w It ERNEST C. MILLER John Wilkes Booth A previously unknown port of the assassin's life now told for the first time from newly discovered material $2.50 A tfohn lA/uked ffJooth — OILMAN ERNEST C. MILLER A GREAT deal has been written about John Wilkes Booth, much of it true, much of it untrue. In John Wilkes Booth — Oilman, Ernest C. Miller has covered a phase of the assassin's life about which little was known, and that little generally inaccurate. Mr. Miller has not ignored the acting part of Booth's career, and throws new light on it, but it is chiefly with Booth the oilman that the author has concerned himself. He has gone through considerable research to gather and col- late his facts, the result being a fascinat- ing account of Booth's adventure in the oil business. But it is his engrossing por- trait of Booth the man which adds lustre to the biography. The book, which throws new light on II . C. II J It ft 1 1 [; !; S S 1 3 rj I n (i i; P. I : : l LINCOLN ROOM UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY MEMORIAL the Class of 1901 founded by HARLAN HOYT HORNER and HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2012 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign http://archive.org/details/johnwilkesboothoOOmill JOHN WILKES BOOTH — OILMAN Also by the same author: Oil Mania - 1941 (Editor) The History of Pithole- 1945 Q 5 A previously unknown part of the assassin's life now told for the first time from newly discovered material /johvi Wilkes l/Dootk -OILMAN (Ernest C ater § Uhe (exposition f^fe55 : r/ew IJoyh 8 G*3 QXZ> QXZ> e*3 QXb QX> G*5 G*3 OS G*3 03 QX2 (2*3 030*3(2*3 6*503 03(2*3 8 Copyright 1947 by Ernest C MWer ITprintedII |l_IN USA J FOREWORD This work started when only incomplete information could be found concerning John Wilkes Booth's interest in the Pennsylvania oil fields. The search for facts that could be verified soon led to Mr. Louis J. Mackey. In 1894, Mackey was a twenty-three year old boy who was the manager of the Postal Telegraph-Cable Company at Franklin, Pa. He augmented his income by acting as the regional correspondent for several news- papers. Mrs. Sarah Webber, his grandmother, was post- mistress of the town, and Booth had lived in her home during most of his Franklin sojourn as had his business associate, Joseph H. Simonds. As a young man, Mackey lived with his grandmother and occupied the same room Booth had used. Because he was interested in the history of the assassin, he lis- tened eagerly to the stories of his relatives, and inter- viewed many others who had known Booth personally or had business dealings with him. The results he re- corded in "Phillips' code," a shorthand method designed by Walter P. Phillips for the use of court and news- paper reporters. Mr. Mackey filed his extensive completed notes away and spent busy years as a telegraph supervisor and newspaper editor. He retired in 1941 at Pittsburgh and three years later returned to his boyhood town of Franklin. He allowed me to transcribe his original notes and gave me exclusive use of his material; in addition, he furnished more information in three lengthy interviews during 1942 and 1943. The writer acknowledges a heavy debt to Mr. Mackey. It had been arranged that he would read the finished manuscript but his sudden death late in 1945 prevented this. All the notes, consisting of sources used, explana- tions of aid in understanding parts of the text, and com- ments by the author, have been placed in the back of the volume because it is recognized many readers will not wish to either refer to them casually or use as a basis for their own additional research. Ernest C. Miller Warren, "Pennsylvania 25 November 1946 Is there a crime Beneath the roof of Heaven that stains the soul Of man with more infernal hue than damn A Assassination ? COLLEY ClBBER "Caesar in Egypt/' I c. 1710. JOHN WILKES BOOTH — OILMAN /jokn Wilkes vjSootk - \Jlty, man ACTOR'S DILEMMA Junius Brutus Booth, an English actor, deserted his wife and child and with an attractive London flower girl named Mary Ann Holmes, sailed for America in 1821. Settling at Bel- Air, Maryland, twenty-five miles north of Baltimore, talented Junius soon became the foremost Shakespearean actor in America, a position he held with little competition for over thirty years. Of the ten chil- dren born to the couple, John Wilkes was the youngest. He was born in May of 1838. 1 Few youngsters of the period grew up in an environ- ment comparable to that surrounding John Wilkes. With a farm of one hundred fifty acres for his playground, he roamed at will in the pleasant country and learned to appreciate nature. The farm served as an early school for him. 2 Not only did he love wild life and show signs of tenderness toward it, a trait exhibited by all the fam- ily, but he personally trained his pony and rode it as only an expert could. The pony was an important part of his young life and he called it Cola di Rienzi after the famous Roman tribune. As most children do, John fought with other children and he grew angry too easily; his father set a poor prece- dent for a son who was only too quick to follow his lead. John's schooling was erratic. He first attended the Milton Boarding School near Cockeysville, Maryland; it was operated by John E. Lamb, a Quaker. Here he —11— gained a reputation which a classmate, sixty- three years later, described in these words: "Jack was a bad boy and used to fag the smaller boys cruelly. He was a bully until a short, stout boy, from the Eastern Shore, matriculated and Jack tried to fag him, but that boy turned on Jack and thrashed him terribly and he never crowed again/" At York, Pa., in 1853, he next attended Bland's School for a short time. The quality of the institution can be imagined from this description : "Bland's boys learned but little and were taught less. There was no system, no regular course of study, nor recitation/' After a short period of operation, Bland went into bankruptcy and his school disappeared. Next, with his brother Joseph, John attended St. Timothy's Hall, an Episcopalian academy of a semi-military nature near Catonsville, a Baltimore suburb. While his mother smothered him with loving care and spoiled him because he was her favorite son, Wilkes' father provided more than a few bad examples. Junius carried his stage manner into everyday life and drank too much and too often. He was friendly with such notables as Andrew Jackson, yet always found time to frolic with his many drinking companions, especially with the famous Sam Houston. Throughout the years he was accused of being more than a little insane and he did everything possible to convey that impression. Elaborate funerals were held for dead pigeons; the actor appeared on the stage in a drunk- en stupor; and one time he was fortunately rescued by —n— iivncrn sailors after he had thrown himself into the sea in a sui- c\(\e> attpmnt while mailing the Atlantic* Sane men have life eventually cal endurance, only fourteen, arly in the life )le companion- arent. But this excellent acting ible impression in — all wanted er Joseph tried ne a physician, he advantages id the physical ig god, flashing and the famous is older brother , Wilkes' tem- \ apprenticeship s. Slowly Edwin o the top; John d, and perhaps perfect features, to impress and :specially one at er, should have In 1857, at the of a minor role e spectators and art, the manage- C^medt C rv Idler gained a reputation which a classmate, sixty-three years later, described ff Jack was a boys cruelly, boy, from the tried to fag h thrashed him At York, Pa., for a short time imagined from tl "Bland's be less. There ^ study, nor re After a short bankruptcy and brother Joseph, Episcopalian ac Catonsville, a Be While his m and spoiled him father provided carried his stag too much and notables as And frolic with his with the famous Throughout 1 than a little im convey that imp dead pigeons; th en stupor; and A GREAT deal has been written about John Wilkes Booth, much of it true, much of it untrue. In John Wilkes Booth — Oilman, Ernest C. Miller has covered a phase of the assassin's life about which little was known, and that little generally inaccurate. Mr. Miller has not ignored the acting part of Booth's career, and throws new light on it, but it is chiefly with Booth the oilman that the author has concerned himself. He has gone through considerable research to gather and col- late his facts, the result being a fascinat- ing account of Booth's adventure in the oil business. But it is his engrossing por- trait of Booth the man which adds lustre to the biography. The book, which throws new light on why Booth retired unwillingly from the stage, contains considerable references to aid the reader, and the photographs, pub- lished for the first time, lend pictorial interest to the text. The author was born and raised in the heart of the oil country. He learned much of the oil business from his grandfather, his father, and other relatives engaged in it. After finishing at Penn State (1934), and doing graduate work on petroleum technology there, he was a special inves- sailors after he had thrown himself tigator against malpractice in the oil industry in New England and Eastern Canada, employed by the Pennsylvania Grade Crude Oil Association. In 1940 he joined the staff of the West Penn Oil Company. Late in 1942 he joined the Red Cross where he served as a Field Director with various Army units until January of 1946. Since that time he has returned to his former employment. In 1941 he wrote Oil Mania, a brief history of the oil fields, and in 1946 served as editor for the rare The History of Pithole. Frequent articles relative to historical oildom and semi-technical pres- ent day petroleum problems have come from his pen. $2.50 per copy into the sea in a sui- Sane men have life eventually ical endurance. only fourteen. sarly in the life ble companion- went. But this excellent acting lible impression hn — all wanted ler Joseph tried me a physician. the advantages ad the physical ig god, flashing and the famous lis older brother i, Wilkes' tem- l apprenticeship s. Slowly Edwin io the top; John :d, and perhaps perfect features, to impress and especially one at :er, should have In 1857, at the of a minor role e spectators and art, the manage- gained a reputation which a classmate, sixty-three years later, described "Jack was boys cruelly, boy, from th( tried to fag 1 thrashed him At York, Pa., for a short tim imagined from 1 "Bland's b less. There \ study, nor n After a shor bankruptcy and brother Joseph, Episcopalian a( Catonsville, a B While his n and spoiled him father provided carried his sta£ too much and notables as Anc frolic with his with the famou Throughout than a little in convey that imj dead pigeons; tl en stupor; and ORDER BLANK THE EXPOSITION PRESS, One Spruce Street, New York 7, N. Y. Kindly send me copy (copies) of John Wilkes Booth — Oilman for which I enclose $2.50 per copy. Name. Address sailors after he had thrown himself into the sea in a sui- cide attempt while sailing the Atlantic* Sane men have seldom acted in a like manner. His hard life eventually ruined his nerves and shattered his physical endurance. He died in 1852 when John Wilkes was only fourteen. Ordinarily, the death of a father so early in the life of his youngest son robs the boy of valuable companion- ship and the advantages offered by the parent. But this man could not be easily forgotten; his excellent acting and strange behaviorism made an indelible impression on all his sons. Junius Jr., Edwin, and John — all wanted to become actors and they all did. Brother Joseph tried acting too but gave up the stage to become a physician. Contemplating a theatrical career, the advantages Wilkes could muster were many. He had the physical make-up of an athlete, the face of a young god, flashing eyes, wavy black locks, pleasing manners, and the famous Booth name. The growing reputation of his older brother Edwin was valuable, but unlike Edwin, Wilkes' tem- perament prohibited his serving any long apprenticeship towards the learning of theatre techniques. Slowly Edwin was gaining fame that subsequently led to the top; John wanted immediate acclaim. He believed, and perhaps rightly so, that his graceful manners, perfect features, and bold stage actions were sufficient to impress and satisfy most of his audiences. Some of his first experiences, and especially one at Philadelphia during his early stage career, should have warned him of this error in judgment. In 1857, at the Arch Street Theatre, his performance of a minor role was bad enough to bring jeers from the spectators and stage fright to the novice. In another part, the manage- —13— ment hauled him from the stage in disgust and anger. 6 Two years previously John had made his debut in Bal- timore, but during the interval he failed to recognize the necessity for correct lines and careful performances. Never again was he to regard Philadelphia as a friendly city, and he did not care to appear there. At first Booth played under the name "J. Wilkes" and a year after his humiliation in Philadelphia he was earn- ing twenty dollars weekly in George Kunkel's stock company in the South. 6 Of the many places he played, Richmond proved exceedingly kind to him. The applause there was long and hearty, and the dashing young actor was sought for the social activities of the city. Here was welded to him forever his love for the South and its people; he enjoyed their mode of living, their high spirits and gallantry. And perhaps most of all, he enjoyed their praise of John Wilkes Booth. About this time Edwin wrote of Wilkes' ability in an informative letter to his brother: "I don't think he will startle the world ... but he is improving fast, and looks beautiful on the platform/' 7 Little could Edwin have guessed just how completely this brother would amaze the entire world, nor by what means he would accom- plish it. Years later, others who were well qualified to judge, reported with favor of young Booth's ability on the stage. Clara Morris and Mrs. J. H. Gilbert both worked with him and had little but praise for his performances. Their opinion was substantiated by such actors as Edwin Var- rey and John McCullough. Sir Charles Wyndham, the English amateur actor who turned professional while in this country, also thought John most able and went to —14— considerable lengths to explain his reasons in an inter- view given to a New York paper in 1909. 8 One thing about Wilkes people did not admire was his violent temper. Many times it caused him consider- able trouble, but it did not deter women from idolizing him. Some of them brought trouble as well as their adoration. Such a woman was Miss Henrietta Irving, a Buffalo actress, who created a scene in Albany where Booth was playing at the Gayety Theatre. During April, 1861, she entered his room at Stanwix Hall and tried to kill him with a dagger. The actor suffered a cut face which could have marred his looks. The actress, seem- ingly overcome by remorse at what she had attempted, rushed back to her own room and stabbed herself. How- ever, her remorse was not great enough to allow the blade to make a fatal plunge and she recovered. 9 John Wilkes began his acting in 1862 in an impressive manner, determined to improve his standing and to gain greater prestige. For the first half of the year his work and reviews demonstrated how seriously he was trying to better his career. As larger crowds came to see him, John found a decided benefit in using the family name in his billings. The value of it increased as other members of the clan continued to collect lustre and glory. In May, 1862, he arrived in Boston where he was well received. An unknown Boston reporter soon gave him some ex- cellent advice which the young man must have seen, although he did not profit by it. This observer wrote : "With a view to observing if Mr. Wilkes Booth were winning for himself his father's triumphs, or if he were likely so to do, we have taken pains to see him in each of the characters which he assumed —15— during the last week, Richard III, Romeo, Charles DeMoor, and Hamlet. We have been greatly pleased and greatly disappointed . . . ff In what does he fail? Principally, in knowledge of himself — of his resources, how to husband and how to use them. He is, apparently, entirely ignorant of the main principles of elocution. We do not mean by this word merely enunciation, but the nature and proper treatment of the voice as well. He ig- nores the fundamental principle of all vocal study and exercise — that the chest, and not the throat or mouth, should supply the sound necessary for sing- ing or speaking . . . "When Mr. Booth wishes to be forcible or im- pressive, he produces a mongrel sound in the back of the mouth or top of the throat, which by itself would be unintelligible and without effect; by a proper use of his vocal organs he might draw from that fine trunk of his a resonant, deep tone whose mere sound in the ear of one who knew not the language should give a hint of the emotion to be thereby conveyed. In this connection we need simply say that his proclivity to a nasal quality is most ap- parent, and bodes great harm to his delivery if not checked at once . . . 3,1 ° Two years later, if Booth recalled these words at all, he must have given grudging respect to his critic. The criticism did not reduce the size of his audiences, gen- erally well filled with women, and it did not alter his acting. As his apparent lack of vocal knowledge continued, the handicap made a definite drain on the actor's physical condition and in 1 863 John found himself hampered by a throat impediment. On diagnosis the weakness proved to be a form of bronchial trouble. At intervals his voice —16— turned harsh and ugly, and constant stage work ag- gravated the condition. Early in 1864 a severe attack halted his acting, but he recovered and wrote rather eagerly to a friend of his recuperation and pending theatrical engagements. 11 With Richard III he opened a run in New Orleans on March 14, 1864. This proved to be his greatest triumph. He was received with unequalled enthusiasm and in exchange for the appreciation, Wilkes threw himself into the engagement with great energy. This effort proved too much for his already over-strained voice. The theatre critic of 7he "New Orleans limes was perturbed about his condition: "It is a matter of regret/' he explained, "that he is at present laboring under a severe hoarseness, in consequence of which his efforts have been much less satisfactory to himself than to his friends, but we trust his speedy recovery may enable him to continue to the merit of his endeavors. He has cer- tainly created a furore here, which will continue through his engagement/' 12 His further success in New Orleans was short and after several days the same paper voiced disapproval in stronger language. 13 The next Sunday edition brought surprising news with this notice: "notice — The management of the St. Charles Theatre regrets to inform the public that in conse- quence of the severe and continued cold under which Mr. Booth has been laboring for several days, and at the suggestion of his medical adviser, he is compelled to take a short respite from his engage- ment. Due notice will be given of his next appear- ance." 14 —17— Wilkes did appear for a few more performances but the following week brought his stay to an end. 'The day of reckoning has arrived/' wrote one Booth authority, commenting on this sudden cessa- tion of stage appearances. "Wilkes' hoarseness was not due to a bronchial infection resulting from a severe cold but was the reprisal from the lack of early study and training in voice control/' 15 Whether the affliction was indirectly due to a lack of training or merely the direct result of bronchitis is of slight importance — the end result was to be the same. It was trouble enough to spell ruin to any stage career and adequately proved the keen observation made earlier by the Boston reporter. Another New Orleans newspaperman thought Booth was suffering from a handicap but hoped for a better engagement the next year: "Mr. J. Wilkes Booth repeated his personation of the 'Corsican Brothers' last night," he told his readers, "and to-night he finishes his engagement as he began with 'Richard III.' Actors are not over prone to praise each other, but we have heard a good actor say that J. Wilkes Booth had quite as decided theatrical talent as any member of his tal- ented family. It is a matter of regret that a physical disability (we trust temporary) prevented his en- gagement from being so gratifying to himself or his friends as v/as desirable, and we look for his return here next season under more favorable auspices." 1 * Scorning any advice, Wilkes went ahead playing with little or no rest. Late in April he drew divided comment in Boston, where he had had throat difficulty two years before. Wrote one astute reporter: —18— "Mr. Booth played the part of 'Evelyn' at the Museum last evening with a tact, grace and appre- ciation of the character such as few but himself can exhibit upon the stage, the only drawback be- ing the cold which restrains his voice. [Italics by the author.] The company, too, put their best feet foremost, and the large audience was kept in ex- cellent humor throughout the evening." 17 By this time Booth's condition had become such that he would have to do something about it at once. Knowing in his heart that his theatrical days were numbered, though never admitting this to his friends, the actor must have wondered how he could best maintain himself in a field outside his profession. He fully recog- nized that his tastes in clothing, food, accommodations, and the luxuries of life, were in a class calling for an income well above the average. By his own admission his income from the theatre had exceeded $20,000 in some years and in the 1860's this was a magnificent sum. 15 As a proud,haughty and successful young actor, Wilkes was in a position where circumstances dictated imme- diate action, yet he must select his new line of business with much care. It must present the possibility of high returns without menial labor. It must be something he could talk about to his friends and family without fear of probing questions. It would be better if the site of the endeavor were removed from the theatrical tour routes; this would serve the triple purpose of saving many ex- planations, allowing time and a place for the restoration of his health, and automatically provide an excuse for the halting of his stage appearances. The likelihood also existed that Booth wanted to get away from the stage —19— routine long enoug to think and plan his future activity against Lincoln. To find some means of securing an income, with the source filling most of these qualifications, was a large order for anyone in 1864. Dashing John Wilkes Booth, with a consuming desire for continued fame and fortune, found himself faced with a dilemma calling for perfect acting. -20— TROUBLE From the very outbreak of the Civil War, Wilkes Booth sided with the Confederacy. As early as 1861, while playing in Albany, he went about that city de- nouncing the North and its policies; finally he attracted so much unfavorable notice that the treasurer of the theatre where he was engaged was delegated to warn the actor to use more care and common sense. In effect, Wilkes was warned to keep his remarks more in line with public opinion. 19 This blunt warning must have in- flamed him still more against the North and its leaders. Wilkes was often antagonistic towards his brother Edwin over the war situation and their words became so heated that Edwin, in desperation, banned war con- versation while Wilkes was in his home. Wilkes even fought physically with John Sleeper Clarke, his brother- in-law, after Clarke had made a disparaging comment about Jefferson Davis. 20 The full rage of the actor was vented on President Lincoln. In April, 1863, Wilkes was arraigned before Colonel H. L. McConnell at St. Louis and charged with treasonable utterances against the government. After paying a fine and taking the oath of allegiance, he was released to continue the circulation of his ardent Seces- sionist opinions. 81 Wherever Wilkes went, there went with him an air of insolence — insolence against the President, the North- ern cause, and all those who supported it. His sympathy for the South grew to be a part of him and there were none who knew him well who did not fully recognize his position at a Southern zealot. —7\— THE OIL COUNTRY The year 1859 stands out as an important one in the industrial history of our country, because in August of that year, Colonel Edwin L. Drake, a former merchant and railroad conductor, struck oil by drilling a well near Titusville, in northwestern Pennsylvania. 22 Drake was selected as the representative of a firm founded by New York City and New Haven men, and he was picked because he had made a small investment in the company and happened to be readily available. The region of his drilling experiment was an agricul- tural and lumbering section with the population small in number and well scattered. His shallow-drilled well was the first real attempt to secure oil commercially; because the well was so far removed from the cities, news of its success traveled slowly. It was fully two months before metropolitan papers made proper men- tion of Drake's astonishing find. 23 The first prospectors to follow in Drake's footsteps were men from the immediate vicinity of Titusville, skillful and inventive, but with practically no capital for the purchase of drilling tools, hemp, adequate tank- age, and for larger derricks, steam boilers, and coal for fuel which would all be needed later. It took considerable time for the country to discover that the new product, after simple distillation, was a far better illuminant than "coal oil" or the more expensive "sperm oil." It took less time for factory managers to proclaim that petroleum provided the perfect lubricant. What held up the news of the importance of oil and its —■22— many uses, was the fact that the public was too excited about secession and the pending Civil War; there was no time for discussion on the merits of a new industry. About a year after the first wells started to yield, oil commenced receiving more attention from the large city newspapers and a few magazines. This sudden publicity was due to the interest focused on the oil region by the many drastic fires destroying life and property. 24 Quick riches obtained by a few of the early drillers, the striking of some phenomenally larger "gusher" wells, and the mistaken prediction that the Civil War would soon end, all contributed to increase interest in oildom. After the large wells of 1861 and 1862 were struck, new and larger refineries were erected within the petro- leum country. Now came the beginning of a period of lurid tales dealing with events in petrolia. Few of the many articles were accurate, but the stories of poverty- stricken farmers becoming wealthy over night, of team- sters made rich after selling their small interest in a successful well, and the usual legends which became current as activity increased, made good reading for a nation growing tired of the drabness of war. Reports of paupers-turned-princes caused people who had ac- cumulated war profits to seek an investment outlet for their funds and many delved deeply into speculation in oil companies. This chain of events created an excellent condition for the formation of stock companies. Thousands of firms came into being, and, while many were reputable, many more were speculative organizations formed only for the purpose of robbing an innocent public. Shares were often priced so low that people who could ill afford —23— to purchase anything but the necessities of life "took a fling" and hoped to be among the lucky few. 25 Prior to 1864, no books had been published telling in detail of the oil territory. Knowledge was by word-of- mouth, through the newspapers and a few magazines, and by the prospectus sheets and pamphlets of the stock companies. The one exception was a small pamphlet written by Thomas A. Gale and titled 7he Wonder of the 'Nineteenth Century. Hock Oil in Pennsylvania and Elsewhere, which had been printed at Erie, Pa., in 1860. Its circulation was very limited but the contents were fairly accurate. 26 During 1 864 there was issued in Pittsburgh a volume called 7he Oil Regions of Pennsylvania by F. M. L. Gil- lelen. As the first work of any size about the oil region, it attracted unusual attention and wielded considerable influence. The author stressed the importance of water in relationship to the location of wells, and published complete sectional maps of the Allegheny River and its tributaries, pointing out the best navigable course and describing the adjoining lands. The book was eagerly read by avid oil investors and strengthened the opinion, generally held at the time, that petroleum was found near waterways, hence most lease-holders desired such sec- tions. The contents of this volume cast considerable doubt upon the character of the author as it strongly points to his having been a plagiarist. Gillelen's river lore was lifted bodily from an earlier but virtually unknown book by E. L. Babbitt, called 7he Allegheny Pilot, which he published at Freeport, Pa., in 1855. Babbitt, by turn a photographer, engraver, printer, and finally the owner —24— of a small oil refinery, personally traversed the Allegheny River to collect his data. 27 The chief reason crude petroleum was thought to be close to rivers stemmed from the fact that the first wells happened to be drilled along the waterways. Transporta- tion difficulties caused this distribution. Roads were few and very bad and movement by water was essential; flatboats hauled by horses brought equipment upstream when the water was low. 28 When crude oil had to be floated downstream to market, "pond freshets" were used. This was a trick learned from the lumber trade, and consisted of storing water behind the dams of the many grist mills along the stream until a sufficient volume had accumulated. The dams were then cut, one after another, and resulted in a rushing mass of deep water powerful enough to move the heavily loaded barges rapidly but also dangerously. With such obvious advantages for water transport, and other means of travel lacking, it is not surprising that oil property with water running through or nearby com- manded premium prices. 29 —25- MR. SIMONDS John Wilkes had spent considerable time in Boston, not only while playing there in dilierent theatres with various troupes, but also when visiting at the home of his brother Edwin. Edwin and his first wife, the attrac- tive Mary Davlin, lived in nearby Dorchester. From 1861 through part of 1864, the span during which Wilkes was most frequently in Boston, one of the tellers at the Mechanics Bank there was Joseph H. Sim- onds, a well-built man of about thirty-three. 30 He was an immaculate dresser, had sandy hair, a mustache, and seemed rather austere in appearance. He had a deep in- terest in the stage and an intense desire to advance to a position more affluent than a bank teller. With his ardent interest in the theatre, Simonds natur- ally became acquainted with the popular young Booth. When Wilkes decided to invest some of his income in Boston real-estate, he sought out Simonds as his agent. The banker had knowledge of current markets and of financial affairs in general to combine with his familiarity with Boston. This enabled him to know many properties available at advantageous prices and made him an ex- cellent deputy. The final sums involved in the transac- tions were not large, but demonstrated to Booth the trustworthiness of Simonds. -26— BOOTH ENTERS OIL John Booth played at Ben DeBar's St. Louis Theatre from January 4 to January 17, 1864. 31 Either just before this engagement, while enroute to St. Louis, or just after it, while returning East, Booth was persuaded to visit the Pennsylvania oil region. As the chief excitement at the time centered around the village of Franklin, in Ven- ango County, he headed there. Two acquaintances from Cleveland arrived with him. These friends were John Ellsler, manager of the Cleveland Academy of Music, and Thomas Y. Mears. 32 Thirty years later, Franklinites described Mears as a "prize-fighter and gambler" and as ff a sort of medium tough/' 33 Soon after arriving at Franklin and inspecting the terri- tory, Booth formed an oil company with the Cleveland men as partners. Their stage backgrounds made the name selected, the Dramatic Oil Company, most fitting. 84 It is likely the concern was organized informally among the trio, for the records of the Prothonotary of Venango County show no evidence of the firm name having been recorded. 85 Oil region attorneys explain this by stating that in those hectic days, with all the attending excite- ment and confusion, many partnerships came into being without legal papers being either prepared or filed. Most of these informal agreements were rigidly adhered to by the members. Booth probably thought his opportunity in oil might be the answer to his problem of a future business and income. The property finally selected by the company was three and one-half acres of the Fuller farm, a mile south of Franklin, and bordering the Allegheny River. —27— The land was on the east side of the river and no streams passed through it; however, productive wells close by made the location appear favorable. 86 Unbounded faith and confidence should have been and no doubt was felt by these new speculators; their site was good, and at least Ellsler and Booth had suffi- cient capital to finance a trial well. This was important as it must be remembered that numerous early oil oper- ators had been greatly handicapped by lack of capital, and, as a result, had been forced to sacrifice their in- terests to get money to finish their wells. The newly formed partnership hired an experienced driller, Henry Sires, to drill the initial hole. Mears first introduced him to Booth while Sires was busily working on another well. When Sires apologized for his hands being covered with grease and oil, Wilkes replied, "Never mind, that's what we are after." 37 Believing that he had made an impressive start in the right direction, Booth resumed his professional work, and his next long engagement was during March at New Orleans' St. Charles Theatre. As previously noted, the effort was too much for him, but after a short rest we find him in Boston playing at the Boston Museum during most of May and terminating his run there on May 27. —28— BACK TO FRANKLIN While playing in Boston, the new oilman urged Sim- onds to accompany him to the oil country and manage the property for the company. Simonds needed only slight urging; he was seeking betterment and could not have missed reports of the strange happenings among the Pennsylvania hills. It would have indeed been singular had he not desired to show his ability and to share in the excitement with Booth. The actor and banker jour- neyed to Franklin together, and on May 30, three days after his Boston finale, we find Booth renting a saddle horse from liveryman Ralph M. Brigham. He rode out to inspect the lease and well. 38 Accommodations in the crowded village were hard to find and upon arriving, visitors discovered the hotels packed. Rooms in private houses were not readily avail- able and it was necessary to wait for them until vacancies occurred. Alfred W. Smiley, who soon became a friend of Booth's, explains what happened next in these words : "Our first acquaintance was due to the fact that for a short time we occupied the same room at the United States Hotel. H. B. Smith, a clerk in one of the railroad offices, and myself shared a double room at the hotel, that is, a room in which there were two beds. The hotels were all crowded in those days and Smith and I, to accommodate the landlord, frequently doubled up to let in some good fellow for a day or two, when not able to get in elsewhere. "On this occasion the proprietor, W. H. Wat- kins, had requested us to let in a couple of gentle- men for just a few days. The newcomers to our —29— room were John Wilkes Booth and J. H. Simonds, who in the meantime I had been introduced to. "Booth and Simonds, instead of staying there only a couple of days, remained there for about ten days, when they secured rooms at Mrs. Webber's on Elk Street, but took their meals at the United States Hotel/" 9 Simonds and Booth must have watched the well closely but trouble was their only reward. Drilling progress was slow, and while the partnership group waited and hoped for the best, they considered a name for the well. Finally they elected to call it 'The Wilhelmina" after Mear's wife. Booth and his friends walked daily from their quarters at Mrs. Webber's to the United States Hotel for meals. The walk took them past the harness shop of Mr. Wat- son on Liberty Street; the shop was on the ground floor and the living quarters upstairs. Mrs. J. T. P. Watson used to place her baby son, Joe, in the shop window to keep him amused and away from mischief. Booth de- veloped the habit of stopping to play with the boy every time he passed and soon got to whistling as he ap- proached the shop, thus attracting the child's attention. Very often he would leave a silver dollar, a closed pocket knife, or other pocket articles for the boy to play with for half a day. Wilkes' every action indicated that he was a great lover of children. 40 For an oil "boomtown" Franklin was rather well be- haved, but confusion was common although never ter- minating in murder and seldom in robbery. Booth and Smiley encountered adventure one night in an unexpected form, and Smiley relates the incident well: —30— "Booth was a trained athlete and very strong and active. I was also pretty strong and active, being then twenty-one years old and did not fear any common man in a rough and tumble. I recall an incident, however, when we both got the worst of an encounter. The occasion was at a dance at the Marshall House, located over the Allegheny River, kept by one Sim Marshall, whither we had gone one evening out of curiosity; as far as the party was concerned our curiosity was entirely satisfied as we were both entertained handsomely. ff On the night of the aforesaid there was lying near the bridge several steamboats and a large num- ber of lumber fleets, and the crowd assembled at the dance was rather a motley one; there being in attendance a goodly number of deckhands from the steamboats and fresh water sailors from the lumber fleets. A row started, probably accidental, and in our desire to see how things were moving, we crowded in quite close to where the mill was being pulled off. This attracted the attention of several of the waltzers who, as the sequel will show, decided that our dudish appearance did not war- rant our eagerness to get so close to the scene of action. To end this story, they deliberately went for us regardless of how much they soiled our clothes, and after charging several times, they threw us out with orders not to return into the house. "We did not request that the order be counter- manded, but struck a bee line for uptown, with the understanding between us that we would keep our dance experience to ourselves. It leaked out, how- ever, and we were often nagged by our friends/ 341 —31— ANOTHER INVESTMENT In 1864, Boston oil men had organized a stock as- sociation to secure drillable area in the oil region. They first took the name of the Boston Oil Well Company but in a short time changed it to the Botolph Oil & Mining Company. 42 Along Pithole Greek, about seventeen miles up the Allegheny River from Franklin, oil operators had been leasing land since 1862. No testing had been done, but prospectors liked the looks of the country and were willing to gamble on it. On this virgin sector the Boston firm looked with favor and for $15,000 they purchased the Hyner (or Hiner) Farm, bordered by Pithole creek. Booth became interested in some unknown manner, and paid $1,000 for a share in the property, but during his stay in Pennsylvania no effort was made to drill the territory. 43 Had a test well been sunk, it might easily have changed the entire life course for John Wilkes Booth, and altered the history of America. Simonds had now become manager of the Dramatic Oil Company lease, and by mid-summer manager of the property of the Boston association in the Pithole region. Booth had estimated correctly that the one thing he would have in Franklin was plenty of leisure time. He spent some of it reading, and probably inwardly was pleased by Franklin's leading newspaper, the strongly anti-Lincoln Venango Spectator. Vitriolic words against the President were many with such phrases as "Lincoln's Double Dealing" and "Mr. Lincoln Will Never Win the War" and "Lincoln Proposes a Disunion Peace" being common headlines. Booth's Franklin cronies were ardent —32— supporters of the administration and knowing this, the actor did not express his secessionist opinions often nor loudly. 44 At least once Wilkes came close to serious trouble among the oil crowd. While crossing the Allegheny River by ferry, Titus Ridgway, a carpenter, was a fellow-pas- senger. Ridgway started the altercation by making some offensive remark about Southerners, to which Booth re- plied with biting sarcasm against Lincoln. Ridgway im- mediately characterized the Lincoln comment as, "A damned lie!" Wilkes said, "I will never allow a man to call me a liar!" and at the same time pulled a pistol from his pocket. As he did this, the carpenter grabbed a river pushing-pole tipped with a metal spike, aimed it at Booth, and swore he would run him through. At this crucial moment, other passengers jumped between the men and finally succeeded in calming both belligerents. Mr. Mac- Amirch, who was running the ferry on the eventful day, wrenched the pole from the hands of Ridgway. 46 Days were spent by Booth and the other speculators loafing around the real-estate offices where farmers were constantly repairing to lease their acres for the highest fee. Some days the operators would cover considerable territory, on foot or on horse, in their eternal search for promising farms. To pass the long evenings, Booth and some friends rented a second floor room and congre- gated there; the men who gathered were a genial group of optimists, all in Franklin to have a tussle with petro- leum. Besides Booth, there were others versed in Shake- speare, notably Frank Bailey, a Pittsburgh oilman. Com- edy was provided by John Garmiley, also of Pittsburgh, by "Tatty" Patterson, and a Mr. Barton. John Wilkes —33— took an active part among this circle of oil adventurers, yet it is remarkable that Franklin people who were part of the group, and knew the informal membership list thoroughly, were positive he never laughed at the antics. Smiles crossed his face often, but never anything like a real laugh. 46 At the same time, two brothers thought quite dif- ferently of Booth. One was E. \V. Smiley, chief clerk of the Pennsylvania Senate for twenty-five years, and own- er and editor of the Citizen Press newspaper in Franklin. Often he sat and talked with Jo Simonds and Booth at the Sunday School Bible Class in the old Frankin Methodist Episcopal Church. At these meetings, Wilkes took no part in discussions although he appeared at- tentive. The other brother, H. Stearns Smiley, used to deliver messages and telegrams to the actor, but was afraid to approach him because ff . . . . of the look he always gave me/' 47 Another youngster of that day, Elisha W. Smith, de- livered newspapers regularly to Simonds, Booth, and Moses Colman, later to become Simonds' business partner. What impressed him was Simonds' methodical ways; he always wrote down in a small memo book all purchases made, no matter how small they were. This was quite typical of a careful banker. 48 Illness still plagued John Wilkes for late in August of 1 864, his sister Asia wrote to a close friend of hers, saying that, "Wilkes is quite sick." This affliction, whatever it might have been, was apparently serious enough for some of his immediate relatives to have been acquainted with it. 49 We do not know if it was a recurrence of his bronchial trouble or not. —34 — LAST VISIT Booth was a frequent traveler to undisclosed destina- tions and his third and last visit to petrolia was made in September, 1 864, after he had spent some time visiting in Baltimore. By this date the well had proved a failure and little oil could be secured; the quantity would not have paid for the pumping. 60 Henry Sires, in charge of actual operations on the lease, reported, "The well cost Booth and his as- sociates a great deal of money and they got almost no oil." They did meet trouble common to many drillers in the 1 860's — casing breaking loose, the bailer lost in the hole, and tools jamming. Thomas Mears' son, Frank, told a reporter in later years, " The Wilhelmina Well' yielded twenty-five barrels of crude daily but this was not thought sufficient, hence the well was "shot" with explosives to increase production. Instead of accomplish- ing that, the blast utterly ruined the hole and the well never yielded another drop. 61 " In September, a decision was reached to buy the land interest in the river property. The manager stated in 1 865 that the partners had contributed equally in buying this interest, but another claim is that Ellsler and John Wilkes had disagreed on policy. If this were the case, Booth might have contributed more than his share in exchange for all or part of Ellsler's portion but no records indicate such a transaction. 52 This additional expense was necessary to protect the investment of the group. Their drilling rights, based on a down-payment and royalty agreement, meant they did not yet own the land in fee simple, hence reclamation by the original owner —35— was possible if no crude were produced within the time stipulated. Wilkes suddenly lost all interest in oil. His recent Baltimore trip seemed to mark the turning point; he had changed his mind about the petroleum business and had resolved upon some other activity more important to him. On September 17, 1864, Simonds had prepared, by Wilkes' request, all papers necessary to close out the Booth interests in the Allegheny River property. This was deeded two-thirds to brother Junius and the other third to Simonds, who explained it as being, "... in consideration of my services, for which I never received any other pay." 53 By mutual consent Simonds was named trustee and on his advice all development work was suspended. Just prior to Booth's departure from the oil country, his temper flared up while he was sitting in a barber shop waiting to have his hair cut. Cale Marshall, a col- ored man, entered the shop of James Lawson and began to rejoice loudly over the news of a great new victory for the Union army. After a few moments of this, Booth pointed his finger at the negro and said sternly, "Is that the way you talk among gentlemen, and with your hat on too?" The negro, himself hot-headed, replied, "When I go into a parlor among ladies, I take my hat off, but when I go into a bar-room or a barber shop or any other public place, I keep my hat on." Booth's face had turned white and he shoved his hands towards his hip pocket. Tom Mears was sitting next to him and he knew what Wilkes carried in that pocket. Leaping from his chair, he pinioned Booth's arms against his side. Assisted by another man, the two got Booth —36— out of the shop and marched him off down the street. Lawson always maintained the negro would have been shot had it not been for the prompt action by Mears." INTERIM Booth told Simonds he was going to New York. He did go there briefly, but the next definite trace we find of him is far from New York or Franklin. He was in Montreal, Canada, living near the St. Lawrence Hotel, the known headquarters for those Southerners often termed the "Canadian Cabinet" of the Confederacy. There is no doubt about this Canadian sojourn. Several people identified him, and on October 27 he purchased a bill of exchange from Robert A. Campbell, a teller at the Ontario Bank of Montreal. The sum was slightly more than sixty-one pounds sterling. 55 While in Mon- treal, he packed his wardrobe and made arrangements to have it shipped South by steamer. For the next five months Wilkes had little connection with the theatre. With brothers Edwin and Junius he did play in "Julius Caesar" at the Winter Garden Thea- tre, New York, on November 75. But frequent trips to Baltimore and other places in Maryland took much of his time. Between early September, 1864, and the end of that year, John Wilkes made at least four trips to Baltimore and other points in Maryland. While in Charles County, he reputedly met Dr. Samuel A. Mudd, who later was to figure in his flight. As 1865 opened, we find John Wilkes residing in Washington but away from that city often for several —37— days at a time. No one is sure exactly where he traveled but he stayed at no one place for any length of time. On March 18, he appeared at Ford's Theatre in Wash- ington for the benefit performance of a fellow-actor in 'The Apostate." It was his last appearance on the stage as a member of a legitimate stock company, but unfor- tunately it was not quite his last time on any stage. —38— TRAGEDY It is unnecessary to repeat here the well-known facts leading to the assassination. Thousands of words have been written giving in detail the actor's last act. From the minute he shot Lincoln, in Ford's Theatre on the evening of April 14, 1865, his transition from an admired young performer into the image of the American Judas became complete. What no one has been able to say with certainty is exactly what caused Booth to change from his scheme of abduction to assassination, for ample evidence exists to show that his initial plan had been to kidnap Lincoln. 66 True, the kidnapping plans had gone awry, and his few conspirators were showing their poor fibre by drop- ping away from his leadership; but it was equally true the kidnapping plot had never had a fair trial and might have been successful. Booth grew more angry at Lincoln day by day. The feeling was aggravated by the fall of his beloved Rich- mond and the surrender of General Lee. Most likely it was also assisted by excessive alcohol. Said John Deery, a long-time friend of John Wilkes", and owner of the billiard parlor next t6 Washington's Grover Theatre : 'Tor a period of about ten days before the as- sassination, he visited my place every day, some- times in the afternoon, sometimes in the evenings. At this time he was out of an engagement and drink- ing quite freely, noticeably so, even for him, I thought. At times he seemed a bit crazed, appar- ently on account of the frequency of his potations. . . . During that last week at Washington he some- —39— times drank at my bar as much as a quart in the space of less than two hours of an evening .... "I believe Booth was as much crazed by the liquor he drank as by any motive when he shot Lincoln/' 57 Mackey had questioned the people he interviewed in Franklin in 1894 about Booth's drinking habits. The answers indicated Booth was far from a teetotaler and suggest Deery's opinion could be far more accurate than it has been thought. H. M. Irwin remembered the actor as not a hard drinker but he drank moderately; how- ever, Booth's ability to withstand the bad effects of al- cohol was great and Irwin pointed that factor out care- fully. 58 One of Booth's closest friends explained only by saying that, "Booth was a hard drinker of the strongest brandy. Sometimes he drank rum." 59 Another man rec- ollected seeing John Wilkes, ". . . one night in front of the old Bailey corner. Booth was as drunk as he could possibly get and was covering the whole sidewalk in a rendition of Richard III. He carried a broom stick in his hand which he wielded as the rendering of the part demanded, and the exhibition was very strong and made more than one bystander overlook Booth's condition in their admiration for his acting of the part." 60 Of much interest in recent years has been the poor protection given Lincoln. The guard he wanted for the theatre on that fatal April 14, Major Thomas T. Eckert, was denied him by Secretary of War Edwin Stanton on a flimsy excuse; the one he got was John F. Parker, a member of Washington's Metropolitan Force and an in- competent who had previously been charged with mis- conduct and lack of responsibility. 61 In place of being accompanied to the play by General and Mrs. Grant, —40— the Lincoln's had Miss Clara Harris and Major Henry R. Rathbone as their guests. 62 Tad Lincoln happened to be among the audience at Grover's Theatre when news of the tragedy was announced from that stage. Lincoln knew assassination always lurked nearby. Alan Hynd, author and journalist, had exclusive access to the archives of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency a few years ago. In these records he found that Allan Pinkerton, the greatest detective of his time, warned Lincoln against the playhouses. "Sir," Pinkerton exhorted, <( \ beg of you, no matter what the circumstances, never attend the theatre/' 83 Prior to his second inauguration, President Lincoln warned people they should be careful in allowing ladies to attend the ceremony because of possible danger. 64 Charles A. Dana, the Assistant Secretary of War, knew Lincoln had received many letters threatening death, therefore the President had the possibility called to mind constantly. 65 On April 14, Lincoln wrote General James H. Van Allen of New York, telling him, "I expect to adopt the advice of my friends and use precaution/' 66 His precautions should have been stronger, but he was a trusting man and the end of the war lulled him into a false security. Recent writers have pointed out that while Lincoln was personally fearless and suspicious of none, yet he was nearly always guarded. 67 Generally, Lincoln was protected, but not always wisely. THE NEWS— AND REACTION To the cities, news of the assassination was conveyed the next morning, and while accounts varied, the tragic words were fairly accurate. The two o'clock edition of Jhe New Jork Herald for the morning following the crime, was the first to carry the news, but first to name John Wilkes as the murderer was 7he Washington Chronicle for April 15. The oil country papers printed the news in long black-bordered columns on their front pages as soon as possible. A Meadville, Pa., paper carried the news April 18 and a Franklin paper the day follow- ing. As there was no daily paper printed in the petro- leum country at this time, this delay was not excessive. 68 News of the national disaster reached northwestern Pennsylvania the morning after the shooting. An English oil historian, v/ho summarized how the word came to Franklin, based it on a report he had from the redoubt- able Smiley. Early on the morning of April 15, Smiley was sitting in the railroad ticket office talking with H. B. Smith, his friend and roommate. Smith, an expert tele- grapher, was selling tickets and listening to the dots and dashes at the same time. And then: "He suddenly turned and asked me if I heard what was going on over the wire. I replied that I had not been paying any attention to what was going on, and asked him what it was. "He turned pale and replied, f My God, Smiley, President Lincoln was shot last night in a theatre in Washington by John Wilkes Booth, a theatrical performer. Can it be possible it is the John Wilkes Booth that was here last summer — the fellow we all knew so well?' —42— "The excitement was intense and everyone who had been acquainted with Booth, myself included, were closely watched and questioned/' 69 Within a few days an officer arrived in Franklin. Without Smiley's knowledge, the officer inspected his trunks and his room, but the young man was not impli- cated in any way. Several days later Smiley headed to- ward the new oil field at Pithole. From the first examination of Lincoln, made within the theatre box by an Army surgeon who was in the audience, Dr. Charles A. Leale, it was known the Presi- dent was doomed. Other physicians supported the opin- ion of Leale and the correctness of their prognosis was evident when Lincoln died the following morning just after seven o'clock. 70 The government instituted immediate and vigorous search for Booth. Private detectives, soldiers, and Federal operatives were urged to do their best and were spurred on by the rewards offered. The flight of Booth and David Herold was marked by interruptions. First they stopped at John Lloyd's tavern at Surrattsville (now Clinton, Maryland) and picked up a carbine, field glasses, and a bottle of whis- key; Lloyd had expected them as the gun had been left with him April 11. They next stopped at the home of Dr. Samuel Mudd, selected because Booth had previously met him during one of his frequent sojourns into Mary- land. The doctor bound Booth's left leg in splints; it had been fractured in his leap from the theatre box to the stage when his spur caught in the folds of a flag dec- orating the front of the box. After leaving the vicinity of Bryantown, Md., the fugi- —43— tives headed for a nearby swamp, became lost, and were directed by a negro to the home of Samuel Cox, a strong secessionist. Cox enlisted the aid of his foster-brother, Thomas A. Jones, and for five nights and six days Jones hid and cared for the men. He supplied food, news- papers, personal news, and finally a boat to enable the hunted pair to cross the Potomac River into Virginia. It took them two nights to cross as on their first trial they got lost again and ended up in another swamp where they wasted a full day. Once in Virginia, they arrived at the residence of Dr. Richard Stewart. Frightened, he passed them on to a negro named Lucas. The next morning Lucas drove them to Port Conway, on the banks of the Rappahannock River. Soon, three Confederate cavalrymen, returning from the war, came upon them and the entire band crossed the river by ferry. The soldiers left Booth and Herold at the farm of a friend, Richard H. Garrett. Under the direction of Colonel Lafayette C. Baker, Chief of the Secret Service, a group of twenty-five cavalry- men had been rushed by boat to the lower Potomac River area. Without much trouble they found Booth's trail, and at Bowling Green captured Willie S. Jett, the ex-Confederate who had arranged for Booth to remain at Garrett's. He was forced to lead a detachment back to Garrett's, and through young John Garrett the soldiers discovered the location of the men they were seeking. Their tobacco barn hiding place was immediately sur- rounded. Knowing they were caught, Davy Herold quickly lost confidence and surrendered; the angry assassin sent him from the shed and he was pulled to temporary safety by Yankee soldiers. After making futile requests for a fighting exit chance to the officer commanding the group, Colonel E. J. Conger, Booth discovered the soldiers had fired the straw and debris at the rear of the shed. And now, something happened that has not been clear since that morning of April 26, 1865. Either Booth shot himself, realizing he was doomed, or else Sgt. Boston Corbett, disobeying orders, shot Wilkes from his post near the back of the barn. 71 Whatever actually took place, the fallen man was placed on the porch of Gar- rett's farmhouse and there he died. The minute the badly injured man died, a myth was born — the myth of the es- cape of John Wilkes Booth from his pursuers, and his existence for years afterwards. 72 —45— CONFUSION As might have been expected, while Booth was in flight, false rumors and arrests were common. At Pittsfield, Massachusetts, a reputable citizen named J. L. Chapman was arrested so often for Booth that he resigned himself to remaining home, hoping the assassin would soon be captured. Provost Marshall Coulter of Greensburg, Pa., arrested a man because of his resemblance to the actor and re- leased him only after the Mayor of Pittsburgh had sent someone who knew Booth personally to make proper identification. Another curious incident happened, of all places, at Franklin! Colonel James Bleakley, owner of the Inter- national Bank, had hired a new cashier, one Colonel J. H. Cain. Unfortunately, Cain arrived in town April 16 and was promptly picked up by local officers as he entered the post office. They thought certain they had Wilkes. The new cashier did look like Booth, but Colonel Bleakley was able to secure his release after proper ex- planation. 73 Booth was also "recognized" in three other Pennsyl- vania towns, in Brooklyn, at two spots in Maryland, and in Ohio, Illinois, and Maine. The nation was convinced that Booth was traveling fast and furiously in many directions. Much speculation resulted when a Meadville, Pa., paper published the following: "Pittsburgh, April 15. ff Mr. Duncan, a reliable citizen of Pittsburgh, has just returned from Meadville, and mentions a —46— singular circumstance in connection with the assas- sin Booth. While stopping at the McHenry House, on the 4th of June last, Booth wrote on a pane of glass with his diamond ring, the following words: 'Abe Lincoln departed this life August 13th, 1864, by the effects of poison/ Booth's name was written on the hotel register in the same hand writing. Several of his friends, at different times occupied the same room. A complete register has been kept of all names of the occupants of that room since June last/" 4 There was never any proof that the writing scratched on the pane was the same as Booth's. A maid discovered the marked window which was removed by R. M. U. Taylor, manager of the hotel. With Booth's signature cut from the register, it was presented to Miss Mary Mc- Henry, daughter of James McHenry for whom the hotel was named. The McHenry House register disappeared long ago, and there is no way of knowing exactly how often Booth stayed there. Miss McHenry presented both the scratched pane and the signature to the government in 1879. After Booth's death, confusion over mistaken identity ceased and the press started to provide bewildering and conflicting statements regarding all phases of John Wilkes' life. No phase of his life escaped unscathed. Over a period of years, papers, pamphlets, and a wide variety of books have especially confused Booth's ac- tivity in oil behind a maze of errors and half-truths. Indeed, it seems that no part of his hurried life was treated more erroneously than the period he spent in northwestern Pennsylvania. The errors are worthy of repetition only to clarify them. The true statements, long —47— available, have passed nearly unnoticed, perhaps ably camouflaged by the mistakes. Five days after the assassination, a Franklin paper printed this: "The supposed assassin, John Wilkes Booth, spent several months in this place last summer and fall," the reporter wrote, "and is well known to many of our citizens. He was engaged in the oil business and we understand has large interests here now. Those who knew him best say he was mild and retiring in his disposition and displayed none of the qualities of the desperado he has shown him- self to be." 75 It is evident the Franklin editor did not know 'The Wilhelmina" well had failed nor that Booth had assigned his holdings. In a region where every new well was care- fully watched for indications of success, it is surprising this failure was not more generally known. On April 75, Joseph Simonds gave a written statement to the Provost Marshall at Meadville, Pa., who was Captain D. V. Derrickson. Wrote Simonds, knowing his letter would be turned over to the highest officers in the War Department: "Franklin, Pa. April 25th 1865 "In accordance with your request I am happy to give you correct information with regard to the prop- erty of J. Wilkes Booth in this section, more especial- ly as newspaper rumor has assigned to him ex- tensive and valuable interests here. "The first time he was ever in Venango County was in January 1864 when he made a small invest- ment in connection with two gentlemen of Cleve- —48— land in a lease on the Allegheny River directly op- posite Franklin he owning an undivided third in- terest in the same. During the summer the lease was placed in my hands for management and at that time on the occasion of his second visit here in June last he made an investment of $1000 in a property on Pithole Creek owned by an association of gen- tlemen in Boston the management of whose affairs here were also placed in my hands. From neither of these interests did he ever derive a single dollar benefit. "In September he made his third and last visit here during which time a purchase of the land in- terest in the Allegheny River property was consum- mated he furnishing his third of the purchase money and by agreement between all the owners the con- veyance was made in my name as Trustee and at my suggestion the accounts settled, and operations suspended as in my opinion, the work did not prom- ise to prove remunerative. "This was no sooner consummated than he re- quested me to prepare deeds conveying all his title and interest in the Allegheny River property to his brother, Junius Brutus Booth, two thirds and to my- self one third, and all his interest in the Pithole property to his sister, he giving as a reason that his oil speculations had proved unprofitable and he wished to dispose of every interest he had in this section as they served to draw away his mind and attention from his profession to which he intended to devote all his faculties in the future. This re- quest I complied with and as soon as they were executed he left for New York since which time I have never seen him. "Thus you will see that so far from his having realized a large fortune from Oil Speculations as rumor has averred his were a positive loss, he never —49— having owned but two small interests and neither of these have as yet been any source of profit, al- though both have now become moderately valu- able. This is all that he ever owned in the Venango Oil Region or was interested in, unless he has pur- chased since I saw him oil stocks in the cities, of which I know nothing, but my impression is that such is not the case. The stories of the newspapers of the large fortune made by him in this section were coined in the brain of some romance-writer. His whole investment would not amount to more than six thousand dollars from which he never re- ceived a dollar return. "\ have endeavored to make this statement as clear and concise as possible and you are at liberty to use it as you may see fit resting assured that you will be stating the truth in denying the exaggerated rumors which fill the prints with regard to his great fortune, which I have the impression will be found to be nothing more than what he has gained in his profession/' The balance of Simonds' letter, here published for the first time, shows how deeply he was touched by the sad tragedy of the assassination. He concluded: "You will excuse my writing more concerning this terrible affair. There is a private war, which his relatives and friends suffer in addition to the grief that all are sharers in, which is none the less poignant that it can have no sympathy. Sudden, sharp and terrible was the blow upon all his true friends, (and he had many) and it was one which at first could not be believed, cannot yet be real- ized and is a sorrow which time can never heal. "God bless our whole country and bring her safely through every peril to peace and prosperity — —50— again a happy and united nation; and, may we not without a thought detrimental to her highest in- terests, pray that He in His infinite love and good- ness will forgive the unhappy author of this his last and greatest calamity, though man never can/' 76 On May 13, Simonds made another explanation and this was later published in Pitmann's 7be Assassination of Vresident Lincoln and Jrial of the Conspirators. In such form it was readily available to the public but it too has been overlooked. The agent testified: "\ was acquainted with J. Wilkes Booth in his lifetime, and was his business agent, particularly in the oil region. I did some little business for him in the city of Boston, but it was very little, and was entirely closed up before I left there. "Mr. Booth's interest in the oil speculations was as follows : He owned a third undivided interest in a lease of three and one half acres on the Allegheny River, near Franklin. The land interest cost $4,000. He paid $2,000 — that being one-half of it. He also purchased, for $1,000, an interest in an association there owning an undivided thirtieth of a contract. That is all he ever absolutely purchased. There was money spent for expenses on this lease, previous to his purchase of the land interest. He never realized a dollar from any interest possessed in the oil re- gion. His speculations were a total loss. ff The first interest he acquired in any way was in December, 1863, or January 1864. 1 accompanied him to the oil regions in June, 1864, for the pur- pose of taking charge of his business there. The whole amount invested by him in this Allegheny River property, in every way, was about $5,000, and the other investment was about $1,000, mak- ing $6,000 in all. —51— "His business was entirely closed out there on the 27th of September, 1864. One of the convey- ances was made to his brother, Junius Brutus Booth, which was without compensation; but a considera- tion was mentioned in the deed. The other transfer was to me, and it was done in consideration of my services, for which I never received any other pay. There was not a dollar paid to J. Wilkes Booth at all for these conveyances and he paid all the ex- penses on the transfer and the conveyances.'" 77 Constable S. A. McAlevy, who had taken Simonds to Washington at the request of the Provost Marshall for the 20th Pennsylvania District, told the authorities he thought Booth's agent guiltless of any complicity, and after Simonds had supplied his information and state- ment, he was allowed to return to Franklin. 78 George A. Townsend, a young reporter anxious to make a name for himself, really started the fantastic tale of Booth's wealth from oil when he penned these few words in 1 865 : 'The oil fever had just begun/' Townsend re- vealed, "he hired an agent, sent him to the western districts and gave him discretionary power; his in- vestments all turned out profitable. "He gave eighty dollars eight month's ago for a part investing with others in a piece of western oil land. The certificate for this land he gave to his sister. Just before he died his agent informed him that the share was worth fifteen thousand dollars." 78 Townsend was neither a precise reporter nor a careful historian; his writings are full of errors. None of the investments turned out profitably nor is there any record of the actor investing a paltry $80 in oil land only to —52— have it turn out to be worth fifteen thousand dollars in a few months. The initial issue of the first daily paper in the oil re- gion, two months after the tragic shooting, reported under "Oil News/' that: "The Homestead well, on the Hyner farm, oppo- site the Morey (late Copeland) Farm, Pithole is now flowing 500 barrels of oil per day. The pro- duct of the well before dropping the sucker rods was 80 barrels per day. They were partly taken out on Wednesday last and the well increased to 150 barrels. The remaining part being removed, on Sat- urday last the well flowed 500 barrels and it is probably the most productive well in the oil region of Pennsylvania. The owners of the well are Boston parties. Their property consists of 25 acres in fee of the Hyner farm on which the above well is lo- cated. John Wilkes Booth purchased one thirteenth interest in this territory in August 1864. The price of the entire interest was $15,000. Booth in Novem- ber last transferred his interest to Joseph Simonds. He was very particular about the assignment in due form of law, and carried the assignment to the Registry office himself. "We are credibly informed that the Homestead well in which Booth was interested was destroyed by fire on the day he assassinated President Lin- coln." 80 The date of Booth's purchase of the well-interest was June rather than August and he purchased one thirtieth interest in the well and not one thirteenth. This article marks the first appearance in print of the story attrib- uting the burning of the Homestead well to the night of the assassination. Truth shatters the tale completely; —53— the well was not struck until June, 1865, and it never did burn. For seventeen years this fantastic tale was forgotten only to re-appear in a petroleum magazine in 1882, in this form: "In 1864 J. Wilkes Booth, the great actor, and assassin of President Abraham Lincoln, purchased a one-thirteenth interest in the Homestead well at Pithole, paying therefore $15,000. The interest was afterwards bought by Mr. Jo. H. Simonds of this city. The well, though small when compared with its contemporaries, was a fair producer, as it yielded twenty barrels a day. On the very day that the unfortunate 'crank' shot the great President the well caught fire, and everything connected with it was consumed. On the morning following the dastardly de^d, when gloom had expanded its unpleasant pin- ions until they covered the greater portion of the earth, the well was visited by a large number of people who seemed to agree as to the providentiality of the coincidence. Of course it is humanizing the Creator to ascribe such proceedings to Him; but, at the same time, it is impossible for human minds to otherwise interpret the source of such results." 81 Outside of the fact that the magazine writer erred in the purchase price and the size of Booth's interest, that Simonds did not later buy the interest from the actor, and that the property did not burn, the article is correct. It seems strange to-day that Simonds, or some other resident of the oil country who knew the truth, made no attempt to correct such obvious errors. Five years later, in September 1 887, the same magazine, Ihe Petroleum Age, printed a signed article much like the above but slightly longer and with a few additional —54— details. Essentially it contained all the same errors and probably v/as seen by Simonds who lived in Bradford at the time the magazine was being edited and printed there" An oil country editor, and a one-time resident of Franklin, printed a volume in 1896 that confused the Booth picture still more. "One morning in April, 1865/' wrote John J. McLaurin, Cf he (Booth) left Franklin, telling Mr. Simonds he was going east for a few days. He car- ried a satchel, which indicated that he did not ex- pect his stay to be prolonged indefinitely. His ward- robe, books and papers remained in his room. Nothing was heard from him until the crime of the century stilled all hearts and the wires flashed the horrible news of Abraham Lincoln's assassination. . . . That he contemplated it before leaving Franklin the weight of evidence tended to disprove. He made no attempt to sell any of his property, to convert his lands and wells into cash, to settle his partner- ship accounts or to pack his effects. He had money in the bank, wells bringing a good income and im- portant business pending/' 88 McLaurin had access to more exact information in his position and he certainly drew incorrect references from the fact Booth left town with a satchel. He has him leaving Franklin in April, 1865; he had left seven months earlier. Mrs. Webber, Wilkes' landlady, told her grand- son Booth left nothing behind him. Contrary to Mc- Laurin's account is Simonds' careful statement explaining the disposition of Booth's property. This was a poor piece of reporting and the wide circulation of the book in three different editions, did not help clarify the matter. —55— For a period of forty years, little was heard of the record of Booth in Pennsylvania. In 1937, writer John T. Flynn reported that while Wilkes was in the oil country he spent several weeks at Pithole City where he lived at the United States Hotel. 84 Flynn has the actor visiting a town before it was in existence and proof ap- pears in an Oil City newspaper under date of June 14, 1865: 'The new town of Pithole, laid off on the Thos. Holmden Farm, is growing at a fast rate. On Fri- day last there was only one building in process of erection. Our latest intelligence from that point states that nearly two entire streets are already built up, and a large number of houses still in process of erection. Booth would have encountered trouble in locating Pithole in 1 864 and could not possibly have stayed there. A year later, in 1938, the diary of Asia Booth Clarke, John's sister, was revealed for the first time and we learn what she had written years before of his activity in pe- troleum : "He acted continuously, traveled much, and ac- cumulated a great deal of money He bought land and speculated in oil wells. Success attended all his undertakings/' 86 Of all people who should have known better, Asia was the outstanding one, but she seemed desirous of endowing Wilkes with the best possible success story. As historian for her family, Asia has not been too meticulous with the facts and many people have criti- cized her mistakes. The best-known and generally one of the most careful —56— writers on all phases of early Pennsylvania oildom was deluded into accepting the story that Wilkes purchased a thirteenth interest in the Homestead well for one thousand dollars. But he does brand the tale of the burn- ing of the well as apocryphal. 87 The fabric from which the story of Booth's activity as a highly successful oil operator has been woven through the years, rots away as the various phases are examined. He wanted an income not dependent on the theatre and petroleum seemed a likely possibility. But there can be no doubt of his failure as an entrepreneur in rock oil. As late as February, 1865, the actor received this missive from his former agent: "Your strange note of the 16th rec'd/' penned Joseph Simonds, "I hardly know what to make of you this winter — so different from your usual self. Have you lost all your ambition or what is the mat- ter. Don't get offended with me John but I cannot but think you are wasting your time spending the entire season in Washington doing nothing where it must be expensive to live and all for no other pur- pose beyond pleasure. "If you had taken 5 or 10,000 dollars and come out here and spent the season living here with us, traveling off over the country hunting up property I believe we both could have made considerable money by it. It is not too late yet for I believe the great rush for property is to be this Spring and if you are not going to act this season come out here John where at least you can live prudently and where I really believe you can make money. Come John immediately. We have plenty of room at our house now. "You must not tell such extravagant stories John about me. We work very hard and from the office —57— derive so far a very comfortable income but nothing even compared to what you used to make acting — large indeed though compared to what we formerly recM We have not got rich yet John and when I do you will be the first one to know of it. But I do v/ish you had come out here and staid this winter and still wish you would come now. It would be more profitable than living in Washington. . . . 3>88 Simonds knew Booth very well indeed. He perceived that Wilkes had changed in some manner but could not fathom the nature or cause of that change. Too, he realized the actor was wasting his time and had no reg- ular income, and perchance he was cognizant of the fact that John's voice was not strong. Simonds had gauged the pulse of the oil rush cor- rectly for in the Spring of 1865 the greatest period of speculation in oil, land, and well-interests, started with the discovery of the new field at Pithole. Simonds had no trouble making a comfortable living for himself at Frank- lin and later at Bradford — all from petroleum or related activity. 89 The letter also indicates Simonds knew Booth was telling "tall tales" of his wealth made from good oil luck. In communicating these stories he must have men- tioned the agent's name, and in some way the news reached Simonds for he mildly cautioned John against continued false references. —58— AFTERMATH The Booth family destroyed everything belonging to their errant Wilkes as soon as possible after they heard of the disaster. The destruction was carried out in later years too, when it could not be done at once; an ex- ample was Edwin Booth's burning John Wilkes' costumes when they came to his hands through a friend who had purchased them at an auction sale. In November, 1864, Wilkes had left an envelope in Philadelphia with his sister Asia for safekeeping. Two months later he called for the package briefly and then returned it. When Asia and her husband, John Clarke, opened the envelope, among some United States and Philadelphia bonds were found two letters, one being the famous c To whom it may concern" message. They found also an assignment of Pennsylvania oil land for brother Junius. 90 This represented the two-thirds interest in the Franklin lease of which Simonds had received the balance for his management work. The manner in which the oil property was trans- ferred is interesting. The land belonged to the heirs of one Robert Wallace. As his three children were not of age at his death, a guardian, David S. Smith, was ap- pointed to handle the estate. This guardian sold the land to Thomas Y. Mears and his wife, Wilhelmina Theresa, in 1864. On September 79 of the same year, Mears and his wife deeded the property to J. Wilkes Booth, Joseph H. Simonds, and John Ellsler; they each owned a one-third interest. 91 After Booth decided to leave the oil country, he and Joseph Simonds jointly conveyed to Moses J. Colman —59— (or Coleman), one-third of Booth's total interest in the property, or one-ninth interest of the total ownership. Simonds' name and signature had to be included be- cause in the earlier deed he was mentioned as acting as trustee for all the owners. 92 On the same day, October 21, 1864, Colman turned this one-ninth interest over to Simonds; in effect, Booth had given Simonds one-third of his share and had made the transfer through Colman. 93 To terminate his petro- leum holdings, Wilkes now conveyed to his brother Jun- ius his remaining equity, or two-ninths of the entire prop- erty. 94 These four deeds confirm the story told by Simonds in testimony following the assassination, and also sup- port the affidavit of John Sleeper Clarke, husband of Asia Booth. Suspension of activity on this oil lease halted further oil possibilities and in 1868 and 1869 the land was assessed in the name of the Dramatic Oil Company. However, the property was sold at the Venango County Treasurer's Sale on June 28, 1870 to L. H. Fassett. 95 What happened to the Pithole well-interest Wilkes had owned? We should be able to rely on Junius Booth's statement, made after his arrest following the crime, and as accurate as Junius could state the facts, because he was afraid of being in great trouble. He said that Wilkes, ". . . told me some time ago that he had given her (Rosalie) some shares in oil stock and that it had turned out much more valuable than he had any idea of." 96 This is entirely likely as this remark of John's was made in February, 1865, and the discovery well in the Pithole oil field was struck the preceding month. News of the new find spread like wild-fire. 97 —60— Simonds included in his letter to the War Depart- ment the statement that Wilkes gave, ". . all his interest in the Pithole property to his sister." It is safe to con- clude that sister Rosalie was indicated in this case too. The stock must have been in Rosalie's hands following the assassination, but it was never sold or transferred. Following the disaster, the Booth family washed their hands of everything and anything John Wilkes had touched. Try as they might, and every effort was made, those interested in placing the blame for Lincoln's death were unable to implicate the highest Confederate leaders; they could not prove these men had knowledge of Booth's intent to kill. It was also suggested by some that the actor was urged to his deed by unscrupulous Cath- olics, but such anti-Catholicism can only be classified as the rambling of "crank literature." 98 Highly placed Union leaders, among them Secretary of War Edwin Stanton and Vice-President Andrew Jack- son, were said to be in the background of a deep plot to remove Lincoln, but again there was never any proof offered in this respect. A few have argued that Booth was a Mason and the seed for his crime came from the inner circles of that fraternity. But Lincoln was also a Mason, and in any event, no proof would be available in any form to sub- stantiate such a claim against Freemasonry." The best interpretation seems to be that Booth killed Lincoln due to his personal hatred and in the honest belief that by removing the President, he was greatly aiding the South. His anger mounted higher and higher as disaster increased for the Confederacy, and grew too —61— strong for him to contain; he relieved it by resorting to drastic and direct revenge. Outside of Booth's mistaken ideas of how he and the South might better their positions in the war picture, about the worst that can be said against the actor was that he was known to have been a member of the "Knights of the Golden Circle," a treasonable organ- ization plotting against the Federal government. 100 Henry Arlington, a Philadelphian who had known Wilkes in that city, encountered him in Baltimore and gives his version of Wilkes' initiation into this secret order. The details, contained in an anonymously written volume, do not sound convincing and must not be re- garded as fact. 101 However, there is no doubt of Booth's actual membership in a "Castle" of this society. The handsome assassin was also accused of spending considerable time with blonde Ella Turner, originally a native of Richmond, but who had come to Washington and resided with her sister on Ohio Avenue. 102 She is said to have been his mistress for a period of several years. A trace or two of the actor's stay in the land of grease can still be found there. A slender short stick or riding crop, mounted with a silver head, and given by Wilkes to a friend, rests in a museum along with an autographed picture of the lad. These items can be seen at the Drake Well Museum near Titusville, Pa., and they were pre- sented by R. M. Smiley of Knox, Pa., whose father re- ceived them from Booth. Still standing in Franklin, and in a good state of preservation, is the house where Booth stayed. The pres- ent owner will gladly show you through the place but —62— the house is not identified in any special way and the occupant is not proud that an assassin once lived there. 108 In 1879 a comprehensive "History of Venango County, Pennsylvania" was prepared; for that date it was an excellent piece of work. Wilkes Booth is not mentioned in it for Franklin had readily forgotten what it wished to forget. 104 And yet, the memory of Booth is not totally erased. There still lives in Franklin a gracious old lady who has passed the century mark. As a young lady of twenty years, Martha Vincent knew Booth personally and has said that, "Booth was a very attractive young man and well liked by both the young men and young women while he was here." Mrs. Bridges, her married name, now 104 years old, has told members of her family : "When news of the assassination of Lincoln reached Franklin, it caused great consternation, one of the reasons which was of course the town- people's knowledge of and liking for Booth. At that time there was a tailoring establishment here, con- ducted by two brothers. They were the particular intimates of Booth. When informed of the circum- stances of Lincoln's death, they immediately draped their door with crepe and closed the store to busi- ness to express their horror and sorrow and also perhaps in fear of what might be done to them on account of their intimacy with Booth." 105 Strange people came to the world's first oil region from every walk of life imaginable and from some defi- nitely not imaginable. Some made money and others lost all; some have gone down in history as pioneers, inventors, and philanthropists, and others have merely dis- appeared. But only one became infamous as an assassin. —63— '7 was needed — the name of a JMartyr sublime, lo vindicate Qod in this terrible time. Robert Henry Newell riot* 1 . The writer, accompanied by Mr. C. F. Wallace, Jr., of Erie, Pa., visited the Baltimore City Court- house where, with the assistance of Clerk J. F. Pruss, we found the record of the marriage of Junius B. Booth to Mary Ann Holmes, dated May 10, 1851. The record is on a small card and the license was number 1026. These cards have a place for the name of the minister, but no name was shown. This record conflicts with the statement of Asia Booth Clarke, Juinus' daughter, who wrote that her parents had been married in London during January, 1821, at the residence of a Mrs. Chambers who was interested in Booth's acting career. One of the public explanations of the Booth mar- riage tangle, and perhaps the earliest to receive any wide distribution, was an article by Colonel F. A. Burr titled, "Junius Brutus Booth's Wife Adelaide," which appeared in Jhe New york Press on August 9, 1891. Others were also interested in the Booth marriages. Writing as President of the Hartford Historical So- ciety from Darlington, Me., under date of Septem- ber 25, 1891, to his friend, Dr. G. W. Archer at Emmorton, Md., Dr. W. Stump Forward indicates that with the aid of a Dr. Quinan, he discovered the divorce of Booth from his first wife. He tried without any luck to get information from members of the Booth family, and finally had to draw the conclusion that, "This tardy divorce affected the legitimacy of his last (Junius') wife's children — hence their silence." (Source — Unpublished letter in the Theatre Collection, Municipal Museum of the City of Baltimore. Dr. W. Stump Forward to Dr. G W. Archer.) —65— 2. This farm property was acquired by the elder Booth in 1824. There v/ere no buildings on the land so he rented a log house that stood in an adjoining field. Finally he purchased the house and moved it to his own land. Booth built 'Tudor Hall/' the present house on the property, but never lived in it; he died in 1852 and the house was not finished until the following year. When inspected by the writer during February and March, 1945, the place was in need of much repair. Mrs. Ella V. Mahoney lives there with her daughter, Miss G. H. Kyle. The farm was sold by Mary Ann Booth to Mrs. Mahoney's first husband, Samuel A. L. Kyle, in 1878. Mrs. Mahoney told the writer she hoped soon to publish a book called, f The House that Booth Built/' being the first com- plete record of his country place. See also : Mahoney, Ella V. — Sketches of Tudor Hall and the Booth Family. Published by the author. Belair, Md., 1925. 3.Sheetel, James W.— "J. Wilkes Booth at School." The New York Dramatic Mirror. February 26, 1916. 4. Clarke, Asia Booth — Booth Memorials. New York, Carleton. 1866. p-131. 5. Townsend, George Alfred — Life, Crime and Cap- ture of John Wilkes Booth. New York. Dick and Fitzgerald. 1865. p-21. 6. Lewis, Lloyd — Myths After Lincoln. New York. Harcourt, Brace and Company. 1929. p-146. 7. Wilson, Francis— John Wilkes Booth. Boston. Houghton Mifflin Co. 1929. p-17. Quoted by per- mission of the publishers. 8. New York Herald. June 27, 1909. 9. Madison Daily Courier. Madison, Indiana. May 10, 1861. 10. The Daily Advertiser. Boston. May 19, 1862. 1 1. Letter in Manuscript Division, Library of Congress. Washington, D. C. }X The New Orleans Times. March 19, 1864. 13. The New Orleans Times. March 21, 1864. 14. The New Orleans Times. March 27, 1864. 15. Kimmel, Stanley — The Mad Booths of Maryland. Indianapolis. Bobbs-Merrill Co. 1940. p-181. Used by permission of the publishers. 16. The Daily Picayune. New Orleans. April 3, 1864. 17. The Boston Transcript. Boston. April 27, 1864. 18. The .Evening Star. Washington, D.C. April 20, 1865. 19. Phelps, H. P. — Players of a Century. Albany, N. Y. J. McDonough. 1880. p-326. 20. New York Herald Magazine Section. v June 27, 1909. 21. Kimmel, Stanley — The Mad Booths of Maryland. p-1 75. 22. Drake is believed to have struck oil August 27, 1859. Historians offer at least six different dates, each supported by some evidence making that date plausible. 23. One of the first papers to carry news of Drake's discovery well was The Daily Pittsburgh Gazette, Pittsburgh, September 30, 1859. 24. The fire causing the greatest loss of life was the burning of the Little & Merrick well, at Rouseville, near Oil City, in April, 1861. Among those killed in this disaster was the Honorable Henry R. Rouse of Warren County, a noted lumber and oil oper- ator. For details of this tragedy see, Henry, J. T. — The Early & Later History of Pe- troleum with Authentic Facts in Regard to its De- velopment in Western Pennsylvania. Philadelphia. Jas. B. Rodgers. 1873. See also, —67— The Venango Spectator, Franklin, Pa. April 24, 1861. 25. Stock prospectus sheets and pamphlets all extolled the producing territory of the firm and distorted the facts. Some of these companies had no land, no wells, no royalty interests, and in fact nothing but an office and engraved stock certificates. 26. Dr. Paul H. Giddens, in his able bibliography titled, "The Beginning of the Petroleum Industry/' wrote that this book, <( . . . is probably the first printed account of any size upon the oil development from August, 1859, until June, I860." 27. Most of E. L. Babbitt's original maps of the river were destroyed in a fire before the engraved plates could be made and he was forced to repeat much of his work a second time. The writer has inspected the few original maps not burned, and now owned by a grandson, L. Rex Babbitt, of Buffalo, N. Y. 28. Bone, J. H. A.— Petroleum and Petroleum Wells. Philadelphia. J. B. Lippincott & Company. 1865. p-70. 29. Dobbs, A. S.— "What A Pond Freshet Is." Warren, Pa. The Warren Mail. January 24, 1863. 30. Boston City Directories for 1861 through 1865. 31. Letter from Mildred Boardman, St. Louis Public Library, St. Louis, Mo. March 30, 1944. 32. Mackey interviewed Mears' son in Cleveland in 1894. According to the son, who did not impress Mackey, r Thomas Y. Mears was a Southerner by birth, born in Louisiana, but his sympathy was with the North. He could not see that the South was in the right although a Southern born. His father owned a large plantation and had many slaves. On the death of the father, Mears succeeded to all these possessions. He liberated all the slaves and came North. Two of the slaves came with him and remained with him for a long time." —68— If Thomas Mears had such a background, and if he held the views attributed to him by his son, he was indeed a strange companion for Wilkes Booth. 33. Mackey Papers. Interviews with S. M. Reid and W. C. Rheem. 34. The Titusville Herald. Titusville, Pa. August 22, 1934. 35. Letter from Roy P. Nelson, Prothonotary of Ven- ango County, Franklin, Pa. October 19, 1943. 36. McLaurin, John J. — Sketches in Crude Oil. Harris- burg, Pa. J. Horace McFarland Co. 1896. p-96. 37. Mackey Papers. Interview with Henry Sires. 38. Mackey Papers. Interview with Ralph M. Brigham. Brigham told Mackey he always rented saddle horses to John Wilkes and his account book showed he had charged Booth for the use of a horse May 30, 1864. 39. Smiley, Alfred W.— A Few Scraps, Oily & Other- wise. Oil City, Pa. Derrick Publishing Co. 1907. p-77. 40. Mackey Papers. Interview with Mrs. J. T. P. Wat- son. 41. Smiley, Alfred W. — A Few Scraps, Oily & Other- wise. pp-80-82. 42. "Crocus" (Leonard, Charles C.) — The History of Pithole. Pithole City, Pa. Morton, Longwell & Co. 1867. p-19. 43. The Petroleum Age. Bradford, Pa. Vol. 1, No. 2. January, 1882. 44. The Venango Spectator. Franklin, Pa. April 26, 1865. 45. Mackey Papers. Interviews with O. B. Steele and Mr. MacAmirch. . 46. Mackey Papers. Interview with R. M. Brigham. 47. Mackey Papers. Interviews with E. W. Smiley and H. Stearns Smiley. —69— 48. Mackey Papers. Interview with Elisha W. Smith. 49. Unpublished letter, Theatre Collection, Peak's Mu- nicipal Museum, Baltimore, Md. Asia Booth Clarke to Jean Anderson. Aug. 25, 1864. 50. All sources agreed the well was a financial loss. A Franklin attorney, the sheriff, several oil pro- ducers, and the actual driller of the hole told Mackey virtually the same story. 51. Mackey Papers. Interview with Frank I. Mears. 52. Statement of Junius Brutus Booth, Jr. May 3, 1865. War Records Office, National Archives, Wash- ington, D. C. 53. Pittman, Benn (Editor) — The Assassination of President Lincoln and Trial of the Conspirators. Cincinnati. Moore, Wilstach & Baldwin. 1865. p-45. 54. Mackey Papers. Interview with James Lawson. 55. Pitmann, Benn (Editor) — The Assassination of President Lincoln and Trial of the Conspirators. p-45. 56. In a letter left with John S. Clarke, his brother- in-law, and first printed in Jhe ^Washington Even- ing Star, April 20, 1865, he had written, ff Nor do I deem it a dishonor in attempting to make for her {here he means the Confederacy) a prisoner of this man to whom she owes so much misery." 57. The Sunday Telegraph. New York. May 23, 1909. 58. Mackey Papers. Interview with H. M. Irwin. 59. Mackey Papers. Second interview with Alfred W. Smiley. 60. Mackey Papers. Interview with John A. Wilson. 61. Eisenschiml, Otto — Why Was Lincoln Murdered? Boston. Little, Brown Co. 1937. p-16. 62. Miss Harris was the daughter of U. S. Senator Ira Harris of Albany, N. Y. Major Rathbone was his step-son and twenty-eight years old at this time. 63. Permission to use this quotation granted by Mr. —70— Alan Hynd, 530 Park Avenue, New York, N. Y. Allan Pinkerton founded the detective agency bear- ing his name in 1850. During the Civil War, he worked with the U. S. Secret Service under the name of Major E. J. Allen. 64. Lincoln told John R. Briggs, husband of the author- ess Susan Edson Briggs (Olivia), "Don't let your wife come to my inauguration. It is best for our women to remain indoors on that day, as the bullets may be flying." 65. Clark, Allen C. — Abraham Lincoln in the National Capitol. Washington, D. C. W. F. Roberts Co. 1925. p-92. 66. Oldroyd, Osborn H.— Words of Lincoln. Wash- ington, D. C. Published by the author. 1895. p-179. 67. See, Bryan, George S. — The Great American Myth. New York. Carrick & Evans, Inc. 1940. pp-51-74. See also, Baringer, William E. — A House Dividing. Spring- field, 111. Abraham Lincoln Association. 1945. pp- 292-296; 299-301. 68. The first daily newspaper in the oil regions was Jbe Jitusville Herald, Titusville, Pa., and the first issue was dated June 14, 1865, or exactly two months after Lincoln's assassination. 69. Henry, James Dodds — History and Romance of the Petroleum Industry. London and Tonbridge. Bradbury, Agnew & Co. Ltd. 1914. p-300. 70. Eisenschiml, Otto — The Case of A. L. , Aged 56. Chicago. Privately printed. 1943. p-42. 71. DeWitt, David Miller — Assassination of Abraham Lincoln and Its Expiation. New York. The Mac- millan Co. 1909. p-84. 72. For those who desire to read of Booth's reputed escape, the following are recommended: Alexander, T. H. — "Booth, Lincoln Assassin, Lived —71— Died in Tennessee." The Evening Tennesseean. Nashville, Tenn. January 22, 1932. p-1. Bates, Finis L. — The Escape and Suicide of John Wilkes Booth. Memphis, Tenn. Historical Publish- ing Co. 1907. Babcock, Bernie — Booth and the Spirit of Lincoln. New York. Grosset & Dunlop. 1925. (Fiction based on Bates' volume.) Forrester, Izola — This One Mad Act. Boston. Hale, Cushman & Flint. 1937. Woods, Rufus — Weirdest Story in American His- tory. Wenatchee, Wash. World Publishing Co. 1944. For those seeking evidence of Booth's death at Garrett's, the following articles from 7he Bear- born Independent are recommended : Hathaway, Carson G. — What The Mark of the Scalpel Tells.' February 7, 1925. Black, F. L. — Did Lincoln's Assassin Escape? March 21, 1925. Black, F. L. — The Flight of Lincoln's Assassins. April 4, 1925. Black, F. L. — The Pursuit & Capture of Booth. April 11, 1925. Black, F. L.— John St. Helen as John Wilkes Booth. April 18, 1925. Black, F. L.— David E. George as J. Wilkes Booth. April 25, 1925. Black, F L.— Identification of J. Wilkes Booth. May 2, 1925. 73. Mackey Papers. Interview with Colonel J. H. Cain. 74. The Crawford Democrat. Meadville, Pa. April 25, 1865. The following letter was sent by S. D. Page of the McHenry House to the Honorable E. M. Stan- ton, Secretary of War, under date of April 25, 1865: —72— "Sir- Recent dispatches, referring to a former and futile attempt upon the life of the late Abraham Lincoln by poison, have induced me to write you regarding a circumstance occurring at this hotel, where I have been cashier for a year and a half. Sometime ago the following words were observed to have been scratched upon a pane of glass in room No. 22 of this house, evidently done with a diamond: 'Abe Lincoln departed this life August 13, 1864, by the effects of poison/ I give this just as it appears upon the glass. In view of recent events, it was deemed best to take the pane of glass out and preserve it, and we have it safe. As to the date of the writing, we cannot determine. It was noticed some months ago by the housekeeper, but was not thought particularly of until after the assas- sination, being considered a freak of some in- dividual who was probably partially intoxicated. My theory now is, that the words were writ- ten in prophecy or bravado by some villain who was in the plot, and that they were written be- fore the date mentioned, August 13. As to who was the writer, we can, of course, give no definite information. J. Wilkes Booth was here several times during last summer and fall, on his way to and from the oil regions. He was here upon the 10th and again upon the 29th of June, 1864, but does not appear to have been assigned that room, still he may have been in it in company with others who did occupy it. Upon the 10th the room was assigned to W. H. Crowell and J. C. Ford, of Irvine, Pennsyl- vania; and upon the 29th, to R. E. Glass and J. W. King, of New York. Should you consider the matter of sufficient importance to desire it, —73— I will give you a list of the persons occupying the room in question for a long time preceding the above date, as you may request. With a hearty desire to do all in my power to bring to light and to punishment the author of this terrible crime, I remain, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, (Signed) S. D. Page." 75. The Venango Spectator. Franklin, Pa. April 19, 1865. 76. Letter of J. H. Simonds, Franklin, Pa., to Capt. D. V. Derrickson, April 25, 1865. Washington, D. C. War Records Office, National Archives. 77. Pitmann, Benn (Editor) — The Assassination of President Lincoln and Trial of the Conspirators. p-45. 78. Mackey Papers. Interview with Squire S. A. Mc- Alevy. 79. Townsend, George Alfred — The Life, Crime & Cap- ture of John Wilkes Booth pp. 23-24. See, Hindes, Ruthanna — George Alfred Townsend. Wilmington, Del. Hambleton Publishing Co. 1946. 80. The Titusville Herald. Titusville, Pa. Vol. I, No. 1. June 14, 1865. 81. The Petroleum Age. Bradford, Pa. Vol. I, No. 2. January 1882 p-46. 82. Crum, A. R.— "A Pithole Legend of John Wilkes Booth." The Petroleum Age. Bradford, Pa. Vol. VI, No. 8, September 1887. p-1733. 83. McLaurin, John J. — Sketches in Crude Oil. p-104. 84. Flynn, John T.— God's Gold. New York. Har- court, Brace and Co. 1937. p-120. 85. The Oil City Register. Oil City, Pa. June 14, 1865. 86. Clarke, Asia Booth— The Unlocked Book. New York. G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1938. p-113. —74— 87. Giddens, Paul R— The Birth of the Oil Industry. New York. The Macmillan Company. 1938. p-128. 88. Records of the Office of the Judge Advocate Gen- eral, National Archives. Washington, D. C. 89. After Booth left Franklin, Simonds ran his first advertisement in 7be Venango Spectator under the name "Jo. H. Simonds & Co." This was September 28, 1864 and Simonds proclaimed his firm as "Agents for the Purchase and Sale of Petroleum Lands, Leases, interests in oil wells, etc. Office Corner Liberty & High Streets, Franklin, Venango Co., Pa. Parties wishing to purchase or sell real es- tate of any kind will find it for their interest to deal through this office. All business attended to promptly and faithfully." The first issue of this paper following the assas- sination, dated April 19, 1865, was also the first to contain Simonds' advertisement as the oil re- gion representative for Beer's Atlas of the Oil Re- gions. Soon Simonds had a partner, Moses J. Cole- man; they conducted their business until about 1875 when Simonds moved to Bradford, Pa., site of a new oil boom. There he was employed by Whitney & Wheeler, oil operators and owners of the Tuna Valley Bank. Unmarried, Simonds lived at the St. James Hotel, next door to the bank, and today the location of the Hotel Emery. In 1944 the writer interviewed Charles L. Wheel- er, Jr. at Bradford. His father had been the one and only President of the Bradford Oil Exchange and was friendly with Simonds. The elder Wheeler had once been a theatre man in New York. Simonds gave Wheeler a group of theatre programs he had collected. They passed from father to son who presented them to H. B. Schonblum, a Bradford banker. On examination of these programs, none carried the name of Booth. —75— Mr. Wheeler, Jr. told me/'I do remember Simonds was a bachelor and very neat. He always dressed well. He had a sandy-colored mustache. Of course my father knew Jo Simonds well; I knew him only as a youngster knows a much older man. He must have been 55 at this time/' As a youngster, Wheeler Jr. worked as a clerk on the floor of the petroleum exchange and saw Simonds daily. He did not remember him dabbling in any oil speculation but thought he was often on the floor as the representative of Whitney & Wheeler. (The 'Wheeler' of this banking firm was from Buffalo and not related to the Wheeler who was President of the Exchange or his son.) This surmise regarding Simonds is no doubt correct as he is listed as a member of the Exchange for 1883, 1884, and 1885. (See, Charter, By-Laws, Confer- ence Rules and List of Members of the Bradford Oil Exchange. Ashby & Vincent.. Erie, Pa. 1884. See also, The Petroleum Age, Bradford, Pa. Vol. IV, No. 1, February 1885. Also, Whiteshot, Charles A._The Oil Well Driller. Mannington, W. Va. Published by the author. 1905. p-125. 90. Affidavit of John Sleeper Clarke. May 6, 1865. War Records Office. National Archives. Wash- ington, D. C. 91. Deed, Thomas Y. Mears ux to Joseph H. Simonds al. Venango County Courthouse. Franklin, Pa. Deed book Z, p-309. 92. Deed, J. Wilkes Booth et al to M. J. Colman. Ve- nango County Courthouse, Franklin, Pa. Deed book CC, p-366. 93. Deed, Moses J. Colman to Joseph H. Simonds. Venango County Courthouse. Franklin, Pa. Deed book CC, p-367. 94. Deed, J. Wilkes Booth et al to Junius B. Booth. —76— Venango County Courthouse. Franklin, Pa. Deed book CC, p-365. 95. Attorney H. Carl Wasson of the firm of Nesbit & Wasson, Franklin, Pa., supplied this information. He has also traced the property up to 1885 at which time it was assessed to Simonds and Ella H. Colman, wife of Moses J. Colman, who was in business with Simonds. Mr. Wasson took con- siderable interest in this search and spent much time on it. 96. Statement of Junius Brutus Booth, Jr. May 3, 1865. War Records Office. National Archives. Wash- ington, D. C. 97. Handbook of Petroleum. Oil City, Pa. Derrick Publishing Co. 1898. I, p-44. 98. McCarty, Burke — The Suppressed Truth About the Assassination of Abraham Lincoln. Chicago. Gopher Agency. 1924. 99. Forrestor, Izola — This One Mad Act. Boston. Hale, Cushman & Flint. 1937. 100. Holt, J. — Report of the Judge Advocate General on the 'Order of American Knights/ or 'Sons of Liberty/ Government Printing Office. Washing- ton. 1864. See also, Milton, George Fort — Abraham Lincoln and the Fifth Column. New York. Vanguard Press. 1942. Chapter 4. 101. Anonymous — The Great Conspiracy. Philadelphia. Barclay & Co. 1866. pp-25-27. 102. Leech, Margaret — Reveille in Washington. New York. Harper & Brothers. 1941. p-360. 103. Mrs. Frieda Schuessler owned the former Webber house at 1301 Buffalo Street, Franklin, Pa., until her death late in 1945. She told the writer even though the house was unmarked, many people stopped to see it every year. —77— 104. Newton, J. H. (Editor) — History of Venango County, Pennsylvania, and Incidentally of Petro- leum, Etc. Columbus, Ohio. J. A. Caldwell. 1879. See also, Babcock, Charles, A. — Venango County, Penna.; Her Pioneers and People. Chicago. J. H. Beers & Co. Two volumes. 1919. 105. Communications from Mr. J. M. Bridges, Franklin, Pa., May 18, and May 1% 1946. —78— PHOTOGRAPHS Author's Collection JOHN WILKES BOOTH LAST PHOTOGRAPH On April 10, 1865, Booth traveled to Baltimore with some friends and shortly after arriving, he had this pic- ture taken at a photographer's on Baltimore Street. He probably went to the studio of Leach & Edkins. After the death of Charles P. Lusby, who was later Leach's partner, Lusby's son found the plate and presented it to Mr. E. L. Bangs who made this picture from it. Courtesy £. J. Mackey BOOTH S FRANKLIN, PA. HOME (Jrom a picture taken about 1894) Booth lived at Mrs. Sarah Webber's while in the oil country. She is shown standing in front of her home The actor's room was on the second floor front, in rhe right corner. Joseph Simonds lived here too; his room was on the lower floor, right rear corner. This house still stands and is in good repair. Author's Collection A FAVORITE POSE John Wilkes Booth presented this photograph to George Smith Houston when the latter was a Congress- man representing Alabama. In 1874 Houston was elected Governor of Alabama. Mather photo Brake Well Museum HOMESTEAD WELL, HYNER FARM, PIT HOLE, 1865 This is the well in which Booth purchased an undi- vided thirtieth interest for $1,000. The well was not finished until after his death. Oil was found June 3, 1865, and the well produced until October 6, 1865. During that period, the total yield was over 28,000 barrels. Author's Collection JOSEPH H. SIMONDS Booth's manager in the oil region testified for the gov- ernment after the assassination. He was a successful Franklin business man who later moved to Bradford, Pa., where he was employed by a bank and handled oil transactions. PETROLEUM LANDS, LEASES. INTERESTS IN OIL WELLS, &r WiirflVt CAREFUL ATENTION TO ALL BUSINESsTnTRUSTEDTO THEIR CARE: .A,,,,/,/,; .?/, JhuuzsM /its- **~ ^ Ji*^*s n*s 4&<. yrfce^^, &>t~- y*Jx^&p~ i~&*siM/ r*^ yZd&rC. ^Lcyo/O *-t-v-n^V bfy- »*** +y*-*-c^~y a^CZ^-^^ *Z £c*xJ*Gi^-*~^ **»- /J tiA^~ -^to -»-»^- ^-.^ ~~Ct^*t*. fc**-/ ^ cistK*,^/ **ffm-*^-* ■ -Ayt^ty cyi^m.^ a-^—~* £iy *~T^ i/^-iy^ <*> A^f^ o£*/{^~> d<^-4^^. dLs 00<3>00«0<^^><)KZ>CO0 ZJke Exposition J-^reAA KJn.9 Spruce Street .• I lew ijorh 7 »(KC^>0000000O