificent, and were filled with the merchandise which made the city the great emporium of the northwest. All the wholesale stores of considerable magnitude, the daily and weekly newspaper 187 offices, the principal hotels, the public halls and places ot amusement, the great railroad depots and a large number of the most splendid residences, in short, the great bulk of the wealth and the chief interests of the city were located in this district. In this division alone, there were 3650 buildings destroyed, which included 1600 stores, 28 hotels, 60 manu- facturing establishments and the homes of about 22,000 peo- ple. In the North Division, not less than 1470 acres were swept by the flames, destroying 13,300 buildings the homes of 75,000 people, about 600 stores and TOO manufacturing establishments. The total area burned over in the city including streets, was 2124 acres, or nearly 3^ square miles. This area contained about 73 miles of streets, 18,000 buildings and the homes of 100,000 people. The loss on buildings amounted to $53,080,000; on produce, $5,262,000; on merchandise, not produce, $78, 700,000; on per- sonal property, $58,710,000; miscellaneous losses, $378,000; making a grand total of $196,000,000. In foundations and available building material there was a salvage estimated at $ 10,000,000. The municipal losses city hall, bridges, sewers, water works, mains, etc., police and fire department buildings and sidewalks amounted to $2,415,180. Eighty of the destroyed business blocks had been worth $8,515,000; the value of the burnt railroad depots, warehouses and Chamber of Commerce was $2,700,000; of the hotels, $3,100,00, and of the churches and contents, $3,000,000. Of the church losses the Catholics suffered to the extent of $1,350,000; the Methodists, $355,000; Baptists, $80,000; Episcopalians, $337,500; Presbyterians, $465,000; Unitarians, $175,000, and the various Jewish synagogues, $55,000. Of Chicago's total loss of almost $200,000,000, about $5