0 CURE E N C Y INQUIKY SOLICITED; BUT General lieclamatton, iuitljout i^ea^oiuiig, DISREGARDED. “ Pray, Goody, please to moderate the rancour of your tongue: \Vhy flash those sparks of fury from your eyes ? Remember^ when the judgments weak, the pr^udice is strong :— A stranger why will you despise ? Ply me. Try me. Prove, ere you deny me.” Midas. BY CHAS. ENDERBY, AUTHOR OF “national STORE AND DOCK BANKS.” Cliiti'oii. LONDON: PRINTED, FOR THE AUTHOR. BY VV. LEWIS & SON, 21, FINCH-LANE, CORNHILL. 1842 . [Price Two-Pence.^ CURRSNCSr. Whh.st conflicting opinions divide the nation into parties, hostile to each other, no government can legislate, neither can any parliamentary inquiries be instituted, likely to remove the present pressure upon the productive classes. It is justly observed that the Corn-Laws, Poor-Laws, Currency, the mone¬ tary difficulties of the United States of America, the Tariff, the war in India and China, increase of population, improvements in machinery, with surplus production, absenteeism, and emigration, as causes of distress, have each of them their advocates, expecting that their separate claims to the consider¬ ation of Parliament, should have immediate attention ; but how, and in what way, could any examination be conducted, where the interests and opinions of the parties are so opposed to each other ? Although the difficulty of calming such conflicting interests appears insur¬ mountable, yet, on investigation, it will be found that the subject of the Currency is of paramount importance, and may be discussed independent of all the others; whilst none of them, although perfectly distinct with respect to each other, can be discussed without mixing-up the question of Currency, of which they all form a part. 1st. As to the Corn-Laws. What is the use of having corn cheap, if there is not money to purchase it ? or, what perceptible difference would it make, if corn be dear, if the monetary means of the people were equal to it? An exemplification of this fact may be found in the eventful year of 1812, when the price of bread-corn averaged 122s., and at one time of the year rose to 125s. per quarter; but this was also a period when our sacrifices both of men and treasure were carried to an extent never before known in the annals of the world, and yet no distress was experienced by the labouring classes. This is a question of Corn and Currency. 2d. The Poor-Laws. If corn be cheap or dear, what effect has it on those of the poor, who taste nothing but potatoes and herrings. The poor, to become purchasers of corn, must have money; and how are they to procure money, if their labour cannot command it ? This is a question of Poor-Laws and Currency, but is no direct case of Corn-Laws and Poor-Laws. 3d. The monetary difficulties of America, This is a question of monetary difficulties of America and Currency, but it exhibits no conjoint case of Corn-Laws, Poor-Laws, and monetary difficulties of America. 4th. The Tariff. An increase or abatement of duties on commodities, refers to an altera¬ tion of the money price. This is a case of Tariff and Currency, but although the Tariff may affect each separate article, yet it exhibits no direct case of the Tariff and the Corn-Laws, Poor-Laws, &c. &c. 5th. The War in India. I presume that a suspension of orders for commodities gives rise to this case. There exists no disinclination to continue to purchase from Eng¬ land; a want of money is therefore the only cause. 's.gSi's rt w o This Is a case of war in India and Currency, but no direct case can be made out of any connexion between it and the Corn-Laws, Poor-Laws, &c. &c. 6th. Surplus Population. There would be no complaint of surplus population, if the people had money to spend. This again is a case of surplus population and Currency, and not of surplus population, Corn-Laws, Poor-Laws, &c. 7th. Improvement in machinery, and over-production. Over-production can only arise from an inability on the part of those who have not money to purchase of those who have commodities to sell; this is a case of over-production and Currency, and nothing more. 6ih. Absenteeism. Complaints of persons drawing money from this country, and spending it abroad, is clearly a case of absenteeism and Currency only. 9th. Emigration. Urging a necessity for labourers to emigrate, because, not having money, they are burthensome to the parishes, is a clear case of emigration and Currency, but no case of emigration and Corn-Laws, Poor-Laws, &c. &c. In the foregoing I have endeavoured to shew that no one subject that is urged on the attention of government can be discussed, except in connexion with that of the Currency; consequently, if the Corn-Laws be again brought under consideration, much time would doubtless be wasted, as has heretofore been the case, in endeavouring to evade a direct inquiry into our monetarv system, which is a subject standing alone, although, as I have before said, forming a constituent part of all the others; and I fearlessly assert, that no’ partial investigation of the Corn-Laws would produce any beneficial result; the inquiry would only tend to make the subject still more complicated. In the opinions here put forth, I am supported by no mean authority; the late Mr. Huskisson, on the discussion on the Coru-Laws, in 1826, said_“ In considering the object now before the House, it would be impossible to lei^is- late wisely, unless the Currency, in which are the soul and elements of prices, should have been first disposed of; and this reason, not less forcibly than others, convinces me that the present period is wholly unfitted for the discus¬ sion.” In this speech we have not only an admission that the Currency question must be discussed in connexion with the Corn-Laws, but we have further a right to assume that, notwithstanding the passing of the Currency Bill of 1819, Mr. Huskisson was far from being satisfied that Parliament had arrived at a right conclusion. A few words on the foregoing alleged causes of distress :— Ist- The advocates for an alteration of the duties on corn, or their total repeal, except that corn would, as a matter of course, be abundant, and consequently cheap; and, as all measures introduced, aflFecting the prices of wheat, oats, barley, &c., tend to operate alike on all other agricultural produce, so will the average fall in prices be comparative. Take the whole annual produce of the soil at £200,000,000, wheat consti¬ tuting £85,000,000, estimating the quantity at £25,000,000 of quarters, and the price 68s. per quarter, and deduct from wheat but 4s. per quarter, or 1-17th, and all other produce in like manner, and it will appear that, inde¬ pendent of any foreign grain or produce superseding that of British growth, from the gross constituted proceeds, either of cost or profit, £ 12,000,000 must be annually deducted, being a sum short received by those dependent on agricultural pursuits, and consequently a sum that cannot be expended bv them in purchasing manufactures. This sum of £12,000,000, lost in home expenditure, is an amount equal to the annual exports to the United States of America. 2d. They, the advocates, expect large importations of corn from the United States, Brazil, Spain, France, Germany, Poland, Egypt, &c. To transfer dealings from one tradesman to another, to purchase from 4 foreigners what we have heretofore obtained from our fellow-countrymen, is^ only benefiting one to the manifest injury of the other; neither does it appear that those who urge this transfer of dealings will themselves be other¬ wise tban prejudiced ; they anticipate an increased demand for their manu¬ factures. In return for 3,000,000 quarters of wheat, they now supply British landlords, British farmers, and British agricultural labourers with 500,000 bales of goods, and yet, having an accumulation of bales of goods, for which they are seeking a market, they imagine that by transferring their custom for 3,000,000 quarters of wheat, to some one of these foreign countries, and giving only 400,000 bales of goods for them, that they will, by some hocus- pocus means, dispose of more goods instead of less. By this transfer of dealings, it is not difficult to perceive that we should give increased employment to the extent of £10,000,000 per annum to foreigners; not, however, throwing out of employment a number of those who have special claims on us as countrymen, equal to the increase abroad, and who, from distress, may be compelled to seek, in those very countries, the employment of which they have been deprived on their own soil. If you are the sole customer of a baker, who employs ten men, and you order bread from another who has but one man, the former will discharge his men, whilst the other will employ them, provided he cannot get others. It will thus appear that the value of agricultural produce is not only to be reduced £12,000,000 per annum, but, in addition to this, the diminution of quantity will be £10,000,000 more, making a total of £22,000,000. How the manufacturing trade is to improve, so that the agricultural shall not be prejudiced to the extent I have described, I know not; for land cannot be used as pasture, and animal food come into general consumption, without an increase in the wages of labour, which would make manufactured goods more costly, and consequently stop all exports. With respect to the landed proprietors, they would, as a matter of precau¬ tion, reduce their expenditure to their income, by discharging their domestic servants, and thus saving their food and clothing, give up their carriages and horses, possibly a town-house, and cease drinking foreign wines, &c. The manufacturer must be prepared to give employment to all those from the agricultural districts thrown out of work, and either consume or enable others to consume the wines, &c. now obtained in exchange for British manu¬ factures, otherwise, so far from any improvement in trade taking place, utter ruin must ensue. If, from any unforeseen cause, wheat were immediately to fall in price, to 40s. per quarter, what evidence have we that the nation would rally and trade improve ? Look to the year of national distress in 1822, when wheat was at 43s. per quarter : this low price of corn did not improve trade, neither did the labouring classes consume more animal food; as is evident from the price of meat having fallen to a greater extent than did corn. If a low price of corn will improve the demand for manufactures, so ought a low price of manufactures to improve the condition of the labourers, and enable them to purchase more food. Let the advocates for the admission of foreign wheat, duty free, show how it would cause any immediate increased employment for labourers in England, since large quantities of corn have already been imported and paid for; consequently foreigners would not receive any very extended orders tor more. 2d. The Poor-Laws. I am at a loss to imagine what argument can be urged to show that the distress of the country has been caused by the introduction of any system of Poor-Laws, neither do I perceive how any alteration in those laws can re¬ store labourers to employment. 3d. The monetary difficulties of America. This question must be pul on one side, as a subject on which we have no right to legislate. If America sends orders to England, it will doubtless give employment to the labourers, but we can pass no law to compel them to trade with us. 5 4lh. The tariff will undoubtedly have the effect of stimulating or depressing trade. 5th. The war in India, Orders from India would alleviate distress in England to a certain ex¬ tent, but what law can compel one nation or individual to give orders to another ? 6th and 7th. Surplus population, with improvement in machinery and over¬ production. Can there possibly be surplus population when the supply of commodities exceeds the demand, and when vast numbers of people are compelled to pass their existence in nakedness and misery; because, for every pair of stockings or shoes, they might be permitted to earn the wages to purchase, they are capable of producing double the quantity they consume ? Can there be surplus production, or can the means of producing be too great, when there are those who would willingly become the consumers, if you would receive from them in exchange,—what is likewise with them surplus, —their labour, or the produce of it? 8th and 9th. Absenteeism and Emigration. You would compel those who are mere consumers of wealth, but who produce nothing, to reside amongst you, whilst the ingenious mechanic and youthful sturdy husbandman, who by their industry produce daily more riches than they consume, (who for every one article they might be per¬ mitted to take, would be capable of producing two,) you advise to quit their native land, forgetting that every emigrant diminishes the demand for our productions, and impairs our power. Whatever advantages emigration may unfold to the mechanic, the field-labourer, or the small capitalist, in¬ dividually, certain it is that the nation must lose by the separation. To those who may be ignorant of the subject of Currency, in its various ramifications, it may be necessary to explain, that by law all promissory notes payable on demand, and bills of exchange, are payable in gold of a fixed quality, and at the price of £3 17s. 10|d. per ounce ; and this law extends to the notes of the Bank of England, as well as to those of individuals. It is urged that a tenant engaging to pay a certain rent annually, ought to pav the same in so many ounces of gold, notwithstanding he cannot obtain the gold to pay the rent without selling his produce ; and if gold be scarce, and credit consequently restricted, such produce will, with a fixed price for gold, be sold at reduced prices, I contend that gold, like other commodities, should be free to find its price in the market; and that, when notes are presented for payment, the bank should be compelled to pay them in gold or silver, but only at the market- price, which would vary as it did during the late war; so that the price of gold for actual consumption could be as well ascertained as the price of corn or cloth. To adhere to a gold standard of value, is to coerce the wages of labour, and hamper trade. None of the distress of 1825, of 1837, or of 1840, would have occurred, had we not adhered to the gold standard of value. A scarcity of gold in the coffers of the Bank, caused the Directors of that establishment to contract their issue of paper, for the purpose of altering the state of the foreign exchanges. To check the importation of foreign commodities and import gold, was the pro¬ fessed object. Now this could have been better effected, had the price of gold advanced as it became scarce; for then it would have been a commodity to be imported, and would have been paid for in British manufactures, without prejudicing the home-market, while at the same time it would have remunerated the mer¬ chant. Whereas the present system of money makes it necessary to depress trade, by making it no longer beneficial to import goods from abroad; and so to lessen the vahie of our manufactures, as to induce foreigners to purchase, paying for them in gold. The following iinpf»r(anl evidence of the late Mr. Ilolhschild, before the 6 Select Committee of the House of Commons, on the expediency of the resump¬ tion of cash payments by the Bank of England, is in confirmation of the opi¬ nions I entertain of the Currency : “ Through the medium of the war, which continued for 20 years, we have had paper currency. It has given facilities to the war, and to every business on that account; everything has gone smooth, but if you begin to pay in specie, every article will fall so much that there can be no loans. People will be obliged to look first at home, and to think of themselves before they send anything abroad.” Question,—" What do you think would be the effect upon the public, if a further reduction of from £2,000,000 to £3,000,000 of the amount of bank¬ notes, beyond that which has taken place, it now being understood to be £25,000,000 ?” Answer,— "It would make money very scarce, and it will create a great many bankruptcies, and do serious injury ; it will have an effect upon almost every article in the country, if £3,000,000 of bank-notes are taken out of circulation.” Question, —“ What would be the effect of such scarcity of money upon the manufacturers of the country ?” Answer, —" It would be a ruin to the country, in my opinion, if it is done too fast—if it is done all at once.” Question, —" Do you mean, by ruin to the country, ruin to the manufac¬ turers ?” Answer, —" I mean ruin to the country, any one who is connected with any commercial concerns ; not the manufacturers alone, but in every branch; it will be like an electrical machine, it will shake everything.” The late Sir Robert Peel, and other highly influential individuals, enter¬ tained similar views; and now let me ask, could any prophecy have been more literally fulfilled than the foregoing, both as regards the distress, amounting to ruin, amongst commercial men, and the comparative inability to raise loans ; for, although the crisis has been delayed, like the death-strug¬ gles of a strong-constitutioned man, yet it has arrived at last, and will only prove, not the more violent, but the more lastingly injurious, from the delay in applying the remedy. Currency, as Mr. Huskisson observes, “ is the very soul and element of prices,” as it is the life-blood of industry and the seat of power. To issue five millions of money, for the purpose of giving immediate em¬ ployment to the multitude of labourers now in idleness, would stay all distress, notwithstanding a high price for corn; and to diminish government expen¬ diture in public works, to a similar amount, would only increase the evil, though corn were at half its present price. The disease and remedy are to be found in the Currency; and, as with the human body, it is useless to apply blisters and leeches to the head, and poul¬ tices to the feet, to cure a disease of the heart, so it is useless to meddle with the Corn-Laws, or any other laws, for the purpose of curing a disease of Cur¬ rency. Nothing but procuring immediate employment for our labourers, can alleviate the present alarming distresses of the nation. Whatsis more clear in Currency, than to imagine a person in authority—a government—issuing paper-money to destitute labourers, who will readily take it, in payment of wages for working gold mines, in the erection of cities, and in the production of food and clothing; and that the paper so issued amounted to £3,000,000, of which one-third part was for gold, one-third for buildings, and the residue for food and clothing. We have here wealth, the produce of labour, brought into existence, which, had it not been for the cir¬ culating credit given to the paper (intrinsically worth nothing), would never have been created. These notes, to be in circulation, must be in the possession of those who were previously wholly destitute ; and supposing these notes to be all returned for payment, the return would be in the substance represented by the notes, the gold, the buildings, food and clothing; the notes would then be cancelled, 7 and the wealth would become the property of the producers of it, those who were destitute. If, however, gold be constituted the standard of value, it must be the regu¬ lator of the wages of labour; and provided the notes are all to be made pay¬ able in gold, either there should be no notes issued, except for the production of gold, or the price of gold should be permitted to advance, as would the buildings, food, and clothing, if the holders of the three millions of notes should all wish to become purchasers of the buildings, food, and clothing, that had cost but £2,000,000. These views have to a certain extent been carried out in the United States of America, whose general wealth and prosperity is at this time but second to Great Britain ; but instead of producing in the minds of statesmen ideas of what might be done, that by credit only real wealth maybe produced, the present position of America is held up as an example to be avoided of the evils arising out of an extensive issue of paper-money. The policy of the day is to prevent present good being done, that anticipated evil may not arise, rather than seek out the real cause of the evils, and endeavour to avoid them. The derangement of the monetary affairs of America has been caused by attempting to adhere to a gold standard of value, at a period when the drain for that metal for England took place. The prices of all property in America were depreciated in value, as compared with gold, which was fixed by law, but which should have risen in price as it became scarce ; the various banks contracted their issues, and private engagements could not be fulfilled; thus it caused numerous banks to fail: and such would be the case if any foreign nation could obtain from the Bank of England but five millions in gold-then we should be equally open to the charge of having over-issued paper-money. Suppose liberal views of economy to extend themselves, and that landed proprietors (those possessing the richest soils) should adopt the suggestions of the declaimers against high rents, and that they should reduce them to the very lowest rate ; such an act would throw all poor lands (those that pay little or no rent, but yet employ many labourers) out of cultivation. Or, suppose the editor of the Times newspaper, instigated by similar feelings, (considering food for the mind as necessary as food for the body,) to reduce the paper to its lowest possible price,—this would doubtless increase the circulation of the Times, to the ruin of all the other newspapers. Let Messrs. Barclay, Perkins & Co., the eminent brewers, together with the most extensive manufacturers, pursue the same course, and all minor establishments will soon be closed. Apply this rule to the labouring classes, and suppose the most skilful and powerful workmen as willing to submit to a reduction of their wages to the lowest possible existing point, it must be evi¬ dent that (notwithstanding we should have everything cheap) three-fourths of the whole population would be utterly ruined. It is, doubtless, as important to have cheap railroads (roads costing £1,000,000 instead of £5,000,000) as cheap corn ; but ask the excavators on the line if they are willing to admit Irish labourers to work at reduced rates. Ask also the Irish coal-whippers, or ballast-men, if they will admit of low-priced workmen amongst them. Again, ask any mechanic, waterman, &c. if he will admit of others than those brought up as apprentices working at his trade; especially at reduced prices. Unless the hard-working labourer sustains himself by good living, he will shortly fail in the quantity of work he is capable of performing. Let every one apply the cases here set forth to himself, and (if he be an advocate for free trade) he will be sure to discover some special reason why his own particular trade or calling should form an exception to the general depressing or levelling system. How well this has just been exemplified in the passing of the bill for the alteration of the tarifl ! In accordance with the foregoing plan of operations it has been stated, that a statistical inquiry is about to be instituted, for the purpose of ascertaining, to a mathematical certainty, the actual loss the world has sustained at various periods, by the wasteful expenditure of public properly. It will commence with the Pyramids of Egypt, and the great wall of China; it will then eiu.- 8 brace the Cities of Babylon, Athens and Home, with the cost of the Trojan War: the first part will conclude with a distinct account of the expenses of the wars of the Ancients, with the denominated value of the precious metals in circulation among the Persians, Romans, &c. &c. A curious discussion is likely to arise as to whether the loss of property was greater in the building of Babylon, or in the wars of Artaxerxes, seeing that there now remains nothing of the former to show where it stood. It is ex¬ pected that some member of the Antiquarian Society will be able to furnish the requisite information on this head. The second part will comprise the expenditure in the erection of the various cathedrals, churches, universities, bridges, &c. &c. in England, including the defensive towers on our coasts; and it will conclude with the expenses of the holy wars, and all subsequent wars. Some of the members of the proposed Committee of Inquiry, who are all sexagenarians, have expressed a doubt whether the production of gold is a creation of wealth, seeing that the production of stone and other minerals causes its expenditure; and this doubt has given rise to another, viz. whether the erection of national buildings, is a creation or a destruction of wealth. These statistical results will be of inestimable value, surpassing anything of the kind hitherto attempted; and will be a sure guide to all future legisla¬ tors, enabling them to define what is, and what is not, wealth. The Committee will increase their usefulness, by explaining how much richer the nation will be in a century, if we discontinue our annual wasteful expenditure ; the old adage, “ that a shilling saved is a shilling got,” will not be overlooked. It is their intention, also, to show in what shape the money that has been thus lavishly expended would now exhibit itself, had it not been spent.—A wag of our acquaintance asserts, “ that the accumulation of riches, under the above circumstances, would exhibit itself in a mountain of sugar¬ plums ;” but I will leave the question in the hands of the Committee, to be decided as their united wisdom may decree. The following I extract from Voltaire’s Dialogues of the Embellishments of the City of Cachemire : “ Philosopher, —What do you call being rich ?” “Bostangi, —To have much money.” “ Phil. —You deceive yourself; the inhabitants of South America formerly possessed more gold than you will ever have ; but being without industry, they had nothing of that which money can procure; they were really in misery.” “ Bost. —I understand: you make riches to consist in the possession of a fertile land.” “ Phil. —No; for the Tartars of the Ukraine inhabit one of the finest countries in the universe, and are in want of everything. The opulence of a state is like the talents which depend on nature and art. Therefore, the riches consist in the soil and the industry. The richest and most happy people are they who most cultivate the best laud; and the best present that God has given to man is the necessity of working.” “ Bost, —Agreed ; but to do the work in question (embellishing the city of Cachemire), ten thousand men for ten years will be required ; and whence are they to be paid.^” ‘ Phil. —Have you not kept one hundred thousand soldiers in pay during ten years of war ?” “Bost. —It is true; and the state did not appear to be impoverished on that account.” ‘‘ Phil. —What! have you money enough to send an hundred thousand men to be killed, and are unable to give the means of living to ten thousand?” “ Bost. —The case is very different; it costs much less to send a citizen to death than to make a sculptor of him.” “ Phil. —You deceive yourself again ; thirty thousand cavalry alone are much more expensive than ten thousand citizens; and the truth is, that neither the one nor the other are dear when they are employed in their own 9 country. What do you think it cost the ancient Egyptians to build the pyra* raids, and the Chinese to make their grand wall ?—Onions and rice. Were their lands exhausted for having nourished laborious men, instead of fattening the indolent and lazy ?” “ Bost. —You push me hard, but I am not convinced. Philosophy reasons, but custom acts,” &c. &c. &c. A kingdom, such as England, may be likened to a steam-engine, whose only office is to pump water and raise coals for its own use, disposing only of so much of the coal, in exchange for oil and tallow, as may be absolutely re¬ quired. The engine is in itself one of the most perfect kind, pumping, how¬ ever, more water, and raising more coal, than is required for the boiler in sup¬ plying the steam. A mountain of coal is in process of formation, and the waste water is constantly flooding the works, consequently something must be done to check the evil. The experiment of working the engine short time has been tried, and is vet in operation; but as the consumption of coal and water is not equal to the supply, the heap of coal and inundation still increases. The engineer. Sir Robert Peel, appears to consider that the engine with its machinery is too per¬ fect and too effective in its operations, and is ready to aid his indefatigable stoker, Joseph Hume, in economising the fuel, and thus punishing the boiler, by supplying it with dirty water, and feeding the fire under it with cinders from a neighbouring engine, m exchange for coals, and stinting it of water used for condensing the steam; and by these means they reckon they will remedy the complaint of over-production. It appears to me that, as this engine has no other work to perform than what conduces to its own benefit, it ought, under the foregoing circumstances, to be for ever stopped working, or some measures adopted for getting rid of the excess of coals and water. This cannot be effected by the engineer and stoker cooking their steaks under the boiler, and boiling their vegetables in the steam from the engine, in lieu of using the coals and water in their own fire-place. The working of the engine keeps it in good order, and the greater the con¬ sumption of water and coals for this particular description of boiler (the labourers), the better its condition; but it cannot be called an economical boiler, such an one as the engineer and stoker would recommend. A number of knowing engineers have been consulted as to the best mode of preventing any further accumulation of coals and water; but, like their chief, they all appear to be in favour of making the engine less effective, and give no attention to increasing or making the boiler more expensive in the consumption of this excess. As, however, spontaneous combustion has broken out, they hope that the accumulation of coals (riches), will shortly be consumed, and the water dried up, BO that the engine may again be set fully to work. The disappearance of the accumulated riches of the country appears to be matter of congratulation. But to resume my subject, which by ray long digression I fear may be lost sight of—Whilst the people are suffering unprecedented distress, let them not imagine that by depressing others they can save themselves ; nor let the manufacturers suppose that by depressing the agriculturists themselves will be benefited. How often do we hear the advocates for the abolition of the Corn-Laws declaim against those dependent on agriculture, for wearing foreign silks, satins, gloves, shoes, &c., and how feelingly do they appeal to them in behalf of the poor Spitalfields’ Weavers, and the Manufacturers of Paisley; and how promptly are the calls answered, and how fully are meetings attended by those appealed to, dressed in the manufactures of those particular places. Reduce the price of corn, and you throw the poor lands (that pay little or no rent) out of cultivation, but which give employment to more men (the heads of families) than do all the cotton, silk, wool, and Jiax mills combined. What more can be urged in favour of the poor Spitalfields’ Weavers, as competitors of those more favourably located at Macclesfield, than in favour 10 of the labourers employed on poor lands, as competitors of those on more fertile soils ? Would the same charitable feeling be displayed by the manufacturing interests, if agricultural distress should be prevalent in Scotland and Ireland, consequent on the consumption of bread made from foreign wheat ? It is assumed that a high price for British goods will check their exportation, and such will be the case whilst we adhere to the gold standard; but, pro¬ vided we will give a correspondingly high price for what the foreigner has to sell, trade will not be checked. “ All trade is barter.” Those who contend that the advocates for the abandonment of the gold standard of value are justifying an act of dishonesty, can only arrive at such a conclusion from their total ignorance of the first principles of political economy, and which ignorance is the standard of value of their opinions. It is iniquitous to contend that there can be surplus population, when at the same time it is asserted that the nation is suffering from over-production. It is accusing Providence of having created man without providing for him the means of support, and also of having produced an excess of commodities beyond a demand. Our monetary system, in addition to the evils it entails on us, has spread ruin and distress throughout the whole world: no foreigner can purchase British goods one day, without being undersold the following; and having been encouraged to cultivate and produce various articles for our use, a sudden contraction of our circulation, for the purpose of regulating the ex¬ changes, stops his trade, and ruins him. Let all those who advocate doctrines which they imagine should take pre¬ cedence of the question of the Currency, put forth their opinions with a state¬ ment of their case; otherwise let all combine to have that subject taken into consideration. It is much to be regretted that any allusion to an alteration or inquiry into the Currency, a subject generally admitted not to be understood, should create in the House of Commons a sneer, or a laugh. The following imaginary trial, printed some months past, but never pub¬ lished, will show the benefits which might result from the operations of paper- money, notwithstanding the prejudices against its extended introduction. COURT OF QURSN’S BENCH. THE EAST INDIA COMPANY, versus LORD STENLEE. This interesting case, which has of late occupied so much of the public attention, was decided yesterday before the Chief-Justice. There were for the Plaintiffs, the Attorney and Solicitor-general; and for the Defendant, Mr. Sergeant Doall and Mr. Helpum. It was an action brought by the Directors of the Honourable the East India Company against Lord Stenlee, late Governor-general of India, for the mal-administration of the Company’s affairs whilst under his government. The charges set forth were:— 1st.—His having knowingly given employment to a vast number of desti¬ tute natives, whereby the wages of labour advanced, to the prejudice of the interests of the Company. 2d.—His having issued an immense amount of paper-money, not payable in gold at the fixed price of £3 17s. lOfd. per oz. 3d.—That having so put into circulation paper-money, he did (for the pur¬ pose of preventing it from becoming depreciated in value) cause it to be funded, and by so doing, he created a National Debt, amounting to £2,000,000,000; to pay the interest on which, it became necessary greatly to increase the taxes. 4th.—His having opened communications by land and water throughout India, by which he has created in the natives a desire to extend their knowledge, and caused in them a disposition to consume more of the comforts of life; to gratify which, it became necessary to increase the wages of labour, which thus made the products of their labour more costly. The Attorney-general opened the case by stating that the Defendant had been appointed to the high situation of Govenor-general of India in the year 1842, and that he continued to fill the important duties of the ofiice until the year 1861, when, from certain information obtained by the Board of Direc¬ tors, they were induced to apply to H. M. Government, for the recall of that nobleman, and the present action was instituted at the suit of the Court of Directors, and with the sanction and approbation of H. M. Government. He stated that he should not trouble the jury with a tedious detail of facts, but proceed at once to call his witnesses. The first witness called was John Knowing, Stated that he had filled the situation of Secretary to Lord Stenlee whilst in India. Is well acquainted with the country, where great distress used to exist, and where the wages of labour were very low previous to the year 1843. Remembers Lord Stenlee directing inquiries to be made into the condition of the labouring classes. Is quite certain the Governor-general issued orders for the formation of railroads, the excavation of canals, and the erection of national storehouses throughout India. Knows that the same were constructed. That the wages of labour in 20 years increased amazingly, in many cases from 100 to 1,000 per cent., or from 1 rupee to 10 rupees per week. A rupee is worth about 2 shillings. 12 Remembers hearing Lord Stenlee remark, that he did not know why (if India was capable of providing the commodities) the labouring classes should not be as well paid, and provided, as those in England. Attributes the alteration in the condition of the people to the issues of paper-money. Considers that an extended paper circulation stimulates production. Is certain that the introduction of paper-money has not only caused an increased production, but has also created an increased consumption of commodities. Has no doubt but that the people who used to stop at home, because they had not the means of going abroad, are now enabled, from their increased means, to travel in steam-boats and on railroads. The number of steam-boats in India have been yearly greatly increasing, and they are constantly filled with passengers and goods. The railway trains run much more frequently. Cross-examined by Mr. Sergeant Doall ;—Will swear that the wages of labour did advance, and great difficulty was experienced in obtaining workmen. Never heard the people complain of not being able to obtain work, or of not being well paid since the year 1843. Is certain that as the people received more money, so also they spent more. Is certain that the prices of goods advanced in consequence of the increased demand for them. Does not think the prices of goods would have risen (notwithstanding the advance that had taken place in the wages of labour), if there had not been a demand and ready sale for the articles. Has often heard people complain of not being able to buy cheap, when those same persons were selling their own labour and produce dear. The purchases of the lines of railroads and canals, and the land for the national storehouses, were made when the nominal value of property in India was very low. Great part of the works were completed when the wages of labour were not more than two rupees per week. When many of the railroads were first completed, the returns were not sufficient to pay more than one per cent. ; but from the increased amount of money in circulation amonst all classes, and from the prodigious quantities of goods that are now conveyed on the lines of railway, they pay five per cent, as the interest on the outlay. Remembers that, previous to the year 1843, no great accumulation of rice and other commodities took place; and that there were no large storehouses in which goods could be deposited. Is quite aware that the people were frequently starved to death (during bad seasons), which checked population, prior to the year 1843. Is fearful, under the present system, the population will increase. Every large town has its storehouse filled with rice, and other produce, sufficient for two years’ consumption. Attributes this to the paper issues, which have stimulated and created this over-production. Ardaseer Cursetjee examined :—Is a native of Delhi, where he carries on business as a merchant and banker. Could obtain as many labourers as he pleased, in 1842, at one rupee, or 2s. per week ; is now compelled to pay five rupees, or 10s. per week. Could formerly live cheaper, and produce articles at less co.st, than he can nowt There were very few merchants in Delhi, in 1842; there are now ten times as many. Notwithstanding there are more merchants, he does much more business than he did in 1842 ; and is, consequently, compelled to keep more labourers, and pay them higher wages. Sees people go into the bazaars, in India, and purchase articles they for¬ merly could not afford to buy, and thinks it melancholy to see such extravagance. 13 Admits that he lives in a better house than he did formerly, and that he keeps a carriage; but that he invests annually, out of his savings, £5,000 in the East India funds. Remembers the condition of India before the issue of paper-money. The people were unemployed and destitute. Remembers orders being received, at Delhi, to employ 8,000 labourers in the construction of a railroad. Knows there was some diflBculty in obtaining so many. Is certain that, after these men were engaged to work on the railroad, no beggars were to be seen, and labourers became very scarce, and demanded higher wages. Thinks the labourers on the railroads were the first year paid one rupee and a-half per week, or 12,000 rupees weekly for the 8,000 men ; but that the wages have annually increased, and that the weekly payments, in 1861, amounted to 40,000 rupees for the same number of people. Knows that these men spent their wages in Delhi, and thus caused a greatly increased demand for everything. To supply this increased demand required more labourers, which added to the previous deficiency. The wages paid weekly to these labourers were in small notes, issued by himself in exchange for exchequer-bills of £50 each, which were sent to the contractor at Delhi. The labourers did not object to receive the paper-money. The paper-money was of no other use to the labourers than to spend. The shopkeepers did not refuse to take the paper-money from the labourers, otherwise they would have lost their customers. The government had not gold or silver to give the people, consequently, if they had refused to take the paper, they could not have been employed ; and they would have returned to their former state of idleness and misery. The government could no doubt have issued small notes instead of exchequer-bills. Those who spent the paper-money caused an increased demand for com¬ modities ; whilst those who did not spend it invested it in the savings’-bank or the funds. Cross-examined by Mr. Sergeant Doall :—Never heard of people refusing to receive government paper-money, in any country, although he has heard that it has been depreciated in value. Is aware that there are some gold and silver mines in India. Has been told that it is not profitable to work them. Presumes that, if the wages of labour be increased, that either the price of the metal would be increased, or the mines would cease to be worked. Has had communication with the proprietors of gold mines in Peru, and is informed they yield little or no profit. The labourers in these mines are very poorly fed and clothed. Cannot be belter fed and clothed without making the product more costly. If the paper-money had not been issued in India, there would not have been any alteration in the wages of labour, consequently the product of labour would not have altered. Is not certain that paper-money was not issued for the purpose of stimula¬ ting labourers to produce the precious metals, as well as other commodities. Should be sorry to see any change in the government of India. Thinks, if the British authority were overthrown, that the National Debt would be swept away, and that he should lose his money. Thinks this is the opinion of all those who have invested their monev in the savings’-banks, knowing it to have been funded. Would lend his utmost support to uphold the British Government, and would sacrifice one half his funded debt to save the other half, if the Empire were to be invaded by any foreign power. [Numerous other witnesses were called, but their evidence added but little to the information given.] 14 Mr. Sergeant Doali. then addressed the Jury on behalf of the Defendant. He observed, that his worthy friend, the Attorney-general, had laboured hard to prove that Lord Stenlee had been guilty of all the grave charges against him. Now it was not his intention to dispute the correctness of these charges, for he had been instructed by his noble client to admit them, but he contended that no evil had resulted from the course pursued by the' Governor-general, and that he had not been actuated by selfish motives. He (Sergeant Doall) did not pretend to say whether the measures adopted by Lord Stenlee were the best for carrying into effect his intentions, but he nevertheless contended that under any circumstances much good had resulted from them. Lord Stenlee, when he went to India, was not enslaved by the custom or opinions of others, neither was his mind grovelling amongst little things; his object was to aggrandize the British name, and to minister to the comfort and happiness of his fellow-creatures. On Lord Stenlee’s arrival in India, he found an empire, the richest in the world, capable of producing every luxury that could gratify the taste and appetite of man, a great wilderness, containing a population of upwards of 100,000,000 of inhabitants, in a state of barbarism, and without provision for either the mind or body. In confir¬ mation of a part of this, he would quote the observations of a former Gover¬ nor-general of India in 1826 :—“ Terrible are the accounts of the wretchedness of the poor Indian weavers, reduced to absolute starvation.”—“ Numbers of them died of hunger.”—“ The present suffering of the numerous classes in India is scarcely to be paralleled in the history of commerce.” What could be more deplorable than such a state of things ? could any act of the Gover¬ nor-general have made them worse ; how then was Lord Stenlee to relieve this distress, and how did he effect it? His object was to improve the condition of the people, to strengthen the hands of government, to extend the adminis¬ tration of justice, and to make available to the world the hidden and amazing resources of the Indian empire. Without money in the Exchequer, he could not have given employment to the labouring population, and to collect a sufficient revenue for the purpose, he must have commenced by cruelly oppressing the people in quadrupling the taxes. What then was the course pursued by Lord Stenlee ? On his own respon¬ sibility, and without any personal benefit, he had issued a sufficient amount of paper-money, to provide employment for all who were willing to work. It was not given, except for work done, or in the course of execution, a quid pro quo was obtained for all that was issued, whether for the construction of rail¬ roads, canals, or storehouses. The debt was not like that of England, which (although necessary) left little or no evidence of its having been expended. He (Sergeant Doall) contended that the paper-money had been the means of providing food and clothing for the (otherwise) destitute of India for the last twenty years, and that no person during that period had cause to complain of want of employment, or of insufficiency of wages. He admitted that the prices of commodities had advanced ; but he contended, notwithstanding such being the case, the consumption had increased in a still greater ratio. He observed, “ we have now the power of communicating from one extreme of India to the other in the course of four days, and may go from Calcutta to Delhi in three days, a journey which formerly occupied a month ; in addition to which, we have the products of the interior, and the immensely-increased imports from England and other countries, conveyed with the same rapidity to any situation where they may be in demand. Was this of no importance ? had the railroads and canals proved of no benefit to the country ?” He (Ser¬ geant Doall), however, did not confine the benefits referred to as the only good that had resulted from the government of Lord Stenlee, he was prepared to prove that the British power in India had been more firmly established. What said Cursetjee ? Why, he tells you that he is attached to the British Government from selfish motives, that he will support the British empire, because there is a national debt, and that he has an interest in it. 15 There was nothing very extraordinary in this attachment of Cursetjee to Great Britain, but he much questioned if it would have been equally strong if no funded debt had existed. The learned Sergeant then proceeded to draw a comparison between the former and present condition of India. He described the country in 1842 as being without railroads, canals, or store¬ houses, and without any accumulation of riches; he admitted that the wages of labour were low, and commodities cheap ; but, he added, the demand for them was proportionably small. It would, doubtless, be urged that in 1842 the taxes were light; this he was ready to admit, but the means of paying them was comparatively nothing. In 1862, Lord Stenlee was recalled, and he left India full of riches, it signified not to him (Sergeant Doall) whether they had been created through the instrumentality of a metallic or paper currency ; all he knew was, that they had been created—that they were the produce of labour, and consequently that labourers had been employed to produce them. He would admit that a large debt had been contracted, but it had strengthened the hands of government; and as to the taxes, he was certain they were not oppressive ; for, notwithstanding what the people were called upon to pay, they had added (from their surplus means) to their comforts and luxuries. He would suppose the government to cancel the National Debt, it would surely not be urged that India had not been benefited. A vast popu¬ lation, depending on the interest of the debt, would doubtless be ruined ; but the mere act of striking-ofF the debt would not cause the railroads, canals, and storehouses with the riches deposited therein, to melt away. The labouring classes, who had tasted the comforts and luxuries of life for twenty years, might be again reduced to a state of idleness and misery; but they would not be worse off than they were in 1842, neither did it detract from the benefits they had received. His worthy friend, the Attorney-general, would probably wish to know if there was never to be an end to the contraction of a National Debt ? He would answer that question. Lord Stenlee never contemplated a larger debt than that contracted; he thought it sufficiently large to interest the whole population of India in supporting the British government. It might also be asked, how, if the debt ceased to be increased, the people would continue to be employed? It was a fair question, and one from which he would not shrink. Whilst the debt was accumulating, the government became debtors, and the public the creditors; and, as Ardaseer Cursetjee had informed them, he, amongst many others, had become a creditor to the extent of £5,000 per annum. The National Debt was no more than a large savings’-bauk, the Directors of which had determined that it should not further extend its business by receiving new deposits ; not, however, object¬ ing to the transfer of stock from one person to another. Under such circum¬ stances, what could Ardaseer Cursetjee do with his savings, presuming he tras able to realize any. Now he (Sergeant Doall) contended that Lord Stenlee was not to blame (if the people were not employed) because he did not think fit to increase the National Debt, and that this money of Ardaseer Cursetjee, and others (to the exact amount of that expended by government), should be employed in giving occupation to the people, and that the expendi¬ ture of individuals should take the place of that of the government. He (Sergeant Doall) had been desirous of calling a witness (Amicus Populi), but he could perceive that there was no disposition to receive his testimony- It might, probably, occur to some of the Jury, that distress arose from over¬ production; such, indeed, was supposed to be the case in England; nothing however, appeared to him (Serjeant Doall) so unreasonable. He would ask whether distress arose from not having commodities to consume, or from not having consumers for them ? The remedy proposed is to dmm/s/i pro¬ duction ; if then the people again become employed, they will produce more than there is demand for. He was of opinion that the government should rather encourage increased domestic consumption for what was produced, than recommend diminished production to correspond with a declining home trade; nothing could enable the labouring classes to consume more, whilst the prices of the products of labour were kept down by the price of gold being 16 fixed at £3 17s. lO^d. per oz. He had hoped to have seen Messrs. Me. Cul- i.ocH Loyd and Norman in the witness-box, as he liad some questions to ask them, but he was disappointed. He (Sergeant Doall) should con¬ clude by observing that much good had been done by the creation of the debt, the resources of the country had been opened and made known, and it was unjust, because the Governor-general did not think fit further to increase the debt by employing the whole population of India, to attribute to him the distress amongst the unemployed labourers. He requested the Gentlemen of the Jury would consider whether the charges brought against Lord Stenlee (if proved) had been to the prejudice of the Indian Empire; and, if they had not, he relied on a verdict for the Defendant. Baron Judge summed up in few words, and the Jury, without retiring, returned a verdict for the Plaintiffs, damages £- It has been reported that the Defendant intends to appeal to a higher tribunal, but we think it doubtful, as Judge Peel presides there, and it is well known he has frequently expressed his opinion openly on the subject, and it is feared that he has been influenced and has prejudged the case. The foregoing has been written for the purpose of stimulating those to think who have hitherto been enslaved and biassed by the opinions of others. Let them read what I have written, and if in their views I am in error, let them explain, and give me the benefit of their thoughts, if not let them promote an inquiry into the Currency. The National Debt, taken literally^ is a debt contracted in shoes, stockings, army accoutrements, military and naval stores, &c. &c., equal to a certain value; and, if in existence, would form a stock of what is mis-termed over¬ production. If, however, we suppose the debt to be in money (gold), and that £800,000,000 of sovereigns should be discovered in the Treasury, such an amount of specie would be equally an article of over-production, and if brought into circulation would cause the price of labour and all commodities to advance so enormously, that persons with fixed incomes would be utterly ruined, and we should find our condition (although without a National Debt) in no respect improved. Since writing the foregoing, the accounts received from the various manu¬ facturing districts are stated to be more satisfactory, and there is a prevailing opinion that Trade is about to revive. Be not however deceived, persons entertaining views in accordance with those of the ministry will doubtless become speculators in merchandize, and consequently a partial revival in trade will take place; but notwithstanding a most abundant harvest, a reaction, in my opinion, must occur within a few months, and probably the agricul¬ tural interests will be involved in the general distress. There may be specu¬ lation, but there cannot be any settled demand for produce for actual consumption, until a wholesome system iS restored, by giving constant employ¬ ment, at remunerating wages, to the labouring population. PINTS. \V. Lewis anit Son, Printers, 21, Finch-lane, Comhill.