LINCOLN ROOM UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY MEMORIAL the Class of 1901 founded by HARLAN HOYT HORNER and HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER ILLUSTRATED NATIONAL CAMPAIGN HAND-BOOK, FOR I860. IN TWO PARTS— ONE VOLUME* M^ ELLS' ILLUSTRATED NATIONAL CAMPAIGN HAND-BOOK FOR I860. iTART FIRST. EUBRACINa THE LIVES OF ALL THE CANDIDATES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRFSIDENT : INCLCDINO JOHN BELL AND EDWAKD EVEKETT, CANDIDATES OF THE NATIONAL UNION PARTY. ABE AH AM LINCOLN AND HANIBAL HAMLIN, CANDIDATES OF THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN PARTY. STEPH. A. DOUGLAS AND HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON CANDIDATES OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY. JOHN C. BEECKINIIIDGE AND JOSEPH LANE, CANDIDATES OF T^E NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY. SAM HOUSTON, INDEPENDENT CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY. PORTRAITS OF EACH, ENGRAVED EXPRESSLY FOR THIS WORK FROM AMBROTYPES TAKEN FROM LIFE. 57 ILLUSTRATIONS. NEW YORK : J. G. WELLS, COR. PARK-ROW AND BEEKMAN STREET. CINCINNATI, OHIO : MACK R. BARNITZ, 38 AND 40 WEST FOURTH STREET. ISfiO. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in. the year 1860, by J. G. WELLS, In the Clerk's Office of the Difitrict Court for the Southern District of New-York. J. H. TOBITT, ' COMBINATION-TYPE PRINTER, 1 Franklin Square, iV". T. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAKT I. PAaa. Bkll, John, Life of ----... .13 Breckinridge, John C, Life of - - - - • - 141 Breckinridge Party, Platform of the ..... igg Douglas, Stephen Arnold, Life of ...... gi Douglas Party, Platform of the ...... 193 Everett, Edward, Life of --.....23 Hamlin, Hanibal, Life of - . . . . . . 07 Houston, Sam Life of - - . . . . . - 177 Independent Party, Platform of the ..... 199' Johnson, Herschel V., Life of- - . - . . . 131 Lane, Joseph, Life of - 169 Lincoln, Abraham, Life of •-..... 45 National Pemocratic Party, ....... 77 National Bepubliean Party, ---.... 39 National Union Party, Platform of the - - . . . 189 National Republican Party, Platform of the .... i89 Party Platforms for 1860, ....... 189 'redicated upon the ground that it was a pro-slavery Constitution y nor would my action have been different had it been a free-soil Constitution. My speech against it was made on the 9th of December, while the vote on the slavery clause in that Constitu- tion was not taken until the 21st of the same month, nearly two weeks after. I made my speech solely on the ground that it was a violation of the fundamental principles of free government ; on the ground that it was not the act and deed of the people of Kansas ; that it did not embodv their will ; that thev were averse to it ; and hence I denied the right of Congress to force it upon them, either as a free State or a slave State. I deny the right of Congress to force a slave- holding State upon an unwilling people. I deny their right to force a free State upon an unwilling people. I deny their right to force a good thing upon a people who are unwilling to receive it. The great principle is the right of every community to judge and decide for itself whether a thing is right or wrong, whether it would be good or evil for them to adopt it ; and the right of free action, the right of free thought, the right of free judgment upon the question, is dearer to every true American than any other under a free govern- ment. My objection to the Lecompton contrivance was, that it undertook to put a constitution on the peo- ple of Kansas against their will, in opposition to their wishes, and thus violated the great principle upon which all our institutions rest. It is no answer to this STEPHEN AR^vfOLD DOUGLAS. Ill argument to say tliat slavery is an evil, and hence slionld not be tolerated. Yon must allow the people to decide for themselves whether it is a good or an evih Yon allow them to decide for themselves AA'liether they desire a Maine liquor law or not ; you allow them to decide for themselves what kind of com- mon schools they will have ; what system of banking they will adopt, or whether they will adopt any at all ; yon allow them to decide for themselves the relations between husband and wife, parent and child, and guardian and ward ; in fact, you allow them to decide for themselves all other questions, and why not upon this question ? Whenever you put a limitation upon the right of any peoj)le to decide what laws they want, you have destroyed the fundamental principle of self- government." Never was a political canvass made with more spirit than that inaugurated by this speech. Mr. Lincoln, the candidate of the opp'osition, was without doubt the ablest man in the Republican party of Illinois, an excellent debater, and thoroughly posted in political history. In the fom- months occupied by this cam- paign, Mr. Douglas made one hundred and thirty speeches — one hundred and twenty-seven of which were delivered in the open air. He passed most of the time in rail-cars and carriages, on an average going to bed but three times a week. On one occasion during the canvass, he was five days and nights with- out takixig his clothes off or going to bed. The ground was fiercely contested, inch by inch, and he was obliged to fight all his Kansas battles over again with an opponent wlio never thought of capitulation or 112 STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. defeat in his life. The two great minds of the West were combatting for the mastery — ^the championship, if you will — and this country has probably never wit- nessed an intellectual exhibition so exciting, nor looked for the result of any contest with more intense anxiety. Our space will not allow us to describe the campaign in detail. Mr. Douglas reiterated the principles that had governed his action through his public career, and was especially emphatic on squatter sovereignty. As much has been said about the Freeport speech, and the questions propounded by Mr. Lincoln on that occa- sion, we make room for the following question and an- swer, as again defining the " Little Giant's" position on the main plank of his platform : Question hy Mr. Lincoln — " Can the people of a Territory of the United States in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution ?" • To which Mr. Douglas replied : " Tlie question propounded to me by Mr. Lincoln is, can the people of a Territory in any lawful way, against the wishes of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution ? I answer emphatically, as Mr. Lincoln has heard me answer a hundred times from every stump in Illinois, that in my opinion the people of a Territory can, by lawful means, exclude slavery from their limits prior to the formation of a State Con- stitution. Mr. Lincoln knew that I had answered that question over and over again. He heard me argue the Nebraska bill on that principle all over the State STEPilKX AKXOLD DOUGLAS. 313 in 1854, in 1855 and in 1856, and he lias no excuse for pretending to be in doubt as to mj position on that question. It matters not what way the Supreme Court may hereafter decide as to the abstract question, whether slavery may or may not go into a Territory under the Constitution ; the people have the lawful means to introduce it or exclude it as they please, for the reason that slavery cannot exist a day or an hour anywhere, unless it is supported by local police regula- tions. Those police regulations can only be established by the local legislature, and if the people are opposed to slavery, they will elect representatives to that body who will by unfriendly legislation eifectually prevent the introduction of it into their midst. If, on the con- trary, they are for it, their legislation will favor its ex- tension. Hence, no matter what the decision of the Supreme Court may be on that abstract question, still the right of the people to make a slave Territory or a free Territory is perfect and complete under the Nebraska bill."' The result of this canvass is well known. Mr. Doug- las was elected over Mr. Lincoln, by 54 to 46 votes. On his return to the Senate after this brilliant tri- umph, he found himself precipitated into another con- test, against fearful odds and numbers, and in defence of the same principle of local self-government. He maintained his position, single-handed, against Sena- tors Brown, Mason, Davis, Hunter, Green, Gwin, and orhers. February 23, 1859, Mr. Brown, of Miss., made a splendid speech in the Senate, insisting on a code of laws for protecting slavery in tlie territories. A.dmitting that, if the people of the territories did not 114 BTEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. want negroes, they could lawfully legislate so as to accomplish their purpose, he assumed that it was the right and duty of Congress to enact laws to sustain it against it the popular will. Taking Mr, Douglas's position (as he said) foi* granted, Mr. Brown desired to hear from other democratic Senators from the free States, and to know whether they would vote to pro- tect the rights of slaveholders in the territories. No one rising for several minutes, Mr. Brown concluded his remarks, and the Senate being about to proceed to the consideration of other subjects, Mr. Douglas arose, and observed that if no other ^Northern democratic Senator desired to be heard on the points presented by the gentleman from Mississippi, he craved the atten- tion of the Senate. He thanked Mr. Brown for taking his position for granted on the question presented to the other ISTorthern democrats, and said he had yet to know that there was one democrat in the free States who would vote to protect slavery in the territories by congressional enactment against the popular decision. He proceeded to show that all property in the territo- ries, including slaves, is, and must be, subject to the local law of the territorial legislature ; — that the terri- torial legislature has the same power over slaves in the territory, as it lias over all other property, and no more ; that his past record shows that he would never vote for a congressional slave code for the territories ; that such a code is an absurdity ; that if the people of a territory want slavery there, they will enact laws for its protection ; that it was the intent of the iN^ebraska bill to confer on the territorial legislature ail the power that Congress possessed on the subject of slavery, STEPHEN AKNOLD DOUGLAS. 115 to allow them to exercise it as the people of the terri- tory chose ; that the provisions of that bill expressly forbid the enactment of a congressional slave code for the territories. In the course of liiB remarks, he said : " The Senator from Mississippi and myself agree that, nnder the decision, of the Supreme Court, slaves are property, standing on an equal footing with all other property ; and that, consequently, the owner of slaves has the same right to carry his slaves with him to a Territory, as the owner of any other species of prop- erty has to carry his property there. The right of ti'ansit to and from the Territories is the same for one species of property as it is for all others. Thus far the Senator from Mississippi and myself agree — that slave property in the Territories stands on an equal footing with every other sjDecies of property. Now, the question arises, to what extent is property, slaves included, subject to the local law of the Territory ? Whatever power the Territorial legislature has over other species of property, extends, in my judgment, to the same extent, and in like manner, to slave property. The Territorial legislature has the same power to legis- late in respect to slaves, that it has in regard to any other property, to the same extent, and no further. If the Senator wishes to know what power it has over the slaves in the Territories, I answer, Let him tell nft what power it has to legislate over every other species of l)roperty, either by encouragement or by taxation, or in any other mode, and lie has my answer in regard to slave property. " But the Senator says that there is something pecu- # 116 STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. Kar in slave property, requiring further protection than other species of property. If so, it is the misfortune of tliose who own that species of property. He tells us that, if the Territorial legislature tails to pass a slave code for the Territories, fails to pass police regulations to protect slave property, the absence of such legislation practic- ally excludes slave property as effectually as a consti- tutional prohibition would exclude it. I agree to that proposition. He says, furthermore, that it is competent for the Territorial legislature, by the exercise of the taxing power, and other functions within the limits of the Constitution, to adopt unfriendly legislation, which practically drives slavery out of the Territory. I agree to that proposition. That is just what I said, and all I said, and just what I meant by my Freeport speech in Illinois, upon which there has been so much comment throughout the country." "The Senator from Mississippi says they ought to pass such a code ; but he admits that it is immaterial to inquire whether they ought or ought not to do it ; for if they do not want it, they will not enact it ; and if they do not do it, there is no mode by which you can compel them to do it. He admits there is no compul- sory means by which you can coerce the Territorial legislature to pass such a law ; and for that reason he insists that, in case of non-action bv the Territorial legislature, it is the right and duty of Southern Senators and Representatives to demand affirmative action by Congress in the enactment of a slave code for the Ter- ritories. He says that it is not necessary to put the question to me, whether I would vote for a congres- STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. 117 sional slave code. He desires to know of all other Northern Democrats what .they will do ; he does not wish an answer from me. I am much obliged to him for taking it for granted, from my past record, that I would never vote for a slave code in the Territories by Congress ; and I have yet to learn that there is a man in a free State of this Union of any party who would." * -x- * « * * ** "Now, sir, I stand on the Kansas-ISrebraska bill, as it was expounded and understood at the time, with this full power in the Territorial legislature, with the right of appeal to the Supreme Court to test the validity of its laws, and no right whatever to appeal to Congress to repeal them in the event of our not liking them. I am ready to answer the inquiry of the Senator from Mississippi, whether, if I believed the Maine liquor law to be unconstitutional and wrong, and if a Territo- rial legislature should pass it, I would vote here to an- nul it? I tell him no. If the people of Kansas want a Maine liquor law, let them have it. If they do not want it, let them refuse to pass it. If they do pass it, and any citizen thinks that law violates the Constitu- tion, let him make a case, and appeal to the Supreme Court. If the court sustains his objection, the law is void. If it overrules the objection, the decision must stand until the people, who alone are to be affected by it, who alone have an interest in it, may choose to re- ])eal it. So I say with reference to slavery. Let the Territorial legislature pass just such laws in regard to slavery as they think they have a riglit to enact under tlic Constitution of the United States. If I do not like 118 STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. those laws, I will not vote to repeal them ; if you do not like them, you must not vote to repeal them ; but anybody aggrieved may appeal to the Supreme Court, and, if they are constitutional, they must stand ; if they are unconstitutional, they are void. That was the doc- trine of non-intervention, as it was understood at the time the Kansas-Nebraska bill was passed. That is the way it was explained and argued in the Senate, and in the House of Representatives, and before the country. It was distinctly understood that Congress was never to intervene for or against slavery, or for or against any other institution in the Territories ; but leave the courts to decide all constitutional questions as they might arise, and the President to carry the decrees of the court into effect ; and, in case of resistance to his authority in executing the judicial process, let him use, if necessar}'^, the whole military force of the country, as provided by existing laws." " I am glad that the Senator from Mississippi means to have a clear, unequivocal, specific statement of our principles, so that there shall be no cheating on either side. I intend to use language which can be repeated in Chicago as well as in New Orleans, in Charleston the same as in Boston. We live under a common Con- stitution. No political creed is sound or safe which cannot be proclaimed in the same sense wherever the American flag waves over American soil. If the North and the South cannot come to a common ground on the slavery question, the sooner we know it, the better. The Democracy of the North hold, at least, that the STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. 119 people of a Territory have the same right to legislate in respect to slavery, as to all other property ; and that, practically, it results in this : if they want slavery, they will have it ; and if they do not want it, it shall not Le forced upon them by an act of Congress. The Senator from Mississippi says that doctrine is right, unless we pass an act of Congress compelling the people of a Ter- ritory to have slavery, wiiether they want it or not. The point he wishes to arrive at is, whether we are for or against congressional intervention. If you repudiate the doctrine of non-intervention, and form a slave code by act of Congress, when the people of a Territory re- fuse it, you must step off the Democratic platform. "We will let you depart in peace, as you no longer belong to us ; 3''ou are no longer of us when you adopt the principle of congressional intervention, in violation of the Democratic creed. I stand here defending the great principle of non-intervention by Congress, and self-government by the people of the Territories. That is the Democratic creed. The Democracy in the North- ern States have so understood it. No Northern Demo- cratic State ever would have voted for Mr. Buchanan, but for the fact that he was understood to occupy that position." On the question of the African slave trade, Mr. Dou- glas has expressed himself very fully and explicitly. In a letter to Col. John L. Peyton, of Staunton, Yirginia, dated August 2, 1859, he says : " That question seriously disturbed the harmony of of the Convention that ramed the Federal Constitution. Upon it the delegates divided into two parties, under ^ circumstances which for a time rendered harmonious 120 STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. action hopeless. The one demanded the instant and unconditional prohibition of the African Slave-trade, on moral and religious grounds ; while the other insisted that it was a legitimate commerce, involving no other consideration than a sound public policy, which each State ought to be permitted to determine for itself so long as it was sanctioned by its own laws. Each party stood firmly and resolutely by its own position, until both became convinced that this vexed question would break up the Convention, destroy the Federal Union, blot out the glories of the Revolution, and throw away all its blessings, unless some fair and just comj)romise could be formed on the common ground of such mutual concessions as were indisjoensable to the preservation of their liberties, imion and independence. " Such a compromise was effected, and incorporated into the constitution, by which it was understood that the African Slave-trade might continue as a legitimate commerce in those States whose laws sanctioned it until the year 1808 — from and after which time Congress might and would prohibit it forever throughout the dominion and limits of the United States, and pass all laws which might become necessary to make such pro- hibition effectual. Tlie harmony of the Convention was restored, and the Union saved, by this compromise, without which the Constitution could never have been made. " I stand firmly by this compromise, and by all other compromises of the Constitution, and shall use my best efforts to carry each and all of them into faithful execu« tion in the sense and with the understanding in which they were originally adopted. In accordance with this STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. 121 compromise, I am irreconcilably opposed to the revival of the African Slave-trade in any form and under any circumstances." Within the past year, Mr. Douglas received many letters from personal friends, soliciting the use of his name as the Candidate for the Presidency before the Chai'leston Convention, to one of which he replied : " Washington, Wednesday, Jime 22, 1859. "My Dear Sir : I have received your letter, inquiring whether my friends are at liberty to present my name in the Charleston Convention for the Presidential nomi- nation. " Before the question can be finally determined, it will be necessary to understand distinctly upon what issue the canvass is to be conducted. If, as I have full faith they will, the Democratic party shall determine, in the Presidential election of 1860, to adhere to the principles embodied in the Compromise Measures of 1 850, and ratified by the people in the Presidential election ol 1852, and re-affirmed in the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, and incorporated into the Cincinnati platform in 1856, as expounded by Mr. Buchanan in his letter ac- cepting the nomination, and approved by the people — in that event, my friends will be at liberty to present my name to the Convention, if they see proper to do so. If, on the contrary, it shall become the policy of the Democratic party — which I cannot anticipate — to repu- diate these, their time-honored principles, on which we have achieved so many patriotic triumphs ; and if, in lieu of them, the Convention shall interpolate into the creed of the party such new issues as the revival of the 6 122 STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. African Slave-trade, or a congressional slave code for the territories, or tlie doctrine that the Constitution of the United States either establishes or prohibits slavery in the territories, beyond the power of the people legally to control it as other property, it is due to candor to say that, in such an event, I could not accept the nomi- nation if tendered to me. Trusting that this answer will be deemed sufficiently explicit, " I am, very respectfully, your friend, "S. A. Douglas. " To J. B. Dorr, Esq., Dubuque, Iowa." The history of Mr. Douglas's nomination at Baltimore, on a platform with the views expressed above as a basis, is before the world. January 16, 1850, he submitted the following resolu- tion to the consideration of the South : Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be in- structed to report a bill for the protection of each State and Territory of the Union against invasion by the authorities or inhabitants of any other State or Territory, and for the sup- pression and punishment of conspiracies or combinations in any State or Territory with intent to invade, assail or molest the government, inhabitants, property, or institutions of any other State or Territory of the Union." This resolution was intended as the ground-work for the introduction and passage of a law to prevent the recurrence of such outrages as John Brown and his as- sociates committed at Harper's Ferry. January 22, Mr. Douglas made a powerful speech in favor of the resolution, in the course of which, he used this expres- sive language : STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. 123 " Can any man say to us that, although this outrage has been perpetrated at Harper's Ferry, there is no danger of its recurrence ? Sir, is not the Republican party still embodied, organized, sanguine, confident of success, and defiant in its pretensions ? Does it not now hold and proclaim the same creed that it did before this invasion? It is true that most ot'its representatives here disavow the acts of John Brown at Harper's Ferry. I am glad that they do so ; I am rejoiced that they have gone thus far ; but I must be permitted to say to them, that it is not sufiicient that they disavow the act, unless they also repudiate and denounce the doctrines and teachings which produced the act. Those doctrines remain the same ; those teachings are being poured into the minds of men throughout the countiy, by means of speeches, and pamphlets, and books, and through partisan presses. The causes that produced the Harper's Ferry invasion are now in active opera- tion. Is it true that the people of all the border States are required by the Constitution to have their hands tied, without the power of self-defence, and remain pa- tient under a threatened invasion in the day or in the night? Can you expect people to be patient, when they dare not lie down to sleep at night without first stationing sentinels around their houses to see if a band of marauders and murderers are not approaching with torch and pistol? Sir, it requires more patience than freemen ever should cultivate, to submit to constant annoyance, irritation and apprehension. If we expect to preserve this Union, we must remedy, within the Union, and in obedience to the Constitution, every evil for wliich disunion would furnish a remedy." * 124 STEPHEN AKNOLD DOUGLAS. The life, speeches and votes of a man who has so long and so industriously labored as a public servant, were they all gathered together, would fill many volumes, and this slight sketch may be regarded as merely an in- dex to what some enterprising publisher would be warranted in placing in the hands of the public as a record of the " Life and Speeches of S. A. Douglas." Such a work, compiled and arranged with care, would form a treasury of political history of rare value. The nomination of Mr. Douglas at Baltimore was greeted with the most enthusiastic demonstrations of delight on the part of his friends ; and ratifying meet- ings have been held in the principal cities and towns throughout the country, in favor of Douglas and Johnson. At the conclusion of the ratification meeting at Philadelphia, June 30th, Judge Douglas received the honor of a serenade, and after acknowledging the compliment, he expressed himself as follows : " I have no political speeches to make daring the pending canvass. If my political opinions are not known to the people of the United States, it is not worth while for me to attempt to explain them now. It now remains for the people to take the matter into their own hands, to make such decision of the great issue before the country as will preserve the Constitu- tion inviolate, as the surest and only method of perpet- uating this glorious Union. Pennsylvania has a mighty interest in the preservation of the republic. She, from her geographical position, is bound to remain as she began — the keystone of the federal arch. Pennsylvania has the elements of an empire within STEPHEN AKNULD DOUGLAS. 125 lier own limits — all tlie elements of greatness, whether yon look at her natural, her commercial, her manufac- tures, at the raw material, the mineral wealth — every- thing which contributes to make a great country is to be found within the limits of the Keystone State. And, in my opinion, the people of Pennsylvania have come to the conclusion that the Congress of the United States can be better employed in developing the great material resources of the country, than in wasting time by forcing slavery or anti-slavery upon the people. The Constitution of the United States has conferred upon the federal government certain powers and duties which they ought to perform. Let that federal gov- ernment be confined strictly within the narrow sphere of federal duties, leaving the people of the States and Territories free to govern themselves without any dic- tation from federal officers. My friends, I said I had no political speeches to make, and I will not permit the temptation of this vast and enthusiastic assemblage, by the repeated cheering and compliments, to make me for a moment violate the resolve." A monster ratification meeting of the friends of Douglas was held at Tammany Hall on the evening of July 2nd, at the conclusion of which it was resolved that a procession of electors, headed by the band, should proceed to the Fifth Avenue Hotel, the tempo- i-ary residence of Mr. Douglas, to serenade him, and liear his opinions on the exciting topics of the day. In acknowledgment of this honor, Mr. Douglas appeared, and addressed his friends as follows : " Fellow citizens : I return to you my most sincere thanks for the manifestation of your good feeling. It is STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. gratifying to me to know that the united Democracy of the city of New York feel the importance of the great contest now pending before the American people. There is no place on the American continent whose citizens ought, from their position, to be so enthusiastic in favor of those great political principles which should be proclaimed alike in every State of the Union, as in the Empire State of Kew York, While every other State is in some degree local in its character, having a pecu- liar circle for its own trade, !New York reaches to the furthermost ends of the continent, and across the whole world,wherever her flag may wave over American soil and over American ships. The whole country is tlie theatre of your commerce, your interest and your influ- ence, and you ought to sympathize with the people of the distant portions of the republic as with those who come into more immediate contact with you. Hence, my friends, I expect to find the democracy of New York standing a unit in favor of those great political principles which recognize the rights and property of the citizens of every State, and yet leave every State perfectly free to manage its own afi'airs, mind its own business, and which leave its neighbors alone. My friends, I made my appearance on this balcony to-night for the purpose of acknowledging the compliment you now pay me, and not to enter into political discussion upon any of the political topics of the day. It is the first time in my life I have ever been placed in the position to look on and see a fight without taking a hand in it. I shall, however, feel no less interest in this great political struggle, for I believe that the well- being of this country and the popularity of the Union STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS. 127 depend upon maintaining intact and inviolate those great cardinal principles for which the democratic party now, as in former times, are pledged by that platform and organization. I renew to you my sincere thanks for your kindness upon this occasion." (Loud applause, during which Mr. Douglas retired from the balcony.) Addresses were then made by Messrs. Doheny, Mac- Sweeny and others, but the audience seemed too good- humored to listen well, and preferred to visit Mr. Douglas in the parlor, to which a large and miscellane- ous crowd accordingly retired. A few moments were spent in this mutual interchange, and the company separated. We take leave of this great man in the midst of an exciting political campaign, in which he is a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the people. If elected, we have no doubt that he will administer the duties of that office with credit to himself and honor to his country. HERSCHEL V. JOTINSC^N, OF GEORGIA, CANDIDATE OF THE NATIONAL DEMuUIlATIC PARTY, FOR vrCK PRKSinKXT. HEB80HEL V. JOHNSON. 131 HERSCHEL Y- JOHNSOl^, OF GEORGIA, ' CANDIDATE FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY, Was born in Burke County, Georgia, September, 1812. His parents were in good circurastances, and young Johnson was early put in training to prepare his mind for a lirst-class education. At school he evinced a comprehensive mind, rare intellectual pow- ers, and a studious disposition, that soon enabled him to master the elementary branches of his course. He entered the University of Georgia, in 1830, and grad- uated in course in 1834, with distinguished honor. Mr. Johnson adopted the profession of the law, in which he was remarkably successful, and soon distin- guished himself as an advocate. Ready and oif- lianded in debate, of quick perception, apt at unravel- ing and analysing the knotty points of a case, — a pleasant speaker, with unlimited command of language, affable and ceremonious, he is just the man to carry a jury by storm. His experience has exemplified this fact in a thousand instances ; and tliere is probably not so popular a lawyer in the State of Georgia to-day as Hon. Herschel V. Johnson. In 1844, he was a Presidential elector on the demo- cratic ticket ; and in 1847, he was appointed by the Governor of Georgia to represent that State in the United States Senate, in place of Mr. Colquit, who 132 HERSCIIEL T. JOHNSON. liad resifijiied. While a Senator, he addressed that body in a speech of great ability and eloquence, on the subject of the formation of governments for the territories of JSTew Mexico and California ; and as we are informed he still holds the same views on the gen- eral principles therein embraced, we cannot better define his position than by re-producing the following extract from the concluding portion of his speech : " Sir, it is time this warfare against the South had ceased. It has been kept up long enough. The Union was formed for the general good, for defence against foreign invasion, and to secure domestic tranquility. The southern States came into it in good faith. When the Constitution was adopted, slavery existed in nearly all the States ; and the great object of its framers was, not to consider how it might ultimately be abolished, but to throw around it the most ample guarantees. This Union never could have been formed upon any other basis than that of the most absolute equality between the States. The slave States never would have entered into the compact upon any other condi- tion. They never would have agreed to it if they could have even anticipated that a methodical and organized attack would have been made by Congress upon their domestic institutions. Sir, it is all in viola- tion of the spirit and letter of the Constitution. It is at war with everything like good faith and political fraternity. It must cease or the Union will be destroyed ; it cannot withstand an agitation so vital, so fundamental. It affects the very foundation of the Government, and if continued will lay the glorious fabric in ruins. HEE80HEL V. JOHNSON. 133 "It has been intimated during this debate that the South would finally submit to the aggressions of the North. Let not gentlemen deceive themselves. Tlie people of the Sonth will endure evils while evils are tolerable. Bat there is a point beyond which forbear- ance ceases to be a virtue, and at which patience waxes into desperation. Sir, what mean the resolu- tions of State Legislatures which have been piled in rapid succession upon your table during the present session of Congress ? Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Florida have all spoken a language not to be misunderstood ; and if the Legislatures of the other Southern States had been in session, they would have uttered similar sentiments. Is it supposed that the people of the South are dasta,rdly; that tliey are not serious in their public resolves ; and that they have so far degenerated from the chivalry of their ancestry as to pass complacently under the iron yoke of northern agression ? Let not gentlemen deceive themselves. The South have too much at stake. Their domestic peace, their property, their honor, their all, are involved in the contest. ISTot less than ten hundred millions in value of their slave })roperty are jeoparded by this spirit of fanaticism and agression. Does the history of the world furnish a single instance of a people so craven-hearted as to submit to the unresisted hazard of the security and safety of so vast an amount of property? Sir, I am authorized to utter no word of menace on this floor. But I ask gentle- men to study well the value of the interests involved, and the lofty elements of southern character, before they mature the opinion that the southern States will 134 BERSCHEL Y. .TOHNSON. tamely submit to insult, degradation and plunder under the forms of legislation. " The Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Dayton] admitted the possibility that the South might secede — that she might retire with chagrin, like Achilles to his tent ; but that ere long she would find something knock- ing at the door of her mighty heart, and she would return again. I trust, sir, that the South may never have sufl&cient cause to assume the attitude of secession from this glorious Uuion. But if she should, the gen- tleman's illustration would be as false as it is beauti- fully classic. Why should the South return again, if driven from the Union by its injustice and oppression ? i cannot imagine, unless it would be to enjoy the dis- tinguished entree into good society, which is kindly extended to southern gentleman at the ISTorth, notwith- standing they are slaveholders. From my very heart I thank our northern friends for their condescending hos- pitality, which has been so vividly portrayed by the Sen- ator from New Jersey. But I confess I should be much more thankful if our northern benefactors would be less hospitable to our fugitive slaves. If, however, it be true that the South would retui-n, is it wise, is it patriotic, by a course of unnecessary and unconstitu- tional legislation to force the experiment ? Is it not the part of elevated and enlightened statesmanship to pause ere you have reached the verge which overlooks so fearful a precipice ? " In maintaining the position which I do, I disavow any intention to produce sectional prejudices, or to foment local agitation. I deprecate the formation of geographical parties. I feel that every inch of soil HERiCHEL V. JOHNSON. 135 which is Bheltered by our stars and stripes is a part of my home, and a part of my inheritance. All I mean to say is, that if the Union, instead of a shield to pro- tect, is converted into a weapon to wound, there is a settled determination among the people of the South to vindicate themselves, their rights of property, and domestic altars. I, for one, am prepared to share their fate. We claim nothing at the hands of Congress but non-interference. We do not ask you to extend slav- ery ; we say you must not prohibit it. We say that New Mexico and California are the common property of the States, and that we have the same right to carry our slaves there which the New England man has to carry his spindles or his looms. In this position, the South feels that she is sustained by the Constitution, and there she intends to stand. " In speaking thus, the South does not desire to be considered as using the language of menace. That would be unworthy of herself, and incompatible with her elevated sentiment of conscious rectitude. It would be unjust to the North, because it would imply that she could be moved by intimidation. What the South means is this : Having entered the Union in good faith, she will abide the compromises of the Constitution ; and she expects the North to do likewise. But if this cannot be so ; if, having the numerical majority, the North will trample on our rights, outrage our feelings and disregard our political equality as confederates, we cannot be held to abide the violated bond. We say so in advance, not to intimidate, but to arouse the patriotism of the North, their love of the Union, and their regard for justice, to the end that they may vol- 136 HEK?CHEL V. JOHNSON. untarily pause ere tliey provoke consequences to be dej)lored by eveiy lover of liberty and every friend of good government. " The South is devoted to the Union. She vener- ates its institutions. She glories in the recollection of the brilliant deeds of its founders. But the Union of her affections is that which was formed by the Consti- tution, ' to establish justice, insure domestic tranquility^ ' provide for the common defence, promote the general ' welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty.' If, through the blindness of fanaticism or the folly of unwarranted legislation, it become subversive of these ends, and be transformed into an engine to oppress the South, it will cease to be an object of love and pride, and will forfeit all title to her allegiance. Bur, if the spirit that animated the fathers of the Eepublic can be revived ; if the spirit of justice, conciliation and fraternity, which presided over their deliberations could be infused into the bosoms of their descendants ; if, under the inspiration of such a spirit, our northern friends would approach the Constitution, and, on its consecrated altar, sacrifice all but pure and elevated patriotism; if they would deal jnstly with the South, and exhibit towards her sentiments of liberality and kindness, this Union would be as permanent as the eternal hills ; and the sons of the sunny clime from whence I come, glorying in our " star-spangled ban- ner," would coin their hearts, if need be, into ducats, and pour them into the public lap, to vindicate the national honor." In 1849, Mr. Johnson' was elected Juq^e of the Superior Court, of Georgia, and held the office until HEBSCHEL V. JOHNSON. 137 1853. He was then elected Governor of his State, which office he held for two years. Since the termi- nation of his gubernatorial duties, he has been actively engaged in the practice of his profession. Mr. Johnson's views of public policy appear to coincide with the sentiments of the conservative portion of his party ; and the extract from his speech above presented, provided he really entertains the same views now, proves him unquestionably sound on the main plank of the Baltimore Convention that placed him in nomination on the ticket with Mr. Douglas. JOHN C BRECKINRIDGE, OF KBNTUCKT, CANDIDATE OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY, FOR PRESIDENT. JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 141 JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, OF KENTUCKY, CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY, Was born near Lexington, Kentucky, January 16tli, 1821. His facilities for acquiring an education were of the most favorable character, and he early took advantage of them. Immediately on the completion of his preparatory course, he entered Centre College, and continued his studies with vigorous assiduity during the term. It was here that surprising popu- larity commenced that has since paved the way to the highest honors and the most exalted social position. Young Breckiij]-idge was a ready, fluent debater, — an eloquent and impressive orator, — a liberal minded, jovial companion, sanguine, urbane and chivalrous ; and it is not surprising that he was the favorite of his class, and the pride of his school-fellows. He gradu- ated with honor, and after going through the requisite law-studies at Transylvania Institute, was admitted to practice at Lexington. Soon after his admission to the bar, he emigrated to the Northwest, with a view of finding a more exten- sive field for his labors, and located at Burlington, Iowa. After remaining there nearly two years, he found the country did not meet his expectations, nor the climate agree with his physical health ; he there- fore returned to his native State, and took up bis 142 JOHN C. BUECKINKIDGE. abode at Lexington, where he still resides. He entered immediately on the practice of his profession, and met with flattering success. At the commencement of the Mexican War, the military ardor of the young Kentnckian was excited, and the result was creditable service as a Major of Infantry during the campaign. He was in several engagements, and on every occasion reflected addi- tional honor on his native State. He also distinguished himself as counsel for Major General Pillow in the court-martial of that oflicer. On the return of Major Breckinridge from Mexico, he was elected to the Kentucky Legislature, where his career was noted by more than ordinary legislative abilit}^ good sense and brilliant elocution •, and made so favorable an impression on his constituency that he was elected to Congress in 1850 from the Ashland District; and in 1851, at the age of thirty, John C. Breckinridge took liis seat in the House. In 1852 he was re-elected, and held his seat till 1855. It was not long before the name of Mr. Breckinridge w^as in the mouths of all reading people. It is not so far back but that his difi'erence with the " Democratic Review" is familiar to all the readers of that publica- tion ; but the high station attained by Mr. Breckiniidge since, makes it necessary to record, as matter of history, the circumstances and occasion which gave him his first prominence. The Democratic Review for January, 1852, gave some people a " back-set" that they were not looking for. It came out bristling and raving furiously, in a paroxysm of revelations, discoveries and predictions. JOBN C. BRECKINRIDGE. 143 Politicians of the old school stood aghast, wondering at its temerity, and scandalized at its heretical teachings. Canvassing the question of the Presidency, so soon to come up, the Review said that, wliile the fathers of the Republic personally lived, it was an easy task to select the candidate most worthy of success and most certain of attaining it ; but now it was vastly difi'erent. Look- ing at the defeat of the Democracy in 1848, after the brilliant administration of President Polk, it beheved that "if it were impossible for the old politicians, the surviving lieutenants of the days of Jackson, to agree, in 1848, on the election of a cautlidate, it was ten times more impossible for them to agree on the nomination of any one of themselves as a successful candidate" in 1852. Nor would it be well if they could agree, thought the Review, for they had had " the control of the destinies of the country and the party, but, by lack of statesmanship, lack of temper, lack of discretion, and, most of all, by lack of progress, they brought into our ranks discord and dissension ; and the party they received united, strong, and far in advance, they left a wreck — a mutinous wreck — strug- gling in the slough of questions settled by the federal compact of- the United States." To meet the exigen cies of the times, and insure the success of Democracy, the Review announced and advocated a new generation of statesmen, untrammelled with the dogmas of an ante- rior era — men who would bring not only young blood, but young ideas, to the counsels of the Republic, Mr. Breckinridge was decidedly in favor of progress, liked young blood and young ideas, but objected very Btrongly to the com-se of the Review. It had been 144 JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. most extensively circulated ; indeed, no Review in America, before or since, ever created any sucli sensa- tion as the Democratic did in 1852. " Politicians were in a nervous fever in the breathing-time from month to month, between congratulating themselves on not hav- ing been noticed in the last niunber, and fear of being sacrificed in the next. The newspapers were eager to get an early copy, to extend the obituary of some decapitated ' Fogy,' or contradict the rumor that the Democratic Review had killed him. Being always in a rage itself, the Review soon created a like feeling in the public ; it became the rage. Comic papers carica- tured its writers, and revivified its victims into ludi- crous notoriety ; comic versifiers squibbed on its sug- gestions ; leading journals, all over the country, poured out praise and denudation with equal heartiness ; and the wise heads of Congress even took to criticising and debating on its merits and men."* The articles in question were generally considered an attack on almost every man in the Democratic party whose name had been mentioned in connection with the Presidency, and therefore Mr. Breckinridge felt bound to notice them in the House. The Review for February fol- lowed up the denunciatory promises and views of the January issue, and gave the gentleman from Kentucky still further grounds of objection, especially as General Butler, of Kentucky, had been described by name as an " old fogy." The Review did not appreciate tlie words of Milton — " 'Tis old experience doth attain To something like prophetic strain ;" * Memoir of Thomas Devin Reilly, by John Savage, in " '98 and '48," p. 878. JOHN U. BKEOKINUIDGE. 145 and " old experience" was utterly ignored in the pages of the " Democratic." In March, Mr. Breckinridge boldly and unsparingly reviewed the reviewer, and denounced the publication and its conductors, as attempting to promote the inter- ests of a cabal, by traducing the most honored names in the ranks of the Democracy. It was conceived by some prominent men and journals, that Mr. Breckin- ridge's speech was an indirect attack on Judge Douglas, he being the only prominent man of the party not assailed by the Review ; and it was also rather implied that the Review was the organ of the Illinois Senator, and that it was for this reason he was exempted from denunciation in its pages. Mr, Richardson, a member of the House from Illinois, authoritatively denied that Douglas had any connection with the publication ; and Mr. Marshall, of California, made a vigorous reply to the gentleman from Kentucky, in defence of the Re- view — " a periodical in which he felt no special inter- est, except so far as it was ably edited." The Review continued its strictures, and dealt heavy blows right and left. In view of the debate in Con- gress, it placed Messrs. Marshall and Breckinridge on record in its pages — the former in a very fine steel- plate portrait, and the latter in an elaborate, but tanta- lizing, review of his speech. It was an interesting con- test, and displayed intellectual powers of no ordinary grade. The newspapers of the day, taking up the de- bate in Congress, and reviewing the Review, bestowed upon Mr. Breckinridge a large share of notice in the discussion of the affair. Introducing, on the 30th of June, 1852, the resolu- 146 JOHN C. BKECKINKinCIE. tions of respect to the memory of Henry Clay, who had died tlie day previous, Mr. Breckinridge laid the full- ness of his young heart on the grave of the great statesman, in whom " intellect, person, eloquence, and courage united to form a character iit to command." Standing by that grave, and with the solemn memories of the great dead about him, " the mere legerdemain of politics" appeared contemptible. What a reproach was Clay's life on the false policy that would trifle with the interests of a gi-eat, intelligent, and upright people ! " Were I to write his epitaph," said Breckin- ridge, " I would inscribe as the highest eulogy, on the stone which shall mark his resting-place : Here lies a man who was in the public service for fifty years, and never attempted to deceive his countrymen," The man who could so fully appreciate the character of Henry Clay, let his political views be what they may, is deserving the regard of his countrymen. In the Thirty-Second Congress, Mr. Breckinridge was instrumental in securing an appropriation for the com- pletion of a cemetery near the city of Mexico, in which the remains of the American officers and soldiers who fell in battle or otherwise in or near the city of Mexico, should be interred. He also favored an approjDriation for a weekly mail to the Pacific, and took a high and dignified position on all questions then agitating the country. March 16th, 1852, Mi-. Giddings, in the com-se of a speech on the compromise measm-es and fugitive slave law, denied that the federal government had power to pass laws by which " to compel our officers and people to seize and carry back fugitive slaves." He was defi- JOHN C. BKECKINKIDGE. 147 ant, bitter and denimciatoiy, and created great excite- ment in the House. Mr. Breckinridge adroitly led him into an enunciation of his most extreme doctrines, and then said, " Against the important raving-s of his baffled fanaticism I place the plain words of the Con- stitution. To his coarse and offensive language I have QO rejilj." He is oftentimes sharp, effective, and intensely cut- ting in his retorts ; but his tone and bearing is always that of a gentleman in whom the quickest sense of the ridiculous is constantly tempered by good nature and good breeding. Toward the close of the discussion re- garding the Democratic Review, Mr. Carttier asked him some insignificant question about that periodical, when Mr. Breckinridge retorted, " I did not suppose the gentleman from Ohio would omit a favorable opportu- nity to ring himself into the debate, and say something which might go upon the record." This turned the laughter of the House on the gentleman from Ohio, who did not seem desirous to press his inquiry further. With the debate on the Nebraska bill, in March, 1854, Mr. Breckinridge's name is intimately connected. It was during this discussion that his difficulty with Mr. Cutting, of ISTew York, occurred, and which, it was greatly feared at the time, woiild lead to a disastrous result. March 21st, Mr. Richardson, of Illinois, desir- ing to reach the Nebraska bill, previously reported by liim, moved the House to go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union ; but after considera- ble discussion, the motion was lost. Having proceeded with tlie business on the Speaker's table, several bills of minor importance were taken up and referred, and 148 JOHN C. BKECKINBIDGE. the Nebraska bill reached by title. A great deal of feeling was manifested, and all seemed to regard this as a crisis. Mr. Cutting and Mr. Richardson rose together, 'i lie former moved to refer to the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union ; and the latter moved to re- fer to the Committee on Territories. The member from Illinois was recognized by the speaker, and the mem- ber from New York raised a point of order. Mr. Rich- ardson said his purpose was to amend the bill, and that Cutting's course was designed to kill it. However, Mr. Cutting persisted in his motion, and supported it by a speech, in the course of which he disclaimed any disre- spect to Mr. Richardson as chairman of the Committee on Territories, and stated that it was understood that that committee had already discussed and elaborated the subject. He was opposed to putting it again through the circuitous mode of referring it to them, and having it on the Speaker's table as it was to-day. The North had been in a state of civil insurrection since the introduction of the bill ; and he thought it was time- not for parliamentary tactics, which give rise to suspi- cion, but for full, frank, and manly discussion. He was appealed to in vain ; and, his motion passing, he fas- tened the whole thing by moving to reconsider, and then laying the motion on the table. Mr. Millson, of Virginia, brought up the points com- prised in the Nebraska bill in a discussion on the In- dian Appropriation bill, on the second day after the events detailed above, and was followed by Mr. Hunt, of Louisiana, " two enemies of the bill" having precipi- tated the debate on the House. Mr. Breckinridge en- JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, 149 tered the lists in a memorable speech, in which he Btrongly criticised the course of Mr. Cutting, and made use of this pointed language ; " The gentleman may be in favor of the bill, hut his voice is that of an enemy?'' He warned the friends of the measure against following the gentleman from ISTew York, whose course would kill it; and preferred a score of open enemies to a pro fessed friend who struck in the manner he did. A few days after the delivery of this speech, Mr, Cutting replied at great length, paying especial atten- tion to the imputations thrown out by Mr. Breckin- ridge; when the latter retorting in a brief, but slightly excoriating address, the most intense excitement pre- vailed, and order was restored with great difficulty. The affair was carried outside of the House, and for some days the public mind was on the quivive in anti- cipation of a duel, — the preparatory steps for such a settlement having been taken. March 31st, Mr. Pres- ton informed the House that Mr. Cutting had left the matter in the hands of Col. Monroe, of New York, and Gen. Shields, United States Senator from Illinois ; and Mr. Breckinridge had referred to Col. Hawkins, of Kentucky, and himself, (Mr. P, ;) and he was author- ized to state that a settlement had been effected on terms mutually satisfactory and honorable to both par- ties. On the part of both gentlemen he also offered an apology for any violation of the rules of the House, which had taken place in the excitement of debate. In Mr, Breckinridge's speech in which the language was used that proved offensive to Mr. Cutting, he declared himself in favor of non-intervention, in the most emphatic sense of that word ; and said he would 150 JOHN 0. BRECKINRIDGE. not vote for the bill if it proposed to legislate slavery into Nebraska and Kansas. "The right to establish," said he, " involves the correlative right to prohibit ; and denying both, I would vote for neither. I go further, and express the opinion that a clause legislating slavery into those territories would not command one Southern vote in this House." Eeferring to the restriction of 1820, and its inconsistency with the compromise of 1850, he said the effect of the repeal of the former was " neither to establish nor to exclude, but to leave the future condition of the territories wholly dependent upon the action of the inhabitants, subject only to such limitations as the federal Constitution may impose. " Sir," said he, in continuation, " I care nothing about refined distinctions or the subtleties of verbal criticism. I repeat the broad and plain proposition, that if Con- gress may intervene on this subject, it may intervene on any other ; and having thus surrendered the princi- ples, and broken away from Constitutional limitations, you are driven into the very lap of arbitrary power. By this doctrine you may erect a despotism under the American system. The whole theory is a libel on our institutions. It carries us back to the abhorrent princi- ples of British Colonial authority, against which we made the issue of Independence. I have never acqui- esced in this odious claim, and will not believe that it can abide the test of public scrutiny." Mr. Breckinridge was offered the mission to Spain by President Pierce ; but the honor was respectfully declined, not, however, because it was not appreciated, or considered unworthy of acceptance, but because JOBN C. BEECKINKIDGE. 151 family matters compelled Mr. Breckinridge to remain at home. He was a delegate to the National Democratic Con- vention, held at Cincinnati in June, 1856. ^fter the nomination of Mr. Buchanan for the Presidency, several names were offered from which to select a Candidate for the second office, — among others that of John C. Breckinridge, proposed by the Louisiana delegation, through General Lewis. Duly acknowledging this flattering manifestation of confidence and esteem, Mr. Breckinridge begged that his name might be withdrawn. On the first ballot, however, the Yermont delegation, through Mr. Smalley, believing that no democrat has a right to refuse his services when his country calls, cast its five votes for Breckinridge. Many other States fol- lowed the example of Yermont, and, of the total, he received fifty-one votes, second on the list, and only eight under the first, who was the distinguished Gen- eral Quitman. Main, New Hampshire and Yermont led off for Breckinridge on the second ballot, Massachu- setts followed with eleven of her thirteen votes ; Rhode Island followed with her four; and the New York " Softs" gave him eighteen. Delaware, Maryland and Yirginia voting in the same way, it became quite obvious that he was the choice of the body, and though several of the remaining States voted for other candi- dates, they quickly, one by one, changed their votes, many of the delegates making neat and appropriate speeches in announcing the change. The names of the other candidates were withdrawn, and the whole poll went for John C. Breckinridge; at which the Convention rose en masse, and with waving of hats 152 JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. and handkercliiefs and the loudest vocal demonstra- tions, addressed its attention to tlie tall and graceful delegate from Kentucky, who had been so unexpectedly nominated as a candidate for the Yice-Presidency. An eye-witness describes the scene as grand and exciting in the extreme. Here were assembled the sages and Statesmen of a great political party, to select from their number two men distinguished for their intellec- tual acquirements, legislative ability, sagacity and integrity, to fill the highest elective offices of a great nation ; and men who had grown grey in the service of the party, whose fidelity to its principles had been severly tried, and found above suspicion, whose ex- perience fitted them to adorn any station in the Gov- ernment, and whose integrity was undoubted, were all set aside to make way for a young man — the junior of them all : still, there was not a member of that Con- vention that did not appear proud of its choice. It was long before the demonstration subsided, so as to allow a word to be heai'd. At length the commanding figure of Mr. Breckinridge ascended the platform to acknow- ledge the overwhelming honor. He spoke briefly and becomingly. The result just announced was unex- pected, and his gratitude could not find words to express itself. He thanked the Convention heartily ; and expressed his appreciation of its fii^st choice. He cordially endorsed the platform, and sat down amid the booming of cannon, and the vociferous applause of the multitude. Shortly after his return to Lexington, after the adjournment of the Convention, his friends and neigh- bors gathered to congratulate him, and he then, in JOHN C. BKECKINRIDGE. 153 addressing them, reiterated the views expressed in his Kansas Nebraska speech, and commented at length on the platform upon which he was nominated. " The whole power," said he, '* of the Democratic organization is pledged to the following propositions : That Congress shall not interpose upon this subject, in the States, in the Territories, or in the District of Columbia ; that the people of each Territory shall determine the question for themselves, and be admitted into the Union upon a footing of perfect equality with the original States, without discrimination on account of the allowance or prohibition of slavery." He made a gallant race, and was elected Vice- President of the United States, receiving 173 electoral votes, being 59 over Wm. L. Dayton, the opposition candidate for the same office. Thus, at tlie age of thirty-five, he had served his country abroad, had been a Legislator in his own State, and in the National Congress, had been tendered the representation of the Republic in Europe, and elevated to the second office in the gift of the people. Where is the insatiable ambition that could long for nobler achievements ? Mr. Breckinridge took the chair as President of the United States Senate, early in the first session of the Tliirty-Fifth Congress, December, 1857, and with some intermission, caused by illness in his family, pre- sided with becoming dignity and impartiality over the deliberations of that stormy session. July. 24:th, 1858, Mr. Breckinridge being on a visit to Kentucky, attended, by invitation, a meeting of his fellow-citizens at Florence, and addressed them in an I'loquent speech on tlie topics of the day. In the course 154 JOHN C. BEECKINKIDGE. of his remarks, he reviewed the slavery question up to 1820, when intervention against slave States com menced, followed bj a reliearsal of the Wilmot Pro- viso scheme, and the reaction that followed, and expressed the belief that the people of Kentucky had not properly appreciated the extent and force of the anti-slavery movement, which was sweeping over the North, like a fearful tornado. He contended that the slavery question had killed the old Whig party, an organization that was bold, open, gallant, full of pluck and fire ; and that the American party had died, partly of the same issue, and partly of an inherent weakness in its constitution, and thought that those who caused the death of the last opposition party left in Kentucky, should join the democrats, to enabled them to cope successfully with northern Republicanism. It was impossible for them to remain neutral. The Dem- ocratic party was not distinctive, but conservative, based upon the Constitution, and the rights of citizens and States. It ^lone had survived the agitation, and was now vital, untamable, and unconquerable. The sentiments were eloquently and understandingly expressed, and were received with great satisfaction. In the great senatorial struggle in Illinois, between Douglas and Lincoln, the Vice-President was invited, by the Democratic Committee of that State, to attend and address the people, at several meetings aj)pointed for purposes of discussion, on the great questions in- volved in that contest. In reply to this invitation he wrote as follows : JOHN C. BRECKINRroGE. ' 166 " Versailles, Ky., Oct, 4, 1858. " Dear Sir : I received this morning your letters of the 2Sth and 29th ult., written as Chairman of the Democratic State Committee of lUinois — also one of Mr. Y. Hickox, who informs me that he is a member of the same committee. My absence from home will account for the delay of this answer. " In these letters it is said that I am reported to have expressed a desire that Mr. Douglas shall defeat Mr. Lincoln in their contest for a seat in tlie Senate of the United States, and a willingness to visit Blinois and make public speeches in aid of such result ; and if these reports are true, I am invited to deliver addresses at certain points in the State. " The rumor of my readiness to visit Illinois and address the people in the present canvass, is without foundation. I do not propose to leave Kentucky for the purpose of mingling in the political discussions in other States. The two or three speeches which I delivered recently in this State rested on pecu- liar grounds, which I need not now discuss. " The rumor to which you refer is true. I have often, in conversation, expressed the wish that Mr. Douglas may succeed over his Republican competitor. But it is due to candor to say, that this preference is not founded on his course at the late session . of Con- gi-ess, and would not exist if I supposed it would be construed as an indorsement of the attitude which he then chose to assume toward his party, or of all the positions he has taken in the present canvass. It is not necessary to enlarge on these things. I will only add, 156 , JOHN C. BKECKINEIDGE. that my preference rests mainly on these' consider- ations : that the Kansas question is practically ended — that Mr. Douglas, in recent speeches, has explicitly declared his adherence to the regular Democratic party organization — that he seems to be the candidate of the Illinois Democracy, and the most formida- ble opponent in that State of the Kepublican part}-, and that on more than one occasion during his public life he has defended the union of the States and the rights of the States with fidelity, courage, and great ability. " I have not desired to say anything upon this or any subject about which a difference may be supposed to exist in our political family, but I did not feel at liberty to decline an answer to the courteous letter of your committee. "With cordial wishes for the harmony of the Illinois Democr'ecy, and the hope that your great and growing State, which has never yet given a sectional vote, may continue true to our Constitutional Union, " I am very respectfully your ol/d't servant, " John C. Bkeckineidge. "Hon. John Moore, Chairman of the Committee." At the last session of the Kentucky Legislature, Mr. Breckinridge was elected to a seat in the United States Senate, as successor to the Hon. John J. Crit- enden, whose term expires in 1862. What more the future has in store for him, time, the sole arbitrer of the fate of men and empires, can alone determine. JOSEPH LANE, OF OREGON, CANDIDATE OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCK ATIC PARTY, FOR VICE PRESroENT. JOSEPH LANE. 159 JOSEPH LANE, OF OREGON, CANDIDATE FOR THE VICE-PRESIDENCY, Was bom in North Carolina, December 14, 1801. In 1804, liis parents emigi*ated to Kentucky and settled in the County of Henderson. Springing from the old Revolutionary stock, lie imbibed many stirring lessons of patriotism, and learned to appreciate its glorious re- sults, from the elders who surrounded the paternal hearthstone. These lessons were the basis of all the education the poor boy received, and they entered largely into the formation of his character, and exerted a controlling influence on the life of the man. He was thrown entirely on his own resources while yet a mere child, and, finding that he was obliged to shift for himself, entered the service of Nathaniel Hart, then Clerk of the Henderson County Court. In this position, by persevering industry and well-directed application, young Lane picked up many valuable scraps of knowledge, and hoarded them as the miser hoards his treasure. In 1816, he removed to Warwick County, Indiana, and engaged as clerk in a mercantile house, which situation he filled to the satisfaction of his employers for nearly four years ; but trade and barter would never realize the objects of his ambition, and he had little taste for them. In 1820, at the age of nineteen, he married a young 160 JOSErH I,AXE. woman of Frencli and Irish parentage, and settled on the banks of the Ohio river, in Yanderburg County, In his new location he soon became very popular among his friends and neighbors ; and, in 1822, was elected to the Indiana Legislature, and took his seat as a member of that body a few days after he had attained the age of twenty-one. A gentleman who was a mem- ber of the same Legislature, thus describes, in a work recently published, the per'sonel of Lane on the occa- sion : " Tlie roll-calling progressed as I stood by the side of the Clerk. 'Tlie County of Yanderburg and Warwick !' said the Clerk. I saw advancing a slender, freckle-faced boy, in appearance eighteen or twenty years of age. I marked his step as he came up to my side, and have often noticed his air since : it was General Joseph Lane, of Mexican and Oregon fame in after years." For nearly a quarter of a century, Lane continued his residence in Yanderburg County, and was often re-elected to the Legislature, where he uniformly represented the interests of his constituency in that straightforward, ingenuous manner that has invariably characterized his acts through life, and contributed so much to his popularity with the masses. Fearless, in- dependent and original in his views, he never acknow- ledged the leadership of mere politicians, but struck out a course for himself, according to his own ideas of justice and right, and followed it with undeviating vigilance. It was thought, in the great financial crisis of 1836-T, that Indiana, severely embarrassed with debt, would be compelled to repudiate. Lane conld not be induc-ed JOSEPH LANE. 161 to entertain such an idea for a moment. He viewed repudiation on the part of a State like Indiana, wealthy in her natural resources, with an industrious population, and a credit as yet unimpaired, as unnecessary and dis- graceful. He would not hear of such a thing. He felt it would be a disgrace to him, as a working-man, with the will and strength to labor, to repudiate a debt ; and how much more so to a State of which he was one of the representatives ? He had the proud satisfaction of seeing this threatened stain on the honor of a noble State successfully averted. Hon. John Dowling, who served in the Indiana Legislature with Lane, thus relates an interesting episode in his career: — " While some men," he writes, " espouse the cause of truth more through accident, or the force of circumstances, than from an innate love of justice for justice's sake, Lane's mind was so happily constituted that it was almost impossible for him to err in reference to any question which had a right and a wrong side to it. At the time of which I speak, there had assembled a large Democratic Convention in the State Capitol of Indiana; and among other subjects claiming the consideration of the, delegates in that body was the propriety of subjecting the nomination of two Judges of the Supreme Court to the test of ?i party nomination. The offices were tilled — and ably tilled — by Charles Dewey and Jeremiah Sullivan ; and Gen. Lane, though a strong party man, opposed, with iiis accustomed earnestness, the attempt to l)ring the Judiciary of the State within the vortex of party, or to make the politics of either the incumbents or the aspirants a test of party action. Judge Dewey was a 162 JOSEPH LANE. gentleman of fine education, of great legal ability, and in tlie discharge of the duties of his high trust, held the scales of justice with so even a hand that not a word could be said against him, except that his politi- cal proclivities were of the Whig school. Judge Sullivan, though not so able as a jurist, was far above mediocrity, and challenged universal respect by his amiable character and spotless integrity. Among the delegates to the Convention from Floyd county, was a young gentleman who was born, raised and educated in the State of New York, and who, having resided only a year in the State of his adoption, could not, in view of the political dogmas of the Tammany school, see the propriety of tolerating a Whig official of any kind, while a Democratic could be found able and wil- ling to fill the place. ISTo sooner had this young man (now the able Governor of the State) commenced advo- cating his peculiar views In the Convention, than the majority of that body, to whom he was a total stranger, positively refused to give him even a hearing, and by sliouts and all sorts of noises, drowned his voice every time he attempted to advance his (to them) distasteful and unpalatable notions. Col. Lane, though foremost among those who favored the re-appointment of the old judges, became indignant at this treatment of the young delegate, and made several inefifectual attempts to com- mand for him a hearing. Losing all patience with what he considered the injustice of the majority, he at length mounted a table, and, addressing the presiding officer, remarked that no member of the convention was more radically opposed to the views of the young gentleman from Floyd county, than himself; but as he came there JOSEPH LANE. 163 clothed with the power and authority to represent a portion of tlie people of Indiana, he insisted, in justice to his constituents, if not to himself, that the courtesy of a hearing should be given to hira. As an advocate of the right of free discussion, he, for one, could not, by his silence, acquiesce in applying the gag to any member of that body ; and, therefore, until the delegate from Floyd was heard, he pledged himself to oppose with all his energies, the transaction of any other business. Claiming to be the friends of liberty and right, it would, he continued, in- flict indelible disgrace upon the Convention to stifle, by brute force or riotous clamor, the opinions of the hum- blest member of the body, merely because they were diflferent from those entertained by the majority. Such was the emphatic and earnest manner of his delivery, and such the justice and noble spirit of his views, that the young delegate was finally, by common consent, permitted to proceed until he had finished his speech. This imperfect sketch can give but a faint idea of the moral grandeur of the scene, which neither time nor distance can efface from the memories of those who witnessed it." General Lane has always given in his adherence to the Democratic party. He supported Jackson in 1824, 1828 and 1832, and was an enthusiastic admirer of his administi-ation. In 1836 and 1840, he gave his voice and energies for Van Buren, " as long as the latter fol- lowed in the footsteps of his illustrious predecessor," — and went for Polk in 1844. His influence and exer- tions have been of great benefit to his party. Lane's services in the Mexican war drew him more 164 JOSEPH LANE, closely to the hearts of his countrymen than all other circumstances combined. At the commencement of the war, in 1846, a call was made upon Indiana for volun- teers — and Lane, who was then a member of the State Senate immediately resigned his seat, and entered Cap- tain Walker's Company as a private. He chose to volunteer under Walker, having a high opinion of his bravery ; an opinion which that gallant officer's con- duct and death in the battle of Huamantla completely justified. Before leaving Indiana, however, Lane was taken from the ranks by the unanimous voice of the men, and placed at the head as Colonel ; and in a few days afterwards he received, quite unexpectedly, a com- mission from President Polk as Brigadier-General. On the 9th of July, 1846, he entered on the command of the three regiments forming his brigade, and two weeks after (July 24th,) he was at the Brazos, with all his men, and reported his arrival to General Taylor, concluding with these words : " The brigade I have the honor to command is, generally, in good health and fine spirits, anxious to engage in active service." August 20th, he wrote to Major-General Butler, claiming active service. His brigade did not approve of being left in the rear to garrison towns or to guard provisions and military stores, while the regular army, and the volunteers already ordered on to Camargo, would have the honor of being actively engaged. " It was understood," wrote Lane, " when we arrived at the Brazos, that the regiments of volunteers would be moved on toward the enemy in the order in which they arrived. Such orders have been observed, with tMa") exceptions, both operating to the prejudice of JOSEPH LANK. 165 this brigade." A few days after his letter to Butler, he wrote again to G-eiieral Taylor complaining that troops were ordered forward out of their order of pre- cedence, and demanded for his command a share in the dangers and honors of the active service ; that if the whole volunteer corps was not needed on the scene of action, a part of each State's troops be selected. After a long, and, as it seemed to him, unreasonable delay, during which time his troops, on the swampy banks of Rio Grande, were decimated by the pestilen- tial diseases of the climate, he was ordered to Saltillo, and made civil and military commandant of that post by Major-Gen eral Butler. After the battle of Mon- terey, he was ordered to join General Taylor. In the battle of Buena Vista, fought on the 22d and 23d of February, 1847, Lane was third in command, and, from the beginning to the end of that desperate contest, was in the hottest of the fight. On the morning of the 23d, Lane had the lionor of opening the continuation of tlie fight, on the plain, and was attacked by a force of near five thousand infantry, artillery, and lancers, under Gen. Ampudia. His force was reduced to four hun- dred men, but with this handful of brave and deter- mined spirits, lie received the Mexican onset. " Noth- ing," writes an eye-witness, " could exceed the impos- ing and feaiful appearance of the torrent of assailants which at this moment swept forward toward the little band of Lane. The long lines of infantry presented a continued and unbroken sheet of fire ; but their oppo- nents, though few in number, were undismayed, and defended their position with a gallantry worthy of the highest praise. Several times I observed the Mexican 166 JOSEPH LANE. lines, galled by the American mnsketiy and shattered by the fearful discharges from O'Brien's battery, break and fall back ; but their successive formations beyond the ridge enabled them to force the men back to their position and quickly replace those who were slain." American valor never accomplished more daring feats than at Buena Yista, and as that was the first engage- ment in which our volunteer general took part, it may be interesting to the reader to peruse the following ex- tracts from Goodrich's History of America, describing that event. We quote : " On the 22d, (February, 1847,) early in the morn- ing, the enemy made his appearance, and at two o'clock in the afternoon a demand was made by Gen. Santa Anna, requiring Gen. Taylor to surrender at discretion. This was promptly refused ; immediately upon which various skirmishes ensued, and were continued without intermission until dark. "It was now apparent that a general battle was at hand. The Mexican general had more than 20,000 men, completely organized, and elated with the pros- pect of routing a force of less than 5,000, of which not more than five hundred were regular troops. It was a night of proud anticipation on the one side, and of strong determination on the other. The odds were fearful, but what the Americans lacked in point of numbers they were determined to supply by superior skill and characteristic bravery. " At sunrise, on the following morning, the contest wag renewed, and with slight intermissions was continued on both sides until night. By means of his immensely superior force, the Mexican general, at one time, drove JOSEPIT LANE. 167 the American army for some distance, but at a moment the most critical, two pieces of artillery were brought to bear upon the enemy, throwing cannister and grape so thickly — so destructively, as to compel liim to halt. ' Yet, for several hours,' says the hero of Palo Alto, " the fate of the day was extremely doubtful, so much so that I was urged by some of the most experienced officers to fall back and take up a new position." This advice, however, was declined, and the strug- gle went on, which, according to the American Gener- al's report, was the severest contest which he had ever witnessed. Night only put a stop to the contest, and, strange to say, both armies occupied the same position they did in the morning before the battle commenced. " All that night the Americans lay upon their arms, as they had done the two previous ones, there being no lire to be had, and the mercury below the fi*eezing point ; ready, and expecting to renew the contest on the following morning. The twenty thousand Mexi- cans, however, had witnessed a sufficient display of American prowess. Leaving their killed, and many of their wounded, on the field, they retreated during the night, proceeding in the direction of San Luis, in a wretched* and disorganized condition. "Few victories, whether in ancient or modern times, have been more remarkable. The skill and experience of Santa Anna are well known, and yet with a regu- larly formed and well disciplined army of 20,000 men, that skill and experience were insufficient to cope with the ai"my of Gen. Taylor, supported as he was by lesa than one quarter of the enemies number. "The loss on both sides was great— amounting on 168 JOSEPH 1.ANE. the American side to two liiiudred and sixty-seven killed, four hundred and fifty-six wounded, and twenty- three missing. The Mexican loss in killed and AV'ounded probably reached two thousand. At least five hunderd of their killed were left upon the field of battle." In the JSTew Orleans Delta of May 2, 1847, in the course of an interesting description of this famous engagement, we find the following notice of Lane : — " When the grape and musket-shot flew as thick as hail over and through the lines of our volunteers, who began to waver before the fiery storm, their brave General could be seen fifty yards in advance of the line, waiving his sword with an arm already shattered by a musket-ball, streaming with blood, and mounted on a noble charger, which was gradually sinking under the loss of blood from five distinct wounds. A brave sight indeed was this." Major-General Wool wrote to Lane, July 7, 1847, as follows : " I have seen you in all situations, — at the head of your brigade in the drill, and in the great battle of the 22d and 23rd of February ; and in the course of my experience I have sejen few, very few, who behaved Math more zeal, ability and gallantry in the hour of danger." Gen. Taylor, in his report, says, "Brigadier General Lane, (slightly wounded) was active and zealous throughout the day, and displayed great coolness and gallantry before the enemy." In the month of June, Lane was ordered to New Orleans, where his brigade was disbanded, its term of ervice having expired. He then returned home, and was greeted with public festivals and the most enthu- JOSEPH LANE. 160 Elastic demonstrations of applause, by the people of Indiana. An wder soon reached him to join Taylor's line, and he returned to Mexico. Only two engagements between the American and Mexican forces occurred after his return to duty — the one at Huamantla, on the 9th of October, and the other at Atlixco, on the 19th — in both of which Gen. Lane distinguished himself by great bravery and address. For his courage and gallantry, displayed at Hua- mantla, he was brevetted Major-General. The last-named battle is thus described by Goodrich, in the History of America : '* In the action of the 19th, at Atlixco, ten leagues from Perote, Gen. Lane's forces consisted of the fourth Ohio, and fourth Indiana Regi- ments, Major Lally's and Capt. Heintzleman's battal- lion. Col. Wynkoop's battalion of four companies, first Pennsylvania volunteers, Oapt. Taylor's and Lieut. Pratt's battallion of light artillery, and a squadron of dragoons, commanded by Capt. Ford, third dragoons. About three leagues from the city, the advance-guard of the enemy was first discovered. These, on the arrival of the cavalry, were pursued for a mile and a half. On arriving at a small hill, however, they made a stand, and fought severely, until the American infantry ap- peared, when they took to flight. The dragoons were again ordered to follow. After a running fight of nearly four miles, and when within a mile and a half of the city, the whole body of the enemy, under command of Gen. Rea, was discovered on a side-hill, covered with chapparal, forming hedges, behind which they had taken post. Here a bloody conflict ensued. During its continuance, the infantry appeared, upon which the 8 170 JOSEPH LANE. enemy again retreated. The columu now pressed on, but night set in ere they could reach the city. But, favored by a tine moon-light, the artillery, which had come up, was posted on a hill near to the town, and overlooking it, and open to its fire. From this point, an effective tire was directed upon the city. Every gun was served with the utmost rapidity ; and the crash of the walls and the roofs of the houses^ when struck by the shot and shell, was mingled with the roar of the artillery. After firing for three-quarters of an hour, the firing from the town having ceased, the American troops entered, and Gen. Lane was now waited upon by the Ayuntamiento, desiring that their town might be spared. The loss of the enemy was two hundred and nineteen killed, and three hundred wounded. But one American was killed, and but one wounded. The victory here was the more important, as Atlixco had for some time been the head-quarters of guerillas in that section of country. This victory Achieved, Gen, Lane with his command returned to Puebla." August 1st, 1848, Lane returned to Indiana ; — on the 28th he received his appointment as Governor of Ore- gon, and on the 29th started for the theatre of his new hardships and duties. September 4:th, he reached Fort Leavenworth, and left it on the 10th, with twenty-two men. On the 2nd of March, 1849, he arrived safely in Oregon City. This long journey, requiring six months to accomplisli, cost the government nothing, — Gen. Lane not making any charge for his expenses ; he also aicied largely in subsisting the troops with the product of bis rifle. JOSEPH LANE. 171 He found the people of the territory in a state o>* great excitement and alarm on account of the lurlian depredations, which were of frequent occurrence, diul greatly impeded the settlement and progress of the country. In 1850, an outbreak occurred on Rogne River, in the southern part of the territory. Gov. Lane took the field in person, collected a force of set- tlers, miners, a few .officers and men of the regular army, attacked the Indians at Table Rock, and, after a desperate battle, in which he was severely wounded, droVe them from their position. Vigorously following up this advantage, he administered a chastisement so severe that they were glad to accept peace on any terras. Tlie legislative assembly of the territory passed a series of resolutions conveying the thanks of the peo- ple for this great service. " Few," says one of the res- olutions, " could have accomplished so successfully what his kindness, integrity, and firmness have done to secure the bonds of a lasting peace with the tribes sur- rounding us." The belief was also expressed, that while Governor, he acted for the best interests of the whole people ; and they regretted that upon the acces- sion of Gen. Taylor he was superseded. He was sent to Congress, however, as a delegate, in which capacity he continued to act until the admission of Oregon into the Union, when he took his seat as a United Stages Senator, having been elected to that position in antici- pation of Oregon becoming a State. As Senator, Mr. Lane has been a man of deeds. Action is his forte. The conjugation of the verb " to DO," is the important part of his grammar, and his 172 JOSEPH LANE. rhetoric is all in the present participle under the same head. Ilis only remarkable speech in the Senate was on the admission of Oregon, but that was proof that he can speak if he will. While Gov. Lane was in Oregon, he was named for the Presidency by a convention assembled at Indian- apolis, to revise the State Constitution of Indiana. The Democratic State Convention, which met February 24, 1852, also presented his claim for the same high office, and pledged the vote of the State to him, in the event of his nomination. At a public reception given him, on his arrival in Indiana from Oregon, Gov. "Wright thus briefly reviewed the career of the distin- guished guest : " He has been the artificer of his own fortunes ; and, in his progress from the farmer on the banks of the Ohio, and the commandant of a flat-boat, to posts of honorable distinction, — to a seat in the House of Rep- resentatives and in the Senate of Indiana, — to the com- mand of a brigade upon the fields of Buena Yista, Htinmantla, and Atlixco, — to the Governorship of Ore- gon, and thence to a seat in Congress, — he has displayed t lie same high characteristics, perseverance and energy. The annals of onr country present no parallel for tliese facts. You entered the army a volunteer in the ranks, looking forward only to the career of a com- mon soldier. You left it a major-general, closing your ardent and brilliant services in that memora- ble cami)aign by fighting its last battle, and capturing the last enemy." July 7, 1860, Gen, Lane visited IS^ev/ York, and in tlie evening was serenaded at the St. Nicholas Plotel. JOSBiPH LANB. 173 by the National Democratic Volunteers. In response to a call, he briefly addressed the crowd assembled, and after acknowledging the compliment tendered him by the Volunteers, embraced the occasion to remark, that "in casting about in his mind all over the coun- try, and looking to its condition, and having an ardent desire for the promotion of its welfare, he could say, in all candor, that he could not see how we could do better for the country than by electing John C. Breckinridge as President of the United States." The sketch we have given requires no elucidation to impress the great moral it is indended to convey ; and although brief and imperfect, we hope it will be read with some degree of pleasure by the countrymen of Joseph Lane. SAM H O U S 1^ O N , OF TEXAS, CANDIDATE OF THE INDEPENDENT PARTY, FOR PRESIDENT. SAM. HOUSTON. 177 SAM HOUSTON, OF TEXAS, CANDIDATE FOR THE PRESIDENCY, Was born at a place called Timber Ridge Church, in Rockbridge County, Virginia, March 2, 1793. In early youth, he had no opportunities for intellectual improvement. His father died when Sam was thirteen years of age, and the whole amount of his school attendance, up to this period, was estimated at about six months. Nine orphans were left in charge of the widow, who is described as " a noble woman, of digni- fied character, and great moral and intellectual force." Tlie bereaved family gathered up their little store of worldly goods, crossed the Alleghany mountains, and located near the Tennessee river, then the boundary between the white men and the Cherokee Indians. Here, in forest wilds almost illimitable, they made a home. The boys of the family were ready enough at work, except the subject of our sketch, who had no taste for "clearings" as the result of his own labor. He preferred the life of a student to the toils of a back- woodsman ; and obtaining possession of a few books, he devoured their contents with all the voracity of a famishhig intellect. Pope's translation of the Iliad was perused with much zest, and gave rise to a passion- ate desire to know more of the heroes of Greek and Latin story. To this end, he expressed a desire to 178 BAM HOUSTON. Btudy the ancient languages, but the ojjportunity was denied him. Very much against his inclination, he was appren- ticed as clerk in a store, but soon ran away. He was found, however, after a long search, with the Cherokee Indians ; and, having been asked his reasons for leaving his friends, he answered, with great dignity, that he preferred measuring deer-tracks to tape, liked the wild liberty of the red men better than the tyranny of his own brothers, and, if he could not study Latin at school, he could at least read a translation from the Greek in the woods, and read it in peace ; so they could go home as soon as they liked. He returned home occasionally to remain a few days, but almost the entire time, from the date of his revolt to his eighteenth year, was spent among the Indians ; — and he often alludes to this period as the happiest part of his life. In 1813, he enlisted as a private in the army of the United States. Bestowing her blessing, the brave mother addressed him in these memorable words : — " There, my son, take this musket, and never disgrace it ; for, remember, I had rather all my sons should till one honorable grave, than that one of them should turn his back to save his life. Go ; and remember, too, that while the door of my cottage is always open to brave men, it is eternally shut against cowards." He was soon promoted to the rank of sergeant, and afterwards to that of ensign, and in discharge of the duties of the latter office he distinguished himself at the battle of the Horse-shoe, March 27, 1814. While gallantly leading his men in the thickest of the fight, a barbed arrow struck his thigh. After staunching the SAM UOUSTON. 179 wound, he returned to the tight, and received two rifle-balls in the right shoulder. The wounds were dangerous, and for months his life was despaired of. After the war, he was retained as lieutenant, and attached to the First Regiment, stationed at New Orleans. In 1815, he embarked on the Cumberland river in a small skiff, and paddled his way down to the Ohio, thence into the Mississippi, and down that mighty torrent to Natchez, where he found the first steamboat that ever ascended the Mississippi, and on which he took passage for New 01 cans. A short time subsequent to this event, he was charged with the management of an Indian delegation to Washington, and while there found that attempts had been made to injure him with the government, for having prevented African negroes from being smuggled into the Western States from Florida, then a Spanish province. Houston considering himself aggrieved, resigned his lieutenancy, and went to Nashville to study law. June, 1818, he entered the office of Hon. James Trimble, and after applying himself diligently for six months, was admitted to the bar with honor. He im- mediately established himself in practice, and was much encouraged by the large amount of business that immediately came to his hands. He was appointed Adjutant-General of the State, with the rank of colonel ; and in October of the year he commenced practice; he was elected District-Attorney of the Davidson District. In 1821, he was elected Major-General; and, in 1823, he was sent to Congress from the Nashville District without opposition. In 1825, he was re- elected to Congress, and in 1827, he was elected Gov- 180 SAM HOUSTON. " ernoi* of Tennessee by a majority of more than twelve thousand. In 1829, a domestic affliction led him to resign his office, and again take up his abode among the Indians. He landed at the mouth of White River, ascended the Arkansas to Little Rock, and pursued his way, by land and water, to the Falls of the Arkansas, four hundred miles to the northwest. Here he was welcomed by his adopted father, the venerable chief, Oolooteka, who said the cloud which had fallen on Houston was a visitation of the Great Spirit, so that the red man might have the benefit of his counsel. "I know," he said, " yon will be our friend, for our hearts are near to you, and you will tell our sorrows to the great father, Gen. Jackson. My wigwam is j^ours ; my home is yours : my people is yours; rest with us." He dwelt with the Cherokees three years, — studied the red man and his wrongs ; and is proud to declare that he never was deceived or betrayed by an Indian. Feeling that he had the friendship of Jackson, who was then President, he resolved to investigate the doings of the Indian Agents, and report the result of his observations. In the course of a speech in after years, alluding to the result of this investigation, he said there was not a tribe that had not been outrageously defi-auded ; and nearly all the wars we have prosecuted against the Indians have grown out of the cruel in- justice practiced toward them by our Indian agents and their accomplices. In 1832, he visted Washington^ and reported the result of his inquiries to government, and a number of the agents and sub-agents were immediatelv dismissed. SAM UOLSTON. 181 About this time Houston was sent on a private mis- sioii to the Comanches at San Antonio de Bexar, and while at Nacogdoches, he was earnestly pressed to allow his name to be put forward as a candidate in a convention to be held in tlie following April. Pie was unanimously elected, and took up his residence with his new constituents. The Convention was com- posed .of about fifty members, assembled at San Felipe de Austin, in a rude, narrow apartment, on the 1st of April, 1833, and is memorable as the first deliberative assembly "made up of men descended from the Anglo- Saxon race which had ever assembled within the limits of the ancient dominions of Cortez." A State Consti- tution was completed, and a memorial addressed to the Supreme Government of Mexico, setting forth the reasons why Texas should be recognised as one of the States of the Mexican Confederacy, was prepared. The crisis was at hand, the memorial was dispatched to the City of Mexico, where the messenger (afterwards the famous General Austin,) was treated with great indignity, and imprisoned for several months without even the form of a trial. On his return to Texas, he found matters in a state of great confusion. Santa Anna had demanded the surrender ot arms, which would leave the Texans defenceless against the Indians, and they would submit to no such demand. A four- pounder was seized at Gonzales by the Mexicans, when the people gathered together, elected Austin, General of the forces, and reserving the field-piece, pursued the Mexicans to Bexar. Thus commenced the great and glorious struggle for Texas Independence. Houston was elected General of Texas east of the 182 SAM HOUSTON. Trinity. A general consultation was held, a council of war followed, a provisional government and a declar- ation of independence was the result, in all of which Houston was the moving spirit and the master mind. He still dressed in the Indian style, and Jackson is reported to have said of him at the time, that "he thanked God there was one man, at least, in Texas, who was made by the Almighty, and not by a tailor !" Events followed each other in rapid succession. A regular government was established, and Houston was chosen general of the army. — ^Then the massacres of Goliad and the Alamo, and on thi'ough all the skir- mishes and struggles to the immortal day of San Jacinto, — the decisive event of the great contest. Of this last engagement and its hero, Col. Thomas H. Benton, in a speech delivered in the United States Senate in 1836, gave utterance to the following senti- ments : " Of the individuals who have purchased lasting re- nown in this young war, it would be impossible in this place to speak in detail, and invidious to discriminate ; but there is one among them whose position forms an exception, and whose early association with myself justifies and claims the tribute of aparticular notice ; I speak of him whose romantic victory has given to the Jacinto that immortality in grave and serious history which the diskas of Apollo had given to it in the fabu- lous pages of heathen mythology. General Houston was born in the State of Yirginia, County of Rock- bridge ; he was appointed an ensign in the army of the United States, during the late war with Great Britain, and served in the Creek Campaign under the banners SAM HOUSTON. 1S3 of Jackson. I was the Lieutenant-Colonel of the regi- ment to which he belonged, and the first field-ofiicer to whom he reported. I then marked in him the same soldierly and gentlemanly qualities which have since distinguished his eventful career, frank, generous, brave; ready to do, or to suffer, whatever the obligations of civil or miUtary duty imposed ; and always prompt to answer the call of honor, patriotism and friendship. Sincerely do I rejoice in his victory. It is a victory without alloy, and without parallel except at New Orleans. It is a victory which the civilization of the age, and the honor of the human race required him to gain — for the nineteenth century is not the age in which a repetition of the Goliad matins could be endured. Nobly has he answered the requisition ; fresh and luxuriant are the laurels which adorn his brow. " It is not within the scope of my present purpose, to speak of military events, and to celebrate the exploits of that vanguard of the Anglo-Saxons who are now on the confines of the ancient Empire of Montezuma ; but that combat of the San Jacinto ! it must forever remain in the catalogue of military miracles. Seven hundred and fifty citizens, miscellaneously armed with rifles, muskets, belt-pistols and knives, under a leader who had never seen service except as a subaltern, march to attack near double their numbers — march in open day across a clear prairie, to attack upward of twelve hundred veterans, the elete of an invading army of seven thousand, posted in a wood, their flank secured, front intrenched ; and commanded by a general, trained in civil wars, victorious in numberless battles — and chief of an Empire of which no man becomes chief 184 SAM HOUSTON. except as conqueror. In twenty minutes the position is forced. The combat becomes a carnage. The flow- ery prairie is stained with blood, the hyacinth is no longer blue, but scarlet. Six hundred Mexicans are dead ; six hundred more are prisoners, half- wounded ; the President-General himself is a prisoner, the camp and baggage all taken, and the loss of the victors, six killed and twenty wounded. Such are the results, and which no European can believe, but those who saw Jackson at New Orleans. Houston is the pupil of Jackson ; and he is the first self-made general, since the time of Mark Antony, and the King Antigonus, who has taken the general of the army and the head of the government captive in battle. Different from A ntony, he has spared the life of his captive, though forfeited by every law, human and divine." At the close of the war, Houston was elected Presi- deut of the Republic ; Senators and Representatives were also elected. October 3, 1836, the first Texian Congress was organized ; and on the 22nd the inaugu- ration took place, and President Houston delivered an address outlining his future policy. December 12th, 1838, his Presidential term closed, and, according to the Constitution, he could not be re- elected for the succeeding term. Lamar was made President, and was succeeded by Houston, December 13th, 1841, the ex-President having in the meantime occupied a seat as member of the Texian Congress. He was, from tlie first, a determined advocate of an- nexation to the United States ; and, in one of his last communications on the subject, urged annexation as necessary to the perpetuation of the United States, as HAM HOUSTON. 185 follows: "If this great measure fails, the Uuioii will be endangered, its revenues diminished, and a Euro- pean influence w-ill grow up in Texas, from our neces- sities and interests, that will most eifectually prejudice tlie interests of the United States." December 29, 1845, on the admission of Texas, ex- President Houston and Gen. Rusk were chosen to re- present the State in the United States Senate. Senator Houston favored the compromise measures of 1850, and opposed the Nebraska bill, and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. " Maintain the compro- mise ; stir not up agitation ; give us peace." March 3, 1854, he spoke in defence of the three thou- sand Massachusetts clergymen who petitioned Congress against the Nebraska bill, and called their memorial " a respectful protest in the name of Almighty God." Senator Mallory propounded to him tlie following question : " Whether he (Houston) approves or does not approve of so much of the creed attributed to the Know-Nothings as would make those who profess the' Roman Catholic religion ineligible to oflBce? Senator Houston replied that he would not vote for such a law, and could not approve it. The proscription charged upon the " know-nothings" was nothing more, he said, than what formerly existed between Whigs and Demo- crats. In his opinion, every foreigner coming to live here, should be endorsed by one of our consuls abroad, and he was opposed to infamous characters and paupers coming among us. February 16, 1858, he introduced a proposition in the Senate to extend a United States protectorate over the States of Mexico, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Guate 186 SAM HOUSTON. mala, Hondnras, and San Salvador, in such form and to such an extent as shall be necessary to secure to the people of said states the blessings of a republican gov- ernment. He advocated the Southern route for the Pacific railroad, and spoke of the South as not favoring secession or disunion, and in condemnation of the slave trade. He objected to the term " Southern Rights ;" for the South had no rights that were not equally pos- sessed by the North. Senator Iverson, of Georgia, made some remarks in response, questioning the right of Houston to speak in behalf of the South, as Texas had repudiated him for favoring union %yhen union could only be maintained at the sacrifice of the South. Houston replied, admit- ting that Texas had chosen to dispense vrith his servi- ces, and said he was glad they were able to get along without him, for it demonstrated the increasing pros- perity of the State. In alluding to Iverson's attack, he said it reminded him of the old fable of the dead lion, who, being espied by a certain animal, the latter took advantage of liis defenceless position to plant his heels in the lions face. He would not name the ani- mal, but it was tlie same from which Samson took the jaw-bone. — ^This retort was greeted with great applause, both on the floor of the Senate and in the galleries ; and the Senator from Georgia promptly apologized for having, in the heat of debate, wounded the sensibilities of Gen. Houston, for whom he cherished a high regard. On his return to Texas, Houston immediately entered the gubernatorial campaign ; and defined his position in a speech of great force and erudition, at SAM HOUSTON. 187 NacJoffdoclies. He would not be the candidate of a Convention, for he was older tlian platforms, and a statesnian before the day of conventions. lie labored througii tlie contest with characteristic diligence, and Avas ti'iutnphantl}' elected. In March, 1860, a mass convention of the people of Texa^, on the battle-ground of San Jacinto, nominated Gen. Sam Houston as a candidate for the Chief Magis- tracy of the United States, and pledged him a major- ity of 20,000 in his own State. Other gatherings in different parts of the country have expressed the same preference, and a party of great respectability of char- acter and numbers calling themselves " the people's party," are urging his election. We cannot withold our admiration from the man, for the perseverance and energy with which he has overcome almost insurmountable obstacles, and attained a high position of honorable distinction. PARTY PLATFORMS FOR 1860, IN THE ORDER OF THEIR ADOPTION >^*-m- THE NATIONAL UNION PLATFORM, ADOPTED BY THE FRIENDS OF JOHN BELL AND EDWARD EVERETT, Embbaces the entire Constitution of the United States, as it has been expounded by its Framers and exemplified by the decisions of the Supreme Court; and with an avowal to be guided by the letter and spirit of this sacred instrument, the candidates pledge their best services to promote the welfare of every section of the Union. THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM, ADOPTED BY THE FRIENDS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN AND HANI- BAL HAMLIN. Resohed, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican Electors of the United States, in Convention as- sembled, in the discharge of the duty we owe to our constit- uents and our country, unite in the following declarations : First. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican party^ and that the causes which called it into existence are perma- nent in their nature., and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. (KS9) 190 PARTY PLATFORMS. Second. Ttat the maintenance of the principles promul gated in the Declaration of Independence, and embodied in Uic Federal Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our republican institutions; that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved ; and that we re-assert " these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- ness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed." Third. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population ; its surprising de- velopment of material resources ; its rapid augmentation of weal.h; its happiness at home and its honor abroad ; amj we hold in abhorrence all schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may ; and we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or coun- tenanced a threat of disunion, so often made by Democratic members of Congress without rebuke, and with applause from their political associates ; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as denying the vital principles of a free Grovern- ment, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people strongly to rebuke and for ever silence. Fourth That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political faith depends ; and we denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of any State or Territory, no matter under what pre- text, as among the gravest of crimes. Fifth: That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as is especially evident in its desperate exertions to force the in- PAKTY PLATF0EM8. 191 famous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people or" Kfinsas — in construing the personal relation between mas- ter and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons — ill its attempted enforcement everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest, and in ifs general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people. Sixth. That the people justly view witii aiai-ni tlio i-i,'' less extravagance which pervades every department of the Fede- ral Government ; that a return to rigid economy and accoun- tability is indispensable to arrest the system of plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans ; while the recent startling developments of fraud and corruption at the Federal metropolis show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. Seventh. That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent, is revolutionary in its tendency and sub- versive of the peace and harmony of the country. Eighth, That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom ; that as our republi- can fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individ- uals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of the United States. Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave-trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by per- versions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity, a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon 192 PARTY PLATFORMS. Congross to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. Tenth. That in their recent vetoes, by their Federal Gov- ernors, of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted democratic principle of non-intervention and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas and Nebraska bill and a demonstration of the decep- tfion and fraud involved therein. Eleventh. 1 hat Kansas should of right, be immediately admitted as a State, under the constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House of Kepresentatives. Twelfth. That while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imposts, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the industrial interests of the whole country ; and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, the mechanics and manu- facturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence. Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale or aliena- tion to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the free Homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or supplicants for public bounty ; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and sat- isfactory Homestead measure which has already passed the House. Fourteenth. That the Kepublican party is opposed to any change in our Naturalization laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immi- grants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. Fifteenth. That appropriations by Congress for River and PARTY PLATFORMS. 103 Harbor Improvements, of a national character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing Cominerco, are authorized by the Constitution and justified by an obli- gation of the Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is impera- tively demanded by the interests of the whole country ; that the Federal Government ought to render immediate aud efli- cient aid in its construction, and that as preliminary thereto a daily overland mail should be promptly established. Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth our distinc- tive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substan- tially agree with us, in their affirmance and support. THE DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. ADOPTED BY THE FRIENDS OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS AND HER- SCHEL V. JOHNSON. The following resolutions, known as " The Cincinnati Platform," were adopted at Charleston and Baltimore as the Platform of the majority of the National Democratic Conven- tion, with the explanatory resolutions appended: Resolved, That we reiterate, with renewed energy of pur- pose, the well-considered declarations of former Conventions upon the sectional issue of domestic slavery, and concern- ing the reserved rights of the States : First. That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts of the Aboli- tionists or others, made to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in violation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequenaes ; 194 PARTY PLATFORMS. and that all such eflPorts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the sta- bility and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be coun- tenanced by any friend of our political institutions. Second. That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress ; and, therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the Com- 'promise Measures, settled by the Congress of 1850, the "Act for Reclaiming Fugitives from Service or Labor" included, which act, being designed to carry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot with fidelity thereto be repealed, or so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency. Third. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing, in Congress, or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or color the attempt may be made. Fourth. That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down by the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions of 1798, and on the report of Mr. Madi- son to the Virginia Legislature in 1799; that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import. And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a sectional party, subsisting exclusively on slavery agitation, now relies to test the fidelity of the North and South to the Constitution and the Union. Resolved, That, claiming fellowship with and desiring the co-operation of all who regard the preservation of the Union under the Constitution as a paramount issue, and repudiating ail sectional parties and platforms, concerning domestic slavery, which seek to embroil the States, and to incite to treason armed resistance to law in the Territories ; and whose avowed purpose, if consumated, must end in civil war and disunion — the American Democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws, establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only PARTY PLATFORMS. 195 sound and safe solution of the" slavery question" upon which- the great national idea of the people of this whule counti'v can repose in its determined conservation of the Union — Non-Ijnterference by Congress with Slavery in State AND Territory, or in the District of Columbia. Second. That this was the basis of the compromises of 1850, confirmed both by the Democratic and Whig parties, in National Convention — ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the organization of Territories in 1854. Third. That by the uniform application of the Democratic principle to the organization of Territories, and to the admis- sion of new States, with or without domestic slavery, as they may elect, the equal rights of all the States will be preserved intact, the original compacts of the Constitution maintained unviolated, and the perpetuity and expansion of this Union insured to its utmost capacity of embracing, in peace and harmony, every future American State that may be consti- tuted or annexed, with a republican form of government. Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska acting through the legally and fuirly-expressed will of the majority of actual residents, and whenever the number of their inhabi- tants justifies it, to form a Constitution, with or without do- mestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. EXPLANATORY RESOLUTIONS. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Con- vention assembled, do hereby declare our affirmation of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that democratic principles are un- changeable in their nature when applied to the same subject- matters. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign born. 196 PAETY PLATFOKMS. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a mili- tary, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy commu- nication between the Atlantic and Pacific States, and the Democratic Party pledge such constitutional power of the Government as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period. Resolved, That the Democratic Party are in favor of the acquisition of Cuba on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character and subversive to the Constitution, an(i revolutionary in their effects. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the Cincinnati Platform that, during the existence of Territorial Govern- ment the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, im- posed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Ter- ritorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been or shall hereafter be finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should be re- spected by all good citizens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Government. THE DEMOCKATIC PLATFORM, ADOPTED BY THE FRIENDS OF JOHN 0. BRECKINRIDGE AND JOSEPH LANE. In addition to the Cincinnati Platform, the minority of the Convention at Charleston and Baltimore adopted the fol- lowing : Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratio Party at Cincinnati is affirmed, with the following explan- atory resolutions : First. That the government of a Territory organized by PARTY PLATFORMS. 197 an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, and during its existance all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or injured by Congressional or Territorial legislation. Second. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends. Third. That when the settlers in a Territory, having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and being consumated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the peo- ple of other States ; and a State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitu- tion prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery. Resolved, That the Democratic Party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character -to, and subversive of the Consitution, and revolutionary in their effect. Resolved, That the Democracy of the United States rec- ognize it as an imperative duty of this Government to pro- tect naturalized citizens in all thier rights, whether at home or in foreisin lands, to the same extent as its native born cit- izens. And WTierfos, One of the greatest necessities of the age in a political, commercial, postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts ; therefore be it Resolved, That the National Democratic Party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the consti- tutional power of Congress, for the costruction of a Pacific Railroad from the Missisisppi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. 198 PARTY PLATFORMS. THE INDEPENDENT PLATFORM, ADOPTED BY THE FRIENDS OF GENERAL SAM HOUSTON. At an enthusiastic meeting for celebrating the Anniver- sary of the Battle of San Jacinto, held on the battle-gruuud, April 21st, 1860, General Sam Houston was unanimously nominated for the Presidency ; and the following preamble and resolutions were adopted, as embracing the objects and sentiments by which his friends are actuated : Assembled as we are on the Battle-Ground of San Jacinto — a spot consecrated by the blood and valor of those who periled their everything in their country's cause — we deem the occasion and the place as well fitted to utter a few words to our fellow-citizens upon the great questions which lay at the foundation of our national prosperity and happiness. We have, fallen upon evil times. Political jobbers have manoeu- vred and squabbled when they should have labored for the public good. They have invented new questions to distract the public mind ; they have arrayed one section of our common coun- try against another ; they have sown discord where confi- dence and good will would have prevailed bat for their wicked efforts, until the glorious fabric of our good govern- ment, which has secured an unexampled prosperity to our people, has been greatly endangered, if not well nigh de- molished, "We are tired of being bartered off and " compromised" by party conventions and cliques, and think it high time that the voters of the United States of America should for once, at least, take the matter of choosing their Chief Magistrate into their own hands, without consultirng sectional or partizan leaders from any quarter. The time ^as now arrived when all conservative men, of whatever section, who love their country, should unite on a common platform of reciprocal justice, for the preservation of the Constitution and the per- petuity of the Union : Therefore, be it Resolved, That the present attitude of the two leading parties of the United States, standing upon opposite geo- graphical divisions, and respectively seeking success by ap- PAIHY I'LATFcliMS. 191) peals to sectional prejudices, creates an immiuent necessity for the people of all the States to rally arouud some Presi- dential candidate of national character, whose public services have been devoted to the best interests of the whole country, and whose name shall inspire confidence in the hearts of all Union-loving patriots — under whose banners they can form from every portion of our beloved Union, forgetting sectional and partizan rancor, and coming up shoulder to shoulder to sustain and perpetuate our liberties, as did the patriots of old to establish them. Second. That we recommend to the conservative people of the nation our distinguished citizen, Gen. Sam Houston, as the People's Candidate for the Presidency, assured that his devotion to the Constitution and the Union, his illustrious life and great public services, give a better guarantee for the wisdom and patriotism of his administration than any plat- form that parties can construct. The people know him to be a true and safe man, who loves his country and rejoices in the advancement of every part of it — one of the few left of the old school of patriots and statesmen, who would exert all his power to arrest the growth of the spirit of disunion, and check the increasing tide of extravagance and corruption now so rapidly undermining the principles upon which our government was founded. Under such an administration, tranquility and confidence must be restored at home, and re- spect commanded abroad ; while political freedom, social happiness, and material prosperity, the fruits of peace and order, will be assured to our distracted neighbor, Mexico, under a judicious American Protectorate, alike demanded as a measure of salvation to a rapidly-decaying government, ready to lapse into barbarism, or fall a prey to European despotism, and for the preservation of our political and com- mercial interests on this continent. Third. That we call upon conservative men, of all par- ties, and in all sections of the Union, whether assembled in Conventions or otherwise, to weigh well the present con- dition of the country ; and to unite with us in crushing out every species of fanaticism, in an earnest and sincere efibrt to recall the nation to a sense of impending dangers, and invoke their assistance by falling in line with us under the Constitution and the Union. ILLUSTRATED NATIONAL CAMPAIGN HAND-BOOK FOR I860. PART SECOND. KUBBA.CINO A COMPLETE COMPENDIUM OF THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE UMTED STATES. FSOU THB ORIGINAL FORMATION OF THE GOVERNMENT TO THE PRESENT TIME. NEW TORK : J. G. WELLS, COR. PARK-ROW AND BEEKMAN STREET. CINCINNATI, OHIO: MACK R. BARNITZ, 38 AND 40 WEST FOURTH STREET. 1860. CONTENTS. tXUf ADDR.'CSSESof Wa.«!Lmgton aS Oq his Election as Commander-in-Chief. 28 On Resigning his Commission .. 3'J On being inaugurated as President ■>() Bis Farevrell Address 4o AMERICAN UNION, Formation of the ^7 BIOUBAPHICAL SKETCHES OF THE EX-PRESIDENTS— Adams, John HI Adams, John Quincy 11' FiUraore, Millard 133 Harrison, William H. , 12» Jackson, Andrew 121 Jefferson , Thomas 113 Madison, James • . . US Monroe, James 117 Pierce, Franklin 1>>B Polk, James K 129 Taylor, Zacharj , 131 Tyler, John 11'? Van Buren, Martin 1^^ Washington, George 109 BUCHANAN, JAMES 137 CONFEDERATION, The original ariclescf 5 CHRONOLOGICAL, History of important events, embracing a period of two hundred and Cfty years, from the first settlement of the country to the persent time, arranged in chronological order 1^9 COMPROJOSE ACT OF 1820, on the Admission of Missouri 66 CONGRESS, Apportionment of Representation, Pay of Members, &c 14S CONSTITUTION OF THE UNTTED STATES 24 jONTENTS 6 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE 17 ELECTORAL VOTES for President and Vice-President of the United States, from the First Term, commencing 1789, to the Seventeenth Term, ending 1857, 70„88 ELECTION FOR PRESIDENT, Devolves on the House of Representatives, .... 73— T9 FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW OF 1850 66 GREAT SEAL OF liiE UNITED STATES, Fac-simile, History, and Description of, 89 tNTERESTING INCIDENTS OF EACH ADMINISTRATION— Alabama constituted and admitted a State 77 Algerine Piracies punished by the United States, Treaties, &c 70 Arkansas set off from Missouri Territory 77 Bankruptcy, Bill for establishing a Uniform System of. 84 Barbary Powers, Treaties with the 76 Bright, Jesse D., succeeds Vice-President King 87 Calhoun, John C, Difficulties with President Jackson 80 Commander-in-Chief, Washington appointed after retiring from Residency. . 71 Congress — First under the Constitution 70 " Extra Session called by President Van Buren 88 " Extra Session called by President Harrison ?3 " Message to, announcing the Death of President Taylor 86 Death of Vice-President King 87 !>iffi ulties with the French Directory 71 Embargo, in retaliation for French and English Aggressions 74 . 'illmore succeeds President Taylor So T'lnancial Embarrarsments throughout the Country 82 llorida, East and West, ceded to the United States 77 Ghent, Treaty of Peace with England signed at 76 Hale. John P. of New Hampshire, nominated for the Presidency. r ^ HarriMn, President, Sudden Death of tS CONTENTS fW'TiL^ESTING IXaDENTS OF EACH ADMI^^STRA'IION— PiGU Inaugural Address of Mr. Jefferson 73 Independent Treasury Bill t9 Indian War of 1811 — Defeat of Tecumseh and the Prophet at Tippecanoe.. It Jackson, President, Northern Tour of 81 King, Vice-President — Oath of Office administered in Cuba 87 Lafayette — Visits the United States as the "Nation's Guest" 78 Louisiana purchased of France 74 Maine erected into an Independent State 77 Mangum, Willie P., succeeds Vice-President Tyler 5S Milan Decree issued by Napoleon Bonaparte 74 North-eastern Boundary of the United States — Treaty adjusting the 84 Oath of Office talien by President Tyler 84 Orders in Council by the British Government '•■^ Public Lands — Bill for Distributing the Proceeds of the t4 Removal of the Public Moneys from the United States Bank ." fel Results of the War with Mexico fc5 Seat of Government removed to Washington '2 Seminole and Creeli Indians — Chastised for Depredations 77 Sudden Death of President Taylor «' Texas, Treaty with , rejected by the Senate •' -1 Texas admitted into the Union i> Treasury Notes — The issue of Ten Millions of Dollars authorized ■-' Troubles witli France and the Indians Tyler, John, succeeds President Harrison k^ Unjust Resolution relative to President Jackson Expunged 81 Veto of the Bill to incorporate the Fiscal Bank of the United States t" " " " " Corporation " " "^i War declared against England -J War with Algiers — Expedition under Commodore Decatur ■ o War with Mexico ^^ KANSAS AND NEBRASKA ACT OF 1854 i OKDINaNCK of 178-t 00 PLATFORM OF THE AMERICAN PARTY 139 PLATFORM OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY 141 PLATFORM OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 146 POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES 65 SEALS OF THE SEVERAL STATES, Fac-similes and Descriptions of the 93 •. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. KXTERIOR VIEW OF THE NEW CAPITOL, WASHINGTON CITY FKONTlSPKCf PORTEAITS OF THE EX-PBE SID ENT S. WASHINGTON JOHN ADAMS JEFFERSON MADISON MONROE J. Q. ADAMS JACKSON VAN BUREN HARRISON TYLEK POLK TAYLOR FILLMORE PIERCE BEALS OF THE UNITED STATES AND THE 81 STATES ALABAMA ARKANSAS llALIFORNIA tX)NNECnCUT DELAWARE >XORIDA GLORGU ILIINOIS INDIANNA IOWA KENTUCKY LOUISLiNA MAINE MARYLAND MASSACHUSETTS MICHIGAN MISSISSIPPI MSSOURI NEW HAMPSHIRE NEW JERSEY NEW YORK N. CAROLINA OHIO PENNSYLVANU RHODE ISLAND S. CAROLINA TENNESSEE TEXAS VERMONT VIRGINIA WISOOKSSN ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. [The following articles were drawn up by a committee of gGntleraen, who were appointed by Congress for this purpose, June 12, 1776, and finally adopted, Nov. 15. 1777 : the committee were Messrs. Bartlett, Samuel Adams, Hopkins, Sherman, R. R. Livingston, Dickinson, *i'Kean, Stone, Nelson, Howes, B. Rutledge, and Gwiunet.] In Congress, July 8, 1778. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION AND PERPETUAL UNION Between the States of New Hampshire, Massachxisetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jer- sey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Norlh Carolina, SouthCarolina, nad Georgia. Art. 1. The style of this confederacy shall be, " The United States of America." Art. 2. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independ- ence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States in Congress assembled. Art. 3. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendsdip with each other, for their common defence, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding them- selves to assist each other against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of thorn, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever. Art. 4. ^ 1. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different states in this union, the free inhabitants of en ,h of these states, paupers — vagabonds, and fugitives from justice excepted — shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states ; and the people of each state shall have free ingress and egress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositioHS, and restrictions, as the inhabit- ants thereof respectively ; provided, that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any state, to any other state, of which the owner is an inhabitant ; pro- Aided also, that no imposition, duties, or restriction, shall be laid by any state on the property of the United States, or either of them. \ 2. If any person, guilty of, or charged with treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor, in any state, shall flee from justice, and be found in any of the United States, he shall, upon the demand of the governor or executive power of the state from which he fled, be do- livei-ed up and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offence. { 3. Full faith and credit shall be given, in each of these states, to 10 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. the records, acts, aud judicial proceedings of the courts and magia trates of every other state. Art. 5. § 1. Far the more convenient management of the general interests of the United States, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet iu Congress on the first Monday in November in every year, with a power reserved to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the remainder of the year. g 2. No state shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor more than seven members ; and no person shall be capable of being a delegate for more than three years, in any term of six years ; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the United States, for which he, or any other for his benefit, receives any salary, fees, or emolument, of any kind. I 3. Each state shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the states, and while they act as members of the committee of these states. § 4. In determining questions in the United States in Congress assembled, each state shall have one vote. g 5. Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be im- peached "or questioned in any court or place out of Congress, and the members of Congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and imprisonments during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on Congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace. Art. 6. § 1. No state, without the consent of the United States Id Congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conference, agreement, alliance, or treaty with any king, prince, or state, nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the United States, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state ; nor shall the United States in Congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility. § 2. No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confedera- tion, or alliance whatever, between them, without the consent of the United States in Congress assembled, specifying accurately the pur- poses for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue. § 3. No state shall lay any imposts or duties which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties entered into by the United States, in Congress assembled, with any king, prince, or., state, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by Congress to the courts of Prance and Spain. § 4. No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace by any state, except such number only as shall be deepied necessary by the United States in Congress assembled, for the defence of such state, or its trade ; nor shall any body of forces be kept up by any state, in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of the ARTICLES OF CONTEDERATIO.V. I I United States iu Congress assembled, shall be deemed reqrisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such state ; but every itate shall always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and constartly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field-pieces and' tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage. g 5. No state shall engage in any war without the consent of thft United State in Congress assembled, unless such state be actually in- vaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such state, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of delay till the United States in Congress assembled can be consulted ; nor shall any state grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the United Statre in Congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or state, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations aa shall be established by the United States in Congress assembled, unless such state be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept ?o long as the danger shall continue, or until the United States in Con- gress assembled shall determine otherwise. Art. 7. When land forces are raised by any state for the common defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the legislature of each state respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct, and all vacan- cies shall be filled up by the state which first made the appointment. Art. 8. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be in- curred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the United States in Congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a com- mon treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states, in pro- portion to the value of all land within each state, granted to or surveyed for any person, as such land and the buildings and improve- /nents thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the Uni- ted States in Congress assembled shall, from time to time, direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and tlirection of the legislatures of the several states within the time agreed upon by the United States in Congress assembled. Art. 9. § 1. The United States in Congress assembled shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article, of sending and receiving ambassadors ; entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby the legislative power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as tlieir own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any ppecies of goods or commodities whatsoever ; of establishing rules for deciding it atl cases what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what 12 ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the United States shall be divided or appropriated ; of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace ; appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas ; and establishing courts for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of cap- ture ; provided that no member of Congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts. g 2. The United States in Congress assembled shall also be the last resort on appeal in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that hereafter may a/ise between two or more states concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever ; which authority shall al- ways be exercised in the manner following : Whenever the legislative or executive authority or lawful agent of any state in controversy with another, shall present a petition to Congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given by order of Congress to the legislative or executive authority of the other state in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing ',nd determining the matter in question ; but if they cannot agree, Cvingress shall name three persons out of each of the United States. Slid from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike ot t one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen ; and from that number not less than seven, nor more tbdn nine names, as Congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of Congress, be drawn out by lot ; and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part o! the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the deter- mination : and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day ap- pointed, without showing reasons which Congress shall judge suflScietrt, or being present, shall refuse to strike, the Congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each state, and the secretary of Congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing ; and the judg- ment and sentence of the court, to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive ; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive ; the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to Congress, and lodged among the acts of Congress, for the sacurity of the parties concerned : provided, that every comm.is- sioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath, to be adminis- tered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the state .vhere the cause shall be tried, " well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, without favor, affection, or hope of reward." Provided, also, that no state ehall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the United States. ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 13 J 51. All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more states, whose jurisdiction, as they may respect such lands, and the states which passed such grants arc adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdic- tion, shall, on the petition of either party to the Congress of the United States, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territoi'ial jurisdiction between different states. 2 4. The United States in Congress assembled shall also have tho sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective states ; fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the United States ; regulating the trade, and managing all affairs with the Indians, not memberi of any of the states ; provided that the legisla- tive right of any state, within its own limits, be not infringed or vio- lated ; establishing and regulating post offices from one state to an- other throughout all the United States, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same, as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office ; appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the United States, excepting regimental officers ; ap- pointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the United States ; making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations. I 5. The United States in Congress assembled shall have authority to appoint a committee to sit in the recess of Congress, to be de- nominated, '• A Committee of the States," and to consist of one delegate from ench state ; and to appoint such other committees and civil offi- cers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the United States under their direction ; to appoint one of their number to pre- side ; provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years ; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the United States, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses ; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the United States, transmitting every half-year to the respective states an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted ; to build and equip a navy ; to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisi- tions from each state for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such state, which requisition shall be binding ; and thereupon the legislature of each state shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, clothe, arm, and equip them, in a soldier like manner, at the expense of the United States ; and the offic(?rs and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place ap- pointed, and within the time agreed on by the United States in Con- gress assembled ; but if the United States in Congress assembled shall, on consideration of circuras^ADces, judge proper that any state should 14, ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, auLl that any other state should raise a greater number of men than tlic quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such stair, unless the legislature of such state shall judge that such extra numbt r cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall rais ■, officer, clothe, arm, and equip, as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared, and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the t'lnvi agreed on by the United States in Congress assembled. ^ 6. The United States in Congress assembled shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof, nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for th^; defence and welfare of the United States, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the United States, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor ap- point a commander-in-chief of the army or navy, unless nine states assent to the same : nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the United States in Congress assembled. g 7. The Congress of the United States shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the United States, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six months, and shall publish the journal of their pro- ceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alli- ances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy ; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each state, on any question, shall be entered on the journal, when it is desired by any delegate ; and the delegates of a state, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several states. Art. 10. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of Congress, such of the powers of Congress as the United States, in Congress assembled, by the con- sent of nine states, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them with ; provided that no power be delegated to the said commit- tee, for the exercise of which, by the Articles of Confederation, the voice of nine states, in the Congress of the United States assembled, is requisite. Art. 11. Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into and entitled to all the advantages of this Union : But no other colony shall be ad- mitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine states. Art. 12. All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted by or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. 15 of the United States, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged. Art. 13. Every state shall abide by the determination of the United States in Congress assembled, in all questions which by this confed- eration are submitted to them. And the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the union shall be per- petual ; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them ; unless such alteration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislature of every state. And whereas it hath pleased the great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in Con- gress to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, Know ye, that we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our re- spective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the Si*\d Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective coa- Btituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, in all questions which by the said cun- federation are submitted to them ; and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the states we respectively represent, and that the union shall be perpetual. In witness whereof, we have here- onto set our hands in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, the 9th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1778, and in the third year of th« Independence of America. New Hampshire. Henry Marchant, „ John Collins. JosiAH Bartlett, JoHNWENTWORTH,jun. Connecticut. Massachusetts Bay. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, John Hancock, Oliver Wolcott, Samokl Adams, ' Titus Hosmer, Elbridge Gerry, Andrew Adams. Francis Dana, James Lovel, New York. Sauuel Holten. James Duank, Rhode Island, tfc. Fra. Lewis, William Dcbr, William Elj^ert, Gouv. Morris. Ifi ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION. New Jersey. Jno. Witherspoow, Nath. Scudder. Penn»ylvania. Robert Morris, p\niel roberdeau, JoxA Bayard Smith, William Clinqan, Joseph Reed. Delaware. Thomas M'Kean, John Dickinson, Nicholas Van Dyke. Maryland. John Hanson, Daniel Carroll Virginia. Richard Henry Lee, John Banister, Thomas Adams, Jno. Haryie, Francis Lightfo«*t Lee, North Carolina John Penn, Cons. Harnett, Jno. Williams. South Carolina, Henry Laurens, Wm. Henry Drayton, Jno. Matthews, Richard Hutson, Thos. Heyward, jun. Georgia. Jno. Walton, Edward Telfair, Sdward LANQWOBnre; DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. iN OONGREBS— THURSDAY, JULY 4, 1770. '*..»»iRF.ABLT to the order of the day, the Congress resolved itself L«<« A eutrmittee of the whole, to take into their further consideratiou lnv» »>eciaration ; and after some time the President resumed the chair, ftiKi Mr. Harrison reported that the committee had agreed to a dec- laiation, which they desired him to report. (The committee consisted of Jefferson, Franklin, John Adams, Sherman, and R. R. Livingston ) The Deckration being read, was agreed to, as follows : A DECLARATION BY THE REPKESENTATITES OF THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA, m CONGRESS ASSEMBLED. When, in the coarse of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unaliena- ble rights ; that among these, are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- piness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to insti- tute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accus- tomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under ab- solute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to tlirow off such government, and to piovide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is t\ history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To orove thifl, let facta be submitted to a candid world : \'\. UKCLARATIO.N OF IXDEPENDNCE. He has i-efused lis assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his assent should be obtained ; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right ol representation in the legislature ; a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncom- fortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise ; the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the danger of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturalization of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their ofiBces, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, without the consent of our legislature. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined, with others, to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving hi8 assent to their acts of pretended legislation : Fc r quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment, for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states ; For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; For imposing taxes on us without our consent ; For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by. jury ; For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended oflences ; For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging Its boundaries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies ; DECLARATION Oir' i > liKIKMiLNCK. TO For lakiug away 6ur charters, abolishing our most vuluabio ]aw8, and altering, fundamentally, the powers of our govcninients ; For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring thomsoives invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his pro- tection, and waging war against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against thwr country, to become the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeav- ored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruc- tion, of all ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress, in the most humble terms ; our repeated petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting- in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts made by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. "We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justic-e and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow theee usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war — in peace, friends. We, therefore, the representatives of the UNITED STATES Oi' AMERICA, in GENERAL CONGRESS assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the World for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare. That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be. Free and Independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britam. is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as FREE AND INDE- PENDENT STATES, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, estai)lish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do 20 DKCLARATION OF INDEPENDNCE, And, for tlie support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of DIVINE PROVIDENCE, we mutually pledge to efich other, our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. The foregoing Declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed, and signed by the following members : Next) Hampshire. JOSIAH BaRTLETT, W^iLLiAM Whipple, Matthew Thornton. Rhode Island. Stephen Hopkins, •ViLLIAM ElLERY. Connecticut. Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, Oliver Wolcott. New Ym-Jc. William Flotd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis, Lewis Morris. New Jersey. Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis Hopkinsox, •John Hart, Abraham Clark. Pennsylvania. Robert Morris, BEXJAjnN Rush, P>en,tajiin- Franklin John Morton, Geoegk Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor, James Wilsov, '^vjorge RoSfIL JOHN HANCOCK. Massachusetts Bay. Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine Elbridge Gerry. Delaware. C^SAR Rodney, George Read, Thomas M'Kean. Maryland. Samuel Chase, William Paca, Thomas Stone, Charles CARROLti, of CarrcJItOB Virginia. George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Nelson, Jun. Francis Lightfoot Lee, Carter Braxton, North Carolina. William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, John Penn, South Carolina. Edward Rutledge, Thomas Heyward, Juk Thomas Lynch, Jun. Arthur Middleton. Georgia. Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton THE JEFFERSONIAN ORDNANCE OF 1784 On the 1st of March, 1784. less than one hundred davs after the Evacuation of our soil by the British army, 'I'homas Jeffer-nu. from a Committee, consisting of himself, Mr. Chase, of Md., and Mr. H'lwil', of R. I., (a majority being from Southern States.) reported to the Conti- nental Congress the following Ordinance for the government ui (;/' uicj National Territory outside the limits of the States. As raapy liuv? understood this only to apply to the North-Western Territory, wj insert it in full : " Resolved, That the territorij ceded, or to he ceded by indivvhml Slates to the United States, whensoever the same shall have been pin- chased of the Indian innabitants and offered for sale by the United States, shall be formed into additional States, bounded in the following manner, as nearly as such cessions will admit ; that is to say, north- wardly and southwardly by parallels of latitude, so that each State shall c< mprehend from south to north, two degrees of latitude, begin- ning to count from the completion of thirty-one degrees north of the equator; [the then Southern boundary of the U. S.] but any territory northwardly of the forty-seventh degree shall make part of the State next be.'ow. And eastwardly and westwardly they shall be bounded, tliose on the Mississippi, by that ri^er on one side, and the meridian of the Icwest point of the rapids ot the Ohio on the other : and those adjoining on the east, by the same meridian on the western side, and on the eastern by the meridian of the western cape of the mouth of the Great Kanawha.. And the territory eastward of this last meridian, b' twi\e authnrity from them, with appointments of time and place, lor the'r free nia'es of full age to meet together for the purpose of establishing a temporary government, to adopt the constitution and laws of any one of these States, so that such laws nevertheless shall be .subject to altera- tion by their ordinary Legislature, and to erect, subject to a like altera- tion, counties or townships for the election of members for their Legis lature. " That such temporary government shall only continue in force in any State until it shall have acquired twenty thousand free inhabitants, when, giving due proof thereof to Congress, they shall receive from them authority, with appointments of time and place, to call a conven- tion of representatives to establish a permanent constitution and gov- ernment for themselves : provided, That both the temporary ami per- manent governments be established on these principles as their basis : " 1. That they shall forever remain a part of the United States of America. •' 2. That in their persons, property, and territory, they shall be snb* 22 JEFFERSONIAN ORDINANCE. ject to the Government of the United States in Congress assembled, and to the Articles of Confederation in all those cases in which the original States shall be so subject. '• 3. That they shall be subject to pay a part of the Federal debts, contracted or to be contracted, to be apportioned on them by Congress, according to the same common rule and measure by which apportion- ments thereof shall be made on the other States. " 4. That their respective governments shall be in republican forms and shall admit no person to be a citizen who holds any hereditary title " 5. That after the year 1800 of the Christian era, there shall be neither slavery 7ior involuntary servitude in any of the said States, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted to have been personally guilty. " That whenever any of the said States shall have, of free inhabi- tants, as many as shall then be in any one of the least numerous of tha thirteen original States, such State shall be admitted by its Delegates into the Congress of the United States, on an equal footing with tht said original States ; after which the assent of two-thirds of the United States, in Congress assembled, -shall be requisite in all those cases wherein, by the Confederation, the assent of nine States is now re- quired, provided the consent of nine States to such admission may be obtained according to the eleventh of the Articles of Confederation. Until such admission by their Delegates into Congress, any of the said States, after the establishment of their temporary government, shall have authority to keep a sitting member in Congress, with a right ol debating, but not of voting. " That the territory northward of the forty-fifth degree, that is to say, of the completion of forty-five degrees from the equator, and ex- tending to the Lake of the AVoods, shall be called Sylvania ; that of the territory under the forty-fifth and forty-fourth degree, that which lies westward of Lake Michigan, shall be called Michigania ; and that which is eastward thereof, within the peninsula formed by the lakes and waters of Michigan, Huron, St. Clair, and Erie, shall be called Chersunesus, and shall include any part of the peninsula which may extend above the forty-fifth degree. Of the territory under the forty- third and forty-second degi-ees, that to the westward, through v.hich the Assenisipi or Kock River runs, shall be called Assenesipia ; and that to the eastward, in which are the fountains of the Muskingum, the ■two Miamies of the Ohio, the Wabash, the Illinois, the Miami of the Lake, and the Sandusky river, shall be called Metropotamia. Of the territory which lies under the forty-first and fortieth degrees, the west- ern, through which the river Illinois runs, shall be called lUinoia ; that next adjoining to the eastwai'd, Saratoga ; and that between this last and Pennsylvania, and extending from the Ohio to Lake Brie, shall be called JFas/img^on. Of the territory which lies under the thirty- ninth and thirty -eight degree, to which shall be added so much of the point of land within the fork of the Ohio and Mississippi as lies un- de' the thirty-seventh degree ; that to the v,'estward within and ad- JEFFERSONIAN ORDINANCE. 23 jacent to which are the confluences of the rivers Wabash, Shawauee, Tanisee, Ohio, Illinois, Mississippi, and Missouri, shall be called Poly- potania ; and that to the eastward, further up the Ohio, otherwiBe called the Pelisipi, shall be called Pelisipia. " That all the preceding articles shall be formed mto a charter of com- pact, shall be duly executed by the President of the United States, in Congress assembled, under his hand and the seal of the United States, shall be promulgated, and shall stand as fundaincntal conditions between the thirteen original States and those newly described, unalterable but by the joint consent of the United States, in Congress assembled, and of the particular State within which such alteration is proposed to bo made." On a test vote on adopting the anti-slavery provision above, sixteen voted aye, and seven no ; but the requisite majority of States failing to vote in the affirmative, it was lost. And three years later, the Ordinance of 1787, for the Northwestern Territoi'y alone, was adopted. Forty-two years afterwards, Mr. Jefferson, only six weeks before he died, wrote as follows, in reply to a letter asking his views in regard to the ultimate eradication of slavery from the country. MoNTiCELLO, May 26th, 1826. Dear Sir : The subject of your letter of April 20th, is one on which I do not permit myself to express an opinion, but when time, place, and occasion, may give it some tavorable effect. A good cause is often injured more by ill-timed efforts of its friends than by the arguments of its enemies. Persuasion, perseverance, and patience are the best advocates on questions depending on the will of others. The revolution in public opinion which this case requires is not to be expected in a day, or perhaps in an age ; but time which outlives all things, will outlive this evil also. My sentiments have been forty years before t/ie public, and had I repeated them forty times, they would only be- come the more stale and threadbare. Although I shall not live to see (hem consummated, they will not die with me ; but, livirnj; or dynig, they will ever be in my most fervent prayers. This is written for your- self, and not for the public, in compliance of your request of two'liues of sentiment on the subject. Accept the assurance of my good will and respect. THOS. JEFFERSON. Mr. Jas. Heaton, Middletown, Butler coimty, Ohio. 34 THK CONSTtT0TIONr. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. ARTICLE I. Section 1. All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested In a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. Sec. 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of mem- bers cliosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he sliall bo chosen. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective nnmbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of 111] other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative ; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Mas- Bachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Con- necticut five, New York six. New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. When vacancies happen in the representation from any f^tate, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such vacancies. THE COKSTITUTIOR 2o The House of Represeotatives shall choose tlieir Speaker and othei officers ; and shall have the sole power of inipeachnient. Sec. 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years ; and each Senator shall have one vote. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. Tlie seats of the Senators of the fii-st class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year ; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make tem- porary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Yice-Presideut, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the United States. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. WTien sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside : And no person shall be convicted without the concur- rence of two-thirds of the members present. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than io removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the United States ; but the party convicted shall Bevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law. Sec. 4. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Sena- tors and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof ; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. Sec. 5. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do busiress; but a smaller number may ad- journ from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attend- ance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties an each House may provide. Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish iti 26 THE CONSTITDTION. mbmbers for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member. Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in theii judgment require secrecy ; and the Yeas and Nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the Journal. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor co any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. Sec. 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compen- sation for their services, to be ascertained by law and paid out of the treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same ; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. Sec. 7. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States : If he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and, if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both Houses shall be determind by Yeas and Nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent it? return, in which case it shall not be a law. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall take effect, shall be ap- proved by him ; or, being disapproved by him, sliall be repassed by two- THE CONSTITUTION. 27 thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to tlia mles and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Sec. 8. The Congress shall have Power — To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; but all Duties, Imposts aud Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States ; To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the 8eTera\ States, and with the Indian tribes ; To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States ; To coin money, regulate the value thereof aud of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures ; To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States ; To establish post offices and post roads ; To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective -wTitings and discoveries ; To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court ; To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and oSences against the law of nations ; To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water ; To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years ; To provide and maintain a na\^ ; To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces ; To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions ; To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively the appoint- ment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia accord iu"' to the discipline prescribed by Congress ; To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of parti- cular States, and the acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, ar- senals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings ; — And To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. 28 THE CONSTITUTION Sec. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be pro- hibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred .and eight, but a lax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. The privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. No capitation, or other direct, tax shall be laid, unless in propor- tion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce oi revenue to the ports of ooe State over those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to or from one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States : And no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, ofiBce, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign State. Sec. 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or con- federation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely ne- cessary for executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such immment danger aa will not admit of delay. ARTICLE II. Section 1. The Executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his office during the terra of four years, and, together with the Vice-President, choser for the same term, be elected, as follows : Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Sena- tors and Eepresentatives to which the State may be entitled in the THE CONSTITUTION. 2V' Congress : but no Senator or Representative, or person holding ar. office of trust or profit under the United Stat^.. shall be appointed an Elector. [The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Bal- lot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall malve a list of ail the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the Govern- ment of tlie United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person having the greatest number of votes ehall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole num- ber of Electors appointed ; and if there be more than one who have Buch majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose by Ballot one of them for President ; and if no person have a majority, then from the five high- est on the list the said House shall in like manner choose the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one vote ; A Quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice In every case, after the choice of the President, the person having the greatest number of votes of the Electors shall be the Vice-President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Se»- ate shall choose from them by Ballot the Yice-President.*] The Congress may determine the time of choosing the Electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout the United States. No person except a natural-born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of President ; neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resigna- iion, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act ac- cordingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a com- pensation, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall hare been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument from the United StatCvS, oi any ol' them. * Thif clause hag been superseded and annulled by the 12tb yVrnendment 30 THE CONSTITUTION. Before he enter on the execution of his ofiSce, k« shall take the fol- lowing oath or affirmation : '• 1 do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the oificfi of Presidenl of the United States, and wUl, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defe-o^ the Constitution of the United States." Sec. 2. The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, ti'hen called into the actual service of the United States ; he may require the opinion, m writing, of the principal officer in each of the Executive Departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their respective offices ; and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of [mpeachment. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two-thirds of the Senators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and con- sent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the Supreme Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by law : but the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think propet in the President alone, in the Com'ts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next session. Sec. 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress informa- tion of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them ; and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of ad- {"ournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper ; le shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Sec. 4. The President, Vice-President, and all Civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of. Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Mis- demeanors. ARTICLE III. Section 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the Supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their offices during good be- havior, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensa- tion, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. Skc. 2. The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in Law ani THE CONSTITUTION. 31 Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and 'rreutics made, or which sliall be made, under their authority ; — to ail cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers, and Con- suls ; — to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; — to con- troversies to which the United States shall be a party ; — -to contro- versies between two or more States ; — between a State and citizens of another State ; — between citizens of different States ;— between citizens of the same State claiming lands under grants of different States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects. In all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Con .'^uls, and those in which a State shall be party, the Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mention- ed, the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations aa the Congress shall make. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of Impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. Sec. 3. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open Court. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason but, no Attainder of Treason shall work corruption of blood, or fur- feiture, except during the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Section 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general laws prescribe the manner in which Buch acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof. Sec. 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or reg- ulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be doe. 32 THE tOXSTITUTION, Sec. 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into thi* Union ; but no uev, State sliall be formed or erected within tha juris- diction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of the Congress. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property be- longing to the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. Sec. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a republican form of Government, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and on application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domes- tic violence. ARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it accessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the application of the Legislatures of two-thirds of the several States, Bhall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Consti- tution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; — Provided, that no Amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any manner afifect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article ; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suf- frage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adop- tion of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States, under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. This Constitution and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof ; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding. The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the mem- bers of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, sliall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States. ARTICLE VII. The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall he sufficient THE CONSTITUTION. for the establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratify- ing the same. Doxio in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seventeenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven, and of the Independ- ence of the United States of America the twelfth. In Witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. GEO. WASHINGTON, Presidt and Deputy frtrn Virginia New Hampshire. Nicholas Gilman Massachusetts. RuFus King. Connecticut. RooER Sherman. New York. John Lanqdon, Nathaniel Gorham, Wm. Saml. Johnson, Alexander Hamilton WiL : Livingston. Wm. Paterson, B. Franklin, RoBT. Morris, Tho: Fitzsimonb, James Wilson, Geo : Read, John Dickinson, Jaco : Broom. James M'Henry, Danl. Carroll. John Blair, Wm. Blount, Hu. Williamson. J. Rutledge, Charles Pincknet. William Few, Attest: New Jersey. David Brearley, JoNA. Dayton. Pennsylvania. Thomas Miff-lin, Geo : Clymer, Jared Ingersoll, Gouv : Morris. Delaware. Gunning Bedford, Jun'b. Richard Bassett, Maryland. Dan : op St. 'J'hos. Jenifex. Virginia. James Madison, Jr. North Carolina. Rich' \> Dobbs Spaight, South Carolina. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. Pierce Butler. Geo)-gia. Abr. Baldwin. WIIJJAM JACKSON, Secraar^ g4 IHE CONSTITUTIUX. ARTICLES, m ADDITION TO, AND AlIENDilENT OF, THE CUNSTIIUTION OF TUE UNITED STATES OF AllERICA, PROPOSED BY CONGRESS, AND RATIFIED BY THE 1J:GISLATURES of the several states, PURSUANT TO THE FIFTH ARTICLE OF THE ORIGINAL CONSTITUTION. (abticle I.) Congress sliall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assem ble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. (article II.) A well-regulated Militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. (article III.) No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. (article IV.) The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, support- ed by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. (article v.) No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infam- ous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger ; nor shall any f)erson be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of ife or limb ; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a wit- ness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. (article VI.) In all criminal prusecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have neen previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witr esses against THF rosSTITUTIO-V. 35 him ; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. (a R T I C L K VII.) In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollarS; the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any Court of the United States, than according to the rule'? of the common law. (article VIII.) Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, uor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. (article IX.) The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. (article X.) The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respects ively, or to the people. (article XI.) The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citizens oi subjects of any foreign State. (article XII.)- The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ba! lot for President and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they shall name in their ballot the person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and they shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and tiansmit sealed to the seat of government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate : — The President of the Senate shall, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; — The person having the greatest number of votes for Pres- ident, shall be the President, if such number be a majority of the whole number' of Electors appointed ; and if no person have such ma- jority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceed- ing three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Represeiiiativcs shall choose immediately by ballot the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States. SG THK CON^STITUTION. and a majority of all tho States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever the right of choice shall devolv-; upon them, before the fourth day of iVlarch next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability oF the Pi-esident. The person having the greatest number of votes as Yice- President, shall bk the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed : and if no person have a majority, then, from the two highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President ; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. But no person constitu- tionally ineligible to the ofBce of President, shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States. The Constitution was adopted on the 17th September, 1787, by the Convention appointed in pursuance of the Resolution of the Congresa of the Confederation, of the 21st February, 1787, and ratified by the Conventions of the several States, as follows : By Convention of Delaware, 7tb December, 1787. " " Pennsjlvania, 12th December, 1787 «' «« New Jer.sey , IStli December, 17J'7 " << Georgia, 2d January, 178S '« " Connecticut, 9th January, 1788 « «' Massachusetts, 6th February, 1788 •« " Maryland, 28th AprU, 1788 ** «« South Carolina 23d May, 1788 «♦ " New Hampshire, 21st June, 1788 «* " Virginia, 26th June, 1788, « " New York, 26th July, 1788 " « North Carolina, 21st November. 1789, " " Rhode Island, 29th May, 1790 The first ten of the Ainendments wiv". proposed on the 25th Septem- ber. 1789, and ratified by the constitnt'onal number of States on the L5th December, 1 791 ; the eleventh, oq -Ao b*:h. January, 1798 ; ani th« twelfth, on the 25th September. 180l. FOKMATION OF THE OKIGIXAL UXIOX. 81 FORMATION OF THE ORIGINAL UNION. Ox Monday, the 5th September, 1774, there were assembled at C;arpoi)ter"s llall, in the city of Philadelphia, a number of men who had been chosen and appoiuied by the several colonies in North America to hold a Congress for the purpose of discussing certain g-rievaaces imputed against the mother-country. This Congress resolved on the next day that each coloay should have one vote only. On Tuesday, the 2d July, 1776, the Congress resolved, " That thesu United Colonies are, and of right ought to be. Free and Independent Btates," etc., etc. ; and on Thursday, the 4th July, the whole IJeclara- tiou of Independence having been agreed upon, it was publicly read to the people. Shortly after, on the 9th September, it was resolved that the words " United Colonies " should be no longer used, and that the ' UxiTED States of America" should thenceforward be the style and title of the Union. On Saturday, the 15th November, 1777, " Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union of the United States of America " were agreed to by the state delegates, subject to the ratification of the state legislatures severally. Eight of the states ratified these articles on the 9th July, 1778 ; one on the 21st July ; one on the 24th July ; one on the 26th November of the same year ; one on the 22d February, 1779 ; and the last one on the 1st March, 1781. Here was a bond of union between thirteen independent states, whose delegates in Congress legislated for the general welfare, and executed certain powei-s, so far as they were permitted by the articles aforesaid. The following are the names of the Presidents of the Con- tinental Congress from 1774 to 1788 : Peyton Randolph, Virginia 5th Sept., 1774 He'nfy MidtUeton, South Carolina 2-2d Oct., 17'i4 Peyton Randolph, Virginia 10th May, 1775 JdIiu Hancock, Massachusetts 24th " 1776 Henry Ijiurens, South Carolina 1st Nov., 1777 Joiin Jay, New York 10th Dec, 1778 Samuel Huntingdon, Connecticut 2Cth Sept. , 1779 Thomas McKeau, Delaware 10th July, 1780. John Hanson, Maryland 6th Nov. , 1781 lUi-.s Boudinot, New Jersev 4th " 1782 Thomas .Milllin, Pennsylva'nia _^3d " 1783 Richard Henry I.ee. Virginia 30th " 1784 Natlianiel Gorhara, Massachusetts 6th .Ian. , 178d Artliur St. Clair, Penn.sylvania 2d F^., 1787 Cyrus GriOin, Virginia 2'id Jan, 1788 The seat of government was established as follows : at Philadelphia, i'a.. commencing September 5,1774, and May 10, 1775; at Ealti- more, Md., December 20, 1776 ; at Philadelphia, Pa., March 4, 1777 ; at Lancaster, Pa.. September 27, 1777 ; ut York. Pa., September 30, 1777 : at Philadelphia, Pa., July 2, 177.^ ; at Princeton, N. J., June 30, 178;J ; at Annapolis, Md.. November 26, 1783 ; at Trenton, N. J., November 1, 1784 ; and at New York City, N. Y., Jan. 11, 1785. On the 4th March, 1789, the present Constitution, which had been adopted by a convention and ratified by the requisite number of Ptatcs, went into operation. 38 WASHINGTON'S ADDRESSES. There were not many occasions during his public career that Washington was called upon to exercise his abilities as a writer or an orator ; but when such occasions did occur, he always acquitted him self with a degree of perspicuity and modesty which may be said to have been characteristic of himself alone. The addresses which follow mark, as it were, four distinct epochs in the history of thia unexampled man : — the first, when he accepted the command of the armies by which our national independence was achieved ; the second, when he surrendered his commission, after having driven the foes of freedom from his beloved country ; the third, when he assumed the responsible duties of President, in which office his high qua4ities for civil government were as conspicuous as had been his military talents in the field ; and fourth, when he resigned this great trust, and took leave of the people in his imperishable " Farewell Address," an inestimable legacy, which cannot be too frequently conned by every American who values his birthright. WASHINGTON'S ELECTION AS COMMANBER-IN-CHIEF. On the 15th of June, 1775, Washington was unanimously elected by Congress to " command all the Continental forces raised, or to be-raised, for the defence of American liberty," and when he appeared in his place the next day, the President of that body acquainted him with his election, in a well-timed address, " and requested he would accept of that employment ;" to which Washington replied as follows : " Mr. President : Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done me, in this appointment, yet I feel great distress, from conscious- ness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust : However, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their approbation. " But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered, by every gentleman in the room, that I, this day, declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with. "As to pay, sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress, that, as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. 1 will keep an exact account of my expenses. Those, I doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all I desire." WASHINGTON'S ADDRESSES. WASHINGTON'S RESIGNATION OF HIS COIIMISSION. The War of the Eevolution having terminated auspiciously, "Wash. iugton took leave of his ofliccrs and army at New York, and repaired to Annapolis, Md., where Congress was then in session. On the 20th of December, 1783, he transmitted a letter to that body, apprising *hem of his arrival, with the intention of resigning his commission; ind desiring to know whether it would be most agreeable to receive t in writing or at an audience. It was immediately resolved that a public entertainment be given hira on the 2 2d, and that he be admit- ted to an audience on the 23d, at twelve o'clock. Accordingly he attended at that time, and, being seated, the President informed him that Congress were prepared to receive his communications. Where- upon he arose, and spoke as follows : " Mr. President : The great events on which my resignation depended having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offer- ing my sincere congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before them, to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. " Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appoint- ment I accepted with diffidence : a diffidence in my abilities to accom- plish so arduous a task ; which however was superseded by a confi- dence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven. " The successful termination of the war has verified the most san- guine expectations ; and my gratitude for the interposition of Provi- dence, and the assistance I have received from my countrymen, increases with every review of the momentous contest. " While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the gentlemen who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend, in particular, those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and patronage of Congress. " I consider it an indispensable duty to close this last act of my official life by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping. " Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action, and bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my com- mission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life." 49 Washington's addresses. WASHINGTON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. In accordance with previous arrangements. General Wasliingtor met Congress in New York on the 30th of April, 1789. lor the purpose of being inaugurated as the first President of the United States. The oath of office having been administered by the Chan- cellor of the state of New York, in presence of the Senate and House of Representatives the President delivered the following Inaugural Address : ■' Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives: " Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled tne with greater anxieties than that of which the notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years ; a retreat which was rendered every day more necessary, as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health, to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sutlicient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despond- ence one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver, is, that it has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope, is, that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confi- dence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with some share of the partiality in which they originated. " Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be pecu- liarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent suppli- cations to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe — who presides in the councils of nations — and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to, the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a goveru- Bjent instituted by themselves for these essential purposes; and may Washington's addresses. 4 1 enable every iHstrument empiOyed in its administration to execute witn success tlie'innctions allotted to his charj^e. In tendering this hoinao^fl to the Great Author of every public and private good. I assure myself that ii expresses your sentiments not less than my own ; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency ; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations, and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most govern- ments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be sup- pressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. " By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President '■ to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.' The circum- stances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject, farther than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled ; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recom- mendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that, as on one side, no local prejudices or attach- ments, no separate views, nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests ; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality; and the pre-eminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent lore for my country can inspire : since there is no truth more thoroaghly established, than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness — between duty and advantage — between the genuine maxims of an honest and mag- nanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity ; since we ought to be no Ic^s persuaded that the propitious Bmiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards 42 Washington's addresss? the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained , and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked, on the experiment entrusted to the hands of the American people. " Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitution is rendered expedient at the present juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking particular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from oflScial opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good ; for, I assure myself, that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might endanger the benefits of an united and eflfective government, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience, a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufiiciently influence your deliberations on the question, how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted. " To the preceding observations 1 have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It con- cerns myself, and will, therefore, be as brief as possible. When I was first honored with a call into the service of my country, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I con- templated my duty required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance departed ; and being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emo- luments which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department ; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expendi- tures as the public good may be thought to require. " Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, a? they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave ; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that, since he has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding, with unparalleled unanimity, on a form of government for the security of their Union, and the advancement of their happiness, so his Divine blessing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the tem- perate consultations, and the wise measures, on which ihe succeM of this government must depend ' iH WASHINGTON'S FAREWELl ADDRESS. Friends and Fellow- Citizens : The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the Execu- tive Government of the United Slates being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must !)e employed in desig- nating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the num- ber of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his Country ; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence, in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal tor your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness . but am supported by a fiill conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclina- tion to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluct- antly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and crit- ical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea, I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that 1 have with good intentions contributed towards the organization and administration of the Government the best exer- tions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, in my own eyes — perhaps still more in the eyes of others — has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me, more and more, that the shade of .vtirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. -Satisfied that J 4 WASHIN'CTOn's VAUKWKt.!- ADDRESS. if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, t^ey were temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me ; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our coun- try from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals that, under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mis- lead ; amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging ; in situations in which, not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism — the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual ; that the free Constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its administration, in every department, may be stamped witn wisdom and virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so pru- dent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recom- mending it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption of every lation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop ; but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to oSer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your fre- quent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disin- terested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no per- sonal motive to bias his counsel ; nor can I forget, as an encourage- ment to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice WASni.VGTON's lARKWELL, ADDRESS. 46 of your real independence — the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that vorj liberty which you so hi<>hly prize. But as it is easy to foresee iliut, from difierent causes and troin different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices emp'ojed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your political foi'tress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most con- stantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed — it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your National Union to your collective and individual happi- ness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abaudone<] ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alien- ate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which be!i)ngs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local dis- criminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a com- mon cause, fought and triumphed together ; the independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts — of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address them- selves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest : here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and eonmiercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The Sotith, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channefs the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated ; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which itself is uneonally adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the West alniidy finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior commu- nif'ation, by land and water, will more anJ more find, a valuable vent fc tlie commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at b ,mc. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth 46 WASHINGfO.v's FAREWELL ADDRESS. ami comfort ; and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater re- source, proportionably gi'eater security from external danger, a iesa frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same goveri/ment; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the neces- sity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty ; in this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the pre servation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation, in such a case, were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to disti-ust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have beeill furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations — Northern and Southern — Atlantic and Western : whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is tc misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepre^sentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those Washington's farewell address. 47 who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabit- ants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on thia head ; they have seen in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government, and in the Atlan- tic States, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississij'pi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties — that witij Great Britain, and that with Spain — which secure to them every thing they could desire in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirm ing their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the pre servation of these advantages on the Union by which they were pro- cured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however strict between the parts, can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all time, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Govern- ment better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Gov- urnment, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upou full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems, is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of Government : but the Con- stitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Gov- ernment, pre-supposes the duty of every individual to obey the estab- lished Government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive to this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place oF the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but art fnl and enterprising minority of the community ; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to mate the public admin- istration the mirror of the ill-concerteS and incongruous projects of 48 -iPASHIKGTON's FAREWELL ADDRESS. faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesone plans, digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and thing's, to become potent ensrines, by which cunning, ambi- tious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of Government , destroying, afterwards, the very engines which had lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your Government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority but also that you resist with care the spirit of iunovation upon itj principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of Governments as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a Government oi as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is indeed, little else than a name, where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical dis- criminations. Let me now take a more compreliensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of the 3pirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes, in all Governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest ranknes" and is truly their w^orst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpener! by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads, at length, to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, grad- ually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the WASHIXGTON 3 FAREWELL ADCRE88 4:-! absulute power of an Individual ; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the rums of public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which, nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest aJid duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It server always to distract the pr blic councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates che community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosities of one part against another ; foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the Government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in Governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of excess, the eflfort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free coun- try, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of Government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into diSerent depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our own country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If. in the opinion of the people, tlie distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, iu any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment iu the way which the Constitution designates. But let there bo no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it Ls the customary weapon by which free Governments ar« 50 WASHINGTON' k' FiRE7i'f:LL ADDRESS. destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in per manent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can, at anj tune, yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperityj religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert thesp great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desei-t the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in the courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. "Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined educa- tion on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of reli- gious principles. Jt is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular Government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free Government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general difiusion of knowledge, [n proportion as the structure of a Government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as pos- sible ; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remem- bering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoiding, likewise, the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned ; not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives., but it ia necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the Govern- ment in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obt-aining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate peace Washington's farewell address. 01 and harmony with all ; religion and morality eujoia this conduct ; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It -wiil be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a. people always guided by au exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of time ilnd things, the fruits of such a jjiau would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be tliat Providence has not con- nected the permanent ielicity of a nation witli its virtue ? The expe riment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennoblet human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impos-.-ible by its vices ? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and pas- sionate attachments for others, should be excluded ; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its an! mosity or to its aflTection ; either of whicli is sufBcient to lead it astra3 from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent col lisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war th( Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Gov ernment sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject ; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, insti- gated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of nations has been the victim. So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation to another pro- duces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leada also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the conces- sions ; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retain- ed, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld ; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interest of their own country, without odium ; sometimes even with popularity ; gild- ing with the appearance of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commend- able deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatratiou 52 Washington's farewell address. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such atlacb monts are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independ- ent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils ! Such an attach- ment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious -wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be comtanthj awake ; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican Government. But that jtalousy, to be useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes the in- strument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little polit- i«al connection as possible. So far as we have already foi-med engage- ments, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us hfive none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent contro- versies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordi- nary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient Gov- ernment, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupu- lously respected ; when belligerent nations, under the impossibiUty of making acquisitions upon ub, will not lightly ha2ard the giving us pro- vocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit Dur own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our Sestiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and pros- perity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice ? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty io do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronising infi. ^elity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable Washington's KAaEWEU, address f>-i to public than to private afiairs, that honesty is always the beet policv I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But. in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establisiiments, on -a, respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom- mended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences ; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing ; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinions will permit, but temporary, and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another ; that it must pay, with a portion of its independence, for whatever it may accept under that character ; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being re- proached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon, real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old ar a affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and last- ing impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations ; but if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some oc- casional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hoj)e will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records, and other evidences of my conduct, must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least beiio.\-d n.yself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1 793, is the index to ray plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually gov- •• Med me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. i/l WA.SHIN'fiTDN S IWREWKLL AIDRESS. After deliberate examiuation, with the aid of the best lights I coald obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circum- stances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perse- verance, and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain fnviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest, for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a pre- dominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country tc settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am un- conscious of intentional error ; I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease to Aaew them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansiooa of rest. Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several genera- tions, I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of par- taking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free Government — the ever favorite object of my heart — and the happy reward, as I trust; of our mutual care'^ labors, and dangers. GEORGE WASHINGTON. Ukitid States, l*lth September, 1796. MISSOURI COMPROMISE POPULATION' UNITED STATES. 0..> MISSOURI COMPROMISE OF 1820. When Missouri applied for admission into the Union, a proposi tion was started in Congress to prohibit the introduction of slavery into the new state. This had the effect of arraying the South against the North — the slave-holding against the nou-slave-holding states — and the whole subject of slavery became the exciting topic of debate throughout the country. The question was finally settled by a Com- pinmise, which tole-ated slavery in Missouri, but otherwise prohibited :t in all the territory of the United States north and west of the northern limits of Arkansas. As the principle then settled has often since been the prolific source of much sectional controversy and angry debate, and as it is desirable that every one should be familiar with the real provisions of the act by which Missouri was admitted, we have concluded to insert here so much of the law as is necessary to a full understanding of the subject. All the sections except the following relate entirely to the formation of the Missouri territory, in the usual form of territorial bills : " Sec. 8. That in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the state contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes, whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and is hereby, for ever prohibited. Provided always, that any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any state or terri- tory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed aud conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid." POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES AT DECENNIAL PERIODS. CensuE White Persons. Colored Persons. Total Years. Free. Slave. Total Population. 1790... 3,172,464 59,466 697,897 757,363 3,929,827 1800... 4,304,489 108,395 893,041 1,001,436 5,305,925 1810... 5,862,004 186,446 1,191,364 1,377,810 7,239.814 1820... 7.861,937 238,156 1,538,038 1,776,194 9,638,13] 1830... 10.537,378 319.^)9 2.009,043 2,328,642 12,866,020 1840... 14,195,695 386,303 2,487,455 2,873,758 17,069,45;^ 1850... 19,553.068 434,495 3.204,313 3,638.808 23,191,876 It will be seen by the above table that the population increase*, naturally and by immigration at the yearly rate of three per cent, which would give, in 1855, about 27,000,000, and in 1860, 31 ,000.000 56 FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW OF 1850. 4?? Act to amend, mid supplementary to, the Act entitled " Ai\ Act respecting Fugitives from, Justice, and persons escaping . from the Service of their Masters" approved Feburary 12, 1793. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the persons who have been, or may hereafter be, appointed Commissioners, in virtue of any Act of Congress, by the Circuit Courts of the United States, and who, in consequence of such appointment, are authorized to exercise the powers that any justice of the peace, or other magistrate of any of the United States, may exercise in respect to offenders for any crime or offence against the United States, by arresting, imprisoning, or bail- ing the same, under and by virtue of the thirty-third section of the act of the twenty-fourth of September, seventeen hundred and eighty nine, entitled " An Act to establish the judicial courts of the United States, " shall be, and are hereby, authorized and required to exer- cise and discharge all the powers and duties conferred by this Act. Sec. 2- That the Superior Court of each organized territory of the United States shall have the same power to appoint Commission- ers to take acknowledgments of bail and affidavits, and to take depo- sitions of witnesses in civil causes, which is now possessed by the Circuit Court of the United States ; and all Commissioners who shall hereafter be appointed for such purposes by the Superior Court of any organized territory of the United States, shall possess all the powers, and exercise all the duties, conferred by law upon the Commis- sioners appointed by the Circuit Courts of the United States for similar purposes, and shall moreover exercise and discharge all the powers and duties conferred by this Act. Sec. 3. That the Circuit Courts of the United States, and the Superior Courts of eac' organized territory of the United States shall from time to time ,arge the number of Commissioners with a view to afford reasona' facilities to reclaim fugitives from labor, and k) the prompt discharg of the duties imposed by this Act. Sec. 4. That the Commissioners above named shall have concurrent jurisdiction with the Judges of the Circuit and District Courts of the United States, in their respective circuits and districts within the several States, and the Judges of the Superior Courts of the territo- ries severally and collectively, in term-time and vacation ; and shall grant certificates to such claimants, upon satisfactory proof being made, with authority to take and remove such fugitives from service or labor, under the restrictions herein contained, to the state or terri- tory from which such persons may have escaped or fled. Sec. 5. That it shall be the duty of all marshals and deputy marshals to obey and execute all warrants and precepts issned under rUGmV£ SLAVE LAW. iil the provisions of tlii.s act, when to them directed ; mid should any marshal or deputy marshal refuse to receive such warrant, or othei process, wliea tendered, or to use all proper mean? diligently to execute the same, he shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in the sun* of one thousand dollars, to the use of such claimant, on the motion of such claimant, by the Circuit or District Court for the district of such marshal ; and after arrest of such fu^-itive, by such marshal ox his deputy, or whilst at any time in his custody, under the provisions of this act, should such fugitive escape, whether with or without the assent of such marshal or his deputy, such marshal shall be liable, on his official bond, to be prosecuted for the benefit of such claimant, for the full value of the service or labor of said fugitive in the state, ter- ritory, or district whence he escaped ; and the better to enable said Commissioners, when thus appointed, to execute their duties faithfully and efficiently, in conformity with the requirements of the Constitution of the United States, and of this Act, they are hereby authorized and empowered, within their counties respectively, to appoint, in writiiig under their hands, any one or more suitable persons, from time to time, to execute all such warrants and other process as may be issued by them in the lawful performance of their respective duties; with authority to such Commissioners, or the persons to be appointed by them, to execute process as aforesaid, to summon and call to their aid the bystanders, or posse com^atus of the proper county, when necessary to insure a faithful observance of the clause of the Constitution refer- red to, in conformity with the provisions of this act ; and all good citizens are commanded to aid and assist in the prompt and efficient execution of this law, whenever their services may be required, aa aforesaid, for that purpose : and said warrants shall run, and be executed by said officers, anywhere in the state within which they are issued. Sec. 6. That when a person held to service or labor in any stak or territory of the United States, has heretofore or shall hereafter escape into another state or territory of the United States, the person or persons to whom such service or labor may be due, or his, her, or their agent or attorney, duly authorized by power of a,^torney, in wi'iting acknowledged and certified under the seal of some legal officer •r Court of the state or territory in which the same may be executed, may pursue and reclaim such fugitive person, either by procuring a warrant from some one of the Courts, Judges, or Commissioners afore- said, of the proper circuit, district, or county, for the apprehension of inch fugitive frjm service or labor, or by seizing and arresting such fugitive where the si\me can be done without process, and by taking or causing such person to be tulion forthwith before such Court. Judge or (,'omniisiiioner, whose duty it shall be to hear and determine the case of such claimant in a summary manner ; and upon satisfac- tory proof being made, by deposition or affidavit, in writing, to be taken, and certified by such Court, Judge or Commissioner, or by other satisfactory testimony, duly taken and certified bj some Coar^ 58 FCGITIVF. ST,A\'E LAW. Magistrate, Justice of the Peace, or other legal officer authorized to administer an oath and take depositions under the laws of the state or territory from which sucli person owing service or labor may have escaped, with a certificate of such magistracy, or other authority as aforesaid, v/ith the seal of the proper Court or officer thereto attached, which seal shall be sufficient to establish the competency of the proof, and with proof, also by affidavit, of the identity of the person whose service or labor is claimed to be due as aforesaid, that the jjerson so arrested does in fact owe service or labor to the person or persona claiming him or her, in the state or territory from which such fugi- tive may have escaped as aforesaid, and that said person escaped, to make out and deliver to said claimant, his or her agent or attorney, a certificate setting forth the substantial facts as to the service or labor I'ue from such fugitive to the claimant, and of his or her escape frora (he state or territory in which such service or labor was due to the state or territory in which he or she was arrested, with authority to such claimant, or his or her agent or attorney, to use such reasonable force and restraint as may be necessary, under the circumstances of the case, to take and remove such fugitive person back to the state or territory whence he or she may have escaped as aforesaid. In no trial or hearing under this Act shall the testimony of such alleged fugitive be admitted in evidence ; and the certificates in this and the first [fourth] section mentioned, shall be conclusive of the right of the person or persons in whose favor granted, to remove such fugitive to the state or territory from which he escaped, and shall prevent all molestation of such person or persons by any process issued by any Court, Judge, Magistrate, or other person whomsoever. Sec. 7. That any person who shall knowingly and willingly obstruct, hinder, or prevent such claimant, his agent or attorney, or any person or persons lawfully assisting him, her or them, from arrest- ing such a fugitive from service or labor, either with or without process as aforesaid, or shall rescue or attempt to rescue such fugitive from service or labor, from the custody of such claimant, his or her agent or attorney, or other person or persons lawfully assisting aa aforesaid, when so arrested pursuant to the authority herein given and i"!eclared, or shall aid, abet, or assist such person so owing service or labor as aforesaid, directly or indirectly, to escape from such rlaimant, his agent or attorney, or other person or persons legally tuthorized as aforesaid ; or shall harbor or conceal such fugitive so as to prevent the discovery and arrest of such person, after notice or knowledge of the fact that such person was a fugitive from service or labor as aforesaid, shall, for either of said offences, be subject to a fine not exceeding one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceed- ing six months, by indictment and conviction before the District Court of the United States, for the district in which such offence may have been committed, or before the proper court of criminal jurisdic- tion, if committed within any one of the organized territories of the Uniterl States, and shall moreover forfeit and pay, by way of ciTi] FTGITIVK .-I.AVK LAW. 59 damages to fhe party injured by such illegal comluct, the sum of oqo thousand dollars, for each fugitive so lost as aforesaid, to be recovered by action of debt in any of the District or Territorial Courts afore- said, within whose jurisdiction the said oiiencc may have beec committed. rtEC. 8. That the marshals, their deputies, and the clerks of the gaid District and Territorial Courts, shall be paid for their service? the like fees as may be allowed to them for similar services in other cases ; and where such services are rendered exclusively in the arrcsv, custody, and delivery of the fugitive to the claimant, his or her agent or attorney, or where such supposed fugitive may be discharged out of custody for the want of sufficient proof as aforesaid, then such fees are to be paid in the whole by such claimant, his agent or attorney ; and in all cases where the proceedings are before a Commissioner, he shall be entitled to a fee of ten dollars in full for his services in each case, npon the delivery of the said certificate to the claimant, his or her agent or attorney ; or a fee of five dollars in cases where the proof shall not, in the opinion of such Commissioner, warrant such certificate and delivery, inclusive of all services incident to such arrest and examination, to be paid in either case by the claimant, his or her agent or attorney. The person or persons authorized to execute the process to be issued by such Commissioner for the arrest and deten- tion of fugitives from service or labor as aforesaid, shall also be entitled to a fee of five dollars each, for each person he or they may arrest and take before any such Commissioner, as aforesaid, at tho instance and request of such claimant, with such other fees as may be deemed reasonable by such Commissioners for such other addi- tional services as may be necessarily performed by him or them ; such as attending at the examination, keeping the fugitive in custody, and providing him with food and lodging during his detention, and until the final determination of such Commissioner ; and, in general, for performing such other duties as may be required by such claimant, his or her attorney or agent, or Commissioner in the premises. Such ff^es to be made up in conformity with the fees usually charged by th« officers of the courts of justice within the proper district or county, as near as may be practicable, and paid by such claimants, their agents or attorneys, whether such supposed fugitives from service or labor be ordered to be delivered to such claimants by the firial determination of such Commissioner or not Sec. 9. That, upon affidavit made by the claimant of such fugitive, his age»t or attorney, after such certificate has been issued, that lie has reason to apprehend that such fugitive will be rescued by force from his or her possession before he can be taken beyond the limits of tlie state in which the arrest is made, it shall be the duty of the officer ir.uking the arrest to retain such fugitive in his custody, and to remove him to the state whence he fled, and there to deliver him to said claimant, his agent or attorney. And to this end the offic(;r afore- said is hereby authorized and required to employ so many persona CO . FUGITIVE SLAVE LAW IS he may deem necessary to overcome such force, and lo re'^ia them in his service so long as circumstances may require. The said officer «iud his assistants while so employed to receive the same compensation, ind to be allowed the same expenses as are now allowed by law lor :rausportation of criminals, to be certified by the judge of the district A'ithin which the arrest is made, and paid out cf the treasury of the Cnited States. Sec. 10. That when any person held to service or labor in any state or territory, or in the district of Columbia, shall escape there- from, the party to whom such service or labor may be due, his, her, or their agent or attorney, may apply to any court of record therein, or judge thereof in vacation, and make satisfactory proof to such court or judge in vacation, of the escape aforesaid, and that the person escaping owed service or labor to such party. Whereupon the court shall cause a record to be made of the matters so proved, and also a general desw'iption of the person so escaping, with such convenient certainty as may be ; and a transcript of such record, authenticated by the attestation of the clerk and of the seal of the said court, being produced in any other state, territory or district in which the person so escaping may be found, and being exhibited to any Judge, Commissioner, or other officir authorized by the law of the United States to cause persons escaping from service or labor to be delivered up, shall be held and taken to be full and conclusive evidence of the fact of the escape, and that the service or labor of the person escaping is due to the party in such record mentioned. And upon the production by the said party of other and further evidence if necessary, either oral or by affidavit, in addition to M-hat is con- tained in the said record of the identity of the person escaping, he or she shall be delivered up to the claima-nt. And the said Court, Com- missioner, Judge, or other person authorized by this Act to grant cer- tificates to claimants of fugitives, shall, upon the production of the record and other evidences aforesaid, grant to such claimant a certifi- cate of his right to take any such person identified and proved to bo owing service or labor as aforesaid, which shall authorize such claim- ant to seize or arrest and transport such person to the state or terri- tory from which he escaped : Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed as requiring the production of a transcript of such record as evidence as aforesaid. But in its absence the claim shall be beard and determined upon o'lier satisfactory prjofs, competent in law Approval September 18, 1950. KANSAS AND NEBRASK k ACT OF 1854. An Ad to Organize the Territories of Nebraska aud Kansas, Be it enacted by the Senate and Iloicse of KeprescrJatives of tki United States of America in Congress assi'rnl/led, 'riiiit aii that part of the territory of the United States included witliiu tlje following limits, except such portions thereof as are hereiuafter expres.-ly exempted from the operations of this Act, to wit : beg'iiiniuj at a point in the Missouri river where the fortieth parallel of north latitude crosses the same ; thence west on said parallel to the east boundary of the terri- tory of Utah on the summit of the Rocky Mountains ; thence on said eummit northward to the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude; thence east on said parallel to the western boundary of the territory of Minne- sota ; thence southward on said boundary to the Missouri river ; thence down the main channel of said river to the place of beginning, be, and the same is hereby, created into a temporary government by the name of the territory of Nebraska ; and when admitted as a state or states, the said territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission : Provided, That nothing in this Act contained shall be construed to inhibit the Government of the United States from dividing said territory into two or more territories, in such manner and at such times as Congress shall deem convenient and proper, or from attaching any portion of said territory to any other state or territory of the United States : Provided further, That nothing in this Act contained shall be construed to impair the righta of person or property now pertahiing to the Indians in said territory, so long as such rights sliall remain unextinguished by treaty between the United States and such Indians, or to include any territory' which, by treaty with any Indian tribe, is not, without the consent of said tribe, to be included within the territorial limits or jurisdiction of any state or territory ; but all such territory shall be excepted out of the boundaries, and constitute no part of the territory of Nebraska, until said tribe shall signify their assent to the President of the United States to be included within the said territory of Nebraska, or to affect the authority of the Government of the United States to make any regulations respecting such Indians, their lands, property or other rights, by treaty, law, or otherwise, which it would have been compe- tent to the government to make if this Act had never passed. Sko. 2. That the executive power and authority in and over said (crritory of Nebraska shall be vested in a Governor, who shall hold his office for four years, and until his succesvsor shall be appointed and Mualifiod, unless sooner removed by the President of the United States. The Governor shall reside M-ithin said territory, and shall be com- jianuer-in-chief of the militia thereof. He may grant pardons and respites for offences against the laws of said territory, and reprieves for offences again»t the laws of the United States, until the decision oi fi2 KANSAS AND NEBRASKA ACT. the President can be made known thereon ; he shall commission all officers who shall be appointed to office under the laws of the said ter- ritory, and shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed. riEC. 3. That there shall be a secretary of said territory, who shall reside therein, and hold his office for five years, unless sooner removed by the President of the United States ; he shall record and preserve all the laws and proceedings of the Legislative Assembly hereinafter constituted, and all the acts and proceedings of the (iovcruor in his executive department ; he shall transmit one copy of the laws and journals of the Legislative Assembly within thirty days after the end of each session, and one copy of the executive proceedings and official correspondence semi-annually, on the first days of January and July in each year, to the President of the United States, and two copies of the laws to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Eepresentativee, to be deposited in the libraries of Congress ; and, in case of the death, removal, resignation, or absence of the Governor from the territory, the secretary shall be, and he is hereby authorized and required to execute and perform all the powers and duties of the Governor during such vacancy or absence, or until another Governor shall be duly appointed and qualified to fill such vacancy. Sec. 4. That the legislative power and authority of said territory shall be vested in the Governor and a Legislative Assembly. The Legis- lative Assembly shall consist of a Council and House of Representatives The Council shall consist of thirteen members, having the qualifications of voters, as hereinafter prescribed, whose term of service shall con- tinue two years. The House of Representatives shall, at its first session, consist of twenty-six members, possessing the same qualifica- tions as prescribed for members of the Council, and whose term of service shall continue one year. The number of representatives may be increased by the Legislative Assembly, from time to time, in propor- tion to the increase of qualified voters : Provided, That the whole number shall never exceed thirty-nine ; an apportionment shall be made as nearly equal as practicable, among the several counties or districts for the election of the Council and representatives, giving to each section of the territory representation in the ratio of its qualified voters as nearly as may be. And the members of the Council and of the House of Representatives shall reside in, and be inhabitants of, tht district or county, or counties, for which they may be elected respect- ively. Previous to the first election, the Governor shall c^iFse a census or enumeration of the inhabitants and qualified voters oi the several counties and districts of the territory, to be taken by sujh ^yP'sonsand in such mode as the Governor shall designate and apro'.n', , and the, persons so appointed shall receive a reasonable compemd'jrii therefor And the first election shall be held at such times and places, and be conducted in such manner, both as to the persons •"/ho shall super- intend such election and the returns thereof, as the Governor sliall ujipoint and direct ; and he shall at the same time declare tho nonibei of members of the Council and House of RepreGeutyitives to which eacl? of the counties or districts stuall be entitled under this Act. Th?. per- KANSAS AXD N'EBI.ASKA ACT. ^»3 Bons having the highest number of legal votes in each of said Couuci! districts for members of the Council, shall be declared bj- the Governor to be duly elected to the Council ; and the persons having the highest number of legal votes for the House of Representatives, shall be declared by the Governor to be duly elected members of said House : Provided, That in case two or more persons voted for shall have an equal number of votes, and in case a vacancy shall otherwise occur 'Q either branch of the Le2:islativo Assemblv, the Goveruor shall order I new election ; and the persons thus elected to the Legislative Assem- i)ly shall meet at such place and on such day as the Governor shall appoint ; but thereafter, the time, place, and manner of holding and conducting all elections by the people, and the apportioning the repre- sentation in the several counties or districts to the Council and House of Representatives, according to the number of qualified voters, shall be prescribed by law, as well as the day of the commencement of the regular sessions of the Legislative Assembly : Provided, That no session in any one year shall exceed the term of forty days, except the f.rst session, which may continue sixty days. Sec. .5. That every free white male inhabitant, above the age of twenty-one years, who shall be an actual resident of said territory, and shall possess the qualifications hereinafter prescribed, shall be entitlea to vote at the fii-st election, and shall be eligible to any office withic the said territory ; but the qualifications of voters, and of holding office, at all subsequent elections, shall be such as shall be prescribed by the Legislative Assembly : Provided, That the right of suffrage and of holding office shall be exercisoti only by citizens of the United States and those who shall have declared on oath their intention to become such, and shall have taken an oath to support the Constituton of the Uuitcd States and the provisions of this Act : And provided fur-ther That no ofScer, soldier, seaman, or marine, or other person in the army or navy of the United States, or attached to troops in the service of the United States, shall be allowed to vote or hold office in said territory, by reason of being on service therein. Sec. 6. That the legislative power of the territory shall extend to all rightful subjects of legislation consistent with the Constitution of the United States and the provisions of this Act ; but no law shall be passed interfering with the primary disposal of the soil ; no tax shall be imposed upon the property of the United States ; nor shall the lands or other property of non-residents be taxed higher than the lands or other property of residents. Every bill which shall have passed the Council and House of Representatives of the said territory, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the (jovernor of the territory ; if he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not. he shall return it with his objec- tions to the House in which it originated, who shall enter the objec- tions at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after euch reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the \>ill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the f .her House, y whibch it shall likewise be reconsidered^ and if approved by two- thirds of thst House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the 64 KANSAS AND NEBRASKA ACT. votes of both Houses sliall be determined by yeas and nays, to be entered on the journal of each House rey^ecti\e]y. If any bill shall not be returned by the Governor within three dAys (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law ill like injinner as if he had signed it, unless the Assembly, by adji^urn- nient. prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. Sec. 7. That all township, district, and county ofBcers, not hereic otherwise provided for, shall be appointed or elected, as the case may be, in such manner as shall be provided by the Governor and Legisla- tive Assembly of the territory of Nebraska. The Governor shall nominate, and, by and with th3 advice and consent of the Legislative Council, appoint all officers not herein otherwise provided for ; and ia the first instance the Governor alone may appoint all said officers, who shall hold their offices until the end of the first session of the D.-gisla- tive Assembly ; and sliall lay ofiF the necessary districts for racunbcrs cf the Council and House of Representatives, and all other officers. Sec. 8. That no member of the Legislative Assembly shall hold, or be appointed to, any office which shall have been created, or the calary or emoluments of which shall have been increased, while he wag a member, during the terra for which he was elected, and for one year after the expiration of such term ; but this restriction shall not be applicable to members of the first Legislative Assembly ; and no person holding a commission or appointment under tlie United States, except postmasters, shall be a member of the Legislative Assembly, or shall hold any office under the government of said territory. Sec. 9. That the judicial power of said territory shall be vested in a Supreme Court, District Courts, Probate Courts, and in Justices of the Peace. The Supreme Court shall consist of a Chief Justice and two Associate Justices, any two of whom shall constitute a quorum, and who shall hold a term at the seat of government of said territory annually, and they shall hold their offices during the period of four years, and until their successors shall be appointed and qualified. The said territory shall be r^ivided into three judicial districts, and a District Court shall be held in each of said districts by one of the Justices of the Supreme Court, at such times and places as may be prescribed by law ; and the said Judges shall, after their appoint- ments, respectively, reside in the district which shall be assigned them. The jurisdiction of the several courts herein provided for, both appel- late and original, and that of the Probate Courts and of Justices of the Peace, shall be as limited '^y law : Provided, That Justices of the Peace shall not have jurisdiction of any matter in controversy when the title or boundaries of land may be in dispute, or where the debt or sum claimed shall exceed one hundred dollars ; and the said Supreme and District Courts, respectively, shall possess chancery as well as common law jurisdiction. Each District Court, or the Judge thereof shall appoint its clerk, who shall also be the register in c!ianc<>ry. and shall keep his office at the place where thf; court may be held. Writs of error, bills of exception, and appeals, ^hall be allowed in all cases iVom tl'fi final decision of said District C jurts to the Supreme Court, P'AV'^/S AXn XFPKASKA ACT. Of nnder ?«ch regulations as Tuay Ix; prescribed by law ; but id no case ivinoved to the Supreme Court sliall trial by jury be allowed in Baiid court. The Supreme Court, or the Justices thereof, shall appoiui its owu clerk, and every clerk shall hold his ollice at the pleasure of the court for which he shall have been app^)inted. Writs of error, and appeals from the final decision of said Supreme Court, shall be allowed, and may be taken to the Supreme Court of the United States, in the same manner and under the same regulations as from the Circuit Courts of the United States, where the value of the property, or the amount in controversy, to be ascertained by the oath or aCSrm- ation of either party, or other compctjut witness, shall exceed one thousand dollars ; except only that in all cases involving title to slaves, the said writs of error or appeals shall be allowed and decided by the said Supreme Court, without reg-ard to the value of the matter, property, or title in controversy ; and except also that a writ of error or appeal shall also be allowed to the Supreme Court of the United States, from the decisions of the said Supreme Court created by this Act, or of any Judge thereof, or of the District Courts created by this Act, or of any Judge thereof, upon any writ of habeas corpus, involving the question of personal freedom : Provided, That nothing herein contained shall be construed to apply to or aflfect the provisions of the " Act respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters, " approved February twelfth, seven- teen hundred and ninety-three, and the "Act to amend and supple- mentary to the aforesaid Act, " approved September eighteen, eighteen hundred and fifty ; and each of the said District Courts shall hav'c and exercise the same jurisdiction in all cases arising under the Constitu- tion and laws of the United States as is vested in the Circuit and Dis- trict Courts of the United States ; and the said Supreme and District Courts of the said territory, and the respective Judges thereof, shall and may grant writs of habeof; corpus in all eases in which the same are granted by the Judges of the United States in the district of Columbia ; and the fii-st six days of every term of said courts, or so much thereof as shall be necessary, shall be appropriated to the trial of causes arising under the said Constitution and laws, and writs of error and appeal in all such cases shall be made to the Supreme Court of said territory, the same as in other cases, 'i'he said clerk shall receive in all such cases the same fees which the clerks of the District Courts of Utah territory now receive for similar services. Sec. 10. That the provisions of an Act entitled " An Act respect- ing fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their masters," approved February twelve, seventeen hundred and ninety-three, and the provisions of the Act entitled "An Act to amend, and supplementary to, the aforesaid Act. " approved Septem- ber eighteen, eighteen hundred and fifty, be, and the same are hereby, declared to extend to and be in full force within the limits of said territory of Nebraska. Sec. 11. That there shall lie appointed an attorney for said terri- tory, who shall continue in office for four years, and until his snocesaor 66 BALSAS AXD NEBRASKA ACT. Bhall be appointed and qualified, unless sooner rcmove-l hy the Prc'^i- d«it, and who shall receive the same fees and salary as the attorney of the United States for the present territory of Utah. There shall also be a marshal for the territory appointed, who shall hold his office for four years, and until his successor shall be appointed and qualified, unless sooner removed by the President, and who shall execute all processes issuing from the said courts when exercising their jurisdic- tion as Circuit and District Courts of tiie United States ; he shall perform the duties, be subject to the same regulations and penalties, and be entitled to the same fees as the mai'shal of the District Court of the United States for the present territory of Utah, and shall, in addition, be paid two hundred dollars annually as a compensation for* extra services. Sec. 12. That the Governor, secretary, chief justice, and associate justices, attorney, and marshal, shall be nominated, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed by the President of the United States. The Governor and secretary to be appointed as aforesaid, shall, before they act as such, respectively take an oath or affirmation before the District Judge or some Justice of the Peace in the limits of said territory, duly authorized to administer oaths and affirmations by the laws now in force therein, or before the Chief Justice or some Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, to support the Constitution of the United States, and faith- fully to discharge the duties of their respective offices, which said oaths, when so taken, shall be certified by the person by whom the same shall have been taken ; and such certificates shall be received and recorded by the said secretary among the executive proceedings : and the Chief Justice and Associate Justices, and all other civil officers in said territory, before they act as such, shall take a like oath or affirmation before the said Governor or secretary, or some Judge or Justice of the Peace of the territory who may be duly commissioned and qualified, which said oath or affirmation shall be certified aod transmitted by the person taking the same to the secretary, to be by him recorded as aforesaid ; and afterwards, the like oath or affirmation shall be taken, certified, and recorded, in such manner and form as may be prescribed by law. The Governor shall receive an annual salary of two thousand five hundred dollars. The Chief Justice and Associate Justices shall receive an annual salary of two thousand dollars. The secretary shall receive an annual salary of two thousand dollars. The said salaries shall be paid quarter-yearly, from the dates of the respective appointments, at the treasury of the United States ; but no such ]3aymont shall be made until said officers shall have entered upon the duties of their respective appointments. The members of the liCgislative Assembly shall be entitled to receive three dollars each per day during their attendance at the si;ssions thereof, and three dollars each for every twenty miles' travel in going to and returning from the said sessions, estimated according to the nearest usually traveled route; and an additional allowance of three dollars shall be paid to the presiding officer of caoh House for each day he sbaL' KANSAS AND NKIJRASKA ACT. (M BO preside. And a chief clerk, one assistant cicrk, a 8erp:eaiit-iil-arma, and door-keeper, may be chosen for each House ; and the chief clerk shall receive four dollars per day, and the said other officers three dollars per day, during the session of tlie Legislative Assembly ; but no other officers shall be paid by the United States : Provided, That there shall be but one session of the Legislature annually, unless, on an extraordinary occasion, the Governor shall think proper to call the Legislature together. There shall be appropriated, annually, the usual sum, to be expended by the Governor, to defray the contingent expenses of the territory, including the salary of a clerk of the execu- tire department ; and there shall also be appropriated, annually, a sufficient sum, to be expended by the secretary of the territory, and upon an estimate to be made by the secretary of the treasury of the United States, to defray the expenses of the Legislative Assembly, the printing of the laws, and other incidental expenses ; and the Governor and secretary of the territory shall, in the disbursement of all moneys intrusted to them, be governed solely by the instructions of the secre- tary of the treasury of the United States, and shall, semi-annually, account to the said secretary for the manner in which the aforesaid moneys shall have been expended ; and no expenditure shall be made by said Legislative Assembly for objects not specially authorized by the Acts of CongTess making the appropriations, nor beyond the suma thus appropriated for such objects. Sec. 1 3. That the Legislative Assembly of the territory of Nebraska shall hold its first session at such time and place in said territory as the Governor thereof shall appoint and direct ; and at said first session, or as soon thereafter as they shall deem expedient, the Gover- nor and Legislative Assembly shall proceed to locate and establish the seat of government for said territory at such place as they may deem eligible ; which place, however, shall thereafter be subject to be changed by the said Governor and Legislative Assembly. Sec. 14. That a delegate to the House of Representatives of the United States, to serve for the term of two years, who shall be a citizen of the United States, ms^ be elected by the voters qualified to elect members of the Legislative Assembly, who shall be entitled to the same rights and privileges as are exercised and enjoyed by the delegates from the several other territories of the United States to the said House of Representatives, but the delegate first elected shall hold his seat only during the term of the Congress to which he shall be elected. The first election shall be held at such time and places, and be conducted in such manner, as the Governor shall appoint and direct ; and at all subsequent elections the times, places, and manner of holding the elections shall be prescribed by law. The person having the greatest number of votes shall be declared by the Governor to be duly elected, and a certificate thereof shall be given accordingly. That the Constitution, and all the laws of the United States which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same foi'ce and efibct within the said territory of Nebraska as elsewhere within the United Stat«B, except the eighth section of the Act p-eparatory to the admission of 68 KANSAS AND NEBRASKA A JT. Missouri into the Unioa, approved March sixth, eighteen hundred and twenty, which, being inconsistent with the«iprinciple of non-interven- tion by Congress with slavery in the states and territories, as recog- nized by the legislation of eighteen hundred and fifty, commonly called the Compromise Measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void ; it being the true intent and meaning of this Act not to legislate slavery into any territory or state, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States : Provided, That notking herein contained shall be con- strued to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may have existed prior to the Act of sixth March, eighteen hundred and twenty, either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing slavery. ^ Sec. 15. That there shall hereafter be appropriated, as has been customary for the territorial governments, a sufficient amount, to be expended under the direction of the said Governor of the territory of Nebraska, not exceeding the sums heretofore appropriated for similar objects, for the erection of suitable public buildings at the seat of gov- ernment, and for the purchase of a library, to be kept at the seat of government for the use of the Governor, Legislative Assembly, Judges of the Supreme Court, secretary, marshal, and attorney of said terri- tory, and such other persons, and under such regulations as shall be prescribed by law. Sec. 16. That when the lands in the said territory shall be surveyed under the direction of the government ol the United States, preparatory to bringing the same into market, sections numbered sixteen and thirty- six, in each township in said territory, shall be, and the same are hereby reserved for the purpose of being applied to schools in said territory, and in the states and territories hereafter to be erected out of the same. Sec. 17. That, until otherwise provided by law, the Governor of said territory may define the judicial districts of said territory, and assign the judges who may be appointed for said territory to the several districts ; and also appoint the times and places for holding courts in the several counties or subdivisions in each of said judicial districts by proclamation, to be issued by him ; but the Legislative Asfsembly, at their first or any subsequent session, may organize, alter, or modify such judicial districts, and assign the judges, and alter the times and places of holding the courts, as to them shall seem proper and convenient. Sec. 18. That all officers to be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, for the territory of Ne- braska, who, by virtue of the provisions of any law now existing, or which may be enacted during the present Congress, are required io give security for moneys that may be intrusted with them for disburse iiionis, shall give such security, at such time and place, and in such manner as the secretary of tlie treasury may prescribe. Sec. 19. That all that part of the territory of the United States included within the following limits, except such portions thereof as are bereinsfter expressly exempted from the operations of this act, to KANSAS AXD NEBRASKA AUT. 09 wit : beginning at a point on the western boundary of the state of Missouri, where the thirty-seventh parallel of north latitndi; cross(.fl the same ; thence w^est on said parallel to the eastern boundary of New Mexico ; thence north on said boundary to latitude thirty-eight ; thence following said boundary westward to the east boundary of the territory of Utah, on the summit of the Rocky Mountains ; thence northward on said summit to the fortieth parallel of latitude ; thence east on said parallel to the western boundary of ths state of Missouri ; thence south with the western boundary of said state to the place of beginning, be, and the same is hereby, created into a temporary government by the name of the Territory of Kan»as ; and when admit- ted as a state or states, the said territory, or any portion of the same, shall be received into the Union with or without slavery, as their con- Rtitution may prescribe at the time of their admission : Provided, That nothing in this act contained shall be construed to inhibit the government of the United States from dividing said territory into two or more territories, in such manner and at such times as Congress shall deem convenient and proper, or from attaching any portion of said territory to any other state or territory of the United States : Provided, further, That nothing in this act contained shall be so con- strued as to impair the rights of persons or property now pertaining to the Indians in said territory, so long as such rights shall remain une.xtiiiiiuished by treaty between the United States and such Indians, or to include any territory which, by treaty with any Indian tribe, is not, without the consent of said tribe, to be included within the terri- torial limits or jurisdiction of any state or territory ; but all such territory shall be excepted out of the boundaries, and constitute no part of the territory of Kansas, until said tribe shall signify their assent to the President of the United States to be included within the said territory of Kansas, or to afifect the authority of the government of the United States to make any regulation respecting such Indians, their lands, property, or other rights, by treaty, law, or otherwise, which it would have been competent to the government to make if this act had never passed. fWith the single exception of the location of the seat of govern- ment for Kansas at Fort Leavenworth, provided for in seotiou I' I, the ensuing sixteen sections, relative to the organization and govern- ment of the territory, are precisely similar to the sections already recited, providing for the government of Nebraska territory. The final section of the act, which has a general reference to both terri- fies, is as follows :] Sec. 37. And be it further enacted, That all treaties, laws, and other engagem(!nts made by the Government of the United States with the In- dian tribes inhabiting the territories embraced within this act, shall be faithfully and rigidly observed, notwithstanding anything contained in ids act ; and that the existing agenci(;s and superintendeiicies of said Indians be continued, with the same povvers and duties which are now prescribed by law, except that the President of the United States may at his discretion change the locatio- of the office of superintendent 70 ELECTORAL VOTES. ELECTORAL VOTES PRESIDENT AND VICE-PEESIDENI OF THE UNITED STATES. =ct«f<$^^K|> ELECTION FOR TH2 FIRST TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1789, AND ^JTCRMINATING MARCH 3, 1793. o STATES. ..C3 o K i- o 1-5 c c -» c 3 a 1 (C ^ B m 1 9 * 0) i;3 oi II t -§ •-5 -'5) a ? ^ So a = to Of a •-5 go 1 5 10 7 6 10 3 New Hampshire Massachusetts Connecticut New Jersey Pennsylvania 5 10 7 6 10 3 6 10 7 5 5 10 5 1 8 "5" 2 5 3' i" 9 2 6 10 7 5 i" 1 6 3 ... South Carolina Geor^'*ia 6 S 2 1 1 1 69 Whole No. Electors. Majority 35 69 34 2 4 6 3 2 1 1 1 The first Congress under the •I'lonstitution was o^pvened at the ' Federal Hall," situated at the bead of Broad, fronting on Wail itroet, (where the Custom-House now stands.) in the city of New Y"ork, on the first Wednesday, behig March 4, 1789 — Senators and Representatives having been elected from the eleven states which liad ratified the Constitution ; but, owing to the absence of a quorum, the House was not organized till the 1st of April, and, for a like rea- son, the Senate was not organized till the 6th ; when the latter boc' v ■' proceeded by ballot to the choice of a President, for the sole purpose of opening and counting the [electoral] votes for President of the United States." John Langdon, of New Hampshire, was chosen President fro tern, of the Senate, and Samuel Alyne Otis, of Massar chusetts, Secretary ; after which, proper measi^res were taken to notify the successful individuals of their election. George Washington took the oath of office, as P^-esideut, and eutered apon his duties April 30, 1789. (For his Inaugural Address, see p. 24.) John Adams, Vice-President, entered upon his duties in the Seuaw A.pnl 21, 1789. and took the oath of office June 3, 1789. ELECTORAL VOTE?. 71 ELECTION FOR THE SECOND 1 ERM, COMMENCING MAKCH 4, 1793, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1797. a - ta CO ^4 ce hi * §■5 c'^f 1 2-2 be f u i'^ .a m-2 a & STATES. 9 a m cj 0) 0) £^ a"f bs s a o iz; 0) .a ^ o in 6 New Hampshire 6 16 4 9 3 12 7 6 16 4 9 3 7' 16 Massachusetts 4 Rhode Island 9 Connecticut S Vermont 12 New York 12 7 New Jersey 16 Pennsylvania 15 14 1 3 Delaware 3 8 3 8 8 Maryland ?n Virginia 21 4 21 4 4 Kentucky 1?, North Carolina 12 8 4 "7" 12 "4" 8 South Carolina 1 4 Georgia 13? Whole No. of Electors 132 77 50 4 1 Majority 67 George Washington, re-elected President, took the oath of office for a second term, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1793. John Adams, re-elected Vice-President, took the oath of office, and entered upon his duties in the Senate, December 2, 1793. After the expiration of his second Presidential term, Washington retired to the tranquil shades of Mount Vernon, fondly indulging the hope that the remainder of his days would be peacefully enjoyed iu his much-cherished home ; but these pleasing anticipations were not allowed to remain long undisturbed. In 1798 the conduct of the French Directory and its emissaries led to frequent difficulties with this country, which were calculated to provoke a war ; and the opinion was universally entertained that he who had formerly so well acquitted himself, must be again called to the command of our armies. Accord- ingly, early in July, the rank and title of " Lieutenant-General and Commander-in-Chief of all the armies raised, or to be raised, in the United States," was conferred upon him ; and the Secretary of War, Mr. McHenry, immediately waited upon him to tender the commission. In a letter to President Adams, accepting "this new proof of public confidence," he makes a reservation that he shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require his presence, and adds : " I take the liberty also to mention, that I must decline having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any immediate charge upon the public, and that I cannot receive any emoluments annexed to the appointment, before entering into a situation to incur expense." n ELECTORAL VOTES. ELECTION FOR THE THIRD T E R Ifl , COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1797, AND TERMINATING IVLARCH S, 1801. in gS BS o * il STATES. no 73 a: o o ►-5 IS ^ 0) a o a P a c; -a o a = o 00 -+^ 'r. XT. 11 So > O ■2 a o •a a S g "o "to ~ r: o .9 ^ .a ^ -.- M o es O 1-5 §:s •s> 6 a< •J 03 6° i a ^ O) V4 a •g 6 16 4 9 4 12 7 15 3 11 21 4 12 8 4 3 New Hampshire Massachusetts. Rhode Island. . . Connecticut. .. Vermont New York New .Jersey l^ennsylvania.. Delaware Maryland Virginia Kentucky North Carolina. South Carolina. Geore'ia 6 16 4 9 4 12 6 1 4 13 2 "4* 20 4 11 8 4 3 4 4 12 7 2 3 4 1 "i' 8 5 13 3 1 4 6 "^ 15 3 1 3 1 4 Tennesaee .... 3 139 No. of Electors. Majority.. . 70 71 ■68 59 SO 15 11 5 7 2 3 2 1 2 John Adams, elected President, took the oath of office, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1797. Thomas Jefferson, elected Vice-President, took the oath of office, and entered upon his duties in the Senate, March 4, 1797. The administration of Mr. Adams encountered the most virulent opposition, both domestic and foreign. France, still in the confusion following her revolution, made improper demands on our country, which not being complied with, she commenced seizing American property on the high seas. Our people, taking different sides, were about equally divided — some approving and others deprecating the course pursued by France. Letters of marque and reprisal were issued by our govern- ment, and a navy was raised with surprising promptitude. This had the desired effect, peace being thereby secured ; and the aggressor was tauffht that the Americans were friends in peace, but were not fearful of war when it could not be honorably averted. The Indians on our western frontiers also caused much trouble; but at length, being severely chastised by General Wayne, they t^ed for peace, which was granted in 1795. In 1800 the seat of government was removed from Philadelphia to Washington City, which had been designated by Washington, under ft law of Congress, as the, most central situation. KI.ECTORAI. VOTES. 73 ELECTION FOR THE FOURTH TERM, COMSIENCING MAECB 4, 1801, AND TERXILVATIXG MARCH 3, 1805. E-g STATES. - S O u o >^ il a ° o < O If. S " o o -3 id a.- fi New Hamp8hire 6 16 4 9 4 6 16 3 9 4 16 Jfassachusetts 4 Rhode Island 1 9 Connecticut. 4 Vermont 12 New York 12 12 7 New Jersey 7 7 3 5 7 7 3 5 1» Penns^'lvania » 8 8 S Delaware 10 Maryland 5 21 4 8 3 8 4 5 21 4 8 3 8 4 ?il Virginia 4 Kentucky !•? North Carolina 4 4 3 Tennessee 8 South Carolina 4 Georgia , 1.S8 No . of Electors 73 73 65 64 1 Majority 70 The electoral vote for Thos. Jefferson and Aaron Burr being equal no choice was made by the people, and on the 11th of February, 1801 Jhe House of Representatives proceeded to the choice of President ii. the manner prescribed by the Constitution. On the first ballot eight {tates voted for Thomas Jefferson, six for Aaron Burr, and the votes >f two states were divided. The balloting continued till the 17th of February, when the thirty-fifth ballot, as had all previously, resulted the »ame as the first. After the thirty-sixth ballot, the Speaker declared ihat the votes of ten states had been given for Thomas Jefferson, the Fotes of four states for Aaron Burr, and the votes of two states in blank ; and that, consequently, Thomas Jefferson had been elected for the term of four years. Thomas Jefferson, thus elected President, took the oath of office, lad entered upon his duties, March 4, 1801. In his inaugural address, Mr. Jefferson used the following memorable ixpression : " We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans : we are all federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change ita republican form, let them stand, undisturbed, as monuments of the safety with which error of opixiox may be tolerated, where rea- son IS LKFT FREE TO COMBAT IT." Aaron Burr, elected Vice-President, took t'ae oath of office, and entered upon his duties in the Senate, March 4, 1801. 74 ELECTORAL VOTES. g c J: S ELECTION FOR THE FIFTH TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 180S, AND TERMINATING MARCE 3, 1809. STATES, ia t.. p^ -. 0) o . :^ o VI presid't. v.PRES'r. O ® a ^ E3Q 7 19 4 9 6 19 8 20 3 11 24 14 10 6 5 8 3 176 New Hampshire. Massachusetts. .. Rhode Island . . . . Connecticut Vermont New York , New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina.., South Carolina. . , Georgia Tennessee Kentucky Ohio 7 19 4 6 19 8 20 9 24 14 10 6 5 8 3 Whole No. of Electors Majority 89 162 14 162 14 Thomas Jefiferson, elected President, took the oath of office for a second term, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1805. George Clinton, elected Vice-President, took the oath of office, and entered upon his duties in the Senate, March 4, 1805. Among the most important acts of Mr. Jefferson's administration was the purchase of Louisiana from France for $15,000,000, which territory was surrendered to our government in December, 1803. In November, 1808, the celebrated "Orders in Council "were issued by the British government, which prohibited all trade with France and her allies ; and, as a retaliatoi'y measure, in December fol- lowing Bonaparte issued his " Milan Decree," interdicting all trade with England and her colonies — thus subjecting almost every American vessel on the ocean to capture. In requital for these tyrannous pro- ceedings, and that England and France might both feel their injustice, Congress decreed an embargo ; but as this failed to obtain from either power an acknowledgment of our rights, and was also ruinous to oar commerce with other nations, it was repealed in March, 1809. KLECTORAL VOTES. ELECTION FOR THE SIXTH TERM, COMMENCING MAECH 4, 1S09, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1813. STATES. PRESIDENT. VICE-PRESIDEXT. 1 II s-g 4 W a o o a 1 a ^ d 1 o"fe -5 .2 "S a X a) a ,2 "J r 3 7 New Hampshire 7 19 4 9 7 19 Massachusetts iq 4 Khode Island 4 9 9 6 Vermont 6 13 8 20 6 T9 New York 6 "3 2 "3" 13 8 20 "9" 24 11 10 6 7 5 3 3 .... 8 New Jersey , 20 Pennsylvania 3 Pelaware , , , , . ,^ 3 11 Maryland 9 24 11 10 6 7 5 3 2 ?4 Virginia 14 North Carolina 3 in South Carolina fi Georgia 7 Kentucky 5 Tennessee 3 Ohio 3 175 Whole No. of Electors Majority 88 122 6 47 113 3 3 9 47 James Madison took the oath of ofl&ce, as President, and entered upon his duties March 4, 1809. George Clinton, elected Vice-President, took the oath of ofiBce, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1809. Our national position, especially in regard to England and France, was certainly a very perplexing one when Mr. Madison came to the Presidency. We were not only threatened by enemies abroad, but were harassed by a savage foe on our western frontier, probably urged on by British influence, and led by the famous chief Tecumseh and his brother the Prophet. These last were finally subdued in 1811 ; but our European foes were more troublesome. After all peaceful means had failed to check the aggressions of England, and when at length "patience had ceased to be a virtue," war was declared against that country, June 19, 1812. The events of that M'ar it is not within our province to record ; and it is sufficient to say, that they greatly ele- vated the American character in the estimation of both friends and enemies. 16 ELECTORAL VOTES. ELECTltN FOR THE SEVENTH TERM, OOMSIEXCXN'G lUECH 4, 1813, AXD TERiUNATTsG SUECH 3, 1817. g STATES. • presid't. V.PE ES'T. w to II V C'tD lb m 1 .a .Hi I- r- So .2 a fl II go ce R 8 22 4 9 '29' 8 "4' 5 1 2 "s' '25' "e" 25 15 11 8 12 8 7 3 7 ?-^ Massachusetts . '>n 4 Rhode Island 4 9 8 8 V,9 ?<} 8 8 ?n Pennsylvania 26 4 Delaware 4 n 6 25 15 11 8 5 V5 Virginia l5 n South Carolina 8 Georgia 1? Kentucky 12 ;;;; 8 Tennessee 8 7 3 .... 7 Ohio 3 Louisiana (il7 Whole No. of Electors 128 89 131 86 Majority 109 James Madison, elected President for a second term. [There is no notice on the Journals of Congress of his having taken the oath.j Elbridge Gerry, elected Vice-President, attended in the Senate ov the 24th of May, 1813, and exhibited a certificate of his having takf:!> the oath of office prescribed by law, which was read. The war into which the country had been forced was brought to a close by the treaty of Ghent, which was signed December 24, 1814 ; but this treaty had scarcely been ratified, when it became necessary to commence another war for the protection of American commerce and seamen against Algerine piracies. In May, 1815, a squadron under Commodore Decatur sailed for the Mediterranean, where the navai force of Algiers was cruising for American vessels. After capturing two of the enemy's best frigates in that sea, Decatur proceeded to the Bay of Algiers, and there dictated a treaty which secm-ed the United States from any further molestation from that quarter. Similar trear ties were also concluded with the other Barbary powers. ELECTORAI, VOTES. ( i ELECTION FOR THE EIGHTH TERM, CX)itMENCLN'G iLiRCH 4, 1817, AND TERiUNATIXG SLARCII 3, 1821. i STATES. FKESID'T. VlCE-PRESlDEXr. > 2i u 6 K e •-5 en v^ 3 if ll - 3 ►-3 1^ ii. > = r' 8 8 '22' 8 "4 ''2 Massachusetts , 22 4 4 q Connecticut 5 4 8 Vermont 8 29 8 25 8 23 8 •J5 "s' 2.i 15 11 8 12 8 b •?q 8 ?5 3 Delaware 3 8 8 25 15 11 8 12 8 8 3 3 fA Virginia ■*i n 8 *? Kentucky 8 8 Ohio o XjOuisiana Indiana . Whole No. of Electors 183 34 183 22 5 -) 3 JIajority 109 James Monroe took the oath of oE&ce, as President, and enteral «fM)a his duties March 4, 1817. Daniel D. Tompkins, elected Vice-President, took the oath of ofiSce, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1817. Tha Seminole and a few of the Creek Indians commenced depreda- tions on the frontiers of Georgia and Alabama towards the close of 1817, for which they were severely chastised by a force under General Jackson, and gladly sued for peace. In February, 1819, a treaty was negotiated at Washington, by which Spain coded to the United States East and West Florida and the adjacent inlands. In the same year the southern portion of Mis- souri territory was set off under the name of Arkansas, for which a territorial governm<;i:t wrvs formed ; and Alabama was constituted a Btatc, and admitted ioto th»^ Union. Early in 1820 the prtVMice of Maine, which had been connectea with Massachusetts ciuct 1 652, was separated from it, and was admit teJ into the Union as ai. ti 'dependent state. 78 ELECTORAL VOTES. ELECTION FOR THE NINTH TERIlf, COMMENCING MAECH 4, 1821, AND TEKiHNATING MARCH 3, 1825. STATES. presid't. nCE-PRKSIDENT. c > § a CO -t-i s S <&•= a -§ 1-5 0.0, Q '3 I IS XI o ■2 a o 'S, c ■g 2 'S .^ to .a S CO B .a 2 1 '3 8 New Hampshire •7 15 4 9 8 29 8 24 4 11 25 15 11 8 12 7 8 3 3 2 3 3 9 3 1 7 7 4 9 8 29 8 24 "% 1 15 Massachusetts ,, ,. 4 g 8 Vermont ?q New York 8 •?•> 4 Df^laAvare , 4 11 Maryland 10 25 15 11 8 12 7 8 8 3 2 3 Q 9 3 1 ?f) 15 North Carolina. .,,... 11 8 12 Kentucky. ...... 8 Tennessee 8 Ohio 3 I ouisiana 3 3 Mis.sissippi. .. 3 Illinois 3 9 Maine , 3 Missouri 235 No. of Klectors Majority ; . 118 J31 1 ■IS 8 1 1 4 James Monroe was re-elected President, but there is no notice ou the Journals of Congress that he again took the oath of ofBee. Daniel D. Tompkins was re-elected Vice-President, tut there is no record of his having again taken the oath of office. Public attention was much occupied in 1824-5 by a visit from the venerable General Lafayette, who, after the lapse of nearly half a cen- tury from the period of his military career, was again welcomed with every token of respect that could be devised for honoring the •' Na- tion's Guest." He landed in New York in August, 1824, and after remaining there a short time, set out on a tour through all the states. Upwards of a year was taken up in accomplishing this gratifying object ; and in September, 1825, he sailed from Washington in th« frigate Brar-dywine for his native home. ELKCTORAL VOTES. 79 ELECTION FOR THE TENTH TERM, OOJIMENCING MAKCH 4, 1825, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1829. STATES. PRESIDK.NT. VICE-PKESIOKXT. 1 1 r 1 s 1 O d d 2; g 3 a a 8 8 15 4 8 7 26 — 7 15 8 .... 1 H Massachusetts 4 Rhode Island 8 Connecticut .... 7 Vermont "5' "4' 7 29 8 28 1 10 36 1 8 28 8 ''8 Pennsylvania 3 1 3 2 1 24 n Maryland 7 24' ?4 15 North Carolina 15 11 15 11 11 South Carolina q 9 14 Kentucky 14 7 11 "5' 5 3 3 6 9 n 11 16 Ohio 16 16 5 3 5 3 2 5 2 (i 3 Mississippi 3 1 5 9 9 "3' 3 3 261 Wliole No. of Electors Majority 131 99 84 41 37 182 30 24 13 9 2 Neither candidate for the Presidency having received a majority of the electoral votes, it devolved upon the House of Representatives to choose a President from the three highest on the list of those voted for, which three were Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and "Williaoi H. Crawford. Twenty-four tellers (one member from each state) were appointed, who, after examining the ballots, announced that the votes of thirteen states had been given for John Quincy Adams ; the votes of seven states for Andrew Jackson ; and the votes of four states for William H. Crawford. The Speaker then declared that John Quincy Adams, having received a majority of the votes of all the states, waa duly elected President of the TTnited States for four years, commenf mg on the 4th day of March, 1825 ; on which day Mr. Adams took th« oath of office, and entered upon his duties. John C. Calhoun, having been elected Vice-President, took the oatu of office, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1825. so ELECTORAL T 0TK3 ELECT 3N FOR THE ELEVEN"H TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1829, AND TERMINATING MARCH o 1833. ■a 0} O ti I STATES, PRESID'T. ■V7CE-PRESIDEN1 S 9 o Eh >-.a a >r. •3 1 a o o M6 tf 4) 16 4 8 7 36 8 28 3 11 •M 15 11 9 14 11 16 6 3 5 S 5 3 ;i6l Maine , New Hampshire. Massachusetts . . . Rhode Island .... Connecticut Vermont New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina.. South Carolina.. Georgia Kentucky Tennessee Ohio Louisiana Mississippi Indiana Illinois Alabama Missouri 20 28 Whole No . of Electors Majority 131 178 83 171 ADdrew Jackson took the oath of office, as President, and entered upon his duties March 4. 1829. John C. Calhoun took the oath of ofiSce, as Yice-President, and presided in the Senate March 4, 1829. A series of unfortunate political and social occurrences soon led t6 a rupture of that cordiality which had formerly existed between these two distinguished individuals, the consequences of which were pecu- liarly disastrous to the political aspirations of Mr. Calhoui, who waa never afterwards regarded with much favor beyond the immediate limits of his own state. ELECTORAli VOTES. 81 ELECTION FOR THE TWELFTH TERM, COiniENCIKG lUBCH 4, 1833, AND TERMNATIXG JURCII 3 1S37. I'RKSIUIJ.VT. 1 VICE-FRfc:>IDE.\T ' E CO ^ B-g 1 STATES. „ X o 5 ■a c 3 C ^ C 'c 1 >» o a "3 c 3 a c it > o c 5 r5 "a > C X it a '^ 3 -3 'S x" > ■- 1^. = 'i. > s ^ o is y, 5° i 'a a C^ ^ >^ ^ en 3i a s a = ■?- 2 10 Maine 10 10 7 7 New Hampshire ii' 4 8 • . • • 14 Massachusetts 14 4 8 .... 4 Elhode Island * • • . 8 Connecticut 7 Vermont 7 7 42 New York 42 8 30 42 8 8 Kew Jersey 30 Pennsylvania 30 . 3 3 5 3 5 . • • • in Maryland 3 23 15 3 23 • • • I 23 Virginia 15 North Carolina Il- 11 South Carolina 11 ... 11 ■■ n Georgia 11 ib •" n' .... 15 Kentucky ls 21 5 4 9 5 7 4 15 15 Tennessee 15 21 91 Ohio ft Louisiana ... 4 Mississippi 9 Indiana Illinois 9 5 7 4 ft 7 Alabama Missouri 4 ?S8 Whole No. of Electors 219 49 11 7 ISO 49 SO 11 7 Majority 1-15 Andrew Jackson, re-elected President, took the oath of ofEee, and continued his duties. March 4, 1833. Martin Van Buren, having been elected Vice-President, took the oath of office, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1833. Early in June, 1833, the President left Washington on a tour through the Northern states, and was every where received with an enthusiasm that evinced the cordial approval of his administration by the people. One of his first measures, on returning to the seat of government, was the removal of the public moneys from the United States Bank, for which act he encountered the most virulent hostility of a small majority of the Senate, who passed resolutions censuring Lis course. But this injustice has not been perpetuated ; for on the 16th of January, 1837, these partisan resolutions were expunged from the records by order of a handsome majority. 82 ELKCTORAL VOTES. ELECTION FOR THE THIRTEENTH TtRM, COSOIENCmG JIAECH 4, 1837, AND TERMINATING. MARCH 3, 1841. g STATES. PRESIDENT. VICE-PRESIDENT. - u c o £>^ «=„ > o a 1 .£ CO ^ .20 K K S tr. if ■a CO Q S3 it -^ 3 3 life 1 'S •a > $ a 1-5 i 3 10 Maine 10 7 10 7 "4' 8 7 New Hampshire U Massachusetts 14 14 4 Rhode Island 4 8 a Connecticut 7 Vermont 7 42 New York 42 42 8 New Jersey 8 SO Pennsylvania 30 30 3 Delaware 3 10 3 ib' 10 Maryland 23 Virginia 23 15 23 To North Carolina 15 11 biDth Carolina 11 11 11 is' 11 Georgii 11 15 Kentucli^y 15 15 15 Tennessee . . 15 ^1 Ohio 21 21 5 Louisiana 5 4 7 6 4 4 Mississippi Indiana ... 9 9 9 5 Illinois 5 7 4 3 3 7 Alabama 4 Missouri .... 3 Arliansas 3 Michigan 3 ?94 Whole No. of Electors 170 73 •A ' 14 11 147* 77 47 23 Majority 148 I Martin Van Buren, elected President, took the oath of office, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1831. Richard M. Johnson, elected Vice-President, took the oath of office, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1837. Urged by the unprecedented financial embarrassments which were experienced in every branch of industry, and especially by the mer- cantile class, Mr. Van Buren's first measure was to convene a special meeting of Congress early in September, '37, which continued in session forty days, but accomplished very little. A bill authorizing the issue of $10,000,000 in treasury notes was passed ; but the Independent Treasury bill (the great financial measure of the administration) was then rejected, although afterwards (in 1840) adopted. * Klected Ijy the Senate. ELECTORAL VOTES. 83 ELECTION FOR THE FOURTEENTH TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1841, AND TERXONATIXG JL-IRCH 3, 1845. II ^1 STATES. PRKSID'T. VICK-PRESIOEXT. It a 1 ■& a •-3 -5 —"5. a ^.^ QQ a -5 10 Maine 10 "7" '23" ii' "5" 7 4 3 10 'ii' 4 8 7 42 8 30 3 10 'is' 'ii' 15 15 21 5 4 9 "3' 7 New Hampshire 7 14 ilassachu.setts 14 4 8 7 42 8 30 3 10 4 Rhode Island 8 Connecticut 7 Vermont A?. New York. 8 New Jersey SO Pennsylvania 3 Delaware - 10 Maryland ?.S Virginia 22 15 15 11 South Carolina 11 Georgia 11 15 15 21 5 4 9 15 Kentucky,, ,,,.,,,,,,,,,,,. • • 15 Tennessee , • '}^ Ohio 6 LiOuisiana 4 Mississippi 9 Indiana — fi Illinois 5 7 4 3 7 Alabama 4 3 Arkansas 3 3 ffn No . of Electors 234 60 •^34 48 Ji 1 William H. Harrison, elected President, took the oath of oflBce, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1841. John Tyler, elected Vice-President, took the oath of ofiBce, and attended in the Senate, March 4, 1841. Soon after his inauguration, President Harrison issued a proclama- tion, convening Congress for an extra session on the 31st of May, to consider "sundry weighty and important matters, chiefly growing out of tlie state of the revenue and finances of the country. ' But he did not live to submit his remedial plaii.s — dying, after a very brief illness, on the 4th of April, exactly one month alter coming into office. He was the first President who had died during his otBcial term, and a messenger was immediately dispatched with a letter, signed by all the 84 ELECTOKAL VOTES. members of the Cabinet, couveyiug the melancholy intelligence to the Vice-President, then at "Williamsburg, Ya. By extraordinary means he reached Washington at five o'clock on the morning of the 6th, and at twelve o'clock the Heads of Departments waited upon him, to pay their official and personal respects. After signifying his deep feeling of the public calamity sustained by the death of President Harrison., and expressing his profound sensibility of the heavy responsibilities so suddenly devolved upon him-'^elf, he made known his wishes that the several Heads of Departments would continue to fill the places which they then respectively occupied, and his confidence that they would afford all the aid in their power to enable him to carry on the admin- istration of the government successfully. — Mr. Tyler afterwards took and subscribed the following oath of office : " I do solemnly swear, that I will faitlifully execute the office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States. JOHN TYLER. "Aphil 6, 1841." Pursuant to the proclamation of President Harrison, Congress met on the 31st of May, and continued in session until the 13th of Sep- tember. On the 27th of July a bill for the establishment of "The Fiscal Bank of the United States," passed the Senate by a vote of 26 to 23, and was concurred in by the House of Representatives on the 6th of August — 128 to 91. President Tyler, however, returned the bill on the 16th, with his oly'e^tions. and it was lost for lack of a con- stitutional majority. But the friends of a national bank were not to be deterred from their purpose by a single repulse : another bill (about the same in substance) was immediately hurried through both Houses, under the title of " Tlie Fiscal Corporation of the United States," and this also shared the fate of its predecessor. A Senate bill for the establishment of a uniform system of bank- ruptcy throughout the United States, was concurred in by the House on the 18th of August, and became a law; but, meeting with very genera] condemnation, it was soon after repealed. A "bill was also passed at this extra session for the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the several states, in proportion to population. In 1842 an important treaty, adjusting the north-eastern boundary of the United States, was negotiated at AVashington between Mr. "Webster, on the part of this country, and Lord Ashburtou, on the part of Great Britain. During the last year of Mr. Tyler's administration mucl excitement prevailed on the proposed annexation of Texas to the Dnion, which was strongly resisted at the North, en the ground that the South and southern institutions v,-ould thereby gain increased power in the national councils. A treaty of annexation, signed by the President, was rejected by the Senate, but measures were taken by which Texas was admitted the year follo^ring. ELECTORAL VOTES. 85 ELECTION FOR THE FIFTEENTH TERM, OOMJIEXaNU JLUICH 4, 1845. ASD TKRjnXATIXG MARCH 3, 1849. s d STATES. PRES d K r. ^ o 1 sID'T. p d ° >> a K V.PB cS — ■ X ^ c es'T 9 Maine 9 6 6 6 7 "3" 8 ii' '{■2 13 23 9 6 'se" 26' "9' 10 "e' 6 12 9 9 7 3 5 6 New Hampshire 1? 1?, 4 Rho^*e Island 4 fi R 6 Vermont 6 Sfi New York 36 7 New Jersey ', 7 ?fi Pennsylvania 26 3 3 8 Maryland 8 17 Viro'inia , , 17 11 North Carohna n Q 9 10 10 Georgia 1" 1? 13 Tennessee . IS ?3 Ohio ?3 6 Louisiana , , 6 6 12 9 9 7 3 5 6 Mississippi • • 1? 9 Illinois. ... 9 Alabama , , ,. 7 Missouri. , 3 Arkansas *. f> ?7f> Whole No. of Electors 170 105 170 10& Majority 138 James K. Polk took the oath of office, as President, aud entered upon his duties March 4, 1845. George M. Dallas took the oath of office, as Vice-President, and ftttendod in the Senate, March 4, 1845. The most important incidents of Mr. Polk's administration were the ttdmii^sion of Texas and the consequent war with Mexico, the latter of which resulted in extending our territorial boundaries to the Pacific ocean, embracing regions of incalculable value. 86 ELECTORAL %rOTE8. a ss d 5^ 9 6 12 4 6 6 36 7 26 3 8 17 11 9 10 12 13 23 6 6 12 9 9 7 3 5 3 4 4 4 290 tLECTION FOR THE SIXTEENTH TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1849, AND TER^HNATING ILVRCII 3, 18K3. STATES. Maine New Hampshire. Massacliusetts . . . Rliode Island . . . . Connecticut Vermont New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Delaware , Maryland Virginia Nortli Carolina.. South Carolina. . Georgia Kentucky Tennessee Ohio Louisiana.. Mississipiji . Tndiana. . . . Illinois.. . . Alabama.. . Missouri. , . Arkansas . . Michigan . . Florida .... Texas Iowa ■Wisconsin. PKE.SID'T.!V.PREri'T. Whole No. of Elector.s Majority 146 11 163 17 '9' '23 "e 12 9 9 7 3 5 ■4 4 4 127 o ■a 1=1 11 io 12 13 163 23 c' 12 9 9 7 3 5 "4 4 4 127 ■ 2iichary Taylor took the oath of office, as President, and entered npon his duties March 4, 1849. He did not, however, long enjoy hia honors — death suddenly closing his earthly career, July 9, 1850. Millard Fillmore took the oath of office, as Vice-President, and entered upon bis duties March 4, 1849. Congress being in session at the time President Taylor died, the Vice-President sent a message to both houses on the 10th of July, in which he feelingly announced the melancholy event. On the same day he took the requisit>e oath, and entered on the execution of the office of President. Willie P. Mangum, of N. C, President pro tern, of the Senate, acted as Vice-President, ex officio, during the remainder of the terni. ELECTORAL V0TE3. 81 ELECTION FOR THE SEVENTEENTH TERM, OOJOrENXlXG JURCH 4, 1853, AXD TERMIXATLN'G ILAKCH 3, lSi)7 11 • STATES. PRES A SB % ►K o lU'T. • a; , ^ Tirsriiiia . 10 s South Caiolina. . 10 12 12 12 Tenness^* • ^?. 23 Ohio 23 6 7 13 11 9 9 4 6 3 4 4 5 4 6 7 Louisiana. . MississiiiD* • 13 11 Illinois . 9 g Alabama Missouri. ., *. . 4 t; ilicbiiran 3 4 Texas. . 4 5 Wisconsin . 4 296 254 42 254 4?. Maioritv 149 Franklin Pierce took the oath of oflBce, as President, and entered ipon his duties March 4, 1853. The oath of office was administered to William R. King by a com- Oiission while he was on i. visit to Cuba for the benefit of his health ; out he died soon after his return home, and Jesse D. Bright, of Indi- ana, then I'rcsident of the Senate, acted as Vice-President, ex officio, during iho renniuder of tb; term. Joiiu P. Hale, of N. Hampshire, and George W. Julian, of Indiana, were nominated by the "Free Democracy" for President and Vice- I'rcsideut, but they did not receive a single electoral vote. 88 ELECTORAL VOTES ELECTION FOR THE E GHTEENTH TERM, COJIIIENCJNG JLiRCH 4, 1857, AND TER.\nNATI\G JIARCH S, 1861. 2-S 11 o " STATES. PRESIDEXr. Vira-PRK'-IDEN't 1 _J3 '5 So a •-> , 5 d a o •-5 c S ■O o ■^ ? CQ o d 3 o 1 >^. 1 _- J, C «J = so J^ a; 1— < « S n 8 5 Maine New riamjisliire .... 8 5 13 — 27 is' 10 8 10 12 12 "e" 7 13 11 9 9 4 "3" 4 "4' 8 5 lo 4 6 5 35 .... In Massachusetts .... 4 Rhode Island 4 :;;: fi Connecticut 6 5 36 — — ft Veimont d5 New York 7 New Jersey 7 27 3 '>! rennsylvania, . , Delaware R 8 15 Virginia 15 10 8 10 12 12 "4' 5 in North Carolina s South Carolina .... 1 in ^? Kentuckv '23' "e' "4' 5 T? Tennessee Ohio fi Louisiana 6 7 13 11 9 9 4 Mississippi 3 India na Tl Illinois 19 Alabama 9 Missouri 4 Arkansas fi 3 Florida 3 4 4 Texas 4 Iowa ft Wisconsin* 4 Califoi'nia 4 2Sfi Whole No. of Electors 174 114 8 |1T4 114 8 I James Buchanan took the oath of office, as President, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1857. John C. Breckeuridge took the oath of office, as Vice-President, and entered upon his duties, March 4, 1857. * When the Electoral votes were being counted, in Joint Convention of tbe Senate flu.i House of Representatives, objections ivere made to including the votes of Wiscnn- ain. hpcause the electors did not meet until the day after that prescribed by law. The I'resident of the Convention stated that he merely announced that James Buchanan had be'Mi elec^ed President of the United States, without any reference to tbe ooutested votes, and declined expressing an opinion on the subject. SEAL OF THE UNITED STATES. 89 THE GREAT SEAL OF THE IINITEI) STATES Is one of peculiar inter- est, and therefore we feel warranted in giving more details of its design and history than can be allotted to the"^ Seals of the several States. Soon after the de- claration of independence, Benjamin Franklin, Joho Adams, and Thomas Jef- fereon were appointed a commiltee to prepare a great seal for the infant re- j)ul)lic ; and they employed a French West Indian, named Du Simitiere, not only to furnish designs, but also to sketch such devices as were suggested by them- selves. In one of his de- signs, the artist displayed on a shield the armorial ensigns of the several nations from whence America had been peopled— embracing those of England, Scotland, Ireland, Fnxuce, Cermany, and Holland. On one side was placed Liberty with her cap, and on the other was a riflemau in uniform, with his rifle in one hand and a tomahawk in the other — the dress and weapons being peculiar to America. Franklin proposed, for the device, Moses lifting his wand, and dividing the Ked Sea, and Pliaraoh and his liosts overwhelmed with the waters. For a motto, the words of Cromwell, " Kebeilion to tyrants is obedience to God." Adams proposed the Choice of Ilercnles ; the hero resting on a club, Virtue pointing to her rugged mountain on one hand, and persuading liim to ascend ; and Sloth, glancing at her flowery paihs of pleasure, wantonly reelining on the ground, displaying the charms, both of her elo(pience and person, to seduce him into vice. JefTer.'^on proposed the Children of Israel in the Wilderness, led by a cloud by day and a pillar of fire by night ; ajid. on the reverse, Hengist Rnd Horsa, the Saxon chiefs, from whom we claim the lionor of being 00 SEAI. OF THE UNITED STATES. descended, and whose political principles and form of government wb have assumed. Franklin and Adams then requested Jefferson to combine their ideas in a compact description of the proposed great seal, which he did, and that paper, in his handwriting, is now in the office of the Secretary of State at Washington. This design consisted of a shield with six quar- terings, farti one, coupi two, in heraldic phrase. The first gold, and an enameled rose, red and white, for England ; the second white, with a thistle, in its proper colors, for Scotland ; the third green, with a harp of gold, for Ireland ; the fourth blue, with a golden lily-flower, for France ; the fifth gold, with the imperial black eagle, for Germany ; and the sixth gold, with the Belgie crowned red lion, for Holland. These denoted the countries from which America had been peopled. He proposed to place the shield within a red border, on which there should be thirteen white escutcheons, linked together by a gold chain, each bearing appropriate initials, in black, of the confederated States. Supporters, the Goddess of Liberty on the right side, in a corslet of armor, in allusion to the then state of war, and holding the spear and cap in her right hand, while her left supported the shield. On the left, the Goddess of Justice, leaning on a sword in her right hand, and in her left a balance. The crest, the eye of Providence in a radiant tri- angle, whose glory should extend over the shield and beyond the figures Motto : E Pluribus Unum — " Many in one." Around the whole, " Seal of the United States of America, MDGCLXXVI." For the reverse, he proposed the device of Pharoah sitting in an open chariot, a crown on his head and a sword in his hand, passing through the divided waters of the Red Sea in pursuit of the Israelites. Rays from a jjillar of fire in a cloud, expressive of the Divine presence and command, beaming on Moses, who stands on the shore, and, extending his hand over the sea, causes it to overwhelm Pharoah and his follow- ers. Motto : " Rebellion to tyrants is obedience to God." Jefl^'erson's device was highly approved by his coadjutors, and the committee reported on the lOth of August, 1776 ; but, for some unac- countable reason, their report was neglected, not having been even placed on record ; and the affair was allowed to slumber until the 24th of March, 1779, when Messrs. Lovell, of Massachusetts, Scott, of Vir- ginia, and Houstoun, of Georgia, were appointed a committee to make another device. On the 10th of May following they reported in favor of a seal four inches in diameter, one side of which shoiild be composed of a shield with thirteen diagonal stripes, alternate red and white. Supporters, a warrior, holding a sword, on one side, and on the other the figure of Peace, bearing an olive branch. The crest, a radiant constellation of thirteen stars. Motto : Bella vcl Pace — " For War or Peace," and the legend, " Seal of the United States," On the reverse, the figure of Liberty, seated in a chair, holding the staff and cap. Motto : Semper — " Forever " — and underneath, MDGCLXXVI. This report was re-com- mitted, and again submitted with some slight modifications ; substituting the figure of an Indian with bow and arrows in his right hand for that of a warrior) just a year afterward ; but it was not accepted, and the matter rested until April, 1782, when Henry Middleton, Elias Bondinot, SEAL OP THE UNITED STATES. 91 and Edward Rutledge were appointed a third committee to prepare a Beal. They reported on the 9th of May following, substantially the same as the committee of 1779 and 1780 ; bnt, this not being satisfac- tory to Congress, on the 13th of June the whole matter was referred to Charles Thomson, its secretary. He in turn procured several devices, among which was one by Wil- liam Barton, of Philadelphia, consisting of an escutcheon, with a blue border, spangled with thirteen stars, and divided in the centre, perpen- dicularly, by a gold bar. On each side of this division, within tlie blue border, thirteen bars or stripes, alternate red and white, like the American flag adopted on the I4th of June, 1777. Over the gold bar an eye surrounded with a glory, and in the gold bar a Doric column resting on the base of the escutcheon, having a displayed eagle on its summit. The crest, a helmet of burnished gold, damasked, grated with six bars, and surmounted by a red cap of dignity, such as dukes wear, with a black lining, and a cock armed with gaS^. Supporters, on one side the Genius of America, with loose Auburn tresses, having on her head a radiant crown of gold, encircled with a sky-blue fillet, spangled with silver stars, and clothed in a long, loose, white garment, bordered with green. From the right shoulder to the left side, a blue scarf with stars, the cinctures being the same as in the border. Around her waist a purple girdle, fringed with gold, and the word Virtde embroidered in white. Her interior hand rested on the escutcheon, and the other held the American standard, on the top of which a white dove was perched. The supporter on the other side was a man in complete armor ; his Bword-belt blue, fringed with gold ; his helmet encircled with a wreath of laurel, and crested with one white and two blue plumes ; his left hand supporting the escutcheon, and his right holding a lance with a bloody point. Upon an unfurled green banner was a golden harp with silver strings, a brilliant star, and two lily-flowers, with two crossed Bwords below. The two figures stood upon a scroll, on which was the motto Beo Favente — " With God's Favor " — in allusion to the eye of Providence in the arms. On the crest, in a scroll, was the motto Virtus sola Invictu — " Virtue alone is Invincible." After vainly striving to perfect a seal which should meet the approval of Congress, Thomson finally received from John Adams, then in Lon- don, an exceedingly simple and appropriate device, suggested by Sir John Prestwich, a baronet of the West of England, who was a warm friend of America, and an accomplished antiquarian. It consisted of an escutcheon bearing thirteen perpendicular stripes, white and red, with the chief blue, and spangled with thirteen stars ; and, to give it greater consequence, he proposed to place it on the breast of an Ameri- can eagle, displayed, without supporters, as emblematic of self-reliance. It met with general approbation, in and out of Congress, and was adopted in June, 1782 : so it is manifest, although the fact is not exten- sively known, that we are indebted for our national arms to a titled aristocrat of the country with which we were tlien at war. Eschewing all heraldic technicalities, it may be thus described in plain English : Thirteen perpendicular pieces, white and i-ed : a blue field ; the escutcheon on the breast of the American eagle displayed, proper, holding in his right talon an olive-branch, and in his left a bundle of thirteen arrows, al] 92 SEAL OF THE UNITED STATES. proper aad in his beak a scroll, inscribed with the motto E Plurtbus Em For the crest, over the head of the eagle, which appears above the escutcheon, a golden glory breaking through a cloud, proper, and Burrounding thirteen stars, forming a constellation of white stars on a blue field. Reverse. — A pyramid unfinished. In the zenith, an eye in a triangle, sur- rounded with a glory, pro- per. Over the eye, the words Annuit Cceptis — " God has favored the un- dertaking." On the base of the pyramid, are the numeral Roman letters MDCCLXXVI. ; and un- death the motto,, A'^ocn.v Ordo Seclorum — ''A uew Series of Ages" — denot- ing that a new ordc-r of things had commenced in the Western hemisphere. Thus, after many fruitless efforts, for nearly six years, a very simple seal tt -^ i ox i. was adopted, and yet remains the arms of the United btates. SEALS OF THE SEVERAL STATES, ARRANGED IN CHRONOLOiilCAL ORDER. VIRGINIA. 0.\ a white or silver field the Goddess of Yi:-tne, the genius of the commonwealth, is represented, dressed like an Amazon, renting on a spear with one hand, and holding ft sword in the other. She is in the act of trampling on Tyranny, repre- scufed by a man prostrate, a crown fallen f;-oin his head, a broken chain in his left hand, and a scourge in his right. On a label above the figure is the word " Vir- ginia ;" and beneath them is the motto, Sic semper tyrannis — "Thus we serve tyrants." SETTLED BY TUE ENGLISH, 1607. NKW-YOKK A shield, or escutcheon, on which is re- presented the rising sun, with a range of hills and water in the foreground. Above the shield, for the crest, is a wreath sur- mounted by a half globe, on which rests a startled eagle, with wings outsti-etched. For the supporters of the shield, on the right is represented the figure of Justice, with the sword in oue hand and the scales in the other ; and on the left the Goddess of Liberty, with the wand and cap in her left hand, and the olive branch of peace in her right. Below the shield is the motto, Excelsior — " More elevated " — de- noting that the course of the State is on- ward and higher. Around the border of the seal, between two plain lines, is the inscription, in Roman capitals, " The Great Seal of the State ofNew-Tork." On the blue ground of an irregularly- formed shii-ld an Indian is represented, dressed with belted hunting-shirt and moc- cassins. In his right hand is a golden bow, and in his left an arrow with the point downward. A silver star on the right denotes one of the United States of America. A wreath forms the crest of the escutcheon, from which extends a right arm, clothed and ruffed, the hand grasping a broad-sword, the pommel and hilt of which are of gold. Around the escutcheon, on a waving band or label, are the words, Ensc pelil placidam sub libcrtatc qvictem — " Bj the sword she seeks peace under liberty." ( 93 ) SKTTLfD BY THE DUTCH, 1684. MASSACHCSETTS. SETTLED BT TUB PIRITANS, 1620. A circular field, surrounded by a laurel ne-w-hampshire. wreath, encompassed by the words, in Roman capitals, " Sigillum Rcipublica Nr.o Hantoniensis ;" " The Seal of the JState of New-Hampshire," with the date, 1781, indicating the time of the adoption Df the State Constitution. Land and water are represented in the foreground, with the trunk of a tree on which the hardy woodman is yet engaged, embracing a scene of busy life, significant of the in- dHslrlons habits of the people ; and a shin on the stocks, just ready for launching, with the American banner displayed, ^is settled bt the pobitaks. 1623. figurative of readiness to embark on the sea of political existence. The sun, just eme?'ging above the horizon, eymbolizes the rising destiny of the State. A white shield, or escutcheon, beai'ing new-jerset. three ploughs, indicating that the chief reliance of the people is iipon agriculture. The crest is a horse's head, supported by a full-face, six-b.wred helmet, resting on a vase — the latter resting on the top of the escutcheon. The supporters are the God- dess of Liberty on the right, wirh her wand and cap, her left arm resting on the escutcheon ; and Ceres on the left, her right hand resting on the escutcheon and her left supporting a cornucopia, filled with fruits and flowers. Around the bor- der of the sea ai'e the words, in Eoman capitals, "The Great Seal of the State of New Jersev," and at the base the date of its adoption, in numeral let" ters, MDCCLXXVL, (1776.) An azure shield, or escutcheon, divided Delaware. into two equal parts by a white band or girdle. A cow is represented in the lower part of the shield, and in the upper part are two symbols, designed probably to represent the agricnltural productions of the State — grain and tobacco. The crest (a wreath) siipports a ship under full sail, displaying the American banner. On a white field around the escutcheon were' formei-ly wivaths of flowers, branches of t!ie olive, and other svmbols, but these ii.'ive been displaced for two figures, repre- senting a mariner and a hunter. At the b(itty an azure sky. At the lower ]iart, on a green ground, are three golden sheaves of wlient. denoting that agricul- ture as Well as comnioree, is one of the ])rirnarv reliances of the Stnte. On the right of the sliield is a stalk of maize, and on the left an olive branch. For the crest, on a wreath of olive flowers, is pei'ched a bald ea;;'le, with wings extended, holding in its beak a label, Avith the motto, "Virtue, Libei-ty, and Tnde- ;ndence.'' .Around the margin of the seal are the words. " Seal of the SETTLED BY -Wn.LIAJt PENN, IG83. fc'tato of Pennsvlv';mia (96) 8BTTLED BT THB ENGLISH, 1733. VERMONT. GEOKSIA. In the cpntre of a circular white or sil- ver field are three pillars, supporting aa arch, around which are emblazoned tho word '• Constitution." The pillars are symbolical of the three departments of the State goveriimeut — the LcgislatiVi^ the Judiciary, and the Executive ; and ou •the one at the right, representing- the Leg- islative, is the word "Wisdom;" on the second, representing the Judiciary, is the Word ••Justice ;"' and on the third, repre- senting the Kxecutive, is the word " Mode- ration."' Kear the right pillar is the figure of an officer with a drawn sword, denoting that the aid of the military is always ready to cufnrce respect and obedience to law. Around the margin of the circle iire the words, •' State of Georgia. 1799." A circular field, in the middle of which is a tall evergreen with fourteen branches — thirteen representing the original States, and tlie fourteenth or topuiost the State of Vernioiit, supported by the others. Beneath a cloudless firmament, the Green Mountains are seen towering in the dis- tance, and in the foreground are sheaves of wheat and a cow, indicative of an agri- cultural and grazing country, aft'crding the true sources of thrift and independ- ence for an industrious population. The Green Mountains h:ive ever been con- sidered characteristic of the hardy race which inhabits that region. Around the margin of the field, in Roman capitals, the -word " Vermont" occupies the upper half circle, and the words "Freedom and Unity" occujiy the lower half KENTUCKY. Although the seal of this State is ap- parently and really among the most sim- ple in its design, ytt it embodies a sig- nificance which should commend itself to the serious consideration of all who are disposed to place a slight value upon tlie union of tlie States. In the centre of a circular white or silver field, two friends are 8< en grasping one hand of each other in a firm and cordial embrace, while the other is extended to each otjier's back, significant of encouragement and support. Below tl)em is the ex ressive motto, '• United we sttind ; divided we fdl. ' An ornamented double circle encompasses the f Kentucky" between the lines of the ( 97 ) ' ADMITTKD INTO THE INIOS. 1791. ADMITTED ISTOTUE rNION, 1792. whole, with the words "Seal upper h;df circle. ADMITTED INTO THK UMION, 1706. OHIO. A white or silver circular field, the up- Tennessee. per half of which is occupied on the right by a plough, in the centre by a sheaf of wheat, and on the left by a stalk of cotton. Underneath these emblems, extending across the entire middle of the field, is the word " Agriculture," denoting that the first reliance of the State sliould be upon tlie productions of the soil. The lower half is occupied by a loaded barge, with the word " Commerce" below the water, indicating that the prosperity of all may be promoted through this means. Over the sheaf of wheat are the numeral letters XVI., denoting that this was the sixeeenth State admitted into the Union. Around the border are the words, " The Great Seal of the State of Tennesee," with the date, 1796. In a circular field are several devices, significant of the general surface, busi- ness, and prospects of the State. The central portion represents a cultivated country, with the emblem of agriculture (a wheat-sheaf) on the right, and on the left a bundle of seventeen arrows, indica- ting the number of States then constitu- ting the Union. In the distance is a range of mountains, the base skirted by a tract of woodland. The rising sun, which is just becoming visible above the moun- tains, - betokens the rising glory of the State. The foreground is an expanse of water, with a keel-boat on its surface, in- dicative of inland trade. Around the border are the words, " The Great Seal of the State of Ohio," with the date, 1802. On a white or silver circular field is represented a pelican, standing by her nest filled with young ones, in the attitude of " protection and defence," and in the act of feeding them — all sharing alike her maternal assiduity. The mother-bird symbolizes the general government of the Union ; while tlie birds in the nest repi-e- sent the several States. Above are the scales of Justice, which, taken in con- nection with the emblems beneath, sig- nify that " equal and exact justice" must be extended to all the members of the confederacy. The semi-circle of eighteen stars indicates the number of States at the time of admission. In the upper portion of the external circle are the words, '• State of Louisiana," and in the lower, the words. " Union and Confidence." (98) ADMITTED IMTO THK UNIOK, ISOi LOUISIANA. ADMITTED I.XTO TUE UNION, 1812. INDIANA. In the lower portion of a circular field is represented a scene of prairie and wood- land, with the surface gentl}' undulating — descriptive of the predominant features of the State. In the foreground is a buf- falo, an animal once abounding in great numbers in this region, apparently star- tled by the axe of the woodman or pio- neer, who is seen (.n the left, felling the ti'ees of the forest, denotinir the march of civilization westward. In the distance, on the right, is seen the sun, just appear- ing above the verge of the horizon. In a ADMITTED ISTO THE u.NioN, IS16. lialf-clrcle, Spanning the expressive scene beneath, are the words " Indiana State Seal." Around the outer margin of the whole is a plain green border, •urrounded by a simple black line. MISSISSIPPI. In the centre of a white or silver circu- lar field is the American eagle, with wide- spread wings, occupying the entire sur- face ; which may be considered as deno- ting that all the people of the Stiite, from whatever clime or country they may have come, are purely American in feeling, and are content to repose their trust under the broad wings of the "bird of liberty." In the right talon of the eagle is a bundle of four arrows, significant of power to sus- tain the principles of government, and to repel the assaults of an enemy ; while au olive branch in the left betokens a dispo- sition to maintain peace. Around the outer circle, between parallel lines, are the words, in Roman capitals, « The Great Seal of the State of Mississippi." In the centre of a white or silver es- cutcheon is a representation of the Ameri- can eagle, its wings spread so as to touch the inner margin of the shield. In ita right talon is the emblem of peace, an olive branch ; while three arrows are grasped in the left, denoting its readiness to sustain the three great branches of government. On its breast is an escutch- eon, the lower half of which is represented of a red color, and the upper half blue, the latter bearing three white or silver stars. From its beak extends a label, waving in the air above it, with the in- scription " State Sovereignty : National In the upper part of a circle enclosing the shield are Hie words. " Seal of the State of Illinois," and in the lower part the date, " Aug't 26, 1818." (99) ADMITTED INTO THE CKION. 1817. ILLINOIS. ADMITTED INTO THE UKION, 1818 Union." Nearly tlie entire of a circular field is occupied with the representation of a map, embracing the names and localities of the principal rivers and towns, as they ex- isted at the time when the territorial gov- ernment was established, 1817, A por- tion of East Florida, embracing the line of surface as far as PensacoL), is included in the map, as also a small portion of Tennessee, suiSeient to show the bound- aries on either side. Around the circle, between two parallel lines, are the words, in Roman capitals, " Alabama. Execu- tive office." ALABAMA. ADMITTED INTO THE UNION, 1819. A white or silver shield, on which is maink. represented a pine-tree, with a moose-deer recumbent at its base — emblematical of the valuable timber of the State, and of the security and repose enjoyed by the animals which range its immense forests. The " supporters" are a mariner resting on his anchor, and a husbandman with his scythe — denoting that commerce and agriculture are each primary i-esources of the State. Above the shield is the North Star, beneath which is the motto, Dirigo — " I direct ;" and under the shield is the name of the State, in Roman capitals ; while sea and land compose the fore- ground. On the left, the tall masts of a ship are perceptible in the dis- tance, the sails spread, denoting a readiness for commercial enterprise. ADIIITTED INTO THE UNION, 1820. On a circular shield, equally divided by Missouri. a perpendicular line, is a red field on the right side, in which is the white or griz- zly bear of Missouri. Above, separated by a wavy or curved line, is a white or silver crescent, in an azure field. On the left, on a white field, are the arms of the United States. A band surrounds the escutcheon, on which are the words, " United we stand, divided we fall." For the crest, over a yellow or golden helmet, full faced and grated with six bars, is' a silver star; and above it, a constellation of twenty-three smaller stars. The supporters are two grizzly bears, standing on a scroll inscribed, Sahis populi su-prema lex estn — " The public safety is the supreme law." Underneath are the numerals MDCCCXX., and around the circle the words, " The Great Seal of the State of Missouri." (100) ADMITTED INTO THE UNION, 1821. ADMITTED INTO TUE CNICN, 1836. Micin;;.\N. ARKANSAS. Occupying the lower p.irt of a circle is a shield, near the base of which is a white star oa a bluetield, represenliiig the State. Ill the middle portiou is a bee-hive, signi- I'ving industry, and a plough, denoting agriculture ; while a steamboat, emblem- atic of commerce, tills the upper part. For the crest, the goddess of liberty is represented with her wand and cap in one hand, and a wreath of laurel in the other, enrrounded by a constellation of stars, indicating the States. The supporters two eagks, one grasping a bundle of ar- rows, and the other an olive branch ; a label extending from the claw of each, with the motto Regnant Populi — " The Peopl.- rule." On either side, of the base is a cornucopia, and around the circle which encloses the the whole are the words, "Seal of the State of Arkansas." On an escutcheon in the centre of a white field is the representation of a pen- insula extending into a lake, a man with his gun, and the rising sun. On the up- per part is the word Tuebor — " I will de- fend it ;" and on a label extending across the lower part is the motto. Si quarris pcninsulam amcenam circumspicc — " If you e^eek a delightful country (peninsula), be- hold it." The supporters are a common deer on the right, and a moose on the left, both abounding in the forests of Michigan. For the crest, is the American eagle ; above which, on a label waving above all, is the motto, E Pluribus Unum. Around the outer circle, between two parallel lines, are the words, «' The Great Seal of the State of Michigan, A. D. MDCCOXXXVn." The seal which was originally used for the territory of Florida, although not formally adopted as that of the State, has Ijeen continued ever since, and of course retains aU its legal force. In the centre of a circular white or silver field is repre- sented the American eagle, "the bird of liberty," grasping the emblem of peace, an olive branch, in its left talon ; and in its right a bundle of three arrows, signifi- cant of the three principal reliances of good government — the executive, the le- gislative, and the judicial. Above are arranged in a semi-circle thirteen stars, emblematic of the thirteen origmal states, and bcK)w, th,; ground is represented as covered with the prickly pear, a fruit coinm >ii to the country, and for which an appropriate motto would be, ■' L- 1 us live." (101) ADMITTED INTO THE PNIOX. 1837. Fr..>KiT).\. A.'.MITTED INTO THE UNION, 184-5. TJiXAS ADMITTKD ISTO THE UNION, 1845. IOWA. Texas is the ouly State which enjoyed » literally independent or isolated existence £revio{i8 to its admission into the Union, uring its struggle with Mexico, it adopt- ed as an official seal a white or silver star of five points on an azure field, encircled by branches of the live oak and olive. Around the outer circle -were the words, " Repubhe of Texas" in Roman capital letters. "With. the exception of the words around the margin, which is now blank, except the word "Texas" in the upper h.ilf-circle, the former seal has been adopt- ed since by the State. The hve oak {quer- cus virens), which abounds in the forests of Texas, is a strong and durable timber, much used in ship-building, and forming an important article of export. Like some of the other States -which enjoyed a territorial existence for a length of time before they were invested with the dignity of States, Iowa still retains her original seal, the device of which is per- haps more simple and expressive than that of any other State. In the centre of a white or silver circular field is an eagle in the attitude of flight, grasping in liis right talon a bow, its left talon just visible ■within the inner circle around the field, and holding in its beak a single arrow. The words, " Seal of the Territory of Iowa,"" form nearly a complete circle around the field, leaving a blank space at the lower part, and these again are surrounded by white circular dots, on a black ground. A large portion of the field is occupied by land and water scenery, denoting the agricultural, commercial, and mining in- terests of the State. In the foreground is a man ploughing with a span of horses ; in the middle is a pile of lead in bars, a barrel, a rake, a sheaf of wheat, an an- chor, and a cornucopia. Lakes Michigan and Superior are represented, with a sloop on the former, and a steamboat on the latter, towards which an Indian on the shore is pointing. In the distance is a level pruirie, skirted by a range of wood- land — a light-house and school-house on the left, and the State-house in the centre, admitted into the union, 1847. In a semi-circle above are the words, CiviliCas succcssit Barbarum — " Civilization has succeeded Barbarism." At the bottom 'is the date when a territorial government was formed, " Fourth of July, 1836 ;" and around the whole are the words " The Great Seal of the Territory of Wisconsin which has not yet been changed. (102) admitted into the union, 1846. WISCONSIN. CALIFORNIA. lu the luregrouud Oil the Ic-ft, Miucrva is seated on a rock, near the liaiik of an extensive bay or river, wliich winds its course among the majestic mountains on either side. Her spear is grasped in the right hand, while the left rests on the top of her shield by her side, near which is a grizzly bear, significant of the snwy re- gion round about. On the right is a hardy miner with his pick, seeking the golden ti-easures secreted among the rocks. Along the centre is seen a majestic bay, with two clippers in full view, indi- cating that commerce is one of the chief iDMiTTKD isTo THE UNION, 1850. rcliances of the people Above the snow- covered mountains, which bound the view, is the Greek trord Eureka — " I have found." MiNNKSOTA. The Seal of this State represents the peculiar circumstances under which it was originally settled, when the ■white man first undertook to convert its com- parative deserts into productive agricul- tural fields. In the distance, an Indian is seen mounted on a swift steed, retreating from the haunts where he had long beev accustomed to enjoy unmolested the sports of the chase, and to roam unin- terruptedly amidst his native forests. In the foreground is seen the new setiler, preparing for his future subsistence by turning up the furrow, preparatoiy to sowing seed for the harvest. His gun and ammunition are lying behind him. ready to repel the assaults of savage foes, to which he is constantly exposed. The motto, L'Etoile du Nord, (the Star of the North,) is expressive of the bright future which this State is destined to realize. OREGON. The emblems on the shield in the centre of the circular ground, are indicative of the advantages to be derived from a wild and mountainous country, through the medium of commerce, which are symbol- ized by the range of mountains depicted in the lower, and by the ship occupying the upper portion of the escutcheon. The right supporter is a representative of that unfortunate race who once entirely pos- sessed the country, but who have been compelled to yield their heritage in part to the power of that enterprising people whose emblem is the eagle, here used as the left supporter. The crest, a beaver, denotes the sort of trade which formerly aistinguished the inhabitants of this region. (103) ADMITT£0 ISTO THE USION, 1857. ADMITTED ISTO THE CNIOS, 1858. The simple device adopted for this ter- utah. ritory is sufficiently expressive, and re- quires no lengthened explanation of what it is intended to symbolize. The bee- hive, in all ages, has been regarded as the emblem of industry, and tlie position in which it is here represented, as resting on a substantial foundation, implies that it is the certain harbinger of success in every important undertaking. The representa- tions of vegetation in the background, imply that these productions of the soil are to be obtained by well-appUed skill and industry, and upon these are the peo- ple to rely for a prosperous future. Perhaps, if we take into consider- ation the social condition of the original settlers of this territory, the bee-hive may be regarded as significant of the upity of interests at that iiime predominant. The dates at the top and bottom indicate the first formation of a territorial government. This seal displays the characteristics nebeaska. of the settlers who have adopted this ter- ritory as their future home. Representa- tives of the two principal classes of people (agricultural and mechanical) are seen in the act of upholding the Constitution, over which the American flag is gathered, in token of its care and protection. The steamboat, seen in the distance on the right,- indicates that the State possesses many resources for extensive commerce, which may be materially aided by rail- roads and other internal improvements, ■which are shadowed out on the left The plow and the anvil are emblems of the immense agricultural and mineral advantages which abound in every direction, and whose devel- opement is certain to secure for this territory an eminent degree ot wealth and prosperity. The motto, " Popular So fereignty," expresses the will of the people to govern themselves, and is only the embodimeat of a sentiment almost universally prevalent. 104 CABINET OFFICERS. 105 CABINET OFFICERS, FBOM THE ORIGINAL ORGANIZATION' OF THE GOVERNMENT, APRIL 30, 1789, TO MARCH 4, 1857. When appointed. Sept. 26, 1789 . . Jan. 2,1794... Dec. 10,1795.., May 13, 1800. . March 5, 1801.. March 6, 1809.. April 2.1811... Feb. 28,1815.. March5, 18L7.. March 7, 1825.. March 6,1829.. May 24.1831.. May 29,1833... Juiie 27, 1834... March 5, 1841 . . July 24,1843... March 6, 1844.., March 5, 1845.. March 7,1849.. July 20, 1850.. Dec. 9,1852.. M^arch 5, 1853. . March 6, 1857 . . 8BCBETABIES OF STATB. Nanus. States. .Thomas Jefferson Virginia. . Edmund Randolph Virginia. . Timothy Pickering Massachusetts. .John Marshall Virginia. .James Madison Virginia. . Robert Smith Maryland. . James Monroe Virginia. Do. Virginia. .John Quincy Adams Massachusetts, . Henry Clay Kentucky. . Martin Van Buren New York. .Edward Livingston Louisiana. . Louis McLane Delaware. . John Forsyth Georgia. .Daniel Webster Massachusetts. .Abel P. Upshur Virginia. .John C. Calhoun South Cai'olina .James Buchanan Pennsylvania. . John M. Clayton Delaware. . Daniel Webster Massachusetts. . Edward Everett Massachusetts. .William L. Marcy New York. . Lewis Cass Michigan. Sept. 11, 1789 Feb. 3, 1795 Dec. 31, 1800 May 14, 1801 Feb 9, 1814 Oct. 6, 1814 Oct. 22, 1816 March 7, 1825 March G, 1829 SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY. .Alexander Hamilton New York. . Oliver Wolcott Connecticut. . Samuel Dexter Massachusetts. . Albert Gallatin Pennsylvania. .George W. Campbell Tennessee. .Alexander J. Dallas Pennsylvania. .William H. Crawford Georgia. . Richard Rush Pennsylvania. . Samuel D. Ingham Pennsylvania. 106 CABINET OFFICERS. SECRETARIES OF THE TREASURY CONTINUED. When appointed. Name*. Staia Aug. 8, 1831 Louis McLane Delaware. May 29, 1833 William J. Duane Pennsylvania. Sept. 23, 1833 Roger B. Taney Maryland. June 27, 1834 Levi Woodbury N. Hampshin March 5, 1 841 Thomas Ewing Ohio. Sept. 13, 1841 AValter Forward Pennsylvania. March 3,. 1843 John C. Spencer New York. June 15, 1844 George M. Bibb Kentucky. jVIarch 5, 1845 Robert J. Walker Mississippi. Jklarch 7, 1849 William M. Meredith Pennsylvania. June 20, 1850 Thomas Corwin Ohio. March 5, 1853 James Guthrie Kentucky. March 6, 1857 Howell Cobb Georgia. Sept. 12, 2, 27. 7, 13, 3, Jan Jan. May May Feb. March 5, March 7, Jan. 13, Sept. 27, March 3, April 7, March 5. Oct. 8, March 7, May 26, March 9, Aug. 1, March 3, March 7, jVlarch 5, Sept. 18, Oct. 12, March 8, Feb. 15, March 5, March 7, SECRETARIES OF WAR. 1789 .... Henry Knox Massachusetts. 1795 .. . .Timothy Pickering Massachusetts. 1796. . . .John McHenry Maryland. 1800. . . .John Marshall Virginia. 1800 Samuel Dexter Massachusetts. 1801 Roger Griswold Connecticut. 1801 ... . Henry Dearborn Massachusetts 1809. . . .William Eustis Massachusetts. 1813 John Armstrong New York. 1814. . . .James Monroe Virginia. 1815 William H. Crawford Georgia. 1817 .... George Graham Virginia. 1817 Isaac Shelby Kentucky. 1817 John C. Calhoun South Carolina 1825. . . .James Barbour Virginia. 1828 Peter B Porter Pennsylvania. 1829 John H. Eaton Tennessee. 1831 . . . .Lewis Cass Ohio. 1837 Benjamin F. Butler New York. 1837 Joel R. Poinsett South Carolina 1841 John Bell Tennessee. 1841 John McLean Ohio. 1841 John C. Spencer New York. 1843 James M. Porter Pennsylvania. 1844 William Wilkins Pennsylvani*. 1845 William L. Marcy New York. 1 849 George AV. Crawtbrds, and subsequently transferred him to Portugal. He waa * afterwards, at different periods, minister to Prussia, Russia, and Eng- land ; and was one of the commissioners who negotiated the treaty of peace with Great Britain at Ghent in 1815. In 1817 he waa ippointed Secretary of State, in which office he continued during Mr. Monroe's administration, eight years ; when he was elected by the House of Representatives President of the United States — the people Having failed in making a choice. Like his father, he encountered strong opposition, and only served one term in this office, being defeated in a re-election by General Jackson. He then retired to his farm at Quincy, but did not long remain in private life ; for two years afterwards, he was chosen representative in Congress, and continued to be re-elected until his death, which occurred in the capitol at Washington, February 23, 1848. Two days previous to this sad event, while engaged in his duties in the House of Representatives, he received a paralytic stroke, which apparently deprived him of all con- sciousness. He was borne to the Speaker's room, where he received every attention that could be bestowed by anxious and devoted friends, but all in vain — his hour was come. The last words he was heard to utter were, " This is the last of earth !" Mr. Adams was a man of rare gifts and rich acquisitions. A dili- gent student, and economical of his time, he found opportunity, amidst all his public cares, to cultivate his tastes for literature and the sciences. He was one of the finest classical and belles-lettres scholars of his time, and filled the chair of Professor of Rhetoric and Belles- Lettres in Harvard college for several years. Even in his old age, hb often astonished his hearers with the elegant classical allusions and rhetorical tropes with which he enriched and embellished his own productions. ANDREW JACKSON 121 ANDREW JACKSON, THK SEVENTH PRESIDENT OF TH£ UNITED STATES, A STATESMAN of rare integrity, and a general of invincible skill and courage, was born at Waxhaw, Lancaster county. S. C, in 1767, and v,'hilo \-et a mere lad, did something towards achieving the independ- ence of his countrj-. It is said that he commenced his military career at the age ol" fourteen years, and was soon after taken prisoner, togctlier with an elder brother. During his captivity, he was ordered 122 ANDREW JACKSOM by a British officer to perform some meuial service, which he promptij refused, and for this refusal he was " severely wouuded with the sword which the Englishman disgraced." He was educated for the bar, and commenced practice at Nashville, Tenn., but relinquished his legal pursuits to " gain a name in arms." In the early part of the war of 1812, Congress having voted to accept fifty thousand volunteers, General Jackson appealed to the militia of Tennessee, when twenty- five hundred enrolled their names, and presented themselves to Con gress, with Jackson at their head. They were acc^ed, and ordered to Natchez, to watch the operations of the British m lower Missis- HJppi. Not long after, he received orders from head-quarters, to dis- band his men, and send them to their homes. To obey, he foresaw, would be an act of great injustice tc his command, and reflect disgrace on the country, and he resolved to disobey. He accordingly broke up his camp, and returned to Nashville, bringing all his sick with him, whose wants on the way he relieved with his private means, and there disbanded his troops in the midst of their hemes. He was soon called to the field once more, and his commission marked out his course of duty on the field of Indian warfare. Here for years he labored, and fought, and diplomatized, with the most con- summate wisdom and undaunted courage. It was about this time that the treaty of the " Hickory Ground " occurred, which gave him the familiar soVjriquet of " Old Hickory." The crowning glory of his whole military career was the battle of New Orleans ; which will ever occupy one of the brightest pages in Ajnerican history. At the close of the war he returned to his home in Nashville ; but tn 1818 was again called on by his country to render his military ser- vices in the expulsion of the Seminoles. His conduct during this campaign has been both bitterly condemned and highly applauded. An attempt in the House of Representatives to inflict a censure on the old hero for the irregularities of this campaign, after a long and bitter debate, was defeated by a large majority. In 1828, and again in 1832, General Jackson was elected to fill the presidential chair ; thus occupying that elevated position for eight successive years. He then retired to his hospitable mansion (" The Hermitage") near Nashville, "loaded with wealth and honors, bravely won," where he continued to realize all the enjoyments that are insep- arable from a well-spent life, until death translated him to those higher rewards, which " earth can neither give nor take away." He died Jure 8, 1845, and his last hours were soothed by a trustful reliance on the Saviour of the world for salvation. Martin van buren. 123 MARTEN YAN BUREN. THE EIGHTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, Was born in the flout ishing town of Kiiiderliook, Xew York. Sep- tember 5, 1782, and early received the best education lliut could then be obtained in the schools in his immediate vicinity. Having suffi- ciently prepared himself for the. study of law, he entered tjie niTice of Francis Sjlve«tor, in his nativ- town, 'vh;'r<» ho rcinaia(\l 'ib.)'.;: six 124 MARTI V VAX BUREN. years. Bat law did not engross his whole time : he found leisure occasionally to peer into the mysteries of political economy, and finally arrired at the conclusion that his chances for fame and fortune were at least equal in the arena of politics to anything he might accomplish by a strict adherence to legal pursuits. Fully impressed with this idea, he early set about cultivating what little popularity could be gained in his limited sphere, and so won upon the confidence of his neighbors and friends as to be appointed, while yet in his teen?, a delegate to a convention in his native county, in which important political measures were to be acted upon. In 1808 he was appointed surrogate of Columbia county, the first public office he ever held; and in 1812 and 1816 he was elected to the state senate, in which body he became a distinguished leader of the Madison party, and one of its most eloquent supporters. In 1821 he was elected to the United States Senate, in which he held his seat for nearly eight years, and became remarkable not only for his close attention to business, but also for his devotion to the great principles of the democratic party. In 1828 he was elected Governor of his native state, aud entered upon the duties of that office on the first of January, 1829 ; but he filled the gubernatorial chair for only a few weeks. In March fol- lowing, when General Jackson was elevated to the Presidency, he tendered Mr. Tan Buren the post of Secretary of State, which was accepted. At the expiration of two years he resigned his seat in the Cabinet, and was immediately appointed minister to England ; but when his nomination was submitted to the Senate, (June 25, 1831,) it was rejected by the casting vote of the Vice-President, (Mr. Calhoun,) and of course he was recalled. As his friends attributed his rejection entirely to personal and political rancor, it only served to raise Mr. Van Buren in the estimation of his political adherents ; and the re,sult was, that in May following he was nominated with great unanimity for the Yice-Presidency by the Democratic Convention at Baltimore. His triumphant election was regarded not merely as a high compli- ment to himself, but as a wholesome rebuke to his opponents. In 1836 he was put in nomination for the chief magistracy, to which he was elected by a large majority over General Harrison ; but Bt the next Presidential election, the tables were turned, aud he only received sixty votes out of two hundred and ninety-four. After his defeat, he returned to Kinderhook, where he remained Bome time, and then visited Europe, with one of his sons, whose resto- ration to health was the principal object of his journey. Not long after his return, he consented to become once more a can- didate for the Presidency, and in 1848 received the nomination of the Free-soil party ; but he did not secure a single electoral vote. Since then, he has had little to do with political affairs ; yet it has been recently manifested that his opinions have undergone some modifica- tion, and lie is now avowedly favorable to the election of the demo- cratic nominee, James Buchanan, to the office of President. WILLIAM nr.xRY inunisoy 125 WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON, fHK NINTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Was born in Charles City county, Va., February 9, 1773, and was educated for tlie medical profession at Ilampfbii Sydney college. He graduated at a time when our north-western frontier was suffering 1'26 WILUAM HENRY HARRISON. much frovfi the neigliboriug Indians ; and believing that he could be of greater service in repelling the savage invaders than in pursuing his studies, he accepted an ensign's commission from President Washing ton, and joined the army. He was promoted to a lieutenancy in 1792, and his skill and bravery were highly commended by General Wayne, under whose command he was engaged in several actions. After the bloody battle of Miami Rapids, he was rewarded with the rank of captain, and immediately placed in command of Fort Washington. In 1797 he resigned his commission, for the purpose of accepting the ofBce of secretary of the North-west Territory, from which he was elected a delegate to Congress in 1799. When a territorial government was formed for Indiana, he was appointed the first governor, and continued in that office till 1813. To his civil au^ military duties he added those of commissioner and superintendent of Indian affairs ; and, in the course of his administra- tion, he concluded thirteen important treaties with the different tribes. On the 7th of November, 1811, he gained the celebrated battle of Tippecanoe, the news of which was received throughout the country •with a burst of enthusiasm. During the war of 1812 he was made commander of the north-western army of the United States, and he bore a conspicuous part in the leading events in the campaign of 1812-13, the defence of Fort Meigs, and the victory of the Thames. In 1814, he was appointed, in conjunction with his companions in arms. Governor Shelby and General Cass, to treat with the Indians in the north-west, at Greenville ; and, in the following year, he was placed at the head of a commission to treat with vicious other important tribes. In 1816, he was elected a member of Congress from Ohio ; and, in 1828, he was sent minister plenipotentiary to ihe republic of Colom- bia. On his return, he took up his residence at North Bend, on the Ohio, where he lived upon his farm, in comparative retirement, till 1837, when he became a candidate for the Presidency ; and although defeated on the first trial, four years afterwards he was elected by a large majority, and inaugurated in 1841. But he did not long survive this crowning honor, as he died on the 4th of April, just one month after entering upon his duties. His funeral obsequies were performed on the 7th, and an immense concourse assembled to pay their testi- mony of respect. Funeral services and processions also took placo in most of the principal cities throughout the country. As General Harrison was the first President who died while in office, his successor Mr. Tyler, recommended that the 14tli of May be observed as a day of fasting and prayer, and accordingly it was so observed. JOH.V TYLER. 127 J H >; TYLER, fHE SUCCESSOR OF GEN. HARRISON' AS PRESIDENT, "Was born at Williamsbui-fr. Va., March 29. 1790, and at the age of twelve years entered William and ^Mary's college, where he gradu- ated with distinguished merit five years afterwards. Few have com- menced life at SO early a period as Mr. Tyler — he having been admit- ted to the bar when only nineteen, and elected to the Virginia legislor ture before attaining his twenty-second year. In 1816 he was sent to Congress ; in 1825, elected Governor of Virginia, and in 1827 became United States senator ; in which capacity he firmly supported the administration of General Jackson — voting against the tarifi" bill of 1828, and against re-chartering the United States Bank. Xotwitb 128 JOHN TYLER Btanding this last vote, the friends of the bank, presuming upon his well-known conservatism, at the special session of Congress called by his predecessor, introduced a bill for the establishment of the " Fiscal Bank of the United States," which passed both houses by small majorities, and which Mr. Tyler felt bound to veto. But this d\d not dishearten the friends of the measure, who modified and rechristened their financial plan, which, under the name of " Fiscal Corporation of the United States," again passed both houses of Congress, and was again vetoed by the President. Of course, a large portion of the party that elected him were greatly dissatisfied with his course, and their denunciations of his alleged faithlessness were " loud and deep." To add to the embarrassments which were accumulating around him, the members of his Cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Webster, resigned their places ; but even this implied rebuke did not shake his integrity of purpose. An equally efficient phalanx of talent was called to his aid, and he had the satisfaction of seeing that his views were endorsed by a large number of leading statesmen. It has been often asserted that Mr. T. had pledged himself to sustain the financial schemes of the bank and its friends ; but this has always been denied, and circumstances certainly warrant the conclusion ihat the assertion is unfounded. So gross and bitter were the assaults made upon him, that he felt called upon to defend himself from their violence ; and, after declaring his determination to do his duty, regardless of party ties, he said : " I appeal from the vituperation of the present day to the pen of impartial History, in confidence that neither my motives nor my acts will bear the interpretation which, for sinister motives, has been placed upon them." On flie expiration of his official term, he retired to his estate at Williamsburg, where he still continues to reside, secure in the respect of a large circle of friends, and far aloof from tke troublous vortex of oolitical life. JJiMKb KKOX roi.K. WJ JAMES KNOX POLK, THE TENTH P R E S I r, v x T OF THE U N' I T E D STAThU. Was born at Mecklenburg, N. C. November 2, 1795, and there received the rudiments of his early education. In 1800 his father removed to Nashville, Tcnn., taking his family with him, and here it was that Mr. Polk pursued those preliminary studies which were requisite to qualify him for the legal profession. After due prepara- tion, he entered the ofScc of the Hon. Feli.Y Grundy, under whose able instruction he made such rapid progress, that he was admitted to practice in 1820. His duties at the bar did not prevent him fron taking part in the political affairs of the day ; and in this sphere hia ISO JAMES KNOX POIK. comprehensive views and zealous devotion to democracy soon secured him a widely-extended popularity, which resulted in his election to the legislature of Tennessse in 1823. In 1825, while yet in his thirtieth year, he was chosen a member of Congress, in which body he remained fourteen years — being honored with the Speakership for several sessions. So well satisfied were his constituents with his congres- sional course, that he was elected Governor by a large majority, but some questions of local policy subsequently defeated his re-election. b In 1844 he was unexpectedly nominated for the oflBce of President of the United States by the Democratic Convention at Baltimore; and, having received sixty-five electoral votes more than his rival can- didate, Mr. Clay, he was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1845. Soon after Mr. Polk assumed the reins of government, the country became involved in a war with Mexico, which was little more than a series of victories wherever the American banner was displayed, and which resulted in important territorial acquisitions. The ostensible ground for this war, on the part of Mexico, was the admission of Texas into the Union, which was one of the first acts of Mr. Polk's adminis- tration. The Mexicans, however, paid dearly for asserting their frivolous claims to Texas as a revolted province, and the prompt and energetic course pursued by Mr. Polk was sanctioned and sustained by a large majority of the people. But notwithstanding the advantageous issue of the war, the acquisi- tion of Texas, and the satisfactory settlement of several vexed ques- tions ©f long standing, Mr. Polk was not nominated for a second term — ^rarious extraneous matters leading to the selection of another candidate. Perhape it was fortunate for the country and for himself that he was permit'ed to retire to the more congenial enjoyment of private life ; for hi" health had become Tery much impaired, and he did not long surviv ; after reaching his home in Nashville He dio^ Jane 15, 1849. ZACHARV TAVtOP.. 131 ZACHARY TAYLOR, THE Bt. EVE NTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED S5TATES, Was »)orn in Orange county, Ya., November 24, 1790, and, after receiving an indifferent education, passed a considerable portion of his bo^'bood amid the stirring scenes which were being enacted at that ■ me on our western border. In l?08 he was appointed a lieutenant 132 ZACHARY TAYLOR. in the United States infantry, and subsequently was promot«d to « captaincy for his efficient services against the Indians. Soon after the declaration of war in 1812 he was placed in command of Fort Harrison, which he so gallantly defended with a handful of men against the attack of a large body of savages, as to win Ihe brevet rank of major. So familiar did he become with the Indian character, and with the mode of warfare of that wily foe, that his services at the West and South were deemed indispensable in the subjugation and removal of several hostile tribes. While effecting these desirable objects, he was occasionally rewarded for his toils and sacrifices by gi'aduai promotion, and in 1840 attained the rank of brigadier-general. At the commencement of the troubles with Mexico, in 1845, he was ordered to occupy a position on the American side of the Rio Grande, but not to cross that river unless attacked by the Mexicans. He was not, however, allowed to remain long in repose : the enemy, by attack- ing Fort Brown, which he had built on the Rio Grande, opposite Matamoras, soon afforded him an opportunity to display his skill and valor, and gloriously did he improve it. The brilliant battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, where he contended successfully against fearful odds, were precursors to a series of victories which have few parallels in military annals. The attack on Matamoras, the storming of Monterey, the sanguinary contest at Buena Vista, and the numerous skirmishes in which he was engaged, excited universal admiration ; and on his return home, after so signally aiding to " conquer a peace" with Mexico, he was everywhere received with the most gratifying demonstrations of respect and affection. In 1848 General Taylor received the nomination of the whig party for the office of President of the United States, and, being elected, was inaugurated t^e year fol- lowing. But the cares and responsibilities of this position were greater than his constitution could endure, hardened as it had been both in Indian and civilized warfare. After the lapse of little more than a year from the time he entered upon his new career, he sunk under i ts complicated trials, and his noble spirit sought reftge in « more congenial sphere, July 9, 1850. VILLABD FILLMORK. 733 MILLARD FILLMORE, THE SUCCESSOR OF GEX. TAYLOR, AS PRESIDENT, Was born at Summer Hill, Cayuga county. N.Y., January 7, 1800. aud did not enjoy the advantages of any other education than what he derived from the then inefficient common schools of the county. At an early age he was sent into the wilds of Livingston county to learn a trade, and here he soon attracted the attention of a friend, who placed him in a lawyer's office — thus opening a new, and what was destined to be a most honorable and distinn:uished career. In 1827 he was admitted as an attorney, and two years afterwards aa counsellor in the Supreme Court. Soon attracting attention, ha 134 .iin.i.Arji fi!.l:.;crk. established himself at Buffalo, where his talents atid business habits secured him an extended practice. His first entrance into public life was in January, 1829, when he took his seat as a member of the Assembly from Erie county. At this time he distinguished himself for his untiring opposition to imprisonment for debt, and to this are the people indebted in a great degree for the expunging of this relic of barbarism from the statute book. Having gained a high reputation for legislative capacity, in 1833 he was elected a member of the national House of Representa- tives ; and on the assembling of the Twenty-seventh Congress, to which he was re-elected by a larger majority than was ever given to any person in his district, he was placed in the arduous position of Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. The measures he brought forward and sustained with matchless ability, speedily relieved the government from its existing pecuniary embarrassments. In 1847 he was elected Comptroller of the state of New York by a larger majority than had been given to any state office for many years. In 1848 he was selected as candidate for Vice-President, General Taylor heading the ticket. On his election to that high office, he resigned hi.s position as Comptroller, and entered upon his duties as President of the United States Senate. The courtesy, ability, and dignity exhib- ited by him, while presiding over the deliberations of that body, received general commendation. Upon the sudden death of Genera] Taylor, he became President, and promptly selected a cabinet, distin- guished for Hs ability, patriotism, and devotion to the Union, and possessing in an eminent degree the confidence of the country. After serving out the constitutional term. Mr. Fillmore returned to Buffalo, and again resumed those pursuits which had prepared the way to the elevated position from which he had just retired. He was welcomed home by troops of friends, with whom he still continues to tnjoy an unabated popularity. It should be borne in mind by every aspiring young man, that Mr. Fillmore is entirely indebted to his own exertions for his success in life. From a very humble origin, he attained the highest office in the world, climbing the rugged steep of fame step by step, witb indefati- gable industry and untiring perseverance, until he at length gaineij Uie summit, where he is long likely to enjoy his well-earned position. I FRANKLIN PIERCfi. 135 FRANKLIN PIERCE, THE TWELFTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES Was boin at Hillsborough. N. IT.. November 23, 180-4, and early received the advantage of a HI >oral, education. After going through a regular collegiate course at Bowdoin college, which he entered at the »ge of sixteen, he became a law student in the otlice of Judge Wood- barv at Portsmouth, whence he was tran,sferred to the law school at 186 FRANKLIN PIKRCE. Northampton, where he remained two years, and theu finished hia studies with Judge Parl^er at Amherst. Although his rise at the bar was not rapid, by degrees he attained the highest rank as a lawyer and advocate. In 1829 he was elected to represent his native town in the state legislature, where he served four years, during the two last of which ho held the speakership, and discharged the duties with universal satis- fa ;;tion. From 1833 to 1837 he represented his state in Congress, and was then elected to the United States Senate, having barely reached the requisite age to qualify him for a seat in that body. In 1834 he married Miss Jane Means, daughter of the Rev. Dt Appleton, formerly President of Bowdoin college — soon after which he removed to Concord, where he still holds a residence. He was re-elected at the expiration of his senatorial term, but resigned his seat the year following, for the purpose of devoting himself exclusively to his legal business, which had become so extensive as to require all his attention. In 1846 he declined the office of Attorney-General, tendered to him by President Polk ; but when the war witli Mexico broke out, he was active in raising the New England regiment of volunteers ; and after, wards accepted the commission of brigadier-general, with which he at once repaired to the field of operations, where he distinguished himself in several hard-fought battles. At Cerro-Grordo and at Chapultapec he displayed an ardor in his country's cause which extorted praise from bis most inveterate political opponents ; and on his return home he was everywhere received with gratifying evidences that his services were held in gratefial remembrance by the people. At the Democratic Convention held in Baltimore in 1852, after trying in vain to concentrate their votes on a more prominent candi- date, that body unexpectedly nominated General Pierce for the ofBce of President of the United States, to which he was elected by an unprecedented majority over his rival. General Scott — receiving 254 votes out of 296. He was duly inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1853, and his administration has been more remarkable for its futile attempts to reconcile conflicting interests, than for the achievement of any particular measure of great public utility. However, it wiU better become his i'uture than his present biographer to " speak of him as he is ; nor aught extenuate, nor aught set down in malice." JAMJ-.S BUCHANAN. 137 JAMES BUCHANAN, THIRTEENTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Yon the high position he has so long maintained in the political airairs of this country, Mr. Buchanan is not alone indebted to Lis early and thorough education, but his entire devo'-ion towhatcver he under- lal:cs, and his perseverance in surmounting obstacles which woulil 138 JAMES BUCHANAN intimidate less determined minds, has had a large share in promoting his advancement. He is of Irish parentage, and was born at Stony Batter, Franklin county. Pa., April 23, 1791. At the age of seven years he removed with his father's family to Mercersburg, and there received an education that fitted him for entering Dickinson college in 1805, where he graduated two years afterwards with the highest honors. He then studied law with James Hopkins, of Lancaster, and in 1812 was admitted to the bar, at which he attained a high rank and commanded an extensive practice. In 1814 he commenced political life as a member of the Pennsyl- vania state legislature, and in 1820 was sent as representative to Coq-- gress, where he remained for ten years — at the expiration of which, he declined a re-nomination. In 1831 he was appointed minister to Russia by President Jack- son, of whom he was always the consistent friend and supporter, and he negotiated a commercial treaty which proved of great advantage to American commerce. In December, 1834, having been elected to the United States Senate, he took his seat in that body, and continued one of its most efiBcieut members until 1845, when he accejited the ofiSce of Secretary of State under Mr. Polk. He held this responsible place until the expiration of Mr. Polk's term of service, when he returned home to repose awhile. But he did not by any means become an idle spec- tator in passing events : his letters and speeches show that he was no less vigilant as a private citizen, than as a counsellor in the Cabinet, or a representative and senator in Congress. On the accession of Mr. Pierce to the Presidency, in 1853, Mr Buchanan was appointed minister to England, with which country questions were then pending that required great prudence and dis- crimination for their satisfactory adjustment. In his intercourse with the British diplomatists he was not only discreet, but displayed sound sense, courtly forbearance, a just assertion of our rights, and the true dignity of the American character. So entirely unexceptionable waa his whole course while abroad, that on his return to this country last April — he landed in New York on the sixty-fifth anniversary of his birth-day — he was received with an almost universal enthusiasm, seldom accorded to political men. In Jtme, 1856, Mr. Buchanan was nominated by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati as a candidate for the Presidency ; and although there were powerful political elements arrayed against him in the succeeding campaign, he was triumphantly elected to that responsible and honorable ofiBce PlatiOim of the Three Political Parlies, 1856. 13 J PLATFORM OF TIIE AIVIERICAN PARTY. T. An humble ackntjwledirment to Ibe Supreme 3eiii;» who rukb «ne universe, for His ;)i'otecting care vouchsared lo our Ikthors iii tlieir revolutionary struggle, aud hitherto mauilested to us, their descend- auts, ill the preservation of the liberties, the independence and the union of these states. II. The perpetuation of the I'oderal Union, as the palladium of our civil and religious liberties, and the only sure bulwark of Americuii iudej)endenee. III. Americans mxc^t rule America, and to this end, native-hora citizens should be selected for all state, federal or municipal offices ot government employment, in preference to naturalized citizens — iicvcr- tfteless, IV. Persons born of American parents residing temporarily abroad, shall be entitled to all the rights of native-born citizens ; but V. No person should be selected for political station (whether of native or foreign birth), who recognises any alliance or obligation of any description to any foreign prince, potentate or power, who refuses to recognise the federal and state constitutions (each within its sphere), as paramount to all other laws, as rules of particular action. VI. The umiualified recognition and maintenance of the reserved rights of the several states, and the cultivation of harmony and frater- nal gocd-will between the citizens of the several states, and to this end, non-interference by Congress with questions appertaining solely to the individual states, and non-intervention by each state with the affairs of any other state. VII. The-recognition of the right of the native-born and naturalized citizens of the United States, permanently residing in any territory thereof, to frame their constitution and laws, and to regulate their domestic and social affairs in their own mode, subject only to the pro- visions of the Federal Constitution, with the right of admission into the Union whenever they have the requisite population for one repre- sentative in Congress. Provided always, that none but those who are citizens of the United States, under the Constitution and laws thereof, and who have fixed residence in any such territory, ought to partici- pate in the fonnatiou of the constitution, or in the enactment of lawe for said territory or state. VIII. An enforcement of the principle that no state or territory can admit others than native-born citizens to the right of suffrage, or of holding political ofBce, unless such persons shall have been naturalized according to the laws of the United States. IX. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continued residence of twenty-one years, of all not heretofore provided for, an indispensable requisite for citizenship heieafter, and excluding all aupers and persons convicted of crime from landing on our shores j I ut no interference with the vested rights of foreigners. 140 PLATFORM OF tHE AMERICAN PARTY. X. Opposition to any union between Church and State ; no inl.^ ference with the religious faith or worship, and no tost oaths for office, except those indicated in the 5th section of this platform. XI. Free and thorough investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public functionaries, and a strict economy in public expenditures. XII. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws until said laws shall be repealed, or shall be declared null and void by competent judicial authority. XIII. Oppositiou to the reckless and unwise policy of the present administration in the general management of our national affairs, and more especially as shown in removing '• Americans" (by designation) and consevatives in principle, from office, and placing foreigners and ultraists in their places ; as shown in a truckling subserviency to the stronger, and an insolent and cowardly bravado towards the weaker powers ; as shown in re-opening sectional agitation, by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise ; as shown in granting to unnaturalized foreigners the right of suffrage iu Kansas and Nebraska ; as shown in its vacillating course on the Kansas and Nebraska question ; as shown in the removal of Judge Bronson from the Collectorship of New York upon false and untenable grounds ; as shown in the corruptions which pervade some of the departments of the governments ; as shown in disgracing meritorious naval officers through prejudice or caprice ; aa shown in the blundering mismanagement of our foreign relations. XIV. Therefore, to remedy existing evils, and prevent the disastroua consequences otherwise resulting therefrom, we would build up the " American party" upon the principles hereinbefore stated, eschewing all sectional questions, and uniting upon those purely national, and admitting into said party all American citizens (referred to in the 3d, 4th, and 5tb sections) who openly avow the |)rinciples and opinions heretofore expressed, and who will subscribe their names to this plat- form. — Provided, nevertheless, that a majority of those members present at any meeting of a local council where an applicant appliea for membership in the American party, may, for acy reason by theai deemed sufficient, deny admission to such applicant. XV. A free and open discussion of all political pf in«ipfc» wmbraoed ir cor platform. PLATFORM OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 141 PLATFORM OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. At the Democratic Convention held in Cincinnati in June last, the Committee on Resolutions submitted the following resolutions, which were adopted as the Democratic Platform : Resolved, That the American Democracy place their trust in the intelligence, the patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people. Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our politi- cal creed, which we are proud to maintain before the world, as the great moral element in a form of government springing from and upheld by the popular will, and we contrast it with the creed and practice of Federalism, under whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity. Resolved, therefore. That entertaining these views, the Democratic party of this Union, through their delegates assembled in a general Convention, coming together in a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative government, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of their intentions, renew and re-assert before the American people the declarations of principles avowed by them when on former occasions, in general Convention^ they have presented their candidates for popular sufirages. I. That the federal government is one of limited power, derived solely from the Constitution ; and the grants of power made therein onght to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government ; and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. n. That the Constitution does not confer upon the general gov- ernment the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements. III. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the fed- eral government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several states, contracted for local and internal improvements, or other state purposes, nor would such assumption be just or expedient. IV. That justice and sound policy forbid the federal government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of any other, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country ; that every citizen and every section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to complete and ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence or foreign aggression. V. That it is the duty of every branch of the government to enforce and practice the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and for the gradual, but certain extinction of the public debt. 142 PLATFOilil OF THE DKMOGRATIC PARTY TI. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly appiictlnry, and in the United States of America, against Catholics ano foreign-born, is neither justified by the past history or the future pros jects of the country, nor in unison with che spirit of toleration and t nlarged freedom which peculiarly distin- jfuishes the American system of popular government. Resolved, That w^e reiterate with renewed energy of purpose, the well-considered declarations of former Conventions upon the sectional issue cf Domestic Slavery, and concerning the i-eserved rights of the states : 1. Thot Congress has no power under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several states, and that such states are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution ; that all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous conse quences ; and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency tt diminish the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability aud permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by auy friend of our political institutions. 2. That the foregoing proposition covers, and was intended to embrace, the whole subject of slavery agitation in Congress ; and therefore, the Democratic party of the Union, standing on this national platform, will abide by aud adhere to a faithful execution of the acts known as the Compromise Mt-asures, settled by the Congress of 1850 ; " the act lor reclaiming fugitives from service or labor," included ; which act being designed to carry out an express provision of the Con- stitution, cauuot, with fidelity thereto, be repealed, or so changed as to destroy or impair its efficiency. 3. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing in Congress, or out of it. the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or colur the attempt may be made. 4. That the Democratic party will I'aithfully abide by and uphold the principles laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legislature, in 1799 ; that it adopts those principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and is resolved to carry them out in their obvious meanuag and import And that we may more distinctly meet the issue on which a sectional Earty, subsisting exclusively on slavery agitation now relies, to test the delity of the people, Xorth and South, to the Constitution and the Union : 1. Resolved. That claiming fellowship with, and desiring the co-oper 144 rLATFORM OF IHE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. » atioii of all who regard the preservation of the Union under the Oort stitution as the paramount issue — and repudiating all sectional parties and platforms concerning domestic slavery, whicii seek to embroil tha states and incite to treason and armed resistance to law in the terri- tories ; and whose avowed purposes, if consummated, must end in civil war and disunion — the American Democracy recognise and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws establishing the territories of Kansas and Nebraska as embodying the only sound and safe solutiou of the " slavery question " upon which its great national idea of the people of this whole country can repose in its determined conservatism of the Union — Nox-ixterference by Congress with Slavery in STATE AND TERRITORY, OR IN THE DISTRICT OP COLUMBIA. 2. That this was the basis of the Compromises of 1850 — confirmed by both the Democratic and Whig parties in national conventions — ■ ratified by the people in the election of 1852, and rightly applied to the organization of territories in 1854. 3. That by the uniform application of this Democratic principle to the organization of territories, and to the admission of new states, with or without domestic slavery, as they may elect — the eaual rights of all the states will be preserved intact — the original compacts of the Con- stitution maintained inviolato — and the perpetuity and expansion of this Union insured to the utmost capacity of embrt-cing, in peace and harmony, every future American state that may be constituted or annexed, with a republican form of government. Resolved, That we recognise the right of the people of all the terri- tories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of a majority of actual residents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to form a constitution, with or without domestic slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other states. Resolved, finally, That in view of the condition of popular institu- tions in the Old World, (and the dangerous tendencies of sectional agitation, combined with the attempt to enforce civil and religious disabilites against the rights of acquiring and enjoying citizenship in our own land,) a high and sacred duty is devolved with increased responsibility upon the Democratic party of this country, as the party Df the Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of every state, and thereby the Union of the states ; and to sustain and advance among QS constitutional liberty, bv continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to those principles and compromises of the Constitution which are broad enough and strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was. the Union as it is, and the Union as it shall be, in the full expansion of the ener- gies and capacities of this great and progressive people. 1. Resolved, That there are questions connected with the foreign policy of this country, which are inferior to no domestic questions Vfhatever. The time has come for the people of the United States to PLATFORM OF THK DEMOCRATIC PARTT 1^5 declare themselves in favor of free seas and progres^jive free trada throughout the world, and by solemn manifesialious, to place; their moral influence at the side of their successful example. 2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position with reference to other states of this continent, no less than the interest of oui commerce and the development of our growing power, recjulrea that we should hold as sacred the principles inv(^lved in the Monroe doctrine ; their bearing and import admit of no misconstructioa ; they should be applied with unbending rigidity. 3. Resolved, That the great highway which nature, as well as the assent of the states most immediately interested in its maintenance, has rrjarked out for a free communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, constitutes one of the most important achievements realized by a spirit of modern times, and the unconquerable energy of our people. That result should be secured by a timely and ellicient exertion of the control which we have the right to claim over it, and no power on earth should be suffered to impede or clog its progress by any interference with the relations it may suit our policy to establish between our government and the governments of the states withio whose dominions it lies. We can, under no circumstance, surrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all questions arising out of it. 4. Resolved, That in view of so commanding an interest, the people of the United States cannot but sympathize with the efforts which are being made by the people of Central America to regenei-ate that por- tion of the continent which covers the passage across the Inter-oceanic Isthmus. 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party will e.xpect of the next administration that every proper efifort will be made to insure our ascendancy in the Gulf of Mexico, and to maintain a permanent pro- tection in the great outlets through which are emptied into its waters the products raised out of the soil, and the commodities created by the industry of the people of our Western valleys, and of the Union at large. Resolved, That the Democratic party recognises the great import- ance, in a political and commercial point of view, of a safe and speedy communication, by military and postal roads through our own terri- tory, between the Atlantic and Pacific coasts of this Union, and that it is the duty of the federal government to exercise promptly all its constitutional power for the attainment of that object. 146 PLATFORM OF THE BEPUBLICAX PARTY. PLATFORM OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTI'. Resolved, That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in tlie Declaratioa of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitu- tion, are essential to the preservation of our republican institutions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the states, and the union of the states, shall be preserved. Resolved, That with our republican fathers we hold it to be a self- evident truth, that all men are endowed with the inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the primary object and ulterior design o*' our federal government were, to secure these rights to all persons within its exclusive jurisdiction ; that as our republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that no person rihould be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose of establishing slavery in the United States by positive legislation, prohibiting its existence or extension therein. That we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, of any indi- vidual or association, or individuals, to give legal assistance to slavery in any territory of the United States, while the present Constitution shall be maintained. Resolved, That the Constitution confers upon Congress sovereign power over the territories of the United States for their government, and that in the exercise of this power it is both the right and the duty of Congress to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of bar- barism, polygamy and slavery. Resolved, That while the Constitution of the United States wag ordained and established in order to establish a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, and secure the blessings of liberty, and contains ample pro- visions for the protection of the life, liberty, and property of every citizen, the dearest constitutional rights of the p'eople of Kansas have been fraudulently and violently taken from them — their territory has been invaded by an armed force — spurious and pretended legislative, judicial and executive officers have been set over them, by wliose usurped authority, sustained by the military power of the government, tyrannical and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and enforced — the rights of the people to keep and bear arms have been infringed — test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling nature have been imposed, as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage and holding olfice — the right of an accused person to a speedy and public trif.l by an impartial jury has been denied — the right of the people to be sccui'O in their houses, papers and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures has been violated — they have been deprived of life, liberty, and property without due process of law — that the Ireedom of speech and of the press has been abridged ~l he right to choose their repre PLATFORM OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 147 Bentatives has been made of no effect — murders, robberies and arsons have been instigated and encouraged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished — that all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanction and procurement of the present administra- tion, and that for this high crime against the Constitution, the Union, and humanity, we arraign the Administration, the President, his advisers, agents, supportei-s, apologists and accessories, either before or after the facts, before the country and before the world, and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the perpetrators of these atrocious out- rages and their accomplices to a sure and condign punishment hereafter. Resolved, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as a state of the Union, with her present free constitution, as at once the most effectual way of securing to her citizens the enjoyments of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled, and of ending the civil strife uow raging in her territory. Resolved, That the highwayman's plea, that " might makes right," embodied in the Ostend circular, was in every respect unworthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and dishonor upon any government or people that gave it their sanction. Resolved, Th«.t a Railroad to the Pacific Ocean, by the most cen- tral and practical route, is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country, and that the federal government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its cons4;ruction ; and as an auxiliary thereto, the immediate construction of an emigrant route on the line of the railroad. Resolved. That a-ppropriations by Congress for the improvement of rivers and harbors, ol' a national character, required for the accommo- dation and security of our existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justified by the obligation of government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. Resolved, Thai we invite the affiliation and co-operation of the men of all parties, however different from us in other respects, in support of the principles herein declared ; believing that the spirit of our insti- tntion=, as well as the Constitution of our country, guarantees liberty of conscience and equality of rights among citizens who oppose all l^ahition impairing their security. 148 THE COifGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES. THE CONGRESS OF THE U]SHTED STATES Consists of a Senate and House of Representatives, and must assemble at least once every year, on the first Monday of December, unless otherwise provided by law. The Vice-President of the United States is ex officio President of the Senate, and has a casting vote in case of an equal division. In his absence, a President pro tern, is chosen from among the members. The Senate comprises two members from each state, (now number- ing of course 62,) who are chosen by the state legislatures for the term of six years — one-third biennially. The members of the House of Representatives (limited by law to the number of 233) are elected by the people for the term of two yeai's, and are apportioned among the dififerent states, according to population, in the following manner : After each decennial enumera- tion, the aggregate representative population of the United States is ascertained by the Secretary of the Interior, by adding to the whole number of free persons in all the states, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three- fifths of all other persons. This aggregate is divided by 233, and the quotient, rejecting fractions, if any, is the rates of apportionment. The representative population of each state is then ascertained in the same manner, and is divided by the above-named ratio, the quo- tient giving the upportionraent of representatives to each state. The loss by fractions is compensated for by assigning to as many states having the largest fractiocs as may be necessary to make the whole number of representatives 233, one additional member each for its fraction. If, after the apportionment, new states are admitted, repre- sentatives are assigned to such states on the above basis, in addition to the limited number of 233 ; but such excess continues only until the next apportionment under the succeeding census. When the ap- portionment is completed, the Secretary sends a certificate thereof to the House of Representatives, and to the Governors of the states a certificate of the number apportioned to each state. The present number of representatives is 234, an additional one Being assigned to California by the act of July 30, 1852. There are, besides, seven delegates — one each from Oregon, Minnesota, Utah, New Mexico, "Washington, Kansas, and Nebraska — who have a right to speak, but no vote. Since the 4th of March, 1817, the compensation of senators and representatives has been ^8 a-day duringthe period of attendance in Congress, without deduction in case of sickness ; and $8 for every twenty miles' travel, in the usual road, in going to or returning from the seat of government. The President of the Senate, pro tem. and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, each receive double thif sum. At the first session of the Thirty-Fourth Congress, however, an act was passed, fixing the pay of members at §3,000 per annum, bu\ the rates of mileage were left undisturbed. , 1149] IMPORTANT EVENTS IN AMEEICAI HISTORY. EMBRACING A PERIOD OF 250 YEARS, FROM THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY TO THE PRESENT TIME ARRANGED IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER. 1606. A charter granted to a company in England for the settlement of Vir- ginia, and a colony dispatched, who landed at Jamestown, and chose EdwarC Wingfield ruler. 1607. Soon after their arrival, Captain John Smith and others visited the native chief, Powhatan, at his principal residence, near the present site of Richmond. — Wingfield was deposed, and Smith appointed in his place ; but he was soon after captured by the Indians, and detained among them for some time. He was about to be slain by the savages, when Pocahontas, a favorite daughter of Powhatan's, rushed between him and the clubs of hii enemies, and finally saved his life. 1608. When Smith returned , he found the colonists in a very bad condition; after alleviating it as far as practicable, he explored the Chesapeake Bay and its tributary rivers. 1609. A new charter granted to the London Company enlarging their limits, &c., and Lord De la War appointed Governor for life. 1610. In consequence of being injured by an explosion of powder, Capt. Smith returned to England, delagating his authority to George Percy — Lord De la War arrived just as the colonist were about leaving for England, after having greatly suffered from disease and famine — A few Dutch traders settled in New Amsterdam, now New York City. 1611. Under the new governor, order and contentment were again restored ; but his health rapidly failing, he returned home, and Percy again administered the government until the arrival of Sir' Thomas Daly, by whom he' was super- seded. 1612. The king granted the London Company another new charter, making important changes in the powers of the corporation, but not affecting the political rights of the colonists. 3613. John Rolfe, a young English officer, married Pocahontas, an event which had a beneficial influence on the relations of the colonists and Indians. 1614-16. Gov. Dale returned to England, after appointing George Yeardley in his place. The culture of tobacco was introduced, and soon became, not only tbe principal article of export, but even the currency of the colony. The Dutch began a settlement in Albany, N. Y. 1617. Yeardley was displaced for a short time by Argall, who ruled with such tyranny and injustice as led to the reinstatement of the former. 1619. The first colonial assembly ever convened in America was held at Jumfestown. i620. In August, a Dutch man-of-war landed twenty negroes for sale at James town which was the commencement of negro slavery in the colonies. — Ninety 160 CHKON'OLOGICAL HI3T0RY. young women of respectable character were sent from England as wives foi the colonists, the price3 for whom were tixed at from 120 to 150 pounds of tobacco. — Dec. 21, a body of Paritans, dissenters from the Church of England, landed at Plymouth, and commenced the settlement of New England. 1621. The London Company granted to the VirgiDia coleny a written constitu- ;ion A. treaty of Iriendship was concluded between the Puntans and th« principal chief of the Massachusetts tribe (Massascit) . and similar treaties concluded with other chiefs. 1622. April 1st, 347 men, women and children of the Virginia colony were savagely butchered by treacherous Indians; but Jamestown acd the neigh- boring settlements were saved by the plot being revealed, the evening belore its intended consummation, by a friendly Indian, thus putting the inhabitants on their guard. 1623. Miles Standish saves the settlement of Weymouth, Ma^s., from destruc- tion by the Indiana, and kills their chief.— First settlement formed at Dorer, New Hampshire. 1624. The London Company was dissolved, and King James assumed the gov- ernment of the Virginia colony. — New Jersey settled by the Dutch. 1627. Delaware settled by Swedes and Danes. 1635. Maryland settled by Irish Catholica, and Connecticut settled by a branch of Puritans from Massachusetts. 1636. Rhnde Island settled by Eoger Williams, who was banished for his liberal religious sentiments by the Paritans of Massachusetts. 1637. The magistrates of the three infant towns of Connecticut — Windsoi. Hartford, and Wethersfield — formally declared war against the Pequod Indians, 1643. The colonies of Masachusetts, Connecticut, Plymouth, and New Haven, form themselves into ojie confederacy, by the name of '• United Colonies of New England." 1644. Another Indian massacre in Virginia, followed by a border warfare, which continued about two years. 1648. An individual accused of witchcraft was executed at Charlestown, and for several years after (until 1793) numerous others suffered imprisonment and death for the like alleged crime. 1650. North Carolina settled by the English. 1656. First arrival of Quakers in Ma?sachusett?, who were sent back to Eng land in the ve.-sels in which they came, and the four united colonies concurred in a law prohibiting their introduction ; notwithstanding all which, they con- tinned to arrive. 1658. By advice of commissioners of the four colonies, the legislature of Mas- sachusetts denounced the punishment of death upon all Quakers- returning from banishment. 16'»0. Sir William Berkely elected Governor by the people-flf Virginia, bat he alterwards disclaimed the authority to which he owed his elevation, and issued writs for an assembly in the name of King Charles II. 1661. Edward Whalley and William GoSe. two of the judges who had con- demned Charles I. to death, arrived at Boston, and were kindly received by the people. Messengers were sent to arrest them, but they were concealed and ended their days in New England. 1663. North Carolina settled by colonists from Virginia, near tHe village of Edenton. 1664. An Eoglish force, sent to take possession of the whole territory from the Connecticut River to the shores of the Delaware, captured " New Amster dam " from the Datch, and changed its naone to " New York.' CHRJXOLOGICAL HISTORY. 151 1670. South Carolina settled b}' the Haguenots. 1G73. The Virginians remonstrated againtst the nnjnst taxation on their rom- mercidl business, but obtained no ledres^. — Tbe Episcopal Church l>ei:aine the religion of the Srale. A war having broke out between EDglacd and H.)lland. the Dutch reconquered New York, but it was agaiu surrendered to tbe Eoglish the jear following. 1675. Tlie war with the Wampanoags and other tribes, commonly called '• King Philip's War, " commenced, and was marked by mi;ch barbaiity. 1676. King Philip was shot by a faithless Indian of his own tribe, but this did nut end the war, which was CMntinued till 1678. when a treaty of peace was concluded. — The peojile of Virginia, led by Nathaniel Bacon, took up arms in defence of their rights. 1677. Massachusetts purchased the profince of Maine from the heirs of Gorges« 16S0. New Hampshire was .separated from Massacliusetts by a royal commis- sion, and made a royal province ; but the first law adopted by the legislature, which soon after met at Portsmouth, declared " That no act, imposition, law, or ordinance, should be made or imposed upon them but such as should be made by the assembly, and approved by the President and Council." 1685. Pennsylvania settled by Wm. Penn, who founded Philadelphia the yeai following. 1686. The charter government of Massachusetts was revoked, and the King appointed a President over the country from Xarragansett to Nova Scotia. 1637. Governor Andros attempted to reclaim the charter granted to Connect! cut. but it was secretly taken from the assembly chamber at Hartford by Capt Wadsworth while the subject was under discus^ion, and hidden in a h'lliow tree, since celebrated as the Charter Oak, which was an object of curiosity until 1856, when it was blown down. 1689. " King William's War" with France began, and was continued till 1697, during which all the English colonies suffered by ravages of the French and Indians. 1690. The people of New Hampshire took the government into their own bands, and placed themselves under the prote':tion of Massachusetts. — The conquest of Canada was undertaken by the people. o^' New England and New York acting in concert. An armament, under Sir William Phipps, made aa •jnsuccessful demonstration against Quebec, and then returned to Bosti'D. The first emission of bills of credit in the colonies was made by Massachr.seits to defray the expenses of this expedition. 1701. " Queen Anne's War," waged against France and Spain, was commenced this year, and only terminated in 1713 by the treaty of Utrecht. 1733. Georgia settled by Gen. Odethorpe, who landed at Savannah with about 120 emigrants, and began building the town. 1741. A supposed negro plot occasioned great excitement in the city of New York, and between 30 and 40 persons were executed before it subsided. — The provinces of Massachusetts and New Hampshire were separated. 1744. " King George's War," which originated in European disputes relative to Austria, again gave the French and Indians many opportunitie-V'f harassing the colonists. The most important event of the war in America was tbe siege and capture of Louisburg, which was restored to France in 174S by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. J''54. " The'French and Indian War," arising from disputed claims to Ameri- can territory by the English and French, again plunged the colonies in diffi- culties, and materially injured their prosperity, until 1763, when oeace wa» concluded. »759. Qaeb«c surrendered to the English forces under Gen. Wolfe, who was 152 CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORT. killed on the battle field, and all the other French posts in Canada were cap tured soon after. 1764. A resolution imposing certain stamp duties on the colonies was adopted by the House of Commons, but it did not become a law till next year. 1765. A general indignation spread through the colonies when it was known that the " Stamp Act" had passed. At Boston and Philadelphia the bella were muffled, and rung a funeral peal ; and at New York the Act was carried tiirough the streets, with a death's-head affixed to it, and styled " The folly of England and the ruin of America." The stamps themselves, in many places, were seized and destroyed, and the doctrine that England had no right to tax America was boldly avowed — The first Colonial Congress met in New York, nine colonies being represented, and agreed on a "Declaration of Eights," and other energetic measures 1766. The Stamp Act was repealed, through the exertions of Mr. Pitt. 1767. Parliament passed a bill imposing a duty on glass, paper, painters' colors, and tea, which occasion"d as much excitement as the Stamp Act, and the colonial assemblies adopted spirited resolutions for resisting its operation. 1768. A vessel was seized by the custom house officers in Boston for violating some of the odious commercial restrictions, bufthe people compelled them to abandon their prize, and seek refuge in Castle William. 1770. In March, an aflray occurred in Boston between some citizens and the soldiery stationed there, which produced a great sensation throughout Ameri- ca. — Parliament passed a bill repealing all duties imposed by the act of 1767, except that on tea, which they allowed the British East India Company to export to America , free from the duties which they had before paid in England^ 1773. The ports of New York and Philadelphia were c'osed against vessels having cargoes of tea, and they were compelled to return to England. At Boston, a party of men, disguised as Indians, boarded several vessels, and broke open 342 cheats of tea, which they emptied into the harbor in the pres- ence of thousands of spectators. 1774. Parliament passed the Boston Port Bill, which forbade the landing and shippingof goods, wares, and merchandise at Boston. The provincial assem- bly resolved that " the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act exceeded all their powers of expression." 1775. An oppressive bill was passed by Parliament, restricting the commerce of all the provinces, except New York and North Carolina. The inhabitants of Massachusetts were declared rebels, and 10,000 troops were ordered to America, to aid !n reducing the rebellious colonies. — April 19. The first blood in the cau.se of Independence was shed at Lexington, about ten miles from Boston, where a party of militia intercepted a division of Enght-h soldiers on their way to Concord for the purpose of desti-oying some military stores which the people had collected there. At Concord, a smart skirmish took place, and the British made a hasty retreat, after partially accomplishing their object May 10. The Continental Congress assembled at Philadelphia, and, after electing John Hancock president of the body, among other impor- tant measures, voted to raise an army of 20,000 men. — June 17. A sanguinary battle took place on Breed's Hill, (generally now regarded as Bunker Hill,) in which the British were severely cut up, but they finally gained possession of the hill, the Americans retiring across Charlcstown Neck with incon- Biderable loss. — July 12. Washington, having been appointed commander in- chief, arrived at Cambridge, and entered upon his duties. — Georgia joined the confederation ; after which, the style of the " Thirteen United Colonies" was adopted. — Ma. unsuccessful attempt was made by the Americans for the con- quest of Canada, in which Gen. Montgomery was killed during an assault on Quebec (Dec. 31), and a portion of his troops were taken prisoners. 1776. March 4. Gen. Washington gained possession of Dorchester Heights, and CHBONOLOGICAL HISTOKY. 153 the British left Boston on the 17th.— June 18. Canada evacuated by the Americans. — July 4. The Declaration of Indepknpence, by the Conti- nental Congress at Philadelphia, was proclaimed, and hailed with gieat rejoicings. — August 27. Battle of Long I.^land, in which the Americans were defeated, but Washington m^de an admirable retreat to New York on the 29th, and thence across Jersej' to Philadelphia, where Congress was in ses- sion. — Dec. 12. Congress adjourned to Baltimore, and soon after invested Washington with almost unlimited powers. — Dec. 26. Washington having »mid great perils recrossed the Delaware on the previous night, surprised and aaptured a large body of He-.*ians at Trenton, and returned to Pennsylvania, with his prisoners.— Dec. 28. Washington took post at Trenton. 1 t7. Jaai. 3. Finding himself nearly surrounded by a force far superior to his own, Washington kindled his camp-lires as usual to deceive the enemy, ftnd then by a circuitous route rapidly advanced upon Princeton, where he gained another important victory. — In the spring, the Marquis de la Faj^ette arrived in Americi from France, having fitted' O'lt a vessel at his own ex- pense, and e'alisted as a volunteer in the army of Washington, declining all pay for his services ; but Congress, which had returned to Philadelphia, soon after appointed him a Major-General. — May 6. Gen. Burgoyne, with a power- fnl force, designed to invade the States by the way of Lake Champlam and the Hudson, arriv^^d at Quebec ; and on the 16th of June he left St. Johns for Crown Point, whore he established magazines June 30. The British army, cnder General Howe, passed over to Staten Island, leaving Washington in possession of New Jersey -^July 5. Gen. St. Clair abandoned Ticonderoga, retreating before Burgoyue's forces, with whom he hud a severe skirmish at Hubbardton, and finally succeeded in joining Gen. Schuyler on the Hudson, having lost 200 pieces of artillery and a large qnantity of stores. — July 10. Col. Barton, with about forty militia, seized the Commander of the English forces in Rhode Island, (Major-General Prescott,) while in bed, and conducted him safely through his own troops and fleet back to the mainland. This heroic exploit not only cheered the American army, but secured an officer of equal rank to exchange for Geu. I.ee — August 16 Battle of Benniugton, in which the America' s, led by Colonel Stark, obtained an important victory over Colonel Bium, who had been seat by General Burgojne to seize some stores at that place — Sept. 11. Bat'le of the Brandywine. in which Count Pulaski, a brave Polander, ',pho had .-nagnanimously joined the Americans, distinguished himself, and w.as soon afv^i piomoted to the rank of brigadier, with the command of the cavalry. Gen. Lafayette was severely wounded while endeavoring to rally the fugitive.-;. — Stpt. 13. Burgoyne crossed the Hudson with his whole army, and took a podtion on the heights and plains of Saratoga Sept. 26. The British army, uh.dor Gen. Howe, entered Philadel- phia without further opposition. Congress having previously adjourned to Lancaster Oct. 4. Washington attacked a large British force at German- town, and was repulsed, with the loss of 1,200 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. — Oct. 17. Burgoyne, finding himself surrounded, and despairing of relief, surrendered his army to Gen. Gates, who had recently been appoiutert to the command of the Northern division, whereby the Americans acquired a fine train of brass artillery, 6,000 muskets, and immense quantities of other munitions of war. — Oct. 22. A plan of confederation was adopted by Congress, which, however, amounted to little more than a league of friendship between the states. — Dec. 11. Washington retired into winter-quarters at Valley Forge. 1778. In February, Parliament passed two bills, virtually conceding all that had been the cause of controversy, and sent commissioners to adju.st existing differences ; they attempted to gain their objects by private intrigue and bribery, which coming to the knowledge of Congress, that bodv declared it incompatible with their honor to hold any intercourse with them. — Fel). 6. France acknowledged the independence of America, and concluded a treaty of alliance and commerce. — June 18. The British army evacuated Philadei 154 CHRONOLOGICAL EISTORT. phia, and retreated to New York, followed cautiously by Washington with the main body of bis army. — June 2'^. Brtttle of jMonmouth, in which ths British were signally defeated v/ith great loss, and retieated to Sandy Hook, wheoce they were taken to New York by their fleet. — July 'A Wyoniiug was attacked by a large body of British. torie«, and ludi.insi, wlio, aft(-r the plMce had been surrendered, perpetrated the most inhuman atrncit'es: men women, and childrea were shut up in the houses and barracks, and cousumed in one general conflagration. — Dec. 29. An Engli.-h army of 2,000 men lHlld^d nt-ar Savannah, tbea defended by only GOO troops, and, after a severe battle, took possession of tlie city, the Americans retreating. 779. May 11. Gen. Provost, with a large British force, having invested Charleston, summoned the city to surrender; but the approach of Gen. Lin- coln, who had been appointed to the command of the southern army, com- pelled him to retreat. — July 5. Gen. Tryon made an('ther desi-ent on Connec- ticut, and plundered and burned the towns of New Haven, Ea-^t Haven, Fair- field, and Norwalk. — Jnly 16. Stony Point, which had been previo\isly taken by the enemy, was gallantly recaptured by Gen. Wayne, the British lo.-ing upwards of 600 men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. — Sept. 2.3. One of the most bloody battles on record was fought on the coa^t of Scotland between the American frigate Bon Homme Richard, Captain Paul Jones, and two British frigates, the Serapis and the Countess of Scarborough, which re-ulted in a victory for the Richard, which was so cut up, tha* she soon nfier sunk. Of a crew of 375, 300 were either killed or wounded.— .)ct. 9. A'ter a month's siege, a combined attack of the French and Americans, under Courit D'Esiaing and General Lincoln, was made on Savannah, but it proved unsuccessful, and Gen. Lincoln retired into S. Carolina, while Count D'Ksta.ing withdrew his fleet from the American coa^t. Count Pula>ki was mortally wor.ndtd during the battle, and a monument has since been erected to his memory on the spot where he fell. 1780. During the most of this year, military operations were confined to the Carolinas. — April 9. Admiral' A rbuthnot, with a p'lwerful fleet, whirh had transported Sir Henry Clinton with the bulk of his forces fiom New Yoik to the South, anchored m Charleston harbor, and summontd the city to .»unen- der. I'liis was rejected, and Gen. Lincoln and bis troojis made a gallant de- fence, until May 12, when, most of the fortiticaiions having betn beaten down, and the enemy being about to make an assault, a compliance was unavoidable, and the myal government was ag tin e^tahli^hed in South Carolina.— May 12. Charleston surrendered after more than a month's siege. — July 10. A French squadron, under Admiral de Ternay. arrived at Newport, having on board 6,000 men, commanded by Count de'Kocharubeau. — Augu-t 16. Gfii. Gates, who was advancing with a considerable force for the lelief ol the South, encountered the British, under Lords Riwdon and Gornwallis, near Camden, S. C, and after a desperate engagement, was compelled to draw ofl', with the loss of 1,000 men, and all his artillery, ammunition wagons, and most ot hij baggage. Baron de Kalb, .second in command, was mortally wounded, dying oh the 19th.— Sept. 23. Major Andre, adjutant-general of the British army, was arrested near Tarrytown, N.Y., by three militiamen, John Paulding, DaTtd Williams, and Isaac Van Wert. He was returning from a visit to Gen. Arnold, then in command of West Point, with whom he had succes.-fully negotiated f^r the surrender of that post. He was soon after tried, convicted, and executed as a spy,, while the traitor Arnold unfortunately escaped. Being allowed to write to Arnold, that officer of course found that his treason waa dii-covered, nnd precipitately fled on board the sloop of-war Vulture, then lying in the Hudson. 1781. The traitor Arnold, as one of the rewards of his crime, was made » brigadier in the British service, and early in January he made a descent u;poa Virginia, ravaging the coasts, and plundering and destroying public and pri- vate property to a vast amount. — Jan. 17. The English cavalry, tmder CoL CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY. 155 Tarleton, were severely beaten at the Battle of Cowpena by the Americans, undt-r Gen. Morgan, tttid lost 300 1!; killed and wounded, 500 prift audience with the king. 17t'6. Shay "a Reliellion iu Mar sachusotts and New Hampshire. J 787. Sept. 17. The ConstitutiQn of the United States was adopted at Phil» delphia.- -Daniel Shay and his party dispersed by Gen Lincoln. 156 CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY. 17SS. Eleven States ratified the Constitution — Election for President of the XJ States. 1780. March 4. Congress assembled at New York, but did not organize till April 6. — April 30. George Washington was sworn into office as the first Presideut, and John Adams as tue first Vice-President of the U. States. 790. In May, Rhode Island acceded to the Constitution. — Sept. 30. Gen. Harmer defeated by the Indians near Chilicothe. — The first census completed, showing-population, 3,921,326 revenue, $4,771,000 ; exports, $19,000,000 ; imports, $20,000,000. 791. Vermont, having acceded to the Constitution, was admitted into thf/ Union. — The first U. S. Bank was chartered by Congress, but not without powerful opposition. 1792. The Mint was established. — Kentucky admitted into the Union. 1793. April 22. President Washington issued a proclamation of neutrality in regard to the affairs of France, which were beginning to affect American politics. — Washington and Adams were re-elected. 1794. Aug. 20. Gen. Wayne obtained so decisive a victory over the hostile Indians, as to produce a salutary effect upon all the tribes north-west of the Ohio. 1795. Treaties were concluded with Spain and Algiers. 1796. Sept. 17. Wa-shington signified his intention to retire from public life, and published his Fare'.vell Address. — Tennessee was admitted into the Union. 1797. March 4. John Adams was inaugurated as President, and Thomas Jefferson, Vice-President. 1798. Congress again elected Gen. Wa.shington commander-in-chief of the army 1799. Dec. 14. Gen. Washington died at Mount Vernon, after a very short illness. 1800. The seat of government was transferred to Wa^^hington City. — Sept. 30. A treaty was concluded with the French Directory.— President Adants signed the alien and sedition laws. 1801. Thomas Jefferson was elected President, and Aaron Burr Vice-Presi" dent. — Congress declared war against Tripoli. — The second census was com- pleted, and sho^red — population, 5,319,762 ; revenue, $12,946,000 ; exports. $94,000,000. 1802. New Orleans was ceded by Spain to France, and the Mississippi closed against the United States Ohio admitted into the Union. 1803. Louisiana was purchased of the French by the United States for $15,000,000. — Com. Preble sailed with a squadron for Tripoli; the frigate Philadelphia got aground in the harbor, and was captured by the barbarians. 1804. Capt. Eaton was appointed navy agent for the Barbary powers Lieut. (afterwards Com.) Decatur recaptured and destroyed the frigate Philadelphia, under a terrific fire from the enemy's guns. 1-805. Thomas Jefferson was re-elected President, and George Clinton Vice- President — Peace was concluded with Tripoli, and 200 prisoners were given up to the United States. 1806. England began to impress American seamen, on the plea of their having been born in that kingdom. — Nov. 21. Berlin decree issued by Bonaparte, crippling American commerce. 18C7. Aaron Burr, formerly Vice-President, was tried at Richmond for high treason, but was acquitted, owing to the insufficiency of evidence. ISOS. June 22. The American frigate Chesapeake was fired into by the British ship-of- war Leopard, for refusing to deliver up four men who were claimed as English subjects ; three men were killed and eightsen wounded. — In November, the British government issued the celebrated " Orders in Coua CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY. 151 «»i," prohibiting all trade with France and her allies ; and in DecembPT, Bonapirte issued the retaliatory " Milan decree,"' idrbidding all Imde with Eiiglaud and her colonies. — Dec. 22. Congiess decreed an embargo, the de- sign of which was to retaliate on France and England for uijust ccmnurcial prohibitions. 1809. March 1. Congress repealed the embargo act,, but at the same lime interdicted all commeicial intercourse with France or England. ISIO. In November, all the hostile decrees of the French were revoked, and commercial intercourse with the United States was rei^umed; but those of England were not oulj continued, but ships of war were stationed near the principal American ports for the purpose of intercepting our merchaniDien , which were captured, and .-^ent to British ports as legal piizes. isll. May 16. The British ship-of-war Little Belt, Capt. Bingham, was hailed in the evening on the coast of Virginia by the U. S. l'ri,c;ate President, Capt. Rodgers, but in-tead of receiving a satisfartory an.->wer, a shot wa-i fired in return, when a brief engagement followed, in whioh eleven of the enemy were killed and twenty-one wounded. The Pre.-ir'eut had only one man wounded 1812. June 17. President Madison issued a proclanuition of war agains England, and exertions were immedately made to enlist 25,000 men, to raise 60,000 volunteers, and to call out lOO.OUO militia. 1814. In August, Washington City .surrendered to a British army, who des- troyed theCapitol, President's Mansion, and many other valuable buildings, Ac. — Dec. 24. Treaty of peace with Great Britain concluded at Ghent. 1815. Jan. 8. Battle of New Orleans, in which the Britii^h, under Sir E. Packenham were signally repulsed by the Americans, under Gen. Jackr^on. 1816. In April, Congress chartered the U. S. Bank, with a capital of $35, 000,000. — Indiana admitted into the Union. — American Colonization Society formed. 1817. March 4. James Monroe and Daniel 1). Tompkins were inaugurated as President and Vice-President. — Mississippi admitted iuto the Union, 1818. Seminole War, in which Gen. Jacksoa obtained many important vic- tories, and finally " conquered peace." — July 4. Ground hr.-.t broken in New York for the Hudson and Erie Canal. — Illinois and Alabama admitted into the Union. 1819. Feb. 23. The Floridas ceded by Spain to the Uuited States for $.3,000,000, which sum was to be paid to American citizens as indemnities for spoliations on their commerce during the Penintular war. 1820. Maine and Missouri were admitted into the Union. — The Coranromise Act passed, by which slavery wad excluded fr'-m all territoiy lying north of 36" 30' N. latitude. 1821. James Monroe and Daniel D. Tompkins were re-elected President and Vice Presiderit. 1822. Ministers plenipotentiary sent to Mexico, Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and Gtiili.— Convention of Navigation and Commerce between the United States and France. — Piracy was alarmingly prevalent in the West ludiei. 1824. Aug. 15. Gen. Lafayette arrived in New York from France, and spent ibe year in traveling through the country, being received at evtry place with tfVeal euthusia.sm. 1825. .March 4. John Quincy Adams and John C. Calhoun inan£arated aa President and Vice-President.— Sept. 7. Gen. ].,;;rayctte embarked for Fii)nce_ in the frigate Brandywine, which had bceii fitted out expressly fur his accota modatioo. 1826. July 4. Centennial Anniversary of AmericwD Independence.— Remark- able coiucidence in the death of John Adams nnd 'I'homas Jeffersoa, eacho/ whom died that day. i 158 CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORT. 1829. March 4. Attflrew Jack -ion aud John C. Oalhoua inaugurated as Presl dent and Vice President— the latter re elected. 1832. The Sacs, Foxes, Winnebagoes, and some other Indian tribes, under the Chief Rlacli Hawk, made war oa the northwestern t'routier, bat were soon brought to submisyion. — A. Convention in South Carolina threatened to dissolve the Union, but the Pre-iident issued a proclamation (Dec. 12) which allayed all apprehension of trouble. 1833. March 4. Andrew Jackson and Martin Van Buren were inaugurated iia President and Vice-President — the former re-elected. — The pub'ic funds were removed from the U. S. Bank, which occasioned mujh excitement. 1835. The Florida War was commenced by Indian hostilities against the settle- ments. Dec. 24. Major Dade and upwards of 100 men were unexpectedly attacked, and all savagely butchered, except four, who were so horribly man- gled that they died soon afterwards. On the same day, while Gen. Thompson and eight friends were diniusr together near Port Kiag, they were fired upon by a party of warriors under Osceola, and five out of the nine were killed and scalped. Gen. T.'s body was pierced by fifteen bullets. 1836. The Florida war was vigorously prosecuted by Generals Gaines, Clinch, Jesup, and Call, and several desperate battles were fought, but without any material advantage to the whites. — Arkansas was admitted into the Union. 1837. March 4. Great commercial distress prevailed, and nearly all the banks m the country suspended specie payments. — An extra session of Congre-^s was held in September, but nothing was done, except authorizing the government to issue S10,000,000 in Treasury notes. — Oct. 21. The Indian chief Osceola was captured, and died the following January. — Michigan was admitted into the Union. 1840. General Macomb, who took command of the army in Florida (numbering about 9,000), concluded a treaty of peace with several Indian chiefs. — The -Indepeudent Treasury Bill became a law. 1841. March 4. William H. Harrison and John Tyler were maugUrated a* President and Vice-President. — April 4. President Harrison died, and was suc- ceeded by M'r. Tyler. — May 31. An extra session of Congress convened, but they did little, except to pass the Bankrupt Bill. 1842. A treaty adjusting the N. E. boundary of the U. S., concluded with Great Britain. 1845. March 4. James K. Polk and George M. Dallas were inaugurated as President and Vice-President. — Texas was annexed to the United State-, and this led to a War with Mexico, which resulted in a series of brilliant victories, and in the extension of American territory on the Pacific ocean. Florida waa admitted into the Union. 1846. Iowa was admitted into the Union. 1847. Wisconsin was admitted into the Union. 1849. March 4. Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore were inaugurated aa President and Vice-President. 1850. July 9. Prctident Taylor died, after a very brief illness, and was suc- ceeded by Mr. Fillmore.— Sept. 18. Fugitive Slave Law approved.— California admitted into the Union. 1853. Franklin Pierce and William R King, having been elected President and Vice-President, the former was duly inaugurated, but the latter, beiog absent in Cuht, whither he had gon- for the benefit of his health, was not sworn into office until some time in April. He did not live lonsr after reaching home, and Jesse D. Bright, President of the Senate, assumed his office during the remainder of the tei-m. 1854. Congress passed an Act to Organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, and also to repeal the Missouri Compromise Act CHRONOLOGICAL HISTORY. 169 1867. James Buchanan and John C. Breckinridge inaugurated as President and Vice President of the United States. — A year of severe embarrassments and financial distress throughout the country. Nearly all the Banks in the IJuited States suspended specie payments, as in 18a7, and many heavy failures occurred. — Minnesota admitted into the Unicn. 18.58. Specie payments resumed.— Atlantic Telegraph laid.— Crystal Palace burned. 1S59. Oregon admitted into the Union. 1860. Visit of the Ambassadors of the Japanese GoTernment to the United States.— Arrival of the Steamship " Great liastern" at New York. Ay ff