HISTORY of THE ILLINOIS STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR *" «* "> Eugene \ Social Science Studies LI B R.AFLY OF THE UNIVERSITY Of ILLI NOIS 331.88 A1I46S C0D.3 111. H St. Surv Oc^A^/r^ Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2012 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign http://www.archive.org/details/historyofillinoiOOstal SOCIAL SCIENCE STUDIES DIRECTED BY THE LOCAL COM- MUNITY RESEARCH COMMITTEE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO NUMBER XV THE S( )( I AL SCIENCE STUDIES art- an expression of com- munity of interests of the social sciences. The publication of these Studies is one of the results of a comprehensive pro- gram of research which DAS been undertaken by a group or con- ference of departments. The formation of this conference is an out- growth of the belief that the social sciences should engage more actively and systematically in co-operative consideration of their problems and methodology. This does not imply any diminution of interest in the development of their special fields. The Studies, there- fore, are to include the results of Scientific investigations usually associated with the fields of each of the participating departments. But they will also include the results of joint investigations of several or all of these departments as well as studies in related fields. i.-m m. Commi urn Rani \u< ■ Cosnfrrrai H. A. Mm. is Department «»f I Bam -i I >. Bi at Department of Bodol . ('. B. Mkuuiam I), p.irtni.-nt of Political S< icner M. NY. Jkun}.(. w I >- -p. rt iii.-i.t ol Hiitory T. V. Smith l >. pirtnu-nt of PUoeophy Kdith Abboi i Graduate School of Social Srrvic* Administration L D. Warn, Executive Secretary HISTORY OF THE ILLINOIS STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR rei i NivsRsm 01 Chicago puss ( HICAGO, ILLINOI9 THL BAKER * TATLOB ( "MI'JM TUB* Till UK< UH.l.K-i < 'HM\r OF CANADA, IIMITED TOB' THE CAMBRIDGE I NIVEBA1TT PRESS *i?t.ons University of Hlinu. COMPOSED BT BEST-WAY TYPESETTING CO. UNION LABEL LICENSE NO. 550 PRINTED AND BOUND BY THE P.OBERT O. LAW CO. CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, U. S. A. 91 (X l il .Co * V: . PREFACE This study aims to reveal the purposes, the problems, the methods, and something of the accomplishments of the state federation of labor as we find it in the American labor move- ment of today. It does so by tracing in detail the develop- ment of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, admittedly a leader in its field. For purposes of exposition this history is divided into three parts or periods, covering about fifteen years each. The concluding chapter is a brief summary. A legislative summary included within each part brings together the main legislative developments in the history of the Illinois State Federation of Labor for that period. For the convenience of those who wish to follow the attitude of the organization on particular topics a uniform scheme of classification has been used throughout these legislative summaries. The classification adopted is explained in the introductory chapter. A general note on sources and method appears in Ap- pendix A, and sources are indicated throughout in the foot- notes. Appendix B presents some tables and charts showing the attendance at Illinois State Federation of Labor conventions (with something of its composition by trade and kinds of organizations), the relative strength of Chicago and down- state representation in the conventions, and the yearly in- come of the Federation. ., K Appendix C compares the Illinois State Federation of Labor with other state federations of labor. This study is one of a series carried out under the auspices of the Local Community Research Committee at the Uni- vii viii PREFACE versity of Chicago. I gratefully acknowledge my obligation to that organization and to the Rockefeller Foundation. The unstinted, friendly, and intelligent co-operation of Victor A. Olander, the fine-spirited secretary-treasurer of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, has made the work of completing this history not only much more effective but much more pleasant than it could possibly have been without his aid. Throughout this investigation he has shown a will- ingness to answer questions fully and fair-mindedly; he has extended the aid of his office in numerous ways; and he has gone over the manuscript with care, making many valuable suggestions and corrections. He has never, however, at- tempted to force his own opinions upon the writer, nor to interfere with the writer's own freedom of interpretation. I desire to express my thanks to the many other persons within and without the trade-union movement who have been generous with their time and stores of information. The debt this history owes to them can be inferred from the many interviews cited in the footnotes. The debt of gratitude which I am most happy to acknowl- edge is that to my teacher and counselor, Professor H. A. Millis, of the University of Chicago, who suggested this pro- ject in the beginning and gave kindly and unfailing advice and encouragement during its prosecution. Eugene Staley Chicago March, 1929 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Introduction 1 PART I. THE PERIOD 1884-97 Chapter I. The Seamen's Hall Convention 17 II. The First Legislative Victory 41 III. Structural Development, 1884-97 ...... 47 IV. Disrupting Forces of the Eighties 59 V. Actors of the Nineties 84 VI. The Plot Thickens 100 VII. The Denoument 120 VIII. Platforms and Legislative Methods, 1884-97 . . . 140 IX. Legislative Summary, 1884-97 150 PART II. THE PERIOD 1898-1913 X. Growth and Purification 179 XI. Further Constitutional Development 200 XII. Non-Legislative Activities 218 XIII. Legislative Methods, 1898-1913 230 XIV. An Early Purpose Achieved (Convict Labor) . . . 238 XV. Employers' Liability or Workmen's Compensation? . 247 XVI. Legislative Summary, 1898-1913 261 XVII. Legislative Summary, 1898-1913— Continued ... 281 PART III. THE PERIOD 1914-29 XVIII. Leadership, Growth, and Constitutional Develop- ment, 1914-29 307 XIX. Operating Agencies of the Illinois State Federation of Labor 323 XX. Non-Legislative Activities 333 XXI. The War and the Reaction 346 XXII. Independent Political Action — A Labor Party . .361 ix x TABLE OF CONTENTS XXIII. William Z. Foster and the Left Wing 391 XXIV. Legislative Methods, 1914-29 406 XXV. The Constitution of Illinois 427 XX VI. Injunction Limitation; "Yellow-Dog" Contracts . 449 XXVII. Legislative Summary, 1914-28 474 XXVIII. Legislative Summary, 1914-28— Con tinued .... 503 PART IV. SUMMARY XXIX. A Brief Summary 543 APPENDIXES Appendix A. Note on Soirces and Method 549 B. The Growth of the Illinois State Federation of Labor . 554 C. A Comparison with Other State Federations of Labor . .561 D. Officers of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, 1884- 1929 ><>7 INDEX Index 569 INTRODUCTION The activities of a state federation of labor may be divided into two classes, according to whether they are essen- tially legislative or non-legislative. Within the first and most important class, directed to its task of securing favorable legislation, the state federation of labor performs four related functions. In the first place, it determines legislative objec- tives. This is done in its delegate conventions, guided by its officers and committees. Second, it performs a function of concentration, focusing upon the legislature whatever public sentiment exists in favor of its views on public policy. A lobbying organization, backed up by political activities, is the focusing device. A third function is that of public per- suasion. Not only must sentiment which already exists in favor of its demands be brought to the attention of the legis- lature, but new public sentiment must be created to support the program of organized labor. It may be remarked that the state federation of labor seems to be more effective in its function of concentration than in that of public persuasion; it seems to focus existing sentiment, especially that gathered from the trade unions, more efficiently than it creates new sentiment in the public mind. Finally, once a labor law is enacted the state federation of labor undertakes a fourth function, the function of vigilance, watching over the admin- istration and adjudication of the law. The non-legislative functions of the state federation of labor are three. It strengthens trade unions from within, by organization work, by assisting in collective bargaining and trade disputes, by promoting harmonious relations between unions, and by maintaining morale. Second, it strengthens trade unions from without by seeking to better the public 2 INTRODUCTION relations of organized labor. The third non-legislative func- tion is that of the education of the individual unionist. Some state federations consciously undertake this function and sponsor workers' education classes; all discharge it to some extent through their annual conventions. State federation conventions are in many respects trade-union schools. A further word must be said about the first legislative function, that of determining legislative objectives. This is performed in accordance with two principles which lie at the root of the philosophy of all labor federations — local, state, and national — formed by the co-operation of independent and autonomous trade organizations. One of these is a prin- ciple of reciprocal reinforcement, which on matters of specific interest to particular trades operates to throw the political power of the entire movement behind the legislative demands of each individual union. When the building trades seek a new safety law, the miners and the teamsters and the printers back their demands, and each of these groups, in its turn, receives support for its projects from all the others. In effect, the state federation of labor operates as an amplifier or loud speaker for magnifying the voice of each of its affiliated or- ganizations. On matters of general interest, a second prin- ciple, that of the "greatest common measure," 1 comes into play. The program of the federation must be confined within the limits of those aims to which all, or nearly all, can agree. This is necessary because a federation is a loose association built not on compulsory adherence to the will of the majority but on voluntary co-operation. What sort of legislative objectives does the state federa- tion of labor seek? The system of classification adopted for use in the legislative summaries throughout this book, while primarily a device for convenience in exposition, may also 1 The term is borrowed from Sidney and Beatrice Webb. INTRODUCTION 3 serve to throw light on this point. It is given in outline in the footnote below. 1 Under I are grouped those legislative matters which relate rather directly to the worker and his job. Here we see 1 The reader interested in following the development of the Illinois State Federation of Labor's policy on any particular topic may do so by looking under the appropriate heading in the legislative summaries for each period of its history: I. RELATING TO THE WOBKEB AND HIS JOB A. The workday and the work week B. Payment of wages (truck, screening, liens, etc.) C. Health, safety, and comfort (factory and mine legislation) D. Accident compensation (employers' liability, workmen's compensation) E. Child labor F. Women in industry (hours, minimum wage) G. Employment, unemployment H. Occupational disease I. Old age pensions J. Health insurance; mothers' pensions K. Public employees II. REGULATION OF COMPETITION A. Craft protection (license and qualification laws, apprenticeship, etc.) B. Convict labor C. Immigration and alien labor III. RELATING TO LABOR'S ECONOMIC WEAPONS A. Legal status of trade unions and their methods (conspiracy, incorporation, "iron clad," or "yellow dog," contract, boycotts, protection of labels) B. The injunction in labor disputes C. Settlement of disputes (arbitration, mediation) D. Regulation of disputes (policing, militia, private detectives, state constabulary) IV. RELATING TO LABOR'S POLITICAL WEAPONS A. Ballot reform (women's suffrage, direct primary, etc.) B. Initiative, referendum, recall; direct legislation C. The legislature (House and Senate rules, unicameral proposal) D. Administrative agencies (Department of Labor, Bureau of Statistics, general administration) E. The courts F. Constitutional revision V. MORE GENERAL COMMUNITY MEASURES A. Education and schools (free texts, compulsory attendance, vocational, Boy Scouts, military training, university) B. Taxation (land monopoly, constitutional tax amendments) C. Public utilities D. Miscellaneous legislative issues: Co-operative law Housing Gambling in food products Postal savings Waterways and roads Pure'foods Free.coinage, etc. 4 INTRODUCTION organized labor seeking to better the conditions of its mem- bers in factory, mine, and shop, by invoking the direct aid of the state through the method of legal enactment. The reader should note in the course of this history not only the variety and extent of legislation of this sort actually secured since the organization of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, but also certain significant changes in the desires of the trade- union movement itself — for example, on such topics as the legal limitation of the working day. Under II the subjects treated have to do with the regula- tion of competition — regulation, that is, by legal enactment. By means discussed under this head organized labor attempts to establish statutory qualifications for entry into various crafts, thereby enhancing the dignity, promoting the safety, or increasing the bargaining strength of those crafts. Other proposals included in this topic are designed to preserve the demand for certain lines of labor (for example, against such eventualities as changes in technique, illustrated by the one- man street car) ; still others aim to protect the market for the products of certain crafts from competition outside the con- trol of any trade union (convict labor); and still others seek to regulate the supply of labor in general (immigration restriction). Under III in the legislative summaries appears a class of legislative matters which have been given paramount im- portance in late years by the Illinois State Federation of Labor — those relating to labor's economic weapons. Organized labor has other methods than that of legal enactment for improving the condition of the worker on the job and for regulating competition. These include organization and col- lective bargaining, enforced by the strike, the boycott, and use of the union label, with occasional resort to other mean-,. such as producers' or consumers' co-operation. These eco- nomic weapons gain or lose tremendously in effectiveness INTRODUCTION 5 according as the rules of the game laid down by the political state to regulate their use are favorable or unfavorable. It makes a difference whether trade unions are conspiracies in the eyes of the law, whether "yellow dog" contracts can or cannot be upheld by the injunction process, what attitude the state takes toward arbitration, and who controls the police. Hence the importance of this third type of legislation. The fourth class of legislative issues taken up by the Illinois State Federation of Labor has to do with the machin- ery of government. Just as the rules of the game may impair or augment the effectiveness of labor's economic weapons, so the effectiveness of its political weapons is affected by the suffrage laws, direct or indirect selection of candidates, the powers and rules of the legislature, administrative and court procedures, and the general provisions of the state constitu- tion. So under IV are grouped those legislative issues relating to labor's political weapons. It must be remarked that many of the reforms in the machinery of government advocated by the Federation of Labor should not be interpreted merely as devices for the increase of the political power of organized labor ; that would be too narrow a view. Trade unionists are not only trade unionists, but citizens, interested not only in bettering the political representation of organized labor — though, of course, that is an important and legitimate object — but also in perpetuating democratic institutions for the benefit of the wider community of ordinary people. Likewise, classification V reveals the broader sphere of interest of the state federation of labor. Here are grouped more general community measures relating to such subjects as education and schools, taxation, public utilities, housing, savings banks, and pure food — all matters in which organized workers are vitally interested, not primarily as wage-earners or trade unionists, but as members of a wider community. 6 INTRODUCTION ILLINOIS LABOR LEGISLATION IN 1884 In order to appreciate the significant developments in labor legislation which the Illinois State Federation of Labor has helped to bring about, we must pause here to reflect on the status of Illinois labor law at the time of its organization. The initial convention of the Illinois State Federation of Labor met in Seamen's Hall, Chicago, in 1884. Illinois was the third most important manufacturing state in the Union, yet it had no state factory inspection whatever. Save for one act passed in 1869, providing that dangerous shafting should be boxed, the only legislation which pertained to the health or safety of workers applied exclusively to coal mines. The mining law dealt with escapement shafts, ventilation, signal systems, safe hoisting apparatus, and the like, but it was in- adequately enforced and ineffective. A state inspector of mines and five district inspectors were established in 1883 in an attempt to make the law operative, and the same General Assembly yielded to the demands of the miners for a law under which they would be entitled to furnish checkweigh- men. But nothing had been done about the abuses connected with the screening of coal and "truck" payment through company stores. The safety regulations were still far from perfect, and of course there was no provision for shot-firers and no Miners' Qualification Law. 1 The employment of children at any age and for any hours was perfectly legal in Illinois when the State Federation of Labor came into existence, except that children under four- teen might not work in mines and their employment on the stage or in acrobatics was regulated. There was no compul- sory education law. Likewise, the hours and conditions of 1 Consult on all these legislative matters Earl R. Beckner, The History of Illinois Labor Legislation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929). INTRODUCTION 7 labor for women in industry had never received the attention of the legislature. 1 Workmen's compensation laws were unheard of in the eighties. The victim of an industrial accident might sue his employer for damages, but there was little chance of success in most cases, especially since the three common-law defenses of contributory negligence, assumption of risk, and the fellow-servant rule could be invoked. Illinois did have a law, enacted in 1867 at the height of the eight-hour enthusiasm created by the teachings of Ira Steward, to the effect that eight hours should constitute a legal day's work. This statute is still on the books today but has never had any effect whatever. 2 A Mechanics' Lien Law, first passed in 1824 and afterward amended many times, together with a provision in the Garnishment Law exempting a small amount of wages from attachment, comprised the legislation relating to wages. The State of Illinois followed the practice of letting the labor of convicts in its two penitentiaries at Joliet and Chester by contract to the highest bidders — commonly at extremely low rates, such as fifty cents a day. The con- tractors were thus enabled to place the products of such labor on the market at ruinously competitive prices, thereby work- ing "an injustice alike to the manufacturer and to the honest workingmen of the State, against which they make constant and earnest protest." 3 No problem received more frequent and lengthy consideration at the hands of the Illinois State 1 Except that women could not be employed in mines. 2 It merely makes eight hours a legal day's work where there is no special agreement to the contrary. The courts hold that the fact of a longer workday implies such an agreement. Furthermore, the act allows any number of hours of overtime work, by agreement, and there is no method of enforcement. — Centennial History of Illinois III, 368-71; Commons and Associates, History of Labour in the United States II, 108; Illinois, Public Laws (1867), 101. 3 Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, Report (1882), p. 258. 8 INTRODUCTION Federation of Labor in its early years than that of convict labor. The Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, established in 1879, represented one bit of labor legislation already achieved by organized labor. It had been created after the Socialistic Labor party of Chicago, supported by the votes of trade unionists, had elected three representatives and one senator to the legislature in 1878. J Finally, what of the legal status of labor organizations themselves? A law enacted in 1863 and known as the LaSalle Black Law provided that any persons "who shall by threat, intimidation or otherwise seek to prevent any other person from working at any lawful business on any terms that he may see fit" were to be deemed guilty of misdemeanors and to be punished by fines not to exceed $100. A fine up to $500 or imprisonment might be inflicted on "any persons combin- ing to deprive the owner of the lawful use and management of property or to prevent other persons from being employed by him on such terms as they may agree upon." There were spe- cial provisions relating to coal mines. Had this statute been rigorously applied it would have seriously hampered the activities of trade unions, but as a matter of fact it was a dead letter. Nevertheless, the existence of such a law was an ever 1 Floyd Dell, "Socialism and Anarchism in Chicago," in Curry, Chicago: Its History and Its Builders (Chicago, 1912). A special committee on labor was appointed by the General Assembly at the request of the Chicago Trade anrl Labor Assembly, and its members visited factories in Chicago under the guidance of such prominent Socialists as Thomas J. Morgan, George Schilling, Goldwater, Streator, and Ehmann. — Report of Special Committee on Labor of Illinois General Assembly, House of Representatives (1879). Of the legislation proposed to it, the General Assembly enacted that relating to a Bureau of Labor Statistics but rejected the rest. The Bureau had published two reports by 1884, volumes of 250 and 42.5 pages, written from a viewpoint sympathetic to labor organization. — Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, Report (1883), Introduction. INTRODUCTION 9 present threat, and labor organizations were demanding its repeal. 1 It is apparent, then, that in 1884 only the barest begin- nings of a labor code could be found in the Statutes of Illinois. A large part of this history of the Illinois State Federation of Labor will be devoted to tracing the process by which the state labor law of 1884 developed into that of 1929. ILLINOIS LABOR ORGANIZATION IN 1884 The non-legislative functions of a state federation of labor are directed chiefly toward the promotion and strength- ening of labor organization; and, in turn, it is upon the sup- port of active local unions that the state federation depends for its power. Hence, we must briefly examine the situation in Illinois with regard to the organization of labor when the State Federation was launched. Most of the early unions of the sixties and seventies succumbed to the long depression which followed the panic of 1873. With the revival of prosperity at the close of the seventies, however, the spirit of organization received a new impetus, manifesting itself especially in the mushroom-like growth of the Order of the Knights of Labor. Consequently, a large part of the membership of Illinois labor organizations in 1884 was made up of comparatively recent recruits. There were some older trade unions, especially among those with national or international affiliations, in which solidarity, efficiency, and discipline prevailed; but there were many, 1 The LaSalle Black Law had been enacted in 1863 as the result of violence in connection with the coal strikes of that period, particularly in the region around LaSalle. It appears that it was rarely employed against organized labor. Says the Bureau of Labor Statistics: "The law is virtually a dead letter; and, although there have been arrests made in the last four years under it by complaints before justices of the peace, yet no grand jury has acted under it since 1865. — Report (1881), p. 230. 10 INTRODUCTION both unions and assemblies of the Knights of Labor, com- posed wholly of new and not always homogeneous materials. 1 The two general groups of labor organizations in the state were the trade unions, which embraced only men of specific occupations, and the Knights of Labor, an organization which sought to include all laboring men of whatever occupa- tion in one common brotherhood. The basic group in the Order of the Knights of Labor was the local assembly, cor- responding to the local union; a local assembly sometimes included members of only one trade, sometimes it was com- posed of mixed trades. The local assemblies were allied through representation in district assemblies or state assem- blies, and delegates from these formed the General Assembly, which exercised ultimate authority in the Order. In Illinois there were several district assemblies, and also a state assembly. The philosophies of the rising young Order of the Knights of Labor and that of the older trade unions were widely different, but at the opening of our narrative we find them joined in common enterprises. Both desired legislative reform in the interests of the working classes. 1 Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, Report (1886), p. 165. Those trades organized with national or international affiliations included the bakers, stationary engineers, horseshoers, some of the glass-blowers, the metal-workers, plasterers, cigar-makers, some of the carpenters, the electrotypers, furniture-workers, gas- fitters, iron-molders, iron- and steel-workers, plumbers, seamen, and the printers. The strictly local organizations were, however, more numerous. A partial list of trades organized locally would have included bricklayers and stonemasons, hod- carriers, brewers and malsters, butchers, collar-makers, clerks, furriers, grain- trimmers, harness-makers, lithographers, lumbermen, paper-hangers, roofers, laborers, pavers, and wood-workers. — Ibid., p. 167. The Miners' Protective Association was a state organization having between fifty and sixty lodges and a membership of upward of seven thousand. The order originated shortly before 1880, but attained particular efficiency in the middle of the decade. The organizations of railway employees were, of necessity, national rather than local in character, but on account of the premier position of Illinois in railroading many members were found within the state. — Ibid., p. 167. INTRODUCTION 11 In the year 1884 the labor movement was on the brink of a tremendous but temporary gain in membership which swelled the numbers in the Knights of Labor at an astound- ing rate never duplicated before or since in American labor history. Two and a half years later, just before the peak and an equally rapid decline, the Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics found that 47 per cent — nearly half — of the mem- bers then in labor organizations had been enrolled within the last eighteen months, and 27 per cent within the last six months. 1 As to the extent of organization among working- men of Illinois in the middle of the year 1886, the Bureau reached the following conclusions after a careful investigation : Trade unions 328 with 61,904 members Knights of Labor Assemblies 306 with 52,461 members Total 634 with 114,365 members Total, deducting duplications 103,843 2 members Of the entire trade-union and Knights of Labor member- ship in Illinois, Chicago supplied 67 per cent. This is indeed a marked concentration; it shows the influence of compact- ness and city life upon the organization of labor. About one million of Illinois' less than four million people lived in Chi- 1 Report (1886), pp. 195 f. 2 Ibid., p. 192. The census of 1890 reported, in all, 120,558 males employed in the manufactures of Illinois. The whole number of men employed by the rail- roads of the state was placed in 1882 by the Bureau of Labor Statistics at 43,651, while the number engaged in coal-mining was 25,846. The total number employed in these three divisions of industry would therefore be, at a very rough estimate, about 190,000 in the middle eighties. The estimate of labor organization member- ship given in the text (103,843) is about 54 per cent of this number. It must be remembered, however, that the Knights of Labor included some farmers, small merchants, and professional men in its membership; while certain trades, such as carpenters and stonemasons, are omitted from the 190,000. Nevertheless, it is probable that at the height of the inflated and temporary expansion in the middle eighties a larger percentage of the eligible workers were enrolled, at least nominally, in some labor organization than is the case today. 12 INTRODUCTION cago, and 55 per cent of the employees engaged in manufac- turing were employed there. 1 A word must be said of the public attitude toward labor organization in the eighties. Like everything else connected with unionism, this, too, was undergoing a change. Even yet, however, relatively few people regarded the organiza- tion of labor as something natural and necessary under the industrial system. "To the press, labor unrest and agitation were only other names for communism and socialism — a fear- ful embodiment of things foreign and alien. " 2 The imprac- tical demands of organized workingmen for shorter hours, safety devices, employers' liability, the right to organize, and the limitation of child labor were not to be condoned; such startling measures would demoralize business. The Illinois State Register in its issue of March 13, 1880, com- mented on the eight-hour movement: "The thing is really too silly to merit the attention of a body of lunatics .... and the idea of 'striking' for eight hours is about as sensible as 'striking' for the pay without the hours." Mark Crawford, a leader in the Seamen's Hall Convention, relates that "a man who belonged to a trade union was regarded as an anarchist." 3 THE PROCESS OF LEGISLATION Now we are ready to take up the history of the Illinois State Federation of Labor. As the story unfolds we shall find that it is in the legislative functions of the State Federation 1 Ibid., p. 221. 2 Centennial History of Illinois, IV, 163. * Interview. Mark L. Crawford was more than once president of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly and took part in both the Terre Haute and Pittsburgh meetings out of which grew the forerunner to the American Federation of Labor. He is one of the few men now living who was present at the organization of the state federation in Illinois. A printer by trade, he was prominent in his own union; at one time he was international secretary and at another international president. INTRODUCTION 13 of Labor that its essential character lies. In the details of internal politics, resolutions, committee reports, indorse- ments, and lobbying methods, the discerning reader will per- ceive that he is really beholding a part of the legislative process as it operates within the American political system. If this book may be said to have a central theme it is this : that he who would view the process of legislation must look behind the legislature, just as he who would understand meteorology must study more than weather vanes. Within that wide range of legislation in which organized labor takes an interest the history of the Illinois State Federation of Labor will take us one step further back, beyond General Assemblies and politicians, and show us one of the contact points between the political and the economic systems, where new laws are being shaped. For the state federation of labor is an economic institu- tion and it is also a political institution. In its fundamental character it is a link between the economic system of volun- tary exchange on the one hand and the political system of compulsory law and order on the other. It helps to shape the legal or institutional framework within which economic oper- ations are carried on. It does so by focusing upon the state government the wishes of one set of interests in the economic world, the interests of labor. Taken in conjunction with those agencies, like the manufacturers' associations and chambers of commerce, which focus upon the state govern- ment the wishes of other interests in the economic world, the state federation of labor is a part of what may be called, using the term in a wide sense, the machinery of government. The state federation of labor thus occupies an important place in the legislative process, and we shall see that its influence is generally forward rather than back, for progress rather than reaction. PART I THE PERIOD 1884-97 CONVENTIONS Of THE ILLINOIS STATE FEDERATION OE LABOR 1884-97 Convention Number of V.-ar City Delegates 1884 Chicago 104 1885 Springfield 34 188G Decatur 27 1887 Springfield 35 1888 Peoria 31 1889 Bioomington 18 1890 Jacksonville 12 1890 Quincy 33 1891 Alton 50 1892 Ottawa 75 1893 Galesburg 56 1894 Belleville 99 1895 Peoria * 1896 East St. Louis 64 1897 Bioomington *No data. CHAPTER I THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION THE CALL The interests of wageworkers and the producing classes imperatively call for a state convention of delegates representing the various trades' unions, Knights of Labor, and other labor organizations, to the end that the united and harmonious sentiment of the State of Illinois be heard on the great question of the day which overshadows all other — labor reform. So said a circular drafted by a committee of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly and mailed to the labor organiza- tions of Illinois in January, 1884. On December 23, 1883, J. B. Murphy, of the Tanners' and Curriers' Union (Knights of Labor), had proposed the appointment of five members of the Trades Assembly "to devise ways and means for holding a convention of all labor organizations in the state," and this was their first move. 1 The circular continued : Our brethren in the Dominion of Canada, the states of Missouri, Minnesota, Maryland, and New York have already held conventions, which have been productive of much good. In New York practical measures have been taken to abolish the prison contract labor system, and by concerted action this nefarious system was overwhelmingly voted down by the ballot-box. In this state we have various measures which we wish enacted into laws, and several bad laws which should be repealed; and it is unnecessary to enumerate the benefits to be derived from holding a large and representative state convention of the organized labor element of Illinois. The Trade and Labor Assembly, in accordance with the above reso- lutions, appointed a committee of five to devise ways and means to carry 1 J. B. Murphy, P. H. McLogan, J. P. McGinley, John Foley, and W. J. Powell were the members of the committee, later enlarged by the addition of Charles A. Rowan, W. H. Muldoon, and George Rodgers. — Inter-Ocean, Chicago, December 24, 1883, p. 8; ibid., March 27, 1884, p. 5. 17 18 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR out this object. At a meeting of the committee it was resolved to recom- mend the following: Program of Convention 1. That a state convention be held about the middle of March. 2. That each union, Knights of Labor and other labor organizations, be allowed one delegate for 100 members or less, and an additional one for every 100 up to oOO, but that no organization be allowed more than five delegates. 3. That delegates shall come with properly accredited credentials. Aj to the place of holding such convention, Springfield, Bloomington, and Chicago have been mentioned, and the committee are desirous of suiting the majority. 1 For some years the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly bad been seeking "labor reform, " and in agitating for con- crete legislative measures it had been performing many of the functions which later belonged to the State Federation of Labor. In a declaration of aims issued by its predecessor, the Chicago Trades Council, 2 six out of eleven planks had plainly called for action by the state legislature; and of the other pur- poses announced at the same time, there was hardly one which might not have been furthered by efforts on a state- wide as well as a local basis. 3 Except for the creation of a 1 Ibid., January 7, 1884, p. 8; Times, Chicago, same date, p. 3; Chicago Tribune, same date, p. 8; Times, January 21, 1884, p. 8. 2 The Chicago Trades Council was launched in 1877, and after disagreement in 1879 over the question of admitting secret societies to membership it broke up and reunited under the name Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly, which was retained until the reorganization of 1896 when the present title of Chicago Federa- tion of Labor first appeared. — See T. C. Bigham, "The Chicago Federation of Labor," Master's thesis, University of Chicago, 1924. 3 The declaration of purposes referred to in the text included: the organiza- tion of labor unions of all branches of trade and labor; the local, national, and inter- national amalgamation of all labor unions; repeal of all conspiracy laws; reduction of the boon of labor; higher wages; factory, mine, and workshop inspection; abolition of contract convict labor and the truck system; responsibility of employers for accidents caused by neglected machinery; prohibition of child labor; the establishment of labor bureaus; and labor propaganda by means of the labor press, labor lectures, and the employment of organizers. — The Centennial History of Illinois, IV, pp. 448-50. THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 19 State Bureau of Labor Statistics in 1879, the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly had met with slight success for its legis- lative program in the General Assembly. It is not strange, then, that with the elections of 1884 approaching it should endeavor to assemble the organized labor forces of all Illinois for united action on the question of "labor reform." By January 20 Mr. Murphy was able to report that favorable replies were coming in from the committee's cir- cular, and two weeks later the Trades Assembly decided definitely to proceed with plans for a convention, which should assemble in Chicago on March 26, 1884, and continue in session four days. 1 When the official call was sent out on February 9 it went to trade and labor unions, Knights of Labor assemblies, and also to some of the farmers' granges in the state. 2 As the appointed day drew near the Committee on Ar- rangements beamed with satisfaction. The success of the convention was already assured; advance replies indicated that as many as two or three hundred delegates might be present. 3 "Seamen's Hall had been engaged and would be suitably decorated. The prospects were for a much larger attendance than was at first anticipated. The State Grange had also decided to send delegates." 4 Meanwhile, the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly bestirred itself to arrange a tentative program for the meeting it was calling. It resolved to recommend the appointment of fourteen committees as soon as possible after the delegates 1 Chicago Tribune, January 21, 1884, p. 8; ibid., February 4, 1884, p. 8. Dele- gates chosen to represent the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly were: J. P. McGinley, J. B. Murphy, Fred Cook, John Foley, and Thomas Randall. — Inter- Ocean, February 4, 1884. 2 Ibid., March 27, 1884, p. 5. 3 Ibid., February 18, 1884, p. 8; Chicago Tribune, same date, p. 8. 4 Chicago Tribune, March 17, 1884, p. 8. 20 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR had come together. The list reveals vividly what the Trades Assembly leaders conceived to be the job of the new state labor organization they hoped to establish: Committees on Child Labor, Female Labor, Convict Labor, Labor Statis- tics, Hours of Labor and Wages Paid, Sanitary Inspection, Mines and Mining, Steam Power and Machinery, Standard of Living among "Working People, Organization and Amalga- mation of Trade Unions and Labor Societies, Legislation (National, State, and Municipal), Political Action and Legis- lative Candidates, Education, and "Land Reform and Gen- eral Regulation of Railroads and Telegraph Lines. ,,1 THE CONVENTION On the morning of March 26, 1884, Seamen's Hall, at 99 West Randolph Street, was "handsomely decorated with flags, banners, and labor emblems from different trades assemblies''; and as the delegates gathered it was apparent that the state labor convention — the first convention of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, as it proved — was to be truly representative of organized workingmen in Illinois. One hundred four accredited delegates appeared. 2 "I remem- ber," says Mark Crawford, "that we were surprised at the number who came." 3 The convention was about evenly divided between rep- resentatives of the various trade unions and the Knights of 1 Inter-Ocean, March 3, 1884. 2 Proc. (1884). (The abbreviation "Proc." followed by the date will be used throughout this book for citations to the official printed proceedings of the Illinois State Federation of Labor's annual conventions. "Proc. (1884)" in this case refers to a document found in the library of the State Historical Society of Wis- consin at Madison which bears the following legend on its cover-page: "Official Proceedings of the Illinois State Labor Convention Held in Chicago, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, March 26, 27 and 28, 188 J^. Chicago: The J. M. W. Jones Stationery and Printing Company, 1884." 3 Interview. THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 21 Labor. 1 Sixty-one of the delegates came from Chicago and forty-three from downstate — Springfield, Joliet, Danville, Bloomington, Aurora, Morris, Streator, Pekin, Ottawa, and Barton ville. Three city central bodies were represented : the Joliet Trade and Labor Council, the Springfield Trade and Labor Assembly, and the Chicago Trade and Labor Assem- bly. Practically all the delegates from the smaller places were Knights, and the Knights of Labor assemblies in Chicago contributed twenty-one members to the convention. Mrs. O. A. Bishop, Women's L. A. 1789, had the distinction of being the only woman delegate. 2 Most of these representatives of organized labor came with something "on their minds," and some with definite programs of action which they wanted the convention to adopt. District Assembly 24, for example, a growing power in Chicago labor circles as men trooped into the Knights of Labor, had met the Sunday before and adopted a declaration of principles and recommendations to be submitted by their 1 There were forty-seven recorded from trade unions and forty-five from Knights of Labor local and district assemblies. Among the trade unions the Cigar- makers' Union led in number of delegates with eight, of whom five came from Local No. 14 in Chicago and one each from Aurora, Morris and Ottawa. The Iron Mold- ers' Union was next, with six delegates from as many different locals in Chicago, Moline, Springfield, Grand Crossing, Joliet, and Peoria. Typographical 16, Chicago, contributed five delegates, and the Typographical locals in Springfield and Joliet sent one each. The Stonecutters' Union of Chicago, the Chicago Sea- men's Union, and the Bricklayers' and Stonemasons' Unions of Chicago had five delegates each; while the Carpenters and Joiners and the Scandinavian Typo- graphical Union, both of Chicago, were represented by three and two delegates, respectively. Trade unions sending a single representative were: Journeymen Horseshoers, Chicago; Woodworking Machine Hands, Chicago; Journeymen Tailors, Springfield; Trunkmakers, Chicago; and the Miners' Protective Union, District 5, Bartonville. Other trades were represented by Knights of Labor Local Assemblies organized on a craft basis, as: Painters' L. A. 1910 of Chicago, four delegates; Coopers' L. A. 2309, Chicago, three delegates; Shoemakers' L. A. 1790, Chicago, two delegates; Tanners' and Curriers' L. V., Chicago, one delegate; and Harnessmakers' L. A. 1835, Chicago, one delegate. — (Proc. 1884). 2 Proc. (1884), credentials list. 22 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR delegates. This document, doubtless drawn by George Schilling, expounded the idealistic Knights of Labor philos- ophy of co-operation by self-employed labor to abolish wage slavery; made certain specific recommendations relating to the reduction of the hours of labor, compulsory education, modification of debtor and tenant laws, and abolition of con- tract convict labor; and wound up with an appeal to workers of whatever nationality, creed, or color, skilled and unskilled, organized and unorganized, "to join hands with us and each other, to the end that poverty and all its attendant evils shall be abolished forever.' ' Most important of all was a para- graph obviously inspired by the land monopoly and single- tax philosophy of Henry George, who cast his spell over so many reformers in the eighties. This was dubbed "social- istic" in the convention; apparently labor men were not yet familiar enough with single-tax doctrine to distinguish it from socialism. 1 Each delegate shared the hope of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly that out of this convention would grow a state-wide organized labor movement to influence legislation. "That was the purpose — to work for legislation that would militate for workers." 2 But this does not mean that all was harmony. Within the labor movement, and reflected in the convention, were all shades of opinion, from that of the con- servative trade unionists or "pure and simplers" who es- chewed all "fads" and high theories, through the broad doctrines of the Knights of Labor, to the more or less radical ideas of progressive trade unionists, single-taxers, and socialists. 1 The remarkable document submitted by District Assembly 24 also recom- mended for general reading "the following labor literature: by Henry George, 'Pro- gress and Poverty' and 'Social Problems'; by Thornton, 'On Labor' and 'History of Trades Unions'; John Swinton's paper, the Irish World." The document in full was printed in the Inter-Ocean, March 27, 1884, p. 3. 2 Joseph W. Farris, interview. THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 23 The conservatives, led by such men as George Rodgers, president of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly, Mark Crawford, and J. P. McGinley, were in the saddle. They were determined to guide the convention in strict trade- union channels. In fact, a Chicago Tribune reporter found it "generally understood that no socialists will be admitted. ,,x Certain it is that delegates from outside Chicago were but- tonholed as they arrived and warned to look out for George Schilling, that he was a radical, and that they should vote against anything he might submit. 2 Nevertheless, some of the trade unionists, and especially the Knights of Labor, were willing to listen to the more radical arguments. The depression of 1883-84 had brought hard times, and the miseries of the seventies were not yet forgotten. 3 It was nearly eleven o'clock when J. B. Murphy of the Trades Assembly's committee called the meeting to order and read the official call for the convention. He concluded by nominating for chairman pro tern Mr. Daniel McLaughlin, a popular miner from Braidwood, who was declared unani- mously elected amid the cheers of the delegates. 4 "It rests with the workingmen of Illinois whether the contract convict 1 Chicago Tribune, March 26, 1884. 2 Interview, George A. Schilling. Richard Powers agrees that Schilling's statement is correct. "These scientific things were too advanced for the labor movement at that time. We didn't want to get into those things then." — Interview. 3 Joseph W. Farris, of Springfield, tells the writer that he had been stirred by the Henry George movement and his great book Progress and Poverty which ap- peared about 1880. Farris was sent to the 1884 convention by his local of iron- molders (L. A. 271, Knights of Labor), though he was a mere youth at the time. When warned against Schilling, the prominent leader of D. A. 24, he was all the more anxious to meet the man, found Schilling had "the right ideas," and sup- ported him in every way. Schilling and Farris later fought together in the State Federation battles of the nineties, as we shall see. 4 Daniel McLaughlin served several terms in the legislature, where he put through a number of miners' bills. Later he moved to Colorado. — Interviews, Mark Crawford and George Schilling. 24 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR labor system shall be permitted to stand," said Mr. Mc- Laughlin in a brief speech. The contract system had been abolished in New York and elsewhere and could not long con- tinue anywhere if the rights of the laboring classes were recognized by the law-makers. The truck system of paying employees must be abolished; miners should be paid in cash and at more frequent intervals. Organized labor must seek to do away with the evils of child labor and to secure better educational facilities for children. All this and more might follow, he said, through the united and harmonious action of this convention and others like it. 1 With this prophecy he assumed the chair and the Seamen's Hall Convention got under way. A Committee on Permanent Organization brought in a suggested list of officers to serve during the convention, as follows: president, George Rodgers, Chicago; first vice-presi- dent, H. A. Coffeen, Danville; second vice-president, Daniel McLaughlin, Braid wood; third vice-president, T. S. Scho- field, Bloomington; secretary, August Stirmel, Chicago; first assistant secretary, George Brown, Springfield; second assist- ant secretary, T. L. Harrison, Alton; treasurer, M. J. Haley, Joliet. These nominees were approved. "At this juncture," we are told, "voluminous rolls of paper began to emerge from scores of pockets. Nearly every delegate had a resolution or suggestion to offer." 2 The following, presented by the Chicago Seamen's Union, has the distinction of being the first resolution adopted by the pioneer convention of the Illinois State Federation of Labor: Whereas, We deem it the duty of the United States government to make suitable laws for the prevention of unnecessary danger in a danger- ous vocation, under federal jurisdiction; and 1 Chicago Daily News, March 26, 1884, p. 1; Proc. (1884). ; Chicago Tribune, March 27, 1884. THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 25 Whereas, The bill now pending in the United States Congress, known as the "Foran Shipping Bill," for the better protection of Amer- ican seamen, is a measure of long-delayed justice; therefore, be it Resolved, That we urge Congress to consider as soon as possible the aforementioned bill, which we believe to be absolutely necessary for the safety of the lives of American seamen, and will assuredly do away with a large percentage of the unnecessary destruction of life and property occurring annually on these inland seas through the ignorance and avarice of unscrupulous vessel owners. Resolved, That we appeal to all workingmen and to the citizens in general to use their influence in urging Congress to pass this bill, securing to seamen, and to passengers who are forced to travel on the lakes, the same protection to life and health that citizens on land have already secured under the laws of the State of Illinois and of the general govern- ment; and be it Resolved, That the foregoing resolutions be indorsed by this Conven- tion of the trade and labor organizations of the State of Illinois and a copy of the same forwarded to the Committee on Commerce which is now in session in Washington. 1 From now on through the three days it was in session, the convention ground a grist of similar resolutions. Some dealt with national questions, others with matters of state or local interest. Many had to do with legislative proposals; others sanctioned boycotts or treated of trade-union affairs. One by Mr. Mill, Typographical Union No. 16, Chicago, called upon Illinois Congressmen to oppose the present form of the Dorsheimer Copyright Bill. Another denounced the secre- tary of war, Mr. Lincoln, for working the men in his depart- ment ten hours per day in defiance of the eight-hour law; it was referred to the Federation of Trades of the United States and Canada to be presented to the secretary. Another con- demned the wholesale employment of children under four- teen years of age in the shops, offices, stores, and mills of the nation. Boycotts declared by the Typographical Union against the Illinois State Journal of Springfield and the New 1 Proc. (1884). The secretary was instructed to telegraph the action taken to the Congressional Committee in Washington. 2G THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR York Tribune were indorsed. In the former case, officers of the convention communicated the action to the State Cen- tral Committee of the Republican party, whose official organ the Journal claimed to be. 1 President George Rodgers of the Chicago Trades and Labor Assembly had the convention indorse a bill "drafted by a prominent legal gentleman of Chicago, " which sought to regulate the mode of bringing suits before justices of the peace. The chairman explained to the country delegates that Chicago was afflicted with a lot of thieves who styled them- selves collectors, and who gained a living by bringing unjust garnishee suits against laboring men in courts forty miles away. Two more draft legislative measures laid before the body by President Rodgers and approved related to tenancy laws. Discriminatory freight rates and rebates were con- sidered. Another resolution called upon the legislature to repeal that provision of the statutes which limited to $5,000 the right of recovery in favor of the family of one who had met death by the wrongful act, neglect, or default of another; and a recent decision by Judge Anthony in which he had interpreted the fellow-servant rule to mean that an employer could not be held responsible for the carelessness of a fore- man in an industrial accident case came in for vigorous denunciation. 2 Several members asked the convention to adopt resolu- tions relating to the interests of their particular trades. One such proposed by the miners is noteworthy because its adop- tion was an extreme example of that principle of reciprocal reinforcement which is imbedded in the philosophy of fed- eration. 3 The miners asked for the repeal of the Smoke Nuisance Ordinance recently adopted by the city of Chicago, 1 Proc. (1884). 2 Proc. (1884). 3 Cf. Introduction, p. 2. THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 27 alleging that it favored the anthracite industry of other states at the expense of the bituminous mines and miners of Illinois. Several Chicago men opposed the resolution. They pointed to the fact that the Trade and Labor Assembly had been instrumental in getting the ordinance passed and argued that bituminous coal might be used with smoke consumers. Nevertheless, the miners carried their point, 1 for a federation of trades will follow the wishes of the trade particularly con- cerned on matters within that trade's immediate province. Representatives of the Street Railway Employees' Benevolent Association had come to the convention with the request that their names be withheld — they were fearful of losing their jobs 2 — but they put before the delegates a description at once heartrending and mirth-provoking of the working conditions in their calling, and thereby got their complaints into the newspapers. They asked the convention to call the attention of the Humane Society to the"huge iron safes" which conductors were forced to wear around their necks. 3 There were numerous other resolutions, many of which attested to the broad social interests of the labor convention. Mr. Griffith, of District Assembly 24, moved "that we recom- mend equal pay for equal work, regardless of sex," and his suggestion was adopted. Politicians who so degraded them- selves as to become employment agents for monopolies, replacing honest workmen by political henchmen, were roundly denounced. At the instance of Mark Crawford, Typographical 16, the convention deplored the evil effects of "trashy" or dime-novel literature and demanded that Congress take up the subject. 4 1 Proc. (1884); Chicago Daily News, March 28, 1884, p. 2. 2 Interview, Mark Crawford. 3 Proc. (1884). 4 Proc. (1884). The New York World had recently published an article on juvenile depravity and bad literature; the Chicago Tribune commented on it editorially in its issue of March 29, 1884. Doubtless this suggested the resolution. 28 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Occasionally some manifestation of the potential dis- unities lurking in the convention came to the surface. It will be remembered that organized farmers as well as laborers had been invited to participate. The State Grange did send a delegation of five, but after the first day's session they left, giving this interview to the press: The grangers will have nothing to do with this convention, and our delegation will return home tomorrow morning. We cannot act in har- mony with these labor organizations, since they will advocate the eight- hour system of work, which, of course, no farmer can live up to, especially during harvest time. 1 This was not the last occasion in the history of the Illinois State Federation of Labor when hoped-for co-operation with the farmers struck a snag. Interestingly enough, the eight- hour plank subsequently adopted by the Seamen's Hall Convention specifically exempted farm labor. 2 When Charles Rowan arose to urge that workingmen dis- countenance the use of any but union-made cigars bearing on the box the blue label of the Cigarmakers' International Union he touched upon a bitter feud. Some one from the Progressive Cigarmakers' Union rose to inquire whether the speaker was opposed to that organization. "It is a seceding group," replied Mr. Rowan. Then the Progressive Union member "got himself considerably disliked by indulging in personalities concerning the relative importance of the two organizations," and soon the room was in confusion. The chairman hinted that it was about time for the sergeants-at- arms appointed the day before to exhibit their usefulness; Vice-President T. S. Schofield, of Bloomington, made a plea for moderation and harmony, urging that the delegates had a grand work to accomplish, which they must go about quietly but earnestly so that their demands would be recognized by 1 Chicago Tribune, March 27, 1884, p. 7; Times, same date, p. 5. J Proc. (1884). THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 29 the government; then comparative calm once more pre- vailed. 1 But the blue label was destined to be heard of again in Illinois labor conventions, and that not many years distant. A paragraph from District Assembly 24's pre-convention declaration was the bomb which unleashed the discords latent in the widely varying philosophies of the delegates. Mr. T. H. Ling, from the Painters' Assembly, Knights of Labor, moved: That this Convention denounce the present monopolistic ownership of land as a crime against man, as the prop which made the institution of chattel slavery both possible and profitable, and as constituting in modern society the chief cause of those socialistic inequalities represented by the millionaire on the one hand and the wage slave on the other. Mr. Crawford was on his feet in an instant. It was time to take hold of this subject and settle it, he said. They had fooled with the socialistic question long enough. He hoped this resolution would be discussed and met fairly on the floor. A clique in the assembly had been trying all along to foist socialistic measures upon the convention; here and now was the time to decide whether this was a labor convention or a socialistic organization. Mr. Ling finally succeeded in getting a hearing, and immediately disclaimed any socialistic sym- pathies; but, he insisted, this land question was a most important one for the convention to consider. Then he was allowed to read his statistics, which showed the immense quantities of land owned by a few men or syndicates to the exclusion of the public generally, "and thereby gained a number of friends." 2 There were several ardent followers of Henry George's persuasive doctrines in the convention, among whom were George Schilling, a cooper prominent in District Assembly 24, 1 Chicago Daily News, March 27, 1884, p. 1; Times, March 28, 1884, p. 5. 2 Times, Tribune, News. 30 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR M. J. Haley, who described simply but effectively how he had seen the poor people of Ireland die of hunger while the land was monopolized by the rich, and a young man named Joseph Farris from Springfield. One must read the glowing passages in Progress and Poverty, says the latter, to under- stand the vision of these men who fought to down the "land monopoly" with the single tax. "You can see how they would fight as an army." 1 Opposed to them were a majority who wanted to tread carefully for the good of the Illinois labor movement, conservative but constructive leaders who felt that solid building must be slow, and in addition — as always — a few vociferous fanatics who fumed and fussed on principle against anything which might be labeled "socialistic and communistic." Mr. Bibel, of Bloomington, was not averse to preventing aliens and foreign syndicates from monopolizing the public domain, but would have nothing to do with this resolution, as read. He said that he owned two houses and lots which he had acquired by eighteen years sobriety and industry; he had fought under the Stars and Stripes and would again; and the red flag of the cutthroat commune should never fly over him if he could help it! He did not want the labor convention to mix up with socialistic propositions. His remarks were greeted with enthusiastic applause. More speeches followed, until A. C. Cameron rose to say that the convention had accomplished great good — it was then near adjournment on the last day — but that he feared further discussion would be an entering wedge to split the 1 Joseph Farris and George Schilling still remember this debate in the Sea- men's Hall Convention and described it to the writer with great vividness. To them it was the high spot of the convention. One of them, when interviewed after forty years, believed that the discussion had consumed some fifteen hours (whereas the printed records indicate that it could not have lasted more than three), and the other had the impression that the resolution had finally carried. Such are the tricks which time, and an ardent cause, play on memory: THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 31 positive work the delegates had achieved. A motion to lay the resolution on the table carried by an overwhelming majority, amid great applause from those who opposed it. 1 Thus, not all was harmony in the Seamen's Hall Conven- tion, but not all was disharmony by any means. We have still to record the most important part of that positive work of which A. C. Cameron spoke. THE LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM If trade unionists and Knights, conservatives, progres- sives, and single-taxers differed among themselves as to gen- eral theories of labor reform, they were nevertheless in agreement upon many practical measures which must be achieved — and chief among these was the abolition of con- tract convict labor. Since 1871 the labor of convicts in the Illinois penitentiaries had been let out under what was known as the "contract system." That is, the state provided build- ings and shops, food, clothing, and discipline, and the labor of the convicts was sold to the highest bidder for a given sum per day. The state delivered the men in shops or yards, within the walls, and the contractor employed them under his own superintendents. 2 Workingmen had long felt that the competition of this labor, furnished, as it was, at a price much less than the wages of free labor, was an injustice to workers in those trades such as stonecutting, cooperage, and shoemaking which were affected by the system. Manufacturers in these trades joined with labor in protesting against the contract plan, but the active agitation for its abolition was carried on by labor organizations. 3 Contract convict labor was the 1 Times, Tribune, News, Inter-Ocean. The official proceedings dispose of this entire discussion in one line: "The resolution was debated at length, and Bnally rejected." 2 Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, Report (1886), p. 9. 3 Ibid., p. 98; Report of 1882, p. 258. 32 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR great grievance mentioned in the call for the state labor con- vention, occupied much of the attention of the delegates at Seamen's Hall, became the most important plank of the platform adopted there, and was the subject of the first legislative success of the state labor organization which resulted. The founding of the Illinois State Federation of Labor was due to the contract labor system more than to any other specific cause. Mr. Muldoon, statistician of the Coopers' Assembly of Chicago, presented to the Seamen's Hall Convention an ex- haustive report in which he reviewed systems of convict labor in the United States, the numbers employed, the industries affected, and the situation in each state. In Illi- nois, he said, many coopers, who had served long apprentice- ships, had been compelled to abandon their trade wholly on account of the competition of contractors who bought con- vict labor; if contract convict labor were abolished in Illinois, he believed the wages of coopers alone would increase at least 38 per cent. In the boot and shoe industry the aver- age wage of a freely employed workman in Illinois was $355 a year; yet convicts, 766 in number, were now being hired for that occupation at $159 each. Was this fair competition? Other delegates spoke freely on the subject from the stand- points of their own trades. They had so much to say that it was necessary to appoint timekeepers to enforce a five min- ute rule. AYhen the Committee on Platform reported a list of legislative objectives, "the total abolition of the contract convict labor system" was plank number one. 1 1 When someone proposed a resolution of thanks to the legislature of New York State and certain other states for abolishing the contract system in their jurisdictions, considerable argument arose. Was it appropriate to thank a body of public servants for simply doing its duty? Finally, "on the theory that for a legis- lature to do its duty was, in a certain sense, a favor, and that thanks didn't cost much and might be productive of more favors when they were wanted," the reso- lution was approved. — Chicago Daily News, March 27, 1884, p. 1. THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 33 Besides the abolition of contract convict labor, the con- vention asked for fifteen other measures of law. The com- plete report of the Committee on Platform read as follows: We, the representatives of the various trades and labor organizations of the State of Illinois, in Convention assembled, willing to sink all minor differences and partisanship by which the workers have heretofore been kept too long divided against each other, and loving our country and families, as we do, better than any party, uniting to secure legislation on the following points, which we deem just and necessary, present the fol- lowing as coming within the scope of state legislation, assuring our law makers that our ballots and demands go hand in hand: 1. The total abolition of the contract convict labor system. 2. The establishment of boards of arbitration to settle disputes be- tween employers and employes. 3. The enactment and enforcement of a law making eight hours a legal day's work, excepting in its operations those engaged in agricultural pursuits. 4. To fix the liability of employers for damages for loss of life or limb to the employe. 5. The enactment of an efficient apprenticeship law. 6. The prohibition of the employment of children under fourteen years of age in workshops and factories. 1 7. The adoption and enforcement of a compulsory educational system. 8. The more rigid enforcement of the laws relating to the ventilation of mines and the safety of miners, and the enactment of penalties for their violation. 9. The abolition of what is known as the conspiracy or LaSalle Black Law, and the passage of a statutory enactment declaring illegal all iron-clad contracts which deprive the workman of the privilege of member- ship in any peaceably-conducted trade and labor organization. 10. The relief of tax-payers on mortgaged real estate by giving a proportionate lien against the holders of mortgages for taxes paid. 11. Weekly payments by all corporations for labor performed the previous week, and the complete abolition of the "truck" system. 1 Amended by adding "except as applied to Industrial Schools." 34 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR 12. The abolition of laud monopoly by non-resident holders. 13. To make it a eriminal offense to gamble in or create corners on the necessaries of life. 14. The legal right of labor organizations, as such, to hold property and conduct co-operative business. 15. A more complete control of the railroads and waterways of the state as common carriers, in the interests of the people. 16. The appointment of inspectors of workshops and habitations, of food, drink, drugs, etc. A. C. Cameron, Chairman M. L. Crawford George Neff Mrs. O. A. Bishop George H. Ryan M. J. Curry C. W. Boyce J. F. Quinn H. A. COFFEEN J. M. Hartzell P. H. McLogan H. W. Smith Walter Perry After considerable discussion these were adopted and became the legislative demands of organized labor in Illinois. Mr. A. C. Cameron proposed that, in order to make them effective, a committee of three should be appointed to present copies to the Republican and Democratic state conventions, asking to have these sixteen principles incorporated into the party platforms. In case they should be rejected by one party and adopted by the other, then the workingmen of the state would pledge themselves to cast their ballots for the candidates of that party which had acted favorably. Should both parties refuse to adopt the labor principles, then the chairman of an executive committee to be appointed by the Seamen's Hall Convention would stand instructed to re- THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 35 convene it for the purpose of placing independent legislative candidates in the field. 1 Mr. Cameron's resolution evoked spirited debate. George Schilling regarded efforts to accomplish anything by going into the camp of either party as fruitless and advocated a labor ticket. A delegate replied that he, for one, "was not ready to subscribe to any such Communistic ideas." Mr. Quinn, of the Chicago stonecutters, was opposed to having anything in the shape of politics injected into the proceed- ings. H. A. Coffeen, of Danville, moved to strike out the word "legislative"; this in order to leave the convention free to put an entire ticket in the field in case neither Democrats nor Republicans complied with the labor demands. His amendment carried, and the amended resolution was then adopted. 2 The chairman now proceeded to appoint the Executive Committee, and named H. A. Coffeen, Danville; A. C. Cam- eron, Chicago; J. W. Shepley, Morris; J. B. Murphy, Chi- cago; George Neff, Springfield; and C. Williamson, Barton- ville. The committee then organized itself, making A. C. Cameron chairman and J. B. Murphy secretary. 3 These were the first executive officers to serve the Illinois State Federation of Labor — or rather, the organization which was to become the Illinois State Federation of Labor. 4 1 Proc. (1884), p. 18. The Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly two years before had adopted this latter expedient, feeling that only by electing trade-union members to the legislature could it get "real labor legislation." These candidates were defeated in the elections of 1882. — E. C. Mittlemann, MSS on Illinois labor history prepared in connection with the Centennial History of Illinois, in possession of Professor E. L. Bogart, University of Illinois, chap. Ill, pp. 25 f. 2 Times, March 28, 1884. 3 Proc. (1884.) 4 A. C. Cameron, who thus became the first executive head of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, was a veteran of many labor and reform movements. From 1864 to 1877 he edited a paper widely read in labor circles, the Workingmen's 36 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Now addressing the wage-workers of the state, the con- vention recommended "that they oppose at the polls all members of the last Legislature who opposed any bill offered in the interest of labor. 1 But it neglected to suggest any means by which a wage-worker might know which of hun- dreds of bills in the legislature were in his interest and who had voted against them. Advocate, and he, himself, was well known throughout the country. He took a prominent part in the first convention of the National Labor Union at Baltimore in 1866, representing the Chicago central body and the Illinois Grand Eight Hour League. There he composed the report favoring independent political action and was chairman of the committee which issued an Address to the Workingmen of the United States in July, 1867. When the National Labor Union went down to oblivion, Cameron was one of the seven men present at its last session (1872). The industrial Congress which next struggled through a few years admitted him unenthusiastically to a seat without a vote. In 1875 Cameron was one of the few prominent leaders present at the death of that organization. At Cleveland, during the same year, he helped to start the Greenback party. — Commons and Associates, History of Labour in the United States, II, 93, 113, 155, 162, 169. As a representative of the National Labor Union, Cameron attended the 1869 Congress of the International Workingmen's Association (the First Inter- national) at Basel, and there gave the impression that the workers' revolution was about to take place in the United States. He is described by a Socialist writer as "a bombastic individual who gave the most ridiculously exaggerated account of the strength of the movement in America." — Spargo, Karl Marx, p. 288. The Workingmen's League of Illinois, which later became the Chicago Labor League and still later the Workingmen's Industrial Party of the United States, owed its existence chiefly to A. C. Cameron. This was about 1876. — Centennial History of Illinois, IV, 445-46. During the eighties Cameron was prominent in the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly, where he represented Typographical 16. Nearly every Sunday he and T. J. Morgan, the Socialist, were pitted against each other. "Andy" Cameron, as he was called, was short of stature and had a sharp, quick way of debating. "His questions and answers were like needles — sharp pointed," says Richard Powers. — Interview. A printer by trade, Cameron ran a little shop of his own. He also became editor of the Inland Printer, a trade journal, and was secretary of the Old-Time Printers. He died in 1892. — Interviews, Richard Powers and present publishers of the Inland Printer. 1 Proc. (1884). THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 37 The work of the Seamen's Hall Convention neared the end. An auditing committee presented a report which showed total receipts of $107. In response to a communica- tion from the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada, H. A. Coffeen, J. P. McGinley, and George Schilling were authorized to attend the next convention of that organization as delegates from the Illinois State Labor Convention. The represent- atives of the Chicago press were thanked for their "fair, impartial and commendable reports of the proceedings of this Convention"; August Stirmel, A. C. Cameron, and George Schilling were appointed to revise and print the minutes. Then the delegates dispersed, resolving to assemble at Springfield on the second Tuesday in February, 1885, or at the call of the Executive Committee. 1 POSTCONVENTION COMMENT Both the Times and the Inter-Ocean among Chicago dailies considered the State Labor Convention significant enough to deserve extended editorial notice at their hands, 2 and these expressions of opinion throw an interesting side- light on the labor federation activities of the day. Partic- ularly, they show that the agitation of organized labor for social measures, which are now all but universally accepted, had to contend at first with the derision and opposition of many of the "best people," and "leaders of thought." "What is called a state labor convention has been in session in this city several days," began the Times. "It might with more propriety have been called a convention of employees who work in gangs," for neither those laborers who work for themselves in their own shops nor the men who 1 Proc. (1884). 2 The comment of the latter occupied a full column in its issue of March 29, and the former gave almost as much space on the 30th. 38 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR work on farms were represented. Still, this select and auda- cious group of workmen proceeded to discuss what should be required of persons who should hereafter employ laborers, entirely ignoring the old maxim that it takes two to make a bargain. "The so-called labor convention may cause the employers of labor to hold a convention, though the proceed- ings may not be made public. " As for the demands made by the labor delegates, the Times went on to say, "Ad association of laborers may make such demands that no person will employ them." For in- stance, "An establishment operated by steam power and expensive machinery may be profitable if kept in operation ten hours in each day but unprofitable if it is run but eight." The labor convention asked for a child-labor law, but "some kinds of manufacturing are only profitable when the work, which is very light, is performed by children, who can afford to labor for smaller wages than adults." A child-labor law would close these establishments, ''turning the children out of remunerative and often instructive employment," and perhaps causing them to lead idle if not vicious lives. "The anxiety manifested by the nun 1 hers of the State Labor Convention to have all persons under fifteen years of age kept constantly in school is not probably prompted by benevolence but by the selfish desire to prevent them from being competitors in certain branches of labor." Likewise, the demand for the entire abolition of contract convict labor is "a declaration of selfishness pure and simple." The criticism of the Inter-Ocean was from a different angle. The labor platform it found "not quite explicit enough to enlighten the legislature." What can be done with convict labor which will be less oppressive than the present system to the wage- working class? Here the editor touched upon the very center of the convict labor problem and raised THE SEAMEN'S HALL CONVENTION 3D a question which was to engage the attention of Illinois labor organizations for many years. "When the workingmen recommend boards of arbitra- tion to settle disputes between employer and employ ed," continued the Inter-Ocean, "they should state whether they refer to legal or economical disputes." If legal disputes, then, of course, they have recourse to the courts. But if eco- nomical then the labor convention ought to explain by what modus operandi an arbitrator can compel a man to work for less wages or a longer time than he wants to. And if an arbitrator cannot compel a workman to toil at what he thinks to be a losing rate, how can he compel an enterpriser or capitalist to invest money in wages to run a profitless enterprise? As for the eight-hour day, a law making eight hours a legal day's work is very much like a law making three buckwheat cakes and a spoonful of hash a legal breakfast. The question which really determines whether workingmen can get the privilege of working for wages at all, whether for six, eight, ten, twelve, or fourteen hours, turns wholly upon the previous question whether any man owning the means of industry and having the capital out of which to pay wages can make a profit by employing the workmen at any price. Compulsory education would be preposterous. What will you do with the farmer who keeps his children at work upon his farm, teaching them how to produce wealth, to be diligent, industrious, honest, and prudent, but not how to "read, write, and cipher"? .... Is he to be sent to jail along with thieves and prostitutes because he has his own idea of education? .... Are we to enforce a uniformity of education by persecution, as the Church of Rome and of Geneva once sought to enforce uniformity of worship? In demanding that the legislature make it a criminal offense to gamble in or create corners on the necessaries of life the workingmen were "asking for legislation concerning matters which lie so far beyond their province that by no possibility can they have a very good knowledge of them." 40 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR "If the workingmen understood corners better/ ' concludes the editor learnedly, "they would find that they might as well find fault with ships or plows or banks or elevators or railways as with 'corners.' " Finally, there is this piece of iidvice as to the true methods by which wage-earners, collectively and individ- ually, might hope to improve their conditions: The better the workingmen come to understand the complexities of in- dustry the better will they perceive that the one fact which alone can confer and maintain the best conditions for workers en masse is such an activity and diversity of industries as will bring about the most active competition among employers for the hire of their labor. This they are silent about. The one thing which will confer upon each of them indi- vidually the greatest prosperity is to look upon the wages condition not as a necessity for life, but as a temporary stage only in life, from which the wage-worker is to emerge into a worker for profits. This too they omit to consider. One reading these last two sentences today is bound to observe that the trade unionists of the eighties were better judges of the course of industrial evolution than was the editor. CHAPTER II THE FIRST LEGISLATIVE VICTORY The Seamen's Hall Convention had adjourned with the understanding that its sixteen "Principles" would be pre- sented to the Republican and Democratic state conventions for their indorsement, and that the votes of organized labor would be thrown to that party which acted favorably. Thereafter a committee composed of Mark L. Crawford, Charles W. Rowan, J. Pearson, William E. Carroll, and J. F. Quinn proceeded to carry this plan into effect. The first three visited the Republicans and reported back to the full committee that they had been received with scant courtesy, that their request for a straightforward declaration had been met with trickery, and that glittering generalities had been substituted for action on their sixteen demands. When the latter two and Mr. Crawford called on the Democrats they returned with a wholly different story. The Democrats, being the minority party, were anxious to please; nearly all the planks proposed by the State Labor Convention were covered satisfactorily in the Democratic platform, and in order to make assurance doubly sure, the political assembly suspended its rules and resolved unanimously that "the Illi- nois Democratic State Convention do hereby indorse all the declarations of principles adopted by the Illinois State Labor Convention, held at Chicago, March, 1884." Having ascertained that the Democrats were more favorable than the Republicans to the demands of organized labor, the committee now drew up a detailed report of its dealings with both parties and turned it over to the Exec- utive Committee appointed at Seamen's Hall. This narrative provides such an interesting and illuminating insight into 41 42 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR the ways of political parties with labor committees that it is reproduced at some length in the footnote below. 1 The 1 Proceeding to Peoria, where the Republican State Convention was to meet, Messrs. Rowan, Crawford, and Pearson printed an "address" containing the sixteen planks of the State Labor Convention's "Declaration of Principles," and circulated it among the delegates. These demands, the Republicans were assured, "contain nothing of a communistic or agrarian character. But, while making this avowal, we assure this convention that they come from citizens who are terribly in earnest, who appreciate the power of the ballot, and who are determined to cast their votes in the future only for the candidates of that party which recognizes in a practical manner the interests of labor — whose actions correspond with their professions." The chairman of the Republican State Central Committee promised the three labor spokesmen a hearing before the Committee on Platform; so they took up their post outside the room where the platform was being framed. "We waited at their door about three hours," their report narrates, "and were surprised to learn from some of the committee that they had completed their work and were about to adjourn without hearing us. Having, as we felt, a good cause behind us, and with a desire to prevail upon them to either specifically favor or disapprove our platform, and not dodge it, we were audacious enough to force our way into the committee room, unasked, and demand to be heard. We were then informed that they had appointed a sub-committee with instructions to confer with us, and draft a plank that would be satisfactory to us. We met said sub-committee, and their chairman — who was also chairman of the full Committee on Platform — submitted to us for our approval .... alleged labor planks . . . . . We informed him, in plain and unmistakable words, that they did not satisfy us at all. We asked for no expressions of sympathy or friendship for the laboring classes, for that we always receive just before election — no 'glittering generalities.' But what the industrial classes did want, and would accept nothing less, was specific expressions on the sixteen declarations of principles adopted by the Illinois Labor Convention — or as many of them as the Republican party of Illinois en- dorsed. The chairman then said (and we will give his words verbatim): 'We will sit down together and draft a plank that will cover your entire platform and not leave the Democrats anything to swallow.' We did so. And owing to his seeming desire that we should all be pleased with the plank, he asked each member of our committee if we would be satisfied with it. We all told him that we would. He then said, as did others of his committee, that it was satisfactory to them, and that it would be substituted for the one we objected to. We left the committee-room feeling satisfied, and went to the convention to see how our plank was received. Imagine our surprise when this same gentleman, in reading the platform to the convention for its adoption, did not report the plank we had agreed upon a short time before, but reported in its stead the very identical planks that we had objected to, as totally meaningless and unsatisfactory." After this "palpable piece of treachery," and owing to the fact that they THE FIRST LEGISLATIVE VICTORY 43 Executive Committee printed it in a sixteen-page pamphlet headed, "Workingmen, who are your friends in Illinois? Address' of the Executive Committee appointed by the State were aware of the presence of several large employers of convict labor on the floor of the Republican Convention who had spent hundreds of dollars to be elected delegates, knowing that authorized representatives of the laboring class of Illinois were going to ask the abolition of the contract system, the subcommittee "was forced to the conclusion that these prison-contract employers, these enemies of labor, the men who would drag honest labor down to the level of convicts, have too great a hold on the Republican party of Illinois for the laborer to expect any con- sideration at its hands." A similar subcommittee attended the Democratic State Convention, also at Peoria, and proceeded much as before. First they circulated a printed statement among the delegates. "Remember, gentlemen," read one of the paragraphs, "behind these requests are the ballots of the men who hold the balance of power in this state; and that that party which wilfully ignores the interests of the toiling masses has no right to expect their moral or political support. He who is not for us is against us, and that party — and that party only — which endorses our claims will receive our support at the ballot-box." The chairman of the Democratic State Central Committee was most cordial. He asked the three labor men to come to the headquarters and present their platform before a number of leading Democrats of the state. They found a large number of gentlemen assembled there, and, after explaining each of the sixteen planks as best they could, showing the evils intended to be reached by them, they "were gratified to hear expressions of approval come from all parts of the room." To quote the subcommittee's report further: "As soon as the Committee on Plat- form was appointed we informed two of its members that we desired to be heard before the committee. We were sent for as soon as the committee was organized and granted all the time we desired. After presenting our case as best we could, we were about to retire, when we were requested by the committee to remain until the committee had disposed of our platform. In their discussion no opposi- tion to any plank in our platform was manifest. Some, however, it was claimed were now covered by law, but the law was not enforced "When the Committee on Platform reported to the convention, we found nearly all our platform covered satisfactorily. After the convention had adopted its platform, to make 'assurance doubly sure,' a delegate read on the floor our address to the Illinois Democratic State Convention, the rules were suspended, and a motion that 'The Illinois Democratic State Convention do hereby endorse all the declarations of principles adopted by the Illinois State Labor Convention, held at Chicago, March, 1884,' was adopted without a dissenting vote." (Quota- tions are from the Address mentioned in the text, a copy of which has been pre- served in the library of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin at Madison.) 44 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Labor Convention. Together with the Report of the Com- mittee appointed to wait on the Republican and Democratic State Conventions. Workingmen! Read This At Home," declaring that "it behooves every workingman who endorses the platform adopted by the Illinois State Labor Convention to vote and work for the election of the Democratic State Ticket." The Republicans had not only rejected the labor platform, added the Executive Committee, but many of the party's leading wire-pullers were interested in the perpetua- tion of the infamous convict contract-labor system, and to crown their infamy these creatures have prevailed on the peni- tentiary commissioners, since the meeting of the Democratic State Con- vention, to extend the term of their contracts to eight years! Can insult or injury go further? The address concluded: For the first time, then, in the history of our state the campaign will be in a great measure fought on the issues presented by the industrial classes Do your duty — redeem the promise made in the State Labor Convention Throw partyism to the dogs, and vote only for those candidates who are openly and above board pledged to champion the interests of labor. The state elections of 1884 resulted in a Republican gubernatorial victory, though the plurality of the Republican nominee, Richard J. Oglesby, was only 14,600, while Blaine, Republican candidate for president, carried Illinois by 25,122. In the General Assembly the Republicans beheld their control reduced to the narrow margin of one vote on the Senate side, while the Democrats actually acquired a majority of one in the House. 1 The political efforts of the Illinois State Labor Convention and its Executive Com- mittee probably had considerable to do with the gains of the Democrats. 1 Chicago Daily News Almanac, 1885. THE FIRST LEGISLATIVE VICTORY 45 When the second state labor convention met at Spring- field in February, 1885, it renewed the demand made at Seamen's Hall for the "total abolition" of the contract con- vict labor system, and James F. Quinn, a trade unionist, introduced a bill to that end in the legislature. Supported by the Democrats and a few Republicans it passed the House, but lacked one vote in the Senate. Thereupon labor representatives framed a constitutional amendment pro- hibiting the contract system of prison labor and were success- ful in having the General Assembly submit it to a vote of the people. It was to come up in the fall elections of 1886. 1 The Illinois State Labor Association, as it now called itself, met for its third convention at Decatur in June, 1886, and James F. Quinn, who attended as a delegate from the Stonecutters' Union of Chicago, presided over its sessions. The business of the convention revolved about the convict- labor question. Plans were laid for an active campaign in favor of the proposed constitutional amendment. The Executive Committee was instructed to prepare a circular for distribution throughout the state and through the press; it was authorized to send out three canvassers, two in the North and one in the South. Subsequently, committees waited upon the Republican and Democratic state conven- tions, as in 1884, but this time with only one demand — indorsement of the proposed convict-labor amendment. Both parties were induced to take favorable action, though the Republicans were charged with perfidy later in the cam- paign. 2 The State Labor Association spent about $350 in 1 Report of A. C. Cameron to Decatur Convention of 1886, Decatur Review, June 2, 1886, and Chicago Times, same date. 2 Cameron's report to 1887 convention. — Illinois State Register, January 26, 1887. "In their State Conventions both Republican and Democratic parties endorsed the Constitutional amendment abolishing contract convict labor, called upon all their adherents to vote for the amendment, and by implication at least instructed 46 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR these and similar activities, of which $270 was raised by a special call for contributions. 1 The convict labor amendment carried in the fall elections by twenty thousand votes, and the Illinois State Labor Asso- ciation found itself victorious on its foremost demand, the demand which had called a state labor organization into being. The contracting out of convict labor was forever made illegal in Illinois. their committees to get out the party tickets as being 'for' the amendment. So far as we have been able to learn, the Democratic party in Illinois has acted in good faith in this matter. The Democratic State Central Committee have pre- pared their tickets with the words 'for the amendment' and not 'against' it. On the other hand, the Republican tickets have both 'for' and 'against' on their tickets, contrary to agreement, and in Bureau county, the home of the arch- enemy of honest labor and friend of prison contractors, Senator Whiting, all the Republican tickets are printed 'against the amendment,' giving no Repub- lican a chance to vote for it. In all the rural districts where a bribed central com- mittee could work this dodge against the unsuspecting farmers, the Republican tickets are to be printed 'against the amendment.' " — Knights of Labor, October 30, 1886. Just on the eve of election a Republican circular flooded the state opposing the amendment. It said, "The demand to arrest our present successful prison management comes not from the tax-payers of Chicago, but mainly from the anarchists, communists and socialists of that city, who pay very little taxes, and are not noted for loving much labor either in prisons or elsewhere." — Knights of Labor, October 30, 1886. 1 Proc. (1887), "Treasurer's Report." CHAPTER III STRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT, 1884-97 "The work of the Chicago convention was necessarily preliminary in its character," said Chairman A. C. Cameron in opening the second state labor convention at Springfield in February, 1885; "it is for this and subsequent authorized gatherings to erect the superstructure." 1 This the Spring- field convention proceeded to do. It adopted a constitution, put on the dignity of a permanent organization, and became the Illinois State Labor Association. This constitution of 1885, printed in full below, is the first in the history of the Illinois State Federation of Labor. CONSTITUTION ARTICLE I. NAME Sec. 1. This organization shall be known as the Illinois State Labor Association. ARTICLE II. OBJECTS Sec. 1. The objects of this Association are the encouragement and formation of trade and labor organizations and to secure legislation favor- able to the interests of the industrial classes. ARTICLE III. OFFICERS Sec. 1. The officers of the Association shall consist of a president, first and second vice-presidents, secretary, treasurer, and an executive committee of five members. Sec. 2. The officers shall be elected the first day of the session, except the executive committee, who shall be elected the last day of the session. All officers shall be elected by ballot. ARTICLE IV. DUTIES OF OFFICERS Sec. 1. The president shall preside at the annual meeting, preserve order, and appoint all committees unless otherwise ordered by the Asso- ciation. 1 Where no source is cited for quotations from convention speeches, resolu- tions, and the like, see Appendix A, which lists the sources of information used for each convention. 47 48 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Sec. 2. The first and second vice-presidents shall officiate in the absence of the president. Sec. 3. The secretary shall keep a record of the proceedings of the Association, receive all moneys and pay the same to the treasurer, taking his receipt therefor. Sec 4. The treasurer shall receive all moneys from the secretary, giving his receipt therefor, and disburse the same as ordered by the Association. He shall give sufficient bonds if required to the executive committee for the faithful performance of the duties of his office. Sec 5. The executive committee shall consist of five members who are authorized to execute the order of the Association and shall have jurisdiction of all matters affecting the industrial classes; after the ad- journment of the Association, the secretary and treasurer shall be ex- officio members of the committee. The chairman or some member of the committee whom he may designate, shall be present, and open the annual and special sessions of the Association. The committee may call a special session of the State Association when it deems the circumstances warrant it. The committee shall encourage and assist in the promotion of trade and labor organizations in localities where none exist. ARTICLE V. MEETINGS The sessions shall be held annually, at such time and place as the Association may designate. ARTICLE VI. REPRESENTATION The Association shall be composed of delegates from the trades and district assemblies and labor organizations of the State of Illinois. Every organization is entitled to one delegate for each one hundred members or fraction thereof up to one thousand members. No organization is entitled to more than ten delegates. ARTICLE VII. REVENUE All labor associations of one hundred members or less shall be assessed two dollars per annum, and for every additional hundred or fractional part thereof, one dollar. All trade and district assemblies shall be assessed ten dollars. ARTICLE VIII. STANDING COMMITTEES 1. Committee on Credentials. 2. Committee on Resolutions. 3. Committee on Legislation. 4. Committee on Ways and Means. 5. Committee on Platform. STRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT, 1884-97 4!) ORDER OF BUSINESS 1. Reading of minutes. 8, Report of special and standing committees. 3. Resolutions, communications and bills. 4. Welfare of the Association. 5. Adjournment. It will be observed that the Illinois State Labor Associa- tion was organized somewhat on the analogy of a political party. It was hardly a continuous institution; it was more like a series of annual conferences. There was no definite membership; unions and Knights of Labor assemblies that wished to send delegates did so, and only those represented at the convention paid dues. The president of the associa- tion merely presided over the meeting which elected him; between conventions power resided in the executive com- mittee of five, and the chairman of this committee was the real head of the organization. It was he who called the annual conventions to order on their opening days, and he who reported on the year's legislative work or made recom- mendations for the future. The next important structural development took place in 1888. Before the Peoria convention of that year the Knights had broken with the organization. The trade union- ists, under the leadership of the cigarmakers, reorganized the Illinois State Labor Association, rewrote the constitu- tion, affiliated with the American Federation of Labor, and changed the name to Illinois State Federation of Labor. The preamble for the remodeled constitution of 1888 was taken over almost bodily from that of the American Federa- tion of Labor and expressed a purpose permanently to unite the trade unionists of the state by means of a thorough federation. This purpose found expression in the constitu- tional changes made at the time. For example, a more definite membership criterion was set up: "This Federation 50 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR shall be composed of delegates from such labor organiza- tions as shall adopt this constitution." In 1889 the Bloom- ington Pantagraph mentions that "Cigar-makers' Union 41 and the Tailors' Union of Rock Island are affiliated, but have no delegates present." Evidently a distinction could now be made between membership in the federation and attendance at the convention. Other amendments made the president and the vice-presidents responsible heads of the organization throughout the year instead of mere presiding officers at an annual meeting; additional clauses enumerated their duties in detail. These were steps in the direction of a permanent and thorough federation. Following the lead of the American Federation of Labor, which had decided that in view of the impending concerted movement for the eight-hour day on May 1, 1890, its Executive Council should have power to levy strike assess- ments, the Illinois State Federation of Labor now drew up a similar strike supporting amendment to its own constitution and had it ratified by referendum vote of its members. 1 Had there ever been any attempt to invoke this amendment, however, it is doubtful whether or not the local organiza- tions would have acknowledged the right of the State Feder- ation to levy an assessment upon them. 2 Thoroughness of federation was not to extend to the economic field. By the end of the eighties the structural foundations of the Illinois State Federation of Labor were fairly well laid, and even some of the superstructure of which A. C. Cam- eron spoke in 1885 had been erected. But though the edifice had a framework it certainly lacked walls and a roof; the wind whistled unimpeded through its bare hulk. The mem- 1 Communication from the Illinois State Federation of Labor in the "Minutes of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly," February 21, 1889; Constitution of the Illinois State Federation of Labor in Proc. (1890, Jacksonville convention). 2 Interview, John C. Harding. STRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT, 1884-97 51 bership, instead of increasing, had declined almost to the point of extinction, and the year 1890 saw another crisis in the affairs of the Federation. This time reorganization came about through the printers. A new group of men assumed the task of upbuilding the Illinois State Federation of Labor and carried it forward — under peculiar difficulties which we shall notice later — to the close of the first period in its his- tory, about 1897. This occasioned further constitutional changes, which we can summarize as development in the direction of (1) more thorough affiliation, (2) better financial support, and (3) a year-round federation. MORE THOROUGH AFFILIATION A "Committee on Welfare of the Order" in 1891 reported "more thorough affiliation" as one of the great needs of the Federation, and except for certain periods of political turmoil the next six years were marked by continuous efforts to in- crease the membership of the organization. "The Illinois State Federation of Labor has enjoyed a steady growth during the past year," reported the officers in 1896; "since the Peoria convention (1895) some twenty-five new unions have been admitted. . . . The Federation now embraces over one hundred labor bodies in good standing. 1 It is significant that in this decade of the nineties unions began to affiliate with the State Federation, not merely to send delegates to the conventions. Secretary Walter Bush commented in 1896 that although we have a good sized delegation here today, it would be much larger if it were not for the present hard times; many organizations show- ing that they are very much in earnest by paying up their per capita and in expressing their regret at being unable to send delegates, but pledging themselves to help carry out any movement which this convention may see fit to put on foot. 2 1 Official call for 1896 convention, in Eight-Hour Herald, October 6, 1896. * Proc. (1896), p. 12. UNIVERSITY Or ILLINOIS I 'BRARY 52 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Furthermore, the nineties saw the State Federation become a real state organization. During the first ten years of its existence it was fathered by the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly, and an outstanding fact in the makeup of nearly all the early conventions was the preponderance of Chicago delegates. 1 The dominant influence of Chicago in the state labor movement of the time is even more strikingly shown in what may be called the steadying personnel of the Federation. Out of twenty-seven men who were present at two or more state conventions during the eighties, nineteen were from Chicago. Of the nine who were present at three or more, five came from Chicago. 2 1 See Appendix B on "The Growth of the Illinois State Federation of Labor." 1 There was only one man who attended four out of the seven conventions of the eighties; he was Jacob Roedersheimer, of Jacksonville, who represented the Trade and Labor Assembly of that city and Cigarmakers' Local 1 14. The following attended three conventions during the eighties, representing the organizations indicated: Chicago: A. C. Cameron, Typo. 16, C. T. & L. A.; William Gleason, L. A. 1307, C. T. & L. A.; William H. Kliver, C. T. & L. A.; William H. Muldoon, Coopers' L. A., C. T. & L. A.; W. E. Tomson, Wood Working Machine Hands L. A. 8511. Springfield: Joseph Farris, L. A. 271, S. T. & L. A.; George Neff, S. T. & L. A.; James W. Smith, S. T. & L. A. The following attended two conventions during the eighties, representing the organizations indicated: Chicago: Fred Beling, Cigarmakers' 14; Leo P. Dwyer, D. A. 24; Louis Engel, Cigarmakers' 14; John Foley, C. T. & L. A.; Louis Hartman, C. T. & L. A.; John W. La Vine, Cigarmakers' 14; Mrs. E. McLogan, C. T. & L. A.; J. B. Murphy, C. T. & L. A.; George Rodgers, Iron Molders' 23; Albert Schaper (Schafer?) Cigarmakers' 14; George A. Schilling, Coopers' L. A., C. T. & L. A.; August Stirmel, Cigarmakers' 14; Robert T. Swallow, C. T. & L. A.; James F. Quinn, Stonecutters. Springfield: John L. Phillips, S. T. & L. A. Decatur: Bert Stewart, Workingmen's Club. Peoria: George Beckler, Cigarmakers' 118. Bloomington: T. S. Schofield, Knights of Labor. (Compiled from credentials lists, or, where these are not available, from names mentioned in press accounts of the proceedings.) STRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT, 1884-97 53 During the nineties, however, Chicago ceased to supply a majority of the delegates, and the regime of the downstaters from 1895 to 1897 established the complete independence of the Illinois State Federation of Labor. Nevertheless, and naturally enough, the labor movement of Chicago has never ceased to play an important part in the Federation's pro- ceedings. BETTER FINANCIAL SUPPORT "The Israelites may have made bricks without straw," Mr. Cameron had said in his Springfield speech in 1885, "but even that undertaking was not a more difficult one than the task of running a state labor organization without the sinews of war." The State Labor Association did succeed in raising some $200 for its campaign on the convict-labor amendment, but that was through special contributions. The regular annual income of the state organization was very meager during its early years. An itemized report in 1890 shows total receipts of $72.07 and total expenditures of $75.85; and almost two-thirds of the receipts and more than two-thirds of the expenditures were connected with the printing and sale of the proceedings of the last convention. Obviously, there were no funds to support any great amount of legislative work. The 1885 constitution assessed each organization $2.00 per annum for the first hundred members and $1.00 for every additional hundred; that of 1887 added that "no organiza- tion shall be assessed more than ten dollars." In 1888 the principle of per capita taxation was introduced, with dues of 2 cents per member per annum from each affiliated union; but still no organization was to pay less than $2.00 nor more than $10.00. Trades assemblies, central unions, or councils were taxed $3.00 for every delegate sent to the convention, 54 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR and might send any number of delegates up to ten. 1 This arrangement yielded very little revenue. The new men who came in about 1890 determined to make the State Federation an influential body, and one of the first things they realized was that it must have money. In 1891 the per capita tax was increased to 6 cents per annum, or J^ cent per month ; no organization, however, was required to pay for more than two thousand members. An entrance fee of $2.00 was introduced. 2 These provisions remained in force until 1895. In the latter year Secretary Walter Groves called atten- tion in his report to the "want of material funds to accom- plish anything practical. " which impeded the Federation. He said, Of what use is it to pass sounding resolutions on important matters when on the adjourning of the convention there is not sufficient money in the treasury to pay for the necessary postage. The per capita tax is but barely sufficient to pay the expenses of the convention and necessary printing and stationery used by the officers, to say nothing of traveling expenses on business of the Federation. 3 He suggested that a fund should be raised to support a rep- resentative at the state capitol throughout the entire session of the legislature. President Riefler also urged an increase in per capita tax. 4 Accordingly, the revenue section of the constitution was again revised. The initiation fee was abolished; central bodies were assessed $10.00 annually, regardless of the number of delegates sent to conventions, though they were henceforth limited to five. The capitation tax remained 3^2 cent per member per month, payable quarterly, but the provision that a local need not pay on more than two thou- 1 Proc. (1890, Jacksonville), p. 31. 8 Constitution of 1892, in Labor Gazette, 1893, p. 164. 3 Peoria Herald, October 10, 1895. 4 Ibid., October 12, 1895. STRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT, 1884-97 55 sand members was removed. Furthermore, quarterly dues became payable in advance, and it was specified that affiliated unions must be fully paid up before the credentials of their delegates would be accepted at the conventions. 1 Organizations not previously affiliated with the Federation might send delegates upon payment of one quarter's per capita fee in advance. 2 As a result of these improvements, and with the growth of interest in the Federation on the part of local unions, the income of the organization gradually became larger and more steady. President Riefler, in his annual report at the end of this period (1897), was able to announce that "the revenues derived from the per capita tax . . . are now ample to defray all ordinary expenses. The indebtedness inherited by the present officials has all been discharged, and for the first time in its history, the Federation has a surplus in its treasury." "This," he said, "is largely owing to the zeal and faithfulness of Secretary Bush. 3 However, even with this improvement in condition, the financial strength of the State Federation during the nineties seems very small when compared to that of the same organi- zation today. Secretary Bush says, The revenue was so small that there was nothing to put up a fight on. The unions began to realize that if they expected to get anything from the General Assembly they had to do it through the State Federation where they could present a united front, and as more unions came in its power grew larger. But you can't run an organization without finances, and the State Federation didn't get any real power until it got some per capita taxes coming in — when the miners and other unions began to pay dues. 4 l Ibid. 8 Constitution of 1896, in Proc. (1896), p. 11. 8 President's Address (1897), printed separately. 4 Interview, Walter S. Bush. Some idea of the scale of expenditures may 56 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR TOWARD A YEAR-ROUND FEDERATION From a series of annual conventions to a continuous organization governed by an annual convention but function- ing the year round was the direction of development of the Illinois State Federation of Labor. A part of this develop- ment occurred in the nineties. Thus, the Jacksonville con- vention of 1890 voted to pay its secretary, in addition to the $3.00 per day he received during the convention, $25.00 extra for services from the time of adjournment until the next annual meeting. Should he be required to devote more time to the work of the organization than might be justly remunerated by that amount he might present a bill for more. Thus the State Federation of Labor acquired its first "salaried" officer! Before the close of this period the secre- tary's allowance for interconvention services had become per year, and while the president received no salary he be gained from the following report made in 1803 (Proc. (1893), p. 26; figures here are rounded) : EXPENDITURES Printing proceedings and shipping $120 Other printing 50 Delegate badges 25 A. F. of L. taxes and delegate expenses 70 Secretary's salary 100 President's expenses 150 Secretary's expenses, postage, etc 30 Total expenditures $545 Receipts for the same year totaled $716, of which $216 came from per capita tax, delegate fees, and initiation charges. Of the per capita tax itself, Cigar Makers' Union No. 14, Chicago, paid $48, and Typographical 16, Chicago, paid $36; to- gether these two big unions paid more than half the per capita. The largest item in the receipts for 1893 was "From J. W. Connorton for Labor Gazette Privileges . . . . $500," but this was exceptional. About $314 in new revenue was collected in 1894 — Proc. (1894), p. 139. By 1897 this had increased to $425. — Report of Secretary-Treasurer Walter S. Bush, 1897, printed separately. The latter amounts represent dues paid in regularly by a comparatively large number of organizations, which indicates that the Federation was attaining a firm financial footing. STRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT, 1884-97 57 was able to spend a modest amount on traveling expenses when he gave his time gratis to Federation business. The official governing body of the Federation between conventions was the Executive Board. It met occasionally to settle a dispute or to take official action on some policy of the officers, but the organization was too poor to afford many meetings of the Board. 1 Most of its affairs had to be handled by correspondence, and the president or secretary carried on most of its activities between conventions. In addition to making progress in its internal organiza- tion, real affiliation of the Illinois State Federation of Labor with the American Federation of Labor dates from the nineties. The Seamen's Hall Convention of 1884, it will be remembered, elected three delegates to attend the Federa- tion of Trade Convention that was to meet in Chicago the following October. The three presented their credentials, "but as no provision had been made to pay the whole of the per capita tax, all except one were withdrawn." J. P. McGinley was seated. His name appeared on the credentials list as a representative of the "Illinois State Federation/' 2 For nearly a decade thereafter the Illinois state organiza- tion sent no delegates to national conventions. The Federa- tion of Trades became the American Federation of Labor in 1886, and in 1888 the Illinois State Federation of Labor applied for a charter. It paid a charter fee of $5.00 in February, 1888, and bought $4.00 worth of supplies in April 1 R. W. Schuch says, "We members of the Executive Board got our expenses and maybe a little more, but we lost some wages. This was our contribution; the Federation was poor." Usually, he says, the local union of carpenters contributed toward his expenses when attending Executive Board meetings; "The Federation was weak, and the locals came to the rescue. The Carpenters and others figured that it was worth something to them to have their representatives on committees so tnat they could get direct reports." — Interview. 2 Proceedings, Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada (1884). 58 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR of the same year, according to the records of the American Federation of Labor, but made no further payments. Two years later the Quincy convention of 1890 took the rather surprising step of renouncing the affiliation which had been effected in 1888, "on the ground that all the organizations belonging to the State Federation are represented in the American Federation by delegates from their International or National Unions." 1 'Tt was largely a question of money," says John C. Harding. 2 But the following year at Alton the delegates voted to reaffiliate, and a congratulatory telegram from President Samuel Gompers, taken to mark the renewal of friendly relations between the national and state bodies, was read amid great enthusiasm. 3 The Illinois State Federa- tion now sent a delegate — in the person of one William C. Pomeroy — to the next American Federation of Labor con- vention, which met at Birmingham. There he was refused a seat because the Illinois Federation owed four years of back dues. 4 By 1892, however, the Illinois State Federation of Labor had attained good standing in the American Federa- tion of Labor, and it was represented in the convention of that year by Joseph A. Hopp, of Ottawa. 5 Since then its affiliation has been continuous. 1 Quincy Whig, November 20, 1890. * Interview. 3 Alton Daily Sentinel-Democrat, November 13, 1891. 4 American Federation of Labor Proceedings (1891), p. 10-11. 5 Ibid. (1892), p. 7. CHAPTER IV DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES We have seen that while the enthusiastic beginning at Chicago in 1884 was followed by several fairly well-attended conventions and by a notable legislative victory, the Illinois State Federation of Labor was on the verge of extinction by 1890. In fact, at the Jacksonville convention in January of that year there were only twelve delegates present, barely enough to fill all the offices. 1 Likewise, the public influence of the Federation at the end of the eighties seems to have been negligible. It is hard to find any mention of its conventions in the press. The Chicago papers, which had paid a good deal of attention to earlier sessions, accorded those of 1889 and 1890 a scant two or three inches of print, when they mentioned them at all. Even to the labor press of the time, the State Federation Convention was hardly as important as a political meeting. The leaders who revived the Illinois State Federation of Labor in the nineties always referred to the preceding years in its history as "the dark ages," for they could find no records, and nobody seemed to know any- thing about what the Federation had done. 2 Why was this state labor organization, launched so auspiciously in 1884, practically dead by 1890? It is ap- parent that Illinois local unions and central bodies at the end of the decade could not or would not co-operate to sup- port an active state federation. Why? The answer is to be found in three major disrupting forces which shook the 1 It is an actual fact that every delegate went home an officer of some kind in the Illinois State Federation of Labor; nobody had to be disappointed. — Proc. (1890). 2 Interview, William C. Pomeroy. 59 60 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Illinois labor world of the late eighties. The struggle between Knights of Labor and trade unionists, Haymarket and the anarchist hysteria, and the failure of independent labor political movements were at once the dominant episodes in the Illinois State Federation's history during these years and the reasons for its decline. KNIGHTS OF LABOR VS. TRADE UNIONS An impending conflict between the two widely different systems of labor organization, represented by the Knights of Labor on the one hand and the trade unions lately united in the American Federation of Labor on the other, broke out in 1886 in the East and spread westward. The storm center was the cigar-making trade, and the bone of contention, the blue label. About 1880 the Cigarmakers' International Union had adopted a blue label to distinguish union-made goods from those made in tenement houses, by Chinese, or under other non-union conditions. The label was a success, and in a short while there was a large demand for it. For a time there were negotiations looking toward a merger of the Cigarmakers' Union with the Knights of Labor, but these broke down when Grand Master Workman Powderly and his aides refused to agree to a plan which would have preserved the identity of the Cigarmakers' Union within the Order. Later the Knights organized a few cigar shops into Knights of Labor assemblies and moved to popularize a white label of their own to appear on boxes of cigars made by Knights of Labor members. The International charged that the Knights were receiving "scab" cigarmakers rejected by trade union locals; it refused to recognize the white label as marking "fair" goods; 1 and a feud developed which rapidly grew in bitterness. 1 Morgan Files clippings from a Chicago paper dated January 28, 1887; Report of Industrial Commission (1901), XVII, 23. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 61 The Decatur convention of the Illinois State Labor Asso- ciation in 1886 adopted a conciliatory attitude. It telegraphed good wishes to the Knights of Labor Convention then in session at Cleveland and passed a resolution which expressed the hope that the breach between trade unions and Knights would soon be healed. But friction was arising on other scores as well as the cigarmakers' label. A resolution intro- duced by the Typographical delegates at the same conven- tion showed how things were drifting. It denounced "rat" organizations composed of printers who had been expelled from the International Typographical Union and asked the Knights of Labor Executive Board to withhold its sanction from such groups. 1 By 1887 the breach had widened, and delegates from the Cigarmakers' Union came down to the Springfield conven- tion determined to force the issue. Knights and trade union- ists were almost evenly divided in numbers, as they had been in previous conventions, but now a tension divided the two factions. "It was evident to the most casual observer, ,, wrote a newspaper reporter, that "a state of feeling was pervading the assembly that needed but a word to fan the smouldering fire of excitement into flame." 2 Late in the afternoon of the second day, after hours of strenuous argument over the plat- form and over Haymarket resolutions, Frederick Beling, of Chicago, moved to indorse the blue label of the Cigarmakers' International Union. "This was the match that fired the powder magazine, and the explosion came near disrupting the convention." The Knights were on their feet in an instant with an amendment to include the seal of their order, thus indorsing both. The verbal fireworks lasted two full hours, and 1 Knights of Labor, June 5, 1886; also Decatur Review and Chicago Times, see citation in Appendix A. a Illinois State Register, see citation in Appendix A. 62 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR adjournment was delayed until seven o'clock. 1 In the end, the Knights were "knocked out by a majority of three votes, " and the champions of the blue label rejoiced in a hard earned victory. 2 "The general sentiment of the delegates," commented the Illinois State Register, "is that the gauntlet thrown down by the Cigarmakers* Union . . . means war to the knife between the Knights of Labor and the trade unions in this state and that the conflict will not cease until one or the other is conquered." In vain the convention protested next day that the press had misstated the situation when it reported that there was a conflict between the Knights and the trade unionists present. It demanded a correction, but a few moments later Richard Powers rose to suggest that perhaps this action was a bit unjust to some members of the press. He had been threatened by a reporter present, he said, that if the resolu- tion just adopted were allowed to stand his own speech of the previous day upon the blue label would be printed as proof that the alleged conflict did exist. He was not moved by this threat, but desired that justice should be done. On his motion the rules were suspended to give the newspapermen a chance to defend themselves, and thereafter a motion to 1 Delegates Farris, DeVeara, and Boudinot, of Springfield Knights of Labor assemblies, Rohrback and Dwyer, of Chicago Knights of Labor assemblies, and Gleeson and Kliver, from the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly, spoke in favor of indorsing both labels. Engel, Sandusky, and Swain of cigarmakers' locals in Chicago and Springfield, with Powers of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly, and Smith and Radcliffe, of the Springfield Trade and Labor Assembly, supported the original motion. 2 A Chicago paper reported that, "The members of the Cigarmakers' Inter- national Union were jubilant yesterday over their victory in the State Labor Assembly The union in this city issues about 150,000 labels per month. The scale of prices of the Knights of Labor for cigarmakers is somewhat lower than the union scale, and this is one of the main points of the union opposition to the Knights' label and schedule. The action of the State Assembly has greatly widened the breach between the two factions." — Unidentified clipping in Morgan Files, dated January 28, 1887. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 63 reconsider was carried with only one man voting no. The convention had to content itself with a declaration to the effect that the conflict over the blue label had ended when the vote was decided — which was no more true than the first resolution, as events proved. Cigarmakers, returning home, had the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly print ten thousand circulars announcing the indorsement of the blue label by the State Labor Associa- tion. 1 In December, Grand Master Workman Powderly, of the Knights, entered the Illinois struggle by ordering the Knights of Labor co-operative cigar factory in Chicago to cease using the blue label of the International and to use the white Knights of Labor label instead. 2 The result was a strike of the union men. 3 From this time there was open warfare, and the Knights disappeared from the State Labor Association. When the next convention met at Peoria a few weeks later (January 10, 1888) the cigarmakers were on hand in force, with about ten supporting delegates from the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly. They put through a resolution which not only indorsed the blue label, but declared the Knights of Labor label a fraud and set forth the International's side of the struggle to the extent of seven hundred words. The secretary of the convention was directed to forward a copy to every labor union in the state, together with a facsimile of the blue label. Furthermore, as we already know, the Peoria conven- tion voted to take out a charter from the American Federa- tion of Labor and thus definitely alienated the Knights. Reverberations of the State Federation's actions were heard in Chicago, where it precipitated a split in the Trade 1 "C. T. & L. A. Minutes," May 1, 1887. 2 Centennial History of Illinois, IV, 473. 3 Chicago Times, January 10, 1888. 64 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR and Labor Assembly. Harnessniakers' L. A. 1835, Knights of Labor, denounced the stand of the state body and asked the Trades Assembly to repudiate the report of its delegates. This it refused to do; whereupon District Master Workman George Schilling, of District Assembly 24, issued an order requiring all local assemblies under its jurisdiction to with- draw from the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly. The central body countered with a resolution that "should Dis- trict Assembly 24 refuse to withdraw its obnoxious order, the Trades Assembly shall consider such refusal a declaration of war upon the trade unions of this city"; and the Committee on Organization was instructed to visit all Knights of Labor locals for the purpose of bringing them into the American Federation of Labor. 1 Many local assemblies reorganized into trade unions and continued in the Trades Assembly, but with the disintegration of the Knights immense numbers of men, especially among the unskilled, went out of the move- ment entirely. 2 The Chicago central body, which was also the main support of the state body, was greatly weakened for a time by the departure of the Knights. But it began to lead an independent existence, and when the labor party flurries died down in the following year it commenced to grow again. The same was true of the State Federation. That the Knights of Labor trade union quarrel and the disintegration of the Knights account for the decline in attendance at the State Federation convention of 1889 is shown by the table in the footnote below. 3 The absence of the Knights does not account, however, for the further decrease in 1890. That must be explained in terms of the general confusion in the 1 Labor Enquirer, April 28, 1838, "Morgan Scrapbook," (University of Chicago); "C. T. & L. A. Minutes," April 15, 1888. 2 Centennial History of Illinois, IV, 473-74. 3 The types of organizations represented in state labor conventions in Illinois, 1884-90, were as given in the following table: DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 65 labor movement, the after-effects of Haymarket, and the misfortune of Labor-party projects. haymarket: anarchism and suppression In 1884 the Federation of Trades had designated May 1, 1886, as the date on which laboring men of the United States and Canada, by concerted action, were to inaugurate the eight-hour day. As that date approached workingmen flocked into the organized labor movement in unprecedented numbers, the enthusiasm of the leaders and the rank and file was boundless, employers of labor became increasingly un- easy, and police officials prepared for trouble. In Chicago there was another element in this seething situation: For some years a group of anarchists, who espoused without reserve the use of force, had been preaching their doctrines by word of mouth at public meetings on the lake front, in local unions, and through radical papers and pamphlets. In this intellectual and emotional setting Chicago work- ingmen embarked on the eight-hour movement of 1886. "As May Day approached, the tension all over the city of Chi- cago increased. Squads of police guarded the larger factories and galloped unexpectedly through quarters where laboring men assembled." 1 But the day came and passed peacefully enough. Results differed in the various trades; "in a few trades the eight-hour day with ten hours' pay had already CiTif Centrals Knights of Labor Tbade Unions No. No. No. No. No. No. No. Yeab Organizations Delegates Organizations Delegates Organizations Delegates Trades 1884. . . 8 8 36 45 23 47 12 1885'... 1886. .. 4 12 6 6 8 9 7 1887... S 16 11 12 4 7 2 1888V. 1889.. . 5 9 6 9 3 1890. .. 8 6 6 6 4 *No Data. 1 Centennial History of Illinois, IV, 108 66 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR been granted, in others the eight-hour day with eight hours' pay was now inaugurated, while still more compromised on a nine-hour day with nine hours' pay." But out on the "Black Road" leading to the McCormick harvester works trouble was brewing ; police and Pinkerton detectives hovered about the place. On May 3 there came a clash; 150 policemen appeared on the scene; several workers were killed and a score or so wounded. That night thousands of circulars ap- peared throughout the city with the message: "Revenge! Revenge! Workmen to arms!" and a great mass-meeting at Hay market Square was called for the evening of May 4 "to denounce the latest atrocious act of the police." 1 The Haymarket meeting proceeded peaceable enough, and after some hours of speech-making appeared to be breaking up. Mayor Harrison, who had attended, stopped at a nearby police station where reserves were being held and informed Inspector Bonfield that no violence need be feared, that the meeting had not been of an incendiary character, and that the people were leaving. A few minutes later, for some unaccountable reason, Bonfield at the head of 125 policemen appeared at the meeting and ordered it to disperse. "Almost simultaneously there was a thundering explosion; a bomb burst among the policemen, killing one and fatally wounding several others. The police fired wildly into the fleeing crowd, killing and wounding many — and the 'Hay- market riot' was over." 2 The public, fanned into hysteria by the newspapers, demanded revenge upon the anarchists. Out of many arrests eight men were selected to stand trial, not as throwers of the bomb — for he remained unknown — but as anarchists, 1 Ibid., p. 170, quoting from revenge circular, Thomas J. Morgan files. 2 Ibid., p. 170. In the above paragraphs liberal use has been made of the excellent account in the Centennial History of Illinois, prepared by Agnes Wright Dennis and Professor E. L. Bogart. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 07 who, by the written and spoken word, had incited violence. After a trial lasting eight weeks and conducted in a frenzied atmosphere of hysterical fear the men were found guilty of murder, though none of them were proved to have thrown the bomb, and Parsons was not even present when the tragedy happened. One, Oscar Neebe, was sentenced to fifteen years in prison, the other seven to death. The sen- tences of Michael Schwabe and Samuel Fielden were com- muted to life imprisonment; Adolph Fischer, George Engle, and Albert R. Parsons were hanged, and Louis Lingg com- mitted suicide. 1 The echoes of Haymarket were heard in state labor conventions for many years. That of 1886, meeting not quite a month after the bomb was thrown, at first declined to con- sider a resolution by George Neff, of Springfield, which con- demned the anarchists and their inflammatory appeals but also scored the capitalists and corporations who had im- ported semibarbarians from the hotbeds of European anarchism in order to break down standards of American labor. "It is at this time unwise to pass or even discuss any such resolution on account of the already excited state of the public mind," said the Committee on Resolutions, and "believing in the efficacy of the law, especially when poor men have to come under its disciplinary influences/ ' it re- ported the subject as "foreign to the business for which this assembly has been convened. " Later, evidently feeling that it must preserve the convention from any suspicion of anarchist sympathies, the committee brought in a very much emaciated edition of the original resolution. It did not men- tion the Chicago tragedy specifically, but simply condemned inflammatory speech-making, while recognizing the right of all men to hold public meetings for lawful purposes. $This brought George Schilling to his feet; he defended the 1 Ibid., p. 173. 68 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR anarchists and laid the blame for the "riot" on the police, whom he characterized as the worst anarchistic organization he knew of. "Messrs. Tomson of Chicago, NefT of Springfield and Stewart of Decatur, all made vehement speeches re- pudiating any affiliation with red-flag sentiments, and the resolution went through with a rush." In the interval before the next convention, held in January, 1887, there was time for calmer thought, and some of the first panic-inspired verdicts were modified. As early as July 17, the Knights of Labor, a weekly published in Chicago, which had been as vehement as any in denouncing anarchism and commending the police, was remarking that "from recent developments it looks as though Inspector Bonfield is the man who ought to run away, as he appears to be primarily responsible for the riot;" and the following week : The first sensations of the terrible tragedy of May 4, were so revolting to all law-abiding citizens that there was but one expression of condemnation against the men now on trial as the supposed originators and perpetrators of the foul crime; but as the facts are gradually developed, there is a ques- tion in the minds of independent and conservative thinkers whether there are not some men fully as culpable as the so-called anarchists. 1 In December, six weeks before the Springfield convention of 1887, the same paper asserted that "public opinion has turned completely around regarding the eight convicted anarchists of Chicago within the past few months." 2 A resolution now came before the state convention "that the public peace, as well as justice, demands that a new trial should be granted, that a more impartial and dispassionate sifting of the evidence be secured." The conviction of the anarchists, recited this document, was "produced by class hatred and the clamor of a vindictive press." Joseph Farris 1 Knights of Labor, July 17, 24, 18S6. 2 Ibid., December 4, 1886. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 69 and delegates Lum, Beling, and Sandusky spoke in favor of the resolution, and the latter wanted in addition to condemn the man who, in his opinion, was responsible for the riot, Inspector Bonfield. George Neff argued that a bad foreign element was gaining ground in the country; that the verdict in the anarchist case was a just one; and that those who would place the red flag before the American flag ought to leave the country. His opposition was reinforced by Richard Powers, James W. Smith, and A. C. Cameron, who read from the constitution to show that the subject did not prop- erly come within the objects of the association. After a heated debate and considerable wrangling, the resolution was declared out of order. Thus, the Haymarket affair was not allowed to come before the State Labor Association officially, save for the general denunciation of inflammatory speech-making in 1886. The state organization thereby sought to avoid trouble, though it was not able to prevent sharp dissensions over that policy. In 1888 at Peoria no mention was made of the matter. Of the eight convicted anarchists, Fielden, Schwab, and Neebe had been sent to prison, and the others were dead; the storm appeared to have subsided. The fol- lowing year, with public sentiment less inflamed and with the old conservative leaders absent from the convention, the State Federation declared that the three anarchists in prison had not received a fair trial ; and it appointed a committee to use all honorable means to secure their release. The last act in this drama was the election with the aid of labor votes of the liberal governor, John P. Altgeld, who, after examining all the evidence carefully, concluded that the judge in the anarchist trial had shown bias; that the jury was packed; that the jurors were not competent; that the trial was not a legal trial; and that the defendants were not guilty of the crime charged in the indictment. He said so in a message 70 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR announcing the pardon of the three prisoners still living, and by this courageous act of justice brought upon his own head a torrent of vilification which hastened him to his grave. 1 Much more important in its effect upon the State Fed- eration than the discussions of the Haymarket affair in its conventions was the indirect reaction of the catastrophe upon the labor movement of the state. In the first place, the Haymarket explosion brought about the virtual collapse of the eight-hour movement and attached a label of anarchy to all labor organizations which it took them years to shake off. The bomb, said the Knights of Labor, 2 caused a revulsion of feeling against the eight hour agitators and actually ended the struggle among a great number of trades and occupations A reign of terror came upon the "agitators." Tommy Morgan and other speakers did not dare to speak or write in the cause of shorter hours, and the movement then subsided 3 The panic stricken public made little distinction between anarchists, socialists, trades unionists, and Knights of Labor. The editor of the same weekly in August of 1886 complains, How often must the workingmen as a class deny their connection or sympathy with anarchy? It does seem as though the press at large has taken upon itself the task of convicting workingmen of socialism, anarch- ism, communism, and all the other isms society is heir to, regardless of their denials or protests, and it is high time that wholesale misrepresenta- tion ceased. 4 In vain he explained that what workingmen really wanted 1 See Dell, in Chicago: Its History and Its Builders, II, 405; Browne, Altgeld of Illinois. 2 January 26, 1889. 3 "The remarkably small percentage of successful strikes in 1886, both of men organized and unorganized, was due in no small degree to the fact that they occurred mostly in Chicago, were inaugurated to secure the eight-hour work-day, and this whole movement collapsed and was brought to failure by the Haymarket tragedy." —Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, Report (1888), p. 213. 4 Knights of Labor, August 28, 1886. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 71 was shorter hours, abolition of the convict contract system, and abolition of child labor. In the second place, the reaction from Haymarket gave occasion for the enactment of legislation distinctly unfavor- able to labor organizations, hampering their activities and making agitation dangerous. Such measures were the Cole Anti-Boycott Law and the Merritt Conspiracy Law, two new statutes which joined the long-standing LaSalle Black Laws in the list of grievances of labor in 1886. 1 In the third place, "it was the Haymarket bomb of May 4, 1886, that precipitated the political movement of this and the few following years." 2 INDEPENDENT POLITICAL ACTION, 1886-90 Anarchist hysteria had turned against labor organiza- tions in general, killing the eight-hour movement and result- ing in restrictive legislation against the boycott. "The strike and the boycott have failed," labor reformers said, "the ballot is our only salvation." 3 "Labor felt that the tragedy of the bomb was laid at its door only to discredit it in its economic demands, and it turned to politics to save 1 The relation of the anarchist scare to such legislation is shown by the fol- lowing in the Knights of Labor, April 16, 1887: "Intelligent and well-informed workingmen know that it was Albert Currlin's speech, in which he advised men to arm themselves, that did more to insure the passage of the Merritt conspiracy bill than any other one thing; they know that it was Currlin's editorial circulated in Washington that settled the question as to a military post in Chicago. When Currlin was told of these things he simply said: 'All right. Let them grind us down, I'm willing; the more they grind us down the sooner they will bring on the social revolution.' We submit that the rank and file of workingmen in this country do not care to be crushed in order to further any bloody schemes Mr. Currlin may have on his program." Albert Currlin was the radical socialist editor of the A rbeiter Zeitung. 2 E. B. Mittleman, "Chicago Labor in Politics, 1877-9G," Journal of Political Economy, XXVIII, 417. 3 Quotation from a preamble adopted by the Illinois State Federation of Labor in 1888. 72 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR itself." 1 There were other causes contributing to a Labor party venture. "It was in the air; there was a break-up of old lines of thought, hardly realized at the time," says George Schilling, "Henry George and such men knew it, but with the rest it was largely unconscious." 2 Furthermore, organized labor had accumulated a distrust of old party methods and promises. 3 Finally, the remnants of financial questions left over from a previous decade provided material for minority parties; the political movement of the eighties was impregnated with greenbackism dressed up in new forms. 4 The main cause of the resort to politics, however, was that mentioned first, the fact that the eight-hour move- ment had been balked by the Haymarket bomb. 5 The 1886 convention of the State Labor Association met so soon afterward that no political plan had crystallized, and it did nothing toward independent political action. Chicago 1 Mittleman, op. cit., p. 418. "The political movement of the eighties came' mostly out of the Haymarket situation and the eight hour movement," says George Schilling. — Interview. 1 Interview. 3 Experience had proved that pre-election pledges were practically worthless. Members of the legislature "go to Springfield with the label on their backs and ticketed to the caucus. No matter how honest or sincere they may be when making the pledges to secure votes, they are powerless to redeem their obligations if the caucus decides against them. Therefore, the working classes must elect their own representatives." — Knights of Labor, September 8, 1888. 4 George Schilling, interview. 6 On the economic field labor had been defeated by anarchy, employers' associations, and Pinkerton detectives. Still, thought many, "if workingmen go to work in dead earnest they can make the eight-hour day an accomplished fact by May 1st, 1887. It cannot be done, however, by strikes, lockouts or boycotts; it must be in the Legislature at Springfield. See to it that none but men pledged to a law making it a misdemeanor for employers to contract for more than eight hours as a day's labor be sent there." Concentrate on the legislature, advised the Knights of Labor; if workingmen do this "they will have settled the short-hour day question more effectively than it could possibly be done in any other way."— Knights of Labor, July 10, 1886. DISRUPTING FORCP^S OF THE EIGHTIES 73 started the ball rolling in August with a conference which launched the United Labor party. "At that time the party merited the name by which it was known, for in it were represented all of the various phases of labor economics, each one determined to sink for the time his own particular idiosyncrasy." 1 But when it came time to nominate candi- dates a conservative element, which wished to dicker with the old parties, withdrew and formed the Cook County Labor party. 2 The fall election was a signal victory for the United Labor party. It polled about 25,000 votes and elected one state senator and seven members of the lower house. 3 In addition, it elected five out of the six judicial candidates which had received the labor indorsement, came within sixty-four votes of electing a congressman, and helped defeat the Democrats, turning the county over to the Republicans. "This is the biggest victory labor has ever won in Chicago." 4 Outside the city there had been activity, too. Daniel McLaughlin, president of the miners' federation, member of the State Board of Labor Statistics, and a prominent Knight, was elected to the Assembly on the Republican ticket in Will County. J. P. French, of LaSalle, secretary of the Knights of Labor State Assembly, was another victor. George S. Bailey, of East St. Louis, won out on the Knights of Labor ticket in that city; and two other labor men were successful in the Illinois legislative race. "By uniting the 1 Knights of Labor, August 24, 1886. * Mittleman, op. cit., p. 419. "They nominated a ticket made up of Democrats, Republicans, and some independents." 8 Assemblymen elected were: C. G. Dixon, J. J. Dwyer, Leo P. Dwyer, James O'Connor, W. P. Wright, George Rohrback, and Victor Karlowski; state senator: Richard M. Burke. "Chas. Seib made a close run for the senate and has probably been simply counted out." — Knights of Labor, November 6, 1886. 4 Mittleman, op. cit., p. 421. 74 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Labor vote in the House with the Democratic vote, an exact tie can be produced," exulted the Knights of Labor, There were 46,000 votes for the Labor party in Illinois. 1 But the spring election of 1887 was a great disappoint- ment. The two old parties united on a single candidate for mayor in Chicago and opposed the Labor party with the cry that a vote for a regular candidate was a vote for law and order and the American flag, while a vote for the United Labor party was a vote for anarchy and the red flag. The Democrats weakened the Labor party by winning over William Gleason of the Executive Committee to the idea of fusion. In spite of high hopes, Robert Nelson, labor candi- date for mayor, and his colleagues polled only some 25,000 votes out of 75,000, and elected only one alderman. 2 Now came a split which was the beginning of the end. William Gleason, who had been conniving with the Demo- crats all along, organized a party of his own that was soon popularly styled the "Free Lunch" party. But it ap- propriated the name of the old Labor party through a state charter, and then in the fall indorsed the Democrats. 3 The Morgan wing of the United Labor party took the name Rad- ical Labor party. It polled only about 7,000 votes at the next election. By this time the political labor forces in Cook County were divided into innumerable factions, each striving for the mastery, and each denouncing all the others. "The Morganites," chronicles the Chicago Times, "say that the Gleasonites are an annex of the Democratic party, while the 1 Knights of Labor, September 18, 1886; November 6, 1886; Morgan files clipping. 2 Mittleman, op. cit., p. 422. The Knights of Labor blamed the leadership of Thomas J. Morgan, the well-known socialist, and the participation of such revolu- tionaries as Albert Currlin and J. R. Buchanan for the result. "The workingmen of this country will never follow any set of men whose goal is a bloody revolution; the quicker such are placed in the rear the better" (April 16, 1887). 3 Mittleman, op. cit., p. 422. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 75 Gleasonites say the Morganites are running a labor sideshow to catch Democratic votes and keep the Republicans in power. 1 So far the State Labor Association had refrained from embarking on the sea of independent political action. 2 But now T. J. Morgan decided that an indorsement of Labor party principles from the state body might be helpful in the spring campaign. Morgan and his followers controlled the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly at the time, 3 and at a special meeting of that body just before the Peoria conven- tion the Trades Assembly's delegates were instructed to have the state organization insert as the preamble to its constitu- tion a long declaration written by Morgan. It argued that since the strike and the boycott had failed, and had even become criminal offenses in Illinois, "the one effective weapon in the hands of the workers" was their political power. 4 1 January 30, 1888. 2 In 1887, when the convention met at Springfield, Joseph Farris, a radical single-taxer, submitted a resolution urging that laboring men cease to affiliate with the old parties and form themselves into a new party with the object of anni- hilating class distinctions and procuring an equal distribution of the products and profits of labor. It was reported by the Resolutions Committee with the recom- mendation that the last clause be stricken out. D. C. Kelly moved as an amendment "that labor organizations, as such, affiliate with no political party." It was moved to lay the amendment on the table, and Mr. Farris ended the matter by with- drawing his resolution, "which probably prevented another wrangle." — Illinois State Register, January 28, 1887. The delegates had doubtless found enough con- troversial issues in this convention, what with the blue label and the anarchist resolutions. At any rate, they did not go in for independent political action. 3 Early in 1888 they succeeded in defeating Mark L. Crawford, a conservative, for re-election to the presidency of the Trades Assembly and elected Robert T. Swallow instead. The rallying cry was that victory for their candidate would mean a Labor party, while their defeat would mean a small Socialist party and a wing of Conservative Laborites attached to the Democrats. — Chicago Times, January 9, 1888; ibid., January 16, 1888. 4 "C. T. & L. A. Minutes," December 29, 1887. 76 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR At Peoria Morgan's essay on the necessity for political action was duly indorsed, along with a resolution on the same subject by August Stirmel of Cigarmakers' Local 14, and Charles Dold, a cigarmaker from Aurora, which resolved after seven hundred words of "Whereases": "That there be a committee of five elected to draft and submit a plan looking to the most feasible means to be adopted to secure independent political action of the laboring masses of this state/' This committee 1 considered the matter and reported that a permanent committee ought to be formed with power to call a state political convention. "There was no definite action taken on this, nor was there any permanent com- mittee appointed," says the Peoria Journal. This, so far as the evidence shows, was as far as the State Federation got with any practical program looking toward that independent political action which it indorsed so verbosely. The Labor party politicians had wanted these official declarations from a state labor body for use in the spring campaign, but in the actual work of organization the Federation did little; it was too weak by this time. The political action enthusiasts of the State Federation probably fell in with the Union Labor party movement, inaugurated in February, 1887, at a conference in Cin- cinnati. This, says E. B. Mittleman, "was really nothing more nor less than the ghost of the old Greenback party come to earth." 2 Standing on a platform considered broad enough for all advanced Democrats, Greenbackers, labor men, grangers, farmers' alliance men, and even the Henry Georgians and the Socialists to support, it undertook to extend its organization by establishing state parties. The Union Labor party of Illinois, rather than the State Federa- 1 Robert T. Swallow, Chicago; Louis Engel, Chicago; Charles Dold, Aurora; J. W. Smith, Springfield; and George Beckler, Peoria. 8 Op. cit, p. 422. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 77 tion, attempted to co-ordinate the activities of the numerous scattered city organizations which had grown up in Rock Island, Decatur, Mattoon, LaSalle, Streator, Chicago, and other localities during the Labor party agitations of 1886- 87. * Benjamin W. Goodhue gave up his position as state lecturer for the Knights of Labor and traveled from county to county organizing Union Labor party clubs and bringing in all kinds of independent reform organizations. In April, 1888, when the Union Labor party of Illinois prepared to hold a state nominating convention at Decatur, the Chicago Times called it "an unknown quantity in Illinois politics/ ' and averred that it "may develop sufficient strength to hold the balance of power" and that "it is highly probable that it will nominate the next governor of Illinois." 2 The latter prediction was based on a plan formed by some Democratic trade unionists to nominate Senator Andrew J. Bell, of Peoria, on the Union Labor party ticket and then, with what prestige that might give him, to have him nominated by the Democrats as well. Senator Bell had been a strong labor man in the legislature, but he was a hard- shell Democrat, and his attitude in seeking the Labor party nomination was that of many other Democrats who sought to use, and did use, the labor people. 3 The plan fell through in the Union Labor party convention, however; and after a debate not calculated to promote party harmony — each faction describing the others as "liars" — W. W. Jones, of Camargo, became the candidate for governor and a motion to make his nomination unanimous was declared carried amid shouts of "No! No!" C. G. Dixon, of Chicago, was nominated for lieutenant-governor, Bert Stewart, of Decatur, 1 Knights of Labor, April 23, 1887. 2 April 26, 1888. 3 Letter to the writer from former State Senator Richard M. Burke, December 7, 1926. 78 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR for secretary of state, and G. H. Collins, of Evanston, for auditor. The convention concluded its labors, after various groups had withdrawn from the hall in disgust, by indorsing A. J. Streetor, ex-president of the National Farmers' Alli- ance, for the Union Labor party presidential nomination. 1 In spite of the strife within the party, its leaders entered the campaign with lofty predictions. They resolved to ham- mer on four issues: (1) an eight-hour working day in all industries not influenced by competition with other states; (2) the prohibition of the employment of children under the age of fifteen in any stores, workshops, or factories; (3) one day of rest in seven; and (4) "the complete obliteration of 1 This Decatur convention of the Union Labor party, says Mr. Burke (letter cited in Footnote 3 , p. 77), was in his judgment "the greatest asinine assemblage that was ever gathered in Illinois." "The majority were the remnants of the old Green- back organization, who closed their eyes to the fact that Greenbackism was dead and buried." There was "never in the history of our country such a motley array of cranks, no two sharing the same opinion." Mr. Burke, he says himself, was present largely out of curiosity, representing no organization, having no credentials, and that the same was true of most of the so-called delegates; he regarded the affair as a huge joke from the start. Senator Bell sought the labor nomination to help him get the Democratic nomination; another candidate wanted to be named by the convention in order to advertise himself in the insurance business. The platform adopted by the convention included the strict enforcement of all laws; reduction of property taxes, assessment of holders of mortgages; election of railroad and warehouse commissioners by the people; control of the means of transportation and communication by the people as in the case of the postal system; a currency plank which demanded the establishment of a monetary system in the interest of the producer instead of the speculator, by which legal tender should be issued directly to the people without the intervention of banks or loaned to citizens upon ample security at a low rate of interest, free coinage of gold and silver, and the prompt payment of governmental debts; an industrial plank favoring arbitration, reduction in hours of labor commensurate with in- crease in machinery, protection of employees against injury, equal pay for equal work, and prohibition of child labor; a graduated income tax; a constitutional amendment making United States senators directly elected by the people; prohibi- tion of the hiring of armed men by private corporations; equal suffrage irrespective of sex; and a declaration against the liquor traffic. — Labor Enquirer, April 28, 1888; Chicago Times, April 27, 1888. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 79 that public infamy known as the Pinkerton Detective Agency/' 1 At the national convention in Cincinnati on May 17 the Illinois Union Labor party reported a full state ticket in the field and claimed that the arrest and conviction of boodlers in Chicago was due to its efforts. 2 In Chicago, the Labor Enquirer, which at first opposed the Union Labor party, and the Knights of Labor turned their columns to its support; eventually the Radical Labor party itself went over to it. 3 We shall follow the remainder of the career of the Union Labor party of Illinois in George Detwiler's Knights of Labor. On August 4 there was "not the slightest doubt but that the Union Labor party can if it wishes to do so elect a suffi- cient number of men to hold the balance of power in the next State Legislature." On September 1 railroad men all over the state were thought to be coming to the front for inde- pendent political action, and this "almost assures the Labor party the balance of power in the next Legislature." "The present outlook," on the 8th was, "that every candidate named for the State Legislature (in Cook County) will be elected, with a good showing for some of the county officers, and a fair chance for Congressmen." And, evidently in answer to attacks, "The Union Labor party of Cook County may be a tail to a Democratic kite or it may be a tail to a Republican kite. But whichever kite gets the Cook County Labor party as a tail is not going to bite the dust for lack of ballast." 4 But as election day approached splits in the labor ranks became all too apparent, and a note of warning ap- peared: "Remember, there is but one labor ticket in the field that is represented by the Cook County Central Club of 1 Knights of Labor, August 4, 1888. 2 Chicago Times, May 17, 1888. 8 Mittleman, op. cit, pp. 422-23. * Knights of Labor, September 8, 1888. 80 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR the Union Labor party. Don't be deceived by the Free Lunchers of Shacknasty Gleason or the go-as-you-please party of Tommy Morgan." 1 Then the ballots were counted, and the Union Labor vote was negligible. Laboring men had voted the Democratic ticket. 2 But Editor Detwiler looked back upon the campaign and consoled himself with the thought that it was "most remarkable .... for the apparent interest that was dis- played by both parties for the welfare of the working- classes In the state of Illinois the canvass for Governor was practically made on the issue of the Pinker- tons." 3 The Labor party movement had accomplished little in the way of vote-getting, but it had helped to make the grievances of labor one of the leading public questions of the times. It was plain enough, however, that in the heat of a national and state campaign all hope for an independent political party of labor had evaporated. "The official vote of Illinois is in," bitterly remarks the Knights of Labor two months after the election. George W. Collins, the Union Labor candidate for state auditor, "did not receive a single vote. Camargo Jones lacked 361,497 votes of being elected 1 Ibid., October 20, 1888. 2 Fifer, the Republican candidate, who had confidently expected to carry Cook County, lost it by 4,690 votes and admitted that the cause was labor ballots. "Palmer succeeded in winning the votes of the anarchists and the anarchistic classes," he said in an interview. "Again, while the laboring men of Illinois were by no means unfriendly to me. . . . many of the leaders of the labor organizations in Chicago warmly indorsed Palmer, and thus many in those organizations were led to him.'* — Chicago Times, November 9, 1888. Fifer, the Republican nominee, was elected, however. 8 Knights of Labor, November 10, 1888. "Why was it," General Palmer had asked in his speeches, "that 'the state has become an object of such contempt that standing armies are raised in its midst. . . . that private men may organize soldiers in the state, hirelings to go with their Winchesters and overawe the peo- ple.' " — Centennial History of Illinois, IV, 176. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 81 governor. John M. Foley beat the head of the ticket 1,133 votes. Lt. Gov. Pecksniff got lost in the shuffle." 1 This labor editor, like many other erstwhile Labor party enthusiasts, was convinced that As a national organization a labor party or any other distinctively class party is played out. If any demonstration of that fact is needed we refer to the returns of the late campaign. The Union Labor party, which was supposed to represent the Knights of Labor, the Trade Unions, the Farmers' Alliance, the Wheel, the Grangers, Anarchism, Socialism, Greenbackism, Free Land, Free Labor, Free Transportation, Free Banks and Free Lunch polled about one hundred and fifty thousand votes, and that too after a campaign of brag and bluster such as was never indulged in by a prize fighter." 2 And now, disappointed once more in political panaceas, came the return to trade-union tactics. "The working classes can exert their power to a much better advantage by using their votes as a club to smash the head of that one of the old parties that refuses to deal justly with them. In the mean- time, agitate, organize, educate for the eight-hour day on the first of May, 1890." 3 What were the reasons for the break-up of the independ- ent political movement of the eighties? From the first the Labor party movement had to contend against strong ties to the old-line organizations. Many hon- est workingmen were loyal Democrats or Republicans, and dissention arose at once between those who saw more hope of success for labor in bargaining with the established parties and those who wanted to cut adrift entirely. Then there were the machinations of old-party poli- ticians, who know innumerable ways to sow disaster in a budding Labor party. Many of the would-be leaders, who set up rival factions here and there, were motivated by 1 January 19, 1888. * Knights of Labor, December 29, 1888. 3 Ibid. 82 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Republican or Democratic money rather than the interests of the workers. Above all, there were the multifarious divisions within the labor movement itself. Socialists, single-taxers, anti- monopolists, anarchists, "pure and simple" trade unionists, Republican and Democratic fusionists — all had their favor- ite solutions of labor's political problems, and, once the initial success was achieved in the fall elections of 1886, each separate faction interpreted it as a clear mandate from the people to take charge of all future policies. A fourth factor, which he considers the fundamental one behind this and subsequent Labor party failures, George Shilling states thus: "There is an instinctive feeling among trade unionists that when they join a union they do not sur- render their individual politics or religion. They will go so far in a political movement, but if pressed too far they jump the track." 1 As for the State Labor party itself, it came into the field after the crest of the political wave had passed, was even more impregnated with isms than the city Labor parties, and had to contend immediately with the well-drilled cohorts of the major parties in a presidential year. The Union Labor party of Illinois was a complete fiasco, at least in so far as victory at the polls is the test of success. It is true, however, that the political movement of the eighties did arouse an enormous amount of interest in the problems of labor, brought the labor vote forcibly to the attention of politicians, and perhaps laid the basis for reforms, the fruit of which was reaped years later. "One thing is sure," said the Rights of Labor 2 in 1892, "the work- ingmen of Chicago never had so much attention paid to their 1 Interview. 8 Successor to the Knights of Labor. Quotation from issue of October 22, 1892. DISRUPTING FORCES OF THE EIGHTIES 83 political demands as they did immediately after they had cast their votes in the fall of 1886, and when they cast 27,000 votes for mayor in 1887." For the Illinois State Federation of Labor these political storms constituted one more disrupting force in the labor world of the kaleidoscopic eighties. The role played by the state organization was a minor one. It was used as a tool in the maneuvers of some labor politicians; it directed no move- ment of its own. CHAPTER V ACTORS OF THE NINETIES We have seen that the disrupting forces of the eighties had reduced the Illinois State Federation almost to a nonen- tity as the decade drew to a close. A revival and reorganiza- tion came in November, 1890, at Quincy. 1 V. B. Williams, of Typographical 16, had been elected president by the handful at Jacksonville the preceding January, and the invigoration of the state body was largely due to his efforts. 2 The printers took hold of the Federation in 1890, as the cigarmakers had done in 1888, and sent out letters urging a good attendance. 3 The result was that thirty-three delegates assembled at Quincy, representing three central bodies and twenty-one local unions in eleven different trades. This representation was nearly as large as in the best-attended conventions of the eighties, except that of 1884. Cigarmakers, printers, carpenters, and molders were most prominent in the con- vention; harnessmakers, bakers, brewers, stove-mounters, press-feeders, and machine-coopers were represented. This was a turning-point in the Federation's history. "It was really a new federation after the Quincy convention." 4 Its career ceased to be one of decline and became one of growth. John C. Harding, of Typographical 16, Chicago, was elected president and pledged himself to build up the state 1 Because two conventions were held in 1890 (the "Seventh Annual Session" at Jacksonville in January and the "Eighth Annual Session" at Quincy in Novem- ber) all subsequent conventions of the Federation have been numbered as though the organization dated from 1883 instead of 1884. * John C. Harding, interview. 3 Charles Dold, interview. 4 John C. Harding, interview. 84 ACTORS OF THE NINETIES 85 organization. Each delegate at Qnincy was made an ac- credited representative to visit all the locals in his vicinity to urge them to join. With proper effort, said Mr. Harding, the next convention might consist of from 100 to 150 delegates. This hope was not quite realized, but the Federation did grow — as is shown by the table on page 16. Although, as we shall discover, the abnormally large attendance in two or three conventions after 1892 sometimes indicated "packed" assemblies in the interest of rival politicians rather than enthusiasm for the work of the Federation, the zeal for increased bona-fide affiliations continued to the end of the period. This growth of the Federation coincided with important developments in the field of trade unionism at large. The nineties saw a growing solidarity of international unions within the American Federation of Labor, the displacement of middle-class panaceas such as producers' co-operation, currency, and land reform by more distinctly trade-union action, and above all the emergence of the trade agreement. New agencies also made their appearance in the labor struggle. The labor movement felt the power of great trusts; employers' associations developed; 1 the court injunction established a novel method of legal attack. By the latter part of the decade, "the formative stage of trade unionism was complete." 2 These developments in the labor field as a whole had their effect upon the contemporaneous growth of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, as did the panic of 1893 and the hard times, the Populist movements of the 1 The Illinois Manufacturers' Association, subsequently the chief opponent of the Illinois State Federation of Labor in most legislative battles, was organized early in 1894. Its first purpose was to defeat the Women's Eight-Hour Law in the courts, according to the Eight-Hour Herald (February 20, 25, 1894). 2 Selig Perlman, in Commons and associates, The History of Labour in the United States, II, 519. 86 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR nineties, the free silver campaign, and the chaotic conditions in the Chicago central labor body. The growth of the nineties was a turbulent growth, not a calm and steady development. The era from 1892 to 1895, particularly, was one of turmoil and struggle in the State Federation. In many ways these were its "formative years," during which the Federation passed through a severe crisis and emerged from the ordeal ready to develop henceforth in the direction of the respectable and responsible organization it has since become. In this and the two following chapters we shall see, first, a revival of interest and a healthy growth, lasting through 1892. The Federation accomplished a useful piece of work in helping to elect John P. Altgeld, one of the best governors Illinois ever had. Then the Illinois State Federation of Labor sailed into stormy waters. Some of the "labor-skates" and hangers-on, who are always lurking on the fringe of the trade-union movement to prey upon it, worked themselves into power in Chicago, captured the State Federation, and used it as a tool until 1894. Next, while the "Chicago push" battled with the Socialist adherents of their fellow-townsman, Tommy Morgan, the downstaters found themselves holding the balance of power, proceeded to ap- propriate the offices, and for the next few years devoted themselves to house-cleaning. The period closed with some really constructive work for the advancement of the Federation. This story of Illinois labor politics in the nineties is so hectic and complicated that it would defy exposition, were it not for the fact that the plot, like good drama, centers about a few leading personalities who are, or who typify, the mov- ing human forces behind it. Once these characters are placed, what appears to be a maze of contradictions in the policy of the Illinois State Federation of Labor becomes meaningful, and the whole record shows itself to be the resultant of efforts ACTORS OF THE NINETIES 87 emanating from several rather well-defined interest groups working at cross-purposes, now one dominant, now another, and again two joining together against a third. The center of the stage must often be accorded to William C. Pomeroy and his cohorts, for the internal history of the Federation through several crucial years is largely a chronicle of Pomeroy's rise and fall. POMEROY AND THE "CHICAGO GANG" Early in the nineties the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly fell into the hands of a group of self-seeking men who for a time made the name "labor leader" synonymous with "crook" and "grafter." In those days a union needed only seven members to get representation in the central body, and the "labor skates" could easily afford the 7 cents per capita per month in return for profitable opportunities opened by controlling votes in the Trade and Labor Assem- bly. 1 There was the labor directory graft, which yielded profits from the advertising; this was one of the best-paying schemes for making money in the name of organized labor. Labor Day picnics and souvenir programs could be made to pay handsome returns. The lobby graft and the committee graft were means of tapping the treasury of the central body itself. 2 Then, of course, there were innumerable ways for sharing the funds of political parties in return for maneuvers 1 Charles Dold, interview. 2 George Schilling says: "I used to be treasurer of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly, and every Sunday Pomeroy or one of his bunch would come up and ask 'How much is in the treasury?' At first I'd tell them. But every time some motion would be passed that would spend it all — for some committee or something of the sort. Finally, when they asked me that I said, 'Flat broke.' Then no such motions were brought in." Rights of Labor, January 21, 1893: "The gang were entirely successful at the Trades Assembly last Sunday. They captured everything in sight. Over four hundred delegates were present, probably two hundred and fifty representing nothing but a ' favorable or unfavorable to labor •ringfield. and they submitted reports more eoniprehens- apecific than had been made in previous years. S -tary Groves wrote in lS'Jo. Some twenty-seven bills were at one time in the hands of President Riefler and myself. The most important bills that failed of passage in the regular session were the bills relating to convict laV>or, arbitration, child labor, blacklist. House Bill No. oil. which provided for a system of parole - : re; N I 17, an act to protect employes and laborers in their claim for wages "Bills opposed during the session were House Bill No. *2i)5, which was an act defining i/ 1 and others. Thi> I report make- particular mention of the chief friends and enemies of labor legislation in the preceding session, including detail- of the attitudes of various legis- lators in committee work. 1 President Riefler and Secretary Bush worked out a system for keeping the local unions and labor papers of the state in touch with the legislative situation through printed circulars. These were issued once a quarter, or oftener upon occasion. Another device employed during the nineties was the official organ, a labor paper designated by the conven- tion for the publication of all official reports and announce- ments during the year. President Riefler also urged each affiliated body to form a legislative committee, and these committees were asked to circulate petitions for presentation to the legislatu: A rightful criticism several times leveled at the legis- lative methods of the State Federation of Labor in its early years was that it had not yet learned to concentrate upon a few subjects at a time. "It is astonishing/' said the editor of the Illinois State Journal* ". . . . the extent of their Peoria Herald, October 9.1- ; See FifktHm* Herald. December 29, 1S96, February 2. I PLATFORMS AND LEGISLATIVE METHODS 149 calls for legislation. They have already laid out work enough to engage the attention of our State and National legis- latures for years, provided it be finally done in a statesman- like way." And while the more friendly Register reproved its rival for this sentiment, commenting that "had [the dele- gates] been railroad presidents or representatives of monop- olistic corporations, the Journal would have piped another tune," it felt called upon to offer the same sort of advice itself two years later. If the State Labor Association people were wise they would deal with one, two or three questions that are of especial interest and importance to the laboring classes, but instead of doing this they manifest a disposi- tion to take charge of the affairs of the country generally, and so "scatter" as to fritter away a strength that might make itself felt if concentrated. 1 The officers of the Federation began to act on this advice in the nineties. "We agreed," says Riefler, "that we shouldn't undertake too many things in the legislature." 2 1 Illinois State Register, February 14, 1885, and January 28, 1887. 2 Interview. CHAPTER IX LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 The following summary of the attitudes taken by Illinois labor conventions from 1884 to 1897 upon legislative topics is arranged according to the scheme of classification outlined in the Introduction and used throughout this book. I A. THE WORKDAY AND WORK WEEK "Enactment and enforcement" of an eight-hour legal day was the third plank in the Seamen's Hall platform of 1884, and this demand continued down to the middle nineties. What the labor convention meant by "enforcement" was made plain in subsequent platforms. It wanted "an efficient eight hour law," one that would not only make eight hours a "legal" workday — as did the futile statute of 1867 — but would also make a workday longer than eight hours illegal and cause for penalty. 1 The hope for eight hours by law played a large part in the independent political movements which followed the events of 1886, and an eight-hour plank occupied first place in the industrial section of the Springfield political program as late as 1894. 2 As economic action became increasingly important, however, the agitation for legal regulation of the workday faded. A resolution adopted at Jacksonville in 1890 proclaimed that "eight hours is a legal day's work," but it significantly emphasized "enforcement" by the unions them- selves. The rapid strengthening of trade-union organization transferred the "eight-hour question" from the political 1 See platform tabulation, chap. viii. 2 See chaps, iv and vi. 150 LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 151 convention to the picket line, where it has remained since. In the last years of this period requests by the Federation for legislative regulation of the workday were confined wholly to the employment of women and children or to the special case of government work. The Seamen's Hall Convention favored the idea of a Saturday half-holiday, after some discussion as to whether or not this contradicted the eight-hour demand. The under- standing was that the half-holiday was something which should rest with each employer, while the eight-hour day should be enforced by law. 1 The Federation declared itself in favor of a Sunday clos- ing law in 1888, and in 1894 helped the retail clerks secure a Sunday closing ordinance in Chicago. 2 But when the Supreme Court of Illinois in 1896 held unconstitutional a Sunday closing law applicable only to barber shops, the Federation refused to adopt a resolution that all places of business conducted for private gain should be closed on Sunday, holding that "it is inexpedient to legislate upon this question." 3 B. PAYMENT OF WAGES State labor conventions from the first demanded laws to require weekly payment of wages and abolition of the truck system. The Thirty-Seventh General Assembly in 1891 passed a measure on each of these subjects, and at the Alton convention President John C. Harding reported these and other successes with pride. They were "largely owing to the pressure brought to bear on members of the Legislature 1 Chicago Daily News, March 28, 1884. 8 "Proceedings," 1894, Official Annual Labor Gazette (189.5), p. 133. 3 Eight-Hour Herald, May 21, 1896; Proc. (1896), p. 10. "The barbers them- selves were always very much divided as to whether the law was or was not one that if enforced would redound to their benefit," says the Eight-Hour Herald. 152 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR by the Federation of Labor, in common with other industrial organizations of the state. ,,1 The Federation several times instructed its Legislative Committee to push bills providing for checkweighmen at the mouths of coal mines, 2 and to regulate the screening of coal in its effect upon wages. Improvements were made in the law on these subjects during the eighties, but effective regulation did not come for another decade. 3 A bill to * 'secure to the mechanics and laborers the first lien on all work, for the full amount due for labor performed on such work" was favored in 1886 and 1887; in the latter year the legislature adopted a less satisfactory substitute. 4 When in 1895 the Butchers and Grocers' Association of Chicago began to push a bill to strengthen the Garnishee Law, the State Federation of Labor, complaining that the existing law was already too stringent, opposed unsuccess- fully any further enactment. 5 C. HEALTH, SAFETY, COMFORT Included in practically all its annual platforms were planks in which the Illinois State Federation demanded "the enactment of laws for the better protection of all wage- workers in mines, factories, workshops and on all railways," and inspection "by persons thoroughly competent and skilled in the branches of industry they inspect, of all work- shops, factories, tenement houses and dwellings, to insure 1 Decatur Review, June 3, 1886; "Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly Min- utes," March 7, 1889; Official Call, Ninth Annual Convention, Illinois State Fed- eration of Labor, 1891, (document in possession of John C. Harding). 2 Illinois State Register, February 13, 1885; Proc. (1896), p. 9. 3 Beckner, History of Illinois Labor Legislation, pp. 113 ff. 4 Ibid., p. 106. & Peoria Herald, October 10, 1895; Proc. (1896), pp. 4, 9; Eight-Hour Herald, June 8, 1897; "President's Address," 1897. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 153 their good sanitary condition. " In 1886 the Executive Com- mittee was instructed to "use all available funds to secure legal talent' ' for perfecting a bill along these lines, and in 1889 an Employment Inspection Act comprising forty sec- tions was brought to the State Federation by the Quincy central body and discussed point by point. 1 These demands were supplemented now and then by resolutions relating to specific trades or particular measures for relief. Mine regulations, to provide for proper ventilation and safety standards, received attention. In 1890 the Federation declared that there ought to be a requirement of law for factory doors to open outward. 2 Some progress was made soon after the election of Gov- ernor Altgeld. The Sweatshop Act of 1893 provided for the first system of factory inspection in Illinois. The legislature of 1897 passed a Fire Escape Law, which was first attacked in the courts by the Chicago Manufacturers' Association and then repealed in 1899. It also adopted an act to protect the health of metal polishers. 3 D. ACCIDENT COMPENSATION — EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY Legislation "to fix the liability of employers for damages for loss of life or limb to the employe" was one of the original demands at the founding of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, and the same demand was being made at the end of this period. 4 The Seamen's Hall Convention uttered a pro- test against judicial exposition of the fellow-servant doctrine. In 1885 some delegates argued that members of a corporation should be held criminally liable for injuries to employees due 1 Decatur Review, June 3, 188G; Bloomington Pantograph, January 10, 1889. 2 Quincy Whig, November 21, 1890. 3 Centennial History of Illinois, V, 182-83; Chicago Dispatch, quoted in Chicago Federationist, March 9, 1898. 4 See platforms tabulated in chap. viii. 154 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR to the company's negligence, though the prevailing opinion was that the liability should only be financial. 1 The conven- tion of 1896 instructed its legislative agents to frame a statute which would award judgments to injured employees "upon positive proof of contributory negligence upon the part of owners, contractors, employers, foremen or man- agers. " 2 The building trades were showing the most interest in the subject; acting upon this resolution the Building Trades Council of Cook County prepared a bill and had it introduced in the legislature. 3 It did not become law. E. CHILD LABOR "The prohibition of the employment, in any branch of industry, of children under the age of fourteen years for wages or hire," was one of the chief aims of the Illinois State Federation of Labor from the first. 4 Child labor was men- tioned in the opening address at the Seamen's Hall Conven- tion, and child-labor provisions were embodied in the plan for state factory inspection adopted in 1888. 5 The motives behind this particular demand were at once humanitarian and self -protective. A child-labor law and compulsory educa- tion were sought in order to benefit the children and to elevate the position of the working classes; at the same time, such legislation was needed in order to remove the under- cutting effects of juvenile labor on wages. The legislature of 1891 enacted a law forbidding the em- ployment of children under thirteen in "stores, shops, factories, and manufacturing establishments,' ' but "in default of any particular department or official charged with 1 Illinois State Register, February 13, 1885; Peoria Journal, January 12, 1888. 2 Proc. (1896), p. 9. 3 Eight-Hour Herald, March 9, 1897. 4 See platform tabulation, chap. viii. Peoria Journal, January 12, 13, 1888. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 155 the duty of enforcing it, this law was never really oper- ative." 1 The State Federation of Labor demanded better enforcement. 2 "The first important child labor law and one which really marked the introduction of a new era in labor legisla- tion" was approved June 17, 1893. 3 Its passage at this time was due largely to the efforts of Mrs. Florence Kelley, then connected with Hull-House in Chicago, but it is doubtful if the result would have been achieved without the energetic co-operation of Governor Altgeld. 4 The 1893 convention could rightfully refer with pride to the new Child Labor Law as "enacted through the exertions of the Illinois Federation of Labor and other bodies of organized laborers," not only because of its continuous agitation in the past, but because the law was one more concrete justification of the Federa- tion's part in helping to bring forward and to elect John P. Altgeld. Agitation and co-operation with socially minded groups in the state for the further improvement of the Child Labor Law were continued, for many organized workers felt that "child labor ranks next in importance to organization and the short hour movement in the economic struggle." Work- ingmen were incensed to find able-bodied men in the parks, where children should be, while children entered the factory gates. 5 The Act of 1893 was extended in 1897 to cover nearly all employments entered into by children, and reductions 1 Browne, Altgeld of Illinois, p. 189. 2 Alton Sentinel-Democrat, November 11, 1891. 3 Centennial History of Illinois, V, 178. 4 Browne, Altgeld of Illinois, p. 191. 5 Cigarmakers* Journal, quoted in Eight-Hour Herald, March 30, 1897. The State Federation adopted a resolution on the subject presented by the Cigar- makers' Union which probably expressed similar sentiments. — Bloomington Bulletin, September 16, 1897. 156 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR were made in their permissible hours of labor. 1 Regulation of child labor may be listed as one of the important goals on the State Federation's program which was attained in the nineties. F. WOMEN IN INDUSTRY In 1884 at the instance of Richard Griffiths, a prominent Knight, the State Labor Convention resolved "that we recommend equal pay for equal work, regardless of sex." 2 The Workshop and Factory Act passed in the nineties limited the hours of employment for women to eight a day, and the State Federation of Labor declared itself opposed to the efforts of the Illinois Manufacturers' Association, newly formed to resist that provision. 3 The Federation manifested considerable interest in the ensuing contest before the Illinois Supreme Court, but did nothing to defend the law, which was finally declared unconstitutional. 4 G. EMPLOYMENT, UNEMPLOYMENT The special Committee on Out-of-Work appointed in the 1893 convention reported in favor of persistent agitation for the erection of public buildings and the making of public improvements, to be carried out at not less than union rates of wages and under the eight-hour system. Reduction of hours was also suggested as one means of lessening unem- ployment due to labor-saving machinery. 5 1 Centennial History of Illinois, V, 179. ! Proc. (1884). 3 Proc. (1893), p. 33. 4 "Proceedings," 1894, in Official Annual Labor Gazette (1895), p. 131; Beckner, op. cit., p. 267; Ritchie v. People, 115 111. 98. 5 Proc. (1893), pp. 18, 41; "Proceedings," 1894, in Official Annual Labor Gazette (1895), p. 147. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 157 K. PUBLIC EMPLOYEES On the ground that it gave too much power to chiefs of fire departments, the 1887 convention protested against the passage of a firemen's pension bill in the form then before the legislature. 1 II A. CRAFT PROTECTION "The enactment of an efficient apprenticeship law" was a plank in the platform during the eighties, and in 1893 the secretary of the Federation was instructed to correspond with affiliated organizations "calling their attention to the laxity of the apprenticeship laws, and also asking their co- operation to amend same and take steps to improve by education the personnel of trades unions." 2 But apprentice- ship never appears to have been a prominent issue. Several times the state organization backed various crafts in their demands for special legislation to protect them from competition. The printers were supported in their fight against an international copyright bill in 1884. Two years later they wanted indorsement of their view that the making of books should be done by American workmen, but this provoked a quarrel with certain free-trade delegates, led by George Schilling of the coopers. The coopers were not averse to a little "protection" for their own craft, however, as shown by their bill to regulate the use of second-hand flour barrels, tierces, and butter tubs, which Mr. Muldoon got the same convention to indorse. 3 1 Illinois State Register, January 28, 1887. 2 Proc. (1893), pp. 18, 42. 3 Chicago Times, June 3, 1886; Decatur Review, same date. 158 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR B. CONVICT LABOR Earlier chapters (see chaps, i, ii, and vi) have told the story of the State Federation's campaign against con- tract convict labor and its part in the election of Governor Altgeld. Altgeld saw to it that the contract system was entirely abolished and that the number of prisoners engaged in any one line of work was kept as small as possible in order to reduce competition with "free" labor to a minimum. 1 But the abolition of the contract system and a degree of diversification did not remove the competition of cheap prison products. The Federation continued to wrestle with the problem. Committees in 1894 and 1895 presented long reports. 2 President Riefler said in 1896 that the governor had done as much to limit the competition of prison labor as his power would permit; enabling legislation was necessary for any further steps. He reminded the delegates, some of whom were clamoring for removal of the particular sort of work done by their trade from the penitentiary, that "the elimina- tion of one article from the prison catalogue will serve no useful purpose." 3 1 Browne, Altgeld of Illinois, p. 183; interview, George Schilling. 2 "Proceedings," 1894, in Official Annual Labor Gazette (1895), p. 149; Peoria Herald, October 12, 1895; also Proc. (1893), p. 37. 3 Proc. (1896), p. 4. "For all his friendliness toward organized labor," says Altgeld's biographer, the Governor " . . . . incurred the rancorous hatred of many trade-unionists by his veto, in 1895, of a bill forbidding the manufacture of cigars in the prisons of the State. The veto message was an unanswerable argument for the continuance of cigar manufacture in Illinois prisons, under the law requiring the State to provide employment for convicts. The cessation of this industry would simply mean, as the message pointed out, the imposing of an additional burden upon other trades that had an equal right to protest against the competition of prison labor. As a matter of fact, the cigarmakers' union already had less to complain of than any other; for the hands employed at cigar-making within prison walls were considerably fewer than those engaged in any other industry. But the bill was passed over the veto." — Browne, Altgeld of Illinois, p. 184. The State LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 159 Shortly afterward, the State Federation of Labor called a conference of manufacturers and workingmen in the trades affected by convict-labor competition. A committee was appointed to draft a bill, which was approved by a second conference. 1 It provided that the labor of convicts should not be let out by contract, and that the prisoners should, in so far as possible, manufacture supplies needed by the state. Convicts might also be used by the state for the building of highways and other public improvements which would not be undertaken otherwise. Thus agreed upon by labor and manufacturers in the interested industries, the proposed law was introduced and vigorously pressed in the Fortieth Gen- eral Assembly. 2 But it was buried in the House. 3 This period in the history of the Illinois State Federation of Labor closed with the convict-labor problem still unsolved, though the main objective which had brought about the Federation's organization — "the total abolition of the con- tract convict labor system" — had been attained, for the time being at least. C. IMMIGRATION AND ALIEN LABOR In 1884 the Seamen's Hall convention expressed itself as opposed to "further importation of pauper labor from Federation supported Governor Altgeld's position in the matter. (See "Proceed- ings," 1894, in Labor Gazette (1895), p. 149, where a resolution against cigar man- ufacturing in prison was tabled, and the Convict Labor Committee's indorsement of Riefler's statement in Proc. (1896), p. 12). The arguments used by the Cigar- makers stressed the danger of infection from cigars sealed by the lips of diseased convicts, and this may explain why they were able to get their bill through in spite of the governor and without the support of the State Federation. Many of the legislators were smokers, and this argument appealed to them strongly. — Inter- view, Barney Cohen. 1 Proc. (1896), p. 12; Eight-Hour Herald, December 22, 1896, and January 19, 1897. 2 Ibid., February 2, 1897. 3 President's Address (1897), printed separately. 160 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Europe/' and the next year it was recommended that more stringent contract-labor laws be enacted. 1 The subject came up again in 1890, 1891, and 1897, when a plank was inserted in the platform. It was first reported as follows: "The restriction of all unnecessary immigration for a period of at least twenty years." The convention struck out the word "unnecessary. " 2 III A. LEGAL STATUS OF TRADE UNIONS AND THEIR METHODS The legislative committee recommended in 1886 that "a law incorporating the trade unions of the state" be secured, and a similar desire had been expressed two years before in the platform. 3 This demand for incorporation does not appear to have received as much stress in Illinois as other items on the legislative program, but it certainly was voiced, which is a curious and noteworthy fact in view of the attitude of most trade unions toward incorporation today. 4 Partly in order to give an ex post facto coloring of legality to the conviction of the Haymarket anarchists on a murder charge, partly to provide for similar contingencies in the future, and, as trade unionists said, partly to use the anar- 1 Illinois State Register, February 13, 1885; Decatur Review, June 3, 1886. 1 Bloomington Bulletin, September 15, 1897. 3 Decatur Review, June 3, 1880; see platform tabulation in chap. viii. 4 The second plank in the platform of the national Federation of Trades at this time demanded the incorporation of trades and labor unions under laws to be enacted by state and national legislatures, "in order that the property of the labor- ing classes may have the same protection as the property of other classes." — Proceedings, Federation of Organized Trades. . . . , 1883, p. 3. There was a feeling that if unions could obtain the official recognition of the state by incorporating under its laws, then employers would also have to recognize them. But as trade unions became better established and able to compel recogni- tion by their own power they began to see dangers lurking in the corporate form — damage suits, particularly. Then the demand for incorporation was dropped, and employers' organizations have since carried on campaigns to require trade unions to incorporate, which they do not wish to do. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 161 chist scare to deal a blow at labor organizations, the General Assembly of 1887 passed the Merritt Conspiracy Law. Under this statute persons who by speech or print might advise any unlawful course of action were to be held respon- sible for all the consequences, and if life were lost they were to be deemed guilty of murder, whether any connection between the advice given and the actual crime could be shown or not. The object, charged the Knights of Labor 1 , "is to hold for murder every member of a labor organization, if in an at- tempt to secure remunerative wages a man is killed by any- body, whether a member of the union or a tool of the em- ploy er"; and from the time of its passage strenuous efforts were made by the State Federation to bring about its repeal. It was the principal subject of condemnation in the resolu- tions favoring independent political action in 1888. The Merritt Conspiracy Law was actually repealed in 1891, and President John C. Harding reported this success to the convention as the most important of all the results favor- able to labor which had been secured from the last session of the legislature. In addition to organized labor's protests, an important factor in bringing about the repeal of the Merritt Law was the concern of some of the newspapers of the state lest they become entangled in its meshes. 2 1 April 16, 1887. 2 Interview, George Schilling. An editorial writer on the Chicago Herald told Schilling that the real, though not the ostensible, reason why his paper urged repeal of the law was fear that newspapers might be held liable for the actions of suscept- ible readers. At the time of the law's enactment the Knights of Labor had pointed out such possibilities: "The bill will probably pass, and then the Tribune better look out how it advises people to put arsenic in the food given to tramps; the Chicago Times must be wary of its advice to throw hand grenades among workingmen seeking to secure [anj increase in wages, and the New York Times go slow with its advice to capitalists to provoke laboring men to overt acts against the law as the best way to crush a strike. Judging from the tone of these papers since 1877, if the Merritt bill does pass, most of the large dailies in Chicago will need unhung editors before many years." — April 1C, 1887. 162 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR The same legislature of 1887 which passed the Merritt Conspiracy Law declared the action of the officers of any organization issuing "any circular or edict .... for the purpose of establishing a so-called boycott or black-list" to be illegal and punishable under the law of conspiracy by a fine of two thousand dollars or five years imprisonment or both. This statute, known as the Cole Anti-Boycott Law, was "perhaps more odious to organized labor men than even the Merritt Conspiracy bill." 1 It was joined with the long- standing protest against the LaSalle Black Law. 2 Both statutes still stand on the books in 1929. The courts have held primary boycotts to be legal in certain circumstances, in spite of the prohibitions in the statute, and the LaSalle Black Law is a dead letter. 3 The legislative record of the eighties thus showed a distinct setback to labor on this important matter of the legality of its organizations and tactics. In 1889 and 1890 a substitute for the obnoxious parts of the criminal conspiracy code was the principal legislative topic before the State Federation conventions, and the proceedings of the latter year print in full a proposed act legalizing labor organizations. A few years later we find the Federation demanding "that any corporation or firm or private individual who dis- charges from employment any employe for belonging to labor organizations shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor" — a remedy for the "iron-clad," later called "yellow-dog," con- tract which employers were instituting. Organized labor actually succeeded in getting such a bill through the legis- 1 Chicago Times, January 30, 1888. The law tended to drive boycott proceed- ings underground. The Times refers to the actions of "the boycott boards, which of late have become very secret bodies." 2 See platforms tabulated in chap. viii. 3 See Beckner, op. cit., pp. 10, 37 ff. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 163 lature in 1893, but the remedy was short-lived. The Illinois Supreme Court declared the act unconstitutional in 1900. l In 1891 President John C. Harding was able to report the passage of another piece of legislation requested by the Fed- eration at two previous conventions. This was a Trade Mark Law, which served to protect union labels against counter- feits and imitations. 2 B. THE INJUNCTION IN LABOR DISPUTES During the nineties a most important issue began to come to the fore. In some of the great strikes of this period, notably the American Railway Union Strike of 1894, emergency orders from the courts had played decisive parts in the struggle. Hence, in 1897 the Illinois State Federation of Labor demanded for the first time "abolition of govern- ment by in junction." 3 C. SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES One of the hopes of labor in the eighties was for com- pulsory arbitration. It was another phase of that faith in the power of legislation to lift burdens from the backs of the workers which characterized so many of the political de- mands of the period. Organized labor has since gained more confidence in its economic power and its attitude has changed on this question, as on the incorporation of trade unions and eight hours by law. The second plank in the early platforms asked for the establishment of boards of arbitration "to settle all dis- putes .... their decision to be final in all cases"; and A. C. Cameron mentioned first among measures for the 1 See Beckner, op. cit, pp. 16-18; Gillespie v. People, 188 III. 176. 2 Alton Daily Sentinel- Democrat, November 11, 1891; Quincy Whig, Novem- ber 20, 1890; Report of Delegates to Illinois State Federation of Labor Convention, "Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly Minutes," January 20, 1889. 3 Bloomington Bulletin, September 15, 1897. 164 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR benefit of labor, "the important question of arbitration — of referring all disputes between employer and employe to a disinterested tribunal, whose decision shall be final and binding on both parties ..." The Legislative Com- mittee was instructed to draft a compulsory arbitration bill for immediate presentation to the legislature. 1 Representative Dixon's bill introduced in the next Gen- eral Assembly was regarded as "one of the most important ever presented in the interest of labor."- It provided for a commission of five, representing capital and labor, to in- vestigate complaints and to enforce its findings at least partially. "It gives this board about the same power to settle disputes that the present railroad and warehouse commissioners have to enforce their findings," said the Knights of Labor, which looked upon the measure as "too radical for us to hope it will ever become law," though the editor indorsed it heartily. Should the Governor appoint the right men to such a commission, he said, "it would be in their power to virtually settle the labor question in Illinois. 3 The bill was not enacted, and the labor question remained unsettled. A significant change came over the attitude of the State Federation after about 1890. Little mention can be found in its platforms or resolutions of the once prominent demand for 1 This attitude is so utterly different from that since adopted that Cameron's arguments deserve further quotation: "The substitution of reason for passion, justice for tyranny, arbitration for strikes and lockouts," he said, ". . . . must commend itself to the support of every right minded citizen. How these boards of arbitration shall be appointed, whether selected from the judiciary, or from those in the private walks of life, is of itself of comparatively little importance, for when a desire to accomplish these results is manifested, and the benefits sure to accrue to society by their adoption (are) recognized, the battle is half won." — Illinois State Register, February 12, 1885. 2 Unidentified clipping, 1887, Morgan files. 3 Knights of Labor, January 12, 1887. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 165 enforced arbitration. Not only had the influence of the Knights of Labor philosophy given place to that of the American Federation of Labor, with its emphasis on organ- ized economic power rather than legal enactment, but the relative strength of labor and capital in many trades was undergoing a transformation. In the eighties organized labor had felt itself at a disadvantage and had sought the inter- position of the state to compel the employer to deal justly; in the nineties the skilled crafts of the American Federation of Labor, at least, had become confident that a greater advance was possible in the direction of strong organization, collective bargaining, and the trade agreement. Representatives of the Illinois State Federation did co- operate in the passage of the bill which created a State Board of Arbitration in 1895, 1 but the Board was not given man- datory powers. To that the State Federation in the nineties would have been opposed. D. REGULATION OF DISPUTES In the serious labor disturbances of the middle eighties, employers resorted more and more often to the use of hired gunmen and detectives for protecting their property and for breaking strikes. The men composing these squads were not usually chosen for their trustworthiness and discretion with firearms; more often than not they were an irresponsible riffraff. The result was that clashes became frequent, blood- shed was not uncommon, and workingmen acquired the bitterest hatred for these private "armies." State labor conventions repeatedly denounced "Pinker- ton's movable mob." That of 1886 protested vigorously against the actions of railroad companies in bringing "cow- boys from Texas and hired sluggers from Kentucky and 1 Report of Secretary Groves, quoted in Peoria Herald, October 9, 1895. 160 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOK Mississippi" into the state, swearing them in as deputy sheriffs contrary to law, and then hurrying them out of the state after they had fired upon and killed "defenseless citi- zens of St. Clair County without provocation." 1 The follow- ing year a resolution against the Pinkerton men denounced "the growing tendency on the part of incorporated wealth to rely on illegal and purchased force for the purpose of intim- idating the people," and quoted Governor Oglesby's message to the legislature in which he had remarked that a portion of the people were inclined to demand the use of the militia without an effort to secure the protection of the law through the civil forms. 2 The Federation continued to demand the passage of an anti-Pinkerton law, 3 asked the Governor to forbid mayors from issuing warrants to private detective agencies or allowing them to make arrests, 4 complained that the police in certain parts of the state, especially Chicago, had usurped powers not belonging to them in industrial dis- putes, 5 and was inclined to oppose the establishment of a military post near Chicago on the ground that the military, like the police, would be used to put down strikes. 6 IV A. BALLOT REFORM The conventions of 1889 and 1890 asked for an Australian Ballot Law, specifying five essential provisions. 7 "Our 1 Decatur Review, June 3, 1886. 2 Illinois State Register, January 27, 1887. 3 Alton Sentinel-Democrat, November 11, 1891. 1 Proc. (1899), p. 11. 5 Bloomington Pantagraph, January 10, 1889; Quincy Whig, November 20, 1890. 6 Illinois State Register, January 28, 1887. 7 "Report of Delegates to Illinois State Federation of Labor Convention," "Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly Minutes," January SO, 1889; Quincy Whig, November 20, 1890. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 167 present system affords the worker no protection from the scrutiny and intimidation of his employer " Senator Burke, one of the labor representatives at Spring- field, was reported in 1889 to be introducing a bill for the adoption of the Australian plan of voting, 1 and in 1891 the legislature passed the Official Ballot Act. 2 The Quincy convention of 1890 also declared in favor of a constitutional amendment for the direct election of United States senators. 3 In 1885 a minority report of the Resolutions Committee, by Bert Stewart, had stated "that the wives and sisters of the members of the union should be entitled to suffrage," but it was tabled. George Neff said the question should not be brought up in the convention at all. Two years later Mrs. McLogan proposed a plank for the platform declaring in favor of "equal social and political rights of the sexes"; it was rejected. The next year, however, the Federation "favored the cause of female suffrage" and decided to forward a draft of a bill for that purpose to Senators Bell and Burke at Springfield. In 1891 it again went on record in favor of suffrage for women. 4 B. INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM After the "boodle legislature" of 1897 had adjourned and organized laboring men had vented their wrath over the franchise bills, they began to ask "What is the remedy?" and to suggest that the people must be able to express their will 1 Knights of Labor, January 12, 1889. 2 Centennial History of Illinois, V, 355. 3 Circular to members of Congress, December 24, 1890. (Document in pos- session of John C. Harding.) 4 Illinois State Register, February 13, 1885; Proc. (1887); Peoria Journal, January 12, 1888; Alton Daily Sentinel-Democrat, November 11, 1891. 168 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR directly, without the intervention of corruptible legislators. 1 President Riefler said at Bloomington, We are both unable and unwilling to "grease" the pathway of legislative intricacies for our measures. I recommend that this Federation. . . awaken among the people a sentiment favorable to the application of the principle of the Initiative and Referendum in the State of Illinois To this should be added the provision that when any law shall have been adopted by the people no court may set it aside. 2 Delegates from the Chicago Federation came with instruc- tions to the same effect, 3 and the convention, accordingly, embodied in its platform for the first time: "We favor the establishment of the initiative and referendum system of government. " 4 D. ADMINISTRATIVE AGENCIES In 1886, 1887, and again in 1891 the State Federation requested the General Assembly to extend the powers and usefulness of the Bureau of Labor Statistics. 5 E. THE COURTS After the women's eight-hour section of the Workshop and Factory Act and various other labor laws had been set aside the Federation recommended a constitutional amend- ment "to make it possible to pass laws in the interest of the toilers that cannot be declared unconstitutional by any Supreme Court." It also urged that judges of the Supreme Court should be elected by popular vote. 6 1 Eight-Hour Herald, June 22, 1897. 2 President's Address (1897), printed separately. 3 Eight-Hour Herald, August 19, 1897. 4 Bloomington Bulletin, September 15, 1897. 5 Decatur Review, June 3, 1886; Illinois State Register, January 27, 1887; Alton Daily Sentinel-Democrat, November 11, 1891. 6 Proc. (1896), p. 14. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 169 F. CONSTITUTIONAL REVISION In his inaugural address delivered in 1893 Governor Alt- geld pointed out the need for constitutional revision, chiefly for reform of the provisions relating to revenue and the elective franchise, and a joint resolution proposing a constitu- tional convention passed the Senate but was defeated in the House. 1 Two years later the State Federation of Labor inserted a demand for a constitutional convention in its platform. It hoped to secure from such a convention both revenue reform and reform of the courts. President Riefler alluded to the monopoly of the right to use the earth, facili- tated by bribery of legislators and control of court decisions, as a reason for remodeling the organic law. 2 No constitu- tional convention was held. At its 1893 session, the legislature submitted to popular vote a proposed amendment that the General Assembly shall have power and it shall be its duty to enact and provide for the enforcement of all laws that it shall deem necessary to regulate and control contract conditions and relations existing or arising from time to time between corporations and their employees. 3 Though no official action by the State Federation's conven- tion is recorded on this proposition, its executive officers worked for the passage of the amendment, 4 which neverthe- less failed of adoption. 5 The Illinois State Federation of 1 Centennial History of Illinois, V, 191. 2 Peoria Herald, October 9, 1895. 3 Browne, Altgeld of Illinois, p. 197. 4 At a meeting of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly just before the election of 1895 "a telegram from President Riefler of the State Federation of Labor at Springfield advocating the support of organized labor at the polls Tuesday to the constitutional amendment empowering the legislature to enact and enforce laws to control the relations of corporations and employes was read and approved." — Chicago Times, November 5, 1894, Morgan Scrapbook. 6 The amendment failed of passage "partly because of public indifference and partly because the legislative disposition to intermeddle with corporate affairs had 170 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Labor today would heartily oppose any proposal for granting such broad powers to the legislature. 1 A. EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS The organized labor movement has always been one of the most active groups in the community in support of popular education and the public schools. Since the seventies labor organizations in Illinois had lined up with the teachers of the state and others who proposed a compulsory educa- tion law; 2 the Seamen's Hall Convention made this demand part of its platform. Next year the State Labor Association was advocating the enforcement of the newly enacted statute on compulsory education and the addition of a penalty clause. 3 Free textbooks and school supplies, to be furnished by the state, were urged with considerable emphasis throughout this period, beginning in 1885. 4 In 1897 a strong impetus was given to the textbook agitation at a meeting of the Illinois State Teachers' Association, 5 and the Federation instructed its Executive Board to urge the importance of the question upon local unions, particularly in connection with the nomi- hitherto redounded to the advantage of certain unscrupulous legislators more than to anyone else concerned." — Browne, op. cit., p. 198. But the biggest reason for the defeat of this amendment, as of the other two submitted during the nineties, was "not due to any real opposition to them, but rather to the method of submit- ting them, combined with the constitutional requirement of a majority of all votes cast at the election." — Centennial History cf Illinois, V, 199-200. 1 Interview, Victor A. Olander. 2 Centennial History of Illinois, IV, 35, 125, 440. 3 Illinois State Register, February 14, 1885. This plank was dropped in 1889 when a new compulsory education law was enacted. 4 See platform tabulation, chap. viii. 5 Eight-Honr Herald, January 5, 1897. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 171 nation of legislators. 1 Of course, the Federation of Labor did not approve the plan to print school books in state penal institutions. It wanted them published by "fair" private firms or in a state printing plant employing union labor. 2 B. TAXATION Taxation played little part in the deliberations of the state labor conventions of the eighties, but it received a great deal of attention in the middle nineties. There were several reasons for its prominence at this time. The first is found in the fact that single-taxers, imbued with the doctrines of Henry George, were in control of the Federation. They saw in "land monopoly" the root of all the ills of which labor complained; hence, while they worked persistently for factory acts and employers' liability laws, they looked upon such measures of amelioration as only sur- face deep. Laboring men, they felt, could never be really free so long as private monopoly of the land, and therefore of the right to the produce of labor, should exist. A tax on land values (the single tax) was the means for doing away with land monopoly; hence, labor organizations were getting down to "fundamentals" when they moved to reform the tax system on lines suggested by Henry George. 3 It is significant, too, that the concern with revenue re- form inspired by the single-tax movement entered the Federation just following the panic of 1893, and that it lost its intensity with the return of prosperity toward the end of the decade. When men are out of work, wages low, and 1 Bloomington Bulletin, September 15, 1897. 2 Quincy Whig, November 20, 1890; Alton Daily Sentinel-Democrat, November 11, 1891. 3 Joseph W. Farris, chairman of the Legislative Committee of the Federation during Riefler's administration, laments that labor organizations of today do not consider "fundamental" questions. He remarks, correctly, that one must read Progress and Poverty to understand labor reform movements of the eighties and nineties . — Interview . 172 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR strikes unsuccessful, the influence of those who advocate fundamental changes in the social system has always been greatest in the labor movement. But entirely aside from single-tax proclivities and eco- nomic discontent, there was reason enough why the State Federation should show concern over the revenue system of Illinois. This system was based upon a law of 1872, which carried out the provisions of the constitution of 1870, and the main source of income was the general property tax. 1 "Conceived in economic ignorance, brought forth in political ineptitude, and administered in corruption and ineffi- ciency," 2 the system was "a blot upon the fair page of Illinois History." 3 Many reform forces of the state, in addition to organized labor, protested against it; Governor Altgeld called it "in its practical workings, a giant of injustice," under which "the great concentrations of wealth contribute com- paratively little, while the owners of small and moderate sized properties are forced to bear nearly all the burdens of the government." 4 The matter first came up in the State Federation conven- tion in 1894, when the single-taxers held the balance of power. A special committee on taxation advocated an amendment to the constitution of Illinois to provide for "local option" or "home rule" in taxation, with the hope that under such a plan various localities might be persuaded to try out the single-tax principle, which the Federation in- dorsed at the same session. 5 1 Centennial History of Illinois, V, 433. 2 Browne, Altgeld of Illinois, p. 199. 3 Centennial History of Illinois, V, 433. 4 Browne, op. cit., p. 200. 5 "Proceedings," 1894, in Official Annual Labor Gazette (1895), p. 135. C. J. Riefler says that his group had this proposed constitutional amendment drafted by a lawyer in order to have something definite with which to beat socialism. — Interview. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 173 A few months after the adjournment of the State Federa- tion's convention the Eighth Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, issued under the direction of George Schil- ling, made its appearance. It was devoted exclusively to the operation of the revenue system, and endeavored "to in- vestigate and expose, in the interest of what is commonly distinguished as the laboring class, the liberty-destroying methods of taxation that prevail in Illinois." 1 It demon- strated by voluminous statistical data, taken chiefly from Cook County, the ridiculous undervaluation of personal property for purposes of taxation, the enormous undervalua- tion of real property, the discrimination in favor of big holdings, and the much greater undervaluation of real estate as compared with improvements which prevailed under the existing tax system. The order of favorable undervaluation was shown to be "(1) vacant land, (2) luxurious residences, (3) business premises in the commercial center of the city, (4) cheap residences." 2 All this operated to throw an undue portion of the tax burden upon the less wealthy, wage- earning classes and to encourage monopoly. This remarkable report recommended: (1) divorce of state from local taxa- tion; (2) separation of improvement from site values in tax returns made by assessors; (3) boards of review; (4) maps and records of taxable property; (5) local option in taxation; and (6) site-value taxation in lieu of other forms for state purposes. 3 1 Report of Bureau of Labor Statistics (1894), p. 11. "It is safe to say that no official report of our time has caused so decided a sensation as that created by the Eighth Biennial Report of the Bureau of Labor Statistics of Illinois. . . . [So] great was the demand for it that the first edition was quickly exhausted and another edition of 20,000 copies is in course of preparation." — Eight-Hour Herald, April 1G, 1896. 2 Report of Bureau of Labor Statistics (1894), p. 351. 3 Ibid., pp. 395-98. The report discussed the site-value tax favorably and at some length and pointed out that it had been recommended by its supporters as a 174 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR These recommendations and conclusions of the Bureau of Labor Statistics under George Schilling represented the atti- tude of the State Federation of Labor on the tax question. Nothing in the way of actual legislation came from the agitation for revenue reform. In fact, the single-tax leaders of the Federation who inspired it had little hope of imme- diate results; they looked upon it chiefly as propaganda, a means of educating people in the teachings set forth by Henry George. 1 C. PUBLIC UTILITIES Demands for more effective government regulation of public utilities were embodied in the platforms of nearly all the state labor conventions. Throughout the nineties the State Federation stood for government ownership of the means of transportation and communication, and municipal ownership of street railways, gas and electric plants, and waterworks. It protested vigorously against the Yerkes "Eternal Monopoly Bills" and the Humphrey Bills which were passed by the legislatures of 1895 and 1897 amid whole- sale bribery. 2 "solution of the labor question; or, more correctly, as the natural way of re-investing every laborer with power to settle his own labor question for himself." "The simple remedy is, by freeing business from monopoly and tax burdens, to open the way for unlimited opportunities for employment, so that none need take another's place in order to get remunerative work himself. This, it is claimed, the site value tax would do. Reversing present conditions in which men continually hunt for employ- ment, so the argument runs, the site value tax would, by removing obstructions, cause employment to continually hunt for men." — Ibid., p. 394. 1 C. J. Riefler, interview. 2 Governor Altgeld's biographer says that when the governor vetoed these bills in 1895 he spurned a half-million dollar bribe. — Browne, op. cit., p. 241. For the attitude of the Federation see platform tabulations in chap, viii; also, Proc. (1893), p. 14; Eight-Hour Herald, April 6, to June 8, 1897, passim', President's Address (1897), printed separately. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1884-97 175 D. MISCELLANEOUS LEGISLATIVE ISSUES The conventions of the eighties requested a more favor- able law for the incorporation of co-operative societies, pure food laws, regulation of boards of trade to prevent gambling in the necessities of life, regulation of the coal trade to do away with pools and monopolies, a new law regarding the ejection of tenants from dwelling houses, regulation of suits in justice courts to protect laboring men against crooked "collectors," inspection of public buildings, improvements in the recording of titles to real estate, improvement of water- ways, better street car service in Chicago, and many other measures in the interest of the working-class community. 1 The State Federation of Labor supported Governor Alt- geld in his crusade to remedy the abuses existing in the man- agement of some of the state charitable institutions, 2 and in 1897 it indorsed the movement for establishing postal savings banks in the United States. 3 The convention of 1896 was not held until after the momentous election of that year; so the federation played little part in the free-silver campaign. But when it did meet it indorsed "the free and unlimited coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, as passed by the American Federation of Labor in Chicago in December, 1893, in Denver in Decem- ber, 1894, and in New York in December, 1895." On roll call the yeas were 39, the nays 10. 4 A free-silver plank remained in the platform through 1898. 1 Platform tabulation in chap, viii, and the sources cited throughout this chapter. 2 Platform tabulations, chap. viii. 3 Bloomington Bulletin, September 15, 1897. 4 Proc. (1896), p. 15. PART II THE PERIOD 1898-1913 THE ILLINOIS STATE FEDERATION OF LABOR, 1898-1913 Convention President Elected No. Delegates at Convention Income 1898, Decatur. . Charles Dold R. E. McLean T. J. O'Brien Adam Menche Adam Menche Barney Cohen Barney Cohen Barney Cohen Edwin R. Wright Edwin R. Wright Edwin R. Wright Edwin R. Wright Edwin R. Wright Edwin R. Wright Edwin R. Wright John H. Walker 96 106 90 123 231 205 191 203 179 218 291 236 211 330 345 592 $ 327. 1899, Danville. ? 1900, Kewanee ? 1901, Joliet 1,126. 1902, East St. Louis . 1,626. 1903, Springfield 3,780. 1904, Aurora 3,206. 190.5, Danville. . . 2,069. 1906, Streator 2,494. 1907, Rockford 4,350. 1908, Peoria 5,475. 1909, Belleville 9,688. 1910, Rock Island 7,796. 1911, Springfield. . . . 11,422. 1912, Danville 11,502. 1913, Decatur ? CHAPTER X GROWTH AND PURIFICATION During the first twelve years of the twentieth century the Illinois State Federation of Labor became a power in the labor movement of the state. The table on the preceding page shows the remarkable growth which took place. At the beginning of the period 1898 to 1913 attendance at the annual conventions numbered less than 100; by its close nearly 600. In 1898 at Decatur there were delegates from 10 central bodies and from 41 local unions, representing 22 different national or international trade unions; in 1913 at Decatur there were delegates from 37 central bodies and from 350 locals, representing 40 different nationals or internationals. 1 Along with the growth in membership there was an even more pronounced improvement in the financial condition of the Federation. All through its previous history the organ- ization had been restricted in its legislative activities by lack of funds — "sinews of war," A. C. Cameron had called them. In 1897 President Riefler was congratulating the delegates on having attained a firm financial footing, since receipts had mounted to $400 or $500 a year and expenses were some- what less. But within the next sixteen years the revenue of the Federation became more than $15,000 annually. The explanation for this rapid growth is to be found in three factors, the first of which was the swift expansion of the American labor movement as a whole following the return of prosperity in 1898. "At no time in its history, not excepting 1 "Report of Credentials Committee," Proc. (1898), pp. 2-3, Proc. (1913), pp. 66-67. 179 180 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR the throbbing year of 188(j, did labor organization make such important gains as during the next five years." 1 The second factor was the increased interest and confidence in the Illinois State Federation which organized workingmen began to feel. This in turn was due to the purging of undesirable elements about the middle of the period and to the remarkable success of legislative efforts thereafter. The third factor was the complete affiliation of the coal-miners by action of their state organization. The latter event took place in 1908, and was due primar- ily to the efforts of John II. Walker, then state president of the Illinois Mine Workers. At the State Federation Conven- tion in Peoria that year it was announced that the miners, the strongest organized labor group in Illinois, were ready to join in a body provided the per capita tax was reduced from \}/2 cents a month to 1 cent. To this proposition the State Federation agreed, and the result was a gain in affiliations of more than 300 new locals and an increase in annual receipts from $5,495 in 1908 to $9,688 in 1909. In 1912 it was stated that the miners paid slightly more than one-half of the per capita tax collected by the State Federation. 2 Toward the close of this period the Illinois State Federa- tion of Labor was able to boast itself "the largest State Fed- eration in the world," and to announce each succeeding 1 Commons and associates, History of Labour in the United States, II, 521. 2 John H. Walker, Proc. (1912), p. 248. At the close of the secretary's fiscal year in 1909 the organizations affiliated with the Illinois State Federation of Labor were divided as follows: Trades councils and central bodies 40 Local unions of United Mine Workers 334 Local unions other than United Mine Workers 157 531 It was stated that 25 other central bodies and about 900 local unions, com- prising about 50 per cent of the trade-union movement of the state, were not directly affiliated with the Federation, though they benefitted by many of its activities.— Proc. (1909), pp. 13, 101. GROWTH AND PURIFICATION 181 convention as "the largest and most important State Federa- tion meeting ever held in the history of the American labor movement." 1 In the matter of financial support, President Wright congratulated the 1912 convention that "few organizations can say as we do : Our funds are ample for the prosecuting of the work outlined for us to do We have a sub- stantial amount in the treasury as a reserve fund for legis- lative work during the coming year. Our reserve (more than $4,000) is larger than the entire receipts of most similar organizations." 2 Contrast this with the situation as late as 1906, when, in the words of Edwin R. Wright, "we had to wait until the printers, the cigarmakers, the miners, and a few other organizations that stood solidly behind the State Federation came to the convention, took the secretary into a corner and counted out a few dollars before we knew whether we were going to have enough to pay the president or not," 3 and the improvement is apparent. Probably the most important advance made by the Fed- eration in its organizational equipment during this period was the employment of full-time salaried officers. This was important, for it kept the Federation actively in the field between conventions — thus approaching still more closely that "year-round" federation toward which the organization had developed ever since its inception. Likewise, it gave a more continuous and better informed leadership. In the later years of this period the executive officers of the Federa- tion received adequate pay for their services, the jobs as president and secretary were good enough to attract and hold capable men, and much of the temptation for officers to 1 Official call for the convention of 1911, Proc. (1911), p. 10; same for 1913, Proc. (1913), pp. 16, 27. 2 Proc. (1912), p. 18. 8 Proc. (1912), p. 249. 182 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR seek political preferment rather than the welfare of the Federation was removed. In 1899, for the first time, the president of the Federation was voted a salary — $18 a w T eek, for which he was to act as organizer. 1 But the Federation was not able to pay that much, and next year it had to forego the luxury of an organizer and reduce the president's compensation to $100 a year. The salary of the secretary at the same time was raised to $250 a year.' 2 In 190 c 2 the secretary was receiving $85 a month, on condition that he could get enough affilia- tions to bring the money into the treasury, and devoting his entire time to the work of the Federation. 3 One year later, at the Springfield convention of 1903, the secretary's pay was set at $100 a month, or $1,200 a year. The president's salary was about to be made $300 for the year when John H. Walker, of the United Mine Workers, moved that the president, too, be made a full-time officer with a salary the same as that of the secretary and that he should not be allowed to hold any state or county appoint- 1 Proc. (1899), pp. 8G-38. 1 Proc. (1900), pp. 26 f. The Executive Board was authorized to appoint organizers at $3.00 a day when funds would permit. 3 Proc. (1902), pp. 20, 34. Secretary Morris was elected for the first time in 1901. Some years later he related this incident: "I first became an officer of this organization at Joliet in 1901. The only friction I ever had with delegates to the State Federation of Labor was at that convention. I certainly did object to the action of the convention. When I was elected .... Joe Morton got up to set the salary for the coming year, and in a very nice address Joe placed my salary at $25 a month. The motion went through. Then Joe came to me and told me what he had done and how I was going to get $25 a month for the next year providing I could raise the $25 a month myself. I told the delegates I hadn't come to Joliet for the purpose of getting an office and try to do the work for pauper wages and they would have to give the job to somebody else. Morton, as usual being good natured, took the floor and moved to increase the salary to $35, giving me $10 increase as a result of my first strike. But he attached the provision that I would have it if I could get it and I must not hold the organization responsible for it. I got it."— Proc. (1912), p. 251. GROWTH AND PURIFICATION 183 ment. Walker's motion was adopted, on the theory that the president's added efforts would bring in enough new locals to pay his salary and that the Federation could cease hiring other organizers. 1 The Illinois State Federation of Labor has employed two full-time salaried officers continuously since 1903. 2 With the growth of the Federation and increased com- pensation to its officers, responsible and capable men were willing to stay longer in its service; the organization profited in greater stability and power. This is apparent in reviewing the various administrations from 1898 to 1913. Upon the retirement of Riefler, after the "housecleaning" started in 1894-95 had been completed, the Federation went into another slump. Now that the organization had been rescued from the domination of the "Chicago gang" no one seemed to know what to do with it; it lacked a continuous purpose and a program. From 1897 through the first few years of the new century the Federation was in an unstable, disorganized state, changing officers every year, and inviting by its own lack of direction the attentions of various ambi- tious politicians and unwelcome cliques. Merrit B. Palmer, of Peoria, became president after a heated campaign of convention electioneering in 1897, 3 but early in his term he resigned to become a candidate for 1 Proc. (1903), pp. 51-54. 2 In 1907 the salaries of president and secretary were raised to $1,800.00 a year. Compensation for lost time on the part of other officers became $5.00 a day. —Proc. (1907), pp. 27, 43-44; Proc. (1912), p. 250. Again in 1912 salaries were increased, this time to $200.00 a month for the president and $175.00 a month for the secretary. The president's salary was made higher on the ground that he had to travel and was at more expense than the secretary, since hotel and railroad allowances were not always adequate; also, Secretary Morris was "drawing com- pensation from other sources" (probably alluding to his salary as a member of the state legislature).— Proc. (1912), pp. 173, 201-4. 3 Bloomington Bulletin, September 16, 1897. 184 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR county assessor, 1 and Vice-President U. G. Hinman served out the year. Hinman, like Palmer, was a member of the Typo- graphical Union. He came from Springfield, where he worked as foreman in the printing department of the Illinois Register. He had gone into union politics at the suggestion of his superintendent in order to counteract the influence of the "radical state-house crowd" in the Springfield Typographical Union, and his views were extremely conservative — more those of an employer than a trade unionist. Hence, he was thoroughly disliked by the more radical members of the State Federation, and his opening address at the Decatur conven- tion of 1898 was greeted with catcalls and hisses. 2 His administration was a stormy one. P. F. Doyle, "a Chicago city hall politician," was secretary. "He wouldn't do anything and wouldn't let anybody else do anything," says Hinman; "so I removed him." This created consider- able stir. Hinman spoke before the Chicago Federation of Labor, of which Doyle was president, and met with a noisy reception. "Gompers took a hand, and the result was that 1 Chicago FederationiM, April C, 1898. Palmer was also for a time a candidate for the presidency of the International Typographical Union, but withdrew. — Ibid., April 27, 1898. 2 Hinman favored compulsory arbitration, which trade unionists of this era did not want. He was also criticised a great deal because of his attitude on depart- ment-store legislation. Chicago labor people wanted laws against department stores, providing that a merchant might handle only three lines under one roof; they wanted to preserve the "little fellow." Hinman opposed such agitation. Today Hinman is president of the Standard Corporation, a Chicago advertis- ing firm located on the North Side. This former head of the Illinois State Federa- tion of Labor runs his printing plant non-union ("open shop"), and boasts that he has come out victorious in every one of seven strikes. He says that he pays the union scale or above and works union hours, but believes in the individual too much to relish union restrictions which stifle individual ambition. He thinks unions have done good work in the short-hour movement, but are too slow about changing their old ideas. — Interview, U. G. Hinman. GROWTH AND PURIFICATION 185 we went along without a secretary until the next conven- tion." As for legislative work, the Federation did "not a thing." It had no organization and no influence. 1 At the conclusion of his term, Hinman, like many other presidents of the State Federation, stepped into a political job. 2 The convention at Decatur in 1898 was particularly unharmonious and disorganized. Barney Cohen recalls that it "broke up in a row." 3 In addition to the trouble between President Hinman and Secretary Doyle in the previous year, there had been other difficulties. The Executive Board had delayed the publication of the proceedings of the Blooming- ton convention with the explanation that certain unauthor- ized persons were intending to use them in another "labor- directory" advertising scheme. 4 The miners appeared in force for the first time at Decatur and brought with them one of their quarrels, which came before the convention on the question of seating J. A. Crawford. 5 The echoes of a Chicago fight were heard in the exclusion of delegates from the Brewers' and Malsters' Union, and some enterprising publisher created a commotion with an unauthorized booklet distributed in the convention hall. It purported to be a 1 Interview, U. G. Hinman. 2 Edwin R. Wright observes that "by the time a man got out of the State Federation presidency he had done enough political favors so that he could get a political job," and former President Hinman's frank explanation of his own experi- ence on this point is illuminating: "Springfield," he says, "is a peculiar place. If you get to be a prominent Methodist the politicians begin to cater to you in order to swing the Methodist vote. It's the same way with labor. As soon as I began to be prominent in labor circles and became president of the State Federation poli- ticians began to come to see me. I was offered a job as clerk in the Bureau of Labor Statistics — $1,800 per year and nothing to do — so of course I took it. I went into politics and then into business." — Interview. 3 Interview. 4 Official letter to affiliated unions in the Chicago Federationist, March 23, 1898. 5 Crawford, a former president of the Illinois Mine Workers, was at odds with W. D. Ryan, who held the office in 1898.— Decatur Review, September 28, 1898. 186 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR "Souvenir Edition" of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, but its real purpose seemed to be to fill the pockets of the issuer and to boom a few county candidates. 1 The conven- tion was full of political intrigue. The Chicago Federationi.st referred mysteriously after its adjournment to "the smooth gentleman who declared he had the state federation fixed. " 2 When it came time to elect a president no one wanted the job, but Charles Dold, of Chicago, finally accepted after five other nominees had declined. He was a cigar-maker by trade, employed as organizer and business agent by the Piano Workers' Union, and had gone to Decatur with no idea of running for office. 3 When prevailed upon to accept the presidency he undertook to do what he could to rescue the Federation. 4 In the course of the year the secretary-treasurer 1 Decatur Review, September 29, 1898. A special committee appointed in the convention denounced this and similar undertakings as "a detriment to the labor movement."— Proc. (1898), pp. 13, 27-28. 2 From a series of articles entitled "Labor and Politics," specifically that of October 17, 1898. 3 Dold was a member of the Aurora Cigarmakers' Union in the eighties and attended one or two sessions of the State Federation of Labor in those days. In the nineties he became prominent in Cigarmakers' No. 14 of Chicago, serving several terms as business agent. He also took an active part in the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly. In 1908-9 he served one term as president of the Chicago Federation of Labor, in 1918 was chairman of the Labor Party in Chicago, and in 1920 ran for lieutenant-governor on the Farmer-Labor ticket. At present he is running a piano store on Milwaukee Avenue, Chicago. — Eight-Hour Herald, March 16, 1897; Bigham, "The Chicago Federation of Labor", Master's Thesis, University of Chicago (1924), pp. 134, 142; interview, Charles Dold. Dold has always been an independent Labor party man; he "believed in it in the eighties and still does." He is a progressive, and Pomeroy regarded him as having "socialistic tendencies," though he is not a socialist. — Interview, Charles Dold. 4 In those days, he said, there was "no organization, just a gathering. Then the delegates went home; there was no work done during the year." The unions were smaller then than now, there were not as many of them, and they lacked funds. When there was something coming up in the State Federation in which they were particularly interested unions would send delegates. Many of them came to the convention, paid the per capita tax for three months in order to be entitled to seats, and then let their membership lapse again. — Interview, Charles Dold. GROWTH AND PURIFICATION 187 disappeared with the funds. A substitute was appointed and did the same. The Executive Board finally hit upon a more honest man, and at the next convention President Dold was able to report a small balance in the treasury. 1 He also reported with some discouragement that the power wielded by the State Federation of Labor in the past and present has been of such small value to its affiliated organizations that the question of affiliation .... has become one of indifference to the trade unions of the state. The opinion seems to prevail that the money paid into the treasury of the Illinois State Federation of Labor is so much money wasted; that no results are achieved, no benefits obtained. Dold regretfully admitted that his own observations tallied with this opinion, and he urged radical reforms in the laws of the organization. 2 Some, though not all, of Dold's suggested reforms were embodied in a revised constitution adopted by this conven- tion (1899, Danville); but Dold himself was defeated for re-election by R. E. McLean, a printer from Springfield. 3 l lbid. 2 "President's Address," Proc. (1899), p. 5. He recommended that the duties of the president be defined so as to make it compulsory upon him to visit all trade unions in the state at least once every year; that he be provided with expense funds to carry out his duties; that the term of office be lengthened from one to two years; that the office of the president and the secretary be located in the same city; that the treasurer be required to give bond in the sum of $500; that the presi- dent and two members, appointed or elected, constitute a permanent legislative committee; that means of paying the expenses of such a committee at Springfield be provided by increasing the per capita tax from y% cent to 1 cent a month. 3 Hinman says that he took McLean on the force of the Register and sobered him down when other printing-offices would not hire him. Then McLean got to going to union meetings and became a very good speaker. He had only been in union affairs a couple of years when he ran for president of the State Federation. The vote was a tie between him and Dold at first, and the chairman, who didn't have much control over the convention, allowed both candidates to make speeches. Then another vote was taken, and McLean won. His gift of oratory got him the place, in spite of his inexperience in trade-union affairs, for many of the miners coming in at this time were uneducated and easily swayed by oratory. — Interview, U. G. Hinman. 188 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR McLean seems to have been another politician, though he evidently did something to merit a resolution of thanks from the next convention. 1 During his term also the secretary- treasurer made off with the funds. 2 T. J. O'Brien, of the Chicago Typographical Union, next became president, and the State Federation once more lent its name to a labor directory as a means of paying off some of its accumulated debt. This directory, like its predecessors, was surrounded by an aroma of graft; it probably yielded more cash to the pockets of its promoters than to the Federation. 3 The Executive Board selected Wfll R. Boyer, a broom- maker, to complete the term of the defaulting secretary- treasurer in 1900, and after serving a term of his own he presented a report to the Joliet convention (1901) which for the first time in the history of the Federation showed receipts of more than $1,000. In addition, the debts were paid off, and an Auditing Committee found the books in good condi- tion with vouchers for all money spent. In grateful recogni- tion of this uncommon state of affairs, Secretary Boyer was extended a hearty vote of thanks. 4 At Joliet in 1901 there was a division in the ranks of the Chicago delegates, and the election contest was marked by bitter personalities on the floor of the convention. O'Brien and President James F. Bowman, of the Chicago Federation of Labor, rival Chicago candidates, withdrew from the race and Adam Menche, of Kewanee, was elected. 5 Menche was a cigar-maker, at one time had been prominent in the 1 It stated that he "has discharged the duties of his responsible office in an intelligent, energetic and conscientious manner." — Proc. (1900), p. 22. 2 Proc. (1900), pp. 4, 15. 3 Barney Cohen, interview. 4 Proc. (1901), p. 17. & Chicago Tribune, October 1, 1901. GROWTH AND PURIFICATION 189 Denver, Colorado, Trades and Labor Assembly, had served as president of Cigarmakers' No. 14 in Chicago and as secretary-treasurer of the Chicago Union Label League; now, however, he resided in Kewanee. 1 He is variously character- ized as "a good soul," "able, radical," "progressive, ener- getic, but opposed to radicalism," and as one who "trained with the 'Skinny' Madden crowd." 2 Menche served as president of the Illinois State Federa- tion of Labor for two years. The organization grew; yearly income rose to more than $3,000, and more than 200 dele- gates came to each convention. At Joliet in 1901 James F. Morris, of Springfield, an Irish miner, became secretary-treasurer. He was re-elected each year thereafter until 1914. Morris was the first officer of the Federation to remain in its service steadily for more than three years. While not especially forceful or energetic, he was honest, an efficient secretary, and the trade unionists of the state, particularly the miners, had confidence in him. Auditing committees year after year complimented him upon the completeness and reliability of his accounts. Compare this with the demoralizing effect produced by the frequent defaulting of previous secretaries, and it will seem only just to ascribe to his conduct of the office much of the credit for the uninterrupted expansion enjoyed by the Federation during his years as its secretary. In 1903 Barney Cohen became president, having un- successfully contested the election with Menche the year before. 3 Cohen remained in office for three years. He is 1 Eight-Hour Herald, September 22, 1896; Chicago Tribune, October 1, 1901. 2 Interviews with Charles Dold and Barney Cohen; Eight-Hour Herald, September 22, 1896; interview with Will R. Boyer. 3 Union politics and state politics were both involved. In 1902 a large dele- gation of seceding teamsters under the leadership of Albert Young had been allowed seats in the convention after making a bargain with W. D. Ryan, of the miners. 190 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR described as a ''politician, " smooth and suave, always talking about keeping partisan politics out of the Federation but inclined to play politics himself behind the scenes. 1 He went from the Federation presidency into a position as Deputy State Factory Inspector." 2 This was the heyday of Martin B. ("Skinny") Madden, the renowned and notorious boss of the Chicago building trades. Madden's crowd dominated the Chicago Federation of Labor much as Pomeioy'l had done in the early nineties, with this difference: the battles of the nineties were fought for the most part with ballots and fiats, while "Skinny" and his men did not seruple to use bullet* and sluggers. The Chicago central body was "honeycombed with dishonest y and graft." Madden was now devoting some attention to the State Federation of Labor, and Cohen was known as Ryan was promoting Cohen's candidacy, ami part of the agreement between R\ an and the teamsters was that they should support Cohrn. When election time came, Albert Young nominated Cohen according to agreement, but instructed his men t<> vote for Menche, who was re-elected. Interview, Harney Cohen. In 1903 a press correspondent wrote that state polities entered prominently. Dave Ross of the Bureau of Labor Statistics was said to \h> the personal representative of O flf W Of Yates, and Menche was called the "administration candidate." But when action was taken against the Mine Managers' Union, to which Ross belonged, Menche withdrew as a candidate and Cohen was elected. Chicago Tribune, October 17, 18, 1903. This interpretation was denounced as false by Ross. 1 Interview, Mary McDowell, Agnes Nestor. : Cohen's own story is as follows: He entered a cigar factory at the age of nine, and on account of this early experience grew up to hate child labor. Becoming president of Cigarmakers' 14 and a delegate to the Chicago Federation of Labor, he talked so much on one subject that he was sometimes called "Child Labor.*' He tried twice for the presidency of the State Federation and was defeated each time by Menche; the third time he was elected and he was twice re-elected. "Under my administration," he says, "labor directory grafters were stopped, the organisa- tion was strengthened, and for the first time the conventions were run for the good of labor and not for the good of the men in them." Legislative work during Cohen's term was chiefly directed toward improvement of the convict labor and child-labor laws. — Barney Cohen, interview. 3 Bigham, The Chicago Federation of Labor, p. 14. GROWTH AND PURIFICATION 191 "Skinny Madden's man." 1 Madden attended several of the State Federation conventions, but hardly ever said anything or took part in the proceedings. "He got his influence from having eight or ten two-fisted followers who would punch on the nose anybody that wouldn't do what they wanted." Madden and his crew went to State Federation conventions mainly for a good time, however. 2 His power vanished after 1905. Edwin R. Wright, of the Chicago Typographical Union, became president in 1906 at Streator and continued in office for seven years. Wright was honest, energetic, and intelli- gent. He was a personal and political friend of Governor Deneen, whose administration practically coincided with Wright's term of office. The years 1906-13, which comprise Wright's presidency, are remarkable for the rapid growth of the Federation and the astonishing amount of important labor legislation passed by the State Assembly. In 1912 John H. Walker, state president of the United Mine Workers' organization, was nominated to head the Federation. Defeated that year, the miners swarmed into the Decatur convention of 1913 more than two hundred strong and elected Walker by a vote of 285 against 268 for Wright. 3 One year later James F. Morris retired after thirteen years of service as secretary-treasurer, and Victor A. Olander, of the Seamen's Union, replaced him. Thus the administration of "Walker and Olander" came into being, marking a new period in the Federation's history which will / form the subject of Part III. 1 Chicago Record, July 25, 1906. 2 Edwin R. Wright, interview. 3 In recognition of Wright's service to the Federation, and because he had been turned out of office suddenly without opportunity to look for another job, the retiring president was voted $500 with his discharge. — Proc. (1913), 216-19. 192 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR REFORM The dominant impression one gets in following the activi- ties of the Illinois State Federation of Labor through the disorganized years just before and after 1900 is that of a series of haphazard conventions, a piece of labor machinery running on without purpose or direction, offering a standing invitation to restless manipulators. That political henchmen and grafters took advantage of the opportunity, there is no doubt. Then the expanding labor movement and the in- creased demand for labor legislation began to build up the size and the prestige of the State Federation. As its conven- tions grew larger they became less subject to the manipula- tions of little cliques seeking their own ends and with the support of genuine trade unionists the Federation attained some degree of stability in leadership, policy, and program. This came about during the period under discussion, and the changes for the better were clinched by reforms in the laws or the organization. Several efforts had been made before 1898 to bar partisan politicians from the State Federation of Labor, 1 and the constitution of 1901 contains under "Membership" the pro- vision that "no person shall be eligible as a delegate to this Federation who holds an elective or appointive political posi- tion, or who is not a member in good standing of the organ- ization from which his credentials come at the time of holding this convention." 2 But this section was disregarded. Some time during the Cohen — "Skinny" Madden regime it disappeared from the constitution altogether. "There are a great many delegates in this convention at the present time who, if the laws were enforced that govern this organization, 1 See chap. vii. 2 Proc. (1901), p. 27. This was not to be construed to debar members of trade unions who were also members of state or municipal legislative bodies. GROWTH AND PURIFICATION 193 and if the laws of the American Federation of Labor were complied with to the letter, would not be eligible," said Albert Young in support of the seceding teamsters' plea for admission in 1903 ;* and in the next convention a delegate remarked that "delegates holding elective and appointive positions under the state government are here. This section does not seem to debar them." 2 The session of 1902 was described as "all politics" from start to finish. 3 It was about this time that the governor of Illinois backed a certain candi- date for the presidency of the State Federation by sending all the game wardens to the convention. 4 There were always bona fide trade unionists in the Fed- eration who favored no political party save as one or the other promised to regard the interests of labor, and they were disgusted with these intrigues. Attempting to do construc- tive work for organized labor, they found themselves con- tinually pestered by politicians working in the interests of rival factions. At Peoria in 1908 they forced a showdown. There was a great battle on in Illinois over the impending election of a United States senator in the General Assembly, and politicians from Chicago were on hand to see what could be done in the Federation of Labor. Other political workers attempted to prevent the adoption of a resolution against "Uncle Joe" Cannon, of Danville, who was denounced as the 1 Proc. (1503), p. 50. 2 Proc. (1904), p. 66. 3 Chicago Tribune, October 17, 18, 19, 1902. 4 Reminiscence by John H. Walker in 1916 convention, Proc. (1916), p. 299. "The State Federation was bought and sold like a bag of potatoes," on some occasions, says Edwin R. Wright. A few hundred dollars and some drinks of beer was the price of a political indorsement. — Interview. Barney Cohen relates that certain alleged labor men used to go to politicians and engage to pass resolutions on certain subjects, or not to pass them, for $100. — Interview. "Election to the presidency of the State Federation meant a state political job, just as election to the presidency of the Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly used to mean a political job in the city of Chicago. — Charles Dold, interview. 194 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR "Congressional labor strangler." 1 This was too much. Delegate Hugh Brady offered an amendment to the constitu- tion that no person shall be eligible as a delegate to this Federation who is not actively engaged at his or her trade and a member in good standing of the organization from which his credentials come at the time of holding this convention. Be it understood that this new law does not debar the paid officials of local unions or central bodies 2 Some who were in the convention on clouded credentials "recounted with quivering lips their lifelong struggle in the interests of Organized Labor and the terrible consequences likely to ensue if politics were admitted, and yet the poli- ticians excluded. " 3 But the amendment prevailed, and it was to be enforced. Next year there was objection to the new section, but the convention remained adamant. "When I come here and sit with labor," said a delegate, "I want to sit with printers that print, with cigarmakers that make cigars, and with carpenters that use their saws and hammers. " Others ex- pressed similar views. "I have been connected for several years with various organizations and central bodies," said one, "and I want to tell you that no other State Federation of Labor ever amounted to anything until they got that clause into the constitution." 4 1 Report of Delegates, "Chicago Federation of Labor Minutes," November 1, 1908. 2 Proc. (1908), pp. 33-34. 3 Report of Delegates, "Chicago Federation of Labor Minutes," November 1, 1908. 4 "I have seen men come in from the florists' union .... holding city positions," recounted another delegate, "and they don't know one flower from another." Members of the Federation had been drifting away because "it was not being presided over or being run by trade unionists, but had degenerated into a political 'gab fest.' " — From remarks of Delegates Bessette, Eskridge, and Straube, Proc. (1909), p. 182; Proc. (1908), pp. 182-86. GROWTH AND PURIFICATION V35 This law did exclude some friends of the labor movement, for example, Mary McDowell, a settlement worker who had helped to organize the Women's Trade Union League. "But we were willing to sacrifice for the sake of getting rid of political work," says Agnes Nestor. 1 John H. Walker declares that "the good done in keeping out crooks has more than balanced the unfairness to a few good men and women." 2 In addition to the politicians, the Federation had to rid itself of other impediments to its progress. We have seen that "Skinny" Madden dabbled in its affairs for a few years. Sometimes the control of the State Federation was an asset to him. A writer in the Chicago Record in 1906 says, Recently he had President Cohen appoint a committee to investigate the Stock Yards. The members of the committee were named by Madden in his headquarters in Gilbert's saloon on Madison street, and Cohen was called in to officially sanction the appointments. The committee did its work faithfully as it was ordered, and found conditions in the Stock Yards ideal. The scheme was so plain, however, that little attention was paid to the "official" report of the committee, which could not tell the difference between a rendering tank and a steam boiler. 3 In 1905 the Chicago Federation of Labor wrenched itself loose from Madden's grasp. This was the year when its ballot boxes were broken open by "hold-up" elements; the year when the more respectable members marched over to Brand's Hall between two lines of policemen and elected John Fitz- patrick president. 4 Then the reorganized Chicago Federa- tion of Labor sent a "Purification Committee" to the Danville convention of the State Federation to contest Madden's power in that body. The first day's session 1 Interview. 2 Interview. 3 Chicago Record, July 25, 1906. 4 Bigham, The Chicago Federation of Labor, Master's thesis, University of Chicago (1924), p. 14. 1 explain the provisions of his Bill No. 488, known as the "anti-trust" bill At a conference Vpril 7, 190,5, there appeared a committee con- sisting of Miss Anna Xicholes, chairman of the Industrial Committee of State Federation of Women's Clubs; Hiss Mary E. McDowell, president of the Illinois Women's Trade Union League; Mrs. Harriet Van der Vaart, secretary of Illinois branch of the Consumers' League, protesting against the proposed amendments to the child labor law. As a result of the conference the following resolution was adopted by the legislative representatives of organized labor A similar joint labor conference board met regularly throughout each legislative session after 1905, 1 until the co-operative spirit was temporarily destroyed by disagree- ments within the ranks of organized labor over employers' liability and workmen's compensation bills. Each organiza- tion represented in the conference compiled its own legis- lative report, however. There was no joint report until the organization of the Illinois Joint Labor Legislative Board in 1913. 2 If its lobbying efforts were to meet with success in the legislature the State Federation was under the necessity of making its influence felt in the elections. There were three political policies which it had pursued in the past: (1) the 1 Edwin R. Wright, interview. Wright says it also met before 1905, but it does not appear to have been formally organized until that year. 2 T. J. McCarthy, interview. LEGISLATIVE METHODS, 1898-1913 233 policy of old-party alliance, generally with the Democrats; (2) the policy of independent political action, through a Labor party; (3) the American Federation of Labor policy of "elect your friends and defeat your enemies," applied to individual candidates regardless of party. In the period from 1898 to 1913 the third of these was followed exclusively. 1 The lobbying, non-partisan, "elect your friends and defeat your enemies" policy of the American Federation of Labor was the political method of the Illinois State Federa- tion of Labor. But how was labor to know its friends from its enemies? The first few conventions of this period took refuge in the device of recommending the election of union men — men with "union cards in their pockets and union principles in their hearts"; while President O'Brien remarked that "as a general proposition .... wage earners will make no mis- take in voting against lawyers." 2 These were crude methods of classification, at best. In 1903 the Federation came very near to taking an im- portant forward step when the Legislative Committee reported the names of the outstanding friends and enemies of organized labor in the last General Assembly. The list was short, and it was removed from the report entirely by vote of the convention. One delegate said, "It surprises me that anyone should spring such a thing as a roll of honor on us at this time. I should like to know what entitles these men to a roll of honor. They were pledged to the people who elected 1 There were unsuccessful attempts, usually led by miners, to commit the Federation to independent political action once more and to persuade it to form a Labor party. The strongest effort was made in 1910-11 when the convention adopted a resolution by John H. Walker providing for a referendum vote on the Labor party question. Only seventy unions voted, and these the total number of votes for a Labor party was 1,795, while there were 3,154 ballots cast in opposi- tion.— Proc. (1910), pp. 97 f.; (1911), p. 22. 2 Proc. (1901), p. 4. 234 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR them to do what they did." 1 The party- workers in the con- vention of this era doubtless hindered the presentation of unbiased reports on the labor records of legislators. So the Federation continued to pass resolutions indorsing "all candidates who are known to be favorable to organized labor," 2 without providing any means by which the trade unionist might know which candidates were favorable and which unfavorable — until 1907. In that year, inspired no doubt by the example of the American Federation of Labor, which was conducting a spirited campaign inaugurated by its political manifesto of 1906, 3 the convention directed its officers to print "friendly lists" and "unfriendly lists" of legislators, based on their actions and votes in the General Assembly. 4 In subsequent years the Federation sent out the records of state legislators one month prior to election, distributed in its conventions copies of roll call votes on important measures, and instructed its secretary to main- tain an information bureau with the past records of all legislative candidates. 5 Now and then questionnaires were sent to candidates, asking them to define their positions on certain issues, but this method was not extensively applied to state legislators. 6 Occasionally the Federation selected a few members of the legislature who had strongly opposed 1 Proc. (1903), p. 48. 2 Proc. (1906), p. 22. 3 This manifesto was indorsed by the Illinois State Federation of Labor in 1906.— Proc. (1906), p. 14. 4 Proc. (1907), p. 17. 5 Proc. (1908), p. 14; (1911), p. 167; (1912), p. 2.57; (1913), p. 125. 6 In 1904 questionnaires were sent to congressional candidates; the issues brought forward were the eight-hour day on government contracts and anti- injunction legislation. — Proc. (1904), p. 81. At the request of the American Federa- tion of Labor, questionnaires were sent to state and national legislative candidates in 1906. The questions raised related to the injunction, the eight-hour day on government contracts, and the initiative and referendum. — Proc. (1906), pp. 15-20. LEGISLATIVE METHODS, 1898-1913 235 labor measures and carried the fight against them into their districts when time came for re-election. 1 As a result of urging from the American Federation of Labor, the labor movement of Illinois increased its political activities after 1906. In 1908, at the suggestion of a Political Action Committee of the Chicago Federation of Labor, the . State Federation called a special conference of city central bodies to consider how labor might turn the new primary law of Illinois to its advantage in the approaching elections. 2 This conference met at Springfield on Sunday, June 21, 1908, with eighty-six delegates in attendance, from twenty-six cities. Its Committee on Primary Law recommended that members of organized labor exercise great care in signing petitions for places on primary ballots, that the officers of the State Federation prepare and publish a digest of the new primary law so far as it might affect organized labor, that proper steps be taken in the different districts to organize union men into precinct committees under the direction of the city central bodies, and that the State Federation officers write to the attorney general for an opinion on that section of the law defending the qualifications of a voter at the primary and his privilege of declaring his party affiliation. A Com- mittee on Resolutions urged the nomination and election of union men, or men favorable to labor measures, and re- iterated the protests of labor against the injunction, demand- ing trial by jury in contempt cases. A Committee on Candidates asked John Mitchell, the able and recently retired leader of the United Mine Workers, to permit the use of his name as a candidate for governor in the Democratic primaries. When a committee called upon Mitchell, how- ever, he declined to run. Ill health and a wish to promote peace in the industrial field by directing the work of the 1 Edwin R. Wright, interview. 2 "Chicago Federation of Labor Minutes" June 7, 1908. 236 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Trade Agreement Department of the National Civic Federa- tion were his reasons. 1 So the movement to inaugurate the new primary law by using it to place a great labor leader in the governor's chair fell through. The most characteristic and successful device for bring- ing about the enactment of labor legislation during the latter part of this period, particularly while Edwin R. Wright was president of the State Federation of Labor and Deneen was governor of Illinois, was the commission method. The Health, Safety and Comfort Act (1909), the Occupational Disease Law (1911), and the Workmen's Compensation Act (1911) were each secured after extended investigations by an official state commission representing the viewpoints of labor, employers, and experts. These commissions uncovered facts, threshed out issues of policy, and presented reports to the legislature containing agreed drafts of bills. This not only relieved that body of the necessity for hammering out measures on difficult subjects under the cross-fire of hostile lobbies, but also had a powerful effect in rallying public opinion to the support of needed labor legislation. The advantage of the commission method of promoting labor legislation, as explained by former President Edwin R. Wright, is twofold. In the first place, investigation by a state commission prepares the public mind for the type of legislation required. "Governor Deneen used to tell us," says Wright, "that 'you can't enact or enforce legislation until there is a demand for it. You fellows have got to create the demand for it.' Joint commissions helped us to create this demand." In the second place, "All the legislation that the State Federation has secured has been a compromise with the employers," and the idea of the commission method is "to go as far with the employers as you can before you start 1 Ibid., July 5, 1908, "Report of Political Action Committee" and "Report of Delegates to State Federation of Labor's Special Conference." LEGISLATIVE METHODS, 1898-1913 237 fighting them. Most employers will go a long way; why start fighting them from scratch?" 1 The State Federation of Labor participated officially and placed its seal of approval upon the commission method of forwarding labor measures when in 1908 it decided to provide compensation for the labor members of a commission ap- pointed by Governor Deneen. 2 In 1910 and 1911 the salaries and expenses received from the state by President Wright and Secretary Morris for their services on the commission which framed the Workmen's Compensation Act were turned back into the treasury of the Federation, and they received their regular salaries. 3 1 Edwin R. Wright, interview. Mr. Wright concludes from his experience as a member of the commissions that drafted the Workmen's Compensation Act and the Health, Safety and Comfort Act that "Most employers are not as bad as they are painted, when you get together with them." Many times the better employers are simply ignorant of the need for legislation; they tend to judge conditions every- where by the high standards in their own plants. When such men serve on a com- mission and look into things for themselves they often withdraw their opposition. For example, on the commission which drew the Health, Safety and Comfort Law the representatives of the employers said at first, "Such legislation isn't necessary; come and look at our factories." "We did," says ex-president Wright, "and there wasn't much we could criticise. Then we said, 'Come with us,' and we showed them some of the worst places. The employers on the commission admitted that they had never known that such places existed. Then they helped us to get rid of them, and perhaps did even more than we did." 2 "Inasmuch as this commission is expected to work without compensation we believe it is the duty of the State Federation to provide compensation for the members thereof representing labor, said compensation to be the same as paid organizers of the State Federation." — "Report of Committee on Officers' Reports," adopted, Proc. (1908), p. 32. 3 Proc. (1911), p. 12. CHAPTER XIV AN EARLY PURPOSE ACHIEVED (CONVICT LABOR) One of the chief incentives which led to the Seamen's Hall Convention of 1884 and the founding of the Illinois State Federation of Labor had been the desire to do away with the ruinous competition from convicts felt by free craftsmen in certain trades. At the opening of the twentieth century the convict-labor problem still remained unsolved, and during the first half of the period 1898-1913 it continued to be the subject of a greater number of reports and more discussion in the annual conventions than any other topic considered by the State Federation of Labor. The solution finally reached, embodied in statutes of 1903 and 1905, and applied in ad- ministrative agreements between the State Board of Prison Industries and Federation officials, while perhaps not entirely satisfactory to organized labor, may be reckoned one of the leading achievements in the legislative program of this period. Governor Altgeld's administration had made an honest effort to obey the constitutional amendment of 1886, but after his retirement the contract system of convict labor ran on under the thinly veiled disguise of a "piece-price" plan. Manufacturers contracted for "the labor and skill of not less than 200 prisoners" at an agreed price for each article turned out; but if the total should not come to "the sum of fifty cents per day for each inmate employed," then the manu- facturer would pay as rental for the shops and facilities a sum sufficient to make the earnings of each prisoner fifty cents a day, "but nothing herein shall be considered as a letting by contract for the labor of such prisoners." 1 "It is 1 An actual contract quoted by Attorney General Hamlin in an official opinion rendered in 1902, printed in Proc. (1902), p. 5. 238 AN EARLY PURPOSE ACHIEVED 239 no secret," reported President O'Brien in 1901, "that the convicts are manufacturing under contract, boots and shoes, harness, chairs, brooms, mattresses and other articles. nl No wonder that the workers in the trades affected by this ruinous competition continued to complain. Whenever they demanded some slight share in the prosperity then prevailing they were told by employers that owing to the use of convict labor the prices of their products were depreciated from 20 to 40 per cent, and so long as this competition remained it would be impossible to comply with their requests. President O'Brien, in a letter to Governor Yates, stated that "the representatives of one large industry, employing more than a thousand men, informed us that if the competition of convict labor was withdrawn they would willingly advance the wages of their employes 10 per cent." 2 But the problem was what should be done with the labor of convicts. It would be demoralizing and inhumane to keep them idle; it was desirable to have them earn their own keep so far as possible; yet their products ought not to sell on the market at prices which would undercut the wages of honest labor. For a time the State Federation thought that New York had solved the problem in its "state-use" system, adopted in 1897, and it advocated a similar law for Illinois. 3 But when the General Assembly authorized an investigating committee to study the operation of the New York plan it returned a unanimous unfavorable report, this in spite of the fact that five of the six members of the commission were said to have been favorably disposed toward the New York law at the start. "It was found that the first year of its operation kept the prisoners well employed, but at the end of that time all demands were filled and the prisoners were in idleness, the 1 Proc. (1901), p. 5. 2 Proc. (1901), p. 5. 3 Proc. (1898), p. 6; (1899), p. 40; (1900), p. 15. 240 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR state not being allowed to turn their labor into other channels." 1 This made it necessary for the State Federation to adopt a new program, and after several conferences of its officials with the various interests concerned, a new bill providing for the employment of convicts in the preparation of material for public roads was drawn up and presented to the 1901 legis- lature. It failed to pass. 2 Having been defeated in the legislature, the Executive Board of the Federation determined to seek the abolition of contract convict labor by administrative authority. Presi- dent O'Brien made an investigation of the methods in use at the state penal institutions, secured the written opinion of an attorney that they were clearly illegal in the light of the constitutional amendment of 1886, and submitted the whole matter to Governor Yates, suggesting that he take the initiative in correcting the abuses that admittedly existed. "No action of your administration would meet with more general approval or be more likely to gain for you the good wishes of the wage-earners of the state," the governor was told. 3 A committee authorized by the convention of 1901 met with the governor, prison officials, and a like committee from the Manufacturers' Association and presented the demands of the State Federation of Labor: first, to abolish the convict contract labor system within ninety days; second, to remove all of the labor saving machinery and to give more time for educational purposes. But after talking the matter over, the labor representatives had to agree to refer the entire question to the legislature at its next session, 1 Proc. (1901), p. 5; Beckner, op. cit., p. 143. W. D. Ryan of the Mine Workers represented the viewpoint of labor on the commission. 2 Prcc. (1901), p. 5. 3 "Report of President O'Brien," Proc. (1901), pp. 5-6. AN EARLY PURPOSE ACHIEVED 241 for existing appropriations were sufficient to run the prisons only on the system that had been in use for many years. 1 Accordingly, it was decided that a new bill should be drafted, and after four conferences President Menche re- ported: "When the next legislature meets we will be prepared with a bill which we feel confident will harmonize all the various interests and be just to all. In the passage of this measure we will have the earnest and hearty co-operation of the Governor, as well as of all of the prison officials." At the request of the Federation, the governor and the penitentiary commissioners agreed that they would not enter into any new contracts until the legislature had had time to act. 2 With this encouragement the Federation redoubled its efforts. At the conference with state officials it was decided to institute a lawsuit in order to get an expression from the Supreme Court on the constitutionality of the contracts then in use. 3 At the request of President Menche and Secretary Morris the governor secured an opinion on the subject from Attorney-General Hamlin; the opinion stated that the exist- ing contracts were plainly unconstitutional. By correspond- ence and speeches they "kept this question continually before the unions" and planks on convict labor were de- manded, and obtained, from both the Republican and Demo- cratic state conventions. The subject of convict labor overshadowed all others in the State Federation of Labor meeting in 1902. 4 1 "Report of President Menche," Proc. (1902), p. 4. 2 Ibid., p. 5. 3 For reasons "best known to himself" the member of the legislature who was to begin the suit did not do so. — Ibid. 4 In addition to the lengthy report of President Menche quoted from above, there was a report by Z. T. Trumbo of the Executive Board on the manufacturing carried on at Pontiac reformatory, and several resolutions of the usual kind. — Ibid., pp. 4 f., 9, 31 f. 242 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR As a result of all this agitation, the General Assembly of 1903 passed a new Convict Labor Law. In the words of Mr. David Ross, Secretary of the Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, the new Illinois law was "the most advanced legislation of the kind anywhere on record." It created a Board of Prison Industries com- posed of various prison officials of the state, whose duties were to attend to the disposition of all the products manufactured by the prisoners. All such products were to be disposed of to state institutions and to political divisions of the state. The Board was particularly charged with the duty of seeing that none of the prison products were sold in the open market, or in competition with the products of free labor. The contract system was prohibited, and all prison labor contractors were required to remove their property from the prisons. 1 There was a battle royal to put the new statute into operation. First there were rumors that certain prison offi- cials were conspiring to make it unworkable, and when the governor assured the State Federation's Executive Board that the law would go into effect on the first day of July, 1904, as the legislature had prescribed, prison contractors came forward and attempted to tie his hands with in- junctions. 2 The Board of Prison Industries finally decided upon the industries to be undertaken in the penal institutions. These comprised printing, wood-working, brick-making, and the manufacture of clothing, school furniture, iron beds, springs and mattresses, brooms, shoes, cut stone, and material for public buildings. "When the above distribution of indus- tries was made known," lamented President Cohen, of the State Federation, "I received protests from the following organizations: Printers, Wood-workers, Brickmakers and Clothing Workers." 3 No trade wished to have its type of work carried on in the prisons, though all admitted that the 1 Beckner, op. cit., pp. 144-4.5. 2 Proc. (1904), p. 19. 3 Proc. (1904), p. 26. AN EARLY PURPOSE ACHIEVED 243 prisoners must work at something. A special committee ap- pointed by the Federation recommended that the employ- ment of inmates should be spread over as many trades as possible so that none would be ruinously affected; that only raw material be purchased by the state for manufacturing purposes; that no machinery other than hand- or foot-power be used when the finished product could be produced by such means; and that crushed stone for the making of roads be given the preference in honoring requisitions. 1 In 1905 the trade unions lost a point. The movement for repeal of the 1903 act and for the passage of a bill to establish a large printing plant at Joliet was so strong that the State Federation's officials had to compromise. 2 In order to avert actual repeal they agreed to an amendment that not to exceed 40 per cent of the inmates of penal institutions might be put to manufacturing goods for the open market, such goods to be sold as near as possible to the current market prices and not to be produced until the needs of state institutions had been fully supplied. 3 A report of President Cohen in 1906 which commended the prison officials for their execution of the law was branded as "whitewash"; several delegates demanded to be recorded as voting against its approval, and a special Committee on 1 Proc. (1904), p. 70. 2 County, municipal, and township officials were dissatisfied under the 1903 law because of the long delay when supplies were ordered from the Board of Prison Industries; the board itself was dissatisfied because it had to handle a large number of small orders from these officials. — Beckner, op. cit.> p. 146. The ousted prison contractors were dissatisfied because they had lost their source of cheap labor, and they were "bending every energy to make the law unpopular." President Cohen felt that the wardens were trying to make it unworkable. "They locked the men in their cells with nothing to do," he says, "and the newspapers blamed the resulting conditions on organized labor, whereas the wardens were at fault." — Interview, Barney Cohen. 3 Proc. (1905), p. 13; Beckner, op. cit., p 147. 244 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Penal Institutions was chosen, by ('lection, to investigate. 1 It reported that while some of the things done by the officials were commendable, not all their actions could be indorsed — notably the introduction of improved machinery to produce goods for the open market and the concentration of most of the labor in one industry. 2 Chicago Federation delegates came instructed to seek the repeal of the "40 per cent clause," which they asserted had been "misinterpreted and misapplied to an outrageous extent." The matter was referred to the Executive Board, { but the next convention (1907) decided thai "no permanent relief can be secured without the repeal of the 40 per cent clause and the return to the law of 1903." Actual production figures showed, the Convict Labor Committee declared, that more than 65 per cent of the output of prison employment was being sold on the open market in spite of the law. 4 The objectives of the State Federation on convict-labor legislation were laid down by this committee as follows: (1) to secure the repeal of the 40 per cent clause; (2) to secure an amendment to make the Convict Labor Law applicable to all penal institutions in the state, including county and municipal prisons; (3) to secure a law for the marking of all prison products with the label "Prison Made"; and (4) to secure the co-operation of the National Prison Association and other organizations toward uniform laws governing convict labor throughout the United States. In 1908 three supplementary recommendations were approved: (5) to secure a national law prohibiting interstate commerce in prison-made products; (6) to co-operate with other state 1 Chicago Tribune, October 20, 1906; Proc. (1906), p. 9. 2 Proc. (1906), p. 30. 3 Ibid., p. 31. 4 Proc. (1907), p. 66. 6 Ibid. AN EARLY PURPOSE ACHIEVED 245 federations of labor to bring about uniformity of action on the convict-labor problem; and (7) to secure the immediate building of a new penal institution. 1 As the automobile came into use the State Federation advocated (8) highway con- struction as an outlet for prison labor, and in 1913 the Tice Good Roads Bill was passed with a companion measure authorizing the use of convicts on roadwork under certain conditions. President Wright reported that this would prob- ably "solve one of the problems of prison work." 2 Though none of these legislative objectives, except that pertaining to road construction, were attained, and though the law of 1905 remained unchanged, the Federation did succeed in removing practically all just cause of complaint over convict-labor competition by direct negotiation with the administrative authorities. A written understanding was reached with the Board of Prison Industries in May, 1909, by which the board was to "eliminate from the prisons those industries that competed with free labor in the open market.' ' The shirt factory in Joliet and the overall factory in Pontiac were both discontinued on January 1, 1911. This stopped the sale on the open market of about one and one-half million shirts and one million overalls annually. "There is now left in our prisons only the making of brooms, reed and rattan chairs, and a few other small lines," said President Wright. "The Federation has secured the discontinuance of cigar- making, cooperage, leather working, molding, and a dozen other lines of employment, and the substitution of work for state account." Enforcement of the general understanding 1 Proc. (1908), p. 31. 2 Proc. (1909), p. 142; (1910), p. 96; (1912), p. 254; (1913), pp. 30, 38. It is interesting to speculate on what would have been the attitude of the State Federa- tion had there been in existence a strong union of common and semi-skilled laborers claiming jurisdiction over highway construction. 24G THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR with the board was deemed sufficient to eliminate, to a large extent, the necessity for legislation. 1 President Wright surveyed the situation with satisfac- tion in 1912. Illinois was one of the first states to abolish the contract system, and sub- stitute state-account work. The lock step and prison stripes were dis- carded about the same time. We have not made a cigar, pair of shoes, or a set of harness for the open market in a number of years. Shirts and overalls, formerly turned out by the thousands of dozens, have gone to the discard. A thousand acres of land has been purchased near Joliet and soon the prison will be moved to the new >ite. The southern peni- tentiary has a large farm and works many convicts in the open air. Crushed stone is now produced in large quantities at each prison and the present movement for road building will, we hope, close the last of the prison shops. 2 As Mr. Wright observed, the complaints of working-men regarding the effects of cheap prison labor began to receive real attention about the same time that the lock step and the prison stripe were being discarded. Organized labor owed much of its success on the issue of convict competition to the general movement for prison reform. It was appropriate, therefore, that having succeeded in its long campaign for relief of its own grievances the State Federation of Labor lent its aid to promote an enlightened public opinion on the treat- ment of criminals. A remarkably sane and progressive report of its Committee on Prison Labor in 1911 committed the Federation to the modern policy of attempt at cure, not punishment, in penal institutions. 3 1 Proc. (1911), pp. 211, 16-17. 2 Proc. (1912), p. 28. 3 Proc. (1911). p, 212. CHAPTER XV EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY OR WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION? 1 From the first year of its history, the Illinois State Fed- eration of Labor had demanded legislative restriction of the common-law defenses available to employers in industrial accident cases, and in the period 1898-1913 the agitation for a change in the law grew much stronger. Nearly every con- vention of the Federation discussed the subject in some form or other. At first its efforts were directed along the old lines — limitation of the common-law defenses of assumption of risk, contributory negligence, and the fellow-servant rule — and a statutory Employers' Liability Law was the object. About 1910, however, the Federation allied itself with the more modern movement for handling the monetary compen- sation for industrial accidents as a problem of insurance, and it led the forces of labor in securing the Workmen's Com- pensation Act of 1911 and the amended act of 1913. The platform of the Illinois State Federation of Labor adopted at Bloomington in 1898 carried in full a draft of the employers' liability bill which the Federation then favored. It proposed to make the employer liable for damages due to any defect in construction of his plant or equipment or to the 1 In order to avoid duplication of the excellent detailed account of legislation on this subject contained in Beckner's History of Illinois Labor Legislation, the section which follows will be rather narrowly restricted to activities of the Illinois State Federation of Labor. Beckner takes up in detail the various types of legisla- tion proposed; the difference of opinion over the preferability of employers' liability of workmen's compensation and the reasons for the adoption of the latter; the work of the official and the voluntary commissions; and the actual provisions of the Illinois laws of 1911, 1913, and after. Therefore, these topics are treated in summary fashion and the reader is referred to chapter xii of Beckner's work. 247 248 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR negligence of any person in his employ; he would not be liable, however, if the injured person knew of the defect or negligence and failed to report it within a reasonable time. 1 In 1899 the Federation demanded the passage of an em- ployers' liability act "and the enforcement of the said act by leaving the amount subject to the verdict of a jury." 2 But efforts to move the General Assembly to action were unsuccessful. The Legislative Committee reported in 1903 that "H.B. 313, by Drew, known as 'Agents' Liability Act,' died in house and did not pass second reading." 3 In 1905 the "Fellow Servant Bill" fared no better. President Barney Cohen remarked to the convention that opposition to their bill was secret but powerful. 4 ^Yhen all efforts for legislation of this type again came to naught in the 1907 General Assembly the Federation couched its protest in vigorous language. The President and other officers were instructed "to give their untiring and unceasing efforts" in behalf of the enactment of "a good, substantial employers' liability law that will guarantee the rights of workers to recover damages for injury or death, resulting through the negligence of an employer or fellow employe." Furthermore, a record of the progress of the bill after being introduced shall be kept by the President and Secretary and a full report as to the action and attitude of the Governor, the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House, and the vote of each member in committee, in the House and Senate shall be kept in full detail and submitted to the next convention of this Federation of Labor. 5 Once more, in 1909, the liability bill failed in the legis- lature, partly because the forces of organized labor were not 1 Proc. (1898), p. 44. The same bill had been indorsed in 1897.— Ibid., p. C. 2 Proc. (1899), p. 21. 3 Proc. (1903), p. 9. 4 Proc. (1905), p. 14. See also Proc. (1906), p. 9. 5 Proc. (1908), pp. 13, 25. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY OR COMPENSATION? 249 able to work in concert. For one thing, the representatives of the railroad brotherhoods did not lend their support, 1 and the other labor lobbyists were not able to agree as to which of numerous bills should be passed. Representatives of the Chicago Federation advocated one type of measure; rep- resentatives of the State Federation favored another. 2 In the meantime workmen's compensation had been coming to the fore. As far back as 1905 the Illinois legis- lature had created an Industrial Insurance Commission to formulate a plan for industrial insurance and workingmen's old-age pensions; this commission, having no funds for an extensive investigation, confined its inquiries to accident insurance. 3 It submitted two bills, the first based on the German plan of compulsory accident insurance, and the second — which was the bill introduced into the General Assembly — a voluntary insurance scheme to be sustained by contributions from employers and employees. The members of the commission realized from the beginning that their functions were chiefly educational and that neither employ- ers nor employees were prepared for immediate action; they were not surprised when the legislature failed to adopt their recommendations. "The trade union representatives openly 1 "I would like to say," remarked President Wright to the 1909 convention, "that I sent a very bitter letter of protest against the actions of some of the railroad men at the last session of the Illinois legislature." — Proc. (1909), p. 11. 2 Ibid. 3 The commission was created after the defeat of an employers' liability bill sponsored by organized labor. Friends of the insurance movement, Professor Charles R. Henderson among them, secured its passage. The creation of this com- mission was not even mentioned in the State Federation's legislative discussion at the next convention. The members of the commission were: Charles H. Hulburd, a business man- ager, president; Professor Charles R. Henderson, secretary; Professor David Kinley; Adolph E. Adeloff, a representative of the trade unions; Harrison F. Jones, a lawyer and administrator of a railroad insurance scheme. — Beckner, op. cit., p. 434. 250 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR opposed the bill in the committee hearings and elsewhere; they were sent there with a mandate to kill the proposed law and to urge action for protective legislation and a liability law." 1 In the fall of 1909 interest in legislation relating to in- dustrial accidents received a tremendous impetus. A great mine disaster at Cherry, Illinois, resulted in the loss of 259 lives, and the state was appalled. A special session of the legislature, called by Governor Deneen, 2 authorized an Em- 1 Beckner, op. cit., p. 437. Professor Henderson concluded that their antag- onism to this and other insurance schemes was due to the following causes: "1. Trade unionists had not had time to consider the methods of insurance and they had from some source acquired some distorted notions of what insurance meant. "£. The workingmen had been trained to look to the liability law for their legal rights in cases of injury. The law itself and the procedure of the courts had taught them almost instinctively to take a combative attitude. "8. They had been taught by the common law and the procedure under it to look to and fight for large speculative awards from juries and courts. They had not fully comprehended the fact that only a small part of the accidents in industry were due to negligence of the employer, and that it was seldom that a workman could recover large damages. "4. They felt that the commission's measure fell short of the best European laws "5. It was possible that the trade unions feared that the bill would weaken attachment to the unions, but Professor Henderson did not personally come in contact with this argument. "6. Perhaps the most decisive factor in determining the trade unions to oppose the commission's bill was their concentrated effort to secure protective laws. The commission attempted to convince the union leaders that accident insurance laws, by requiring benefits without regard to proof of negligence in all cases of injury, would bring pressure to bear upon employers to use devices for reducing the number and severity of accidents; but the unionists, intent on one single point, persisted in regarding the proposed bill as a rival to their own." — Beckner, op. cit., p. 438, summarizing Charles R. Henderson, "Workingmen's Insurance in Illinois," Proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of the American Association for Labor Legislation (1907), pp. 09-84. 2 The Illinois Branch of the American Association for Labor Legislation, through its president, Professor Ernst Freund, had requested the governor to include the creation of a commission to investigate the problem of compensation EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY OR COMPENSATION? 251 ployers' Liability Commission, whose duties would be to investigate the problem of industrial accidents, the present condition of the law of liability for injuries or death in Illinois and in other states or countries, and to inquire into the most equitable and effectual method of providing com- pensation for such losses. 1 President Wright, of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, became secretary of this com- mission; the other labor members were George Golden, Patrick Carr, M. J. Boyle, Daniel J. Gorman, and John Flora. 2 The commission made a thorough study of the industrial accident situation in Illinois under the existing law; investi- gated the operation of employers' liability laws and the newer workmen's compensation laws elsewhere; and conducted numerous public hearings. The results of its investigations convinced a majority of the commission that the insurance principle embodied in a workmen's compensation act would provide a better solution of the accident problem than any amount of tinkering with the liability laws, and it prepared to submit such a report to the legislature, though it could not agree on the details of a bill. M. J. Boyle and John Flora, two labor members of the commission supported in their views by the Chicago Federation of Labor, held out for an employers' liability statute and insisted that this must come first. for industrial accidents in his call. The bill creating the commission was drafted by Professor Freund and carried an appropriation of $10,000. — Beckner, op. cit., pp. 440. 1 Ibid. 2 The representatives of the employers were I. G. Rawn, chairman, Charles Piez (elected chairman after the death of Mr. Rawn), Mason B. Starring, Robert E. Conway, E. T. Bent, P. A. Peterson, and W. J. Jackson (elected to succeed Mr. Rawn.) — Employers' Liability Commission, Report (1910), Beckner, op. cit., p. 441. 252 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR The controversy over the relative merits of employers' liability and workmen's compensation was "the absorbing issue of the convention" 1 when the State Federation met at Rock Island in 1910. President Wright, himself a member of the commission, stood for a compensation act; and Secre- tary Nockels, of the Chicago Federation of Labor, was reported to have come down to the convention to line up the delegates in opposition to him. But the miners and other downstate delegates were solidly behind Wright. 2 In the convention Wright favored both improvements in the liability law and a compensation act, and the convention endeavored to conciliate the hostile groups by providing for a committee to decide upon an "adequate and comprehensive Liability and Compensation bill." When drafted, it was to be submitted for ratification or rejection to the member organizations, and if indorsed by a majority of them it would be urged in the next General Assembly by organized labor. 3 Acting under these instructions, the State Federation officers submitted a proposed workmen's compensation act and also the draft of an employers' liability bill which had been drawn for the Illinois State Federation of Labor several years earlier and subsequently indorsed by the American Federation of Labor. Both measures were approved. 4 1 Chicago Tribune, August 26, 1910, quoted by Beckner, op. cit., p. 447. 2 Ibid. Raymond Robins, who had been invited in to speak to the conven- tion, came out in favor of workmen's compensation. If you simply take away the old common-law defenses, said he, you merely give a right of action. If a man has a good lawyer and fights through to the Supreme Court he may get more money than could be secured under a compensation act; but the number of workmen who can do that is small, and the average amount of return that comes to the whole group would be less than under a uniform compensation act. "If what you want is the largest amount of money for the actual sufferers in the shortest amount of time, not for one man to get a big pile and others nothing," then favor a compensa- tion law.— Proc. (1910), pp. 38-39. 3 Proc. (1910), p. 107. 4 Proc. (1911), p. 14, "Report of President Wright." EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY OR COMPENSATION? 253 Since the official Employers' Liability Commission had been unable to agree on a specific draft for a compensation measure a "voluntary commission" was assembled just prior to the legislative session, and it succeeded in producing an agreed bill for the consideration of the General Assembly. The personnel of this "voluntary commission" was the same as that of the official one, except that James F. Morris, secretary of the Illinois State Federation of Labor, and T. K. Ball, of Springfield, were invited on recommendation of President Wright to take the places of John Flora and M. J. Boyle, the two labor members who held out with the Chicago Federation of Labor for employers' liability. 1 Thereupon the Chicago Federation served notice upon Governor Deneen that "this Federation will not be bound by any action of the commission appointed by President Wright of the Illinois State Federation of Labor," and sent its Legislative Com- mittee to Springfield "to devote their time and efforts in having the American Federation of Labor form of an em- ployers' liability law enacted and to prevent as far as possible the enactment of a workmen's compensation law or employ- ers' liability law that has not been endorsed by the Chicago Federation of Labor." 2 As the session progressed, President Wright obtained the indorsement of the American Federation of Labor, through its Executive Council, for the workmen's compensation bill which he favored, and he also promised that full responsibil- ity for it would be borne by himself and President Walker, of the Illinois Miners; but the Chicago Federation of Labor replied that its committee "has its commission and shall abide by it until otherwise instructed." 3 1 Beckner, op. cit., p. 451. 2 "Chicago Federation of Labor Minutes," December 20, 1910, January 15, 1911. 3 Ibid., March 19, 1911. 254 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR President John Fitzpatrick, of the Chicago Federation, wrote to Chairman John O'Neill, of the Legislative Com- mittee, to "make it clear to the members of the House and Senate that real bona fide labor organizations in Cook County are absolutely and totally opposed to any legislation regarding compensation at this time and until such time as we have an adequate Employers' Liability bill enacted in this state." He continued: The bill .... is a denial to the workman of the amount he ihould reeeive in ease of injury, or that which his dependents shall receive in case of death. It sets up as a maximum about one-third of that which the pres- ent law says is recoverable in such cases. The only thing which prevents us from recovering the amounts now specified by law is the so-called "De- fences." .... The only amendment we could stand for would he to amend the proposition so that it would apply to miners only. If the miners think this is good legislation, we should not stand in their way. Every organ- ized worker in Cook County will agree to such an amendment. The miners might return the compliment and agree to relieve the workers in large industrial centers from the inhuman, unreasonable and vicious operations of such legislation in other places than in mines l Representatives of the railway unions, like the Chicago Federation of Labor, battled for employers' liability. Early in May the legislative committee of the Chicago Federation of Labor agreed with "friends of the Governor and his allies" (including the State Federation officials under this designa- tion) that they would not oppose the compensation act if their liability bill were also allowed to pass. 2 The General Assembly then passed the compensation measure, with some slight changes, and also a liability act, sending both on to the governor. 1 "Chicago Federation of Labor Minutes," Decemher 3, 1911; letter dated May 15, 1911. 2 "Chicago Federation of Labor Minutes," May 7, 1911. By this time the liability bill had been modified by a compromise in committee EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY OR COMPENSATION? 255 On May 26, 1911, Governor Deneen held a hearing in the Senate chamber. "In response to an appeal sent out by John M. Glenn, secretary of the Illinois Manufacturers' Associa- tion, about 300 manufacturers, including nine carloads from Chicago, attended the meeting." They and their attorneys submitted briefs and oral arguments urging that both bills should be vetoed. A delegation from the Chicago Federation of Labor and representatives of the railway labor organiza- tions insisted that a compensation law ought to follow and not precede an adequate employers' liability law. "John Fitzpatrick took the position that the compensation bill was a mere sop offered by the employers and that nothing short of a straight out employers' liability law would be acceptable to the working classes." President Wright and other officials of the Illinois State Federation of Labor did not openly oppose the liability bill, but let it be understood that if only one measure was to be approved they preferred the com- pensation act. 1 After mature reflection, "Governor Deneen approved the compensation act and vetoed the bill dealing with employers' liability. 2 When the next convention of the State Federation of Labor assembled at Springfield in October, 1911, the Chicago Federation of Labor delegates came instructed to oppose any indorsement of the Workmen's Compensation Law, 3 and there was a strong disposition to bring the whole con- 1 Beckner, op. cit, p. 453. 2 The fact that the compensation measure embodied the recommendations of the voluntary commission representing both employers and employees was impor- tant in influencing him to give it his approval. — Beckner, op. cit., p. 454. He vetoed the liability bill on the ground of unconstitutionality; the Supreme Court was said to have passed upon the provisions incorporated in this measure in a previous decision. — "President Wright's Report," Proc. (1911), p. 14. 3 "Chicago Federation of Labor Minutes," October 1, 1911; Chicago Tribune, October 19, 1911. 2.56 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR troversy into the open for an airing. John H. Walker said, The compensation measure has been used as an issue in the state with reference to the standing of different men in the labor movement, particu- larly the officials of the Illinois Federation of Labor. I believe no man or woman should be allowed to go home from this convention and say they did not understand the matter. 1 A large part of the discussion which followed consisted of recrimination. The Chicago Federation "severely con- demns the Illinois State Federation of Labor and the Ignited Mine Workers of Illinois for urging the passage of the compensation bill instead of the employers' liability bill," said its representatives; and James B. Connors of the Switchmen added a like protest. The miners, with Matthew Woll, President Wright, and other supporters of compensa- tion, accused their opponents of ignorance on the subject or insinuated that the railroad workers were not truly rep- resented by their officials. 2 John L. Lewis and John II. Walker, of the Mine Workers, even connected some of the opposition to the workmen's compensation bill with the scandals surrounding the legislature's election of Lorimer to the Lnited States Senate. 3 So far as the argument dealt with the merits of the measure itself, those who opposed workmen's compensation contended that: (1) The new law placed the amount for accidental death at from $1,500 to $3,500, and this meant a reduction of as much as $8,500 in the size of the award to dependents; for as much as $10,000 might be recovered under a liability law, especially if the "three defenses" were re- 1 Proc. (1911), pp. 95-96. 2 "I can understand," said John L. Lewis of the Miners, however, "why the switchmen of this state, as represented by Brother Connors, are not in favor of the compensation measure By an act of Congress in 1908 the railroad employes were placed in a better position to recover damages. . . . because the fellow servant rule was abolished on all interstate traffic." — Ibid., p. 113. 3 Proc. (1911), pp. 111-16, 159-60. EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY OR COMPENSATION? 257 moved. "So far as the miners are concerned this law has been a benefit to them But here is the proposition. In benefiting the miners to the extent of $1,500 you have pulled me down," said James B. Connors, of the switchmen. 1 (2) In order to avoid constitutional difficulties the act had been framed in such a way that an employer might elect not to come under the compensation law, but in this case the three traditional defenses would be denied him in a suit for damages. If he did accept the compensation act, however, he could avail himself of the defenses should he be sued. Thus, said opponents of compensation, the hated defenses were written into statute law for the first time. (3) A severe liability law would force employers to concern themselves with the prevention of accidents. Those who favored the liability principle wanted "to make it so expensive for employers to kill their workmen that every safety appliance known to science will be installed." 2 (4) The maximum pay- able after the death of a married man under the compensa- tion law is much higher than in the case of a single man; therefore, employers will hire single men in preference to married ones. (5) The benefits provided by the compensa- tion law are too low. Those who favored workmen's compensation argued that: (1) There had never been a case in Illinois in which $10,000 damages had been awarded; from $600 to $700 was a high average, and only a minority of injured workmen ob- tained anything at all. (2) Even if the employers' three defenses were removed most injured workmen would obtain nothing, for a relatively small number of accidents could be traced directly to someone's negligence. (3) The compensa- tion law, on the other hand, provided relief in all industrial accident cases in the trades to which it applied, no matter 1 Proc. (1911), p. 105. 2 Chicago Tribune, August 26, 1910, quoted by Beckner, op. cit., p. 447. 2,58 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR how caused. (4) The stipulated amounts under the compen- sation law would be worth more in actual practice than court judgments for much larger sums, since there would be no attorney fees. (5) That larger amounts would be paid out to workmen under a compensation law than under a liability law with the three defenses removed was proved by insurance rates charged employers in the state of Washington. Rates under the compensation law were double those under the alternative employers' liability law, even though Washing- ton's compensation law carried lower benefits than those enacted in Illinois. On the whole, the speeches of men like President Wright and Matthew Woll who defended the compensation act showed much better knowledge of the subject and a more level-headed view of the question than those made by their opponents. President Wright said, "The men who are speaking against the compensation law do not know what they are talking about," and he probably was not far wrong. Workmen's compensation was a comparatively new thing; it looked like a joker to those who had been fighting for a liability statute. It would require a few years of trial to demonstrate the advantages of the compensation method from the standpoint of the workman. When the fires of oratory had burned low in the 1911 convention and everyone had given vent to his feelings, Victor A. Olander came forward with the practical observa- tion that "we have a compensation law; it is on the statute books. Now what are we going to do with it, and how are we going to get the most out of it for our people? That seems to be the question both downstate and up in Chicago, too." On motion of Mr. Woll, the incoming officers were directed to make a thorough study of the provisions of the law, securing competent counsel for the purpose, and to forward the conclusions to every affiliated organization in order that EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY OR COMPENSATION? 259 the members might take proper steps to safeguard their interests. 1 In the course of the next year the Workmen's Compensa- tion Law was attacked in the courts, and the State Federa- tion retained Attorneys Seymour Stedman and Samuel A. Harper to defend it. 2 In answer to President Wright's assertion that he would go through Chicago and up and down the state explaining the compensation act, the Chicago Federation of Labor appointed a committee to get "the facts" from its point of view, and later it published a lengthy pamphlet to expose the demerits of the new law. It was denied, however, that the Chicago Federation intended to seek the repeal of the act, wishing to give it a fair trial. 3 Many employers, particularly in railroading and mining, elected not to come under the law; they preferred instead to give up their liability defenses. This led President Wright to advise the 1912 convention that "the next step would logically be a compulsory measure." 4 The delegates assembled at Danville in 1912 indorsed the compensation law, commended the action of State Federa- tion officials in hiring attorneys to defend it, resolved to do all in their power "to uphold and, if possible, amend the present Workmen's Compensation Law, so the workers of this state will receive better results," and asked the Federation's attorneys to submit a digest "similar to the one submitted for the Chicago Federation of Labor by their attorney," for the information of members. In addition, Attorneys Stedman and Harper appeared before the con- vention to make extended statements regarding the opera- 1 Proc. (1911), p. 150. 2 "President's Report," Proc. (1912), p. 22. 3 "Chicago Federation of Labor Minutes," December 3, 1911; Proc. (1912,) pp. 22-23. 4 Proc. (1912), p. 23. 260 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR tion of the law, to point out improvements which might be made in it, and to answer questions. 1 Acting under the instructions of the convention, the State Federation's officers had the Compensation Law re- drafted and improved and introduced it in the legislature of 1913. This time the Chicago Federation of Labor, after giving the state body "a tremendous scolding," ordered its legislative committee to co-operate in favor of the revised bill, "with the understanding that the Illinois State Federa- tion accept all responsibility for this legislation, or any effect it will have on our members or our unions in the future. " 2 In spite of "bitter opposition" in the House, which for a time seemed insurmountable, the redrafted bill became law in the form originally recommended. 3 The new law of 1913 as worked out by Messrs. Stedman and Harper in many weeks of labor, embodied several important changes. Most significant was the creation of an Industrial Board to administer its provisions. 4 When this period in its history drew to a close, the State Federation of Labor had succeeded in establishing the principle of work- men's compensation in Illinois and had begun the steady work of amendment and improvement which has continued to the present day. The alterations brought about in successive legislatures since 1913 will be mentioned in a later chapter. 1 Ibid., pp. 152, 178, 151, 133-52. 2 "President Wright's Report," Proc. (1913), p. £8, quoting resolution adopted by the Chicago Federation of Labor. "This responsibility," says Wright, "was cheerfully assumed, and whatever of credit or blame .... may come from the law must be checked up to our account." — Ibid. 3 Beckner, op. cii., p. 462. 4 "President Wright's Report," Proc. (1913), p. 32. CHAPTER XVI LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 A. THE WORKDAY AND THE WORK WEEK After 1900, efforts to shorten the workday by legislation are absent from the Federation's program, except in the special case of women and children, or as applied to govern- ment work. In 1903 the retail clerks tried unsuccessfully to get a Sunday closing law through the Illinois legislature, but when they asked the help of the State Federation of Labor the convention refused to indorse their proposed statute. It was argued that in the poorer districts of Chicago a great many people would suffer if the stores were closed on Sunday, for "many of them have no ice boxes, and they cannot keep milk and meat without spoiling." Furthermore, organiza- tion, not legislation, was held to be the proper remedy for undesirable hours of labor. Most important of all, certain important trade unions, notably the Bar Tenders' League, were opposed to a Sunday closing law. 1 Not until 1913 did the movement for a shorter working week come before the State Federation; then both the barbers and the waiters brought the matter up. The barbers sought a law that would close barber-shops on Sunday; one applying only to barber-shops had been held unconstitu- tional in 1895, 2 and they wanted it replaced. The waiters 1 "That resolution is in conflict with the Bar Tenders' League, and I believe they should be consulted before such a resolution is adopted here. It is a well known fact that the Liquor Dealers' Association has been of great benefit to the Cigar Makers' Organization. Now if we begin to fight them, where will we get off at?"— Remarks of J. J. Kearney, Proc. (1903), p. 34. 2 See Beckner, op. cit., p. 185. 261 262 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR suggested a more general law to require "one day's rest in seven, " not necessarily on Sunday, to be applicable to all trades. Their request that the State Federation assist the various hotel employees' unions and welfare societies which had interested themselves in the agitation for a six-day week by law was granted. So the demand for "one day's rest in seven" took the place of the abandoned one for Sunday closing. 1 B. PAYMENT OF WAGES The Case Garnishment Law, which reduced the wage exemption allowed heads of families to $8.00 a week, evoked bitter protest from organized labor immediately after its passage in 1897. 2 Each of the next three State Federation conventions demanded the repeal of this "iniquitous and oppressive" law and the enactment of a substitute "which will give the honest but unfortunate debtor a chance to live." The chief objection urged against the Case law was that it "has given birth to a horde of money-lending sharks who prey upon the misfortunes and necessities of the poor." 3 Other labor organizations and the Bureau of Labor Statistics became interested, an active labor lobby made itself heard in the 1901 General Assembly, and the offensive law was replaced by a new one which raised the exemption to $15.00 a week and required the employer to pay exempt wages directly to the wage-earner. 4 This success was hailed by the State Federation as some- thing of a triumph. "The year 1901 was the greatest for usefulness in the history of the Illinois State Federation of Labor," said a circular sent out shortly after. "By the 1 Proc. (1913), p. 211. 1 Beckner, op. cit., pp. 108 f. 3 Proc. (1898), pp. 21, 26; (1899), pp. 16, 28; (1900), p. 11. * Beckner, op. cit., p. 153 f.; Proc. (1901), p. 4. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 263 repeal of the Case Garnishment Law thousands of honest laboring men were placed beyond the reach of unscrupulous and unjust litigation, and were elevated again to the place they occupied previous to the enactment of that obnoxious measure." 1 Mr. Ross, of the Bureau of Labor Statistics, stated that he believed this new law gave Illinois the most liberal wage-exemption statute in the United States. 2 In 1905 the labor lobby opposed and defeated a bill designed to reduce the exemption from $15.00 to $10.00. 3 Then the Retail Merchants' Association sought a conference with the State Federation of Labor, and the boards of the two organizations held a meeting. The Federation, how- ever, refused to countenance any change in the garnishment law and successfully maintained its position in the legis- lature. 4 Another type of wage regulation was represented by an act of 1903 which prohibited any corporation from with- holding wages under the pretext that the wages so withheld would be presented to the employee as a gratuity at some future date, on condition that his services were satisfactory. 5 The State Federation instructed its Executive Committee to defend this law in the courts, because "it is of vital impor- tance to this Federation that all laws in the interest of labor be protected." 6 A general wages-lien bill was drawn up by an attorney for the State Federation and pushed actively after 1911, but apparently it made little headway. 7 1 "Secretary's Report," Proc. (1902), p. 25. 2 Beckner, op. cit., p. 155. 3 Report of the Illinois State Legislative Board of the Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen (1905), p. 22. 4 Proc. (1906), pp. 9, 10-11. 5 Beckner, op. cit., p. 182 n. 6 Proc. (1903), pp. 35-36. 7 Proc. (1912), pp. 25-26. 264 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR In 1910 representatives of the Switchmen's Union and the machinists secured the backing ef the Illinois State Fed- eration of Labor for a semi-monthly pay-day bill, and each year thereafter the measure was indorsed until its passage in 1913. The railroad organizations were most interested in securing legislation of this kind, and they played a large part in getting it through the legislature. 1 C. HEALTH, SAFETY, COMFORT One of the major pieces of labor legislation secured in Illinois during this period of the Federation's history was the Health, Safety and Comfort Act of 1909. "By this new law Illinois, which had been practically without factory legisla- tion, took its place in the front rank of the states making provision for the health and safety of employees." 2 Ever since the eighties the Illinois State Federation had been asking for laws of this kind, and various welfare organ- izations outside the ranks of organized labor had also been campaigning for a more adequate factory act. In 1907 State Factory Inspector Davies, at the request of Governor Deneen, prepared a bill for the legislature. This was sup- ported by the labor lobby and received widespread support from other sources, but failed to pass. 3 1 "The railroad corporations of the state pay their employes on the monthly plan, thus compelling the major portion of them to solicit credit in order to live, and compelling them to pay at least 10 per cent more for their living," said a reso- lution adopted in 1911. "Some of the merchants, also, doubtless looking forward to cash discounts on purchases, joined in the effort to secure its passage," reported President Wright of the semimonthly pay bill. See Beckner, op. cit., pp. 128-30, for a concise history of this legislation; also, Proc. (1910), p. 71; (1911), p. 152; (1912), pp. 170, 185; (1913), pp. 30, 41. 2 Beckner, op. cit., p. 239. As there is an excellent account of this law and the history of its preparation and enactment in the History of Illinois Labor Legis- lation, relatively little space is given to it here. Readers interested in the details are referred to chap, x of Mr. Beckner's work. 3 See Beckner, op. cit., p. 230. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 265 After the refusal of the General Assembly to enact his bill, Mr. Davies secured the introduction and adoption of a joint resolution which authorized the governor to appoint an Industrial Commission of nine members — three representing employers, three employees, and three the public — which should investigate thoroughly and report to the governor, by bill or otherwise, the most advisable methods of providing for the health, safety, and comfort of the employees of factories, mercantile establishments, mills, and workshops. The commission as appointed by Governor Deneen included President Edwin R. Wright, of the State Federation, who became chairman; Peter W. Collins, secretary of the Inter- national Brotherhood of Electrical Workers, Springfield; and William Rossell, at that time a member of the Legis- lative Committee of the Chicago Federation of Labor. 1 This commission did its work thoroughly and was able to agree upon a bill which both employers and employees thought to be entirely reasonable and satisfactory. Its work was characterized by the best of good feeling throughout; differences and misunderstandings due to divergent points of view were found to iron out during the process of investiga- tion. The General Assembly passed the agreed bill without difficulty, and, as Professor Ernst Freund remarked, Illinois was no longer distinguished by the absence of factory regula- tions for the health, safety, and comfort of its workmen and working women, but could take its place in that respect with the most advanced communities. 2 By 1911 the factory- 1 Beckner, op. cit., p. 231. Other members were: Samuel A. Harper, secre- tary, attorney at law, Chicago; Charles Piez, Link Belt Co., Chicago; Emerit E. Baker, Kewanee Boiler Co., Kewanee; P. A. Peterson, Union Furniture Co., Rockford; Dr. Henry B. Favill, Tuberculosis Institute, Chicago; Graham Taylor, Chicago Commons, Chicago; David Ross, secretary of State Bureau of Labor Statistics, Springfield. 2 Beckner, op. cit. y p. 240. See this reference for details of the new statute. 266 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR inspection department was asserting that there was a reduc- tion of approximately one-half in the number of industrial accidents as a result of the hazardous and dangerous machin- ery regulations of the new law. 1 In addition to championing the general Health, Safety and Comfort Act of 1909, the State Federation exerted its influence on behalf of more particular measures designed to serve individual crafts or industries. It backed the boiler- makers in 1907 in their efforts to secure a law for the inspec- tion of steam boilers; it helped put the Metal Polishers' Bill through the 1911 legislature, an act designed to protect the health of workmen employed about emery wheels and emery belts; it aided the street-car men in their efforts for laws to require the heating of vestibules, glass fronts of such a nature as to protect motormen from dust and storm, air brakes, and crews of three men on interurban cars; it assisted the truck- drivers in the campaign which resulted in a legislative requirement of 1913 that trucks must be equipped with wind- shields to protect the eyes and general comfort of the drivers. 2 As early as 1899 the seamen asked, and secured, indorsement for a Congressional bill designed to reduce the hazards of sea employment by compelling companies to hire a sufficient number of competent sailors; the last two conven- tions of this period each urged the passage of the La Follette Seamen's Bill. 3 The State Federation aided the miners to secure a law which required operators to provide a washroom at the top of each mine, and when this statute was held to be unconstitutional in 1906 because of its application only to mine-owners and not to other employers, the Federation again worked with the miners and secured a new T Wash House 1 "President Wright's Report," Proc. (1911), p. 19. 2 Proc, (190?), p. 46; (1908), p. 4; (1911), p. 12; (1912), pp. 187, 179; Beckner, op. cit., pp. 244, 250. 3 Proc. (1899), p. 23; (1912), p. 183; (1913), p. 77. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1808-1913 267 Law in 1913, this time covering coal mines, steel mills, foundries, machine-shops, or other businesses in which em- ployees become covered with grease or dirt to an extent which might endanger their health or make them offensive to the public. 1 In 1907 the Federation championed an impor- tant piece of safety legislation in a Building Trades Law, which lessened the dangers to which employees working on buildings, bridges, and other aerial structures were exposed. 2 The Federation co-operated with the railroad unions through the labor lobby conferences at Springfield and thus helped to procure a number of special laws applying to the operation of trains — for example, a Railroad Safety Appli- ance Law and a Law for Inspection of Safety Appliances in 1905. 3 A Full Crew Bill and other legislative proposals were indorsed at the instance of the switchmen. 4 For the most part the initiative in drafting, introducing, and urging rail- road labor legislation was taken by the brotherhoods and the other railway unions ; the State Federation of Labor gave its assistance whenever requested to do so. Much the same may be said of legislation for the safety of coal-miners. Because the United Mine Workers had per- fected a powerful state organization of their own just prior to the beginning of this period, and because the coal-mining industry involves unique problems of its own which baffle an outsider, the role of the State Federation of Labor in improving the mining code was that of a second to the Illinois mine-workers themselves. The miners worked out their own proposals, hired their own lawyers to draft bills, kept their own lobbyists at Springfield, and directed their own strategy. 1 Beckner, op. cit., p. 240; Proc. (1913), p. 41. 2 Beckner, op. cit., p. 245; Proc. (1913), p. 37. 3 Proc. (1905), p. 10; Beckner, op. cit., pp. 250-54. 4 Proc. (1908), p. 10; (1911), p. 205. 268 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Nevertheless, the backing of other organized labor groups represented by the State Federation of Labor was a consider- able aid to them, particularly in working with the large number of legislators from Chicago. That the miners at- tached great importance to a strong State Federation of Labor is shown by the fact that they affiliated all their locals in a body after 1908. The Shot Fire Bill, first introduced in 1903, provoked a hot fight in the General Assembly before its passage in 1905. It required that one expert fire all shots while all the men were out of the mine. 4t \Ve pushed it through in two years — pressed it hard," says Barney Cohen, who was president of the State Federation at the time. "We (that is the State Federation lobby) had the Chicago legislators, and the miners went at the downstaters hard. ,,1 A very important measure which the State Federation aided the miners to procure was the Miners' Qualification Act of 1907. In order to obtain a certificate of competency, this law required a miner to have had two years of practical experience and to answer orally in an intelligent and correct manner at least twelve practical questions on mining pro- pounded to him by a Miners' Examining Board. The exam- ining boards were composed of experienced and skilful miners actually engaged in the business of digging coal. This law tended to bring about greater safety in mining — a trade in which each man's life depends upon the skill and judgment of his fellows. But while ostensibly a safety law, its greatest significance is to be found in the fact that it operates to prevent the importation of strike-breakers during stop- pages, and thus greatly strengthens the power of the union. 2 The State Federation of Labor had little or nothing to do with the enactment of the revised mining code of 1899, nor 1 Barney Cohen, interview. 2 See Beckner, op. cit., pp. 329 f. Amendments were secured in 1909 and 1913. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 269 with most of the other purely mining legislation enacted during this period, except for the laws mentioned in the fore- going. The act of 1899 was framed under the guidance of the Bureau of Labor Statistics and introduced into the General Assembly as an "agreed" bill — a bill, that is, with the ap- proval of both employers and employees; it passed both houses without a dissenting vote. "The importance of this step cannot be over-emphasized," says Beckner, "inasmuch as the method of agreement and united support of bills by both parties involved has been used with remarkable success in practically all mining legislation in Illinois since 1909 ' n After 1909 the process of legislation by agreement was recognized in the creation of the Mining Investigation Commission, a tripartite body appointed by the governor and consisting of three coal-operators, three coal-miners, and three qualified persons not in political life or identified with either side. Practically all coal-mine laws enacted in Illinois since the creation of this commission have first been agreed upon by it through a process of collective bargaining. Laws for the health, safety, and comfort of wage-earners are of no value unless enforced by an efficient factory inspec- tion service. Needless to say, the Illinois State Federation of Labor gave consistent support throughout this period to all efforts looking toward the improvement of that branch of state administration. In 1903, and again in 1911, its Legis- lative Committee was able to report with satisfaction that laws had been passed increasing the force of factory in- spectors and organizing their work more effectively. 2 D. ACCIDENT COMPENSATION See chapter xv. 1 Op. cit., p. 295. * Proc. (1903), p. 9; (1911), p. 12. For details see Beckner, op. cit., pp. 268 f., chap, xviii. 270 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR E. CHILD LABOR The Child Labor Law passed in 1891 and improved in 1893 and 1897 was defective, chiefly because it allowed children to be employed on the strength of age affidavits by their parents; it seemed to encourage perjury more than it limited child labor. 1 Consequently, various citizens and organizations interested in child welfare, led by such people as Miss Jane Addams, of Hull-House, sought a new law. The Illinois State Federation of Labor lent its support to the movement, denouncing child labor in any form as opposed to the cardinal principles of unionism "and a direct menace to the future of the laboring element." It determined to ap- point a committee of three to bring pressure to bear upon the General Assembly for the enactment of a more stringent law, one that would provide sufficient punishment for violations to assure its observance. 1 The Legislative Committee was able to report to the 1903 convention that a new child-labor law had been secured. Beckner says, The passage of this law represented a distinct advance in the child labor legislation of Illinois. The substitution of age and school certificates to he issued only by the school authorities for the old affidavit system, the provision for an eight-hour day and a forty-eight hour week, the prohibi- tion of night work, the disbarment of children under sixteen from employ- ment in many of the more dangerous occupations, and certain provisions of less individual importance, all taken together gave Illinois one of the best bodies of protective legislation for children to be found at that time in any state. 3 Barney Cohen, president of the State Federation from 1903 to 1906, considers its part in the enactment of this law one 1 Beckner, op. cit., p. 228. 1 Proc. (1902), p. 22. 'Beckner, op. cit., p. 165. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 271 of the most important successes of the Federation during his administration. 1 Subsequently there were several attempts by various commercial interests to repeal or weaken the Child Labor Law; the Illinois State Federation of Labor exerted its in- fluence against all of these. In 1911, particularly, when theater-owners attempted to legalize the employment of children on the stage, there was a battle at Springfield. The Federation of Labor joined with representatives of the Chicago Juvenile Protective Association, the Mothers' Congress of Illinois, the Illinois State Federation of Women's Clubs, and the State and National Child Labor Committees in defeating this bill. 2 The State Federation also favored the Compulsory Education Law passed in 1903, and during the latter part of this period urged what it called the "Kid Bill," a bill provid- ing that any child under sixteen when not at work must return to school. 3 F. WOMEN IN INDUSTRY In 1895 the Supreme Court of Illinois had held the Women's Eight Hour Law of 1893 to be unconstitutional; 4 but thirteen years later the Supreme Court of the United States gave renewed hope to those who advocated the limi- tation of working hours for women when it upheld, in a unanimous decision, the Oregon Ten Hour Law. 5 Accordingly, organized working women, united under the banner of the Women's Trade Union League, secured the introduction of an eight-hour bill into the General Assembly 1 Interview. 2 Beckner, op. cit., p. 170. 3 Proc. (1903), p. 9; (1913), p. 32. 4 Ritchie v. The People, 155 Illinois Reports 98. 5 Mvller v. Oregon, 208 U. S. 412 (1908). 272 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR of 1909. When the strenuous opposition of manufacturers and laundry-owners seemed bound to defeat the measure in that form, Senator Walter Clyde Jones, who had it in charge, persuaded the Senate to substitute a ten-hour bill drawn in the exact language of the Oregon act. This bill, after a lively battle in which the advocates of the "girls' bill" proved themselves able lobbyists, became law. When the inevitable court battle developed, the Illinois Supreme Court had either to fly in the face of the United States Supreme Court or reverse its own earlier attitude, and it found reasons for doing the latter. 1 At the next session of the legislature (1911) an amendment went through extending the scope of the law to include mercantile establishments, hotels and restaurants, telegraph and telephone establish- ments, express and transportation companies, and park attendants, in addition to the laundries, factories, and mechanical establishments covered by the act of 1909. All subsequent attempts by both sides to alter the Women's Ten Hour Law have been unsuccessful. 2 The Women's Trade Union League bore the brunt of the battle in the fight for this legislation, but the State Federa- tion of Labor always showed its sympathy with the demands of the women and gave its active support when occasion required. 3 1 Ritchie & Co. v. Wayman, 244 111. 509. 2 For the history of this legislation and efforts at modification see Beckner, op. cit., chap. ix. 3 Each convention, it will be recalled, devoted a half-day session to the women's program, and the officers were under constant instructions to promote their cause.— Proc. (1908), p. 17; (1909), pp. 92, 107; (1910), p. 58; (1913), pp. 41, 46, 145. In the legislature the State Federation's lobby "was there to back us all the time," though the Women's Trade Union League directed and led the fight. President Wright came to the hearings and helped when asked; though he was busy with his own projects. Occasionally someone would circulate a rumor that labor did not favor the "girls' bill," and then the State Federation representatives LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 273 In 1906 the State Federation indorsed a bill by the metal- polishers to prohibit the employment of girls and women in any room where grinding, polishing, and buffing was done by machinery; and three years later it approved a similar pro- posal for excluding women from the coreroom of foundries. 1 Both were put forward as health measures, but they were doubtless inspired chiefly by the prospect of ruinous competi- tion in certain trades as women entered industry. When the bill authorizing a national investigation into the conditions of women and children in industry was before Congress, the Illinois State Federation urged its passage. Illinois women, specifically Mary McDowell and Jane Addams, had started the movement for such an inquiry; Miss McDowell lobbied for it in Washington, and finally was successful. 2 This national investigation and the findings of the Chicago Vice Commission led to a demand for a minimum- wage law to apply to women workers, which was voiced in the State Federation convention of 1911. President Wright called attention to the matter in his report and urged action ; a resolution introduced by the Women's Trade Union League and adopted unanimously asked the next legislature to create a commission which would ascertain the best method of securing a minimum wage for women. 3 At the Danville convention of 1912 the minimum wage was discussed at length. Some of the prominent men of the convention, imbued with the philosophy which the American would come out officially with a statement. President Wright and Secretary Morris took part in the hearing before Governor Deneen. — Interviews, Miss Mary Mc- Dowell, Miss Agnes Nestor; Women's Trade Union League legislative reports supplied by Miss Nestor. 1 Proc. (1906), p. 23; (1909), p. 180. 2 Proc. (1906), p. 20; interview, Miss Mary McDowell. 3 Proc. (1911), pp. 17, 97. 274 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Federation of Labor had adopted in its fights for improved wages and hours for men, were skeptical of the legislative remedy. Massachusetts had passed a wage-board law to go into effect in 1913, and Victor A. Olander said, "If Illinois cannot get anything better than the Massachusetts law on the question of minimum wage .... I believe we had better give up the idea entirely " He criticized particularly the provision which allowed an appeal to be taken from the findings of the minimum-wage commission to the courts when the employer said his business was en- dangered. More important than a minimum-wage law was to get a trades dispute act like that of England in order to limit arbitrary rulings by the courts in strike cases. The history of the labor movement teaches, he said, "that the right to strike and the freedom to struggle gets us more than anything else possibly can." Nevertheless, since the min- imum wage was to apply only to women the question ought to be settled by the women of the movement. "If they think it is best to start a movement for a minimum-wage law for women in this state, we ought to go the route with them. I feel they are the best judges of what is for their own interests." 1 James B. Connors, of the switchmen, pronounced himself definitely against a minimum wage by law. "It would be a millstone around the necks of every worker. If a minimum scale is established by law .... the minimum will be the maximum." John H. Walker thought such fears were un- founded. "The more I think of it the more I am convinced a minimum wage is desirable, and that we can safeguard ourselves so it will not be hurtful to anyone." Miss Elizabeth Maloney, of the Waitresses' Union and the Women's Trade Union League, pointed out that Connors' objection had been 1 Proc. (1912), pp. 87 f. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 275 urged when legal limitation of hours for women was being considered. Some girls said then to the bindery women who were enjoying an eight- hour day: "You will be put back to ten hours, because a ten-hour law is provided by the state." That did not happen. The same thing was said of the girls who were getting the Saturday half-holiday, that it would be taken away if we established the ten-hour day. That did not happen, and will never happen where there is an organization behind the girls. 1 The Federation expressed itself formally on the subject by adopting the work of its Committee on Officers' Reports. Women should be protected against the evils of unlimited competition and the greed of unscrupulous employers. Whether this protection should be by governmental author- ity or not was a question for the women workers themselves to decide; "their wishes should first be consulted, and if agreed that the restraint should be by law, we strongly urge the Federation to support our women workers in the demand for a minimum- wage law." 2 Later in the convention rep- resentatives of the Women's Trade Union League came for- ward with a resolution "that a bill creating a minimum wage board commission with necessary powers and machinery to inquire into the wages paid to women workers, to arbitrate concerning them and recommend a minimum wage, shall be introduced in the incoming Legislature." This was adopted. 3 Several bills for establishing minimum-wage boards and commissions were introduced during the 1913 legislative session, but none of them made much progress. Afterward President Wright in his annual report and the Women's 1 Ibid., pp. 91, 93. 2 At the same time, the committee cautioned against the enactment of a law like that in Massachusetts, "wherein ultimately the courts are not only advised but instructed that whenever any minimum wage regulation is determined, regard- less of how honest and fair it may be, any employer can have it set aside if it is likely to affect the prosperity of the business." — Ibid., p. 165. 8 Ibid., pp. 174-75. 276 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Trade Union League speakers in their half-day session gave them the merest mention. Most of their efforts had been concentrated on a measure for amending the Ten Hour Law to establish a fifty-four hour week. 1 Minimum-wage legislation was proposed in several legis- lative sessions from 1913 to 1921. Since then the movement has died out completely, owing to the unfavorable decision of the United States Supreme Court in the District of Columbia minimum-wage case. 2 G. EMPLOYMENT, UNEMPLOYMENT The only official action of the Illinois State Federation of Labor on this subject during the period, so far as recorded, was a resolution adopted in 1908 at the instance of A. F. Germer and John H. Walker of the mine-workers. It declared that the problem of feeding the hungry school children of Chicago and other large cities was one demanding immediate attention; that in this dire emergency the school authorities should provide adequate food without delay, as a matter of justice and free from the taint of charity; that national, state, and city authorities should provide work for the jobless fathers at union wages; and that the duty and authority of school boards and other public bodies to provide such relief should be made more clear by appropriate legis- lation. 3 In 1913 President Wright reported among the legislative gains of the year that the Federation had secured the authorization of a commission to study unemployment in Illinois. 4 1 Proc. (1913), pp. 30, 59. 2 Beckner, op. cit., p. 131; Adkins v. Children s Hospital, 231 U. S. 525 (1923). 3 Proc. (1908), p. 7. 4 Proc. (1913), p. 30. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 277 H. OCCUPATIONAL DISEASE The General Assembly in 1907 passed a joint resolution drafted by Chief State Factory Inspector Davies which set up a state commission to investigate causes and conditions leading to diseases of occupation and to suggest desirable legislation. 1 This commission was continued in 1909 with an appropriation of $15,000, and reported in 1911 after a valu- able pioneer investigation. The State Federation of Labor warmly commended Governor Deneen for appointing an efficient group of experts to study the important but little understood subject of occupational disease, and it determined to co-operate with the commission in every possible way. For this purpose it established a permanent standing committee of its own, having in mind that "the state commission stands in need of facts which can best be furnished by the workers them- selves.' ' Delegates were asked to take up the subject in their respective unions and to communicate all information which they might be able to obtain to the chairman of the com- mittee, who would then present it to the commission. 2 As a result of this investigation, the General Assembly passed the Occupational Disease Act of 1911. It dealt specifically with the handling of lead, lead compounds, brass, zinc, paris green, and other industrial poisons; but portions of the act were broad enough to apply to any employment tending to produce disease or ill health. The employer was required to install adequate protective devices for carrying off dust and fumes, to have the floors scrubbed daily where certain poisonous materials were used, and in general to 1 This was in pursuance of a recommendation by the Industrial Insurance Commission of 1906. — Beckner, op. cit., p. 272. 2 Proc. (1909), p. 99. 278 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR take reasonable precautions for preserving the health of his workers. 1 4 'For the first time in the history of the American Labor movement," an occupational disease law had been enacted, said President Wright in reporting this success to the Spring- field convention of 1911. "Not all of our trades are dangerous through industrial accident, " he went on. "More printers, cigar-makers and stonecutters die from tuberculosis than do railroad men or miners from accident.'' He suggested that the time had nearly come when sickness should be classified as an accident and the provisions of the Workmen's Com- pensation Law be SO adjusted as to provide automatic relief on the same basis as for accidents. 2 The Committee on Occupational Disease submitted a lengthy analysis of the act; emphasized the immense im- portance of the subject; and recommended that the topic be taken up by local and international unions, central bodies, and by the American Federation of Labor. The Illinois State Federation of Labor "has taken much interest, has given great aid and is deserving of much commendation for the enactment of this humane legislation," said the report; 3 and it now took the lead in bringing the problem of occupa- tional disease to the attention of the rest of the labor move- ment of the country. In 1912 the Illinois State Federation of Labor instructed its Legislative Committee to aid the metal-polishers in their efforts to have the occupations of polishing, buffing, and 1 Beckner, op. cit., p. 276. 2 Proc. (1911), p. 16. Again in 1913 Wright urged that the Federation en- deavor to have industrial diseases placed on the same basis as industrial accidents. — Proc. (1913), p. 36. Occupational diseases were brought under the compensa- tion law of Illinois by acts of 1921 and 1923. — Beckner, op. cit., p. 282. 3 Proc. (1911), pp. 81-85. Matthew Woll, International President of the Photo Engravers' Union, was chairman of the Committee on Occupational Disease and wrote the report quoted above. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 279 plating included more specifically in the Occupational Disease Law; and another convention, at the instance of the Women's Trade Union League, pledged itself to co-operate with the American Association for Labor Legislation to secure the passage of the Esch bill, then pending in Congress, against the use of white phosphorus in the manufacture of matches. 1 I. OLD AGE PENSIONS; SOCIAL INSURANCE President Wright, always hospitable to new ideas, recom- mended as early as 1911 that agitation be started for a system of old age pensions. He said: With the restriction of employment to young men in the industrial field, the agitation for old age pensions by the state government is rapidly taking form. I believe the industrial soldier should receive consideration and relief equal to that granted the veterans of our armies. It may re- quire a constitutional amendment to permit a state law of this nature, but when secured the question of state insurance in its many phases will cease to be the vexatious problem now confronting us. Every effort should be made to popularize the pension idea. 2 Again in his 1913 report he alluded to the subject, this time more at length. He said, We are a quarter of a century behind the best thought of our European brothers on matters of this kind, and unless we workers give more thought to the subject we will find our employers firmly entrenched in this as in other fields. The trade union must be more than a stop-gap of today's expediency; we must plan for tomorrow and must begin today. 3 The convention itself took no action, except to adopt the report of its Committee on Officers' Reports, which in 1911 commended Wright's suggestion that old-age pensions should receive the attention of organized labor. 4 1 Proc. (1912), p. 175; (1911), p. 97. 2 Proc. (1911), p. 17. 3 Proc. (1913), p. 39. 4 Proc. (1911), p. 76. 280 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR K. PUBLIC EMPLOYEES Demands of the postal clerks for shorter hours, wage increases, or changed conditions of work were indorsed many times and the stand of the Federation communicated to Illinois congressmen. 1 In 1909 there was an attempt to reduce wages and install piecework at the Rock Island arsenal; the Tri-City Labor Congress stated that it "must have the help of the Illinois State Federation of Labor in order to bring this to the attention of the Senators and Rep- resentatives in Congress from this state." The State Federa- tion instructed its officers to communicate with two Illinois congressmen, inviting them to meet with the arsenal em- ployees in order to become acquainted with the situation. 2 A bill passed at the instance of Chicago firemen in 1913, providing for a two-platoon system, was backed by the legislative representatives of the State Federation, as were amendments to the pension law requested by Chicago teachers. 3 1 For example, Proc. (1909), p. 147. J Proc. (1909), p. 154. 1 Proc. (1913), p. 30. CHAPTER XVII LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913— Continued II A. CRAFT PROTECTION The Miners' Qualification Law, mentioned above as a safety measure, was even more important from the stand- point of craft protection. Through its control of the miners' examining boards the union was able to regulate the entrance of new men into the trade and to prevent the importation of "scabs." The Barbers' Union likewise sought to strengthen its bargaining position and to raise the standards of its craft by securing a state license law. The State Federation of Labor assisted it in a vigorous campaign, 1 and in 1907 the Barbers' License Law was passed. It did not work as well as the union had hoped, however. As T. A. Shea explained to a Federa- tion convention, "It is a valuable law from a hygienic and a sanitary standpoint; but from a union standpoint it has not done as much as it should have done and can do." The trouble was that while the governor had appointed to the Examining Board "a good committee for enforcing the law" 1 The conventions of 1898, 1899, 1900, and 1901 all indorsed a bill drawn up by the barbers, and the officers of the Federation aided in the lobbying work at Springfield.— Proc. (1898), p. 28; (1899), pp. 17, 22; (1900), p. 17; interview, T. A. Shea of the Bloomington Barbers' Union. A resolution presented to the Federation in 1901 recited that "the history of barbers in cities and towns throughout the state of Illinois has been .... a record of constant struggle against oppression and un- sanitary conditions." It complained of "the cheap and inferior class of shops who employ poor workmen, and who, for lack of cleanliness and a knowledge of skin diseases .... spread disease among our citizens." "These shops demoralize and degrade our business .... thus detracting from the dignity of our craft." — Proc. (1901), p. 11. 281 282 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR he had not appointed enough union men. "From our stand- point a majority of the members on the Board do not under- stand what we want The members should be bona fide union barbers." "You all understand," he went on, referring again to the miners, "... that you would not get much good out of your law if the operators were in a majority on the Miners' Qualification Board." 1 The State Federation, of course, backed the barbers in their demand for control of the Licensing Board; in 1909 it petitioned Gov- ernor Deneen to appoint members of the Journeymen Barbers' International LTnion when the terms of the in- cumbents had expired, and again in 1913 protested against the administration of the law. 2 The State Federation aided other trades besides the barbers and the miners in their efforts to protect their crafts and their unions by license laws. It helped to obtain a state law enabling cities to examine and license elevator-operators, and then endeavored to have the law applied through ordi- nances in Chicago and other cities. 3 It helped the plumbers when they sought amendments to the law licensing members of their craft; in 1906 the Legislative Committee was in- structed to work for a law to examine and license stationary engineers, and, in 1910, boiler-tenders. 4 Other crafts asked the State Federation to help them to protect or increase their employment opportunities by legis- lation. The street-car men, for example, wanted a law pro- hibiting the use of one-man cars. The teamsters asked for legislative limitation of the size of loads to be allowed on wagons. The glass bottle-blowers had the 1907 convention pledge its aid toward a law against the sale and use of old 1 Proc. (1910), p. 109. 2 Proc. (1913), p. 141. 3 Proc. (1903), p. 35; (1906), p. 21. 4 Proc. (1906), pp. 14, 23; (1910), p. 136. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 283 bottles picked up from the junk heaps. In all of these cases the argument put forward was public safety or sanitation or something similar; the big consideration in the minds of those who offered them was usually craft protection. 1 In passing upon these proposals for craft protection, the State Federation of Labor raised objections only in case the law sought by one craft threatened to react unfavorably upon another. For example, when the glass bottle-blowers brought in another resolution against second-hand bottles in 1913, the committee "favored the principle of the resolu- tion but wished a more definite plan submitted," and Presi- dent Wright suggested that when a bill was drawn up the brewery-workers and the milk-wagon drivers should be consulted. 2 If there was no apparent conflict of craft inter- est, however, then the rule was that "each craft knows best what is good for it," and the State Federation's job was simply to reinforce the demands that each craft decided to make. B. CONVICT LABOR See chapter XIV. C. IMMIGRATION AND ALIEN LABOR The Federation continued to favor the restriction of immigration. 3 In 1909 a resolution was introduced which called upon public officials to give preference to American-born and naturalized citizens on all public work, but there were strong objections. The resolution went back to the committee to be "considered and reported upon in the spirit of the inter- national character of the labor movement." 4 1 Proc. (1908), p. 23; (1913), p. 142; (1907), p. 45. 2 Proc. (1913), p. 143. 3 Proc. (1898), p. 43; (1899), p. 40; (1901), p. 11; (1905), p. 22. 4 Chicago Tribune, October 22, 1907. 284 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR III A. LEGAL STATUS OF TRADE UNIONS AND THEIR METHODS Most of the changes in the law relating to labor organi- zations and their methods during this period came through court decisions, not through enactments by the legislature. 1 The Illinois State Federation exerted what influence it could to bring about decisions favorable to organized labor. For example, a few members of the Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railway Employees "resigned, " declining to pay dues, and the association demanded that they re- affiliate or seek work with a company not employing union men; the seceders secured an injunction to restrain the union from any action which would mean the loss of their jobs, and the case was appealed to the Supreme Court. Since the decision would be important to all unions in the state, in- volving the right to organize and to seek the discharge of non-union men, the Illinois State Federation of Labor was appealed to for assistance and stepped vigorously into the fight. Letters were addressed to every trade union in the state, "and the entire trade union movement threw their undivided support to Division 24-1 of Chicago, " which was conducting the court battle. Officers of the State Federation made many speeches and wrote many personal letters on the matter. "A consistent campaign was waged during the whole difficulty, " said President Wright, and "the decision is a victory for all the union men of the state and is one of the results of our active publicity campaign. " 2 In 1907 the Illinois State Federation of Labor demanded the repeal of a Vagrancy Act passed by the last session of the legislature. Chief of Police Shippy, of Chicago, was said to have issued a sweeping order which prohibited the striking 1 See Beekner, op. tit., chap, ii, where these decisions are traced. 2 Proc. (1912), p. 30. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 285 telegraphers from peaceful picketing, asserting that he derived his authority from the Vagrancy Act. 1 Four years later a bill was introduced at Springfield providing for a fine of from $200 to $2,000 against anyone convicted of picketing. Of course, organized labor opposed it. 2 The United Garment Workers complained to the State Federation in 1912 that for six years the Wholesale Clothiers' Association and the Wholesale Tailors' Association, of Chicago, had been operating blacklisting departments, some- times under the pretext of "scientifically selecting proper workmen, according to principles of so-called scientific management and other specious pretenses." The garment- workers wanted the State Federation to secure a law "pro- hibiting such blacklisting, and to wipe out these fake labor bureaus, through which it is accomplished.' ' At about the same time the railroad brotherhoods forwarded to the State Federation a bill to prohibit blacklisting, and the Federation heartily concurred. 3 Evidently the provision against black- listing contained in the Cole Anti-Boycott Law of 1886 was a dead letter, and perhaps even unknown to most of the labor organizations, though the garment- workers had tried to invoke it. During the eighties labor organizations had sought laws to allow them to incorporate, but we have seen that as they grew stronger they dropped that demand. Soon they began to oppose suggestions for incorporation as strenuously as those for compulsory arbitration (which had also been fav- ored in the early days); incorporation would mean abridg- ment of their powers of action and would increase their civil liability. 4 In 1901, however, the Illinois State Federation was 1 Proc. (1907), p. 46. 2 Beckner, op. cit., p. 42. 3 Proc. (1912), pp. 26, 167, 172. 4 Beckner, op. cit., p. 22. 286 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR not willing to advocate a law which would absolutely pro- hibit labor organizations from becoming incorporated, though some of its members wanted it to do so. 1 In 1908 the cigar-makers desired improvement in the protection of the union label afforded by the acts of 1891 and 1895; so it secured the help of the State Federation in pro- moting a bill to be known as the Trades Union Label Act. This consisted of twelve sections and provided for the regis- tration of labels, prosecution of counterfeiters, and penalties. 2 The bill had already passed the House in 1909 when its advocates discovered that someone — none of the parties interested could find out who was responsible — had inserted a provision phrased in such a way that if passed in that form it would have been made unlawful for any firm or corporation to handle a label issued by a trade union. The mistake was discovered when President Wright and Secretary Morris sent a copy of the bill to George W. Perkins to be sure that it was just what the cigar-makers wished. Secretary Morris, him- self a member of the legislature, was notified immediately and had the Act reconsidered and killed in the House. Then a corrected copy was passed, only to die in the Committee on Labor, Mines and Mining in the Senate. 3 Subsequent efforts to revise the law against counterfeit labels also failed. 4 1 The East St. Louis carpenters complained that certain bodies of workmen had combined themselves into so-called unions and taken out charters under the Illinois statutes governing "corporations not for pecuniary profit." They asserted that these organizations were set up to fight the recognized trade unions and were often fostered by unfair employers; members of these "scab" unions offered their services at wages from 15 to 35 per cent below the union scale. The Federation adopted a substitute for the carpenters' original proposal; it advocated that the law should be revised to prohibit the issuance of charters of incorporation to labor organizations in localities where a union of the same class of labor, recognized by the American Federation of Labor or a national or international union or the state of Illinois, was already in existence. — Proc. (1901), pp. 14, 20. 2 Printed in full in Proc. (1908), pp. 7-9. 3 Proc. (1909), p. 151. 4 Proc. (1912), p. 176. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 28? B. THE INJUNCTION IN LABOR DISPUTES "The abolition of government by injunction" first ap- peared in the platform of the Illinois State Federation of Labor in 1897, and remained there with no further explana- tion until 1899. 1 Then President Dold took it up in his report. He said : Government by injunction is another of the latter day capitalistic weapons used to subjugate organized labor, and as such it is the most powerful of all weapons heretofore used by the capitalistic classes. Your President was one of the many strikers recently enjoined at the Bush & Gerte piano factory in the city of Chicago from the use of almost everything except the use of air, and I realize fully the import of government by injunction; and again at Carterville, three of our gallant warriors of the labor movement, striking miners, have been condemned to six months in jail, by a one-man jury, in the person of Judge Allen, for contempt of court committed by telephone. But capital owns the judges; capital owns the government; capital is avaricious; capital cares only for capital, and the only way for the wage worker to secure redress is to own the government, judges and all. 2 In 1900 the Federation denounced the "unfair methods" of a newspaper proprietor who had obtained an injunction against the Canton Typographical Union; and in 1904 it inquired of Congressional candidates in Illinois whether or not they would support the anti-injunction bill to be intro- duced in the next Congress. 3 One year later the Illinois State Federation of Labor adopted the first detailed declaration in its history dealing specifically with the injunction question. This was a docu- ment of about one thousand words introduced by Henry Knaus, District Council No. 6, United Garment Workers of America. It called attention to "the insidious sapping or undermining of our constitutional liberties by the perversion 1 Proc. (1898), p. 43; (1899), p. 40. 2 Proc. (1899), p. 8. 3 Proc. (1900), p. 22; (1904), p. 81. 288 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR of judicial process/' and proposed as a remedy that national and state laws should be enacted to prohibit the use of in- junctions in labor disputes. Let public officials punish all crimes and misdemeanors under the criminal code, and not subject us to unknown and unknowable conditions whereby our liberties and our very lives are placed in the keeping of an autocrat wielding an injunction the terms of which cannot be understood in ad- vance .... and [under which] a perfectly legal action such as soliciting the acquaintance, friendship, or good-will of a known or unknown non- unionist, may subject the innocent perpetrator to an unknown punish- ment. This resolution was printed and widely circulated. 1 The first bill designed to limit the use of injunctions in labor disputes appeared in the Illinois legislature in 1901. "It was referred to the House Committee on Labor and Industrial Affairs, but was not reported out by the Com- mittee. From that year until the Injunction Limitation Bill of 1925 was passed, the fight for bills of this nature became a regular feature of legislative sessions in Illinois.' ' In 1903 a bill providing that cases of contempt of court should be tried by jury and another making a distinction between direct and indirect contempt were introduced. An injunction limitation bill by Mr. Chiperfield, with amendments sub- mitted by Representative Clarence Darrow, permitted temporary injunctions, operative not exceeding forty-eight hours, to be issued for good cause shown. 2 The State Federation of Labor made some efforts to get the legislature to act, but, on the whole, injunction legislation was not stressed during this period. President Wright's report in 1913 devoted five words to the subject: "Contempt- of-court bills lost. ,,3 The attention of the Federation had 1 Proc. (1905), pp. 24-25. A similar declaration was adopted in 1906. — Proc. (1906), p. 13. 2 Beckner, op. cit., pp. 53-54. 3 Proc. (1913), p. 30. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 289 been occupied by workmen's compensation, the women's hour bills, convict labor, occupational disease, and factory acts. The injunction question practically disappeared from the Federation conventions from 1906 until 1913. In the latter year Victor A. Olander introduced a resolution which instructed the Executive Board to have an injunction limitation bill drafted for introduction into the next legis- lature. 1 This was the first move in a struggle which forms the central theme of the next period in this history. C. SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES Since 1890 the Federation had withdrawn its once prom- inent demand for compulsory arbitration, and when in the first convention of this period President Hinman brought it out from retirement his remarks produced consternation. They would have been in order during the eighties, but in 1898 they were greeted with catcalls and hisses. The con- vention proceeded to pass a resolution: Whereas, The adoption of any law providing for compulsory arbi- tration under present social conditions would tend to obliterate the power of the trade union movement. Resolved, That we most emphatically protest against the enactment of any law having for its purpose the compulsory settlement of labor questions. 2 There was still some difference of opinion on the subject, however. This resolution "caused the most talk of the morning." 3 One delegate who spoke for compulsory arbitra- tion said that arbitration never would be successful until it was compulsory and that in the old countries it had been of great benefit to the workingmen. Mr. Dold, author of the resolution, opposed anything like compulsory arbitration; 1 Proc. (1913), pp. 167-68. 2 Proc. (1898), pp. 6, 19, 27. 3 Decatur Review, September 30, 1898. <290 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR the workingmen had got the worst of it in a good many cases, and he didn't want anything to do with it unless he could choose the arbitrators. The only way to get anything from employers was to whip them into submission. W. D. Ryan offered an amendment to the original resolution "that we accept no kind of arbitration," but the amendment was voted down. The general situation was summed up by the Decatur Review's reporter: "Some want compulsory arbitra- tion, some want none whatever, and some are satisfied with what we have now. That appeared to be what suits the majority, because the resolution above was adopted in the end." 1 In 1903 President Menche stated, "We favor arbitration, but only after conciliation has absolutely failed, and then voluntary arbitration only." 2 D. REGULATION OF DISPUTES During the mine troubles of the late nineties the oper- ators had brought in a trainload of Alabama negroes under the protection of men armed with repeating rifles, resulting in bloody clashes at Pana and Virden. Governor Tanner believed that the importation of strike-breakers guarded by armed men who were not citizens of Illinois and who had no authority to perform police duty in the state was contrary to good public policy and unfair to workmen. Therefore, he secured the passage of the so-called Tanner Act by the 1899 legislature. This act prohibited employers from inducing workmen to go from one place to another within the state or from bringing workmen into the state through the use of false representations concerning the kind of work and the conditions under which it was to be performed; failure to mention labor troubles when hiring men was to be deemed 1 Ibid. 2 Proc. (1903), p. 6. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 291 false advertisement and misrepresentation under the act, for which a fine or imprisonment might be imposed. Anyone hiring armed men to bring workmen into the state or to move them from one place to another within the state, and persons coming into Illinois armed with deadly weapons for any such purpose, without written permission of the governor, were to be imprisoned in the penitentiary for a period of from one to five years. 1 This law, together with the Miners' Qualification Act already mentioned, proved a great boon to the Illinois Mine Workers during the strike of 1910. 2 The very next year it was declared unconstitutional in a case which went quietly through to the Supreme Court without the knowledge of organized labor. The court held that the law was invalid because it imposed a different liability upon employers hiring workmen to come to the place of employment than was imposed upon other employers and because the act contained two subjects. Attorney Sonsteby, who was called upon by President Wright for advice in the matter, thought that if the act were amended to apply generally to all em- ployers it might be constitutional. "The court does not say so in so many words, but it infers that." 3 Accordingly, the State Federation had the law revised to meet the objections of the court, and the convention of 1912 indorsed the redrafted Tanner Act as two separate bills — one forbidding anyone to bring armed guards into the state, the other "defining and prohibiting the use of false 1 Beckner, op. cit., pp. 68-69. Workmen persuaded to come into the state or to go from one place to another in the state by means of false representations were also entitled to recover damages. 2 Proc. (1910), p. 142. "These two laws made it impossible for the operators to successfully man their mines with scabs." — Remarks of John H. Walker. 3 Proc. (1911), pp. 86-89; Proc. (1912), p. 31. The case was Josma v. Western Steel Car Co., 249 111. 508; see Beckner, op. cit, p. 69 f. 292 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR representation, false advertising and false pretense in pro- curing the performance of labor and services and fixing criminal and civil penalties for violation thereof." 1 The at- tempt to have these bills adopted by the 1913 General Assembly met with failure. The attitude of the police and the use of the military in industrial disputes has always been the subject of much protest from organized labor. The state militia was used in several of the mine strikes of this period and received the most attention from the conventions of 1898 to 1913. In 1899 a delegate proposed that the expense of the militia in indus- trial disputes ought to be charged against the corporation or company calling for it, but a substitute resolution by Charles Dold was adopted instead: Resolved, That it is the sense of this convention that the calling of military power in cases of trouble between the employer and employe is unnecessary and productive of dangerous results. Resolved, That we object to the use of the State Militia or any other armed force in any and all differences that may occur between the em- ployer and employe. 2 The convention of 1902 urged all trade unionists to "absolutely decline membership in any body or bodies mili- tary in character that can be used for the subjugation of the laboring element, " and declared that "the State Militia as organized at the present time is being constantly used by capitalists throughout the entire country as an auxiliary police force against organized labor." 3 A similar expression was concurred in by the last convention of this period, for the reason, as Secretary Barrett of the Resolutions Com- mittee explained, that the only benefit the State Militia and the National Guard gives to any one in time of peace is the benefit to the employers in shooting down 1 Proc. (1912), pp. 33-35. Texts are printed in full. 2 Proc. (1899), p. 27. 3 Proc. (1902), p. 29. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 293 members of trade unions. If the time comes when this country is in trouble and needs men to fight for it, you will find the trade unionist there. . . . but until that time comes I think we will stand unalterably opposed to our members being part of the system at this time in effect." 1 The convention of 1912 indorsed a bill providing that any marshal or deputy marshal, policeman, or watchman, who, in the opinion of the court or jury before whom an arrested person is brought, has made an arrest "wholly with- out provocation or reasonable cause," should be removed from office. This demand for legislative action grew out of police activities during the garment-workers' and pressmen's strikes in Chicago. 2 IV A. BALLOT REFORM Several times during the period the movement for women's suffrage was indorsed, particularly in those con- ventions of the later years at which half-day sessions were given over to the women workers. 3 From 1904 to 1909 the Federation declared itself repeat- edly in favor of the direct primary for nominating party candidates. It believed that by giving more direct power to the voter it might be possible to defeat the enemies of organ- ized labor who found places on the party tickets. When the legislature did pass a primary law the Federation criticized it in two particulars. The number of signatures required in order to secure a place on the ballot for a new party was unduly large. Likewise, the filing fee of from $25 to $100, depending upon the office, was too high, tending to make it impossible for a workingman to become a candidate for 1 Proc. (1913), pp. 196-99. 2 Proc. (1912), p. 173. The proposed law is printed in full. 3 Proc. (1906), p. 12; (1908), pp. 17, 21; (1911), p. 62; (1912), p. 179. 294 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR office. 1 In 1008 the convention asked that the primary law be amended so that the candidates of all parties should appear in separate columns on a single ballot, thus making it possible for a voter to choose whichever party he pleased in secrecy. 2 The Federation favored the direct election of United States senators to replace the method of election by state legislatures; this, like other changes in election methods in- dorsed by labor, was regarded as "the gateway to other badly needed reforms." 1 Once, in 1 S<)<), the State 1 Federation of Labor declared for proportional representation. 4 B. INITIATIVE, REFERENDUM, AND RECALL Continuing its policy of past years, the Federation con- sistently urged the adoption of a constitutional amendment to provide for direct legislation by the people. Plank 7 in the platform of 1898 read: "We favor the establishment of the initiative and referendum system of government. " 5 In 1902 the movement gained considerable momentum in Illinois and the voters were given a chance to express themselves on the initiative and referendum by means of a separate advisory ballot at the election of that year. The State Federation of Labor co-operated with the Referendum League of Illinois and urged its members and their friends to vote "yes/' arguing that by means of the initiative and 1 Proc. (1905), pp. 26-27. This resolution, like most of those on the direct primary question, was signed by John H. Walker and others who were also calling for independent political action. 2 Proc. (1908), p. 24. 3 Ibid., p. 5. 4 An amendment favoring proportional representation was attached to a free coinage resolution by a vote of 49 to 16. — Proc. (1899), p. 3±. 6 Proc. (1898), p. 43; also, Proc. (1899), p. 34. LEGISLATIVE SUMMARY, 1898-1913 295 referendum municipal ownership of public utilities and other needed reforms might be achieved. 1 Though the preference of the voters as expressed in this election was five to one in favor of the initiative and referendum, the legislature refused to submit a constitutional amendment on the subject. 2 In 1904 the American Federation of Labor undertook a national campaign for the direct ballot, believing that to be "the line of least resistance for the enactment of measures in the interest of the people." 3 State federations were requested to take up the agitation. The Illinois Federation reaffirmed its faith in the initiative and referendum the next year and from then on pushed it continuously. 4 In addition, the recall of all elected officers was advocated after 1908. D. ADMINISTRATIVE AGENCIES President Wright reported in 1912: We are rapidly gaining the co-operation of thinking men and women for a State Department of Labor. During the last year many inquiries have reached this office as to the scope of our demands on this subject. Clubs and societies taking an interest in economic subjects have joined us in studying the question of prevention of waste of effort and adminis- tration now forced through a multiplicity of boards, bureaus, commis- sions, etc Wright advocated a reorganization of state activities; "We have too many boards and too many heads, and a centraliz- ing of responsibility will necessarily be of benefit to the workers of the state." 1 Proc. (1902), pp. 18, 34. 2 Proc. (1907), p. 57. a Resolution No. 39, quoted in Illinois State Federation of Labor Proceeding ■> .N HI iT.WIO i.'.OOO il IKMI iO.UOO m ihhi ~ , — »TiWO M 000 M i««o 11 '«i) MUM •MOO ■MM _ -* .17 MM ■MM M IHHI ■mm i J i 1 .11 IHHI III IHHI i'MIH.l .'1. IHH) .', IHH) MMO .':i.ihhi .M.IHH. VII IHHI IMm IX I-' HI jj !mI J r MUBM s IMM M IHHI MUM oihhi HlHHI r 1 rf 1, IHHI MM 4. IHHI .1.IH.I '^W .' IHHI j4HI m ■IIP ; - ♦. 5 -. - Knights of Labor white label the Knights withdrew. In 1888 the Illinois Federation affiliated with the American Federa- tion of Labor, which was fighting the Knights. 556 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Another interesting fact illustrated in this chart is the very substantial part of the attendance at the small con- ventions of 1880-1900 furnished by city central bodies. Up to 1890, in particular, the central bodies supplied the bulk of the delegates and kept the infant Federation from dying out. The Chicago Trade and Labor Assembly, which had started the State Federation in the first place, was its main- stay. As the Federation grew larger, however, the central bodies, being limited to a fixed number of delegates, became less and less conspicuous in the conventions, as the diagram shows. The United Mine Workers began to come in just before 1900. There had been 1 or 2 miners in the sessions of the eighties, and a few during the middle nineties, but in 1898 there were 20. This number had increased to 52 by 1908. In that year the per capita tax was reduced and the miners' unions of the state affiliated in a body. There were 212 miner delegates in the 1913 convention when John H. Walker was elected president for the first time; in 1918 there were 223; but since that time, as will be seen from the chart, the number has declined about half. The teamsters came in suddenly just after 1900; this was coincident with the rise of their organization in Chicago. In 1902 as many as 58 teamsters presented themselves at the East St. Louis convention, and after some wrangling were admitted. After 1905 they dropped out for a few years, but their delegation returned in 1909 and has grown steadily since. In 1925 the teamsters outnumbered the miners, with 103 delegates to 100 from the United Mine Workers, and their delegation has continued to increase, while that of the miners has decreased somewhat. The Herrin convention, 1928, had 150 teamsters and 80 miners in attendance. The carpenters had a delegation of 89 in 1927, but only 58 in 1928. APPENDIX B FIGURE 2 557 In the early years it was common for a majority of the delegates to hail from Chicago, and it was not until 1895 that the "downstaters" began to come regularly in any numbers. j a at f d ntn i/j \ ■ Knit, Ms ofL dbor □ Mil Jen p ■ Tea nst irs j - ^- lin - S 1 i - Hj J8 4 A P -P \ r -T. ■ ■ , rr P ° pffljl th k ifeGff 558 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR With the influx of the miners and the more general affiliation of unions over the state to the State Federation, Chicago delegates became a minority, but of late years the metropolis has again furnished more than half the entire number (in 1924, 282 out of 474; in 1928, 323 out of 591). The decrease in number of miners and increase of teamsters partially accounts for this fact. figure 3 A much more exact indicator of the Federation's growth of late years is the amount of per capita tax paid in by affiliated local unions. Figure 3 shows per capita tax receipts, 1 rising from $73 in 1888, to $425 in 1897, to $1,207 in 1902, to $15,294 in 1914, and finally to $57,497 in 1928. Estimates of the dues-paying membership of the Federation for the period since 1914, based upon the tax receipts and the tax-rate, have already been presented in chapter xi. Another indication of the growth of the Federation is the number of organizations — local unions and central bodies — affiliated. In 1884 there were 62 different organizations rep- resented at the convention; both in 1885 and 1886 there were 18; in 1890 only 9. During the nineties the number grew gradually from 25 to 62; by 1908 there were 236 organizations on the rolls. Then more than 300 Mine Workers' locals joined in a body through their state organization and the number of affiliations leaped to 574. In 1916 the number was 900. It passed the thousand mark in 1917-18, was 1,255 at 1 In the early years dues were based on the number of delegates sent to the conventions rather than upon the membership of affiliated unions. Strictly speaking, these were delegate taxes, not per capita taxes. Data are lacking for some of the years during the eighties and nineties. In such cases reasonable guesses are shown on the chart. APPENDIX B 5o<) I _r r i-i -lL "l_ ru Lin E P 1 r m r I ^P Q -nil J ■1 IIP Jp BSSS22SttS88S89o3 5 OC3— — — — — ——»-—— ■Nr«ri'M -MM ?. 560 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR the peak in 1920, declined probably to less than 1,000 in the depression which followed, 1 and now stands at 1,031. 2 1 The Federation ceased publishing the number of affiliated organizations after 1922. In that year there were 1,222 organizations on its roll, but 197 of these were more than twelve months in arrears. — Reports of secretary-treasurer. 2 As of September 27, 1928. This number was distributed as follows: Unions 953 Central bodies 49 District Councils 26 Leagues 3 1,031 Of the local unions, 308 were miners' locals. — Secretary-treasurer's office. APPENDIX C A COMPARISON WITH OTHER STATE FEDERATIONS OF LABOR 1 In point of time, the Illinois State Federation of Labor was one of the earliest state federations to be organized. Seven of the forty-eight state federations existing today had been founded by 1890, and the Illinois Federation (1884) was the fourth of these. 2 During the nineties the number of state federations was more than doubled, but the great burst of activity in the state-federation movement came just after the turn of the century, thus running concurrently with, or perhaps slightly behind, the era of most rapid organization in 1 A considerable store of information regarding the development and activities of state federations of labor has been gathered, largely through questionnaires answered and documents supplied by their secretaries. The object has been to ascertain in how far the Illinois State Federation of Labor may be considered typical of the forty-nine state federations (counting Porto Rico) now included in the American Federation of Labor. Data of some sort were obtained regarding forty-three of these state federa- tions. In some cases merely the constitution or the date of organization came to hand, but many state federation officers were kind enough to send supplementary itatementfl prepared with considerable care. Secretary Victor A. Olander of the Illinois State Federation aided in obtaining this information. A student at the University of Chicago, Mr. John Shire, analyzed some twen- ty-eight state federation constitutions in connection with his classwork on trade unions under Professor Paul H. Douglas, and he has permitted the present writer to use his results. 2 The New York State Federation (1864), the New Jersey State Federation (1879), and the Massachusetts State Federation (sometime between 1879 and 1882) are its elders. After Illinois came state federations in Indiana (1885), Con- necticut (1887), and Michigan (1889). Of course, there were many state eight-hour leagues in the sixties, but no state labor organization except the Workingmen's Assembly of the State of New York (precursor of the New York State Federation of Labor) survived the depression period of the seventies. 5G1 562 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR the labor movement as a whole. From 1900 to 1904 at least eleven new state federations of labor appeared, and many others, like that in Illinois, took on new life. This fact helps to explain the truly remarkable spread of state labor and social legislation which got under way in the first decade of the present century. By 1904 most industrial states had state federations of labor, and since that time the American Federation of Labor has gradually completed its roster of state branches. 1 Very commonly state federations of labor have been launched at the call of city central bodies that needed help in their legislative programs, and thus the Illinois State Federation is quite typical in its manner of origin. Most of the early state federations arose rather independ- ently out of local situations in each state; several state federations antedate the American Federation of Labor and even many of the later ones organized during the eighties and nineties ran along independently for a number of years before affiliating with the national body. Since the nineties, however, the American Federation of Labor has taken a more direct part in establishing state federations, and those established previously have acknowledged its authority over them. 1 State federations established in the nineties: Minnesota (1890), Missouri (1891), Iowa and Wisconsin (1893), Virginia (1895), Colorado (1896), Tennessee (1897), Georgia (1899), and Nebraska and Utah sometime between 1895 and 1899. State federations of labor established in the first decade after 1900: Texas and Alabama (1900), California, Florida, and Louisiana (1901), Washington, Pennsylvania, and Oregon (1902), West Virginia, Oklahoma, and Maine (1903), Arkansas (1904), Maryland and District of Columbia (1905), Montana (1908), Wyoming (1909), and Arizona (1910). Since 1910: North Dakota (1911), Idaho (1916), Mississippi (1919), Dela- ware and South Dakota (1920), and Nevada (1921). The writer has been unable to learn the dates of organization of state federa- tions that exist, at least nominally, in Kansas, Kentucky, New Hampshire, New Mexico, North Carolina, Rhode Island, South Carolina, and Vermont. APPENDIX C 563 In size the Illinois State Federation of Labor is not typical. With the single exception of New York, it has the largest affiliated membership of any state federation in the country. Its conventions are much larger than those of any other state federation, and its yearly income, totaling well over $50,000, is half again as great as that of the New York State Federation and many times greater than that of most state federations. It is one of the (and quite likely the) best organized, best managed, and most influential state federa- tions of labor in the land. The proportion of the American Federation of Labor trade-union membership in Illinois paying dues to the Illinois State Federation of Labor is estimated at from 70 per cent to 80 per cent, 1 and this is also the estimate made by state fed- eration officials in California and Ohio. In New York the secretary places the ratio at about two- thirds. As a rule, it seems that half or more than half of the eligible local unions in most of the states fail to join the state federation of labor, 2 though it is usually the smaller unions that stay out, as shown by the fact that the proportion of the membership outside is only about 25 per cent. This is the situation in spite of the following requirement in the constitution of the American Federation of Labor: It shall he the duty of all National and International Unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor to instruct their Local Unions to join Chartered Central Labor Bodies, Departments and State Federations in their vicinity where such exist. Similar instructions shall be given 1 The bookkeeper for the Federation makes this estimate, though it is admit- tedly little more than a well-informed guess. 1 The secretary of the Colorado State Federation states that 50 per cent of the eligible local unions are affiliated to his organization, and believes this to be the largest such percentage for any state federation of labor. In Illinois there are about 1,100 organizations inside the state federation and about 1,400 (mostly small) outside; this includes only American Federation of Labor unions, for others are not eligible to membership in the state federation. 564 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR by the American Federation of Labor to all Trade and Federal Labor Unions under its jurisdiction. — Article XI, section 2. With few exceptions the state federations of labor are governed by annual 1 conventions made up of delegates from local unions and central bodies. In general, the plan of representation is quite similar to that followed in Illinois; that is, a fixed number of delegates for each central body (often three or five), and a number in proportion to member- ship for local unions (one delegate for each hundred mem- bers, for example). Quite a number of state federations allow fewer delegates, in proportion, to the larger unions (for example, two delegates for the first hundred members, one for each succeeding hundred), though nowhere does a state federation employ the steeply graduated system of the American Federation of Labor conventions. Also unlike the American Federation of Labor, state federations follow the rule of "one man one vote" in their conventions, with two important exceptions. Ohio has a modified cumulative voting plan under which no delegate casts more than five votes. In California each delegate casts as many votes as the number of men he represents; if a carpenters' local, for example, has a membership of 1,000 and sends 5 delegates to the convention each casts 200 votes. Central bodies play a very important part in the smaller state federations of labor, but not in the larger ones; this accords with the history of the Illinois State Federation of Labor. Taxation is on much the same principle as representation. Central bodies usually pay a fixed amount, as in Illinois, the precise figure varying from $15.00 a quarter to $5.00 a year. Local unions contribute to the state federation on a per capita basis in practically every case; the rate varies as 1 Delaware has a biennial convention, and perhaps there are one or two other exceptions. APPENDIX C 565 between different states from 1 cent to 20 cents a member a month, but the higher figure is quite unusual. Nineteen state federations of labor employ one officer on full time, ten, like the Illinois Federation, employ two officers on full time, and one (Pennsylvania) has three full-time officers on its staff. The remainder pay their officers for part- time work or depend upon volunteer service, as did the Illinois State Federation of Labor in its early days. Salaries range from $7,500 a year (New York) down to nothing. Executive boards have charge of the affairs of the state federations between conventions. Most state federations elect their officers in convention; out of thirty-two constitu- tions examined on this point only seven provide for the referendum system, which is used in Illinois. Some device, such as the Joint Labor Legislative Board, through which the Illinois State Federation of Labor co- operates on legislative matters with the railroad brother- hoods and other non-American Federation of Labor organ- izations, is not uncommon among the better organized state federations, though Illinois is probably somewhat unique in the definiteness with which this machinery is provided. Colorado holds a labor political convention the day after the adjournment of the regular state federation convention. Fraternal representation, without voting power, is quite commonly accorded non-American Federation of Labor organizations in state federation conventions. Among the declared objects embodied in the constitution of state federations of labor the enactment of favorable and defeat of unfavorable legislation is on a par with the "en- couragement and formation" of local unions and central bodies in frequency of occurrence. Most state federation constitutions proclaim these two aims. Next in prevalence come encouragement of the labor press and promotion of the union label. 566 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR The interests and activities of state federations vary with local conditions, of course. All seek, in general, the sort of laws that the Illinois State Federation has demanded during its career, though in North Dakota the state federation co-operates with the Non-Partisan League on a program which would be branded "socialistic' ' elsewhere, and in some of the southern states the federations still work for ele- mentary labor laws that were accepted long ago in the North. The emphasis laid upon organizing activities varies; some federations require that a definite proportion of their in- come (in one case half) must be devoted to organizing work; some require the president to visit each local union at least once or twice a year; most give support to strikes by collecting donations and help to publish and spread boy- cotts. The Colorado State Federation maintains a depart- ment for assisting its members to prepare arguments in wage cases. The Pennsylvania Federation makes workers' educa- tion one of its major interests, and was the first of a number of state federations to do so. The New York State Federa- tion publishes a Bulletin about twenty times a year, in makeup much like the Weekly News Letter of the Illinois State Federation. The Ohio Federation issues a quarterly bulletin; the Oklahoma Federation publishes a monthly labor paper; the Arizona Federation owns and operates the Arizona Labor Journal, and the Wyoming Labor Journal is maintained bv a tax on the members of the state federation. g-Pbek>ent Executive Committee Membebs Executive Co J. Keaney Quinc iartencr Eugene Linxweiler Decatur Printer Daniel Furman Chicago Teamster A. C. B. Paesler Elgin Sam Mefford Granite City Foundry Employee W. Yung M. T. Finnan Bloommgton Letter Carrier E. C. Finch Aurora Geo. Horsfield Murphysboro E. A. Whitney Kewanee Printer ,T. Finan no minion leer C.'irier E. A. Whitney Kewanee Printer Geo. Horsfield Murphysboro W. W. Young Freeport Geo. E. Fitzgerald Springfield Carpenter Thos. Muir Chicago Teamster E. 1 A P T. Finan E. A. Whitney ominjon Kewanee er Caier Printer ?. i fcHaniiond •ckfcl aintt Geo. Horsfield Murphysboro F. M. Brown Springfield Carpenter Geo. Kuemmerle Danville Cigarmaker Patrick Hurley Chicago Teamster Ale St H. W. Wilson Springfield Alex. Suttie Streator Miner T. A. Shea Bloomington Barber J. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman John W. Grant Granite City Geo. Mur Fitzjrald H. W. Wilson Alex. Suttie T. A. Shea J. W. Morton J. H. Hammond E. A vlton Springfield Streator Bloomington Chicago Rockford K« „)ttle Blower Miner Barber Stationary Fireman Painter P "irst Second ' res i ent Vice-President ^itz, raid J. W. Morton ltoi Chicago ■ttle Blower Stationary Fireman Third Vice-President E. A. Whitney Kewanee Printer f'itzjrald toi: tie Hower T. A. Shea J. E. McClanahan Bloomington Springfield Barber Carpenter Executive ] H. Hammond W T m. Rockford East Painter Ba J. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman Daniel Gorman Peoria St. Ry. Employee E. Mortimer Kewanee Bartender C. P. Gaede Springfield Retail Clerk J. A. Kain Chicago Cigarmaker H. V St Third Vice-President Daniel Gorman Peoria St. Ry. Employee Executive Committee Board Members Anna Willard C. C. Rakow Edw. Hippert Chicago Bloomington Kewanee Waitress Retail Clerk Boilermaker Executive Board Me John M. Irish J. J. Peoria Q Bartender Leath Hopp Daniel Gorman Peoria St. Ry. Employee Jas. P. Trench LaSalle Hodcarrier C. C. Rakow Bloomington Retail Clerk Edw. Hippert Kewanee Boilermaker John M. Irish Peoria Bartender E. F A P Daniel Gorman Peoria St. Ry. Employee Jas. P. Trench LaSalle Hodcarrier C. C. Rakow Bloomington Retail Clerk Jos. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman John M. Irish Peoria Bartender Wm. ] Spr Electri Michael J. Whalen East St. Louis St. Ry. Employee Jas. P. Trench LaSalle Hodcarrier George B. Jenkins Urbana Carpenter Jos. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman Alois Towers Wm. Belleville Spr Molder Electri Michael J. Whalen East St. Louis St. Ry. Employee James C. Kinsley Rock Island St. Ry. Employee George B. Jenkins Urbana Carpenter Jos. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman Alois Towers Belleville Molder James Spr Rett *ie Michael J. Whalen East St. Louis St. Ry. Employee Albert Vincent Virden Miner Geo. B. Jenkins Urbana Carpenter Jos. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman Alois Towers Belleville Molder James Spri Reta Third Vice-President Michael J. Whalen East St. Louis St. Ry. Employee Fourth Fifth Sixth Seventh Ei Vice-President Vice-President Vice-President Vice-President VlCE-I Al. Towers Emil Reinhold Geo. E Jos. W. Morton Belleville Decatur Ui Streator Chicago Molder Miner Car Barber Stationary Fireman e Michael J. Whalen East St. Louis St. Ry. Employee Thomas Kelly Streator Barber Jos. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman Al. Towers Belleville Molder Emil Reinhold Decatur Miner Geo. 1 ; Ur Car Michael J. Whalen East St. Louis St. Ry. Employee Thomas Kelly Streator Barber Jos. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman Al. Towers Belleville Molder Emil Reinhold Decatur Miner Jas. B CI Swii Michael J. Whalen East St. Louis St. Ry. Employee k Michael J. Whalen j) East St. Louis v\ 7 St. Rv. EmDloyee Thomas Kelly Streator Barber Jos. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman Al. Towers Belleville Molder Emil Reinhold Decatur Miner Jas. B. CI Swit Thomas Kelly Streator Barber Jos. W. Morton Chicago Stationary Fireman Al. Towers Belleville Molder L. J. Salch Bloomington Carpenter Fret Car. t OFFICERS OF ILLINOIS STATE FEDERATION OF LABOI 1 8*4 TO 1929 B-PBES1DEMT VlCE-PnBHDENT - " rB,t " ''" l "'' Sprmgfirid I> .11 Braidwood Bloomington ' Hiclgo ' Chicago Danvdle *Wn. George NeS Oscar WUliu \:Kxt Chicago Decalur Bloom "■,/ '■;;:„:■: -iH5 m Chicago Sprinfffiel Chicago Dec.ti 1| H („-,,r h -r N.tf Bert Stcwu ""i"„.,, v , li. .J, , "" j 1.1 Hugan Chas. Dold Wu The M H.bler George Heckler A. M. Everly i_ i j..'.,;!.,;' Benjamin Levy Vt". i Harri, . ^i.,bury VM HT " B I Jo«ph Helbe Cpcr Fouel Ben Bourlond t VDonncll F. G. Duck I I' ■ : .M I Danville Stw»Dee ici-PaaraKi VioP.d ic.iSocUo, t- C. I rdS ZacharyT. Trumbo ii Fin.THrl.ini*. Springfield Chi. -k Sr>rir, t -| l( dd Cc,„.»„o, p.„„ m S~„«.T*» ,„ vL «-«n-fc Spn»rt'" » cSSisSc Spnnrf..U "cS=T 'sp.lnW"'bi" "ill. ! .Era Barney Coben 's^ar ni, ' i r.l-.r It \\r, t -l,t *slsF ' V eSs. '-,!■ ."$33 ,;,„., „ a Edwin K. Wrijht ^$F ' ' 0,L IB-i< few 's^nnthTl' Gl.„ Ik ftA* ■*■££* 3 ?P «r v ; w! W8 K ''"'n, 1 . 1 ™""" 1 ' 1 * s, sF Jr Danville >.i„,„ H W„,hl '^s Gl p ^" , T.'. oS"fl";» '-,'.„";.. r ij ' \. .,!','"" EncoT.»t Cou»rt™ NlMnin. MS .lb r:u„n.L, a ,.,,l,., Daniel , 'urn,.. ICJLU ij,. * Dcealur Chicago Ebon T"» 1,1 Cl,.,,.«.. *»:.;: ■satis, ess. 8lt """ .,.8^^ (Jun.y " Springfield Chir^'u " w'ut'L J,°.*M°iri",h wJlrcjnle. Th™^ I.Ji. Kain TdTfrT VI "i I Tk„maa Kelly J. A. Kain Tilde* Do Chgo., Shoe VYkr. Robt. G. Fitchie F*. Berna rc l. Westville, Miner Chicago Peter Zink- Belleville, Miner Teamster .. Jenkins Waldo Cross J. A. Kain, Chgo., Cigarmaker bana Decatur T. Bozarth, Staunton, Miner ;>enter Painter Wm. Jampel, Belleville, Barber A. Johnson C, l >g°-> Shoe Wkr - Jonn p - McGrath F. Bernard, We. stvi JJ e » Miner Springfield Peter Zink, Belle v '" e ' Miner Bartender Waldo Cross Wm. Jampel, Belleville, Barber Decatur J. A. Kain, Chgo., Cigarmaker Painter Bert Gray, Collinsville, Miner A. Johnson, Chgo., ? hoe g kr - Duncan McDonald F. Bernard, Westvilk", Miner Sprn''g fie,d Peter Zink, Belleville, Miner Mn'°l A. Johnson, Chgo., Shoe Wkr. John H. V>>lk<*r F. Bernard, Westville, Miner Westville Peter Zink. Belleville. Miner Miner Connors icago ehman Waldo Cross J. A. Kain, Chgo., Cigarmaker Decatur Bert Gray, Collinsville, Miner Painter Phil C. Sauer, Belleville, Miner A. Johnson, Chgo., Shoe Wkr. John H. Walker Heldt Waldo Cross J. A. Kain, Chgo., Cigarmaker nville Peoria Phil C. Sauer, Belleville, Miner ; ner Painter A. Nestor, Chgo., Glove Wkr. F. Bernard, Westville, Miner Peter Zink, Belleville, Miner Westville Miner INDEX INDEX Accident compensation, 153-54, 269, 479-84. See also Workmen's Com- pensation Law Accident insurance, 249 Cherry Mine disaster, 250 Actor's Equity Association, 475, 504 Addams, Jane, 270, 273 Administrative agencies, 168, 295, 523 Agreed bills, 425-26 Allen, Governor, 436 Alien labor. See Immigration and Alien labor Altgeld, John P., 86, 543 constitutional revision, 169 contract labor, 101, 104, 158 Haymarket Riot, 69 American Alliance for Labor and Dem- ocracy, 347 American Federation of Labor affiliation of Illinois Federation, 49 ff. authority, 200-203 forerunner, 12 reconstruction program, 371 seceders, 202 violations of laws, 201-2 American Idea Convention, 354 Amalgamated Association of Street and Electric Railway Employees, 284 Amalgamation resolution, 394 ff. Anarchism and suppression, 65 ff. Anderson, 377 Anti-Boycott Association, 354 Anti-contract Convict Labor League. See Convict labor Antipicketing measure, 358 Anti-Pinkerton Law, 165-66 Antistrike bill. See Strikes Apprenticeship Law, 157 Arbitration boards of, 163 compulsory, 163-64, 285, 289-90 Argo, Madge, 373 Arid lands, reclamation of, 303 Assessments, 205 Baker, Emerit E., 265 Baker. Newton D., 352 Ball, T. K., 253 Ballot reform, 166-67, 293-94, 520-21 Bar Tenders' League, 261 Barbers, 219 License Law, 281 Barrett, 292 Beattie, James, 201 Beckler, George, 76 Bell, Andrew J., 77 Bent, E. T., 251 Bertolero, 377 Bigelow, Herbert S., 369, 431 Bigham, T. C, 18 Blacklisting, 285 Bogus labor organizations, 88 "Boodle legislature," 167 Bowen, Edwin F., 368 Bowman, James F., 188 Boycotts, 222 Boyer, Will R., 188 Boyle, M. J., 251 Brady, Hugh, 194 Breckinridge, Miss S. P., 210 Brennan, 421 Brewers' and Maltsters' Union, 185 Bricklayers' Hall faction. See Pomeroy Briggs, George W., 320, 385, 400, 439 British Labour party effect, 361. 363 success, 385 Britzius, Michael, 117 Bruce, 320 Buchanan, J. R., 74 Buck, Robert M., 383-84 Buck Stove and Range case, 355 Building Trades Council, 154 Building Trades Law, 267 Burke, Richard M., 73 Burleson, Postmaster-General, 362 Bush, Walter S., 99, 544 Cahn, R. D., 523 Cameron, A. C, 34 ff. Cannon, "Uncle Joe," 193 opposition of labor, 199 Canton Typographical, injunction against, 287 Carr, Patrick, 251 Carter, Orin S., 444 Case Garnishment Law, 262 Castle, 347 571 572 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Central bodies, 203-4 encouragement of, 204 number of delegates, 204 taxing of, 204 Cermak, Anton J., 423-24 Charitable institutions, 175 Cherry Mine disaster, 250 Chicago Charter amendment to Illinois con- stitution, 297 Chicago Federation of Labor, 88, 139, 254-55, 296, 349, 372, 385 ff. Purification Committee, 195 "Chicago gang," the, 87 Chicago Seamen's Union, 24 Chicago Trades and Labor Assembly, 12, 17 ff., 87-88 Chicago Trades Council, 18 ff. Chicago Vice Commission, 273 Child labor, 6, 38, 154-56, 270-71, 484-86 and Governor Altgeld, 155 and Jane Addams, 270 Beckner on, 270 and Mrs. Florence Kelley, 155 in the theater, 271 Chiperfield, 288 Christensen, P. P., 374, 377 Cigar-makers, 84 blue label, 60 Union, 60 ff. Civil Code Bill, 523 Clayton Act, 449 ff., 456 ff. Coal Operators' Association, 482 Coffeen, H. A., 35 Cohen, Barney, 189, 196-97, 268, 270 and Madden, 190, 296 Cole Anti-Boycott Law, 162, 285 Collins, George W., 80 Collins, G. H., 78 Colonization scheme, 108-11 Commission method, 236 Committee on Organization, 334 Committee on Industrial Affairs and Labor, 435, 438 Community measures, 5 Compulsory arbitration. See Arbitra- tion Compulsory education. See Education and Schools Connors, James B., 256, 274, 428 Connorton, John W., 107 Constabulary. See Military police Constitution, 47-49 amendment, 216, 427 antiratification campaign, 442 ff. defeat, 446 Emergency Convention, 142 revision, 169-70, 296-97, 315-16 Constitutional Convention, 428 ff. analysis, 439 gateway amending clause, 430, 432, 440 inadequacy of draft, 439 ff. initiative and referendum. 427, 432, 440 proposal of conference, 434 reactionary forces, 437 Contract labor, 24, 140-41. See also Convict labor Conventions Alton, 450 annual receipts and dues, 1914-28, 314 attendance increase, 1914-28, 313 Aurora, 219-20 Belleville, 121 ff. Bloomington, 429 Champaign-Urbana, 497, 534 committees, 208 Decatur, 397 ff. disunities, 28 ff. legislative program. 30 platform, 24, 32-34 post convention comment, 37 program, 18 forum for union policy, 226 Galesburg, 376 growth, 323 interstate, 211-12 listed, 1884-97, 16 1898-1913, 178 1914-29, 306 Peoria, 431 place and time of meeting, 207 platform of 1884-93, 140 ff. platform of 1894, 115-16 Quincy, 452 reports, 208 Rockford, 395-96, 439 Seamen's Hall, 16 ff. second state labor, 45 ff. supreme ruling body, 207 types of organizations present, 65 women's sessions, 209-11 Convict labor, 7, 24, 45-46, 100 ff., 140, 158, 238-46, 283, 505-8, 543 bill drafted, 159 INDEX 573 movement for repeal of law, 243 piece-price plan, 102, 238 wages, 31-32 See chapters i, ii, vi, xiv Conway, Robert E., 251 Cook, Fred, 19 Co-operation, interstate, 211-13 Co-operative movement, 340-45 Central States Co-operative Whole- sale Society, 341 Illinois State Co-operative Society, 341 Rochdale philosophy, 341 ff. Co-operative societies, 175 Courts, 168, 296, 524 Craft protection, 157, 281-83, 503-5 Crawford, J. A., 185 Crawford, Mark L., 12, 75 Cumulative voting, 213-17 and miners, 214 referendum, 213 rejected, 213, 215 Cunningham, M. R., 431 Currlin, Albert, 74 Curry, 8 Danbury Hatters case, 354 Darrow, Clarence, 288, 331 Davies, 264-65, 277 Dawes, Charles G., 417 Debs, Eugene V., 113 f. Dell, Floyd, 8 Democratic party and the Federation, 102 Democracy, 347-48 Deneen, Governor, 250, 253, 255, 264- 65, 277, 282 Disputes, 336 regulation of, 165-66, 290-93, 511-19 settlement of, 163-65, 189-90, 511 See also Injunction, in labor disputes Disrupting forces, 59 ff. Dissension within, 128 Dixon, C. G., 73, 77 Dold, Charles, 76, 186, 289, 292, 320, 373 Downie, T. T., 431, 442 Downstaters, 97, 125, 133 violation of laws of American Federa- tion, 201 Doyle, John P., 407 Doyle, P. F., 184 Dunlap, Senator, 350 Dunlap Slave bill, 350 Dunne, Governor, 335, 418 Dwyer, J. J., 73 Dwyer, Leo P., 73 East, Mrs., 327 Economic depression and independent political movement, 127 Eden, William G., 230 Education and Schools, 170-71, 297- 300, 525-37 and child labor, 300 Committee on Industrial Educat'on, 300 Committee on Schools, 339 compulsory, 31, 271 free textbooks, 170, 526-27 instruction and propaganda, 532 -3 1 intelligence tests, 530-31 junior high schools, 530-31 militarism, 531-32 organization of teachers, 536 platoon system, 530-31 policy on schooibooks, 298 taxes and equalization of opportunitv, 536-37 universities, 534-36 vocational education, 300, 527-30 Ehmann, 8 Eight-hour day, 7, 12, 39, 65, 150 Haymarket riot, 70 f. See also Women in industry Eight-Hour Herald, 129 Elections, 413-18 of delegates, 430 ff. Electrical Workers' Union, revolt, 202-3 Emergencies, Federation in, 352 Emergency Convention. See Consti- tution Employers' Liability Commission, 250-53 failure of legislation, 248 hearing of May 1911, 255 See also Accident compensation W T orkmens' Compensation Law Employment, 156, 489-93 Inspection Act, 153 Engel, Louis, 76 Ernst, Gifford, 373 Ernst, Mrs. Gifford, 373 Esch bill, 279 Esper, Frank J., 368, 370, 373 Essington, 419, 510 Expansion, 179 ff. 574 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Executive Board. 323, 459 elections, 319-22 president. 324-26 salaries. 181-82, 316 secretary-treasurer, 326-29 Expenditures, scale of. 56 Factional conflicts, 120, 125 Morgan, 120 Pomeroy-Ryan, 120-21 Farmer-Labor party of Illinois. 374 ff. Fanis, Joseph W., 23. 30, 75, 98 Favill, Henry B., 265 Finance, 205-6 special assessments, 205 Financial support, 53 ff. Fitzpatrick. John, 195, 254-55, 363-64, 373, 431, 433 and steel strike, 350-51 Flora, John, 251 Fluorspar Miners at Rosiclare, 335 Foley, John. 17, 19 Formative vears, 86 Foster. William Z., 350, 383, 386 f. and Trade Union Education League, 393 life, 391 ff. "40 per cent clause," 241 Frazier, Lynn J.. 364 Fraternal Relations Committee, 212 '"Free Lunch" party, 74 Free silver, 135-38,' 175 Free textbooks. See Education and Schools Freund, Ernst, 250. 265, 472 Frev. John P.. 331, 435. 472 Full Crew Bill, 267 Furuseth, Andrew, 435 Garnishee law, 152 Garnishment Law, 7 George, Henrv, 22-23, 171 Germer, Adolph F., 203. 276 Glenn, John M., 255, 325. 448, 467, 515 Glenn, Otis F., 422 Golden, George, 251 Goldwater, 8 Gompers, Samuel, 349, 371 f., 394-95. 450 Goodhue, Benjamin W., 77 Gorman, Daniel J.. 251 Graft alderman's nominations, 88 labor directory, 87, 106 Green, 340 Griffiths, Richard. 156 Groves, Walter, 105 Haley, Margaret, 526 Haley, M. J., 30 Hanna, Mark, 136, 138 Hanson, Mrs. Florence Curtis, 526 Harding, John C, 105, 299, 321 Flarding, Warren G., 377 Harkider, X. S., 365 Harper, Samuel A., 259-60, 265 Harris, Rev. S. A., 200 Haymarket Riot, 65 ff. and Governor Altgeld, 69 and labor movement, 70 echoes at conventions, 67 Hayes, Max, 370, 374 Haywood, Allan, 320 Health, safety, and comfort, 152-53. 236 Act 264-69 Beckner on, 264 Commission, 265 further improvements, 477-79 Health Insurance Commission, 499- 500 Henderson, Charles R., 249 f. Herstein, Lillian, 386 Hibbard, Halo, 327 Hillman, Sidnev, 364 Hinman, W. G!, 184, 289 "Home rule," 172 Hours of work, 150-51, 261-62, 474-75 Housecleaning in the Federation, 130 Humphrey bills, 174 Ickes, Harold, 444 Illinois Bell Telephone Company, 488 Illinois Manufacturers' Association, 156, 255, 325, 412, 475, 481, 546 and open-shop drive, 354 Illinois Mine Workers, 478, 544 and co-operative movement, 340 strike of 1910, 291 Illinois State Journal, boycott against, 25 Illinois State Labor Association, 49, 543 Illinois State Register, 12 Immigration and alien labor, 159-60, 283, 508 Independent political action, attempt for, 233 Industrial Insurance Commission, 249, 483 Initiative, referendum, recall. 167-68, 294-95, 521 INDEX 575 Injunction in labor disputes, 163, 287-89 limitation, 454-55 Anti-Injunction Conference, 451 anti-injunction proposal. 439-40 bill, 315, 349, 420, 462-63, 545 defeated, 464 first limitation bill, 288 jury-trial bills, 457 Law, 339 effect of, 470-71 model, 449 passed, 466 Pastors' Committee, 461 text, 467-68 See also Disputes Insull, Samuel, 421 International Team Drivers' Union, 200 Interstate co-operation, 211-13 Jackson, W. J., 251 Jenkins, Newton, 461 Johnson, Minnie, 210 Joint Labor Legislative Board, 232, 350, 355, 357, 380, 382, 406-11, 438, 478 and unemployment, 492 Jones, Norman L., 419 Jones, Walter Clyde, 272 Jones, W. W., 77 Karlowski, Victor, 73 Kearney, J. J., 196 Kellar, Kent E., 419, 461 Kelley, Mrs. Florence, 155 Kelly, D. C, 75 Kerr, Angus W., 331, 433 "Kid bill." See Education and Schools Knaus, Henry, 287 Knights of Labor, Order of, 9-11 label, 224 vs. Trade Unions, 60 ff., 543 Ku Klux Klan, 338 Label, 225 Labor Herald, 393, 395 Labor legislation Beckner on, 6 in 1884, 6 ff. organization, 9-12 process, 12-13 Labor party, movement after war. 352 campaign for representation, 369 constitution adopted, 365-66 divisions within, 82 election of, 1920, 379 Executive Committee, 366 final blow, 383 ff. gain in membership, 11 independent fiasco of, 80, 82 ''Labor's Fourteen Points," 363 ff. Labor Party of Illinois and old-line organizations, 75, 81 platform, 76, 78, 366-68 result of convention, 36 1 second convention, 372 and trade-union tactics. 81 ticket, 79, 361-65 Labor party of United States, 370, 373 platform, 375 Labor politics on the defensive, 353-60 on the offensive, 350-53 Labor press, 338-39 encouragement of, 228 Labor Statistics, Bureau of Illinois, 8-11 abolished, 523 Eighth Biennial Report, 173 state, 19, 263 "Labor's Proposal." See Constitution "Labor's Fourteen Points." See Labor party, movement Laborers' Protective Association, 200 La Follette, Robert M., 348, 374 La Follette Seamen's bill, 266 "Loud question," 141 La Salle Black Law, 8-9, 162 Law and Labor, 355 Lawson, Victor A., 351 League for Industrial Rights, 335 ff ., 436 Legal department, 331-32 Legislative aims, 140 ff. agreement of American and state federations, 141 issues, miscellaneous, 175, 533-40 methods, 140 ff., 230 ff. annual conventions, 147 commission, 236 crude and sporadic, 146 independent political action, 146 lack of funds, 146 lobbying, 230 primary law, 235 use of circulars, 148 Legislature, the, 521-23 Lien Laws for workingmen, 140 Lennon, John B., 137, 364, 373 Lever Act, 362, 375 Lewis, John L., 256 576 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Liquor question, 302 Lloyd, Henry D., 118 Lloyd, Millard, 137 Lobbying, improvement of, 230, 411-13 Lockouts. See Strikes Lord, James, 340 Lowden, Governor, 346, 348, 418, 4S0, 487 Madden, Martin B. ("Skinny"), 190, 197, 296 Madden, Michael H., 105, 114 Maddox, H. C, 431 Maloney, Elizabeth, 274 Manly, 'Basil, 363 Mapes, Colonel, 351 Mayo, Katherine, 513 McBride, 127 McCarthy, Dennis J., 409-10, 416, 425, 433 McCarthy, Frank A., 413 McCormick, 421 McDonald, Duncan, 203, 312, 320, 432 and co-operative movement, 342 and health insurance, 500 and labor partv, 365, 373 McDonald, S. S., 365 McDowell, Mary, 195, 209, 273, 376 McEnernev, Mary, 499 McGinley^J. P., 17, 19 McKinlev Labor League, "Flving Wedge," 136 McLaughlin, Daniel, 23 McLean, R. E., 187, 201 McLogan, P. H., 17 Meade, James, 5^6 Mechanics' Lien Law, 7 Membership tax, 206 Menche, Adam, 188, 290 Mercer, George L., 311 Merritt Conspiracv Law, 147, 161, 509 Metal Polishers' bill, 266 Metalliferous Mining Law, 479 Michalek, Jan, 454 Migratorv workers, organization of, 218 Military police bill, 359, 420, 512-19 origin, 515 Miller, Jr., Spencer, 339 Mittleman, E. B., 71 Miners, 180, 185 troubles of the nineties, 290 Miners' Journal, 361 Miners' Protective Association, 10 Miners' Qualification Law, 6. 268, 281, 503 Mining Investigation Commission, 269, 426, 478 Mining legislation, 268-69 regulations, 153, 290 Mooney case, 349 Moore, Robert C, 526 Morgan, Thomas J., 8, 74, 312, 543 life, 93-97 mine of Peoples' party, 120 ff. and Plank 10, 111-19 and Socialists, 95 ff. Morris, James F., 189, 191, 253, 286, 298, 311, 644 Mothers' pensions, 499 Muldoon, W. H., 17 Murphy, J. B., 17, 19, 35 Nameth, Pearl, 373 National Irrigation Association, 303 National Mine Managers' Association, 197 Neff, George, 35, 167 Negroes membership of, 338 and unions, 464-65 Nelson, Oscar, 394 Nestor, Agnes, 209, 373, 431, 487 New Majority, the, 368, 378-79, 381. 394, 433 Nichols, Anna, 210 Nockels, Edward, 252, 328, 348, 363 433, 511 Non-legislative activity, 218 ff. Nonpartisan Campaign Committee, 371 Objectives outlined, 3 O'Brien, T. J., 188 O'Connor, James, 73 Occupational disease, 236, 493-95 Act of 1911, 277 Official Annual Labor Gazette, 107 Official Ballot Act, 167 Olander, Victor A., 191, 258, 274, 289 319, 326, 338, 355, 375, 423, 430, 433 526, 544 life, 309-11 Old-age pensions, 249, 279, 459-99 Oliphant, Herman, 472 Olivey, W. A., 225 O'Neill, John, 254 Open-shop drive, 226, 353 first national meeting, 354 O'Reilly, Mary, 490 Out-of-Work, Committee on, 156 INDEX 577 Palmer, Merrit B., 183, 362, 375 Panics of 1873, 9 of 1893, 111 Parker, Harrison, 343 Partisan politics, 192 Peoples' party, 119 ff. Cook County Central Committee, 120 disintegration, 126 division, 120 Morgan mine, 120 Pomeroy-Ryan faction, 120-21 People's Protective League, 444 speakers, 445 Perkins, George W., 286, 435 Peterson, P. A., 251, 265 Photo Engravers' Union, 300 Piano Workers' Union, 186 Piez, Charles, 251, 265, 435 "Pinkerton's movable mob," 165-66 Plank 10. See Morgan, Thomas J. Platform planks. See Conventions Plumb, Glenn E., 365 Political action, independent, 71 ff., Ill Political alliances, 418-25 Political policies pursued, 232 Political program for affiliated unions, 112 Politics, 34 f., 41 f., 71 ff., 135 f. Pomeroy, William C, 58, 87 ff., 543 character, 89 ff. colonization plans, 108 and "Flying Wedge," 136 and graft, 87, 106 influence, 89 and Mark Hanna, 136, 138 power, 106 prosecution and fall, 130 ff. publications, 107 as a writer, 92 Pomeroy-Ryan faction, 120 ff. Populists, 113 Postal savings banks, 302 Pound, Roscoe, 472 Powell, W. J., 17 President Wilson's Meditation Commis- sion, 348 Primary law, advantage of, 235 Printers, 84, 51 and craft protection, 157 Prison reform, 246 Public employees, 157, 280, 501-2 Public ownership, 301 Public Policy Law, 432 Public utilities, 174, 537-38 Publications and Pomeroy, 106-7 Official, 108 Quesse, William F., 509 Radical Labor party, 74, 79 Railroad Safety Appliance Law, 267 Randall, Thomas, 19 Rawn, I. G., 251 Referendum, 213-17. See also Cumulat- ive voting, Initiative referendum, Re- call Reform, 192-99 Regulation of competition, 4 Reorganization, 51 Reports on legislators, 233 f . Research, 330 Retail Merchants' Association, 263 Revenue system, 171 ff., 317, 441 exposed, 173 Revival, 84 Reiner, Charles J., 98, 124-25, 138, 544 Robins, Mrs. Raymond, 210 Robins, Raymond, 252 Rochdale philosophy. See Co-operative movement Rodgers, George, 17, 26 Rodriguez, William E., 373, 431 Rohrback, Goerge, 73 Ronalds, K. C, 380, 481 Ross, David, 197, 263, 265 Rossell, William, 265, 296 Rowan. Charles A., 17, 28 Ryan, W. D., 290 Safety. See Health, safety, and comfort Salch, L. J., 431 "Scab" unions, 286 Schaefer, John R., 373 Schilling, Goerge, 8, 22, 29, 97-98, 100 ff., 117, 544 Schmidt, Fred, 331 "Schoolbook trust," 298-99 Schools. See Education Schoonouer, John A., 504 Semiskilled workers, organization, 227 Shea, T. A., 281 Shepley, J. W., 35 Sherman Act, 359 Shippy, Chief of Police, 284 Shot Fire Bill, 268 Single-taxers, 97, 171-72 influence, 141 Small, Len, 418, 461, 464, 498 Smith, Frank L., 421-22 Smith, J. W., 76 578 THE ILLINOIS FEDERATION OF LABOR Sneed, William J., 434 Socialism cause of dissension, 128 outvoted, 124 Socialist party, 378 Soderstrom, ft. G., 380, 483 Sonsterby, J. J., 216, 291 "Souvenir Edition," 186 Soviet Russia, 401 ff. Starring, Mason B., 251 State Grange, and Seamen's Hall Con- vention, 28 State Federation of Labor and Democratic party, 102, 105 character, 13 functions, 1-2 growth, 179 ff. objectives, 2-3 State militia, 292 Stecker, F. G., 526 Stedman, Seymour, 259-60 Steghagen, Miss, 210 Stermel, August, 76 Stewart, Bert, 77, 167 Steward, Ira, 7 Stock-yards agreement, 349 Strain, Irvine, 433 Straube, L. P., 216 Streator, 8 Streetor, A. J., 78 Strikes, 220 f., 335, 436 anti-strike bill, 356-57 during war, 347 in Illinois Malleable Iron Company, 452 ff. mine, 292 Pullman, 113 "Red" element, 351 steel, 350 stereotypers, 203 Suability bill, 355-56, 359-60 Sundry closing law, 151 opposition to, 261 Suppression of anarchism, 65 ff. Swallow, Robert T., 75-76 Sweatshop Act, 153 Switchmen's Union, 264 Tanners' and Curriers' Union, 17 Tanner Act, 290-91 Taylor, Graham, 265 Taylor, Dudley, 435, 450 Taxation, 171-74, 301 amendment, 428 and Henry George, 171 "Third house," 231 Thompson, Mayor, 423 Thon, William G., 359 Tice Good Roads Bill, 245 Towers. Alois, 373, 460 Trade assemblies, in early days, 203 Trade Mark Law, 163 Trade unionism, 226 after 1898, 301 loyalty during war, 353 policies, 226, 336 Trade unions, legal status of, 160-63, 284-86, 509-10 Cole- Anti-Boycott Law, 162, 285 Merritt Conspiracy Law, 161, 509 methods, 284-86 Trade unions vs. Knights of Labor, 60, ff., 543 Trade Union label, 223 f ., 334 Act, 286 "booming," 225 Trumbo, Z. T., 200 Turnbaugh, Senator, 355 Typographical Union, 297-98, 476 Uhlich Hall wing, 120. See Morgan faction Unbiased reports needed, 233 ff. Unemployment, commission, 276. See also Employment Union. See Trade union United Garment Workers, 285, 287 United Mine Workers, 267, 311, 496 Vagrancy Act, repeal of, 284 Victory, first legislative, 41 tf. "Victory year," 420 Wages in boot and shoe industry, 32 payment of, 151-52, 262-64, 476-77 Case Garnishment Law, 262-63 currency required, 476-77 semimonthly pay day, 264 Wage Guarantee Law, 476, 546 withholding wages, 263 Walker, John H., 180, 215, 253, 256, 274, 276, 302, 320, 324, 338, 347, 373, 384, 429, 460, 479, 544 life, 307-9 "Walker for Governor" campaign, 375 f., 418 Walsh, Frank P., 331, 363-64 War, effect of, 349 War Labor Board, 349 Wash House Law, 26 7 Wavs and Means Committee, 205 INDEX 579 Webb, Sidney and Beatrice, 2 Weber, Robert F., 373 Weekly News Letter, 329-30, 372, 423 analysis of constitution, 430-31 on child labor, 485 on co-operative movement, 342 on injunction limitation, 452 and labor party, 361 senatorial primary 1926, 421 Wieck, E. A., 347 Williams, V. B., 105 Williamson, C, 35 Wilson, William B., 353 Woll, Matthew, 256, 258, 278, 300, 320, 400, 427, 499, 511 Woman suffrage, 167 W 7 omen in industry, 156, 271-76, 487-89 Eight Hour Law, 271, 349, 487 in conventions, 21, 209-11 Danville, 1912, 273 Ten Hour Law, 272 Oregon, 271 Women's Trade Union League, 209, 337, 488 and eight-hour bill, 271 and labor party, 365 and minimum wage, 273-76 money donated to, 218 Workers' Educational Bureau, 339 Workmen's Compensation Law, 7, 236, 247 ff., 349, 481 Act approved, 255 Beckner on, 247, 250, 255 continuous improvement, 482 vs. employers' liability, 252 favored, 257-58 indorsed in 1912, 259 Industrial Board created, 260 Industrial Insurance Commission, 249 Liability and Compensation bill, 252 opposed, 256-57 platform, 247 f. special difficulties, 484 Workshop and Factory Act, 156, 168 Wright, Edwin R., 191, 215, 249 ff., 265, 272, 275, 283-84, 286, 288, 295, 298, 303, 321, 495, 534, 539, 544 Wright, W. P., 73 Year-round federation, movement for, 56 Yellow-dog contracts, 5, 471-73, 546 Yerkes "Eternal Monopoly Bills," 174 Young, Albert, 193, 200 Zumbo, Z. T., 200 [printed! IN US A J SOCIAL SCIENCE STUDIES Directed by the Local Community Research Committee of the University of Chicago 1. NON- VOTING. Causes and Methods of Control. By Charles E. Merriam and Harold F. Gosnell. Cloth $2.50; paper $1.60. 2. THE CHICAGO PRIMARY OF 1926. A Study of Election Methods. By Carroll H. Wooddy. $1.50. 3. THE GEOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND OF CHICAGO. By J. Paul Goode. Paper 75 cents. 4. GETTING OUT THE VOTE. By Harold F. Gosnell. $2.00. 5. THE PHYSIOGRAPHY OF THE REGION OF CHICAGO. By F. M. Fryxell. Paper $2.50. 6. CHICAGO CIVIC AGENCIES 1927. $2.50. 7. TRENDS OF POPULATION IN THE REGION OF CHICAGO. By Helen R. Jeter. $2.50. 8. THE INCOME AND STANDARD OF LIVING OF UNSKILLED LABORERS IN CHICAGO. By Leila Houghteling. $2.50. 9. THE CITY MANAGER. By Leonard D. White. $3.00. 10. 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