LI B RARY 
 
 OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 
 or ILLINOIS 
 
 8415 
 C3IIWh 
 
."^ 
 
 I 
 
 ¥ 
 
-r^-rr. ■^•^•^'Z-, »' 
 
 LlV.jy^ ,2-W^. 
 
 
 'V 
 
 
 ■ ■«■■ ' ^r- ^^ 
 
 
 •tl^ 
 
 t ■• 
 
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 OF THE POLITICAL AND PRIVATE LIFE OF 
 
 JAMES CAULFIELD, 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEMONT, 
 
 A 
 
 -KNIGHT OF ST. PATRICK, &c. &c. &c.' 
 
 By FRANCIS HARDY, Esq. 
 
 «.^ 
 
 MSMBER OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, IN THE THBEB LAST PARLIAMENTS 
 
 OF IRELAND. 
 
 ~*-.v 
 
 .^' ^ la Doa tarn citb rbetoretn diztsses, (etsi'non deerat oratio) qvAm, ut Gneci dicant, 
 
 if.t'.rtMy. Erant in eo plarimaB literge, nee eae vulgares, ^sed interiores quaedam, ^t reconditae ; divina 
 memoria, samma Terborutn et gravitas, et elegantia : atque haec omDia vitae decorabat dignitas 
 et integritas. • Cicbbo, de Lucio Torquato. — Brutus. 
 
 ^^-i^''.J 
 
 ILonDon : 
 
 mV* 
 
 
 PRINTED FOR T. CADELL AND W. DAVIES, STRANDj 
 B7 George Sldoejr, Northumberland Street. 
 
 i8ia 
 
 iV 
 
 ^^■i 
 
 •-';»: 
 
 ■-■t) 
 
 
 '^ 1^ 
 
 w 
 
 ' '*''?, ^^w 
 
 
 
I 
 
 I, 
 
 I:' 
 
 r- ■ 
 
 is. 
 
 I 
 
 1 
 
r 
 
 'z- 
 
 DEDICATION. 
 
 •*-; 
 
 TO 
 
 FRANCIS - WILLIAM, 
 EARL OF CHARLEMONT, &c. &c. 
 
 THESE MEiMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 HIS MOST EXCELLENT 
 
 AND 
 
 iLLusTfiious father; 
 
 ARI, 
 
 WITH THE MOST ENTIRE GRATITUDE, 
 
 RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED. 
 
 BY HIS LORDSHIP'S TRULY OBLIGED, 
 
 AND 
 FAITHFULLY ATTACHED, 
 
 HUMBLE SERVANT, 
 
 w '*■ ■ 
 
 t? *■'. - 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
 -^J^:^" 
 
 4l?r^^^o3 
 
 "*».- 
 
 

 
 
 • •¥». •_. I|i^ 
 
 
 .>• 
 
 «.. •; ;• 
 
 
 
 y *■/■: 
 
 
 
 > 
 
 MEMOIRS 
 
 OF THE POLITICAL AND PRIVATE LIFE OP 
 
 JAMES CAULFIELD, 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEMONT, 
 
 KNIGHT OF ST. PATRICK, &c. &c. &c. 
 
 
 ZjJ^ 
 
 / 
 
 
 ■ 1 
 
 ■5 V 
 
 
 
 >*••.■ 
 
 ■3^ 
 
 'jf;::':Ky-^A^i-.::S>£^ 
 
 :\ ■ 
 
 ki^'^ 
 
 '" v%;>" 
 
 
C- 3/i Wl/ 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 I NOW venture, and with much diffidence, to give to the public 
 some account of one of the most accomplished persons of his time, 
 and certainly, as amiable, as patriotic, and truly honest man, as ever 
 yet existed in any age, or in any country. 
 
 Whether these Memoirs have any chance of being in the least 
 approved of, time alone can declare ; but I beg leave to state, that the 
 merit of paying some tribute to the memory of the Earl of Charlemont, 
 is originally to be ascribed to Mr. Lovel Edgworth.* It was during 
 one of the many tempestuous nights, whilst the question of Union was 
 debated, that he expressed his wishes to me, in the House of Commons, 
 that I should undertake to write the life of Lord Charlemont, more 
 especially as I had almost constantly acted with him in public, and 
 bad the honour of being known to him in private life. 
 
 Flattered, as unquestionably I was, by this suggestion, I felt my 
 own deficiency too much not to hesitate at the undertaking ;-^-.I 
 
 * Of Edgworth's town^ in Ireland ; so well known (as well as Misi £dgwortb) by taaaj most 
 agreeable^ and most useful publications. 
 
 1\ 
 
 51 ^^57'? 
 
 N 
 
'HL > »«»'j«»v.m(. 
 
 viii PREFACE. 
 
 therefore begged leave to consider the proposition for a day or too. 
 On my next meeting Mr. Edgworth, I ventured to acquaint him, that, 
 after due consideration, I should not decline the task, to me a most 
 grateful one in some respects, of giving the Memoirs of our noble 
 friend to the world, provi^^d that it Was with the entire approbation 
 of Lady Dowager Charlemont, and the present Earl ; otherwise, I 
 should totally relinquish it. 
 
 Matters rested in this manner for some short time, and I have 
 reason to know, that more than one gentleman of talents, far superior 
 to mine, expressed an anxiety to celebrate the worth, and the genius, 
 of the excellent Lord Charlemont, and do themselves honour by 
 uniting their Dftme to his. It is with pleasure I record this anxiety. 
 Most creditable is it to this country, that no cold inertness, or indispo^ 
 sition, should be found, to give to posterity the most pleasing and 
 instructive of all history, that of departed merit. However, it pleased 
 Lord Charlemont to write to me on the subject, and in very polite, 
 engaging terms, to declare bis wishes, that the life of his ilhistrious 
 father should be written by me. I consider it as a species of duty 
 to state these particulars to the public. When a person, if not totally, 
 at least but little known to the world, presumes to appear as an author, 
 it has ever been my opinion, that some reason should be given by him, 
 for appearing in such a character at all. — When I received this letter, 
 and for a long time after, I was much indisposed. I wrote, however, 
 or rather sketched, much of Lord Charlemont's political history ; and, 
 whilst engaged in it, I was, by the favour of my learned, and ever 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 dear friend, the Reverend Edward Berwick,* indulged with the 
 perusal of the entire correspondence between Lord Charlemont and the 
 late Doctor Haliday,f of Belfast, which he received from that 
 ingenious and worthy man's nephew, accompanied with his permission 
 to me, to make what use of it I thought proper. That correspondence 
 commenced in 1780, and only closed some few months, or perhaps a 
 shorter period, before Lord Charlemont*s death. I have selected some 
 parts of it, merely as I thought necessary to give to the public ; and, 
 towards the conclusion of the Memoirs, the extracts are very ample. 
 However, I trust that they will not be considered as too much so. 
 To William Haliday, Esq. (the doctor's nephew,) I now beg leave to 
 offer my best thanks. 
 
 To the more early part of Lord Charlemont's life, I was as yet, 
 however, except from some casual conversations with him, an entire 
 stranger ; and the part which I had sketched was as yet unfurnished 
 wdth aught to which the name of biography could be at all applied. I 
 therefore almost despaired of being able to give his Memoirs to the 
 world : when, after a^ absence of several years from Dublin, I went 
 there, in the Summer of 1807, and was then, by the particular desire 
 
 * Rector of Leixlip, in Ireland. He has since given to the public a translation of ApoUonius 
 Tyaneus. A work which, independent of its merit, was at least necessary to dispel a heavy mist of 
 stupid prejudice, and incurious, contented error. But, whatever justice he has done himself as a 
 scholar, neither that, nor any work of such a nature, can in any way present an adequate resemblance 
 of the author's mind j of that innocent gaiety, those social talents, and excellent heart which have 
 always enlivened the circle around him, and endeared him to his various friends. 
 
 t See an account of him in the Memoirs. 
 b 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 of Lord Charlemoiit, who had just gone to England, and the most 
 obliging attention of his brother, Mr. Caulfield, favoured with all 
 such papers, letters, and manuscripts of the late Lord, as I desired to 
 take. For this generous, and ample communication, retarded only hy 
 my involuntary absence from town, I cannot sufficiently express my 
 obligations to Lord Charlemont. Mr. Caulfield will also be pleased to 
 accept my very sincere and grateful acknowledgments. The late 
 most amiable, and intelligent Countess Dowager of Charlemont was 
 pleased also, sometime before this, to give me, in her own hand 
 writing, several particulars of her excellent Lord's more youthful days, 
 and many of those whilst he was abroad. 
 
 The papers, thus liberally consigned to my care by Lord Charle- 
 mont, consisted of some folios written by the late Earl, and number- 
 less letters, most of them, however, on private business, with which 
 the public has, of course, nothing to do. There were, however, papers,, 
 and letters enough, if I consulted merely what is termed book-makings 
 to furnish another volume of Memoirs. But, Mtya, ,Q»/3xio«/ fxiyu Kxkok 
 I always regarded a great book as a great evil ; and I hope the 
 public will not think, that I have lost sight of my predilection for this 
 ancient maxim, in the present voluminous publication. 
 
 The late Earl of Charlemont may be regarded, in his public capa-- 
 city, as an author, a senator, and the chief, for several years, of a 
 voluntary, and justly-celebrated, national military association. Had 
 he exerted the same firmness of perseverance which, in every other 
 instance of his life where intellectual fame was the object, he cer- 
 tainly displayed, I make no doubt that his success as an orator 
 
PREFACE, w 
 
 would have overpaid his efforts ; I mean in the House of Lords ; for 
 in the Lower House he never sat ; and, had his lot placed him there, 
 so distinct are the formation and complexion of the two legislative 
 bodies, that if his nerves could not sustain him in addressing his 
 noble brethren, they would, I am afraid, have totally failed in pre- 
 senting himself before the less tranquil, and less polished House of 
 Commons, But, notwithstanding his extreme delicacy, and sensibility, 
 he would, as an upright senator, have been equally the object ot 
 their respect, esteem, and admiration. He was a man of uncommon 
 industry. Though I believe that no slight portion of what he wrote 
 has been lost, enough remains to establish his character in that respect. 
 His account of his residence in Italy cannot at present be found; 
 that of his tour to the Greek islands, or a considerable portion of it, 
 remains. He also wrote observations on the manners of the Turks, a 
 nation to which he does not seem so adverse as other authors, and 
 obtained much information on the subject. It forms a considerable 
 part of a large folio. An essay, also, on the character of Sir Philip 
 Sidney, is among his papers. Sonnets also, songs, and various epigrams, 
 from Greek, Latin, or French Authors. His account of Italian poetry, 
 though, I believe, his original plan was never completed, would alone 
 make, perhaps, two quarto volumes, or rather more.* 
 
 Erudite, ingenious, and accomplished, however, as undoubtedly he 
 was, his predominant excellence appears to me to have been the 
 unbending integrity of his political character. For his native country 
 
 * Hii selections from the' different poets, his criticisms, and translations of various sonnets, 
 especially those of Petrarch, ar«, in mj opinion, entitled to great praise. 
 
 b2 
 
X\ 
 
 xii PREFACE. 
 
 he had ever the warmest affection ; his love of England was also 
 very great ; and to preserve the connexion betweeil both countries, 
 was the point to which all his political labours uniformly tended. 
 I have endeavoured to illustrate his Parliamentary conduct by every 
 -document in my power, and various are the memorandums, historical 
 records, and papers, which he has left behind him* In this part of 
 my work, exclusive of his papers, my chief; I think I may say, only 
 assistance, was that of Mr. Grattan,* who, from his consummate 
 knowledge of the Parliamentary History of Ireland, was best enabled 
 to give additional light to the subject, and furnish me with a variety 
 of particulars, concerning several eminent men, whose characters 
 I have interwoven with the History of Lord Charlemont. Fortunate 
 indeed had it been for the reader, if my talents could have kept pace 
 with his zealous respect for the memory of our venerable Earl, or his 
 eloquence in illuminating whatever he touched on in private con- 
 versation. But I have lived too long in the world, and kept company 
 with those who are far my superiors in talents and acquirements, not 
 to be perfectly sensible of the mediocrity of my pretensions. I have 
 often thought of the just taste, and feeling, which made Cicero 
 exclaim : Demosthenem igitur imitemur. O Dli boni ! Quid, qucsso, 
 710S aliud agimus, aut quid aliud optamus P At non assequimur. The 
 superiority of a great author I can also feel, and wish, however vainly, 
 to attain the simplicity of those whom the world has long cherished, 
 as models of artless diction. If, however, for the author of this work, 
 some indulgence may be reasonably looked for, the subject of it stands 
 
 * Right Honourable Henry Grattan. 
 
PREFACE. xiii 
 
 in need of no apology. It would have been a reproach to Ireland, 
 had merit like his remained unrecorded. This country will ever 
 have reason to claim him,, and the Earl of Ossory,* as the most 
 illustrious of its nobility. But how has Ireland advanced since Lord 
 Ossory lived, and how ' different from the days of the profligate 
 Buckingham, who wished to wound Ireland through his Noble Father ? 
 There is no necessity, however, for going so far back, or sailing up the 
 stream of time, to exhibit multiplied instances of personal, or national 
 prejudice and illiberality. A great change has happened, even since 
 my boyish days. When, as I well recollect, an Irishman was the 
 standing jest of the Theatre, when England ever appeared the 
 imperious, and not always enlightened mistress; whilst Ireland 
 remained her humble, untaught domestic, to be dragged after her in 
 war, or in peace, just as she thought proper. They were at some 
 moments of harsh, indeed almost insane domination, on the part of 
 England, if the similitude may be allowed me, exactly like the lady 
 and her attendant in the Critic. Enter Tilburina, mad in white satin, 
 and her maid, mad in white linen. England, clad in the commerce of 
 the world, Ireland restricted to one solitary manufacture, and called on 
 by her superior to weep when she wept, to smile when she smiled, 
 or go road when she did. But more equitable counsels have since 
 taken place. They have forced iUiberality to " limp, though most 
 tediously away,*' and awakened the energies of the country. I write 
 for no sect, for no faction ; political principles are ever the same, and 
 mine were taught me in my academical hours, by John Locke. Nil 
 
 * Son to the Duke of Ormonde. 
 
xiv PREFACE. 
 
 me posnifeal sanum patris hijus. To conclude without touching on 
 the Legislative Union, I shall say, and were I of importance enough 
 to bequeath a political legacy to my countrymen, it should be this: 
 Indulge in no political retrospect, for the purposes of political ill 
 humour ; for ever assert your own honourable character, and for ever 
 preserve your connexion with England. . 
 
HT I think it most proper to state, that the anecdote relative to Primate 
 Stone* is by no means exact, nor, as it relates to Lord Drogheda, at all 
 founded. But I am not to biame. I found it among Lord Charlemont's 
 papei-s, not in the same words precisely, as represented here, but nothing 
 whatever is added to the original ground work, but rather the contrary. 
 However, as in the course of my reading I had reason to know, that many 
 things were related of Primate Stone which could only be imputed to the 
 acerbity of party, of which indeed Lord Charlemont was ever guiltless, I 
 considered it as a duty I owed to the Noble Marquis, to the memory of that 
 eminent Prelate, and, more than all, the respect M'hich is ever to be paid to 
 truth, to make some enquiry concerning it, though, from consulting those 
 who were well acquainted with the times, it is certain that it was credited 
 by many. As I had not the honour of being known to Lord Drogheda, I 
 wrote to a gentleman who was closely allied to his lordship on the subject. 
 That gentleman was not in Dublin. The letter followed him to a remote 
 part of Ireland, but he had gone from thence to London, where my letter at 
 last reached him. After some time I heard from him, but, till he returned - 
 to Ireland, the fact could not be exactly ascertained. This part of the work 
 was then in the hands of the printer. At last I was, by that gentleman's 
 kindness, favoured with a statement of the fact, from the Noble Marquis, 
 that Lord Northumberland, with whom he lived in great intimacy, had 
 promised to appoint him his secretary if ever he came to Ireland; that, at the 
 time of his nomination, he was at Moore Abbey, and Primate Stone, he 
 believed, in London. The instant I received this communication, I wrote to 
 London, requesting that the anecdote alluded to should be suppressed. But 
 it was too late. The sheets were printed of. Thus situated, I could only 
 give these particulars to the public, and should these Memoirs ever reach 
 another edition, the anecdote shall appear no more. But as a bon-mot, 
 or lively narrative, are often successively ascribed to the most celebrated wit 
 of the day, party will likewise merely change the names of some of the 
 dramatis persona?, and assign to those, whom it wishes to humiliate, the 
 political intrigues of ether personages, and other seasons^. Many an 
 historieue de jour^ though given as a recent anecdote, has proved to be an 
 aged story.. 
 
 * Sec page 103. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 JAMES, EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 
 
 PART THE FIRST. 
 
 Frwti his Birth, to his return to Ireland from the Continent, 
 
 1728 TO MAT 1755. 
 
 1 HE family of CaulfieM is said to be, and I preaume vciyjustly, of great 
 antiquity. It appears to have been settled in Oxfordshire for many cen- 
 turies previous to the reign of Queen Elizabeth. Towards the middle, or rather 
 the close, of that illustrious period. Sir Toby Caulfield, one of those knights 
 who seemed to have been actuated, not less by allegiance to his royal mistress, 
 than love of arms, and chivalry, performed many deeds of renown, and contri- 
 buted to the discomfiture of her enemies in the Low Countries, and in Spain. He 
 afterwards came to Ireland, and for his notable services was, in the reign of her 
 successor, made Baron of Charlemont, 22d December, 1620. It was intended 
 to confer an earldom on him, but he either declined it, or died, before he 
 received that addition to his honours. He was favoured with ample grants in the 
 county of Armagh, and elsewhere. At this time, or somewhat before it, several 
 proprietors of large and extensive territories, in various parts of Ireland, were, 
 from many causes, often good, and often the reverse, totally deprived of them. 
 The attainder of the Earl of Desmond alone, was followed with the confiscation 
 of i74,6S8 English acres.* Such enormous grants were to the utmost degree 
 
 * Independent of his vassals^ be had five hundred gentlemen of his kindred and sur- 
 name. In point of territoiy and power, he was, perhaps, one of the g;reatest subjects at that time 
 in Europe. 
 
fH MEMOIRS OF JAMES 
 
 improvident, and contained in themselves the seeds of many rebellions; for it 
 might be expected, that the power which they gave would not remain inert, 
 but rather be employed in the aggrandizement of those to whom it was 
 given, than that of the monarch from whom it wa& derived, or the tranquil- 
 lity, and gradual improvement of the country where it was enjoyed. 
 
 The English court seemed at last to open its eyes to this fatal 
 policy ; and the lands of one turbulent chieftain, like Desmond, formed th^ 
 property of several young men of family from England, who undertook,, as 
 the phrase was, the settlement of the country, and held their estates at 
 a certain moderate rent from the crown.. Some of the conditions annpced to> 
 the grants were however impolitic, insulting, and injurious to tlie last degree- 
 No English planter was permitted to convey to any mcer Irish. Heirs,, 
 females, were forbid to marry any but English birth ; and none of meer 
 Irish to be maintained in any family whatever. The plan, in other respects, 
 was well conceived; but, as in all such procedures,, the base avidity of those 
 who were employed in giving it efficacy, totally regardless as they were of 
 many an innocent sufferer, frustrated, in various instances, the intentions of 
 those statesmen from whom the plan originated. But if the agent was 
 avaricious, the politician was illiberal.* Such sufferers were, indeed, to be- 
 lamented ; for as to several of the Lords, whose authority was thus almost 
 annihilated, their history may be comprized in one short sentence, — barbarous 
 chiefs, contending for barbarous power. In truth, the system adopted, 
 almost from the invasion of Heniy the Second, though in a great measure 
 modelled on that which took place in England, after the Norman conquest, and. 
 such as ever will take place where a band of military adventurers subjugates 
 any country, was the more inimical here to permanent tranquillity, as we 
 were more distant from the seat of government, and that government always 
 occupied in matters which engaged* its constant and' immediate attention. 
 The moment that any considerable portion of territory was declared to be in 
 subjection to, or in amity with, the English monarch, it became a palatinate, 
 
 * It may be said, also, very unjust ; for altiiough the " Meer Irish/' (such was the language or 
 the grants,) were thus proscribed, the principal guilt of Dtemond's rebellion arose from hirown 
 connections, which, as well as himself, were of English, or rather foreign extractibnr. Desmond 
 was a Fitzgerald, and that fanuij is descended from the Dukes of Tuscany. 
 
EARL OF GHARLEMONT. S 
 
 and was resigned to the almost entire dominion of some great chieftain, 
 iM* leader. Thus the De Burghs possesed Galway, the Dc Courcys Ulster, 
 the De Lacys Meath, East and West; the Geraldines* Kildare ; the L« 
 Botelers, or Butlers, Tipperary. Those great lords, or their descendants 
 rather, were, generally speaking, only known to the Sovereign by their 
 rebellions; and if they were not found in arms against him, they were 
 certainly to be found in arms against one anotlier. ' 
 
 Century after century beheld the Geraldines and Butlers engaged in 
 mutual hostilities. But acquisition of power was not always the sole object 
 of their warfare. Not unfrequently their dissensions, or those of other 
 chieftains, had the most ridiculous origin. The counties of Waterford and 
 Kilkenny, were doomed to witness the sad array of Geraldines, Botelers, and 
 Berminghams, against the De Burghs and Le Poers, and to be destroyed by- 
 fire and sword, because the Lord Arnold Poer, with the piteous insolence of 
 an unlettered man, had called the Earl of Kildare a rhymer. If such a book 
 as Lord Orford's catalogue of royal and noble authors could have appeared 
 in those days, meagre as its contents must necessarily have been, it would, 
 I presume, have excited a second Trojan war in point of fury and duration. 
 This miserable, quarrel was only terminated by the interposition of Parliament, 
 which was summoned on purpose, says Sir John Davies, to quiet this dissen- 
 sion. Some people have called those times the heroic ages ! We have seen 
 something like it in modern Poland, The quarrels of the Radzivils, the 
 Oginskis, the Sapiehas, were nearly similar to those of our Botelers and 
 Geraldines, with this difference, that, in an age far less refined than the present, 
 or that which has preceded it, the Polish castellans, or chiefs, almost invariably- 
 aspired to, and possessed, an elegance of manners, and general knowledge, 
 which formed a most singular contrast to the rest of the inhabitants of the 
 country. In various parts of Poland, this is exactly the case still. — As to 
 Ireland, the authority of Spencer is to be taken with some limitation. But, 
 though a poet, he was no supine observer of the policy of States; and it is 
 to be wished, that many of those who have succeeded him, as secretaries to 
 our viceroys, had known Ireland half as well as he did. If, however, he is to 
 
 * The Fitzgeralds, of which &miiy the Duke of Leinster is tho head^ 
 
4 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 be credited, the house of the Earl of Ormonde was the only one in Queen 
 Elizabeth 8 time, of those of our nobility, which waa adorned by letters, or 
 favorable to those who cultivated them. 
 
 " And in so (aire a land as may be redd« 
 " Not one Parnassus, nor one Halicone, 
 " Left for sweete muses to be harbouredj 
 
 " But where thyselfe hast thy brave mansion : 
 " There indeede dwell fair graces noany one, 
 " And gentle nymphes, delights of learned wits :" * 
 
 « 
 
 But the transfer, or the regulation of property, however politic in some 
 cases, and mischievous in others, were altogether circumscribed in their 
 effects, compared to that sad, and dismal policy, which, for several years 
 antecedent to the period when the first Lord Charlemont came to this 
 country, issued from the councils of some of Queen Elizabeth's Ministers. 
 
 The object of that policy, Alas ! how \too it aftorward© pursued ! was 
 
 so to divide tbis country against itself, as gradually to govern the whole, 
 with feeble, or no opposition whatever. Of this Statesmanship, if such it 
 may be called, the execution was intrusted, or rather the continuance of it 
 suggested, to Sir Henry Sydney, the Father of Sir Philip. A noble 
 family, which, as it opened in one century with Lettered Chivalry, may be 
 said, at the distance of another, to have closed its race of glory, though 
 not its fame, with the most inspiring patriotism. Sir Henry acted as became 
 him. He was a wise and upright statesman. With a lofty disinterestedness 
 and fortitude, not always to be met with among the courtiers of that age, 
 tinctured even as it was with romance, he desired his entire and absolute 
 
 ♦ Sonnet by Spenoer, to Thomas, Earl of Ormonde and Ossory j he was Knight of the Garter. 
 An illustrious character. He was great uncle to James^ the first Duke of Ormonde. Carte has 
 preserved an anecdote concemtog both, which may be inserted here. He says, *' that the Duke, 
 when far advanced in life, u«ed to ^ipeak of his being often carried, when he was three years old, to 
 Carrick on Suir, where his venerable relation. Lord Ormonde, then lived ; and he could remember 
 distinctly, the old Earl's caressing him« his arms, and upon his knees ; and the several ci/cumstances 
 of his long beard, his being blind, and the wearing of his George about his neck, whether he sattip 
 in his chair, or lay down in his bed." This, to me at least, appears a mdir'seothing and interesting 
 picture. 
 
EARIi OJF iCHARLEMONT. 5 
 
 feetll, if a system was persisted in which could give neither honoi^ to the* 
 viceroy, not salobrtty to the . state. He sp^tk* >df it as more particularly^ 
 operating, at that tiih^ in. the pfovihce^ of Monster and Connaught, througb 
 which he was then ^making a progress. Butitsbbject was the whole lungdom, 
 and began to be felt more or leas' eveiy where. Sydnej^s words are remarkable :. 
 «* But if that cowardly policy be still allowsd .of^ to : kdep them in codtinualr 
 dissension, • for fear, lea&t thR)u^theifr quiet ihight follow L know not what ;. 
 then mine advice to youii Majestyy both is and shall be, to withdraw me, and 
 all chaise here.. And so far bath that policy, ox. rather lack of policy, ia 
 keeping dissensions among them> prevailed,, as now. Albeit, all that are alive 
 would become honest and quiet;*' He touches on the characters of some of 
 the great Lords who resided in the provinces above men tioned> and repRisents- 
 them, as not at all qualified for the sufficient melioration of the country, tior 
 indeed, considering the manner in which they were bxed, could any improve- 
 ment be reasonably expected from .th^m.Thciraoc««tor«fbaghtagainst eacfe 
 other from utter barbarism and ig;norance ; and ^hen amore intellectual d^y 
 began to dawn, it was determined, that those who succeeded them, should bi^ 
 mutually hostile, from reasons of State, as such wicked nonsense is too often, 
 called. But Sydney was actuated by Sir dijfferent sentiment*. His plan for 
 meliorating the kingdom, wiis .^hott, simple, and, had it been followed, perma- 
 nently efficacious. " Your Majesty- must plant justice here."* This he again 
 and again repeats. Such are thexounsels.of the few who are wise and good. 
 Counsels too often neglected, or too slowly adopted. It is curious to compare 
 the politics, which prevailed in this country when the ancestor of tbe.Caul-r 
 fields came here, with those, (certainly not much more sublime,) which his 
 illustrious descendant was destined tocohtend with for some part of his life. 
 Much benefit has been derived to Ireland, from tlie institutions of that 
 great Princess, Elizabeth; but what is history, if it does not record defects, 
 as well as excellencies ? J n. .; , ' 
 
 ^ ' To pursue the genealogical course of Lord Charlemont's progenitors 
 is unnecessary. They were honourable men, and useful to the state. I write 
 not, however, their history, but his. 
 
 William, the fifth baton, was created a viscount, iGdS- He was 
 
 * See his dispatch to Queen Elizabeth^ 20th Aprils 156; -y it is of uocommon length. 
 
6 MEMOIRS OF JAME^, 
 
 alWayi known by the memorable epithet of the good Loixl Charlemont.* His 
 daughter was mavried to Lord Carpenter,, by which marriage the lateJEarl of 
 Charleibont became nearly related to Alicia, Countess of Egremont,-}' a lady, 
 of whom he always spoke with the truest respect, and whose beauty, and 
 amiable qualities, have been pdetically recorded by two very eminent noble-» 
 menii'Gcopge, Lord Lyttleton, and the great Lord Chancellor Hard wicke. 
 James, the third Viscount Charlemont, was married to Elizabeth, only 
 daughter of' Francis Bernard, of Castle Barnard, in the county of Cork, 
 and died in J 734, leaving four sons, and two daughters. William, the 
 eldest son, died young ; James, the second son, whose history I now presume 
 to offer to the /public, was born in Dublin, the 18th of August, 1728. >. 
 
 . He was neve>r at a public schooL It appears that he had almost as 
 many preceptors, as the Regent Duke of Orleans had governors, but 
 certainly, as to his morals, with very different effect. The first was Mr^ 
 Skelton, a respectabfe clergyman; ihexk Mr. Barton: then another ^^entleman; 
 and last of all came Mr. Murphy, a worthy man, and classical scholar, who 
 published, among other things, an edition of Lucian. He was head master 
 of a public accademy, but was prevailed on to abandon that situation, and 
 reside entirely with his pupil, whom be afterwards accompanied abroad, 
 and was most cordially attadied to. Lord Charleinont regarded him 
 with aftection ; and, as it appears from Murphy's letters, acted towards him 
 with uhvarying generosity and kindness. At what year of his Lordship^s 
 life; Murphy became connected with him' I cannot say; but he felt his 
 de^ciency in school learning so strongly, when placed under that gentle- 
 man's care, that he read almost incessantly, and so much by candle-Ught, 
 that hi« eyes were considerably weakened. For the last thirty years of his 
 life, he Could neither write nor read at night, not the least 
 
 He went abroad in the autumn of 1746, and first visited Holland, 
 where, as he used often to relate, he attended the whole revolution, 
 or tumult, which terminated in the establishment of the Prince of 
 Orange as Stadtholder. From Holland, he proceeded to the English camp, 
 
 i * See. Lord Carpenter's Life. ' 
 
 t Mother of the present Earl^ and aflerwads married to Count Brubl. 
 
EAKL OF CHARLEMONT. y 
 
 in Germany, and passed some time thei'e with WHliam, Dulcc of €uinber- 
 land, who was not only extremely: kind to hira then^ but through life. • He 
 hid good sense, and firmness iendiigh of mind, to go, at once from the Eng- 
 lish camp, and the agreeable military society which he metthere,' to Turing 
 where he directly entered the academy,' and resided at it for oneuyjear« 
 sometimes making excursions into other partsof Italy, The Prince. Kdyal^ 
 who was also of the academy, was -very cordial, and friendly to his lord- 
 ship ; and from the king, and all the Sardinian family, he experienced every 
 gracious attention. Whilst he continued at Turin, he read not only books, 
 but men, with sedulous attention. ■ The court, at that time, abounded with 
 political,* and many eminent liteiiary characters. Among others, whom he 
 met there, was David Hume,' the historian, whose society he was much 
 attached to, though without the slightest deviation from those just and reli- 
 gious principles, which he had the good fortune to imbibe early at home. 
 Indeed, that philosopher appears to have had a« little influenee over his 
 young, and noble friend, in matters of reUgious faith, as at a subsequent period 
 he'had in politics; and to touch further on either subject is useless, as Lord 
 Charlemont was ever a sincere Christian, and, from reading and experience, 
 as unalterable a Wl«g, as- Hume was an inflexible Tory. Of this eminent 
 man he hasgiyen an account so particular and exact, that I should be unpar- 
 donable if I did not present it to the reader.f > - 
 " The celebrated David Hume, whose character is so deservedly high 
 in the literary world, and whose works, both as a Philosopher and as ian 
 Historian, are so wonderfully replete with genius and entertainment, was> 
 when I was at Turin, Secretary to Sir John Sinclair, plenipotentiary from 
 the court of Great Britain to his Sardinian majesty. He had then lately 
 published those philosophical essays which have done so much mischief 
 to mankind, by contributing to loosen the sacred bonds by which alone 
 man can be restrained from rushing to his own destruction, and which 
 are so intimately necessary to our nature, that a propensity to be bound by 
 
 * The Marquis St. Germain, wlioi in \7^, went Ambassador from Turin to France, was « 
 particular intimate of liord Charlemont's. He was also much connected with Comte F^on. 
 
 f Manuscript papers of the late Earl of Charlemont. 
 
8 i MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 them, ^as appiai^Uy instilled into the human mind, by the allwisc Creator, 
 as a balance against those passions which, thojugh perhaps necessary as 
 incitements (6 activity, xnuat, without Such controul, inevitably have hur- 
 liedus to our hiin. Thd world, however, unconscious of its danger, had 
 greedily swallowed the bait; the essi^s were received with applause, read 
 With delight, and their adtnired author was already, by public opiniox^ placed 
 at the h<^ of the dangerous School of Sceptic philosophy. 
 
 *' With this extraordinary man I was intimately acquainted. He had 
 kindly distinguished me from among a number of young men, who where 
 thien at the academy, and appeared so warmly attached to me, that it was 
 apparent he n<>t only intended to honour me with bis friendship, but to 
 bestow on me what was, in his opinion, the first of all favours and benefits, 
 by making me his convert and disciple. 
 
 " Nature^ I believe, never formed any man more unlike his real character 
 than David Hiuoe4 The powers of phisiognomy were baffled by his 
 countenances tieither could the most skilful, in that science, pretend to 
 discover the smallest trace of the faculties of his mi|id, inr the unmeaning 
 fotures of his visage. His face was broad and fat^ hfs mouth wide, and 
 without any other expression than that of imbecility. His eyes, vacant 
 and spiritless, and the corpulence of his whole person was far better fitted 
 to communicate the idea of a turtle-eating Alderman, than of a refined 
 philosopher. His speech, in English, was rendered ridiculous by the 
 broadest Scotch accent, and his French was, if possible, still more laughable; 
 so that wisdom, most certainly, never disguised herself before in so uncouth 
 a garb. Though now near fifty years old, he was healthy and strong ; but 
 his health and strength, far from being advantageous to his figure, instead of 
 manly comeliness, bad only the appearance of rusticity. His^ wearing an 
 uniform added greatly to his natural awkwardness, for he wore it like a grocer 
 of the trained bands. Sinclair was a Lieutenant-general, and was sent to the 
 courts of Vienna and Turin, as a military envoy, to see that their quota of 
 troops was furnished by the Austrians and Piedmontese. It was, therefore, 
 thought necessary that his secretary should appear to be an ofiicer, and 
 Hume was accordingly disguised in scarlet* 
 
 * I cannot avoid mentioning htxe an anecdote, which was conunnnieated to me by Sinclair 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. ^ 
 
 ** Having thus given an account of bis exterior, it is but fair that I should 
 state my good opinion of his character. Of all the philosophers of his 
 sect, none, I believe, ever joined more real benevolence to its mischievous 
 principles than my friend Hume. His love to mankind was universal, and 
 vehement ; and there was no service he would not cheerfully have done 
 to his fellow creatures, excepting only that of suffering them to save their 
 souls in their own way. He was tender-hearted, friendly, and charitable 
 in the extreme, as will appear from a fact, which I have from good autho- 
 rity. When a member of the university of Edinburgh, and in great 
 want of money, having little or no paternal fortune, and the collegiate 
 stipend being very inconsiderable, he bad pfocni«d, through the interest 
 of some friend, an office in the university, which was worth about forty 
 pounds a year. On the day when he had received this good news, and 
 just when he had got into his possession the patent, or grant entitling him to 
 his office, lie was visited by his friend £flacklock, the poet, who is much better 
 known by his poverty and blindness, than by his genius. This poor man 
 began a long. descant on his misery, bewailing his want of sight, his large 
 family of children, and his utter inability to provide for them, or even to 
 procure them the necessaries of life. Hume, unable to bear his complaints, 
 and destitute of money to assist him, ran instantly to his desk, took out the 
 grant, and presented it to his miserable friend, who received it with exul- 
 tation, and whose name was soon after, by Hume's interest, inserted instead 
 €)f his own. After such a relation it is needless that I should say any 
 more of his genuine philanthropy, and generous . beneficence ; but the diffi- 
 culty will now occur, how a man, endowed with such qualities, could 
 possibly consent to become the agent of so much mischief, as undoubtedly 
 hag been done to mankind by his writings ; and this difiiculty can only be 
 
 himself. Being sent to command a body of troops^ destined to inrade the French Coast, «Dd being 
 wholly unacquainted with the country, where he had never been, he earnestly requested, from the 
 War-Office, a set of accurate maps, by which he might direct his operations. The landing being 
 made good, he was now to march into a country, of whidi he knew nothing, and, -therefore, . had 
 recourse to bis maps, which he had not before examined, and which, when unpacked, proved to be 
 Sea-Charts! Such was the negligence of some of our official people in those days. 
 
 Charlbmont. 
 C 
 
 r 
 
10 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 solved by having recourse to that universal passion, which has, I fear, a 
 much more general influence over all our actions than we are willing to 
 confess. Pride, or vanity, joined to a sceptical turn of mind, and to an 
 education which, though learned, rather sipped knowledge than drank it, 
 was, probably, the ultimate cause of this singular phenomenon ; and the 
 desire of being placed at the head of a sect, whose tenets controverted and 
 contradicted all received opinions, was too strong to be resisted by a man, 
 whose genius enabled him to find plausible arguments, sufficient to persuade 
 both himself and many others, that his own opinions were true. A phi- 
 losophical knight-errant was the dragon he had vowed to vanquish, and he 
 was careless, or thoughtless, of the consequences which might ensue from 
 the achievement of the adventure to which he had pledged himself. — 
 He once professed himself the admirer of a young, most beautiful, and 
 accomplished lady, at Turin, who only laughed at his passion. One day he 
 addressed her in the usual common-place strain, that he was abimk, atUanti,-^ 
 " Oh ! pour anianti," replied the lady, ** ce n^est en effet qiC une operation 
 trls naturelle de vdtre Si/st6me.** Hume will be mentioned afterwards in the 
 course of these memoirs, as Lord Charlemont often met him in England, 
 and always preserved an intimacy with him. 
 
 His lordship left Turin on Tuesday, October 27th, 1748, on his way to 
 Rome, by Bologna. He remained that winter at Rome and Naples, but in 
 the subsequent April he, with Mr. Francis Pierpont Burton, Mr. Scott, 
 Mr. Dalton, and Mr. Murphy, sailed from Leghorn, on their voyage to 
 Constantinople, and the East. — Mr. Pierpont Burton, afterwards Lord 
 Conyngham,* was, on his return to Ireland, member for the county of 
 Clare. He was beloved by every one who knew him; and Lord Charlemont, 
 by whom, in the course of their travels, he is always familiarly called, Frank 
 Burton, having occasion to mention him particularly at Constantinople, 
 says, ** that he was endowed by nature with every endearing faculty which 
 " could render a friend amiable ; with every perfection of heart which con- 
 ** stitutes the best, and surest foundation for friendship, and secures its durar 
 '< tion ; the dear, and agreeable companion of his travels.*' His countenance 
 
 * Father to the present Lord Cooyngbam. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 1 \ 
 
 was benign, his figure tall, and remarkably large and corpulent. He was 
 well known and esteemed by men of rank, and letters too, in England, 
 particularly Sterne, who highly valued and esteemed him. 
 
 Mr. Dalton went with Lord Charlemont as his draughtsman. It has 
 been stated to me, that as an artist he was miserable^ but exact and faith- 
 ful : and that his etchings of religious ceremonies, and customs of the Turks, 
 with explanations, though indifferently executed, are remarkably clear and 
 «atisfactory. Murphy has been already mentioned. " On the 6th of May, 
 1749,*' says Lord Charlemont,* *« we approached the city of Messina, hav- 
 ing securely passed the poetical dangers of Scylla and Charybdis. We were 
 exceedingly struck with the beauty and magnificence of this city, wheif 
 viewed from the sea. The sun was newly risen, and richly illuminated a 
 splendid theatre of palaces, occupying the space of a full mile, which is 
 regularly built round one-half of that beautiful, and extensive bason of 
 clear and unrufiled water, which forms a harbour at all times commodious 
 and safe. Between the magnificent crescent, or semicircle, and the water, 
 is a level space, at least one hundred feet in breadth, bounded on one side 
 by the buildings, and on the other, by a haihdsome parapet of hewn stone, 
 opening regularly into several wharfs for the convenience of landing. The 
 palaces are all exactly similar, and the governor's palace, a building of 
 considerable extent and grandeur, stands alone at one extremity. The 
 entrance into the city, which extends itself behind this superb quay, is 
 through noble and spacious arches, placed at proper, and regular intervals^ 
 and forming a most striking part of the general plan. Opposite to the 
 quay, and near the entrance into the port, stands the citadel, a fortress 
 of considerable strength, and massive magnificence, which, with the castle 
 of St. Salvadore, another strong fortification in view, adds greatly to the 
 beauty of the prospect. 
 
 *' A boat was now sent alongside of our ship to inform us, diat till we 
 had passed a proper examination by the officers of health, appointed for that 
 purpose, we must not enter the city ; and a naked and uninhabited part of the 
 beach, at a considerable distance, was pointed out to us, where alone we 
 
 * M. S. papers. 
 c 2 
 
IS MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 could be permitted to laud. In obedience to these directions, getting into 
 our boat, we rowed on shore, and here we were detained above three hours, 
 before any one came near us. At length the officers approached, keepings 
 however, a due distance, and examined us respecting the port from whence 
 we had taken our departure, which being found to be Leghorn, a place per- 
 fectly unsuspected of contagion, they began to be a little more familiar. 
 Our bills of health were now produced, and found to be perfect, and we were 
 desired to enter a sort of house, or square cottage, erected for the purpose 
 of further examination. As soon as we had all crowded into this wretched 
 inclosure, a bar of "W^ood was put across the door, at about three feet in height 
 from the floor, and we were ordered to shew our health, and agility, by leap- 
 ing over this bar, a feat which was easily, and merrily performed by all of us, 
 Burton only excepted, whose corpulent unweiidiness was ill adapted to tlie 
 exercise of leaping, and had well nigh prevented his getting pratick. — 
 After several ineffectual trials, and some oaths, his efforts were, at length, 
 attended with success, and we now proceeded to the last probation, being 
 ordered to strike ourselves violently on our groins, and on the insertion of 
 our shoulders, being the parts of the body which are liable to pestilential 
 tumours. Here also my friend Burton was not a little embarrassed; for, 
 though perfectly free from the plague, and, at that time, from any other 
 disorder, his groin was by no means in a situation to bear any rough treat- 
 ment." 
 
 Such was our whimsical probation, which, as may easily be imagined, 
 afforded us no small entertainment. But our merriment was of short 
 duration, giving way, as soon as we had entered the city, to ideas 
 of a nature opposite indeed. Here every thing we saw induced us not 
 only to excuse, but to applaud that caution, which had detained us so 
 long, and given us so much trouble. Every object too plainly indicated 
 the miseries which had been lately felt. This noble city, not long since 
 one of the finest in the world, and the pride of Sicily, was now the 
 seat of ruin and desolation ! Scarcely a passenger in the streets, where 
 grass had covered the pavement; and the Jews, that were to be seen, 
 wretches in whose pale countenances were clearly to be traced sickness, 
 famine, despair, and, sometimes, guilt and violence ; the shops shut up. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 13 
 
 and only here and there a miserable stall open for vending some necessary, 
 but trifling commodities. The noble palaces, heretofore seats of triumph 
 and festivity, were now involved in silence and desolation, stripped of 
 their inhabitants, presenting to the saddened mind the shocking idea of 
 the final wreck of mortal beauty, when the animating soul is fled." — Thus 
 did Messina appear, when Lord Charlemont visited it; and such were the 
 dreadful consequences of a plague, equal, perhaps, in horrors, to that of 
 Athens, or Florence, as described by Thucydides, and Boccacio. It raged 
 with violence for three months, during which time it swept away, in 
 Messina alonCj the population of which was estimated at sixty thousand 
 inhabitants^ not less than forty-seven thousand. This calculation Lord 
 Charlemont took at a medium, and was certain that it was rather under, 
 than above the truth. He must have been very accurate, as he consulted 
 the best informed persons, — our consul, Mr. Chamberlayne, other gentlemen 
 of the English factory, and the governor of Messina, the last of whom 
 entered particularly into the subject with him, and all were on the spot 
 during the plague's melancholy continuance. 
 
 A Genoese Tartar, under Neapolitan colours, laden with wool, bale goodsj 
 and corn, first introduced it. The plague had raged in the Morea, and this 
 vessel came directly from Patras to Messina^ But the captain pretended that 
 he had come from Brindisi, and counterfeited sound bills of health from that 
 port; but his death in the Lazzaretto, (for he was ordered to perform qua- 
 rantine) and that of some of his sailors, first awakened suspicion. The Mes- 
 sinese, however, were not sufficiently attentive, till it was loo late ; but the 
 English factory happily took the alarm, shut themselves up in their houses^ 
 and, by absolutely declining all intercourse with the inhabitants, (fortunately 
 their warehouses were well stored with flour, and various provisions) entirely 
 and providentially escaped. Not one of that respectable body of merchants, 
 or their servants, caught the infection, except a Sicilian boy, who, tired of 
 confinement, jumped out of a window, went into the city, and died the 
 next day. It is remarkable, that the departure of this dreadful visitant 
 was as sudden as its first invasion; but its horrible effects were felt for 
 several years afterwards. Lord Charlemont concludes his account 
 of this memorable calamity with the following just observations. — 
 
U MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 *' The chief, and real source of this evil, must be looked for in that 
 cause, which has often been assigned, the absurd and wicked doctrine of 
 predestination, which is strongly inculcated in the Coran, and firmly 
 believed by the generality of Mahometans. Relying on this rooted opinion, 
 they suffer the contagion to take its course, unchecked, unopposed, freely 
 conversing with those who are infected, and never scrupling to inhabit the 
 dwellings, and even to wear the clothes of those who have died of the 
 disorder. A striking instance in proof of this incontrovertible maxim ; 
 that whatever may be the reason, why evil is necessary in the general 
 system, and whatever ills may, in consequence of this moral necessity, be 
 inflicted on mankind by an all-wise Providence, they are almost universally 
 multiplied and aggravated by our own obstinate vic?e or folly." 
 
 It may be concluded, that Lord Charlemont did not remain long at 
 Messina. He arrived at Malta, the 20th of June following, which, as will 
 appear shortly, he afterwards re-visited. In his voyage to Constantinople, 
 he stopt at one or two of the Greek islands ; Smyrna, the Dardanelles, 
 Tenedos, which he examined carefully, and, (whilst a vestige of taste or 
 sensibility remains on this earth) the ever-interesting Troade. Whilst 
 in this country, or rather at Constantinople, he became of age, and 
 wrote the following ode, or rather imitation of Horace, to Mr. Richard 
 Marlay, afterwards Lord Bishop of Waterford, with whom he preserved an 
 uninterrupted friendship during life. The bishop was son of Lord Chief 
 Justice Marlay, and to the most engaging manners added the most agreeable 
 talents. An excellent prelate, and universally esteemed and regarded. He 
 lived in much intimacy with Edmund Burke, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Doctor 
 Johnson, Mr.Malone, andMr.Boswell, in whose agreeable life of Johnson he 
 is frequently mentioned. He was also maternal uncle to the right honorable 
 Henry Grattan, and died a very few years since, at his seat at Cellbridge, 
 in Ireland. 
 
« 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 15 
 
 Mif Birth'Dai/ Ode, tvritten August 22, 1749. 
 To Richard Marlat. 
 
 Eheo; fbgaces^Postfaume^Fogthume^ labuntaranni. 
 
 1. 
 MjMadi^! see the rolliog years 
 
 With certain speedy our lives devour j 
 Each day its due proportion bears> 
 And nearer brings the fatal hour. 
 2. 
 lis one-and-twenty years, this day, 
 
 Smce first I drew my vital breath ; 
 So much the nearer to decay. 
 
 So much have I approach'd to death. 
 3. 
 He well has liv'd, who, when the sun 
 Departing yields to silent night. 
 Can say, iny task this day is done. 
 
 And let to-morrow seize its right. 
 4. 
 How many minutes, days, and weeks. 
 
 My soul recalling finds mispent 3 
 T excuse the loss, in vam she seeks 
 
 Of time, for other purpose lent. 
 5. 
 Oh! could I but recal that time ! 
 
 Could I but live those years again ! 
 What then ? Perhaps the selfsame crime^ 
 
 Begret again, and double pain. 
 0. 
 The price of time, like that of health. 
 
 Is seldom known till each is lost : 
 By want, we learn to value wealth. 
 
 And wish for summer, chill'd by frost. 
 
 7. 
 
 lis past three years— 'twill soon be four. 
 
 Since last I saw my dearest friend: 
 So much is lost ! and now they're o'er. 
 
 Who knows if &te three more will lend. 
 8. 
 Cease ! reason, cease! This festal day 
 
 In harmless pleasures let us pass : 
 One bumper toast— I'll shew the way j 
 
 Tu Marlay's health ;— fill up the glass." 
 
16 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 He continued at Constantinople not much more than a month ; but it appears 
 that, whilst there, though occupied by constant and necessary visits to the 
 f>rincipal personages among the Turks, he was indefatigable in his researches 
 as to the customs, manners, and real character of that people. His investiga- 
 tion was greatly aided by Dr. Mackenzie, who had resided many years in that 
 capital, as physician to the English ambassador, and English factory. This 
 gentleman was highly valued by the Turks, who placed uncommon con- 
 fidence in his skill, and frequently consulted him. Lord Charlemont 
 acknowledges peculiar obligations to this learned and ingenious man. The 
 following letter from him to his lordship is merely given, as alluding to 
 what I have stated. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I send your lordship inclosed an answer to the questions you were 
 pleased to leave in my hands ; but I am still in doubt about two or three 
 answers, as I have marked, though they are from very good hands. — I hope 
 your lordship has had great satisfaction in your travels, which must have 
 been attended with no small trouble; but the way to virtue and knowledge 
 is represented to be difficult, and is certainly so. Difficilia qua pulchra. 
 However, they are pleasant upon reflection, and make sufficient amends for 
 all suffisrings. We have have had no changes here since you left us, only that 
 the ladies,* then big with child, are all safely delivered of daughters. I beg 
 the favor of your lordship to make my compliments to all your fellow- 
 travellers ; and if I can be any way of use to your lordship, whilst I remain 
 in this country, there is none more ready to serve you, than. 
 
 My Lord, 
 Your Lordship's most obedient, 
 
 and most devoted, humble Servant, 
 
 MoiiDACK. Mackenzii;. 
 
 Pera, November 1st, 1749. 
 
 * At the Seraglio. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 17 
 
 Lord Charlcmont proceeded from Cor.stantinople to Egypt. In his 
 voyage thither, he visited Lesbos, Chios, Micone, Delos, and Paros, from 
 which island he sailed to Alexandria. Having seen every thing that was 
 worthy the curiosity of an enlightened traveller in Egypt, that land of 
 wonders, as he termed it, on the 22d October, 1749, he left Alexandria, with 
 an intention of visiting Cyprus, which he came in sight of; but continued 
 contrary winds, and violent gales, forced him, after seven days voyage, to 
 anchor in Rhodes. He sailed from thence for Athens. The wind not being 
 fair on the day that he left Rhodes, he continued tacking between that 
 place and the mountainous, rocky coast of Caria, now called Carimania. 
 On the morning of November 9th, being within about three miles of the 
 point of the promontory of Doris, which forms the south-east side of the 
 Sinus Ceramicus, now called the Gulf of Stanco, perceiving, as he came 
 near land, considerable ruins on the declivity of the mountain, and the 
 situation of the place agreeing with that of Cnidus, he, with his fellow 
 travellers, took their boat, and rowed ashore. The first object that struck 
 them on landing, was a most noble theatre, all of white marble ; the breadth 
 in front I90, and the depth 150 feet. They counted thirty-six steps, or seats, 
 all entire, and joined with the most perfect accuracy. Above the theatre 
 were the beautiful remains of a magnificent temple, of the whitest marble, 
 perhaps Parian, from its purity and grain ; — this, Lord Charlemont presumed, 
 was the temple of the Cnidian Venus, which Praxiteles enriched with the 
 famous statue of that goddess, the perfection of his art, in the estimation of 
 the ancient world of taste. The architecture being Corinthian, which order, 
 with the Ionic, was usually appropriated to the temples of goddesses, Minerva 
 excepted, as the Doric was to gods and heroes, induced him the more 
 to indulge this conjecture. Altogether, he was delighted with what he saw 
 here, and blest the contrary winds that afforded him that pleasure. — He 
 then visited Stanco, the ancient Cos, or Coos. ** It contains," he says, 
 ** little worthy a traveller's notice." He then crossed over to the con- 
 tinent, and came to a place called Bodromi, nearly opposite to the island of 
 Stanco. Bodromi is wretched, but it presented such noble ruins, marbles, 
 and every remains of a great city, that, with the scite, confirmed him in the 
 opinion of its being the famous Halicamassus, the capital of Caria. " It 
 
 D 
 
18 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 enriched us," says Lord Charlemont, " with drawings of the finest basso 
 relievos, the most precious remains of ancient Greek taste and workmanship,^ 
 that our travels have, as yet, afforded us." 
 
 Cythnus, now Thcrmia, was then visited by him ; and, on the 23d of 
 November, he was opposite to Egina. Soon after, lie and his companions 
 entered the Piraeus, where they staid one night, waiting for the return of 
 their druggerman, whom they had sent with their firman, to be laid before the 
 Governor of Attica, and the next morn proceeded to that city, which must 
 ever surpass all other cities in renown, Athens. 
 
 At this place, the very mention of which must, I think, fill a refined 
 mind with delight. Lord Charlemont remained, as we may suppose, for 
 some time. As he came near Athens, he was particularly struck with 
 the temple of Theseus, ** Which," says he, ** alone merits a voyage to 
 Greece." The Morea was visited by him ; Thebes, Corinth, and the ancient 
 Euboea; of the last-mentioned places his lordship has given a most accurate, 
 and pleasing account. It is alike replete with erudition, and with taste. 
 To abridge, would be to injure it, and it is far too extended for these 
 memoirs. 
 
 He returned to Athens on the 14th of December, 1 749, from the harbour 
 of Aulis, that renowned haven, which the mighty genius of Homer, and 
 the pathetic, moral muse of Euripides, have clothed with a portion of their 
 never-dying fame!* — ^He had visited almost every island in the Egean ; some 
 of them on his way from Italy to Constantinople, or from that city to 
 Egypt. In his voyage from Alexandria to Athens he touched at Rhodes, 
 as I have already stated; but it appears that he was there a second time. 
 What his exact course was, I am not able to ascertain ; however, this is 
 certain, that on his way from Rhodes to Malta, Lord Charlemont, with his 
 companions, encountered a storm of the most terrific kind, which he has 
 well described. *' After a few days of tolerable, though dark, and 
 threatening weather, we were overtaken, on the 20th of January, by one of 
 the most violent hurricanes that ever was known in those seas. The storm, 
 
 * See the Chorus at the conclusion of the first and second acts of Iphigenia in Aulis. The 
 vpeauDg of the latter is exquisitely elegaot ; " JAuiixfio- « ftir^tao- @fS/' &c. 
 
EARL OF CJHARLEMONT. 1$ 
 
 which was at soutli-east, the most dangerous of all winds in tlie Miediter- 
 ranean, dreaded by sailors under the name of Levanter, began about noon, 
 and continued all day, gradually increasing. Whilst we had day-light to 
 assist, and to comfort us, we put ourselves before the wind, and bore away 
 with what little sail we could carry. Night came on, and the storm redou- 
 bled. Ignorant in what part of the sea we then were, for the darkness of 
 the weather had for some days past prevented us from taking any observa- 
 tion, we guessed, as in cases of this kind we are always prompt to guess 
 the worst, that we were driving up the Adriatic, the sea of all others most 
 feared by mariners ; and, therefore, dreading the consequence of a lee-shore, 
 destitute of harbours, and afraid any longer to leave ourselves at the disposal 
 of the wind, we put the helm about, and lay too, under our courses, double 
 reefed. Now was but the beginning of horror. The tempest raged with 
 tenfold fury. The gloom of night was unnaturally horrid. The scudding 
 clouds at times divided, affording faint and transient gleams of brassy light, 
 far more dreadful than the deeped darkness. The waves rose mountain 
 high ; and to me, who, supported in the gang- way, stood gazing at the 
 magnificent ruin, the whole ocean appeared in flames, through which the 
 vessel ploughed her desperate way. Sometimes perched on the giddy brow 
 of the stupendous accumulation, and again plunging precipitate into the 
 flaming abyss. The motion was now grown so violent, that I could ho 
 longer support it, and I was unwillingly preparing to go down into the 
 cabin, when a squall of wind, to the fury of which the settled tempest 
 became a calm, laid the ship down almost on her side, and broke three out of 
 her five main shrouds. The cannon broke loose, and, together with all our 
 loading, and a great part of the ballast, rushed at once to the lee-side of the 
 vessel, with such horrible crash, that the ship seemed to have burst in 
 pieces. If the whole globe should, by sudden explosion, be rent asunder, I 
 question whether the shock would he greater to each individual, than what 
 was now felt in our little world. Every heart quaked with fear, and horror 
 appeared in every countenance. Nor, even after the immediate shock was 
 over, did the consequences seem less terrible. The ship, weighed down by 
 the shifting of her ballast, &c. was unable to right herself, and lay, gun* 
 urale under water, at the mercy of the billows, which seemed, every instant) 
 
 D 2 
 
.>vn 
 
 20 MEMOIRS^ OF JAMES, 
 
 jeady to devour her. Our captain now, a brave and experienced seaman 
 addressed the sailors, in words to this effect : " My lads, you see the situation 
 to which we are reduced. The vessel is old, and not much to be depended 
 oh. If we should spring our main-mast, she would, undoubtedly, go to 
 pieces, and that must be the consequence of another such squall. I know 
 of no resource, but to make fast the buoy rope to the mast-head, which, 
 being belayed at the ship's side, may serve as a false shroud, and may pos- 
 sibly preserve the mast. I well know the difficulty of the attempt. To go 
 aloft in such a situation is more than I can venture to order. I am an old 
 sailor, and should fear to attempt it. But it is our only means of safety, 
 
 and if there be a fellow among you, brave enough," Here he was instantly 
 
 interrupted by Tom SilkrSy (I never shall forget his name) who stood next to 
 him; this truly, and I may add, philosophically, brave fellow, taking from 
 his cheek the plug of tobacco, cried out, " by G — , master, if we must 
 die, 'tis better to die doing something." His words accompanied liis action. 
 He was presently at the mast-head, — the buoy-rope was made fast, and the mast 
 belayed ; and thus, by the astonishing bravery and activity of one man, that 
 danger, which seemed imminent, was at least postponed. Such are British 
 sailors ! 
 
 " We now retired to our beds, dreading the worst, yet not without hope 
 when, after about an hour's horrid uncertainty, the captain entered our 
 cabin, and told us, that he feared all was over. Tliat, though at sea from 
 his infancy, he had never seen such a night. That the ship indeed might 
 possibly ride it out. Yet, that he would recommend it to us, to prepare for 
 the worst. How this sentence was felt may easily be judged. A dead 
 silence ensued, which lasted for some minutes, but was finally broken by 
 my friend, Frank Burton, who lay next bed to me. * Well,* exclaimed 
 he, and I fear, with an oath, * this is fine indeed ! Here have I been pam- 
 pering this great body of mine, for more than twenty years, and all to be a 
 prey to some cursed shark, and be damned to him F The unexpected oddity of 
 such an exclamation at such a time, the profound seriousness, and consequent 
 comicalness, with which it was uttered, together with tlie character and figure 
 of the man, for Frank was a Bon Vivant, almost as conspicuous for size and 
 corpulence, as for the excellent temper of his mind, were motives of mirth 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMOiSfT. 21 
 
 too strong to be resisted, and, in the midst of our fears, we burst out into a 
 loud laugh. Neither let this incident, this comic break in our tragedy, 
 appear unnatural. Nature, and Shakespeare, both inform us, that character 
 will prevail in the midst of distress. ^ ' 
 
 ," Our merriment, however, was but of short duration; and now theship'- 
 carpenter entered our cabin. This fellow, who was an excellent seaman, had 
 been a great favourite of our's, and, consequently, was our fnend. ' Mas- 
 ters,' said he, * the captain has, I find, been with you. But never fear— 
 the ship is a tight one — I have examined her thoroughly. There is not an 
 inch in her carcass with which I am unacquainted. She is strong and good. 
 There is indeed one rotten plank, and that a principal one — let that hold, and 
 we are all safe.' This consolation, as may easily be guessed, was not 
 exactly fitted to relieve us; forgetful of the strength and tightness of the 
 vessel, our minds, as may be supposed, ran on the rotten plank. In this 
 situation we passed the tedious night; shut up in a noisome and agitated 
 dungeon, the gloom of which was made visible by the dim twinkling of a 
 swinging lamp, and which had but too much the semblance of a tomb 
 already prepared for us. Scarcely able, with all our strength, to keep our- 
 selves in our beds ; and bruised, in every part of our bodies, by o«r continued 
 efforts, and by the violence of the agitation ; wet by the sea- water, which 
 dashed in through eveiy crevice, and gave us a melancholy foretaste of the 
 final wetting which we expected, and dreaded; we seemed cut off from 
 all hope, but that of a ^eedy period to our lives and tortures ; yet still 
 we hoped, — the principle of religion was active in our souls, and despair fled 
 before it. Woe to the wretch who, in such a situation, is destitute of this 
 comfort ! dlir prayers were heard : day at length appeared : the sun arose : 
 the storm abated ; soon we were able to quit our dungeon. The tempest 
 now subsided into a steady gale, and no effect remained but that uneasy 
 swell, — the certain consequence of a violent storm. Still, however, our 
 situation was disagreeable: our shattered vessel still lay with her gunwale 
 close to the water's edge; and, utterly ignorant where we were, we knew 
 not what course to steer, or where to seek protection, 
 
 " A man was now sent up to the mast-head to discover land; a second, 
 a third weat aloft; still no land was to be seen. — At length, One cried out 
 
2S MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 from above, in a voice which seemed to us, indeed, from Heaven, that he 
 s^w land! The captain himself went up, and verified the discovery. Land 
 there was directly before us, and we were hastening towards it; gradually; 
 it grew more and more visible, and we could now discern it from the deck ; 
 but what was our joy, when we found that this land was the identical island 
 of Malta, the end and purpose of our voyage. It is impossible to deacnbe. 
 our feelings: I shall not attempt it. All happiness is more or less perfect, 
 as it is more, or less. contrasted by misery; and here was a sudden transition 
 from fear to hope, from danger to security, from misery to joy, from im- 
 pending death to life ! 
 
 " A few hours now' brought us into tlie harbour, one of the safest and 
 best in the world. We were presently surrounded by a multitude of boats, 
 laden with every kind of refreshment; and particularly what to sea-faring; 
 men is most of all things agreeable, with plenty of fruit, and of garden^ 
 stuff, which, in this happy climate, was now in the greatest perfection ;; 
 and, to give additional relish to this pleasing circumstance, nature had now 
 re-assumed her functions, arid our stomachs were importunate for food,- 
 having fasted for near two days, as it had not been possible to dress any 
 victuals, even after the storm had abated, on account of the violent swell. : 
 Every thing now concurred to delight us ; past misery is present comfort;: 
 and to reflect on our distress was happiness : to have had so near a view 
 of that undiscovered country, from whose bourne no traveller returns; 
 to have peeped securely into the cave of death; to have tried our hearts at: 
 the approach of dissolution, were circumstances which afforded us the 
 highest satisfaction. All nature now smiled on us. To view the crowd of 
 idle mortals who gathered on the shore to gaze upon the vessel which had 
 weathered the storm, was a new source of exultation to those, who had so 
 lately feared never more to behold their fellow-creatures. Our sailors were 
 to us objects of admiration, of gratitude, and of love; nay, our ship, 
 which had so bravely held out in such a trial, inspired us with affection, . 
 insomuch that, though we found ourselves condemned to forty days im-. 
 prisonment, in her, as we were now obliged to perform quarantine, we were,: 
 I suppose* the happiest mortals on the globe. We had, besides, a thousand 
 things to do: our ship to set to rights; our papers to settle; the journal* 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 23 
 
 ©f our long, and curious voyage to look over, and to put in order. — > 
 In short, we did not suppose that the forty days would be more than suf- 
 ficient for our several projected occupations ; yet such is the restless nature 
 of man, ten of them had scarcely elapsed, when we grew weary of our 
 situation; and we were more than rejoiced, when, upon our petition, 
 accompanied by sound bills of health, the time of our confinement wasj 
 by the kind grand master, shortened. . - 
 
 •' On the three and twentieth day after our providential escape, we were 
 permitted to go on shore, and took up our abode at our consul's house, m^ 
 the city of Malta. Here we were received with the most cordial affection.: 
 Having before called at this island, on our way to the Levant, we found 
 ourselves among old acquaintance. Every day was a new festival ; — 
 the knights of the several nations into which the order is divided, gave 
 us splendid entertainments. The grand master, Don Emanuel Pinto, an old, 
 and very respectable Portuguese nobleman, was peculiarly kind to us. — 
 We dined at the palace, with his high chamberlain; and, though the 
 etiquette would not permit him to eat in company with us, as soon as 
 dinner was removed, he joined our society, and remained with us the whole 
 evening; nay, so far did he push his civility, that masked balls, though, 
 for some years discontinued, and prohibited by positive edict, on account 
 of some unlucky riots, were again allowed ; and it was specified, that this 
 was done on our accouiit, and for our entertainment. And here I must not 
 omit to mention a singular ceremony observed, at my introduction to this 
 prince. — All grandees of Spain, peers of France, British and Irish IoikIsj 
 are, it seems, by long prescription, allowed to be presented with thoM. hats 
 on. In consequence of this privilege, I entered his chamber alone, with 
 my head covered, and 'he received me in the same situation. After the first 
 compliments were passed, he pulled off his hat, and I did the same^ when 
 the remainder of the company was presented. Thus agreeably did we pas^ 
 our time in this hospitable island. Our mornings were spent in excursions 
 through the countiy, .for which purpose the grand master provided u^ witl> 
 horses from his own stables : great .di null's were ^ every ' day .given ta us.— ^ 
 In shoit, it was happy for us that we had not much time to reside here, 
 since Qur constitutions, however young and vigorous, could not long have 
 
34 MEMOIRS OF JAMES. 
 
 resisted the continued riots of this Circaean region, where there is no inter- 
 mission to festivity of every sort, drinking not excepted, which, though 
 to the last degree dangerous in this hot climate, is but too much the 
 fashion here, especially among the German knights. 
 
 " It may be well conceive*!, that a multitude of gentlemen, in the prime 
 and vigour of youth, cooped up in a small island, with little or no occu- 
 pation, but what they can provide for themselves, should naturally fall into 
 dissipation. And so it is ; there is not, I suppose, in the world, a set of 
 men so thoroughly debauched as these holy knights, these military monks, 
 defenders of the faith against infidels ! — Obliged by their vows to celibacy, 
 they make no scmple to take, without bounds, ilHcitly, that which is denied 
 them in a lawful way. The town of Malta is one vast brothel. — Every 
 woman almost is a knight's mistress, and every mistress intrigues with other 
 men. Hither flock, as to an established mart for beauty, the female votaries 
 of Venus from every distant region, — Armenians, Jewesses, Greeks, Italians! 
 The few virtuous women, natives of the island, are retired to Medina, 
 an inland city, about eight miles from Malta, and here they live, tolerably 
 free from solicitation, not so much on account of their distance, as because 
 the Maltese blood has too much of the Moor in it, to be exceedingly tempt- 
 ing. ■ ' 
 
 "With respect to the constitution, the rules, and administration of the 
 order, I shall say nothing concerning them; the subject has been too often 
 treated, and is too well known, to admit of any farther information from me, 
 I shall only mention, that, whatever they may formerly have done, the 
 knights of Malta are, at present, of little annoyance to the Turks ; 
 their gallies, and two or three very large men of war, make frequent 
 cruizes ; and the knights, who arc yet in their noviciate, pei-form aboard them, 
 what they call their caravans, without a certain n^mbe^ of which they 
 cannot be received into the order of professed knights. — But they seldom 
 meet any Turkish ship of ^^'ar, and usually content themselves with picking 
 up a few straggling traders, the greatest part of which belongs to the poor 
 Greeks. I will add one circumstance more, as I can mention it with plea- 
 sure. As at their primitive institution the knights of Malta were Knights 
 Hospitalers, in order to keep up the charitable institution, attendance upon 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 25 
 
 the sick is still ipade.a principal part bf their duty; aTKloncof the prin- 
 cipal buildings in the city is a vast hospital, where the diseased, from every 
 part of the world, are received, and nobly treated. The ktaights constantly 
 attend in rotation, and themselves administer to the patients. Nothing can 
 be more pleasing to a feeling mind, than the generous, kind, and affectionate 
 manner in which these poor wretches are treated ; and such is the magni- 
 ficence of the institution, that every culinary vessel belonging to the hos- 
 pital is made of solid silver. 
 
 " The wonderful extent, and strength of the fortifications, which have 
 rendered this place, to alb appearance, impregnable, and which ai-e daily 
 increasing, a very large revenue being annually appropriated to their aug- 
 mentation, is also a matter of too great notoriety to be insisted on by me : 
 I shall, therefore, conclude this part of my subject, with mentioning a fact, 
 not wholly uninteresting, which came to my knowledge during my residence 
 aX Malta, and was related to me by the most credible eye witnesses. 
 
 ' *- Towards the end of that war with France, so generously undertaken, 
 and so vigorously carried on, by England, in defence of the House of 
 Austria there happened to be, in these parts, an English privateer of some 
 force, and commanded by a captain of such skill aud bravery, that lie 
 reigned paramount in the Mediterranean, daily sending into the port of 
 Malta French prizes of considerable value. It may easily be conceived, 
 that, in a war circumstanced as this was, parties must necessarily have ran 
 high in an island, where the principal inhabitants were composed of young 
 gentlemen, collected from all the several belligerent powers. The Austrian 
 and Piedmontese knights, on the one hand, and the French and Spaniards 
 on the other, maintained a perpetual warfare. The French knights, irritated 
 by the successes of our English captain, and not chusing to bear any longer 
 the consequent taunts of their adversaries, wrote to their correspondents 
 at Marseilles, an account of the hazard to which their trade was exposed ; 
 and prevailed on them to fit out a privateer, which might be able to cope 
 with the Englishman. In consequence of these representations, an armed 
 vessel speedily arrived at Malta, well equipped, of force almost double to 
 tliat of its intended antagonist, and commanded by an officer of the highest 
 character for courage and naval knowledge. The captain was received with 
 
^0 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 acclamations. At length he sailed but of the harbour, in search of the 
 devoted Englishman, as to a certain victory. The French party now 
 exulted in confidence of sure and brilliant success ; but, after a sufficient 
 time, began to be impatient for the return of their hero, and the ramparts 
 were constantly crowded with his expecting friends. At length two ships 
 appeared in the offing, one apparently having the other in tow. As they 
 approached, French colours, on the foremost ship, were seen with transport. 
 Nothing could equal the exultation of the Gallic party. The ships still 
 drew nearer, with a favourable gale ; and now they turned into the harbour, 
 saluted by triumphant shouts, when, to the amazement of all the spectators, 
 the French colours were suddenly hauled down, and the English hoisted in 
 their stead. The fact was, that, after a long conflict, in which his ship 
 had been exceedingly shattered, the English captain had, at length, pre- 
 vailed ; but finding his own ship too much impaired to make sail, he had 
 boarded the prize, and taken the conqueror in tow, chusing to come in under 
 French colours, in order to enhance the disappointment of his enemies, and 
 the consequent surprize, and joy of his friends.*' 
 
 When Lord Charlemont returned to Italy,* he became, after a certain time, 
 so accurately versed in its language, that he was, on that account, as well as the 
 variety of his accomplishments, truly acceptable to all persons of rank and 
 fashion, and especially to the eminent Italian literary characters. At Turin he 
 renewed his connection with the Prince Royal, then recently married to a 
 Princess of Spain, and at whose marriage Lord Charlemont, by the particular 
 request of the Prince, was present. They were nearly contemporaries as to age ; 
 and, when his Royal Highness became King of Sardinia, he desired more than 
 one illustrious English traveller to tell Lord Charlemont, that if he returned to 
 Turin he would find Victor Amadeus unchanged, except in station. He made excur- 
 sions to Sienna, Lucca, and other places, with Lord Bruce, the present Earl of 
 Aylesbury; a nobleman to whom, during his life, he was invariably attached, 
 
 * Lord Charlemont wrote an account of his tour through, or residence in Ital7> which, as the 
 present Earl informed me, cannot be found, though most carefully searched after. Such particulars 
 as I have been enabled to give, are from the best information that I could procure. What I have 
 stated here, relative to the Due de Nivernois, the late Lord firequently mentioned to me, as also his 
 dislike of Monsieur de Choiseul. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT, VJ 
 
 dnd ever spoke of with the most affectionate regard.. Whilst at Verona, the 
 Marchese Scipione MafFei, so deservedly mentioned by Lady Wortley Montague, 
 as " having the happiness of giving his countrymen a taste of polite pleasure, 
 and shewing the youth how to pass their time agreeably without debauchery,'* 
 distinguished Lord Charlemont by every kind attention. The Marquis was thea 
 far advanced in life, and died soon after. He gave his Lordship a copy of the 
 celebrated tragedy of Merope ;* and not only at the literary society which met 
 in the MafFei Palace, but in almost every erudite assembly, in the great towns 
 of Italy, Lord Gharlemont held a principal seat. Of some of them he was not 
 only solicited, but even courted to become a member. 
 
 i i Next to Athens, Rome was the object of his travels; he continued there 
 almost two years, and was one of the earliest examples amongst the English, of 
 keeping house for himself, and his friends, whilst in that metropolis. Murphy 
 was of great assistance to him ; he not only superintended the whole bustnest 
 of house-keeping, but read, or walked with him a considerable part of the 
 morning. Murphy went out prepared, not only by general, bat particular 
 reading, for their almost daily investigation of antiquities ; and the Cicerone who 
 attended them, told Lord Charlemont that, where history was to be consulted, 
 he learned as much as his Lordship could, from Murphy. Lord Charlemont 
 went in the evening, like other young men, to concerts, and converzationes. 
 Murphy seldom attended on such occasions ; he was engaged with his books 
 or the company of some quiet, literary friend. But from his long residence at 
 Rome, and unremitted intercourse with Lord Charlemont, he was, at last, 
 much noticed; his learning, his simple manners, his character altogether, 
 procured him real esteem, and it was suggested to him that, if he went abroad 
 he would be well received ; but he would npt venture into splendid company. 
 
 Lord Charlemont was a kind benefactor to several young artists then at 
 Rome, Sir William Chambers, whose fortune, at that time, was very limited, 
 and his friends, or acquaintance, not many, he particularly distinguished, and 
 was of signal service to him. It is proper, also, to state, that Sir William, to 
 
 * See the Historical Memoir on Italian Tragedy, by J. Cooper Walker, Esq. Among Lord 
 Charlemont's memorandums from Turin, there is the following. " To send a set of the Greciaa and 
 «' Egyptian prints, to Marchese Scipiphe Maffei." 
 
 £ 2 
 
as MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the last, preserved the utmost gratitude and aiFection towards his Lordship.* 
 He patronised Parker, and two or three painters, whose names I do not 
 distinctly remember. Piranesi he endeavoured to encourage, but that eminent 
 artist was self-willed, and often violent in his temper. He took something 
 amiss of Lord Charlemont, (what, I know not, nor is it now of any conse- 
 quence;) but, after he had dedicated three or four of his prints to his Lordship, 
 he struck the name out, and inserted that of the two Adams's. Not content 
 with that, he published an abusive letter to Lord Charlemont ; some copies 
 were sold, and dispersed, before any one had heard of the quarrel ; but several 
 persons in authority at Rome wiere extremely angry with Piranesi, when they 
 read' his pamphlet, and he would have been treated with some severity, had 
 hot Lord Charlemont's usual good nature interfered. Piranesi made an apology, 
 the pamphlet was suppressed at Rome, and the belligerent parties were again on 
 amicable terms. "^ 
 
 To mention the various persons of rank arid estimatbn at Rome, to 
 whom Lord Charlemont was well known, would be to give the names of the 
 most respectable of the Roman or Neapolitan nobility. Some may be touched 
 on, — Cardinal Albani, Cardinal Passionei, who was librarian of the Vatican, 
 
 * The fi^owing inscription, to the memory of Sir Wm. Chambers, is in Lord Charlemont's hand 
 
 writing.— 
 
 Sir WiUiam Chambers^ Knight, &c. 
 
 Fellow of the Royal Academy, 
 
 And Professor of Architecture. 
 
 The best of ineo, and the first of 
 
 English Architects. ' ' 
 
 Whose buildings, modelled 
 
 From his own mind. 
 
 Elegant, pure, and solid, 
 
 WilTlong remain the lasting monuments 
 
 Of that taste. 
 
 Whose chastity could only be equalled 
 
 By the ioomaculate purity of their author's heart. 
 
 James, Earl of Charlemont, his friend. 
 
 From long experince of his worth and talents. 
 
 Dedicates this^ Inscription 
 
 To him and friendship. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 29 
 
 an eminently learned man, and, like Lord Charlemont, a great collector of 
 books and manuscripts. He was, also, a politician, and often engaged in affairs 
 of state, as nuncio, or plenipotentiary. Lord Charlemont visited him some- 
 times at Frescati, where he had a variety of rooms, or cells, as he called them, 
 in which he lodged some of his particular friends, and distinguished them by 
 the name of saints. Those saints were of both sexes, whose rank, and agreeable 
 estimable qualities, not their years, or severity of manners, entitled them to the 
 honor of canonization. Whether Lord Charlemonl's name was enrolled in their 
 calendar I cannot say, but he was much valued by his Eminence, who, at that 
 time, was far advanced in life. i 
 
 It may be almost superfluous to notice, that Lord Charlemont cultivated 
 and enjoyed the friendship of, it may be said, all the English of worth and 
 condition at Rome. He corresponded with several then on their travels in Italy, 
 or different parts of Europe^ and their letters to him, (such, at least, as I have 
 seen) breathe, not only affection for, but, indeed, admiration of him. To his 
 honor also it can be recorded, that the friendships, thus early established, never 
 gave way, but survived all the tempests and shocks of political differences 
 which the best connections are too often exposed to, and become, in consequence, 
 disjoined, or are no more heard of. With some his attachments encountered no 
 such hazard, for the same harmony reigned in their political, as private 
 sentiments. The Lords Cavendish might be adduced as instances of this ; and 
 the Marquis of Rockingham was as dear to him at London, in 1782,* as he had 
 been at Rome in 1751. 
 
 By one very eminent, and very accomplished man. Lord Charlemont was 
 much noticed whilst in Italy ; and, through the course of a long life, most 
 cordially esteemed and regarded. This was the French ambassador at Rome, 
 the Due de Nivernois. I shall have occasion to mention him more particularly 
 in 'the progress of these memoirs. Lord Charlemont, at first, considered him 
 merely as an elegant gentleman, and one who carried the fashion, and the bei 
 air of Paris, to the utmost extremity. But a nearer connection soon developed 
 in him considerable erudition, a refined taste, soundness of judgment, and far 
 better than all, an excellent heart. Towards the end of autumn, and the close 
 
 • The Marquis died, deeply lamented, in July, 1782. 
 
30 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 of 1753, Lord Charlemont was confined at Rome, by a long and very severe 
 indisposition, during which the Duke paid him several visits, and soothed many 
 a weary hour by the amenity and agreeableness of his conversation. That 
 amiable, and, perhaps, that best of all the Pontiffs, Benedict the 14th, may be 
 said to have been the mutual friend of both. With the ambassador his inter* 
 course was necessarily far more frequent than with Lord Charlemont, but^ to the 
 latter, he not only paid all the civility and attention that could be expected 
 from an old Pope to a gay, young Lord, but even regarded him, as his know- 
 ledge of Lord Charlemont increased, with a kindness and benevolence that 
 was almost parental. On the part of his ^Lordship, no one could carry eveiy 
 sentiment of respect and gratitude farther than he did to the venerable, good 
 man ; and, when the Due de Choiseul, (who succeeded Monsieur de Nivernois 
 in the embassy at Rome,) under the pretence of asserting some wretched prero- 
 gative of his station, behaved, towards the Pope, in a manner peculiarly offensive, 
 no one was more indignant than Lord Charlemont when he heard it. He had not 
 long bid adieu to Rome, at the time the interview, or rather interviews, 
 alluded to took place ; and it has been suggested, that this was probably the 
 original cause of his dislike to Monsieur de Choiseul, whose talents he greatly 
 admired, but whose name he could scarcely bear the mention of. Of the virtues, 
 amiableness, and agreeable good sense of Madame de Choiseul, he had indeed 
 the most exalted opinion. 
 
 Lord Charlemont, on quitting Rome, re-visited Turin, and continued 
 between that city and Florence from the beginning of March to the end 
 of July, 1754. He visited Spain, but what parts of that kingdom does not 
 appear, except Barcelona, from which place he obtained a passport, to go 
 with his faithful Achates, Murphy, to France. The passport was granted by the 
 Marquis de Las Minas, and contains an enumeration of that nobleman's titles, 
 and places of honour, or trust, almost equal in length to that of the last Duke of 
 Ormonde's, which I venture to mention, as it may now be regarded almost 
 as a curiosity.* 
 
 The reader shall not be detained by any account of the amphitheatre, or the 
 Maison Quarree, at Nismes, which Lord Charlemont, of course, visited whilst in 
 
 * See Appendix, No. I. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 3| 
 
 the South of France. Exquisite as his taste v/aa for the nohle remains of 
 Roman, and still more, Grecian architecture, he was of the same opinion with 
 that person who said, that a truly eminent man was more an object of refined, 
 and liberal curiosity, than the most renowned edifice. It chanced that, during 
 his residence in that part of France, an opportunity was afforded him of giving 
 this sentiment entire scope. But as he has himself expatiated fully on the 
 subject, the reader, no doubt, will be more pleased to attend to him, than to his 
 Biographer. 
 
 ** Of all the enjoyments of which the human mind is susceptible, I know 
 of none that is more universally delightful, than the pleasure of travelling ; and 
 when we search into the cause of this delight, the gratification of curiosity, that 
 passion with which, for the most salutary purposes, almost every man is plenti- 
 fully endued^ immediately occurs as a motive, fully adequate to account for all 
 our feelings upon this occasion. Yet is there another motive, which, indeed, is 
 known to mix itself in almost all our pursuits, and which, in thfs also, must, I 
 think, be allowed to have a considerable share. The motive I mean is vanity ; 
 the pride of doing what others have not been able to do ; of seeing what others 
 have not seen, of being able to relate the peiils we have passed, and the 
 wonders we have beheld, contributes not a little to give an edge to our curiosity, 
 and to prompt us to endure every hardship, to dare every danger. If this be true, it 
 must necessarily follow, that every object affords pleasure toa travellerin proportion 
 as he esteems it adapted to procure him the delight of future narration^ and the 
 respect of those to whom he shall narrate ; and surely there is nothing in the 
 power of travel to procure us, which more eminently conduces to this desired 
 purpose, than the acquaintance of such men as are renowned for their virtue, 
 and for their abilities. As the productions of the Divinity must infinitely 
 transcend all the works of human skill, surely a great and virtuous man, the 
 noblest work of God, must ever be the first object of curiosity; and an intimate 
 acquaintance with such a man must more essentially flatter our pride, than all 
 the other wonders which travelling can afford. Whether all travellers think in 
 this matter as I do, I cannot tell, but this I know, that my vanity is infinitely 
 less flattered by my having viewed the pyramids of Egypt, than by my having 
 had the honor of an intimacy mth president Montesquieu ; — and for this reason, 
 as well as because every anecdote which relates to a person of his eminence is 
 
32 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 always acceptable, I shall recount the manner in which I became acquainted 
 with him, and whatever circumstances, be they ever so trivial, I can recollect 
 concerning him, during the time of our acquaintance. 
 
 " In travelling through France I happened, luckily for me, to get acquainted 
 with Mr. Elliott,* a gentleman of Cornwall, whose excellent understanding, 
 cultivated and improved by the best education, and animated by a mind of the 
 most pleasing cast, rendered him the most agreeable of companions. We 
 travelled together for some time, and finding ourselves not very far from Bour- 
 deaux, we determined not to miss the opportunity of going there, not so much 
 prompted thereto by the beauty of the town, and the adjacent country, as by 
 our ardent desire of seeing, and of knowing, the president Montesquieu. 
 Arrived at Bourdeaux, our first enquiry was concerning the principal object of 
 our journey ; but how great was our disappointment, when we found that he had 
 left the city, and was gone to reside at a country seat, four or five hours distant. 
 To leave our longing unsatisfied was truly mortifying to us ; and yet what could 
 be done ? At length, after a long deliberation, we determined to strike a bold 
 stroke ; and, getting the better of all timidity, perhaps propriety, we sat down 
 and wrote a joint letter, in which we candidly told the president our reasons for 
 visiting Bourdeaux, our sad disappointment, our eager wishes for the honor of 
 his acquaintance, which, as English subjects, we most particularly desired ; 
 concluding by begging pardon for our presumption, and leave to wait on him at 
 his villa. Neither did we languish long for an answer ; it quickly arrived, in every 
 respect as we would have wished, and consisted of modest acknowledgments 
 for the honor we did him, assertions of the high esteem in which he held our 
 country, and the most hearty, and pressing invitation to come to him as soon as 
 our occasions would permit. The first appointment with a favourite mistress 
 could not have rendered our night more restless ; and the next morning we set 
 out so early that we arrived at his villa before he was risen. The servant 
 shewed us into his library, where the first object of curiosity that presented 
 itself was a table, at which he had apparently been reading the night before, a 
 book lying upon it open, turned down, and a lamp extinguished. Eager to 
 know the nocturnal studies of this great philosopher, we immediately flew to 
 
 * Edward, afterwards Lord Elliott 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 33 
 
 the book ; it was a volume of Ovid's works, containing his elegies, and open at 
 one of the most gallant poems of that master of love. Before we could over- 
 come our surprize, it was greatly increased by the entrance of the president, 
 whose appearance and manner was totally opposite to the idea which we had formed 
 to ourselves of him ; instead of a grave, austere philosopher, whose presence might 
 •strike with awe such boys as we were, the person who now addressed us, was a gay, 
 polite, sprightly Frenchman ; who, after a thousand genteel compliments, and a 
 thousand thanks for the honor we had done him, desired to know whether we 
 would not breakfast, and, upon our declining the offer, having already eaten at an 
 inn not far from the house, * Come then,' says he, * let us walk ; the day is fine, and 
 I long to shew you my villa, as I have endeavoured to form it according to the 
 English taste, and to cultivate and dress it in the English manner.* Following 
 him into the farm, we soon arrived at the skirts of a beautiful wood, cut into 
 walks, and paled round, the entrance to which was barricadoed with a move- 
 able bar, about three feet high, fastened with a padlock. * Come,' said he, 
 searching in his pocket, * it is not worth our while to wait for the key ; you, I 
 am sure, can leap as well as I can, and this bar shall not stop me.* So saying, he 
 ran at the bar, and fairly jumped over it, while we followed him with amaze- 
 ment, though not without delight, to see the philosopher likely to become our 
 playfellow. This behaviour had exactly the effect which he meant it should 
 have. He had observed our awkward timidity at his first accosting us, and was 
 determined to rid us of it: all that awe with which, notwithstanding his 
 appearance, his character had inspired us, and that consequent bashfulness which 
 it must have occasioned, was now taken off; his age and awful character 
 disappeared ; and our conversation was just as free and as easy as if we had been 
 his equals in years, as in every other respectable qualification. Our discourse 
 now turned on matters of taste and learning. He asked us the extent of our 
 travels, and, as I had visited the Levant, he fixed himself particularly on me, and 
 enquired into several circumstances relative to the countries where I had been 
 in many of which I had the good fortune to satisfy him. He lamented his own 
 fate, which had prevented his seeing those curious regions, and descanted with 
 great ability on the advantages and pleasures of travel. * However,' said he, 
 I, too, have been a traveller, and have seen the country in the world which is 
 most worthy our cariosity — I mean England.' He then gave us an account of 
 
 p 
 
34 MExMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 his abode there, the many civilities he had received, and the delight he felt in 
 thinking of the time he had spent there. * However,' continued he, * thou^jh 
 there is no country under Heaven which produces so many great and shi^^ing 
 characters as England, it must be confessed, that it also produces many 
 singular ones, which renders it the more worthy our curiosity, and, indeed, the 
 more entertaining. You are, I suppose, too young to have known (he Duke 
 of Montagu :* that was one of the most extraordinary characters I ever met 
 with ; endowed with the most excellent sense, his singularity knew no bounds. 
 Only think ! at my first acquaintance with him, having invited me to his country 
 seat, before I had leisure to get into any sort of intimacy, he practised on me 
 that whimsical trick which, undoubtedly, you have either experienced, or heard 
 of; under the idea of playing the play of an introduction of ambassadors, he 
 soused me over head and ears into a tub of cold water. I thought it odd, to 
 be sure, but a traveller, as you well know, must take the world as it goes, and, 
 indeed, his great goodness to me, and his incomparable understanding, far over- 
 paid me for all the inconveniences of my ducking. Liberty, however, is the 
 glorious cause ! that it is, which gives human nature fair play, and allows every 
 singularity to show itself, and which, for one less agreeable oddity it may bring 
 to light, gives to the world ten thousand great, and useful examples.* 
 
 "With this, and a great deal more conversation, every word of which I would 
 wish to remember, we finished our walk, and having viewed every part of the 
 villa, which was, as he had told us, altogether imitated from the English style 
 of gardening, we returned to the house, were shewn into the drawing room, 
 and were most politely received by Madame la Baron ne, and her daughter. 
 Madame de Montesquieu was an heiress of the reformed religion, which she 
 still continued to profess. She was an elderly woman, and, apparently, had 
 never been handsome. Mademoiselle was a sprightly, afiable, good-humoured 
 girl, rather plain, but, at the same time, pleasing ; these, with the president's 
 secretary, whom we afterwards found to be an Irishman, formed our society. 
 The secretary spoke nothing but French, and had it been possible that Elliot 
 
 * John, Duke of Montagu, married to one of the daughters of the Duke of Marlborough. 
 From every account, his Grace was just as Montesquieu has represented him j but his eccentricity 
 was, in this instance, carried very far indeed. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 35 
 
 and I, ill our private conversation, could have uttered any thing to the disad- 
 vantage of our hosts, we might have been disagreeably trapped by our ignorance 
 of his country, but nothing of that kind could possibly happen ; every thing we 
 said was to the praise of the president, and the politeness shewn us by his 
 family. Our dinner was plain, and plentiful ; and when, after having dined, we 
 made an offer to depart, the president insisted upon our stay ; nor did he 
 suffer us to leave him for three days, during which time his conversation was 
 as sprightly, as instructive, and as entertaining as possible. At length we 
 took our leave, and returned to Bourdeaux, whither vve were escorted by the 
 secretary ; who now, to our great surprize, spoke English, and declared himself 
 my countryman. 
 
 ** The Baron, though still styled president, had lately resigned that office 
 on the following occasion : The intendant of the province, a man whose ideas, 
 were far more magnificent than merciful, had taken it into his head that he 
 would make Bourdeaux the finest city in France, and, for that purpose, had 
 caused to be delineated on paper, the plan of a new quarter, where the streets 
 were laid out in the most sumptuous manner, of a great breadth, and in lines 
 directly strait. This plan, with the approbation of the court, he had now began 
 to execute, and that without the least consideration that the streets which he was 
 laying out, not only cut through gardens, vineyards, and the houses of citizens 
 and gentlemen, which, if they happened to stand in the way, were instantly 
 levelled with the ground ; and that without any determined indemnification to 
 the owner. The president saw this tyranny, detested, and resisted it ; and, by 
 his influence and authority, for a while suspended the execution. Both parties 
 appealed to Versailles, where the affair was examined into, and where the good 
 president made use of all his influence in behalf of his countrymen, he himself 
 not being in the smallest degree interested. But the intendant prevailed ; and 
 orders were issued that, at all events, the plan should be pursued. The presi- 
 dent, justly discontented, obtained leave to part with his office, and Bourdeaux 
 is now the most magnificent city in France, built on the ruin of hundreds. 
 Consider this, ye degenerate Englishmen, who talk without abhorrence of 
 arbitrary power ! 
 
 '* Having remained at Bourdeaux a competent time, Elliot and I parted, and 
 I set out for Paris, where I was no sooner arrived than Monsieur de Montesquieu, 
 
 F 3 
 
26 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 who had been there some days before me, most kindly came to see me, and, 
 during the time of my abode in that metropolis, we saw each other frequently, 
 and every interview increased my esteem and afFeclion forliim. 
 
 "I have frequently met him in company with ladies, and have been as often 
 astonished at the politeness, the gallantry, and sprightliness of his behaviour. 
 In a word, the most accomplished, the most refined petit- maitre of Paris, could 
 not have been more amusing, from the liveliness of his chat, nor could have 
 been more inexhaustible in that sort of discourse which is best suited to women, 
 than this venerable philosopher of seventy years old. But at this we shall not 
 be surprized, when we refi< ct, that the profound author of L'EsprIt des Loix, 
 was also author of the Persian Letters, and of the truly gallant Temple de 
 Gnide. 
 
 *' He had, however, to a great degree, though r.ot among women, one quality 
 which is not uncommon with abstracted men, I mean absence of mind. I 
 remember dining in company with him at our ambassador's. Lord Albemarle, 
 where, during the time of dinner, being engaged in a warm dispute, he gave 
 away to the servant, who stood behind him, seven clean plates, suppo- 
 sing that he had used them all. But this was only in the heat of con- 
 troversy, and when he was actuated by that lively and impetuous earnest- 
 ness, to which, though it never carried him beyond the bounds of good 
 breeding, he was as liable as any man I ever knew. At all other times 
 he was perfectly collected, nor did he ever seem to think of any thing out of 
 the scope of the present conversation. 
 
 "In the course of our conversations, Ireland, and its interests, have often been 
 the topic; and, upon these occasions, I have always found him an advocate for 
 an Union between that country and England. * Were I an Irishman,' said he, 
 * I should certainly wish for it ; and, as a general lover of liberty, I sincerely 
 desire it ; and for this plain reason, that an inferior country, connected with one 
 much her superior in force, can never be certain of the permanent enjoyment 
 of constitutional freedom, unless she has, by her representatives, a proportional 
 share in the legislature of the superior kingdom.' 
 
 "A few days before I left Paris to return home, this great man fell sick, and, 
 though I did not imagine, from the nature of his complaint, that it was likely 
 to be fatal, I quitted him, however, with the utmost regret, and with that sort 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 37 
 
 of foreboding which sometimes precedes misfortunes. Scarcely was I arrived 
 in England, when 1 received a letter, from one whom I had desired to send me 
 the most particular accounts of him, communicating to me the melancholy 
 news of his death, and assuring me, what I never doubted, that he had died as he 
 lived, like a real philosopher ; and what is more, with true christian resignation. 
 What his real sentiments, with regard to religion, were, I cannot exactly say* 
 He certainly was not a papist; but I have no reason to believe that he was not 
 a christian : in all our conversritlons, which were perfectly free, I never heard 
 him utter the slightest hint, the least word, which savoured of profaneness ; but, 
 on the contrary, whenever it came in his way to mention Christianity, he.always 
 spoke of its doctrine and of its precepts with the utmost respect and reverence ; 
 so that, did I not know that he had too much wisdom and goodness to wish to 
 depreciate the ruling religion, from his general manner of expressing himself, I 
 should make no scruple freely to declare him a perfect christian. At his death the 
 priests, as usual, tormented him, and he bore their exhortations with the greatest 
 patience, good humour, and decency; till at length fatigued, by their obstinate 
 and tiresome pertinacity, he told them that he was much obliged for their 
 comfort, but that, having now a very short time to live, he wished to have 
 those few minutes to himself, as he had lived long enough to know how to die. 
 A day or two before his death an unlucky circumstance happened, by which 
 the world has sustained an irreparable less. He had written the history of 
 Louis the eleventh, including the transactions of Europe during the very 
 important, and interesting period of that prince's reign. The work was long 
 and laborious, and some, who had seen parts of it, have assured me, that it was 
 superior even to his other writings. Recollecting that he had two manuscripts 
 of it, one of them perfect, and the other extremely mutilated, and fearing that 
 this imperfect copy might fall into the hands of some ignorant and avaricious 
 bookseller, he gave his valet de chambre the key of 'his escrutoir, and desired him 
 to burn that manuscript which he described to him. The unlucky valet burned 
 the fair copy, atid left that from which it was impossible to print. 
 
 There is nothing more uncommon than, to see, in the same man, the most 
 ardent glow of genius, the utmost liveliness of fancy, united with the highest 
 degree of assiduity and of latioriousriess. The powers of the mind seem in 
 this to resemble those of the body. The nice and ingenious hand of the 
 
38 IMEiMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 oculist was never made to heave the sledge, or to till the ground. In Montes- 
 quieu, however, both these talents were eminently conspicuous. No man ever 
 possessed a more lively, a more fanciful genius. No man was ever more 
 laborious. His Esprit des Loix is, perhaps, the result of tnore reading than 
 any treatise ever yet composed. M. de Secondat, son to the president, has 
 now in his possession forty /folio volumes in his father's hand writing, which are 
 nothing more than the common-place books, from whence this admirable 
 work was extracted. Montesquieu, indeed, seems to have possessed the 
 difficult art of contracting matter into a small compass, without rendering it 
 obscure, more pexfectly than any man who ever wrote. His Grandeur et 
 Decadence des Rornains is a rare instance of this talent ; a book in which there 
 is more matter than was ever before crammed together in so small a space. 
 One circumstance with regard to this last mentioned treatise has often struck 
 me, as a sort of criterion by which to judge of the materialness of a book. The 
 index contains nearly as many pages as the work itself.'* 
 
 Whilst Lord Charlemont continued at Paris, he frequented Lord Albe- 
 marle's, and many of the houses of the principal French nobility. Monsieur 
 de Nivernois renewed the acquaintance which his lordship had so happily formed 
 with him at Rome, and presented him not only to his father, the Due de Nevers, 
 a most pleasing, venerable old nobleman, but to several of the French academi- 
 cians, and men of letters, — St. Palaye, Helvetius, the marquis de Mirabeau,* and 
 others. At count d'Argenson's, but more particularly the d-uc de Biron's, 
 (afterwards marshal,) he met a great variety of characters, French and 
 English. It should be mentioned, that at Lord Albemarle's he first saw the 
 Count Poniatowski, with whose manners he was fascinated. Happy it had beea 
 for that amiable young man, if he had continued at Paris, or, at least, never 
 re- visited Poland, whose throne, tottering as it was, he rendered more unstable, 
 and at last overset, by his own imbecility, and piteous submission to the 
 malign connection which raised, and ruined him. Lord Charlemont's acquain- 
 tance, in short, was very general ; but his residence, at that time, in the 
 French metropolis, was of no long continuance. He hastened on to London, 
 
 * Father of the late count de Mirabeau, so distinguished in our days. The marquis was also 
 a man of talents, but very singular. Rewrote *' L'ami des Horomes," and other things. The 
 QBConomists regarded him as an oracle. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 39 
 
 where he had then such a number of friends; and after some stay there, 
 proceeded to Ireland, which he was most anxious tore-visit. 
 
 We must now bid aditu to the continent, and view Lord Charlemont in 
 a situation totally different from that in which we have hitherto been accustomed 
 to regard him. The general statement of his conduct henceforward, will, I trust, 
 be his best panegjric. But to appreciate that conduct justly, a very slight 
 sketch of Irish politics, for some years antecedent to his return to Ireland, may 
 be in some measure necessary. 
 
 Circumscribed, depressed, and insignificant as Ireland was towards the 
 middle of the reign of George the first, it began even then, though languidly, 
 to raise its head. Wood's patent, apparently so inconsequential at first, but 
 which, from Some circumstances that accompanied it, very nearly ovei*set the 
 administration of lord Townshend iand Sir Robert Walpole, excited a flame 
 which, though fiercest in the metfopolis, began to extend itself over Ireland. 
 So alarmed was Primate Boulter at its progress, that he declares, in one of his 
 dispatches, the general dislike to Wood's halfpence would have a most 
 unhappy effect on the nation by unking it ! ! by (to make use of his own 
 words) bringing on intimacies between papists and Jacobites, and the whigs, 
 who before had no intimacy with them. Such are sinister and crooked 
 politics, and such their effect on the mind of a reverend prelate, in other respects a 
 most humane and charitable man, that he dreaded nothing so much as that 
 Irishmen should lay aside their fierce animosities, and, no matter what the 
 christian religion prescribes, love one Jlnother, because it might be fatal to the 
 English interest ! But to proceed. Exaggerated as the Commons' representation 
 was, of the loss which the nation would sustain by the patent; and mistated as 
 Wood's coinage was by Swift, and proved to be so by Sir Isaac Newton, the 
 discussion which it produced in the cabinet, the castle, and in both Houses of 
 Parliament, kept alive the public mind, which, two or three years before, had 
 been partially awakened by the removal of the final jurisdiction, in matters of 
 property, from the Lords of Ireland, to those of Great Britain ; when to this 
 was added, during Lord Carteret's administration, the strange effort to continue 
 the supplies for twenty-owe years, (defeated only by one voice,*) that portion of 
 
 * Colonel Tottenham's j— he deserves to be recorded ; a very trifling circumstance marks the 
 exactness, and gravity of dress, at that time insisted on in the House of Commons. He was called 
 
40 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the people, which, in truth, could then alone act in politics, was still more agitated. 
 Such legislative proceedings furnished abundant matter to the informed and 
 contemplative ; whilst the energetic sound sense, and illustrative familiar wit 
 of the Drapier's Letters, delighted, interested, and animated the whole kingdom. 
 A mass of political intelligence, political zeal, and indisposition to the domination 
 of the English legislature was thus tacitly, though tardily formed, and it only 
 required entire national aid to give it that motion which, in some years, might 
 be formidable. Limited, however, as it was, it was not inoperative ; and Walpole, 
 by timely concessions, such as the surrender of Wood's patent, and the recall, 
 or discountenance of arbitrary Viceroys, and their advisers, kept Ireland, during 
 his time, in tranquillity. There was discontent often; disturbance never. It 
 required, however, his superior good sense, conciliating wisdom, and the result 
 of that wisdom, his paciBc system, to effect what he did, and it is a plain proof 
 that he well knew, and duly estimated, the understanding and spirit of those on 
 whose regards Ireland, at that time, rested. It also proves thi^ : that the English 
 character had undergone no change in Ireland. Those of our sister country who 
 settled here, were no way dissimilar from those whom they left behind them ; 
 they liked dominion, but they also liked liberty; too much, indeed, did they 
 wish, at certain periods, at least, to confine liberty to themselves. But though 
 property may be monopolized, freedom, after some time has pa$$ed away, never 
 can. The acquired knowledge that elevates one man, will soon illuminate, and 
 animate his neighbour ; to circumscribe such knowledge is, God be praised, 
 beyond our power, and all authority that does not rest on that basis, must even- 
 tually cease to exist. But to the pride of domination, mingled with the spirit 
 of liberty, our English ancestors here added, also* perpetual anxiety for their 
 newly-acquired possessions. Hence arose the penal code against the catholics, 
 which, in truth, the history of the human heart, alone, can easily account for 
 the origin of. No sooner was that code ^rmly established, than its framers 
 turned their thoughts towards securing some liberty for themselves, and all their 
 annals, and the annals of their successors, till the American war gave the Irish 
 
 Tottenham in his boots ; because^ having, just come to town^ and hearing of the important question 
 tlien under discussion, he hurried down to the House without giving himself time to take his boots 
 off. The members stared, and the older ones, as I have been well assured, muttered sadiy, and 
 loudly, at this crying innovation, as they termed it. What would th«y say now, 1808 ? ^ 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 41 
 
 tongue utterance, exhibit nothing but indistinct murmurs in favour of liberty, 
 and the awkward dread of such murmuring, giving ofience to that nation 
 which alone could extend their privileges, and guarantee their property. 
 
 But matters could not remain very long in this situation. It is recorded of 
 Agricola, that his principal object in meditating the subjugation of Ireland, was 
 to present one uniform dread display of Roman dommation to the humiliated 
 Britons, and banish even the appearance of liberty from their sight. But when, 
 in the course of revolving ages, the reverse of this was exhibited, and the aspect 
 of British freedom was perpetually contemplated by Ireland, it demanded no 
 prophetic powers to state, that the Irish would echo, however faintly in their 
 first essays, that voice of rational liberty which awakened their neighbours, on 
 the other side of the channel, to cheerful industry, and harmonized tranquillity. 
 They did so, and if aspiring statesmen led the way, from ambiguous sometimes, 
 and sometimes prouder motives, such statesmen knew that the notes thus 
 raised by them would be prolonged, not by a blind and ductile people, as imper- 
 tinent servility always insinuates, but a discriminating community. The question, 
 which either their parliamentary dexterity might find out, or ministerial imbe- 
 cility throw in their way, would, they were well aware, if abstractedly right, 
 be not the less sedulously maintained without the doors of the House of 
 Commons, because its principal supporters within were suspected, or even 
 known to be interested, or ambitious men. Admitting that all Hume's cold- 
 blooded doubts of the purity of Hampden's motives in opposing ship-money, 
 were but too well founded, that imposition was not the less formidable to the 
 liberties of England. 
 
 Freedom must be sustained by public principle, but, in controlling the 
 march of despotism, a temporary, or even ambiguous auxiliary, cannot always 
 with entire convenience be rejected. Such is human nature. 
 
 The contest between Primate Stone, and Mr. Boyle,* was merely for power; 
 but in that contest Stone sought the aid of the crown, and Boyle, who was 
 a Whig, sought the aid of the people. It involved a question of vital magni- 
 tude to the prosperity of i:his country ; for, in these kingdoms, without consti- 
 
 ♦ Henry fioyle^ Speaker of the House of Commons in Ireland, afterwards Earl of Shannon. 
 
42 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 tutional liberty, where is prosperity to be found ; or, if found, how long can it 
 exist ? The question regarded the right of the Commons to superintend and 
 control the expenditure of the public money. From the a,ujgmented resources 
 of the country, there was a surplus in the treasury, of somewhat more than 
 ^200,000, the free gift of the people through their representatives. If the 
 public exigency, the sole object of all such gifts, was more than answered, I 
 confess I know not what worse precedent could be established, than that which 
 would allow the executive power, (a trustee merely) to dispose of the overplus, 
 as that power, or in other words, ministers, thought proper. They would take 
 . care that, if possible, there should always be a redundancy. Neither the 
 king's letter, which, in taking the money nptwithstanding the contest, was 
 arbitrary, though applied to the reduction of the public debt, nor the disposal of 
 any revenue in subsequent sessions by the Commons, in jobs, (grossly exagge- 
 rated, however, by some writers) have any thing to do with the principle of 
 this celebrated questioiL It communicated life and heat to the House of 
 Commons of -Ireland i — so rapid was the importance which it gave to that 
 assembly, that a Borough sold, in 1754,* for three times as much as was 
 given in 1750. Supposing the speculation a corrupt one, it proves the rising 
 consequence of the popular branch of the legislature, when such a speculation 
 could be made at all. More money was also expended in county elections. 
 Whoever looks into Davenant's Political Tracts will find something similar to 
 this springing up directly after the Revolution. There was much private corrup- 
 tion, but there was, also, a lofty public principle, and liberty altogether predo- 
 minant and progressive. 
 
 Thus matters stood in Irebnd, when Lord CharJemont returned there. 
 
 * Private letlere. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 4S 
 
 1755. 
 
 WE must now turn our eyes almost entirely to England, or to Ireland. After 
 a long absence of eleven years. Lord Charlemont returned to his native country. 
 The period at which he arrived here was, if not so. interesting as the two 
 preceding years, still peculiarly critical, and sufficient to engage all the attention 
 of a young nobleman like him, who, though enamoured of the fine arts, and 
 enjoying the society of those on the Continent, and in England, whose taste 
 and habitudes were congenial to his own, still never lost sight of Ireland, or 
 his duty to his country. Whilst abroad, amidst the gaieties of youth, and 
 all the fashion of that day, his character was, in some measure, already 
 established here» It is certain, that he was very generally talked of, and 
 splendid hopes were entertained of his being one day an ornament to Ireland. 
 Lord Chancellor Jocelyn, a grave and excellent magistrate,* whose panegyric 
 was never idly bestowed, spoke of him, on all occasions, as a young person 
 of whom he entertained the best expectations. He had seen several of Lord 
 Charlemont's letters, as well as the letters of many persons which related 
 to him. Other distinguished personages held the same language. These 
 were testimonies of real value, and required no slight exertion of acquire- 
 ments, just propriety, and, in some measure, brilliancy of conduct, to support. 
 Nor were the Muses silent on this occasion. Many congratulatory verses 
 were addressed to him, by those who cultivated literature, and poetry, who 
 
 * Private letters. 
 G 2 
 
MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 seemed rather to indulge the efRisions of their own sensibility, or re-echo 
 what was said by others, than to scatter any venal incense before him. I 
 could produce some specimens of such poetic offerings, not inaptly delineat- 
 ing his character, and in point of composition far above tnediocrity. With 
 Irish poets, or artists, he had then little or no acquaintance; for, most 
 singular is it, that he, whose residence was aflerwards more fixed in Dublin, 
 or near it, than that of almost any nobleman in this country, and whose 
 society was so cultivated, not only by the members of both Houses, but 
 such a variety of persons in Ireland, should, for many years, feel himself 
 almost a stranger to it. He often said, that his residing principally in Ireland, 
 when he returned from Italy, was no small effort of patriotism ; for, in no 
 part of Europe had he so few acquaintances, or friends: and it may with truth 
 be added, that in no part of Europe was an assembly of nobles, at that 
 period, of so little consequence in their senatorial capacity. His particular 
 friend. Lord Powerscourt, resided, at that time, more in England, or France, 
 than Ireland; and the only person with whom he lived in habits of strict 
 intimacy, on his return to this kingdom, was Mr. Richard Marlay, who has 
 been already mentioned. But he, as his Lordship observed, was worth a 
 million. All his other connections. Lord Powerscourt's excepted, and Mr. 
 Pierpont Burton's, were confined to Englishmen, Irish gentlemen who spent 
 their time chiefly in England, or foreigners ; but with the latter his friendships 
 were not many. Few persons who read these memoirs, are, I presume, totally 
 unacquainted with the famous political contests which so agitated this kingdom 
 in 1753. The particular question which became the trial of strength between the 
 belligerent powers. Primate Stone, and Mr. Boyle, afterwards Lord Shannon, was 
 decided in favour of the latter. The professions, or declarations of both, were, in 
 truth, Re inania, aut subdola. For, after all the tempests which shook Ireland 
 to its centre, the King's letter drew at once all the money out of the treasury ; 
 and the Chiefs, from whom all the ferment rose, acted the same deceptive 
 scenes which have been so often played in politics. Yet, firim and authoritative 
 as the English ministers were in their rapid disposal of this contested public 
 money, it is certain, that they were extremely alarmed, and some of them, 
 at least, entered deeply into this self interested quarrel. The Duke of New- 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 4S 
 
 castle particularly, who, wherever he had an opportunity, was most particularly 
 sedulous in procuring some partisans; and, as appears from authority that 
 deserves respect, through channels the most circuitous and unexpected. 
 Much, perhaps the most important part, of the political transactions of that 
 day, is now well known ; hut no inconsiderable portion of the same period 
 still remains a secret ; and could it be fairly written, a most singular political 
 history might be given to the public. In composing these differences, 
 however, the English cabinet acted a wise and moderate part. There were 
 not wanting then, as since, politicians of firmness, as they are called by 
 the grosser and servile part of mankind ; but men, in fact, of a mischiev- 
 ous levity, or a stupid and sanguinary spirit. Nothing can be more salutary, 
 or becoming, than proper resolution, at proper seasons ; but the true states- 
 man knows when to advance with a determined step, and when to recede 
 with consistency and dignity. Several adherents of Mr. Boyle had been 
 dismissed from their situations ; but the English cabinet stopt itself in mid 
 career. The members of that cabinet saw the difficulties with which they 
 were surrounded ; and, though perfectly convinced of the obliquity of many 
 who opposed, they dreaded the too great success of those who combated 
 even on their own side. Primate Stone was made use of in supporting 
 what was fatally termed the English interest ; but his intriguing and aspiring 
 temper gave much umbrage, and cause of suspicion, to those who co-ope- 
 rated with him. It was in contemplation to give him an admonitory hint, 
 that his presence, and even continued residence at his diocese, would be 
 more agreeable to a superior personage; — other councils, however, again 
 prevailed, and it was again suggested, that his enjoyment of a plenitude 
 of power would be the best security of English power in Ireland. But 
 an Ecclesiastic, invested with all the authority of the state, could not be 
 agreeable to a Whig monarch, or a Whig administration. Mr. Boyle had 
 given much offence to ministers, but they felt and acknowledged the supe- 
 riority of his understanding. He was a Whig, allied to some of the first 
 families of that connection; and though, on some occasions, and in a 
 recent transaction, (the Dublin election) particularly, he had overstepped the 
 limits of moderation, such flights were not common on his part, and it was 
 
4$ MJKMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 vlith truth belieTed, that in those instances he yielded to others, and felf 
 his error, though too late. His pecuitar sphere was the House of Commons, 
 tKA m an orator, but director. The management of contested elections, 
 lie took, aknoft eatiMj to himself, and with such a high and firm hand, that 
 few country gentlemen would continue a canvass> in their particular counties, 
 without a certainty of Mr. Boyle's support, if petitioned against. He was 
 a want), sincere friend, and undisguised enemy ;^ so that he was for 
 many years relied on by ministers ; for those of the most sound and com- 
 prehensire intellect preferred him to Stone, and thought that Ireland would 
 be &r safer in his hands, and give them less molestation, than in those of the 
 Primate. To these considerations was added another, which, as it affected 
 Ireland, had, perhaps, for the first time, its due weight with an English 
 cabinet. The question with r^ard to the surplus, though brought forward 
 by interested men, was, taken in the abstract, a question of much impor- 
 tance, and peculiarly interwoven with the privileges of the House of Com- 
 mons. It made no small impression in St, Stephen's chapel, and ministers 
 were not without appsehensions, that some members of the old Tory interest, 
 as it was then called, would, in some shape or other, bring forward the question^ 
 in the British House of Commons. That they would have been defeated 
 by a triumphant majority, there can be no doubt; but such a victory, on 
 such a question, could be no subject of congratulation to wise ministers. 
 To lull the public mind to rest on such points, not to awaken it beyond, 
 perhaps, the possibility of composure, was the object of their just deliberations^. 
 The right of the English Parliament to tax Ireland was then, and long after, 
 most strenuously maintained; but to exercise that right was^ most wisely 
 avoided. Even during the Tory administration of Queen Anne, when the 
 English cabinet was defeated by the Whig interest in this kingdom, the 
 ministers, though incensed by the opposition which they met here, and willing 
 enough to embark in perilous and unconstitutional adventures, seemed to 
 have shrunk from the encouragement of any such project as that of wresting 
 the right of taxation in Ireland from the representation of Ireland. Indeed, 
 Lord BoUngbroke, in one of his letters to the Duke of Shrewsbury, talks 
 ambiguously, and darkly, of what might be done by the English cabinet, if 
 further opposed in the Irish House of Commons. Yet, in another of his 
 
EARL OF CHi^aLEMONT. 47 
 
 letters to the same nobleman, he positivdy disdaims all int^ioo of exercising 
 any right of taxation in Ireland. The question of 1753., though it did not m 
 any shape directly touch the privilege of taxation, w*s ^iH a question tha* 
 regarded the public money, and public privileges. It was npt $iifiicifint .ftur 
 English ministers to avoid a discussion, vwhich even timr obnoxioms predecessor, 
 Boliogbroke, retired from, but to go further, and by .n -benign and heoHng 
 policy, to close at once this dangerous and invidious qi^e&tion, and bring 
 back their old coadjutors in Ireland, to the old ministerial standard. UiMler 
 the iniliiience of such sentiments, they determined to send over a .nobkmaii, 
 who, from the hereditary veneration attached to his name, from ;|he love 
 which the people of Ireland bore to his excellent ferther, who had pu^ce^ed 
 bkn not many years in the lieutenancy, bis family '^xjnn.eo^ions with the 
 Whig leaders in Ireland, and, above alj, his own probity, candouf, and snfeot- 
 ness of disposition, was most likely to compose all parties, and reconcik all 
 diflferences. This was tlie Marquis of Hartington, son of the j^uke of lil^evicar 
 shire. Private friendship had soine s^are, also, in his prc^j^otioa; ^r A|v. 
 Fo«, then in strict terms of intimacy with Lord H^Httixig^on, pr inc'tpai^ indvicod 
 his Lordship to come over to Ireknd, and evinced his v^ual good ^nse by 
 fl^h a selection. Mr. Pitt, indeed? seemed dissatisfied at the appointinent^ 
 as it displayed 4ns rival*s prepondef ancy in the cabinet at stich a critical and 
 
 interesting juncture. ^The Viceroy came. Smiles and good hvunonr feanned 
 
 their influence in the drawing room and levee, accpropanied with what 
 is not always to be ^und there, good toh and sincerity. That the tnio 
 great political oppon.ents should be in some measure brought ^gether, ap^ 
 ob%ed to coalesce, wa3 absolutely necegsary, otherwise Lord I^artington^'s 
 mission was fruitless. 
 
 Lord Charlemont, though then as it were a stranger to Ireland, not much 
 experienced in the ways of men, and certainly not at all in those of old in- 
 triguing statesmen, undertook, wiih the approbation of the Lord Lieutenant, to 
 be the mediator between them. Notwithstanding his youth and inexperience, 
 he carried his point. He reconciled them, and the wheels of government 
 moved on as before. That Mr. Boyle should admit him as a negotiator, can 
 be easily accounted for ; he w«s his relation; and, what was offer more 
 
4S 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 consequence in Mr. Boyle's eyes, than all the ties of consanguinity, though 
 himself a good-natured kinsman. Lord Charlemont had even then expended 
 no small sums of money in his political cousin's cause. Whilst absent from 
 Ireland, his brother, Mr. Caulfield^ was set up by a gentleman connected with 
 his Lordship, as candidate for the countv of Armagh, avowedly in Mr. Boyle's 
 interest. That election alone cost Lord Charlemont ^7,000. In the present day 
 such an expenditure may be laugned at, but it was then regarded as extremely 
 prodigal. As to the Primate, Lord Charlemont was acceptable to him from 
 his manners, his accomplishments, and the accounts which he had received 
 of him from his Grace's friends in England. He was, indeed, under no 
 obligation to his Lordship, as Mr. Boyle was, but he hoped to render Lord 
 Charlemont under obligations to him, and trusted to his own knowledge in 
 the arts of deception, to captivate a young nobleman, or, in other words, to 
 outwit him, as he did others, whenever an opportunity offered. His Grace's 
 blandishments, however, did not succeed. Lord Charlemont never became 
 tributary to him, or his rivals, though his interposition had united them 
 as firmly as politicians usually are. He saw through them both ; but he was 
 anxious that the tranquillity of Ireland should be restored, and that both 
 Chieftains should join in every aid to the Lord Lieutenant, whose sole object 
 was the public utility. By raising the power of the Viceroy, he hoped to 
 depress theirs, or circumscribe it within a proper and beneficial channel. 
 
 In the restoration of harmony to the castle, to the House of Commons, 
 and to Ireland, Lord Charlemont had accomplished the ends of his negotiation ; 
 but another negotiation was clandestinely pursued, and effected, without the 
 least knowledge of it on his part. The articles of the negotiation were, that 
 the Primate should have his due share of power, though not at that time, yet 
 at no distant period ; and that Mr. Boyle should be raised to the rank of Earl, 
 with a pension of ^3,000 per annum, for thirty-one years. " And this,'* says 
 Lord Charlemont,* " was the first instance that occurred to me among many 
 thousands to which I was afterwards witness, that the mask of patriotism 
 is often assumed to disguise self-interest and ambition, and that the paths 
 of violent opposition are too frequently trod, as the nearest and surest road to 
 
 * Private letters. 
 
EARL OP CHARLEMONT. 4g 
 
 office and emolument.*' His Lordship justly adds, " these frequent apostacies 
 have been used by the corrupt as an inexhaustible source of ridicule, and even 
 of argument, against true patriotism ; the same species of false wit and 
 false reasoning has been repeatedly urged against religion itself. But such 
 flimsy prattle does not merit a serious confutation. As well might we say, 
 that because there are many hypocrites, men ought not to be moral or 
 religious.**' — It may not be unnecessary to remark here, that this question, 
 however originating from motives not justifiable, first called forth the Irish 
 mind, if I may be allowed the phrase, from that stagnant, torpid state, in 
 which it had for so many years lain buried. The genius of one man had, 
 indeed, excited such a ferment in the reign of George the First, as required 
 all the sound sense, and superior wisdom of Walpole to allay. But though 
 the Drapier's Letters were the vigorous offspring of an exasperated, but most 
 energetic mind, and their influence embraced every part of Ireland, still 
 that influence predominated more in the city of Dublin than elsewhere; 
 and the grievance which they combated seemed to be regarded in some 
 measure as a municipal one, or more to be dreaded by the metropolis than 
 any other portion of the kingdom. Wood's halfpence were, in truth, not 
 so formidable as Swift thought proper to represent them ; but the demolition 
 of that man's patent, or any usurpation far more terrific, was not half so 
 salutary to the commonweal as the eternal lesson which those letters 
 read to princes and statesmen; that, although a country may be kept in thral- 
 dom, as Ireland then certainly was, and the powers of its senate circum- 
 scribed, the prerogatives of the people can be largely sustained by the 
 writings of an individual, if that individual is supported, as Swift was, by 
 the liberal spirit of the people. But liberty is one thing, faction another. 
 Let, then, the people maintain their just rights, and proscribe sedition. But 
 the question of 1753 did not rest on the efforts of any pen, however excellent; 
 it was discussed in full Parliament,* with every aid which talents, or know- 
 ledge, no matter whether generously, or invic^iously exerted, could afford 
 it. The fire which was then kindled did not, indeed, partake of vestal 
 purity, but it has borrowed, I trust, somewhat of vestal permanence. For, 
 unquestionably, from that hour, the people regarded political questions more 
 
 H 
 
 ^.■,i>i«iM,tiL.^-j 
 
50 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 deeply ; and as they respected themselves, by gradually adding to their knowledge, 
 they were of course more attended to, and respected by their rulers. The 
 rejection of the bill for appropriating the surplus, did not escape the sagacity of 
 that singular, and surely very able man, Bubb Dodington. " A measure,*' says 
 he, " productive of more mischiefs than I shall live to see remedied." When 
 Lord Melcombe wrote that sentence, he saw the future in the instant ; he beheld 
 the temper of the Irish people rising into more dignified action, and their subse- 
 quent contests for national freedom crowded on his mind. He beheld the door 
 for that freedom opened by the political obliquity of their rulers. They opened, 
 certainly ; but to shut, exceeded their power. Lord Melcombe, indeed, makes 
 use of the word mischiefs, for Lord Melcombe was a consummate courtier ; and 
 there are many who, with him, will adopt the word ; for all contests with power, 
 be they what they may, are regarded by some persons as mischiefs. But sense 
 and spirit will discriminate. 
 
 Lord Charlemont was well acquainted with the Marquis of Hartington, 
 and still more with his brothers, especially the late excellent Lord, John Cavendish, 
 whom he had long known when abroad. He renewed his friendship with him 
 here, for the Marquis was accompanied by his brothers to Ireland. With th'em, 
 as well as General, afterwards Marshal Conway, who was Secretary to the Lord 
 Lieutenant, Lord Charlemont lived in terms of perfect intimacy ; so that, 
 according to his own account, " the outset of his politics gave room to suppose 
 that his life would have been much more courtly than it afterwards proved to 
 be." From this intimacy, founded on a general congeniality of sentiments, and 
 the promptitude and success of his negotiation with Lord Shannon (Mr. Boyle), 
 and the Primate, his interest at the Castle was not inconsiderable ; perhaps more 
 substantial, had he exerted it, than at any subsequent period of his life. But it 
 lay dormant in his hands. He solicited nothing for himself or his connections. 
 His brother had chosen a military life, and the Lord Lieutenant, without the 
 intervention, or any request whatever, of Lord Charlemont, presented him with 
 a coroietcy ; — the only favour, to which any stipend was annexed, which his Lord- 
 ship received from government, in the course of a long life. The administration 
 of Lord Hartington he considered as perfectly benign, and well disposed to 
 Ireland. But truly, and even fervently, attached as he was to the Viceroy, and 
 the House of Cavendish in general ; as a public man he preserved his indepen- 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 51 
 
 dence sacred and untouched. When he thought that administration was 
 wrong, he considered it his duty, however reluctantly, to oppose it. But oppo- 
 sition in the Lords, feeble at any time during this period of Irish afiairs, was as 
 nothing during Lord Hartington's administration. A small band presented itself 
 in the House of Commons, of which, it is said. Primate Stone was the leader ; 
 sometimes open, sometimes occult, as he chanced to verge more or fess towards 
 a restoration of power. As in the division of the spoil on a ministerial revolu- 
 tion, many worthless persons, or such as over-rate their services, will be disre- 
 garded, some gentlemen, who had gone every length with former administra- 
 tions, and only joined Mr. Bo)'le, when they augured more favourably of his 
 ascendancy than the Primate's, immediately joined the latter, when they found 
 that Lord Shannon's advancement availed them nothing, and endeavoured to 
 embroil administration, by bringing forward questions, which they themselves 
 had uniformly discountenanced. But the majority of the House did not act 
 from venal motives, when they laid aside some popular motions. They thought 
 it best to discourage any new political combination of parties, whatever specious 
 and decorated banners they might advance with; and thought themselves justi- 
 fied in postponing, not finally rejecting, measures, some of which had been only 
 adopted in England, after long deliberation, whilst others of a similar tendency 
 had not been acquiesced in there, without any diminution either of publicliberty, 
 or the ancient and just reverence due to Parliament. Such were the preponde- 
 rating sentiments of the leaders of the Irish House of Commons, during the 
 Viceroyalty of Lord Hartington. 
 
 The conduct of the leaders in 1753 made a deep impression on Lord Char- 
 lemont's mind ; and, from the moment of his interviews with the Primate, and 
 Lord Shannon, he most wisely resolved to be a Freeman, in the purest sense of 
 the word. He had firmness enough to adhere to his resolution ; for, though 
 he opposed the court, he also opposed the people, whenever he perceived them 
 adopting erroneous or mischievous opinions. But the bias of his mind was 
 strongly in favour of the popular sentiment. And that this early predilection 
 might, at some casual moments, have led him into error, though certainly not 
 of any moment, cannot be denied : but it was a generous and patriotic feeling, 
 untinctured with any sordidness whatever. He conceived, contrary to the 
 opinions of many statesmen, that a liberal opposition was more necessary Here 
 
 H 2 
 
s^ 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES. 
 
 than in England. The imbecility, the general depression of the kingdom, the 
 neglect of ministers at some periods, their contempt of the country at all times — 
 contempt not confined to them, but then diffused through every class of society 
 in England — made it more particularly incumbent, as he thought, for some 
 persons here to display a vigilance in favour of Ireland, as patriotic as unsubdued. 
 When to these considerations we add the prejudices, passions, and grovelling 
 selfishness of the commercial and manufacturing interests, more deadly to our 
 prosperity than any English cabinet, as ministers were only controlled by such 
 interests, when they wished to be liberal towards Ireland ; such a combination 
 of hostility against this country, not to mention our own religious feuds, too 
 often nurtured by that hostility, may, perhaps, lead us to an opinion, that Lord 
 Charlemont was by no means erroneous in this respect. As one, therefore, 
 who possessed rank and property, he determined to remain independent, and, 
 in that character, to hold out a standard, to which, if emergencies rendered it 
 necessary, men of public spirit, and honourable principle, might, if they thought 
 proper, resort. Exalted talents he did not lay claim to, and therefore did not 
 presume to guide such persons ; but he could strictly say, that he would not 
 deceive them, or the state. As an Irish nobleman, he particularly felt the sub- 
 jugated state in which the House of Lords was placed, by the statute of George 
 the First, which deprived that assembly of its rights of final judicature. 
 
 Whether it was precisely at this period, I know not, but, most certainly, 
 in the early part of his political life, he had determined, if engaged in any law- 
 suit, the decision of which might have been unfavourable to him, or even by a 
 fictitious one, to bring an appeal before the Lords. He conceived that they, 
 who had, in truth, not acquiesced in, but resisted, as far as in their power, 
 this violent measure, were bound to, and would, receive the appeal. But a 
 severe and continued illness prevented him from engaging in this business.-^ 
 When more advanced in years, he used to speak of this illness as rather a for- 
 tunate one ; for, the House of Lords, as he discovered, would not have enter- 
 tained his suit ; and therefore his' efforts, instead of removing, would have 
 more stabilitated the usurpation. The times also fought against him. " Neither 
 Grattan nor Flood," as his Lordship said, speaking on this subject, *' were then 
 in Parliament, nor, if they were, would Parliament have encouraged them. My 
 splendid, but boyish, scheme, therefore, fell to the ground." The anecdote is. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 53 
 
 however, recorded here, as a proof how long, before the year 1783, he enter- 
 tained those sentiments in favour of the liberty of his country, which that 
 illustrious period ^o embodied and established. 
 
 , Lord Chesterfield thought proper to term the House of Lords, in England, 
 an hospital of incurables ; but by what appellation he would have distinguished 
 the Irish House of Lords, at this juncture, I cannot well conceive. However, 
 it reflects no discredit on their lordships, that, borne down as they were by a 
 power, which they could not resist, their Journals, session after session, present 
 nothing but one unvaried waste of sterility, : or provincial imbecility. The pro- 
 ceedings of many a solemn day, in the first assembly of the kingdom, are 
 recorded in the following brief chronicle :— ** Prayers. Ordered, that the 
 Judges be covered. Adjourned.'* But, whatever their unimportance, they 
 seem, in the shreds and patches of their political capacity, to have been the most 
 versatilely civil, obsequious noblemen, that could possibly exist. On the ap- 
 proaching departure of the Duke of Devonshire,* in 17^6* they address his 
 Grace in the following manner ; — '* We shall esteem ourselves greatly favoured 
 by his Majesty, (whom Gk>d long preserve) in the continuing of your Grace in 
 that high station you now so eminently fill. For, we are fully convinced, that 
 your frequent appearance in that office will add new lustre to the reign of our 
 royal Sovereign, stability to our peace, &c." with several compliments of the 
 like nature. The next year, 17 57, the nation was engaged in war, and his 
 Majesty had, according to their account, " an unnatural conjunction of powers 
 to contend with." What was their Lordships' consolation ? Let us attend to 
 their address to .his Majesty : — " When such formidable designs are laid to 
 deprive us of all our constitutional rights and liberties, it must raise the highest 
 and greatest confidence, as well as the warmest returns of gratitude and loyalty, 
 in every Protestant bosom, to know that they are committed, by his Majesty's 
 great wisdom and goodness, to the care of-—" not the Duke of Devonshire, 
 v/hose frequent appearance among them was to add such lustre to the thrsne — 
 but the Duke of Bedford ; a most respectable nobleman, certainly ; very dissi- 
 milar, however, in many points to his predecessor. But any Viceroy would, at 
 
 * Lord Hartington's father died whilst the Marquis was in Ireland, and he bad now becooa* 
 Duke of Devonshire. 
 
 Si 
 
 .,.vX_, 
 
U MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 that time, or, indeed, long after, have been equally complimented. Such varying 
 adulation can excite no levity ; it inspires far other sentiments; it shews the 
 malignant effect of overbearing power, degrading all within the influence of its 
 fatal touch, and sinking the loftiest natures to one sad level of piteous servility. 
 The ancient Greek, when enslaved, so complimented a succession of Roman 
 proconsuls ; and the modern Athenian, from his abyss of thraldom, secretly 
 murmurs against, and publicly adulates, the chief officer of the seraglio. 
 
 John, Duke of Bedford, whose family, at the revolution, was united by 
 blood, as well as political principle, to that of the Cavendishes, did not always, 
 nor, I believe, often co-operate with them in Parliament ; but his Grace was, 
 like the Duke of Devonshire, a Whig. He possessed much quickness of parts, 
 real goodness of disposition, great warmth, and great facility of temper, which 
 rendered him accessible to some who were totally unworthy of his confidence. 
 Lord Charlemont lived on cordial terms, but not of such strict intimacy, with 
 his Grace, as with the late Viceroy. The Duke's excellent qualities were always 
 acknowledged by his Lbrdship ; " but no wonder," he used to add, *' that a 
 secretary like Rigby, and a minister like Stone, often rendered such qualities of 
 no avail, and tinctured them with the colour of their own peculiar habits." — 
 As an instance of this, the first session of his administration had scarcely opened, 
 when it was stated in the House of Commons, and agreed to, *' That the pen- 
 sions and salaries placed on the civil establishment of Ireland, since the 23d of 
 March, 1755, amounted to the annual sum of ^28,103 ; that several of such 
 pensions were granted for long and unusual terms, and several to persons not 
 resident in the kingdom ; that granting so much of the public revenue in 
 pensions was an improvident disposition of the revenue, an injury to the 
 crown, and detrimental to the kingdom.*' 
 
 It was ordered, that the House should attend the Lord Lieutenant, and 
 request his Grace to transmit these resolutions to the King. The Duke's reply 
 was, *' That he could not suddenly determine whether it would be proper to 
 transmit them or not." This was on the 12th of Novemberj 1757; and the 
 House, on the Uth of the same month, resolved, by a majority of twenty-one, 
 " That all orders should be adjourned until an answer was received from the 
 Lord Lieutenant." Rigby, alarmed at this procedure, acquainted the House, 
 next day, " That he was desired by the Lord Lieutenant to state, that their 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 55 
 
 resolutions of the 1st of November should be transmitted forthwith." Such 
 were the early embarrassments into which the sinister advice of Stone, and, 
 more particularly, the violent councils of Rigby, uniformly adverse to all public- 
 spirited proceedings, precipitated the Duke. His Grace spoke frequently after- 
 wards of his hasty refusal, in terms of unqualified regret, and with great emotion : 
 but the same councils almost generally prevailed. Lord Charlemont was totally 
 incapacitated, by illness, from attending Parliament in 1757 ; but, by the aid of 
 Doctor Lucas, whom he always regarded, he in some measure recovered his 
 health before the year 1760, when his attendance in the House was constant, 
 and his opposition to Rigby's measures almost uniform. 
 
 A rumour very generally prevailed, during part of the Duke of Bedford's Vice- 
 royalty, that a legislative union of both kingdoms was in contemplation. Whe- 
 ther any foundation for such a report existed, I know not ; but it was productive 
 of much riot, dissatisfaction, and disturbance, and contributed, for some time, 
 to render his Grace extremely unpopular. It is not unlikely that Rigby, a man 
 of great political shrewdness, a boon companion, and living altogether in the 
 joyous circles of the principal men of wit, and Parliamentary leaders in Ireland, 
 should at once follow the dictates of some of his English connections,* and his 
 own inclinations, in recommending, at particular convivial hours, the necessity, 
 and, according to some politicians, wisdom of such a measure. Any discourse 
 of that nature would have been soon known in Dublin, and, from thence, 
 throughout the kingdom. But Ireland was completely adverse to any proposi- 
 tion which had such a tendency. It was not, however, the prospect of a union, 
 but the general state of politics, and, to do justice to the Duke of Bedford, his 
 own benign, ge«erous disposition, corresponding with the enlarged views of 
 some of his connections in En^and, which opened a more liberal communication 
 between government and the Catholics, than had, till then, been at all expe- 
 rienced. 
 
 When the Lords, in their first address to the Duke, told his Grace, " That 
 his Majesty's loyal subjects of Ireland had long wished to see the government 
 of this kingdom delegated to the heir and descendant of the great person (Lord 
 Russell) who had paved the way (such was their phrase) for the late glorious 
 
 * Mr. Fox, Lord Sandwich, particularlj. 
 
S6 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 o 
 revolution," there was certainly the usual superabundance of court breeding in 
 this; but it was by no means void of foundation. • Many loyal persons did wish 
 to see the descendant of Lord Russell here; but there were also. too many who 
 desired to see such an illustrious personage the Viceroy of Ireland, not with the 
 expectation, or least wish, of meeting a more exalted protector, a more mag- 
 nanimous opponent to headlong, arbitrary power, if it again reared its head, bat 
 one who might possibly display those antipathies to the very name of Catholics, 
 which, in the hour of furious party, Lord Shaftsbury, for his own purposes, 
 infused into the mind of Lord Russell. Undoubtedly, such antipathies gave no 
 additional grace or strength to that illustrious patriot's just opposition to Charles 
 the second, and his profligate proceedings. Greatly, therefore, were such per- 
 sons disappointed in the conduct of the Duke of Bedford ; and equally, though 
 agreeably, disappointed were the Catholics, in feeling the first rays of a more 
 expanded protection beam on them, from a quarter where they least expected 
 it.» Amidst all the profusion of Lord Bolingbroke's splendid declamation, and 
 paucity of genuine facts, or sober reasonings, there is one circumstance as to 
 Ireland, and some of its politicians, which is strictly true. " Without breach 
 of charity,'' his Lordship observes, in his correspondence with the Duke of 
 Shrewsbury, ** it may be said, that there is a good deal of the spirit of Cromwell's 
 agitators in the Irish Whig leaders." Too often has it been fatally felt here, to 
 the exclusion, in general, of the comprehensive policy of King William, though 
 the most proscriptive acts against Irish Catholics are strangely sanctioned, or 
 rather attempted to be so, by his resplendent name. 
 
 Whilst the Duke of Bedford continued here, France meditated an invasion 
 of this country, which, as is well known, was completely baffled by the skill 
 and bravery of Lord Hawke. His victory over Conflans prevented 12,000 men 
 from being landed in the south of Ireland ; and of five frigates, carrying twelve 
 hundred men, destined for the invasion of our northern coasts, and to divert 
 the attentian of government, three frigates only, with about six hundred men, 
 entered the bay of Carrickfergus, on the 2 1st of February, 1760. The rest was 
 
 * " Via prima salutis. 
 Quod rained reris, Grai^ pandetur ab arbe." 
 
 How often does this occur in our progress through life ! 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMOKT. 57 
 
 dispersed by storms. This small force wasxominanded by a '^ffonsieur Thurot,* 
 a very brave and intelligent man, who, .sometimes as a navai bfficef-^.' but mudi 
 oftener as a smuggler, visited the coast of Iijelandi-and was perfectly acquainted 
 with it. Thurot, in a council of war, advised, that without attending to 
 Carricktergus, they should immediately sail up'to^Belfafity/ai larger ebmmerciali 
 and very opulent town ; but Monsieur de 'Mobert> wfao.wksi.at the head oftha 
 whole embarkation, diftbred fronfi .his eblledgue, ; and insisted^ /that to learb 
 behind them such ajortijitd place as Carrickfet"gtiS(| {an oM halfoxiismatrtied 
 castle) would he against all military rules and;preceddnlsj -Tfalirdt adhered to his 
 opinion. Flobert pourqd forth ail his military leaniing^^iimd cbncfaided with ii> 
 voking the manes of Vauban ! Thurot gave way, atliast, atid Beliast was saved from 
 complete plunder, by Iheories, and misplaced' eloquence. - A word or two, as to 
 the French commander, may be permitted here. /This Mfonsieiirf'lobert- seems 
 to have been a singular character. In bravery, simplicity, (SiifEciency of reading 
 to lead him totally astray, and fancy siniilitud^s where there: were none; addeid 
 to an eternal talk of the disciplines of wars, he wasMKitru^iike Fluellen, hi 
 Shakespear*s Henry V. Lord Charlemcmt^^ kindness and! polite attention to 
 him had entirely engagedjiis affections; and *when, -after much^difBculty, he 
 obtained leave to go to London, he requested Lord Chfflrlemoat (who was also 
 going there) to permit him to accompany hisi JLordship. When they arriv^ 
 at Chester, he heard that there were robbet-s tm.. the road, add immediately 
 consigned whatever money he had to the x:ane< of liord Charle^Tiont, being satis- 
 fied that they would not venture to attafck so great a man. He happened to be 
 with his Ix>rdship in London, when some one canie in and mentioned that it 
 was positively fixed that Earl Ferrers should; su^r deaths Flobert was all amaze- 
 ment. — " Mais, mon Dieui'' said he, with the utmost eagerness, to Lord 
 Charlemont, " est ce vraiment, ws wi /an^jqifon va pendre pour avoir tu^ un 
 pauvre diable ! Un-.Comment I'appelleivousl un irw^tr^d'hotel! un petit bourr 
 geois,** — " Oui, vraiment," replied L(ntllChariei|Qont3H^(iet non. seulement un 
 milord, mais parent du rbi,"— ;-" ParVjleu 1' - criedbFbberi, 'shrugging up hijs shoul- 
 ders, *« cela est assez siogalitfr ; maiisj. api?^jha«t,.tres-beau. Qui ..Tris-beaxi 
 
 en verite.".,:j: : J ^ ; • ijsii:!; .i ' ;i-jvi>8 Li^ :i'j-! Oii ; noioH «■-^iii,i q-j.!, i; vj..;:! .^J 
 
 Lord Rothes, the com mandjer in chief*! iwas ssent > fbihvard to- the north, 
 and the Duke was determined to follow him, as he assured Lord Charlemont ; 
 who, as governor of the county of Armagh, immediately waited on his Grace 
 
58 'MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 to receive, hift commands. From the castle Lord Charlemont proceeded directly 
 to Belfast^ which he found as well defended as the time and circumstances would 
 permit. "The appearance of the peasantry/* said Lord Charlemont,* " who 
 had thronged to its defence, many of whom were my own tenants, was singular 
 and formidable. They were, drawn up in regular bodies, each with its own 
 chosen officers, and formed in martial array; some few with old firelocks, but 
 the greater mimber armed with what is called in Scotland the Loughhaber axe, 
 i scythe fixed Ibngitudinally to the end of a long pole, — a desperate weapon, and 
 which they ^toould hate raaifai a desperate lise of. Thousands, were assembled in 
 asiTlail oir6uiit>; bufc .-ilhesen thousands u^cresb thoroughly impressed with the 
 nectiskity of regBlii^ity^:tbat the.towa was perfectly undisturbed by tumult, by 
 riot,, or even by drilnkennessi.'' The counti^ had poured forth its inhabitants 
 trtth sticU tapidityiadd spidt, (^ it)ore than 2000 of the militia, as it was 
 termed) but armed -and clothed ati jbhcbr own expense, had been brought from 
 thedifiefeDti BorthemfdDQntie»)r that whoa Lord Charlemont amved at Carrick* 
 fergus,' thie esiimy}s:6cet< had reimhadcedi anal was only waiting for a favourable 
 mind. Flobert^ and some of his. officers and men, were lefit behind wounded. 
 Lord Cfaarleknohty with his, usual humanity and politeness, visited them ; and, 
 by his hifluea^eaodaissisitdiicey^rDoiire^ suchaccooimodations, and necessaries, 
 asi, in an etasperitibd towit) might not otherwise have been obtained. They 
 were deiightedito find a man to whotm they could pour ibrth their complaints in 
 their own language, ; add theiil loquacity itias tihiitinitM. A few ancient matrons 
 of the place assured him, in terms at least as positive as querulous, that the 
 vioiatioh of their property was not the only species of violation which they had 
 to lament. He condoled wiili thidm ;: hut to remedy tlieir complaints was, of 
 course, beyond his powen His fttvsence, however, added not a little to the 
 gallant spirit which prevailed. > Though the inhabitants had sustained some loss, 
 their invaders had* not gaitied much ; and,. in a short time, the general course of 
 affahrsjusumied its ordinary estMbt.^ The incidents, therefore, on this his ifirst 
 ^mHiaryN^xipedition to BeUsst ibd'C^iddbrgias, which he afterwards visited as 
 theicominanderof tiiotisands, Usede but trifling. vBuit what he then was witness 
 to, made a deep impression ; he beheld several hundreds of peasantry rushing 
 ^k'ectly'lMom 'thieir fields; submitting tb military discipline, exposing them«elves 
 
 . , * iPrivate papera. 
 
EARL Ot (3HMtiB«i€im'. ^ 
 
 to every inGonvenience, as if they had been v«terjrtife; at4& rt^hiUt they remasned 
 at Belfast, protecting ity without TH)t/WSthid>tit1h^g«liarky/)f^^ AJI that 
 
 had been related by vfirious Authors 6f the Mliia*y spirh^tf the Itishj was recalled 
 to hit mernory; whilst the appearance of the toen ijonffiiroed the tiestimdny of 
 Spencer,* as to the galknt iieiririg Ahd WiHtbry port of trishfnen/ Tltieir native 
 ardor, at that moment, .proved to hini -Kiir^ eaipable «uch men are of defending' 
 their country, if they are, in peace, nursed under the wing of civil wisdom, and, 
 in war, led on to the field, by a fortitude and frankness rnmilar to their own, 
 
 'lis If this French force had landed in the sbutfi of Ireland, where CatlioHcs 
 were predominant, there is, on the Whofe, just reason to imagine, from respect- 
 able cotemporary evidetiCe, that it wbuld Have been equaMy repdied there. It is 
 due to the memory of Lord Chesterfield to^ state, that the effects of his lenieht' 
 and wise administration were felt even aftfeir tTie period I now treat of; and tfce' 
 Duke of Bedford, as has been menttotied, regarded the Cathdics With a 
 benignity unknown to most bf his prfedecessofis. TliC despicable poHey of 
 exciting one religious sect against another, through too long ^miliar to frish' 
 statesmen, was, at that moment, most happily, not practised. Irishmen were 
 not, if I may so express it, goaded iiito loyalty. Uncoereed by domestic malice',' 
 and unappalled by foreign levies, they bravely seconded a brave English navy,' 
 and Ireland was saved. ::; u .-r:r • >« ; ,t ■ .j-ry; i i.ii 
 
 ' The Duke of Bedford, when aHuding to this invasion, ift his speech from; 
 the throne, showed a generous, becoming candour, and did justice to his €)wn 
 feelings and those of his royal master. ** The spirit of his Msgcsty'S sul^jects 
 in the north of Ireland was so efFectually applied, as to prevent any considerable 
 damage to he done by the enemj, till the regular troops, Which were at a 
 distance, could be brought up; wherefby the enemy was intimidated frofh 
 advancing beyond the walls of Carrickfergus. This his Majesty sees, with gitat 
 pleasure, and approves the spirit exerted on that occa^ion.^ — On^'fe subsequent' 
 day, the Duke proved himself not unmindful of Lord 'Charlemon'fs conduct at 
 this critical period. When Lord Northtimberiand, before beset out for Ireland, ' 
 was desired, in council, to ofler Lord Charlemont -ah earlddfe, die t)«ke of Bed- 
 ford took that opporttmity to expatiate on his meritfeV and pdrticukrly dwelt oh' 
 the alacrity and loyal spirit which his Lordship displayed on th^ landing of the 
 
 • See his View of the State of IrelaDd. 
 I 2 
 
60 : IdEMOmS OF JAMES, 
 
 Fr^ch troops, in 1760. TIms evinced much nobleness of mind; for Lord 
 Char^cpiont had opposed many ;of his- Grace's measures in Parliament. It is 
 ^Iso-to be recorded, to th^ honoiJi: of the Duke's memory, that when public 
 Credit had sunk almost to the lowest depth, inthefirstyearof his administration, 
 he obtained a King'^i fetter for ^20^000, and relieved the distresses of the 
 poor of the metropolis, as far j)^rl:^^j»^ ^s any Yiperoy, in a similar situation, 
 could possibly have done. , ., 
 
 His Grace returned to England in the summer of 1760. On the 25th of 
 October, following, died his Majesty, George the Second, a prince justly entitled 
 to the respect, and grateful veneration, of his subjects. The first Lord Lieute- 
 nant appointed under the new reign, was Lord Halifax, who came to Ireland in 
 October, 176J. It cannot be altogether uninteresting, or useless, to touch 
 briefly on the characters of those noblemen who have successively filled, during 
 Lord Charlemont's time, the very high station of Viceroy of Ireland. Lord 
 Halifax was great nephew to the famous Earl of Halifax, who is, perhaps, equally 
 well known by the name of Charles Montagu; a man most servilely applauded 
 as a poet, and most justly as a statesman. Swift insulted his memory, although 
 he declared, that Lord Halifax was the only Whig in England whom he loved, or 
 had a good opinion of; and Pope, having complimented him in prose, abused 
 him in verse, too pointed, and too malignant, to be easily forgotten by the 
 generality of mankind. Such is the candour of professed satirists. His suc- 
 cessor, the Viceroy now alluded to, inherited no small portion of his abilities, as 
 well as his ambition. He was a nobleman of great elegance of person and of 
 manners; in short, thoroughly versed in the trade of a refined and eloquent 
 courtier, and an intelligent, useful man of business. He was attended to 
 Ireland by a gentleman who derived no celebrity from his ancestors, however 
 respectable, but vwis the founder of his own fame and fortune. This was Mr. 
 Qerard Hamilton — emiiient for his very Angular talents, ai>d as much distin- 
 guished by his speechj as his silence, in the House of Commons. The un- 
 common splendor of his eloquence, which was succeeded by such inflexible 
 tefcciturnity in St. Stephen's cbapelj became the subject, as might be supposed, of 
 n>uch, and idle speculation* The truth is, that all his speeches, whether 
 delivered in LondonnOr Dublin, were not only prepared, but studied, with a 
 minuteness and exactitude, of which those who are only used to the carelessness 
 
 >^ 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. ' 61 
 
 of modern debating, can scarcely form any idea. Lord Charlemont, who had 
 been long and intimately acquainted with him, previous to his coming to 
 Ireland, often mentioned that he was the only speaker, among the many he had 
 heard, of whom he could say, with certainty, that all his speeches, however long, 
 were written and got by heart. A gentleman, well known to his lordship and 
 Hamilton, assured him, that he heard Hamilton repeat, no less than three 
 times, an oration, which he afterwards spoke in the House of Commons, and 
 lasted almost three hours. As a debater, therefore, he became as useless to 
 his political patrons as Addison was to Lord Sunderland ; and, if possible, he was 
 more scrupulous in composition than even that eminent man. Addison would 
 stop the press to correct the most trivial error in a large publication ; and 
 Hamilton, as I can assert, on indubitable authority, would recall the footman, if, 
 on recollection, any word, in his opinion, was misplaced or improper, in 
 the slightest note to a familiar acquaintance. Painful pre-eminence ! Yet this 
 weigher of words, and balancer of sentences, was most easy and agreeable in con- 
 versation. He passed his time, except with unnecessary anxiety as to his lite- 
 rary fame, unembarrassed and cheerful, among a few select friends of either sex ; 
 (to the fair sex he rendered himself peculiarly acceptable ;) intriguing statesmen, 
 and grave philosophers. Johnson highly valued him, and was never slow or 
 reluctant in acknowledging the superiority of his talents, or the generosity of his 
 disposition towards those whom he valued and admired. Lord Charlemont was 
 the person who first introduced Edmund Burke to Hamilton — an introduction 
 which, I believe, led to Burke's subsequent fortune. These extraordinary men 
 were afterwards at variance, and Lord Charlemont, being a friend to each, was 
 chosen mediator in their whimsical quarrel, as his Lordship termed it. But 
 whence that quarrel arose, or what was its conclusion, I know not. — It hap- 
 pened that at the time Lord Halifax was appointed Chief Governor of Ireland, 
 I^rd Charlemont was in London, where he resided constantly, when the Irish 
 Parliament was not sitting. An event took place at this period, which, though 
 seemingly unimportant at first, involved, as Lord Charlemont conceived, to a 
 certain degree, the honour of Ireland, as the prerogatives of its nobility must 
 always be connected with the national rank and character. The Princess 
 Charlotte of Mecklenburgh had been happily chosen as the consort of his 
 Majesty, and was daily expected in London. A number of the Irish Peeresses 
 
6a MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 was there just at that time, and, as a matter of course, they were prepared to 
 walk in the processioa at the royal nuptials ; when, a short time before the 
 Queen landed, the Duchess of Bedford received orders to acquaint them, that 
 they were not to walk, or form any part of the ceremonial whatever ! That 
 they were most justly mortified at such an uncourtly, and unexpected mandate, 
 even the most rugged philosc^her must allow. To bid fair ladies " lay thdr 
 costly robes aside," on such an occasion ; to exclude the noblewomen of Ireland 
 from sharing in the honours of an august ceremony, which equally interested 
 both nations, was exposing them to ridicule, and Ireland, whose Peeresses they 
 were, to contempt and degradation. They applied, therefore, to Lord Char- 
 lemont, to interest himself in their behalf, and vindicate the rights and privi- 
 leges of the Irish Peerage. Too young then, and too well bred at any period of 
 his life, not to obey the commands of ladies, had any thing been wanting to 
 ensure such obedience, their bright eyes, of course, rained influence, and decided 
 him as to the business. So, forth he issued, their proclaimed and adventurous 
 champion. To such of the nobility as were then in town he immediately 
 addressed himself ; but, alas ! his chivalrous ardor was most miserably, or rather 
 not at all, seconded. That, from long habitude, depressed, and neglected, they 
 should cease to feel as patriots, or even for their own body, was nothing extra- 
 ordinary ; but that, as Irish gentlemen, they should not feel, when the rights 
 of ladies, and their own countrywomen too, or the wives of their countrymen, 
 were concerned, is passing stra^ige. Whether they did not chuse to give offence, 
 or whether any of them might unfortunately have recollected, that some of their 
 predecessors -had been once maliciously told, that they could not expect to walk 
 at any royal procession, except a funeral, as they would then be in their proper 
 station, as Irishmen, and might hozcl as much as they pleased ; but, in short, 
 they declined all interference, all tilts, and joustings whatever on the occasion, 
 and left Lord Charlemont to enter the lists alone. Such is servitude ! Let Irish 
 ladies, therefore, (as, to do them justice, they are ever most patriotically 
 inclined) always exert their just influence in preventing their lords from deviating 
 from political rectitude; as this instance alone must prove, that slaves are 
 unworthy their regards, and that those who are timid, and negligent of the best 
 rights, or any rights of Ireland, will be equally supine, equally neglectful, of 
 theirs. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 63 
 
 At last, however, Lord Charlemont found one nobleman. Lord Middleton, 
 whom this piteous torpor did not reach. He attended Lord Charlemont to 
 Bushy Park, (the residence pf the Earl of Halifax) and stated the matter to his 
 Lordship. The Viceroy met their wishes with a politeness equal to their own, 
 and immediately waited on his Majesty, to whom he humbly submitted this 
 claim of the Irish ladies. His Majesty's answer, as might be expected, was 
 most gracious and condescending. But the note of Lord Halifax, which stated 
 the King's benignity as it deserved, stated also, that a council was ordered to 
 be summoned next day, before whom precedents, to establish the claim, should 
 be laid ; and Lord Charlemont was, to his great astonishment and distress, 
 ordered to furnish such precedents. A young nobleman of fashion is generally 
 not very conversant with the Herald's office ; precedents, and all the solemn 
 records of similar pageantries, were terra incognita to him. The time drew 
 near ; his embarrassment was extreme. To desert the women he could not 
 think of; but how to produce these tremendous precedents, he knew not. At 
 last Lord Egmont came into his recollection. That nobleman, whom he had 
 long known, could, he was well convinced, give him notable assistance. — 
 Early the next mom was the grave Earl of Egmont's bedchamber besieged by 
 Lord Charlemont ; when, after a thousand apologies, (Lord Egmont was not 
 out of bed) he stated his errand. Never were errand, or communication, more 
 acceptable. Lord Egmont had, as is well known, excellent talents, and well 
 adapted to the discharge of the highest public duties ; but they embraced a 
 variety of objects ; and in the genealogy of several British, or Irish families, 
 he was as particularly conversant, as Atticus is stated to have been in that of 
 the great Roman houses, the Marcelli, the Qaudii, and others. His heraldic 
 knowledge was also singulariy minute and circumstantial ; and, on points of 
 precedence, or adjusting the. slow and solemn steps of exalted personages, at 
 public ceremonials, neither Mowbray, nor Lancaster Heralds, Blue Mantle, or 
 Rouge Dragon, could venture to approach his Lordship. 
 
 He entered immediately into the subject, panegyrized Lord Char- 
 lemont for the part he had taken, and added, that he hoped he might 
 without vanity say, that he was as fit a person as his Lordship could apf^y 
 to, as he had written an essay, or book, on the rights of the Irish Peerage. 
 He arose, furnished Lord Charlemont with the desired precedents, which, 
 
64 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 as the council met early, were transmitted to Lord Halifax, most miserably, 
 and ill-favouredly written. — It will be scarcely credited, but it is most sadly true, 
 that the claim was not only opposed, but even with virulence. The old 
 Lord Delawar was furious against it. Lords Halifax and Talbot were for it. 
 Such were the debates, and so balanced were the parties, that the council 
 broke up, and decided nothing. Lord Egmont's precedents could not, 
 in truth, be set aside; but the pertinacity of some Lords was invincible. 
 At last his Majesty most generously put an end to the unworthy contest, 
 and issued his order that, at the ensuing ceremonial, the Irish nobility 
 should walk according to their respective ranks ; that is, Irish Marquisses, 
 or Earls, after British Marquisses, and so on. 
 
 Lord Charlemont, disgusted at the opposition to a claim so reasonable, 
 resolved, as far as in him lay, that it should be above all cavil in future, 
 and by his inteference, several Irish nobility of every rank walked, and 
 their names were inserted in the ceremonial. This business made a great 
 noise in London ; and, whilst it was depending, Lady Hervey, to whom 
 Lord Charlemont had the honour of being known, as all the celebrated men 
 of rank and talents in London or Paris then were, assured him, that Lord 
 Bute conversed with her frequently on the claim which had been instituted; 
 that he considered it as perfectly well founded, and highly applauded Lord 
 Charlemont's conduct throughout the whole of the negotiation. Some 
 propositions, but rather indistinct, were then made by the minister to Lord 
 Charlemont, as to the Irish nobility walking at the ensuing coronation ; 
 they underwent some discussion, but were afterwards dropped. This contest, 
 according to Lord Charlemont, clearly evinced the propensity of some 
 English statesmen, in those days, to dispute the rights of Ireland in every 
 instance, even in comparatively unimportant matters. The recollection of it 
 was never effaced from his mind, and had some influence on his Parliamentary 
 conduct at a subsequent period. If, therefore, some persons frown at the length 
 of this, detail, I can only endeavour to propitiate them, by observing, that the 
 unwise opposition to so slight, but just claim of the Irish Peeresses, was thus, in 
 some measure, the foundation of the independence of Ireland. It is not the 
 first time that the claims of ladies, whether ill or well founded, and their dis- 
 satisfaction at being excluded from honours and distinctions, which others of their 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 6S 
 
 sex of birth, not more illustrious than their own, were in possession of, have 
 caused no slight changes in the countries to which they belonged. When 
 the younger Fabia, as we learn from Livy, accidentally discovered that, 
 though married into a noble family, she was not permitted to enjoy dis- 
 tinctions and rank, similar to those of her sister, her mortification was 
 only terminated by a most considerable change in the Roman state — the 
 admission of Plebeians to the consulate : and thus have great alterations 
 often arisen from events not the least likely, at first sight, or to a com- 
 mon observer, to be any way capable of producing them. 
 
 The door of communication between a Lord Lieutenant and the Catholics, 
 too long, and inauspiciously closed, had, as already stated, been partly 
 opened during the late Viceroyalty. It was now proposed to open it 
 somewhat wider. A measure was brought forward in the House of Com- 
 mons, which plainly evinces that the English government was resolved to 
 do something with regard to the Catholics ; and the Irish legislature, at that 
 time, was resolved to do nothing. As it is well known that Lord Charle- 
 mont differed from many of his friends, on what may be generally termed 
 the Catholic question, and did not change his sentiments in that respect till 
 late in life, — in truth, he never abandoned them altogether — it may be 
 matter of curiosity to trace the course of his feelings in this momentous 
 business. Fortunately I am enabled to give his own opinion in his own 
 words, not merely of the measure immediately to be touched on, but also 
 of the state in which the Catholics then stood; the disinclination of far 
 the major part of the Protestants to concede any thing to them, the furious 
 and malignant hostility of some of the Irish leaders to their countrymen, and 
 the mistaken policy of a powerful English administration, in not opposing 
 that hostility. It is to be observed, that Lord Charlemont continued, as 
 usual, perfectly independent ; and though, as to regular opposition, if it may 
 be so termed, there was none, still there were a few in both Houses who 
 resisted some parliamentary measures, not without success, and prevented 
 government, in some instances, from doing mischief. 
 
 — " One measure, proposed by the Earl of Halifax's administra- 
 tion," say^Lord Charlemont, ** was not, I confess, so disagreeable to me 
 
 K 
 
66 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAME^, 
 
 as it* certainly was to the majority of Irish Protestants. The situation of 
 the Cathohc gentry of Ireland was, at this time, truly deplorable. The 
 hostile statutes enacted against them, however their necessity may have 
 ceased, were still unrepealed ; and, respecting devise and inheritance, they 
 laboured under the greatest hardships. In time, however, it might be 
 hoped that these difficulties would be palliated, or perhaps removed ; but 
 they were subjected to one inconvenience, which seemed to be so interwoven 
 with the existence of a Protestant interest and government, that sound 
 policy, and, indeed, necessity, must for ever prevent its being remedied. Their 
 sons were destitute of profession ; the only occupation left them was foreign 
 service, and of this they availed themselves ; but as the French service, in 
 which a national brigade had been formed for their reception, was tliat to 
 which they most frequently resortedj they often found themselves com- 
 pelled to fight against their king and their country, and to exercise their 
 native valour to the destruction of that soil from whence it was derived. 
 At this time, when we were involved in a war with Spain, the Portuguese, 
 then esteemed the natural allies of Great Britain, had warmly solicited some 
 effectual and permanent aid from the English court, and a plan was formed 
 to comply with their request, by suffering them to raise, among the Catholics 
 of Ireland, six regiments, to be officered with Irish gentlemen of the same 
 persuasion, and taken into the pay of Portugal. To this effect a motion 
 was made in the House of Commons, by Secretary Hamilton, and supported 
 by a torrent of eloquence which bore down all before it. Never had such an 
 oration been uttered within those walls; and if, in the more attic times 
 of our rising state, it may have been surpassed, the superior dignity and 
 importance of the subjects have assisted our more modern orators full as 
 much as their superior abilities. The measure, however, was warmly oppo- 
 sed ; the danger was alleged of suffering so great a number of Catholics to 
 be arrayed, armed, and disciplined, who, though in a distant and friendly 
 service, might, at some unforeseen, but possible crisis, return to their 
 native land, to the manifest danger of the Protestant interest in church and 
 state. It was also said, that Ireland could not spare so many of her inha- 
 bitants ; that the south and west, where these recruits would ^principally 
 
 • Private papen. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. ^7 
 
 be raised, were thinly peopled ; and that the cultivation of those countries 
 would be checked, if not entirely annihilated. Though I felt the weight 
 of these arguments, the liberality of the plan was so pleasing to a youthful 
 heart, free from prejudice, and deeply impressed with the wretched situation 
 of my Catholic countrymen, that 1 could not help wishing its success ; and the 
 bigotted zeal, which evidently appeared to be the real basis of the opposition, 
 undoubtedly added strength to my wishes. The force of the first argument 
 was lessened by the consideration, that, of these intended regiments, the officers, 
 at least, would be no v^ry considerable accession to the Popish array, since it 
 was more than probable, that the majority of them would consist of gentle- 
 men already disciplined, who would willingly quit the Irish brigades, for a 
 friendly and legal service ; and thus far the measure wouM operate favour- 
 ably, as we should be enabled to recal our brave countrjinen from the 
 service of our enemies ; and, at least, to direct the course of that valour which 
 our unfortunate circumstances forbad us to employ in our own behai-f. The 
 loss of inhabitairits was not much ; the deftilcation of three tiiousand mca 
 could scarcely be supposed capable of annihilating the cultivation of two 
 great provinces; neither did they seem well entitled to the benefit of this 
 argument, by whose oppression double the number was annually compelled 
 to emigration ; and it was but too evident that a principle of the most 
 detestable nature lay hidden under this specious motle of reasoning. The 
 Protestant Bashaws of the South and West, were loth to resign so many of 
 those wretches, whom they looked upon, and treated, as their slaves. When 
 abroad I had been intimately acquainted with many of my countrymen in 
 foreign service, and never knew one who did not regret the horrid necessity 
 of bearing arms occasionally against his country. My most particular 
 friend, the brave, and truly amiable general O'Donnell, when speaking ou 
 this subject has often wept. 
 
 " These circumstances may certainly have biassed my judgment; and, 
 though contraFy to my wishes in some degree, it was not, perhaps, impru- 
 dent or impolitic, that this measure, which undoubtedly might have been 
 carried, was finally given up by government. Yet, whatever may have 
 been the prudence of a concession so unusual in Irish administration, I 
 cannot give them much credit for it, since the real cause of their forbearance 
 
 K 2 
 
68 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 most certainly was, tliat, of the great undertakers for government in the 
 House of Commons, some of the most powerful were Southern Bashaws, 
 whose prejudices were to be respected, and whose wishes were not to be 
 controverted." 
 
 Such was Ireland at that time; but I must observe, that many who 
 took the lead then in Parliament, and the Irish councils, were by no means 
 tinctured with this sad malignity. Mr. Malone, and others, were too wise, 
 too liberal ; and it really must excite some astonishment that they were 
 enabled to uphold the English government at all, with that government 
 not always disposed towards them, the mass of the people generally 
 dissatisfied with them, and English councils; whilst the Provincial Ba- 
 shaws, as Lord Charlemont justly calls them, lent to a sanguinary code 
 new severities of their own, and almost gave to the battles of more than 
 half a century past, all their concomitant terrors, — but no calm, — no 
 oblivion. It is impossible not to contemplate, with satisfaction and 
 gratitude, the change which has since taken place; the almost entire 
 abolition of that iron code, and those iron manners which it necessarily 
 engendered ; for, surely, till the united Irishmen began their sad work of 
 desolation, a most beneficial metamorphosis had taken place in the public 
 mind of Ireland, and we did not regard each other with that hereditary 
 scowl, and descendible mien of disgust, and alienation, which so long de- 
 formed the countenances of Irishmen. As the rebellion which lately took 
 place did not owe its rise to any relaxation of the great penal code against 
 Catholics, so neither would the restoration (as some basely and foolishly 
 counsel) of that code prevent its recurrence. But the most salutary laws 
 must have time to take root ; and if that wise melioration of the Catholic 
 system was too newly adopted to withstand a revolution, which, in its course, 
 (such is the will of Providence) has crumbled potentates, princes, and 
 principalities to atoms, who can be surprized ? Who does not know, with 
 what slowness and reluctance, prejudice and ignorance give way even to 
 the most enlightened benignity? and that, however gratitude may take place 
 in our bosoms, for benefits at length conferred, the quickness of its growth 
 will not always equal the keen remembrance of our oppression, especially if 
 that oppression has, at some periods, been uncouthly, or awkwardly 
 removed. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 69 
 
 When an English administration attempted, in the manner wc have 
 described, to break, not the chain, but the slightest link of that ch»iii, 
 which separated Irishman from Irishtnan, and Ireland almost from Great 
 Britain, it was an effort of unmixed policy and benignity. Political 
 necessity, or a deplorable vicissitude in our afiairs, had no share in it what- 
 ever. The preeminence of England was then at its height. Allied to 
 America, which she had so well defended, France every where humbled, 
 and even tremblingly anxious for a close of hostilities; to a nation covered 
 with the spoils of war, and re-echoing only the songs of triumph, the 
 depressed and subjugated catholic could not give one anxious or uneasy 
 moment. Superior political sagacity, regarding the brilliancy of that day 
 with a glow of transport, but provident of the future, might, indeed, con- 
 template a possible change of scene with emotion, and look for no slight 
 support, in such a change, from a countenance of &vour to the catholics, 
 and gradual union of all ranks, or classes in Ireland. But such political 
 prescience, and wary conduct, are not often to be found, and, least of all, 
 in the hour of great prosperity. Some dawnings, however, of that light, 
 appear in the measure proposed, and it is to be lamented that they were so 
 soon obscured. But England, for a century past, and indeed mudi longer, 
 seems not to have known, or wished to know, much of the real situation 
 of Ireland, or the principal characters who, whether of more or less impor- 
 tance, presided in it. With some resemblance to persons who read merdy 
 for occasional company and conversation, without drinking deep of the 
 springs of any knowledge whatever, the acquaintance of her ministers with 
 this country seems to have arisen from gleams, and snatches, from the 
 casual report of the day, some temporary, and too often, time-serving, 
 distorted dispatch. It sprung up with, and was adapted to, the pressure of 
 the moment, and witli that pressure it soon faded away. When England 
 rose to superior greatness and splendour, too many of those Biinisters 
 superciliously and ungraciously turned themselves from us; \rhen it was 
 overwhelmed with calamity, they precipitately and ungraciously conceded. 
 " We never had leisure to think of that country, (Ireland) when we were in 
 power," says Swift in one of his letters to Lord Bolingbroke. A sen- 
 tence which, as far as it goes, is no unfaithful portrait of moat English 
 
70 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 ministers since his time.— A new scene has now opened to England ; she 
 has lost America, much of her influence on the continent, and expended, in 
 her wars with France, sums, of which our ancestors could not form any 
 idea whatever. But she has framed a legislative union with Ireland, aud 
 France seems resolved, notwithstanding that momentous event, to separate 
 the two countries, if ever it is in her power so to do. Baffled, as I trust 
 all such efforts will be, it is now more particularly the boundcn duty of 
 England to look to Ireland. Every circumstance with regard to our civil 
 or religious polity should be attended to. Our domestic manners, our 
 domestic history. To form an exact and comprehensive judgment of such 
 subjects, a knowledge of the present fleeting hour, or the actors now on the 
 political scene, will be totally inadequate, without some acquaintance, also, 
 with >vhat has already past, and the eminent men who, for the last half 
 century, have taken the lead in the legislative councils of Ireland. 
 
 The voice, indeed, of the Irish senate was seldom heard on the con- 
 tinent; and, it is to be lamented, but too feebly and indistinctly in Great 
 Britain. Beyond the precincts of this kingdom, any record, however bfiief, 
 of the transactions of that parliament, or those who were most conspicuous 
 in it, will, in all probability, be rather uninteresting. If debates on the 
 most important subjects, at Westminster, soon fade from the memory, or 
 cease to be objects of particular regard; if, as Mr. Burke has justly observed, 
 most of the deliberations in Sir Robert Walpole's time, compared to those of 
 the present day, are mere parochial discussions, how little can the history of 
 local and limited politics occupy or engage the attention of the generality 
 of readers? Yet the politics of Ireland have now, for many centuries, been 
 interwoven with those of Great Britain and its best interests. Even to 
 those, whose solicitude for the general welfare of the empire is not aug- 
 mented by any legislative duty, it may be matter of historic, certainly of 
 liberal curiosity, to acquire some knowledge of the eminent men, who, with 
 the aid of British statesmen, often without it, and under too many discou- 
 ragements of every sort, domestic or external, influenced the deliberations 
 of the Irish Parliament, and, in truth, preserved the connection between the 
 two countries. Many of them were men of such experience, of intellect 
 so seasoned, so wary, so provident, so mixed with political knowledge. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 71 
 
 and improved by exertion, that an entire delineation of their characters 
 would be more suited to the writer of Irish aflairs in general, than memoirs 
 like these. But to sketch some of the most prominent features of their 
 minds, their habits, their political qualifications, and parliamentary history, 
 may not be altogether uninteresting. Such parts of this work can scarcely 
 be called digressions, or if so, they must, I think, be rather approved of 
 than condemned. They will enable the reader to form a more accurate idea 
 of the period in which Lord Charlemoat lived, and he will be known much 
 better, when we view, at the same time, many of those who are thus placed 
 around him, whether statesmen, personal, ot political friends, or political 
 opponents. Their history will, sometimes, best elucidate his. — At the time 
 that Lord Halifax visited Ireland, with Mr. Hamilton as his Secretary, 
 Eloquence, or at least the higher species of it, that faculty which, whilst it 
 instructs, animates, and impels the mind almost as it pleases, was, in general, 
 disregarded. A certain degree of political ferment is necessary to the 
 existence of oratory ; and when the state becomes torpid, oratory will soon 
 be equally so. The blaze which had been excited in 1753 was no more 
 seen. The Chiefs who fanned that flame were completely gratified 
 by the court, and had not the least inclination to indulge the public with 
 such spectacles longer than suited their own sinister ambition. At this 
 memorable period, Anthony Malone* had taken a part, such as might be 
 expected from the preeminence of his intellectual powers; but, as it was 
 the greatest, so it was, I believe, the last of his oratorial triumphs. 
 Happily for the public, who derived such benefit from his Forensic labours, 
 the vigor of his mind remained unbroken almost to the hour of his disso- 
 lution ; but though he sometimes spoke in the House of Commons, no 
 occasion presented itself, or, in his opinion, a similar exertion of iiis unrivalled 
 talents was not requisite. It is to be observed that, though an excellent 
 ischolar, educated at Christ-church, Oxford, where he distinguished himself, 
 he always spoke with more force than elegance. Refinement of language 
 was not to be found in parliament at this time, nor for many years preceding. 
 So far from it, that an unlettered style, almost approaching to coarseness 
 
 * Chancellor of the Exchequer, &c. &c. in Ireland. 
 
72 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 and vulgarity, was the only one permitted by the House of Commons. 
 Some of the old members, (such is the force of habit) insisted, that business 
 could not be carried on in any other, and the young members, till Mr. 
 Hutchinson appeared, would not venture to contradict them. The genuine 
 business of the House will always remain in the hands of a few, but parlia- 
 mentary peaking was, in those days, confined also to a fe:w ; the Secretary, 
 the leading commissioners of the revenue, the attorney-general, and one or 
 two commissioners, grave Serjeants at law. Men of sterile, and^ 
 almost interminable rhetoric. If a contested election, or some such 
 question, called forth the exertions of the gentlemen last mentioned, 
 they never thought of closing their speeches, till repeated hints 
 from their party obliged them so to do. If, to the dismay of the House, 
 they rose near midnight, they were as certain, though sad, harbingers of 
 day, as " the bird of dawning" ever was. The House was astonished at the 
 laborious constancy of such men, and often resigned all speaking to them, 
 in a kind of absolute despair. 
 
 John Hely Hutchinson, Father to the Earl of Donoughmore, and Lord 
 Hutchinson, introduced a classical idiom into the House of Commons. No 
 member was ever more extolled, and more in fashion than he was on his first 
 appearance there. He opposed government upon almost every question, but 
 his opposition was of no long continuance. — As an orator, his expression 
 was fluent, easy, and lively; his wit fertile and abundant; his invective 
 admirable, not so much from any peculiar energy of sentiment, or diction, 
 as from being always unclogged with any thing superfluous, or which 
 could at all diminish the justness and brilliancy of its colouring. It ran 
 along with the feelings of the House, and never went beyond them. He 
 saw what the House could bear, and seemed to take the lead in directing 
 their resentment rather than in pointing his own. On such occasions he 
 sunk, as it were, into a temporary oblivion of his own disposition, (for he 
 was naturally very irritable) and appeared free from all unseemly impetuosity, 
 indulging the keenest wit, equally within the rules of the House, and the limits 
 of decorum. The consequence of this assumed calmness was, that he never 
 was stopped. The House was paid such deference to, that it could not, and 
 received so much entertainment, that it would not interfere. The members for 
 a long time remembered his satire, and the objects of it seldom forgave it. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 73 
 
 In his personal contests with Mr. Flood, (and in the more early part of 
 their parliamentary career they were engaged in many,) he is supposed to have 
 had the advantage. The respect which he uniformly observed towards the 
 House, and the style of his speaking, might have contributed somewhat to this. 
 His oratory was of that gayer kind which captivates an Irish auditory, and 
 incorporated itself more easily with the subjects which, at that period, engaged 
 the attention of the House of Commons. It was, therefore, without derogating 
 at all from his talents, the contention of Demosthenes and Hyperides, on points 
 where we may justly conclude, from the characters of those two emiaent 
 Athenians, Hyperides must have been superior. To Flood's anger, Hutchinson 
 opposed the powers of ridicule, to his strength he opposed refinement, to the 
 weight of his oratory, an easy, flexible ingenuity, nice discrimination, and 
 graceful appeal to the passions. As the debate ran high. Flood's eloquence 
 alternately displayed austere reasoning, and tempestuous reproof; its colours 
 were chaste, but gloomy; Hutchinson's, on the contrary, were of " those 
 which April wears," bright, various, and transitory; but it was a vernal 
 evening after a storm ; and he was esteemed the most successful because he 
 was the most pleasing. 
 
 In every thing that he said in the House of Commons, he seemed to have 
 a great sense of public propriety ; he was not tedious, but he sometimes enlarged 
 on subjects more than was necessary; a defect which his enemies criticised with 
 peculiar severity. But Mr. Gerard Hamilton, (than whom a better judge of 
 public speaking has seldom been seen,) observed, that he was that speaker, who, 
 in his support of government, had always something to say which gratified the 
 House. " He can go out in all weathers,'* continued Mr. Hamilton, *' and as 
 a debater is therefore inestimable. 
 
 He had attended much to the stage, and acquired a clearness and propriety 
 of intonation, that gave what he said great impression. In his younger days 
 he lived in great habits of intimacy with Quin, who admired his talents, and 
 improved his elocution. 
 
 From some of his coadjutors he differed in one respect particularly ; he 
 
 never recommended a bad measure, that he might display an obtrusive and 
 
 vulgar zeal for government, nor appeared a champion for British interest in 
 
 preference to thatof his own country. He always spoke of it with respect and 
 
u 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 affection ; and as, in the course of time, questions came forward, which, when 
 he first engaged in business, Parliament would have shrunk from, he was no^ 
 awed into silence, but supported them all. The Octennial bill, the Free Trade, 
 the Catholic bill, in which he was followed with hereditary talents and spirit, 
 and latterly the Parliamentary reform. On the last- mentioned subject he spoke 
 with no diminished powers ; time had, indeed, changed his manner, but it was 
 the placid manner of dignified age, and the House seemed to listen to him 
 with peculiar and grateful satisfaction. His acceptance of the provostship of 
 Trinity College was an unwise step ; injurious to his peace, and almost clouding 
 every prospect in his profession, the highest honors of which he would, in all 
 probability, have otherwise attained. After a long enjoyment of Parliamentary 
 fame it was then said, that he was no speaker ; and, after the most lucrative 
 practice at the bar, that he was no lawyer. But the public ultimately decides 
 \vith propriety and candour. All the force of wit and talents arrayed against 
 him, in his academical quarrels, could not authenticate these supposed disco- 
 veries of his want of knowledge and ability ; his country thought far otherwise, 
 and his reputation as a man of genius, and an active, well-informed statesman, 
 remained undiminished to the last. 
 
 He was a man of high spirit ; when he left opposition in 1 7^, and took 
 the prime serjeantcy, someof his enemies attempted to attack him in the House 
 of Commons ; but he asserted himself with such a lofty and firm tone, that it 
 was thought prudent to attack him no more. In private life he was amiable, 
 and in the several duties of father and husband, most exemplary. 
 
 Sir Richard Cox, one of the commissioners of the revenue, took a lead in 
 the House of Commons at this time, — a man of sound sense, and who always 
 spoke with a perfect knowledge of his subject. A late under-secretary of state 
 in England, (Mr. William Knox) who was bred under him, speaks highly of 
 his talents and aptitude for business. Asa public speaker, he was particularly 
 fluent, but inelegant, setting the graces perpetually at defiance ; never, as an 
 eminent person once said of him to me, at a loss for a word, and that word 
 always a bad one. But good sense, in whatever homely garb it may be dressed, 
 will eventually find its way, and establish, though late, its just authority over 
 the minds of men. Many harmonious triflers, who were his contemporaries, 
 and whose natural presumption, augmented beyond all bounds by the silly 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. rt 
 
 plaudits of some of their auditors, made them regard Sir Richard as a Scythian 
 compared to themselves, soon beheld a long night of oblivion close over their 
 heads ; whilst the clear understanding, and profound, though unadorned, know- 
 ledge of Cox, are still remembered with respect. 
 
 Francis Andrews, Provost of the University of Dublin, and one of the 
 Privy Council in Ireland, is entitled, from the superiority of his talents, and the 
 conspicuous part which, for several years, he acted in the politics of this country, 
 to particular notice. He was elected Fellow of Trinity College in 1741, and 
 succeeded Dr. Baldwin, as Provost, in 1758. It is pretty generally known that, 
 in the more early part of his life, he was the friend and admirer of Mra. 
 Woffington, that celebrated woman, who, when we reflect on her beauty, her 
 acquirements, the fascinating powers of her conversation, and the influence 
 which she possessed over the minds of some men of the most exalted under- 
 standings, may be justly considered as the Aspasia of these kingdoms. This con- 
 nection is merely alluded to, as the Popular prints of that day insisted, that 
 Andrews owed his advancement to the successful exertion of her interest; an 
 assertion than which nothing had ever less foundation. Baldwin was a Whig. 
 As Toryism predominated in the University at the time of his appointmeat, 
 the statesmen of that period, in order to eradicate Jacobite principles, supported 
 him in all his academical prdceedings, and it is certain that he ruled over that 
 respectable seminary with almost unlimited sway. But, though an absolute, 
 he was a decorous sovereign; and, some few instances excepted, did not abuse 
 his power. The same may be said, and at least with equal truth, of his successor. 
 Doctor Duigenan, who knew him well, and was a fellow of Trinity College 
 during part of his provostship, has told us, and justly, that he governed the 
 university for many years with great reputation. 
 
 He represented his native city of Derry in Parliament, and soon became 
 a leading member ; for he spoke often, and always with unquestioned ability. 
 He was devoted to the court system. Principibus placuisse virU, was the 
 avowed maxim on which he acted, and with peculiar success certainly ; for few 
 men ever rendered themselves more acceptable to the great ; not merely to 
 statesmen, or those who had it in their power to serve him, but to the gay, 
 and fashionable part of the higher orders; and such was the versatility of his 
 talents, that when in Italy he no less charmed, and almost astonished, the 
 
 l2 
 
76 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 learned professors of Padua, by his classical attainments, and the uncommon 
 quickness, purity, and ease, with which he addressed, and replied to them, in 
 the Latin language, than he captivated our young men of rank, then resident at 
 Rome,* by his lively and accommodating wit, his agreeable, useful, and miscel- 
 laneous knowledge. 
 
 Yet his manners were not refined *, Sir Robert Walpole would have relished 
 them more than Lord Chesterfield j but they were frank and open, accompanied 
 with so much good humour, good nature, and real benevolence, that he had 
 few, if any, personal enemies. He was fond of, and indulged in the pleasures 
 of the table, but he added to the number of his friends ;-J~ and, when the chair 
 of the House of Commons was vacant, by the resignation of the late Mr. 
 Ponsonby, in 177^3 he displayed the extent of his influence, in that assembly, 
 by the election of his friend Mr. Pery J to the office of speaker, who, though 
 eminently qualified for such a station, was much indebted to Andrews for his 
 just promotion. Two men of more dissimilar habits perhaps never existed ; yet 
 the most cordial union subsisted between them from their earliest days to the 
 year 1774, when Lord Pery witnessed the last mournful scene of Andrews' 
 life at Shrewsbury. He was deeply regretted ; and Rigby, who loved him, who 
 was delighted with his colloquial powers, as his own were pre-eminent, § wept 
 
 liMs a 8hild at th§ intelligEncc of hia dcathi 
 
 Though perfectly disinterested, he was of a temper naturally aspiring. To an 
 intimate friend he expressed his concern that he had relinquished his profession., 
 
 * From the information of the late most amiable Duke of Leinster particularly, and many 
 gentlemen vi^ho lived much with him at Rome. 
 
 t His constant appellation, among those who were intimate with him, was, " Frank of many 
 friends." 
 
 i Now, (1604,) Lord Pery. 
 
 ^ The loss of this gentleman's society, and conversation was, a few years before, and on a 
 
 very different occasion, lamented by his former friend, the good natured, and unsuspecting Lord 
 
 Holland. 
 
 ■*' But, Rigby, what did I for thee endure ? 
 
 ** Lost converse '.—Never thought on without tears ! 
 
 See Lord Holland's verses on his return to Italy, 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. n 
 
 (the law,) for the Provostship. It is equally certain that, a year or two before he 
 died, he considered his necessary academical engagements as totally incompatible 
 with those of a political nature, and lamented the ardor with which he had engaged 
 in the latter. In the disposition of his property he shewed an unfeigned respect 
 for the University, bequeathing a considerable sum for the foundation of an obser- 
 vatory, and the cultivation of astronomical science. 
 
 He first sat in Parliament for Middleton in the county of Cork, and was 
 
 sworn in as member for tViat torougVi, S^tK October^ 1755. I'liat most amiable 
 
 and excellent young nobleman, Francis, Marquis oi Tavistock, father of the 
 late, and present, Duke of Bedford, took his seat in the Irish House of Com- 
 mons, on the same day, as representative of Armagh. It is but a just tribute to 
 departed worth, to add here that, during the residence of the Marquis in Ireland, 
 he engaged the affections and esteem of every one who had the honor of being 
 known to him, by the politeness and sweetness of his manners, and uniform 
 propriety of his behaviour. His father was, at that time, and in the year 1 757, 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Lord Tavistock, as is well known, died by a fall 
 from his horse in hunting. During the autumn of the following year, (1768,) 
 the Duke of Bedford visited Dublin, and was installed Chancellor of the 
 University with much solemnity, and magnificence, in the old hall of Trinity 
 
 College. Dr. Andrews, then Provost, made an inauejural speech on the occasion. 
 
 which was much admired, especially that part of it where he alluded, with a 
 generous and affecting tenderness, to the melancholy event of the preceding 
 year ; it was short, and mingled with that respect to the feelings of the Duke, 
 which his presence, and the moment naturally required. I remember it well ; 
 and the very different sentiments with which I soon after read that part of the 
 letter of Junius, which, with a cruelty, I believe, unparalleled, brought before 
 an aged parent his lost and only son, to grieve still more his wounded heart. 
 To describe such atrocity as it deserves, even the language of Junius himself 
 would be inadequate. The Duke's journey to Ireland was, as I have been 
 well assured, in a great measure undertaken to afford some relief to his mind, 
 though his satirist says, that he addressed him because he felt nothing ; but, to 
 the malign coldness of a determined party-writer, nothing is lenerable or sacred ; 
 nor truth, nor sorrow. 
 
7» MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Philip Tisdall, Attorney-General, cannot be omitted in a work of this kind. 
 The singularity of his talents and temperament demand a more peculiar delinea- 
 tion of his character. He came into Parliament in the year 1739, as represen- 
 tative of the University of Dublin. This respectable situation he occupied, 
 though* not without some trouble, and much personal obloquy, at every elec- 
 tion, to the time of his death, in 1777. 
 
 He had an admirable, and most superior understanding ; an understanding 
 matured by years ; by long experience ; by habits with the best company from 
 his youth ; with the bar, with Parliament, with the state. To this strength of 
 intellect was added a constitutional philosophy, or apathy, which never sufiered 
 him to be carried away by attachment to any party, even his own. He saw men 
 and things so clearly ; he understood so well the whole farce and fallacy of life, 
 that it passed before him like a scenic representation, and, till almost the close of 
 his days, he went through the world with a constant sunshine of soul, and an 
 inexorable gravity of feature. His countenance was never gay, and his mind 
 was never gloomy. 
 
 He was an excellent politician, equally able to draw government into diffi- 
 culties, and bring it out of them again, though it must be allowed, that he 
 never abused the confidence of government. Far from it. But when ministers 
 here found themselves embarrassed by neglecting to consult him, which was 
 sometimes the case, he enjoyed their distress with peculiar complacency, and 
 with a face of Erebus, no lover was, at that moment, more pleased, nor Stoic 
 more immoveable. He seemed to have acquired an entire power over his 
 senses, and when his mind was most impregnated, and his passions most 
 engaged, he looked, if, in his opinion, the measure required it, as if he had 
 almost ceased to see, to hear, or to speak. 
 
 He was an able speaker, as well at the bar, as in the House of Commons, 
 though his diction was very indifferent. He did not speak so much at length 
 as many of his parliamentary coadjutors, though he knew the whole of the 
 subject much better than they did. He was not only a good speaker in Parlia- 
 
 ♦ He was opposed at his first election by Mr. M'Caulay, a good lawyer, and respectable man. 
 Pean Swift supported M'Cauley, who, on the casting up of the poll,. had a majority of votes, but 
 tb0 court-party set his election aside, and declared Tisdall the sittiog member. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 79 
 
 ment, but an excellent manager of the House of Commons. He never said too 
 much. He had great merit in what he did not say, for government was never 
 committed by him. He plunged into no difficulty, nor did he ever suffer his 
 antagonist to escape from one. 
 
 To liberty, or the people, he was no enemy. He was too well acquainted 
 with the laws not to respect the constitution. He knew his own abilities too 
 wdil not to be convinced that, in a free country, government could not go on 
 without him ; and that, whilst he was consulted by administration, it never would 
 overset the liberties of the people. To form a just estimate of his principles, it 
 is necessary to know what government did not do. This was the case with Mr. 
 Malone, and one or two eminent men. They differed from the patriot not in 
 principle, but as to the place where such principle might, at that time, be most 
 efficaciously displayed. They struggled for the country in the Cabinet, as the 
 orator often did, or said he did, in the House of Commons. This mode of 
 conduct may appear strange, but it arose from the situation of Ireland, which 
 those most able men did not wish to see engaged in quarrels with England* 
 Their desire, therefore, was to do things calmly and quietly. They moderated 
 parties, checked the too forward zeal of courtiers, and tempered the ardour of 
 patriots. They postponed, but never thought of attempting to extinguish, any 
 question relating to public liberty. ** You may observe,** said Mr. Tisdall to 
 one of his friends, who was with him at his villa of Stillorgan, which com- 
 manded a view of the sea, " that the taking the embargo off corn has improved 
 my prospect. You now see some ships. I signed the proclamation for taking 
 off" that embargo ; but, the proclamation for laying it on, I took care not to 
 sign that." He was the first person who omitted, in the revenue bill, the clause, 
 providing that the act should continue till the end of the next session. It was, on 
 his part, a patriotic and provident measure. The English council restored the 
 clause, which was afterwards a subject of debate in the House of Commons, 
 and, in that debate, Mr. Tisdall was the only person who was personally 
 attacked, though he alone, of the Irish Cabinet, had any merit on the question. 
 But parliamentary hostility is often misplaced, and, from the nature of a popular 
 assembly, such errors are unavoidable. 
 
 On some miserable, ill-advised contest of government with the city of 
 Dublin, the crown lawyers marshalled themselves in sad and painful array, to 
 
80 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 support the nonsense of administration " I shall leave my ragamuffins where 
 they will be well peppered,'' said Tisdall, to a gentleman of the bar, who stood 
 near him, and walked out of court. - . 
 
 He was a profound lawyer, and his opinion was frequently resorted to from 
 England. In domestic life he was social and agreeable. His table was remark- 
 ably splendid and magnificent, and often, as the public prints said, subservient 
 to political purposes. But with what truth the observation was made I know 
 not. When abroad, particularly at Spa, he lived with almost equal splendour. 
 Take him, all in all, he was, in some respects, one of the most singular, as 
 unquestionably he was, by far, one of the most able statesmen, whom 
 Ireland ever beheld. 
 
 Mr. Henry Flood spoke, for the first time in Parliament, during Lord 
 Halifax's administration. He was fired by Hamilton's success, and complimented 
 by Hutchinson, who opposed him. Every one, in short, applauded him, 
 Primate Stone excepted, whom he abused, and who was not sufficiently politic, 
 or magnanimous, to pass over the invective of the young orator. During the 
 first part of Mr. Flood's speech, his Grace, who was in the House of Commons, 
 and did not know precisely what part the new member would take, declared, 
 that he had great hqpes of him ; when Flood sat down^ his Grace asserted, 
 .with some vehemence, that a duller gentleman he had never heard. I shall have 
 occasion to touch on Mr. Floods character more fully in the course of these 
 Memoirs. Lord Charlemont, who thought highly of his talents, was, at vari- 
 ous periods of his life, closely connected with him. 
 
 Mr. Edmund Pery, afterwards Lord Pery, came into the House of Com- 
 mons in the year J 751. The subsequent session of J 733 was remarkable for 
 the first great parliamentary contest in Ireland. The Duke of Dorset, 
 son of the celebrated and amiable Lord Dorset, was then Lord Lieute- 
 nant ; government was led on by Primate Stone, a man of unbounded ambition. 
 Lord Charlemont, who knew him perfectly, often assured me, that the temper 
 and genius of the English people, and English constitution, averse to all ecclesi- 
 astical interference, or domination, (which the Primate was well aware of) alone 
 prevented him from nspiriug to a distinguished place in the councils of Great 
 Britain, lie was brother to Andrew Stone, who possessed considerable know- 
 ledge and ability, a principal figure in the court of Frederic, Prince of Wales. 
 Mr. Pery at first acted with government, or, what was then called, the Primate's 
 
EAtlL OF CHARLEMONT. g! 
 
 pnrty ; and afterwards, in the session of 1755, rendered liiinself congpicuoia, 
 by opposing, though Avith a small minority, colonel Conway,* then secretary 
 to the Marquis of IJartington. Party- writers said, that this opposition was 
 merely in compliance with the wishes of his friend, the Primate. But, if his- 
 tory in general is to be read with caution, the political history of the day should 
 ever be regarded with particular distrust. Mr. Pery could little brook such sub- 
 jugation. He was, sometime after, the leader of, what was called, the Flying 
 Squadron : a party attached neither to the court nor the opposition, and occa- 
 sionally joining both. When acting with administration, he was oilered the 
 place of Solicitor-General, but he <lid not chuseto be their servant, and disdained 
 to clothe himself in the spoils of his friend, Mr. (jore, (Lord Annaly) who then 
 held that place.* — He was master of his profession ; and not only that, but an 
 admirable Member of Parliament. It may be justly said, that there was scarcely 
 any great public measure adopted in Ireland, whilst Lord Pery engaged in 
 business, which had not its seminal principle in his comprehensive mind. The 
 corn laws, the free trade, the independence of the Irish Parliament, the 
 tenantry bill, were framed with his assistance, and would not have been carried with- 
 out it. The tillage of Ireland may be regarded as his child. — The superiority which 
 a certain rectitude of mind and understanding has over talents and pertinacity, is, 
 sometimes, evinced in no small degree. During the discussion of a question, 
 which Mr. Pery had favoured, and distinguished himself by its support, he was 
 answered by Secretary Hamilton, in a speech of unexampled eloquence. He 
 rose directly after Hamilton had sat down, not, he said, to reply, but at once to 
 declare, that he was convinced. 
 
 Whoever is well acquainted with the House of Commons, Itnows, that there 
 are too many persons of mere talents, who would have displayed no such inge- 
 nuousness ; for, to combat, at all events, and concede no point whatever, 
 seems to be an established maxim with the leaders of debate in general. Mr. 
 Pery, by acting in a contrary manner, divided theglory of the day with Hamilton ; 
 the latter carried the palm of genius, and Pery that of v.isdom. In truth, h* 
 saw furtlier before him than almost any man of his time. In good sense he was 
 inferior to none ; in fortitude, superior to most men. He delivered the boldest 
 sentiments in the calmest manner, so that fortitude did not seem the effort of 
 
 * Aftervrards Marshal Coaw-a/. 
 M 
 
ik 
 
 MEMOIRS or JAMES, 
 
 his inind, but its ordinary temperature. He spoke with peculiar gravity and 
 dignity, and feeling. His arguments, or their principal ^points, were fully, but 
 briefly stated. On no occasion were his speeches declamatory. He sometimes 
 rose above others, not less by the firmness of his^fmper, than his disdain of 
 mere rhetorical flourishes. When the right of England to make laws for 
 Ireland was mentioned in the House of Commons, (some years previous to Mr. 
 Grattan's address on that subject) a general disposition prevailed to decline giving 
 -any opinion on the question. There was certainly much speaking, but the 
 claims of England we'-e alluded to, in similies and metaphors, the result of 
 habitual subserviency, and false or illusive eloquence. But Pery said, " that 
 he saw no reason for making use of any indistinct, or figurative language. He 
 would speak out, — the Parliament of Great Britain had no right to make law 
 for Ireland.*' In these days some persons may smile at such an instance being 
 adduced of political courage. But, to judge of other times by our own, is the 
 characteristic of a mind, presumptuous and superficial. — He was master of that 
 great science of a genuine statesman, the doctrine of non-interference. He 
 knew that legislation, like every thing else, had its limits, and that much was 
 to be left to the unrestricted sense of mankind. He never was a minister, nor 
 wished to be one. Perhaps he knew some of his countrymen too well, to be 
 either their idol, or their minister ; but he often instructed, often controlled, or 
 checked, the members of administration ; and, it is no disproportionate lan- 
 guage to say, that he was frequently resorted to by different classes of men in 
 public life, almost as an oracle. He was, perhaps, one of the best Speakers 
 that ever sat in the chair of any House of Commons. His mind seemed to 
 keep pace with every question, and follow the debate in all its various forms. 
 It was not an anxiety for a particular motion, but a general parental care of, 
 and solicitude for, the well-being, the dignity of the House of Commons, and 
 wisdom of its deliberations. Hence, though alwaysremembering that he was 
 the servant of the House, not its dictator, it was perfectly easy for those, who 
 were accustomed to him, and took a part in business, to know at once, from his 
 looks, whilst they were speaking, whether their speeches, in his opinion, gave 
 an additional light, or interest to the debate. 
 
 There was no interruption, no impatience ; but, to make use of a drama- 
 tic allusion, he so blendecl himself with the entire business of the scene, that 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT' $| 
 
 an intelligent d^ater, by observing him, almost instantly felt where he was 
 most right, or discovered where he was moat wrong. He preserved order, 
 without encroaching on the popi^ar nature of the House of Commons. 
 He suffered no usurpation, or ministerial le|g;erdemain, from the treasury 
 bendb- The old memb^ were respected, the young were encouraged, 
 all were attended to^t ^n private life, notwithstanding his grave and serious 
 demeanour, no man was ever more friendly, more benign, and, to the young 
 p^ple, more accommodating, or more pleasingly instructive and indulgent. 
 
 To transmit hi^ or any man's, name to after ages, these imperfect pa^s 
 are, I am perfectly seinsibl^, totally inadequate. Bul^ as long as Ireland 
 retains any memory of its parliament, or those who, from the best motives, 
 swayed its deliberations, it must venerate the name of Lord Pery. Such were 
 the principal men at this time, 1761, in the House of Commons. — Mr. Malone 
 had now passed his sixtieth year, and did not take the lead, which he formerly 
 did. However, he occasionally spoke, and, on particc^ occasions, with-suc^ 
 superiority of clear, unaffected, and almost irresistible eloquence, as oonr 
 vinoed Mr. Gerard Hamilton of the justness of that eulogium, which his 
 predecessor in oiUce, Lord George Sackville, had pronounced on his talents, 
 in the year 1753. There were also several most respectable members of the 
 Lower House, who were excellent Parliament men, paid the utmost attention 
 to the business of the House, and, on all occasions, supported the character 
 of independent, useful country gentlemen, Mr. Robert French particularly, 
 Mr. Brownlow, the unvarying friend of Lord Charlemont, and his country^ 
 through life, and whom I shall mention hereafter. Sir Lucius O'Brien, and 
 others. Of the lawyers, Mr. Dennis, afterwards Lord Tracton, Mr. Fite- 
 gibbon, father 9f the late Lord Chancellor Clare, men eminent for their pro- 
 fessional knowledge and. ability, and who would have been respected in any 
 free enlightened assembly in Europe; — Mr. Harwood, most deservedly cele- 
 brated for the acuteness of his understanding, his pleasantry, and original 
 wit and humour. There were other gentlemen who, as has been always the 
 fashion in Ireland, were bred to the bar, but did not pursue it as a profession, 
 
 * Whep Mr. Fox was in Dublin^ during part of Ae winter of 1777, ^ ^Wtt, ai I hav« beea 
 afisuted, much struck with, and ^>oke in the most £ivourable ternw of, Mr. Perj'i condnct in th« 
 •hair of the Kouse of Commons, which he cocsidered aUnoit as a (oodel* 
 
 MS. 
 
84 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 or, if they did, not ardently, and were much better known, in society, jor the 
 House of Commons, than in the courts of law. I shall mention Mr. Robert 
 Fitzgerald particularly, as he was one of the few gentlemen in heland, who at 
 ihat tinie cultivated polite literature, and the fine arts, and was much respected 
 by Lord Charlemont, whose taste, in some measure, corresponded with his, 
 though their political sentiments were different. Mr. Fitzgerald was descended 
 from the antient houses of Desmond and Kildare, confessedly one of the 
 most illustrious families in Europe. The particular branch, from which he 
 claimed his descent, has been for centuries distinguished by the appellation 
 ef Knights of Kerry.* He came into Parliament at a very early period of Kfb, 
 and was afterwards judge of the Admiralty in Ireland, a place \^'hich, at that 
 time at least, required but little attendance. 
 
 In the year 1/65, being a man of a most classical mind, he visited Athens, 
 the Greek islands,| Constantinople, and returned by Warsaw, to pay his re- 
 spects to Stanislaus Poniatowski, the gay and accomplished' king of Poland, 
 whose court, at that period, was equally eminent for its elegance and its 
 dissipation. To the Polish monarch he was personally known in 1754, when 
 that sovereign, then a private gentleman, visited Englbnd: lie was also, as I 
 have been informed, much liked and esteemed by Ed\vard, Duke of York. In 
 the House of Commons, he acquitted himself with great respectability, and 
 generally, though certainly not always, AOted'with the court. Between Doctor 
 Andrews, the Provost, and him there subsisted a long and uninterrupted friend- 
 ship, and the former corresponded with him when abroad: Andrews' letters from 
 Spain were, as I have been, told, peculiarly agreeable. Mr. Fitzgerald always 
 formed part of that societ}',. so celebrated for their lively talents, their con- 
 vivial wit and humour, andi which is even now (1803) so fondly remembered 
 by its few, very few, survivwig i7x;mbers. They were, in general, excellent 
 scholars, and men of the worlifi An uncommon union. When Higby resided 
 in Ireland, he lived with that society almost entirely. Mr. Fitzgerald possessed 
 an excellent taste, particularly/ in paititings, of which he had formed a good 
 
 *" See Appendix B; 
 
 t He « mentioned b^. Doctor Chandler in his travels through Asia Minor, who met, him and 
 Mr. WiJbraham a: Smyrna, on iheir return from Athens, 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. ^ 85 
 
 collection. Towards the close of his life he resided much in the country, which 
 he well knew how to improve and adorn.* His manners were very gentleman- 
 like and pleasing. 
 
 Lord Charlemont attended the House of Lords constantly this session, 
 though there was no question whatever debated there of the slrgl^tesf conse- 
 quence. Lord Bowes, the Chancellor, was a man of considerable ability. He 
 was a native of England, but pursued the profession of the law in this kingdom ; 
 having passed successively through the offices of Solicitor, Attorney- General, ani 
 Lord Chief Paron, he was, on the death of Lord Jocelyn, promoted to the 
 peerage, and custody of- the great seal. He presided in ihe House of Lords 
 with dignity ; and his eloquence, whenever he had occasion to exert it in 
 that limited sphere, but, particubrly^ when he had attended the bar, was 
 applauded by the best judges.-}- 
 
 The Earl of Kildare, afterwards Marquis, and Duke of Leinster, premier 
 peef of Ireland, had great weight and authority in the House Y)f Lords;, not 
 merelv from his rank, considerable as it was, but from the honourable and 
 generous part which he always took in the affairs of Ireland. He seldom, if 
 ever, spoke in public ; he particularly distinguished himself in. the political 
 struggle of 1753, and, disdaining to crouch to an intriguing and ambitious 
 prelate, or the viceroy, J whom, it is to be lamented, that prelate too much 
 influenced, he presented a memorial to the late king, which, in respectful, but 
 spirited language, stated the grievances of Ireland, and particularly the mal- 
 administration of Primate Stone. According to the words of the memorial 
 " His grace had made use of his influence to invest himself with temporal 
 power, and affected to be a second Woolsey in the state.*' The memorial con* 
 eluded in these words^^ '* your Majesty's interest in the hearts of your loyal 
 subjects is likely to be afFected by those arbitrary measures, as few care to repre- 
 sent their country in parlian>€nt, where a juntoof two or three men disconcert 
 
 * See Arthur Young's travels through Ireland. 
 
 t A letter from the celebrated Bishop Berkeley, publ'uhed in a work entitled *' Literary Relics," 
 mentions his speech on tije trial of Lord Santry before the Lords/ (he was then attornej-general) 
 in, the highest strains of panegyric. 
 
 + 
 
 The Duke of Dorstt 
 
86 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 every measure taken for the good of the subject, or the cause of commoii 
 liberty. Your memoralist has nothing to ask of your Majesty, neither place, 
 civil or military, neither employment, or preferment for himself, or his friends ; 
 and begs leave to add, that nothing but his duty to your Majesty, and his 
 natural hatred to such detestable monopoly, could have induced your memcv 
 ralist to this presumption/' 
 
 This remonstrance, which seems evidently to have been dictated by the heart, 
 and forms altogether a singular contrast to the gaudy rhetoric, and sickly air 
 of some addresses of modern times, occasioned much surprize, and gave great 
 oflfence to part of the English cabinet. Seldom, very seldom indeed, have the 
 members of that cabinet cause to be so ofiended. Excepting some occasional, 
 and necessarily protracted visits to England, where he was as highly respected, as 
 illustriously allied,* Lord Kildare resided in Ireland almost constantly. He 
 not only supported his senatorial character with uniform independence, but, as 
 a private nobleman, was truly excellent, living either in Dublin or among his 
 numerous tenantry, whom he encouraged and protected. In every situation 
 he was of the most unequivocal utility to his country ; at Carton, in the Irish 
 House of Lords, or that of England, (he was a member of both,) or speaking 
 the language of truth and justice in the closet of his sovereign. 
 
 No man ever understood his part in society better than he did; he was 
 conscious of his rank, and upheld it to the utmost ; but let it be added, that he 
 was remarkable for the dignified, attractive politeness, or, what the French 
 call, nobleness of his manners. So admirable was he in this respect, that when 
 he entertained some Lord Lieutenants, the general declaration, on leaving the 
 room was, that, from the peculiar grace of his behaviour, he appeared to be 
 more the Viceroy than they did. He was some years older than Lord Char- 
 lemont, and took a lead in politics when that nobleman was abroad, and for 
 fonoe time after his return to Ireland ; but when the House of Lords became 
 more the scene of action, they, with the late Lord Moira, generally co-ope- 
 rated ; and, in truth, three noblemen so independent, this country, indeed any 
 country, has seldom seen. Lord Halifax was personally liked, as a Viceroy 
 
 * He was married, in 1 746, to Lady Emilj Lennox, sister to tlje Duke of Richmond, at that 
 time one of the most celebrated beauties of the £nglish court. . 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 87 
 
 of courteous demeanour will, for a certain time at least, always be. Mr. Gerard 
 Hamilton captivated, and dazzled the House of Commons, on one or two parti- 
 cular occasions, by the superior brilliancy of his speeches, which, from the testi- 
 mony of every one who heard them, were acknowledged models of rhetorical 
 excellence. But the session of Parliament was tranquil, so was the metropolis, 
 according to the declaration of the Lord Lieutenant from the throne. Munster, 
 or part of it, was disturbed by a set of miserable insurgents, called white boys, 
 an account of whom is amply detailed elsewhere. With the personal history 
 of Lord Charlemont they form no particular connection ; but in any history 
 which relates to Ireland they cannot be passed over, for it is the duty of every 
 impartial narrator to explore the source of all such insurrections, whether it is 
 accidental, or permanent, and not confound the evils which are local and tran- 
 sitory, with those which have their origin in the government itself. To insult, 
 to degrade a people, as far as it can be done, by disgusting epithets at first, and 
 by sanguinary penal laws afterwards, is a task of not much difficulty. To 
 examine into, and rectify abuses, to repress outrages, and control oppression, 
 to look into our own conduct as well as that of others, and combat insurrection, 
 not by an overloaded statute book, but wholesome laws, and preventive policy, 
 is a xluty from which ignorant, infuriated authority will always recede, and 
 enlightened, beneficient power will always embrace. Government acted with 
 wisdom and moderation, in most instances, to these deluded people ; but it is to 
 be lamented that its benign purposes were too often frustrated, and its best 
 regulations rendered ineffectual, by bigotry, and domestic tyranny, magnify mg 
 every crime, and expanding every village wrong into a charge against a parti- 
 cular country, or the disorder of a province into more than insinuations against 
 the good faith and loyalty of the kingdom. 
 
 I had written thus far, and intended pursuing the subject somewhat more 
 in detail, when, fortunately for the reader, I met, among Lord Charlemont's 
 papers, his account of these unhappy insurgents, which well deserves attention. 
 
 " During the administration of Lord Halifax, Ireland was dangerously 
 disturbed in its southern and northern regions. In the south, principally in 
 the counties of Kilkenny, Limerick, Cork, and Tipperary, the white boys now 
 made their first appearance ; those white boys, who have ever since occasionally 
 disturbed the public tranquillity, without any rational method having been as 
 yet pursued to eradicate this disgraceful evil. When we consider, that the very 
 
ss 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 same district has been, for the long space of seven and twenty years, liable to 
 frequent returns of the same disorder, into which it has continually relapsed, in 
 spite of all the violent remedies, from time to time administered by our political 
 quacks, we cannot doubt but that some real, peculiar, and topical cim&e 
 must exist ; and yet neither the removal, nor even the investigation of this 
 cause, has ever once been seriously attempted. Laws of the most sanguinary and 
 unconstitutional nature have been enacted. The country has been disgraced, 
 and exasperated by frequent and bloody executions, and the gibbet, that perpe- 
 tual resource of weak and cruel legislators, has groaned under the multitude of 
 starving criminals : yet, while the cause is suffered to exist, the effects will ever 
 follow. The amputation of limbs will never eradicate a peccant humour, which 
 must be sought in its source, and there remedied. 
 
 As the insurgents were all of the Catholic religion, an almost universal idea 
 was entertained among the more zealous Protestants, and encouraged by inte- 
 rested men, that French gold, and French intrigue, were at the bottom of this 
 insurrection ; the real causes were, indeed, not difficult to be ascertained. 
 Exorbitant rents, low wages, want of employment in a country destitute of 
 manufacture, where desolation and famine were the effects of fertility ; where 
 the rich gifts of a bountiful mother were destructive to her children, and served 
 only to tantalize them ; where oxen supplied the place of men, and, by leaving 
 little room for cultivation, while they enriched their pampered owners, starved 
 the miserable remnant of thinly-scattered inhabitants ; farms of enormous 
 extent let by their rapacious and indolent proprietors to monopolizing land 
 jobbers, by whom small portions of them were again let, and re-let to interme- 
 diate oppressors, and by them subdivided for five times their value, among the 
 wretched starvers upon potatoes and water, taxes yearly increasing, and tithes, 
 which the Catholic, without any possible benefit, unwillingly pays in addition to 
 his priest money. Misery ! Oppression ! and famine. These were undoubt- 
 edly the first, and original causes, obvious to the slightest inspection, though 
 resolutely denied, and every public investigation into them impudently 
 frustrated by those whose sordid interest opposed their removal. Misery is 
 ever restless, and the man who is destitute both of enjoyment and hope, can 
 never be a good and quiet subject. In our unchristian plantations of the West 
 Indies, was any doubt ever entertained concerning the cause of a Negro insur- 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 89f 
 
 rection ; the wretch, who cannot possibly change for the worse, will always be 
 greedy of innovation. Yet, though such were the undoubted sources of the 
 spirit which prevailed, and still unfortunately prevails, in many of our southern 
 counties, I will not pretend to assert, that French intrigue may not sometimes 
 have interfered to aggravate and inflame the fever already subsisting. We 
 well know the usual policy of that court to seek, and to increase disturbance. 
 We have reason to believe, that secret service-money is never refused, where 
 there is a possibility of its producing any, even distant and precarious effect, 
 neither can we suppose, that there is a country upon earth, where agents may 
 not be procured for money ; and more especially in the south of Ireland, where 
 religious prejudice, present distress, and the sanguine, though ^llacious hope 
 of relief, co-operate with avarice, and almost serve as an excuse for venality. 
 In a country so ciroumstanced, it is by no means improbable, that thelcourt 
 of France may have been tempted to tamper with an unhappy and discon- 
 tented pec^le ; and one fact, the truth of which I cannot doubt, would almost 
 induce me to believe, that, upon one occasion at least, a small sum of French 
 money was hazarded in Ireland. During the course of these insurrections a 
 very considerable number of French crowns were received at the. Custom House, 
 which could not well have been the result of trade, since little or no specie is 
 imported from France, in exchange for our commodities; and more especially, 
 since they were all of them new crowns, of the same date, and coined after any 
 possible importation could be made by the course of commerce. 
 
 Towards the close of 17^2, or rather the commencement of 1763, Lord 
 Charlemont renewed his acquaintance with the Due de Nivemois, whom h^ 
 then found ambassador at London, and negotiating, or rather concluding, the 
 treaty of peace with France. The Duke resided in Albemarle- street, where 
 Lord Charlemont was always most cordially received. Of this nobleman, so 
 much admired by Lord Chesterfield, so much regarded by Lord Charlemont, 
 and so esteegied at Rome, at Berlin, at London, and in Paris, I shall endeavour 
 to give some account. He was a Mancini, an illustrious Roman name, and 
 perfectly familiar to all who are conversant in the history of Louis the Fourteenth. 
 His grandfather was Duke de Nevers, brother to that renowned beauty, Madame 
 de Mazarin, and Maria Mancini, whose agreeable wit and accomplishments for 
 fome time enthralled the afiections of the young French monarch* On the 
 
50 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 extinction of the Gonzaga family, Cardinal Mazarin, to whom the Duke de 
 Nevers was nephew, purchased that duchy, the best part, if not all the pro- 
 vince of Nivernois, and, on his ^eath, left his young relation, then a peer of 
 France, in possession of great wel^th, and extensive territory. He was a poet, 
 and a man of wit. His grandson, ^Monsieur de Nivernois, (who did not assume 
 the title of Nevers, although his father died in 1768) was appointed ambassador 
 to Rome in 1746, and staid there several years. The embassy to Rome was, 
 during the reigns of Louis XIV. and XV. considered as one of the first, if not 
 the highest, in diplomatic rank. He acquitted himself entirely to the satisfac- 
 tion of his own court : the people at Rome looked on him as a Roman, whilst 
 his manners, his learning, and conversation, rendered him peculiarly acceptable 
 to Lambertini, (Benedict the Fourteenth). It is almost needless to say, that 
 he captivated Lord Charlemont, whose taste and studies, and suavity of dispo- 
 sition, were, in a great measure, similar to his own. Although he did not succeed 
 in the object of his mission at Berlin, (for Frederic had taken his measures pre- 
 vious to the Duke's arrival) he was not the less honoured and distinguished by 
 that monarch, and his brother. Prince Henry. They never spoke of him but 
 with applause. W^hen ambassador in London, D'Eon justly says, that howt- 
 cver discordant the opinions of the people were as to the peace, there was no 
 difference whatever as to the pacificator ; for all ranks seemed to vie with each 
 other in their admiration of, and respect for him. He went every where, and 
 was liked every where. He was at Bath ; at Newmarket ; was elected Fellow 
 of the Royal Society ; and honoured with the degree of Doctor of Laws by the 
 University of Oxford. 
 
 He was a little man, with an agreeable, open, and engaging countenance, 
 but so extremely thin, that some of his friends at Paris always called him the 
 political Sylph. When he first landed, with his suite, at Dover, two or three 
 old sailors were walking along the beach. Observing the bustle, *' Hey ! what*s 
 this r" said one. — " Oh ! the French Ambassador ! He has just coijie out of the 
 boat.'* "Just Heaven !" exclaimed another, " to what have we reduced the French 
 during this war ! Only conceive. When I was prisoner in France, two or three 
 years ago, that emaciated ambassador, whom you see like a withered apple, 
 John, yonder, was then by far one of the fattest men who walked the streets 
 in Paris. He absolutely waddled." When this was told to the Duke, he was 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. gi 
 
 delighted, and used often to relate it at his own table, as a most happy instance 
 of national humour.* 
 
 In consequence of repeated solicitations to be recalled, for iiis health, natu- 
 rally delicate, was almost destroyed by the air of London, he returned, after an 
 eight months' residence in Eqgland, to Paris. He continued in that metropolis, 
 or its environs, for more than thirty years afterwards, cultivating Tetters, and 
 all the refined pleasures of society, but not living, as many men of letters do, in a 
 cold, fastidious indifference to the welfare of his country. On the contrary, though 
 much esteemed, and liked by Louis XV. and one of the principal ornaments of 
 his court, he opposed the inclinations of that monarch, when he considered 
 them as militating against France ; and, in conjunction with some most respect- 
 able noblemen, took a generous, but decided, part against the system of Chan- 
 cellor Maupeou. Whilst engaged in this opposition, a circumstance occurred, 
 which I shall take leave to mention, as it is in some measure illustrative of hit 
 urbanity and polished wit. Louis XV. held a bed of justice, as it was called^ 
 and either then, or in one of the audience rooms at Versailles, forbad the mem- 
 bers of the Parliament of Paris to trouble him with any further remonstrances ; 
 *' for,'* added he, with a most emphatic tone, " I shall never change." His 
 favourite, the beautiful, unfortunate Madame de Barry, and the Duke of 
 Nivernois, were present at this scene. Some days after, she met the Duke, 
 and addressing him with great gaiety, " Well, Monsieur de Nivernois," said 
 she, " you may surely now give up your opposition ; for you yourself heard the 
 King say, that he would never change.'' ** Certainly, Madam," he replied, "I 
 did hear him ; and indeed no wonder, for he was looking at you.*^ 
 
 He was, when far advanced in life, (for he was then some years beyond 
 seventy) at length called to the councils of his Sovereign. M. de Malsherbes, 
 the Count de la Luzerne, and one or two more, were his assistants. It was then 
 too late. The time of the Court had been long wasted in the most wretched 
 intrigues ; and the toilette of that most fascinating of all women, Madame de 
 
 * D'Eon has mentioned this, but imperfectly. I heard it many years ago, from the late Dominick 
 T. Esq. who had it from Col. Drumgold's own lips. Drumgold landed with the Duke, and was hit 
 confidential friend. It is to him that Lord Lyttleton addressed the copy of Verses, which so agreeabljr 
 depicts the character of Mons. de Nivernois. 
 
 N 2 
 
9% 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Polignac, was, however originally adverse to her inclinations, alternately become, 
 with that of her royal friend, Marie Antoinette, the scene of frivolous, ridiculous 
 appointments ; appointments, in which vanity, levity, personal whim or caprice, 
 were alone consulted ; and the dread exigence of the moment either not under- 
 stood, or feebly administered to. The waters were out ; they had overspread 
 the land ; and it required more talents than fell to the share of the Duke de 
 Nivernois, and his coadjutors, had they been all even in the prime of life, to 
 give the repose of a moment to the shattered political vessel of France. The 
 Duke lived long enough to see his well-intentioned sovereign, the unhappy 
 Antoinette, whose beauty, and tenderness of heart, were once the subject of 
 every eulogy, and the angelic Princess Elizabeth, dragged, in the midst of 
 Paris, to the scaffold, by monsters in a human form. Accustomed as this world 
 has ever been to spectacles of sorrow, such a downfall of all earthly grandeur, 
 such a fell vicissitude, it perhaps never before witnessed. 
 
 But what is singular in the history of Monsieur de Nivernois' life, is, that 
 although remaining at Paris, he survived even the multiplied atrocities and 
 murders of Robespierre. How he escaped, it is not very easy to conceive, as 
 he had every requisite for the guillotine, which that daemon so often looked 
 for in the victims of his tyranny — high rank, venerable age, goodness of mind, 
 love of letters, and love of his country. Yet, with all these qualifications for 
 being murdered in such a time, he was not, but lived to publish several of his 
 works, * and died very peaceably, in 1 JQSy at the advanced age of eighty- 
 two ! 
 
 ♦ They are miscellaneous and unequal. His Fables are by far his best work. He translated 
 the entire poem of Ricciardetto^ in which there is great sprightliness, and Pope's Essay on Man, in 
 IK hich there are many excellent lines. He seemed fond of English authors, and gave to the French, 
 part of Milton, of Gay, &c. Lady A. Barnard's very pleasing ballad of Old Robin Grey was trans- 
 lated by him, but far inferior to the original. He also translated the charming Ode of Mrs. Greville 
 to Indifference. To this lady he shewed uncommon respect, whenever she resided, as she frequently 
 did, at Paris. The author of these Memoirs is happy in thisislight opportunity of expressing his sense 
 •f her great merit 3 he was for several years honoured with her acquaintance, and now looks back 
 with pleasure and gratitude to the many agreeable and instructive hours which he passed in her society 
 when in England, but more particularly in Dublin, amongst some friends who were deservedly very 
 dear to her. He can venture to add, that the sensibility of her feeling mind could not be exceeded by 
 her talents for poetry the most graceful, and conversation always interesting, always engaging. Her 
 excellent daughter, the Lady Crewe, is now immortalized by Mr. Fox's incomparabl* Verses to her. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 93 
 
 Politics sometimes impose a most restrictive embargo on society in London^ 
 or rather, when they arrive to a certain height, divide its stream into two sepa- 
 rate and distinct channels — that of the Court, and the Opposition. The Earl 
 of Bute was at that time formidably opposed, and Lord Charlemont lived more 
 with his assailants than the Ambassador in Albemarle-street. However, they 
 met frequently ; and from the communication with France being again opened, 
 several men of taste and science came to England. Among others, Duclos, 
 who was well received, and whom, I believe. Lord Charlemont met in Albemarle- 
 street. Baretti, whom his Lordship had originally prompted to try his fortunes 
 in London, was then in Italy ; but Baretti's acquaintance and friends, Doctor 
 Johnson, Sir Joshua Reynolds, &c. were uniformly esteemed and regarded by 
 Lord Charlemont. His union with Hogarth * was maintained, in sjMte of 
 Wilkes and Churchill ; and, altogether, his connections with the political or 
 literary world were much extended. 
 
 During this visit to England, he often met an old intimate, Stevenson 
 Hall, of Skelton, in Yorkshire. This gentleman, at least as well known by 
 the name of Crazy Hall, from certain comic tales which he published, and gave 
 that appellation to, abounded with wit and humour ; was perfectly versed in 
 the classics ; had been much abroad ; and, when not overpowered by spleen 
 and ennui, which was too often the case, a very jolly and entertaining compa- 
 panion. A year or two preceding this, he had given to the public his '* Fables 
 for grown Gentlemen ; or. Fables for every Day in the Week ;" -j- an original 
 performance, formed on the model of Fontaine ; and, in point of ease, shrewd- 
 ness of remark, and thorough knowledge of the world, not unworthy of that 
 great master. Fontaine*s nahetS, indeed, neither he, nor any one else, could 
 equal ; and had Hall even caught it, the genius of the English language could 
 scarcely have incorporated with it. However, this publication gained Hall much 
 celebrity — a celebrity which he took care effectually to dissipate, or at least not 
 to augment, by a succession of poems ; sometimes not very intelligible, often 
 very witty, but almost uniformly overflowing with the wildest and grossest licen- 
 
 * There are several works, by Hogarth, at Charlemont House, Dublin. No one could be a 
 warmer friend, and patron of his, than Lord Charlemont ever was. 
 
 f So they were originally denominated when published, seven only, in quarto, by Dodsley. 
 
94 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 tiousness. In truth, he became a literary suicide ; he destroyed his own repu- 
 tation; and, with the justest pretensions, in point of talents, to public favour, 
 he is now very imperfectly known. But with all his oddities, and irregularities. 
 Hall was a man of real genius, and much good nature. He was perfectly well 
 known to many ennobled bon vivants, and elegant voluptuaries of the day ; 
 drank champagne with the wits, Zachary Moore, old Hewitt,* and Sterne, to 
 whom he was ever a steady and tender friend. Though forming, in some 
 respects, a singular contrast to the refined and polished Ambassador whom I 
 have, perhaps, too long dwelt on, he was very acceptable to Lord Charlemont, 
 in whose letters he is frequently mentioned. 
 
 On the departure of Lord Halifax from Ireland, the government was 
 committed, as usual, to Lords Justices, who, on this occasion, were the primate 
 Stone, and ther* speaker, Mr. Ponsonby. And now another insurrection broke 
 out, as that which had taken place in the spring of this year, 1763, was confined 
 to the South, and the insurgents were all Catholics, the present insurrection arose 
 in the North, and all the actors in it were Protestants, or Dissenters. What a 
 lamentable picture of Ireland, and the effects of negligent, or mal-administra- 
 tion, do these repeated and puny rebellions exhibit ? The exactions of the 
 clergy in their collection of tithes, and still more, the heavy taxes laid on the 
 country, for the making, and repairing of roads, were, according to Lord 
 Charlemont, the principal causes of these disturbances. His Lordship adds, 
 " The encroachments of the laity were made without even the color of right. 
 Nothing is more certain, than that it is highly advantageous to every country, 
 and particularly to one emerging out of an uncultivated state, that good roads 
 should be made through every part of it ; but, in laying out such roads, the 
 public advantage should be invariably, and exclusively pursued, so that it should 
 be obvious to the people, that the taxes levied upon them were expended really, 
 and intrinsically, to their advantage. In this, however, the gentlemen were, in 
 many instances undoubtedly partial and oppressive, as, by their influence in 
 the grand juries, presentments were too frequently procured, merely for the 
 emolument and convenience of particular persons, and by no means with any 
 
 * Hall has not forgot him in his Crazy Tales j he is also mentioned by Brydone, in bis Tour 
 through Sicily. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 95 
 
 view to the advantage of the community. So true it is, that the people, 
 though in the end they usually put themselves in the wrong, have almost 
 always at the beginning some reason even for their most irregular sallies. As 
 Caesar says of himself, in Shakespeare's tragedy, they "never do wrong but with 
 just cause," and even upon this occasion, they had without doubt originally 
 good reason for that ill temper, which now urged them to the most outrageous 
 excesses. As governor of the county of Armagh, Lord Charlemont thought 
 it his duty to interfere. ** The popular interest,'* says his Lordship, " which 
 I have ever possessed in that county, and which, I confess, was dear to me, 
 might certainly be injured by such interference; but it has ever been my 
 principle that, when duty calls, popularity should always be risked, and 
 more particularly upon this occasion, where that influence might be of service 
 in appeasing the people." The insurgents were now formidable. They appeared 
 in bodies of four or five hundred, headed, it was said, by farmers of respectable 
 property. All wore oak boughs in their hats, from whence their denomination 
 of oak boys. According to the ancient practice of all insurgents in Ireland, 
 they obliged such obnoxious persons, clergy or laity, as fell into their hands, 
 to swear, that the former should not levy more than a certain proportion of 
 tithe ; and the latter, that they would not assess the county at more than a 
 stipulated rate. Whim, and a propensity to jokes and gibes, predominate 
 among the lower Irish on all occasions. They obliged Dr. Clarke, a respectable 
 clergyman, who, they alleged, was the first to exact more than he was enti- 
 tled to in tithes, to go on the top of his own coach, and drew him through 
 various parts of the country. Infinite were the hisses and scurril jests, as the doctor 
 passed along. For it is to be observed that, though they talked much, 
 though they insulted several gentlemen, erected gallowses, and menaced 
 ineffable perdition . to all their enemies, no violent cruelty was exercised, nor, 
 as Lord Charlemont said, was a single life lost, or any person maimed in the 
 county of Armagh ; a species of conduct totally opposite to that of the southern 
 insurgents ; but which his Lordship ascribed, not to any diversity of religion, 
 but to the oppression under which the unfortunate creatures in the south 
 laboured. " A rebellion of slaves*' continued he, " is always more bloody, 
 than an insurrection of freemen." 
 
 But the populace in any country, when once thrown into action, know no 
 
MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 limits ; matters began, of course, to wear a more serious aspect. Lord Charlemont 
 set out for the north, but, previous to his departure, waited on Primate Stone ; 
 who was profuse, as usual, in his panegyric on Lord Charlemont's conduct, and 
 promised him all the assistance in the power of government. His Lordship was 
 visited at Newry by many respectable gentlemen, who advised him not to go 
 farther without a strong military guard. He replied, that he could not think of 
 travelling through his own country with a military force ; but, as the gentlemen 
 still urged the imminent danger of pursuing his journey without one, he so 
 far acquiesced in their kind suggestions, as to consent to sleep at Newry that 
 night, provided they would send some intelligent persons to examine the country, 
 and report in the morning what appeared to them to be the state of it ; that, if 
 the insurgents shewed a hostile disposition, he would go forward, not with a 
 military guard, but with them, the gentlemen of Newry, if they thought proper 
 to accompany him.~-To this they cheerfully agreed. The persons sent out 
 stated, that they had seen the chiefs of the insurgents, who professed the utmost 
 veneration for his Lordship, and that to molest him was totally foreign to their 
 thoughts. Lord Charlemont then set out, attended only by two gentlemen, who 
 had accompanied him from Dublin, and two servants, all armed. He suffered no 
 molestation whatever ; but, as he drew near to Armagh, found a gallows erected^ 
 and so constructed across the road, that it was necessary to pass under it. Thi^ 
 species of anti- triumphal trophy was of old establishment, however, and meant 
 to do honour, as one of the insurgents afterwards observed to the judges, espe- 
 cially their friend. Justice Robinson, who was expected at the assizes. At Ar- 
 magh, Lord Charlemont met the gentlemen of the county, some of whom were 
 under great alarm. His Lordship's appearance among them, and the promise 
 which he stated, on the part of government, to give immediate assistance, dis- 
 pelled their fears, and, at their request, he wrote to the Lord Justices for some 
 additional troops. In answer to this demand, Primate Stone wrote the following 
 humane and judicious letter : 
 
 " Dublin Castle, July 28th, 176a. 
 
 " My Lobd, 
 
 *' I have this moment received your Lordship's letter, by express, dated the 
 27th, from Armagh. I have communicated it to the Speaker, (who is arrived 
 
EARL OF CHARIEMONT, fff 
 
 from Mallow) and he desires me to make his compliments to your Lordship, and 
 directs me to assure yoii, that he has the fullest sense, as I most certainly have, of 
 your Lordship's wise and spirited conduct upon this occasion. We have ordered 
 a regiment of foot to march from Gal way, (the nearest place where any foot are 
 quartered) with all possible expedition, to those quarters, in the county of Armagh, 
 which your Lordship has pointed out. The regiment is the 10th, General 
 Sandford's, consisting of ten companies, and near four hundred men ; two troops 
 of Light Dragoons are also ordered from Clonmell. These orders shall be sent 
 by express to the troops, and all possible expedition will be used. I most heartily 
 wish your Lordship as much success and satisfaction as I am sure you will 
 acquire honor and esteem, from this expedition. 
 
 ** The council have this day ordered a general admonitory proclamation, ta 
 dissuade the people from following their wicked leaders, and informing them of 
 the extent and nature of their guilt, which is ordered to be read in all the churches, 
 and mefttings of Protestant Dissenters. It was thought proper to begin with a 
 proclamation of this nature, before we proceed towards offering rewards for appre- 
 hending particular persons. It will be happy if there could be a dispersion of 
 the great bodies ; and the deluded, and, of course, the least guilty, woyild for- 
 sake their leaders, who will be the most proper objects for legal punishment ; 
 and your Lordship will, of yourself, be aware of the inconveniences that will 
 attend the filling of the gaols ; and if we can point at the capital offenders prin- 
 cipally, it will, upon all accounts, be the best. 
 
 " lam, my Lord, 
 
 * With the utmost truth and regard, 
 
 " Your Lordship's very faithful, 
 
 ** and obedient humble Servant, 
 
 " Geobge Arm ash. 
 
 (( 
 
 P. S. What I mention in the last paragraph is only a hint in private, 
 for your Lordship's discretion is entirely relied on by the I^rds Justices and 
 Council.*' 
 
OS 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 This letter, in conjunction with Lord Charlemont's benign prudence and 
 conciliating manner, had the happy effect of smoothing many a wrinkled front ; 
 and, notwithstanding' the hourly rumours of an approaching increased force of 
 the insurgents, and the most dismal auguries of what was to follow, the assizes at 
 Armagh were held in the utmost tranquillity, and Judge Robinson, having 
 escaped all the honors which his friends so kindly intended to confer on him, 
 and his brother Justice, delivered a wise and perspicuous charge on high treason, 
 adapted to the humblest capacity, which. Lord Charlemont said, had the most 
 salutary influence. Primate Stone's advice, as to seizing the principals of the 
 insurrection, corresponded exactly with his Lordship's ideas on all such subjects, 
 and many of them were sent to prison, without any interruption of the public 
 quiet ; it was, in short, restored to the county of Armagh. Lord Charlemont 
 went from thence to Tyrone, where much greater agitation prevailed, but good 
 sense, and an honest desire of administering justice with mercy, predominated, 
 and in a certain, nor long- protracted period, no farther disturbance was given on 
 the part of the insurgents. But no sooner 'had public security taken place, than 
 the dread of returning, and augmented depredations raged, for some time, 
 without control, and Lord Charlemont's molestation arose, not from the Oak 
 Boys, but from some of the gentlemen, who, he said, would have imprisoned one 
 half of that populous county. He gradually, however, calmed their apprehen- 
 sions, and, at length, they began to sleep quietly in their beds, although the 
 county gaol did not overflow with criminals. Of this new alarm, it is but 
 justice to state, that Lord Charlemont spoke with his usual candour ; he consi- 
 dered it as by no means surprizing, nor unreasonable. *' The acts of violence,'* 
 said he, " which had been committed, and still more, the threats which had been 
 thrown out, were indeed sufficient to justify much apprehension ; and if I was, 
 less than others, affected with fear, it was probably because I had not been in the 
 way of seeing those violences, or of being for a long time hourly liable to them." 
 As an instance of the undistinguished hostility with which the populace, when 
 once infuriated, will assail the just, as well as the unjust, he mentioned the 
 case of Mr. William Stewart, the truly respectable member for the county of 
 Tyrone, father of the present representative, who having long since, (J 768) suc- 
 ceeded him in that high situation, may deservedly be considered as one of the 
 most moderate, dignified, and independent, country gentlemen ever yet sent to 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 99 
 
 the Irish Parliament. But Mr. W. Stewart having expended much money in 
 the making of public roads, and solely from his regard (contrary to the general 
 practice) of the public utility, was obliged, by the fury of the mob, to banish 
 himself from his county ; whilst his house was repeatedly assailed in his absence, 
 and the assailants as firmly, though calmly, dispersed by, to make use of Lord 
 Charlemont's own words, " the incomparable spirit, and excellent conduct of his 
 wife.'* This gentleman was one of the two who accompanied him from Dublin 
 to Armagh, and between Mr; Stewart's excellent son, and his Lordship, the most 
 entire friendship was uniformly maintained. 
 
 The insurrection had spread to the counties of Derry and Fermanagh, and 
 was put down there also. But, in Armagh and Tyrone, where Lord Charlemont 
 took the lead, public tranquillity was restored without a single shot being fired, 
 or the death of one man. — The happy consequences of a temperate, but firm, 
 spirit ; a timely and judicious interposition of ihe law; and the entire conviction 
 of the people, that those who were necessarily opposed to them acted, not from 
 a spirit of persecution, or hatred towards them, but real amity, and a conscien- 
 tious regard for that common weal, in the safety of which the rights of the pea- 
 sant, as well as of the prince, are equally concerned. — After some months resi- 
 dence in the country, Lord Charlemont returned to Dublin, where the Earl of 
 Northumberland arrived in the September following. Mr. Gerard Hamilton con- 
 tinued to act as secretary. The title of Northumberland is blended with all our 
 earliest ideas of chivalry and romance. Sir John Davies, in tracing the diflferent 
 features of our national character, a delineation than which nothing can be in 
 general more exact, says, " The people of this land, (Ireland) both English and 
 Irish, did ever love and desire to be governed by great persons." After a lapse 
 of two hundred years, or nearly so. Sir John's portraiture in this, as well as other 
 respects, has lost nothing of its fidelity, or its colouring. The magnificence, 
 splendor, and generosity of the ancient Percys was revived ; the metropolis was 
 enchanted, and wherever the personal influence.of the Lord Lieutenant, or his 
 truly noble Countess, could extend, all was gratitude and exultation, Happy for 
 Ireland it had been, if as warm and generous attention to its civil and religious 
 polity had prevailed in the English cabinet, as munificence of disposition mani- 
 fested itself in the castle of Dublin ; but the kingdom, altogether, was ill at ease. 
 The country, if we are to credit the representations of some gentlemen in the 
 
 o a 
 
100 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 House of Commons, especially Mr. John Fitzgibbon,* was wretched ; yet, com- 
 pared to former days, Ireland was at least not losing ground, but the contrary. 
 
 On the day that Lord Gharlemont waited on the Earl of Northumberland 
 at the castle, he was requested by his Excellency to meet him in his closet as 
 soon as the levee was over. Lord Gharlemont did so, when the Lord Lieutenant, 
 after many expressions of personal regard, complimented him highly on the part 
 which he had recently taken in the north, and concluded with saying, that his 
 Majesty was so perfectly sensible of the services he had performed there, as to order 
 him, his Majesty's lieutenant, to offer an earldom to his Lordship, which waited 
 his acceptance. Lord Gharlemont said, that the King had most condescendingly 
 overrated any trifling services which, as a good subject, it was his duty to perform 
 to the utmost of his power ; that he felt his Majesty's benignity towards him with 
 the deepest gratitude, but, as to the proffered earldom, he begged his Excellency's 
 permission to consider the subject /or a day or two. At the next interview. Lord 
 Northumberland having stated that the offer of promotion having proceeded 
 directly from the King himself, any declension of such promotion might possibly 
 be construed into disrespect, Lord Gharlemont acquiesced entirely in that sugges- 
 tion, and added that, in accepting this mark of his Majesty's goodness, the Lord 
 Lieutenant must permit him to make a positive stipulation, without which he 
 wished that things might go no farther. The stipulation was, that this advance- 
 ment of rank should in no wise be considered as influencing his parliamentary^ 
 conduct, which was to remain as unrestricted, as if the offer had never been 
 made. Lord Northumberland replied, that nothing of the sort was ever in con- 
 templation ; and then went on to say, that, as he could claim no merit whatever 
 from the promotion, being only the instrument of the King's orders, he hoped 
 Lord Gharlemont would permit him, as an old friend, to testify his personal 
 respect for him, by pointing out some mode of obliging him. Lord Gharlemont,. 
 with many thanks, declined troubling his Excellency, declaring, that he had na 
 object in view of that sort ; when, on the Viceroy's repeating hisrequest, he said, 
 that as he did not wish to appear insensible of his excellency's kindness, he begged 
 to be appointed a trustee of the linen board, a situation which he mentioned, as 
 being attended with no emolument ; and, as his estates lay in the linen couoties^ 
 
 * See Catdwell's Debates of (he Irish House of Ck)mmons, i^Q^ 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. loi 
 
 he seemed to have a sort of claim to it. " Your Lordship has asked no favour, 
 but your right," said the Lord Lieutenant, and, of course, you will be appointed 
 whenever a vacancy takes place,'* 
 
 Lord Charlemont pursued his course. A very short time intervened after 
 this interview, when his sincerity was put to the test. An address was moved 
 for in the House of Lords, returning thanks for the conclusion of the treaty of 
 Paris. Though his patent was then passing through the offices, he voted against 
 that address. " I do not like the peace,'* said he, ** though I esteem the English 
 embassador, (the Duke of Bedford) and love the French embassador, (the Due 
 de Nivemois) who concurred in framing it, and both, I am sure, from the best 
 motives." He not only voted, but on the 21st of Dec. 1763, protested against 
 this measure, in conjunction with the Earls of Kerry and Moira. This is the 
 first time he appeared as a protester ; a character which, some very short periods 
 excepted, he seems never to have lost sight of. " I am an old protester," (thus 
 he writes to a friend, July, 1 79^) " and have always wished to declare my difierence 
 of opinion from that of the majority as fully as possible.*' But from the mo- 
 ment of his protesting, adieu to all court distinctions, and court favours ! Not 
 a word even of his promised imjxjrtant situation at the linen board.— But of this 
 more hereafter. However, whether a seat at the treasury, or any other board, 
 had been held out to him, or even placed in his actual possession, it altered his 
 public conduct not a jot. His patent, as Earl of Charlemont, had, as usual, 
 been laid before the Lord Chancellor, (Bowes.) In the preamble it was stated, 
 that this advancement in rank had been conferred, unsolicited in any way what- 
 ever. To this the Chancellor objected, as contrary to all usage, and struck the 
 words unsolicited, &c. out of the preamble. Lord Charlemont said, that though 
 it was no doubt contrary to precedent, it was exactly consonant to the truth ; 
 that he owed his earldom entirely to the benignity of his sovereign, and respect 
 to his Majesty alone prevented him from declining even then the earldom ; but 
 that he would, as he had a right to do, annex an engrossed testimonial to his 
 patent, specifying the manner in which it was granted. This he neglected to do 
 for several years, till the same reason which made him hesitate as to his acceptance 
 of a higher title, namely, an unwarrantable and unseemly profusion of the honors 
 of the peerage of Ireland, seemed, in his opinion, to recur again, and to forbid 
 any longer delay of the testimonial. The circumstances to which that instrument 
 
102 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 alludes have been already detailed; the conclusion of it, therefore, seems 
 the only part which it is necessary now. to give to the reader. " This circum- 
 stance, (the gracious offer of the earldom from his Majesty, not his ministers) 
 added to the consideration of the great difference between honours voluntarily 
 bestowed, and those extorted by solicitation, purchased by the infamy of a 
 bribe, or basely, and dearly earned by the mean, and wicked drudgery of 
 political servitude, induced me to think my compliance proper, and even 
 necessary. I have only to add, that, whereas, from the impossibility of finding 
 reasons in any sort to justify many of the late creations, I thought it incum- 
 bent on me to revive this ancient and honorable usage ; declining, however, 
 to allow the reasons alledged for this my advancement to be inserted in the 
 preamble to the patent, from a consciousness that the services by me performed 
 were too inconsiderable to be recorded ; and rather chusing to mention the 
 merits of the first Peer of my family, and the remarkable circumstance of 
 an Earldom having been intended for my ancestor, so early as the reign of 
 James the First. 
 
 " Charlemont. 
 '* Dublin, March 13th, I772." 
 
 So much for ancient, and high honor] How utterly incomprehensible 
 must all these scruples, and all this delicacy appear to some of our modern 
 nabobs, and our new-raised men of insolent wealth, groping their painful, 
 and tortuous way to the House of Lords, through the channel of a moul- 
 dering and venal borough ! 
 
 If Lord Charlemont continued to act the same independent uniform 
 part he had hitherto done, Primate Stone equally laboured in his vocation 
 as a consummate, intriguing, and artful politician. Hamilton's talents and 
 address had, for some time, gained the ascendancy, during the administration 
 of Lord Halifax, but the superiority was transient. Transitory, however, as 
 it was. Stone could never forgive it. An eminent member of Parliament, 
 though no enemy to the church, could not avoid saying one day, in the 
 gaiety of his heart, at table, ** That this was the only instance in which 
 the Primate retained any mark of his profession." Be that as it 
 may, his Grace, who bad now Lord Northumberland's ear as open to 
 
EARL OF CIIARLEMONT. 105 
 
 him as he could wish, procured the dismissal of Hamilton from the 
 secretaryship. That gentleman, however, obtained the lucrative and 
 then sinecure, place of Chancellor of the Exchequer, as Rigby did that of 
 Master of the Rolls. Two such appointments, in which nothing was 
 attended to but the salary, would alone prove, were every other document 
 wanting, the very humble and insignificant light in which Ireland was at 
 this time regarded by British statesmen. Lord Drogheda, (the present 
 Marquis) was fixed on, by Stone, to be Hamilton's successor. As the session 
 had either then drawn, or was drawing, very near to a conclusion, and, of 
 course, a member of the Upper House could equally fill the situation of 
 Secretary with a commoner, at least till the next parliamentary campaign, 
 one would imagine, that that circumstance, aided by Lord Drogheda's rank, 
 and just pretensions, to a high and honorable situation in his own country, 
 would preclude any particular finesse, or circuitous intrigue, as to his Lord- 
 ship's appointment ; — nor on his part was there any, — but the Primate thought 
 otherwise. Whether he imagined that the Lord Lieutenant had not been 
 sufficiently sounded, or whether, having trod the road of a refined courtier, from 
 his earliest days, he could not now keep any path, except that of the oblique. 
 His Grace went to the castle, when a whimsical interview took place between 
 him and Lord Northumberland. 
 
 The Viceroy began the conversation, by expressing his wishes that the 
 Primate would be so good as to name some gentleman, who, in his Grace's 
 opinion, would be best suited to fill the duties of that office. The Primate, 
 with the best feigned simplicity and candor, declared that, at that moment, 
 he knew of none. The situation was in the highest degree arduous, and 
 important — the times difficult — he had formerly, certainly, been very conver- 
 sant with public men — his enemies said too much so — God forgive them ! 
 But true, or false, that day was past! He was highly sensible of the honor 
 done him by his Excellency in consulting him on a point of so much deli- 
 cacy and importance, and only lamented his utter inability to meet his 
 Excellency's wishes, as his duty and inclination prompted him to do. 
 
 Whilst indulging in this strain, and acting the part of a hypocritical 
 courtier, as well as he possibly could, at the very moment that he affected 
 to recede most from that character. Lord Drogheda was, by mere accident. 
 
104 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 « 
 
 (( 
 
 shewn into the room, and seeing his Grace, and the Lord Lieutenant 
 together, of course immediately withdrew. " Just Heaven !"• exclaimed 
 the Primate, " this is singular, this is indeed unexpected !" '* What does 
 " your Grace allude to?" said the Lord Lieutenant. ** Well!" continued 
 the Primate, " old Lambertini* used, in his jesting manner to say, that 
 " there were no miracles now-a-days; but what would he say to this?" 
 Lord Northumberland stared ; and, with some reason certainly, fancied that 
 his Grace, though not much advanced in years, was beginning to doat. 
 The Primate went on ; " My Lord, permit me to say, that this may be 
 '* called an almost celestial interposition ; at the very moment your Excel- 
 " lency was most embarrassed as to the choice of a secretary, and I, equally 
 " so in recommending any one, a nobleman accidentally comes into the 
 ** room, whom, till this instant, unaccountably I never thought on, and 
 yet, of all men, he is, perhaps, best suited to the place. My dear Lord, 
 allow me to request you to bid the aid-decamp to call him back, or 
 ** send after hitp ; he's your man ; depend on it, he's your man." The 
 Lord Lieutenant, perhaps indifferent as to whom he should appoint, or, 
 what is more probable, having much respect for Lord Drogheda, and his 
 Grace's politics being now, in this instance, completely unveiled to him, 
 acquiesced, with cheerfulness, in the pious Prelate's inspired mandates, and 
 Lord Drogheda was appointed. 
 
 This was, perhaps, the last notable conference which this celebrated 
 Churchman and statesman had with Lord Northumberland, who left Ireland 
 in May, 1764, and put the government into his Grace's hands, as well as 
 those of the Earl of Shannon, and Mr. Ponsonby, the speaker. Death soon 
 after closed the eyes of the two great rivals. Stone and Shannon. They 
 both died, whilst Lords Justices, in December following, and within nine 
 days of each other. Had a more splendid theatre been allotted to them, 
 they would have been eminently conspicuous in the page of history. But 
 most wise is the poet's observation, and most consolatory should it be to those 
 who attend closely to the dispositions of many with whom they are in daily 
 intercourse, that, if humility of station circumscribes our growing virtues. 
 
 * The celebrated Benedict I4th^ who died a few years before. 
 
. ;' «»»';5'?y 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEMONt. 105 
 
 it also confines ftur crimes. The sound superior sense of Lord Shannon 
 would, perhaps, in any situation, have taught him general moderation ; but 
 Stone's ambition, in truth, knew no limits; and, in another country, the 
 chicane of negotiations, the subserviency of foreign cabinets, the tumults 
 of wars, the friendship, or the overthrow, of Princes, would alone have 
 completely filled up every part of his mind. He at first captivated all who 
 approached him, by the uncommon beauty of his person, his address, and 
 the vivacity of his conversation ; he had, in some respects, far juster views 
 of Ireland than many of his contemporaries ; but his own aggrandizement 
 predominated over every other consideration. Whilst, in the more early 
 part of his political life, he affected no other character than that of a states- 
 man, he was, though unpopular, dignified and imposing; when, towards 
 the close of it, he thought proper occasionally to assume the lowliness of an 
 ecclesiastic, satiated with the bustle and splendor of the world, the artful 
 statesman still glared so over every part of his behaviour, as to render it, in. 
 some measure, revolting. He quicjcly perceived this •effect of his newly- 
 adopted manner, and reassumed his old one, in which not the least trace of 
 a churchman was visible. Altogether, it requires a pen, much superior to 
 mine,- entirely to delineate his character. 
 
 Lord Charlemont having taken his seat as Earl, in the month of Janu- 
 ary, 1764, went to London, some time before the close of the sessions, and 
 was soon engaged in occupations far diflferent from those which had employed 
 his attention in Ireland. They were chiefly of the literary kind, and an 
 undertaking which emanated from the society of the Dilettanti, was particu* 
 larly patronized by him. On every account it deserves to be recorded. 
 
 The society of the Dilettanti,* composed of the principal nobility and 
 gentry of these kingdoms, and of which Lord Charlemont was a member, 
 displayed, at this time, an attachment to, and encouragement of letters 
 and the fine arts, in a manner equally judicious and munificent. On an 
 inspection of the books of the society, it was found, that a considerable 
 sum of money was then in the hands of the treasurer, and it was agreed on 
 to expend this money in such a way as would add to the most elegant 
 
 * It was originally formed in th« year 1784. 
 P 
 
■J 
 
 "Tr 
 
 106 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 gratifications, and instruction of the human mind. The i^ciety resolved^ 
 " That persons, properly qualified, should be sent, with sufficient appoint- 
 ments, to some parts of the East, in order to collect information, and make 
 observations relative to the ancient state of those countries, and to such 
 monuments of antiquity as were then remaining. It was also determined, 
 that ^2000 should be appropriated for that purpose."* 
 
 Lord Charlemont was placed at the head of the committee which had 
 the superin tendance and management of this most laudable scheme. A 
 better choice could not be made than of one who was not only a lover of 
 ancient elegance, and judge of the fine arts, but had been, as I have already 
 stated, long resident in most of the places to which the researches of the 
 society were now to be particularly directed. The gentlemen employed in 
 this truly classical mission, were Doctor Chandler, a most respectable scholar, 
 and, at that time. Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford ; Mr. Revett, an 
 architect, the companion of Mr. Stuart, and his assistant in the celebrated 
 publication of the Ruins of Athens, and Mr. Pars, a young painter of great 
 merit. The direction of the whole was lodged in Doctor Chandler ; the 
 resolutions, and general instructions of the committee, are prefixed to Dr. 
 Chandler's travels through Asia Minor. They are dated from the Star and 
 Garter, London, May 17th, I764, and signed as follows: Charlemont; 
 Robert Wood; Thomas Brand ; William Farquier; James Stuart; Middlesex; 
 Le Despenser ; J. Gray ; Besborough. 
 
 * I have before me a Resolution of the society, dated London, March 31st, 176O. It is as 
 
 fcUows : 
 
 " Ann. Societat. Vicesim. Sext. 
 Dilettanti. 
 " Resolved, That considering the great increase of the riches of the society, amounting to about 
 4000I., it is necessary that the following resolution should be transmitted to such members as have 
 not attended for two years past, viz. That all members who cannot prove that they are Regis negotiis 
 detenti, and neglect paying, or remitting, to colonel George Gray, the sum of fifty pounds to be 
 added to the general fund, according to the intention of the society, for the promoting of arts and 
 sciences, or appearing at the society before the first Sunday in May, 1760, be no longer deemed 
 members thereof. 
 
 " Gbokge Gkay." 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. JO7 
 
 ••' '^v It ftiay be necessary just briefly to state, that Dr. Chandler, with his 
 companions, embarked at Gravesend the 9th of June, 17^4; they entered 
 the Hellespont the latter end of August following ; visited the Troade, Tene- 
 dos, &c They then went to Smyrna, which they left, having seen Ephesus, 
 Miletus, and Teos, August 20th, 1765, and sailed to Athens. At Athens 
 they continued till June, 1766, when, after visiting Egina, the Morea, 
 Corinth, and lastly Olympia^ and the territory of Elis, (names, which 
 ancient chronology, and the genius of Xenophon, have rendered ever sacred) 
 they sailed from Zante, September the first, and returned to England the 
 beginning of November, 1766. 
 
 The publication of the Ionian antiquities, which took place soon after 
 their return to England, and at the expense of the society, afforded a proof 
 that the patronage of the Dilettanti was not without its effect. The preface 
 to the Antiquities was written by Mr. Wood, partly at the suggestion of 
 Lord Charlemont. They had been long acquainted, and their literary pur- 
 suits were, for many years, nearly similar. Mr. Wood was a native of Ireland ; 
 his name is well known in the republic of letters, particularly to tire admi- 
 rers of Homer. Dr. Chandler's Trav elsin Asia Minor followed the Ionian 
 Antiquities ; and, sometime after, his Travels through Greece, which gave to 
 the public the almost entire result of his. laborious, useful, and enlightened 
 researches.* 
 
 It is now nearly thirty years since Dr. Chandler's Travels have been given 
 to the world ; they Reserve, in my opinion, no small degree of praise* 
 Strictly adhering to the original plan of the society, the method which he has 
 pursued, of giving a succinct, but clear, historical account of each celebrated 
 place which he visited, and then describing its present state with the most 
 perfect fidelity, is, perhaps, the best which he could have chosen fpr the 
 illustration of his subject. It brings the whole before the reader in the 
 justest point of view. His narrative seems, in some measure, to partake of 
 that plainness and simplicity of diction, which characterized the produc- 
 tions of those great men, who once adorned the countries which were in 
 
 * His Ilium, or Dissertation on the Troade, which was announced at tbit time, did not makt 
 Itf appearance till I8O2, and since the above was writteo. 
 
 F S 
 
108 
 
 MEMOIRS OP JAMES, 
 
 part the objects of his investigation. His descriptions are sometimes pictu- 
 resque ; that of the ruins of the Temple of Apollo Didymoeus^ is, I think, 
 peculiarly so. With much intelligence and sensibility, he is quiet and 
 unafi^ected. He invokes no manes, he apostrophizes no orator or philosopher ; 
 he neither asks himself, or the gods, any idle question, whether he really 
 breathes the same air that Plato and Socrates did two thousand years ago.* 
 
 All such puerilities as these, displaying no less a paucity of ideas, than 
 affectation and false taste in composition, are surely to be laughed at. " To 
 abstract the mind from all local emotion would be impossible, if it were 
 endeavoured, and would be foolish if it were possible.** So says Johnson, in 
 that truly eloquent passage, (one of the best, perhaps, he ever wrote) and 
 which so harmonizes with the best feelings of our nature. The unaffected 
 expression of such feelings will always touch the heart ; for, with a just 
 and generous enthusiasm, who will not sympathise ? But, instead of precise 
 information, correct, but animated description, concise, yet luminous history, 
 to give the reader nothing but the flutterings of our own distempered fancy, 
 is, indeed, writing to very little purpose. 
 
 % ^ I have dwelt longer on this subject than was, perhaps, altogether neces- 
 sary. Respect for the vcnera,ble author, and gratitude for the pleasure which 
 his Travels -afforded me, must plead my apology. But, independent of any 
 such circumstance, let me observe, that this part of the history of the DlTettanti, 
 which does them so much honor, is particularly interwoven with that of 
 Lord Charlemont ; he had a principal share in forwarding this undertaking, 
 so that whatever gratification, or benefit the public may have received from 
 it, is, without derogating from the merit of others, in a good measure to 
 be attributed to him. 
 
 He had a house constantly in London till the year ] 773, \vhen his 
 elegant town residence in Rutland-square, Dublin, was either built or finished. 
 Let it, however, be remembered to his honor, that not only at this period of 
 his life, but during his residence abroad, he kept a house and establishment 
 fbr his sisters, and, I believe, his brother. His friends in London, at this 
 time, friends who, during their lives loved and honored him, were chiefly 
 
 * Sec lomc French Travels. 
 
EARL OP CHARLEMONT. 109 
 
 the Earl of Aylesbury, the late Lord Thanet, the Marquis of Rockingham, 
 and Lord Powerscourt. The first three he became connected with whilst 
 abroad ; Lord Powerscourt he knew from his childhood. The Earl of Ayles- 
 bury he truly respected, and always spoke of with warm affection. Lord 
 Thanet was also much valued and esteemed by him. For Lord Rockingham 
 his regard and veneration were almost unlimited. He was charmed with the 
 mild, yet firm integrity of his mind, and the justness of his political princi- 
 ples, which he considered as founded in the best school of Whiggism ; that 
 is, such as Somers, and Townshend, and Walpole, and the Cavendishes, pro- 
 fessed and adhered to, at a time when the constitution was really in danger. 
 But the elegant tribute paid by him to Lord Rockingham's memory, and 
 which shall be mentioned in its proper place, renders it unnecessary to go 
 further into that subject at present; suffice it to say, that Lord Charlemont's 
 political principles were, in every respect, congenial to those of that revered 
 nobleman, and with him, the Duke of Devonshire, and the chiefs of the 
 minority, who, at this period, opposed Lord Bute, he was particularly and 
 closely connected. 
 
 Johnson, Edmund Burke, (who had not as yet come into parliament,) 
 Sir Joshua Reynolds, and Mr. Topham Beauclerk, were his literary asso- 
 ciates ; — Goldsmith came afterwards. Many others might be mentioned. 
 With Beauclerk he seemed to have been as much delighted as Johnson 
 was, and that gentleman's attachment to him was ardent and sincere. Lord 
 Charlemont often mentioned to me the pleasure which he derived from 
 Mr. Beauclerk 's conversation, which could scarcely be equalled. They cor# 
 responded frequently. According to his Lordship's account of him he possessed 
 an exquisite taste, various accomplishments, and the most perfect good 
 breeding. He was eccentric, often querulous, entertaining a contempt for 
 the generality of the world, which the politeness of his manners could not 
 always conceal ; but to those whom he liked, most generous and friendly. 
 Devoted to pleasure, devoted to literature,, sometimes absorbed, in play, 
 sometimes in books, he was, altogether^ one of the most accompl shed, and, 
 when in good humour, and surrounded by those who suited his fancy, one 
 of the most agreeable men that could possibly exist. Such was Lord Char- 
 mont's portrait of him ; and two or three of his letters, which his Lordship 
 
110 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 was so 'indulgent as to shew to me, prove, as far as they can prove, the 
 general resemblance. But the friend whom he most truly loved, the com- 
 panion of his youth, and his maturer years, and whose death at this time 
 (May, 1764) he was doomed to lament, was Lord Powerscourt. 
 
 Edward Wingfield, Viscount Powerscourt, uncle to the present most 
 respectable nobleman* of that name, was descended from an ancient, and 
 very illustrious English family. Some of his ancestors were Knights of the 
 Garter, in the time of Henry the Eighth, and connected with the Widvilles, 
 a house, as is well known, allied by marriage to Edward the Fourth, and on 
 which the learning, the chivalry, and misfortunes of Lord Rivers, have, with 
 the aid of the historic, and tragic muse, shed a never-fading lustre. The 
 immediate ancestor of Lord Powerscourt was Marshal Wingfield, who came 
 to Ireland in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 
 
 Of the nobleman whom I have occasion now to mention, the sentiments 
 of all, who had the happiness of being known to him, were uniform and 
 unvaried. His generosity and magnificence, his engaging, unaffected con- 
 versation, the lively energies of his mind, were almost generally felt and 
 acknowledged. That this coloring is not over-charged, many who are still 
 living, and knew him well, can bear ample testimony. He was distinguished 
 among his associates, and those who, having long survived him, idolized his 
 memory by the appellation of the French Lord Powerscourt ; an epithet, not 
 of frivolity, but acquired merely by his long residence in France, where his 
 agreeableness, his vivacity, and courteous, easy manners, rendered him 
 universally liked ; and with some of the principal personages of the court 
 of Louis the Fifteenth he was a particular favourite. 
 
 In London he was equally relished ; and whether there or in Dublin, 
 conversing with men of sense, and the world, entertaining a brilliant circle 
 of both sexes at his delightful seat of Powerscourt ; or again returning to 
 
 * That Nobleman^ Richard, Lord Powerscourt, died since the above was written. I saw him, 
 and with sorrow, gathered to his fathers. His remains were attended to the tomb, by liis very nume* 
 rouB respectable tenantry, and the noblemen and gentlemen of the country. So should the good be 
 honoured. He was one of the few men of high rank who resided almost constantly in Ireland, and 
 not more from attachment than from duty. An illustrious example. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. Ill 
 
 the society of Paris, La Clairon, Comte D'Argenson, and others, he cap- 
 tivated all ranks of people. He seemed to exist only to please, and render 
 those about him contented, and satisfied with themselves. Having been a 
 \'otary of fashion for several years, and given rise to many of its fantasies, 
 and agreeable follies, he was not overpowered by the habits of self-indulgence. 
 He listened reluctantly, and supinely, at first ; but still he listened to the 
 voice of his country, which told him, that the duties of public life should 
 take their turn also, and had a predominant claim on those who, like him, to 
 high birth and station, added, what was of far more consequence to the com- 
 munity, the powers of a strong and cultivated mind. Accordingly he, for 
 some time, attended the House of Lords. But he soon discovered that^ 
 although he wished to engage in business, the Upper House of the Irish 
 Parliament was, of all places on earth, the most unpropitious to any such 
 laudable pursuit. An ungenerous and unwise policy had withered almost 
 all the functions of that assembly, and the ill-omened statute of George the 
 First, hung on it like an incubus. He was much mortified at finding him- 
 self in the company of such august, but imbecile, inefficient personages, 
 who moved about more like the shadows of legislators, than genuine, and 
 sapient guardians of the realm, or counsellors to Majesty. He soon grew 
 weary of them. To an intimate friend of his, who often repeated the 
 circumstance to me, he lamented, that he was not bom a commoner, and 
 some time after he proved that he was not affectedly querulous, or insincere 
 in the regret which he expressed, for he procured a seat in the English 
 House of Commons.* Whilst he sat there, he spoke not unfrequently; his 
 speaking was much approved of, and he began to relish the new scene of 
 life, into which, for the best purposes, he had now entered. But procras- 
 tination renders our best efforts ineffectual ; a severe malady soon overtook 
 him ; he resigned his seat in the House of Commons, and, after struggling 
 with Uninterrupted ill health for some time, he died universally beloved in 
 the prime of life, having scarcely passed his thirty-fourth year. Lord 
 Charlemont lived with him, as with the dearest brother of his heart, and 
 
 * He was member for Stockbridge, in Hampshire. 
 
IH 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 to the close of his life spoke of, and lamented him with the truest sen- 
 sibility. 
 
 Whilst Lord Charlemont was in London, he frequently met the Earl of 
 Northumberland ; and, in the course of one morning's conversation, he 
 happened to take notice of the linen board ; adding, at the same time, that 
 as to the promise which had been made to him of a trusteeship, he had 
 always considered it as conditional; that he believed parliamentary assist- 
 ance, though not expressed, and sometimes almost disclaimed, by great 
 leaders^ when such promises were held out, was still expected ; and, as he 
 had undoubtedly given opposition, not aid, to many of Lord Northumber- 
 land's measures, so far he had not fulfilled his part of the implied agreement. 
 Lord Northumberland was somewhat agitated, and assured him, that had 
 it been in his power, he would have most strictly adhered to what he consi- 
 dered as his engagement to Lord Charlemont; but, he emphatically added, 
 ** I was totally prevented." Lord Charlemont said, that he was convinced 
 the case was so ; and, after some conversation on indifferent matters, they 
 parted with their usual cordiality. In fact, as Lord Charlemont often said, 
 the Earl of Northumberland was by no means to blame in the transaction ; 
 and he only mentioned this interview to particular persons, as it entirely con- 
 firmed his ideas, as to two material circumstances ; first, that, however gra- 
 cious, and condescending his Majesty's offer of an earldom to him was, and 
 unclogged with any stipulation whatever, some of his ministers were 
 resolved, that conditions should be annexed to it, and looked not to any 
 services past, but services to come, and of a very different species from 
 those which his Majesty wished to remunerate. In short, as far as their 
 influence extended, nothing whatever was to be conceded to a member of 
 either House of Parliament, without that member's parliamentary co-ope- 
 ration. Secondly, as to Lord Northumberland, he had never forgot his 
 engagement ; but, when he mentioned the linen board for Lord Charlemont, 
 before he left Ireland, he was told, that such and such persons had been 
 promised seats there, long before his arrival; and again, that a place there 
 was necessary to be given to a particular gentleman, and then another, for 
 ^he maintenance of a most valuable parliamentary connection. This, or 
 similar language, on such occasions, was the only one held by the aristo- 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMOm'. lis 
 
 tratic party, which then ruled Ireland; and, perhaps, nothing can more 
 fully prove their absolute sway, than tliat a nobleman, of such immense 
 possessions as Lord Northumberland, should be thwarted in the disposal of 
 an insignificant place, equally with any Viceroy who had been sent to 
 Ireland from White's or Almack's^ to repair the ravages which his fortune 
 might have sustained in those venerable academies of our young nobility. 
 At the time Lord Northumberland came over, the contest as to Lord Bute 
 raged high, and whatever was the intention of any minister, or ministers, 
 at that moment, as to the Irish aristocracy, nothing could be done amidst 
 •uch a shock of the belligerent powers, as was then felt at Westminster. 
 Lord Northumberland, therefore, with the best intentions possible, was 
 consigned to the care of our leaders here» as too many of his predecessors 
 had been a length of time. These leaders " were," says I-ord Charlemont, 
 ** as every one knows, styled undertakers ; and justly were they so, as 
 from education, and from habit, they certainly were well fitted to preside 
 at the funeral of the common weal."* Whatever their imbecility, however, 
 in point of talents, (though, surely, with regard to some of them at least, 
 that has been much misstated) or, however great their usurpations, their 
 misrule, if it may be so termed, arose, veiy naturally, from the political 
 situation of Ireland, from the situation of parties in England, and the 
 predominancy of one great party, the Whigs, who, till the period we have 
 now arrived at, had ruled England with little interruption. Whatever the 
 faults, or errors of that party, I am not disposed to condemn, but, gene- 
 rally, to applaud its leaders; and, I believe, notwithstanding all the railing 
 of their adversaries, there are few, who truly venerate the English Consti- 
 tution, who will not look back with a melancholy pleasure, to those good 
 days of old England, — days of constitutional tranquillity, — internal and 
 external peace, — when it was governed by a Whig association. With regard 
 to Ireland, it cannot be said, that their views were very extensive, or, i^ 
 they occasionally were so, they were controlled by circumstances; but, as 
 to its immediate safety, they consulted that, at least, when they resigned the 
 care of it to «ome branches of their own connections here, who, they 
 
 * Private Papecs. 
 
114 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 knew, were as inimical as themselves to the return of the house of Stuart. 
 That they considered as the first evil to be guarded against. A peevish 
 sophister, or conceited, speculative politician, living some forty or fifty 
 years after certain great events have passed by, may talk, witli little know- 
 ledge, and little observance, of the hour which witnessed such events ; but 
 no rule of political action can be duly estimated, unless every circumstance, 
 relative to the times, is regarded, which led to the establishment of that rule. 
 To shut the door against the Stuarts, and, by so doing, to fix the English 
 Constitution on foundations too broad to be easily shaken, was the leading 
 object of that most wise, and good minister. Sir Robert Walpole. Hence 
 his management of Fleury, of the court of Madrid; his pacific system 
 in short. To effectuate this object, he drew to himself the purse, 
 the authority, the energies of the whole state. He sometimes abused, and 
 his immediate successors much oftener abused, this plenitude of power. If, 
 however, this was the case in England, with such an opposition as he and 
 they encountered, most of his transactions condemned, and publicity, 
 often an invidious one, given to them all, what might not be expected here, 
 where every political circumstance, instead of inspiring control over our 
 rulers, seemed to infuse almost the oblivion of Lethe, as to all things what- 
 ever connected with the state, except our triumphs at the Boyne, and 
 Aughrim ;— triumphs, fortunate as to the English Constitution, the general 
 liberties of Europe, and our own particularly ; though at the moment, and 
 too, too long after, dreadful in their consequences to the Catholics of Ireland. 
 — But to return to the EarlofNorthumberland,who,in somewhat more than 
 a year after this, was raised to the rank of Duke. Lord Charlemont said, 
 that the civility which he received from him in England was uniform and 
 unremitting. And, at a subsequent period, when, soon after his marriage. 
 Lady Charlemont accompanied him to London, no mark of attention, or 
 regard, which could be paid to them, was withheld by the Duke, or his 
 excellent Duchess. The liberality, in this respect, which Lord Charlemont 
 met with from his grace, was similar to that which, some few years before, 
 he had experienced from the Duke of Bedford. It rose above all party 
 views, and disdained an ungenerous retrospect to parliamentary hostility; 
 conscious as both those noble personages were, that such hostility, if it 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 115 
 
 deserved tliename, was, on tlie part of Lord Charlemont, manly, honorable, 
 and constitutional. Acting in this manner, they did becoming justice to 
 themselves, as well as to him, and gave that unequivocal applause to his 
 sentiments, which, in the sullenness of party, was often withheld from him 
 at home. But the politeness, the affectionate courtesies, which Lady Char- 
 lemont received from the Duchess of Northumberland, — courtesies, at all 
 times engaging, but more particularly then, as Lady Charlemont was, at 
 that period, almost a stranger to London, — were duly estimated by her 
 and cherished in her grateful remembrance, as well as Lord Charlemont*s. 
 
 In 1765, the Earl of Hertford came here as Lord Lieutenant; a 
 nobleman of truly illustrious birth, being descended from the Protector 
 Somerset, and deriving from the Lords Conway estates of great extent 
 and value, in the north of Ireland. " I verily believe he will please as 
 Viceroy," (thus Lord Chesterfield writes, concerning him, to the Bishop of 
 Waterford) " for he is one of the honestest and most religious men in the 
 kingdom, and, moreover, very much a gentleman in his behaviour to every 
 body." This was most strictly true. A nobleman, of such a character, 
 must have been personally very agreeable to Lord Charlemont. Nor, although 
 the political situation of Ireland, at that time, prevented him from indulging 
 the hope, that any Viceroy, who merely came herein October, and returned 
 to England in the May following, could, without a most unusual exertion 
 on the part of the English Cabinet, possibly effect any considerable meliora- 
 tion in our condition ; . yet, as Lord Hertford was joined to the Whigs, who, 
 at that time, had gained a temporary ascendancy* with the Marquis of 
 Rockingham, at the head of the Treasury, Lord Charlemont rested secure, 
 that nothing furious, or inimical, to the few rights we then had, would be 
 attempted. He, therefore, attended the levees of the Lord-Lieutenant ; but, 
 true to the maxim which he had prescribed for his political conduct, he sup- 
 ported the government when, in his opinion, it acted right, and equally 
 opposed it when he thought it his duty so to do. But his opposition was not 
 of any continuance, as he went, soon after the Christmas recess, to London. 
 
 * '' A lutestring ministry/' said Charles Townshend, speaking of Lord Rockingham's adminis- 
 tration, *' it will last the siimmer." • 
 
l\6 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Whilst attending the House of Lords, he protested against the act for restrain- 
 ing the exportation of corn. He says, the constant, and unalterable tenor 
 of my sentiments, respecting the rights of Ireland, and my unremitting 
 view to the emancipation of her constitution, may be seen in a protest 
 against that bill, December, 1765, part of which protest is as follows: ** Because, 
 although the crowns of England and Ireland be united, yet Ireland is a 
 distinct kingdom, and as such has a distinct and separate executive, as well 
 as a distinct and separate legislature. But the proper, and distinct executive 
 of this kingdom, is his Majesty, as king of Ireland, or his substitute, or 
 substitutes, with the privy council of Ireland." Such were the senti- 
 ments of his lordship in 1765; sentiments, at that time, seldom hazarded in 
 Parliament, though re-echoed by the whole kingdom, in 1782. It is 
 remarkable, that he was joined in his protest by the late Marquis of "Water- 
 ford, and the late Earl of Westmeath, — two noblemen of entire loyalty to 
 the crown, and as indisposed to any hostile procedure to the councils of 
 Great Britain, as any persons whatever. An anecdote of Lord Rockingham 
 cannot be omitted here, as it is peculiarly illustrative of that simplicity, and 
 generous, discriminating patriotism, which marked his character. Some 
 time after the close of the session in Iriland, Lord Charlemont dined with 
 him in London, when one of the company of that class of politicians, I 
 suppose, who think that no support is. given to an administration, unless it 
 is blindly given, and that personal regards should absorb every other conside- 
 ration, seemed to express a sort of good-humoured surprise, that Lord 
 Charlemont, the intimate friend of the Marquis of Rockingham, should 
 eppose Lord Rockingham's Viceroy, who, of course, was always to be con- 
 sidered as forming part of his Ministry. *' Lord Charlemont is perfectly 
 ** right ;" replied the Marquis. ** He may approve of us here, and, there- 
 ** fore, I presume, he would support us here ; but we may be erroneous in 
 " soijne part of our conduct towards Ireland, and, if he thinks so, as the. 
 ** Irish Parliament is the more immediate sphere of his public duty, no doubt 
 " he should oppose us there." — An excellent lesson, particularly at that time, 
 and not without its utility at this day, to those who affect to veil a base 
 disregard for Ireland, under an assumed concern for the general weal of the 
 empire ; but who, in truth, if not checked in their precipitant servility,^ 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 117 
 
 would think neither of the empire, the place of their birth, public duty, or 
 any thing else, save only the mandates of a groveling self-interest. Lord 
 Hertford's administration was, in general, approved of, and passed away in 
 almost uniform tranquillity. Except as to the division, and protest, alluded 
 to above, the House of Lords was as serene as that august body could possibly 
 wish to be in those days. 
 
 Amidst the variety of persons who sought the friendship, or, at least, 
 the acquaintance of Lord Charlemont, was the well-known Charles Lee, at 
 this time aid-de-camp to Stanislaus, the late King of Poland. Dissatisfied 
 with the whole tenor of English politics, and equally dissatisfied with him- 
 self, he entered into that amiable Prince's service, when, after remaining 
 for some time at Warsaw, he visited different parts of Europe, and, at last, 
 as the world has been long since informed, closed his days in America. 
 We find him in this year (1765) corresponding with Lord Charlemont on 
 miscellaneous topics, and one of his letters from Warsaw, to that nobleman, 
 is inserted here. It will be found not uninteresting. 
 
 Warsaw^ June 1st, 1765. 
 *' My dear lord, 
 
 " A letter which I sometime ago wrote to Lord Thanet,* I hope you 
 considered as in part intended for you, otherwise I must appear a prodigy 
 of ingratitude; I desired him to communicate it to you, and as it contained 
 the whole history of my peregrination and success, I thought it would be 
 rather troublesome, than an instance of my duty and aff«ction, to scrawl 
 out another to you at the same time ; I therefore waited, in hopes that some- 
 thing might turn up here, which might probably amuse you, but as I might 
 wait until doomsday, and this never happen, (for Warsaw, if the wine and 
 climate were better, is absolutely the court of Alcinous, nothing to do with 
 the affairs of this bustling world, nor do 1 think whatever passes, good or 
 bad, gives her the least concern) I say, my Lord, therefore, as I despair of 
 any thing stirring, worth your hearing, I can no longer defer paying my 
 tribute, so long due, of duty and affection ; but I should begin with asking 
 a thousand pardons, for having so long kept in my hands the inclosed, from 
 
 * The late Earl of Thanet. 
 
118 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Prince Zartoryski,* to your Lordship ; but, as I knew it included no business, 
 I put it off from day to day for the aforesaid reasons. The longer I am 
 acxjuainted with this man, the more 1 like him, the more 1 admire his talents ; 
 a retentive memory, solid judgment, and quickness, are seldom united in 
 the same person, yet they are so superlatively in him. To be master of 
 several languages, and possess likewise an extensive knowledge of things, is 
 miraculous, yet he is possessed of one and the other. It is a pity that he 
 has not a better theatre to act on ; but really this country is a wretched one; 
 nor do I think there is the least chance of bettering her situation, for, any 
 attempt either on the part of the King, of the leading men, or the common 
 gentry', to mend the Constitution, are protested against by her kind neigh- 
 bours, through a tenderness for her interests ; — though, it must be confessed 
 that, were her neighbours not to interfere, there would be no great probability 
 of a reform, for the general run of their gentry, who have such an insur- 
 mountable negative power, (as a single veto dissolves the diet) are, if possible, 
 more ignorant, obstinate, and bigotted, than the Hidalgos of Portugal ; and 
 those few who are better informed than the herd, whether it is from despair, 
 or their natural disposition, pass their hours in such consummate idleness and 
 dissipation, that our Macaroni club, or Betty's loungers, are, comparatively 
 speaking, men of business and application. — Were I to call the common 
 people brutes, I should injure the quadruped creation, they are such mere 
 moving clods of stinking earth. This certainly must be the effect of slavery ; 
 there cannot be so monstrous a physical difference betwixt man and man. I 
 would to God that our Tory writers, with David Hume at their head, and 
 the favorers of our damnable administration, were to join this noble com- 
 munity, that they might reap the fruits which their blessed labours entitle 
 them to, and that the effects might not fall on harmless posterity, I have, 
 if possible, since my passage through Germany, and my residence here, a 
 greater horror of slavery than ever. For God's sake, you patriot few at 
 
 * A very illustrious and most accomplished Polish nobleman, highly esteemed by Lord 
 
 Charlemont, and well known to the principal literati throughout Europe. He corresponded with 
 
 Sir William Jones, as appears from Lord Teignmouth's Life of that extraordinary man. Prince 
 
 Zartoryski is father to the minister of that name, who was lately secretary for foreign affairs in 
 
 . Russia, and the beautiful Countess Zamoyika, who visited London gome few years ago. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 1 19 
 
 home, principiis ohstate ; for absolute power is a serpent of that wriggling; 
 penetrating kind, that, if it can but introduce its head, it is in vain to pull 
 at the tail. It is curious to hear me converse on these subjects with the 
 King; to hear me advance my doctrines, not the most favourable to monarchy, 
 to defend even the beheading the martyr Charles; but it is still more curious 
 to hear his opinions, which a:re singular for a crowned head ; in short, he is 
 as warm an advocate for the natural rights of mankind, as was Algernon 
 Sidney himself. It is not to give you a specimen of my proficiency in the 
 trade of a courtier, when I assure you, that this King is really an accom- 
 plished person, he is competently conversant with books, his notions are just^ 
 his intentions honest, and his temper not to be ruffled. What he is most 
 faulty in is, tliathe passes too much time with the women; but that is tht 
 vice of the place. Italy is nothing to this country in cicisbeism ; the men 
 and women are ever together, taking snuff, yawning, groaning with ennui, 
 without a syllable to utter, but cannot separate. You may be assured, there- 
 fore, my dear Lord, that I, who think that dangling should be punished 
 with the pillory, pass, if possible, for a more odd fellow than I have done 
 in other countries ; but I am not satisfied with appearing absurd myself, I 
 have broke into their parties by prevailing upon Wroughton, our resident 
 here, who was as determined a yawner as the rest, sometimes to mount a 
 horse, and look into a book. In a few weeks I set out for Breslaw, to be 
 present at an anti-yazvning party, a review of the King of Prussia's, where I 
 may possibly collect materials for a letter to you, somewhat less dull than 
 the present. In the mean time, my dear Lord, if you have a spare half hour, 
 dispose of it charitably in preparing me the smallest dish of politics ; but 
 chiefly inform me of your health and welfare, which cannot be more deyontly 
 wished for by any man than by, your most obliged, and 
 
 Humble servant, 
 
 Charles Lee. 
 
 P. S. Prince Zartoryski is much, and I believe warmly your's ; it is to 
 his house you must- have the kindness to direct to me, that is, *^^ Chez Lc 
 Prince, General de Podolia^ Farso^oie. 
 
120 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 About this time, 1766, or somewhat before this, Lord Charlemont once^ 
 more met his friend David Hume. His Lordship mentions him in some de- 
 tached papers, which I shall here collect, and give to the reader. ** Nothing,* 
 says Lord Charlemont, " ever shewed a mind more truly beneficent than 
 Hum«*s whole conduct with regard to Rousseau. That story is too well 
 known to be repeated, and exhibits a striking picture of Hume's heart, whilst 
 it displays the strange and unaccountable vanity, and madness, of the French, 
 or rather Swiss, moralist. When first they arrived together from France, 
 happening to meet with Hume in the Park, I wished him joy of his pleasing 
 connexion, and particularly hinted, that I was convinced he must be perfectly 
 happy in his new friend, as their sentiments were, I believed, nearly similar. 
 * Why no, man,' said he, * in that you are mistaken ; Rousseau is not what 
 you think him ; he has a hankering after the Bible, and, indeed, is httle 
 better than a Christian, in a way of his own.' Excess of vanity was the 
 madness of Rousseau. When he first arrived in London, he and his Arme- 
 nian dress were followed by crowds, and as long as this species of admiration 
 lasted, he was contented and happy. But in London, such sights are only 
 the Wonder of the day, and in a very short time he was suffered to walk where 
 he pleased, unattended, unobserved. From that instant, his discontent may 
 be dated. But to dwell no longer on matters of public notoriety, I shall only 
 mention one fact, which I can vouch for truth, and which would, of itself, 
 be amply sufficient to convey an adequate idea of the amazing eccentricity 
 of this singular man. When, after having quarrelled with Hume, and all his 
 English friends, Rousseau was bent on making his escape, as he termed it, 
 into France, he stopped at a village between London and Dover, and from 
 thence wrote to General Conway, then Secretary of State, informing him, 
 that, although he had got so far with safety, he was well apprized, that the 
 remainder of his route was so beset by his inexorable enemies, that, unpro- 
 tected, he could not escape. He therefore solemnly claimed the protection of 
 the King, and desired that a party of cavalry might be immediately ordered to 
 escort him to Dover. This letter General Conway shewed to me, together with 
 his answer, in which he assured him that the postillions were, altogether, a 
 ▼ery suflicieBt guard throughout every part of the King's dominions.* To 
 
 * Thti anecdote of Rousseau is well kaown. 
 
EARL OP CHARLEMONT. l«l 
 
 return to Hume. In London, where he often did me the honour to communi- 
 cate the manuscripts of his additional essays, before their publication, I have 
 sometimes, in the course of our intimacy, asked him whether he thought that, if 
 his opinions were universally to take place, mankind would not be rendered more 
 unhappy than they now were ; and whether he did not suppose that the curb 
 of religion was necessary to human nature ? * The objections,' answered he, * are 
 not without weight ; but error never can produce good, and truth ought to take 
 place of all considerations.' He never failed, in the midst of any controversy, to 
 give its due praise to every thing tolerable that was either said, or written against 
 him. One day that he visited me in London, he came into my room laughing, 
 and apparently well pleased. * What has put you into this good humour, 
 Hume ?' said I. ' Why, man,' replied he, * I have just now had the best thing 
 said to me I ever heard. I was complaining in a company, where I spent the 
 morning, that I was very ill treated by the world, and that the censures past upon 
 me were hard and unreasonable. That I had written many volumes, throughout 
 the whole of which there were but a few pages that contained any reprehensible 
 matter, and yet, for those few pages, I was abused and torn to pieces.* * You 
 put me in mind,' said an honest fellow in the company, whose name I did not 
 know, * of an acquaintance of mine, a notary public, who, having been con- 
 demned to be hanged for forgery, lamented the hardship of his case ; that, after 
 having written many thousand inoffensive sheets, he should be hanged for 
 one line.' 
 
 ** But an unfortunate disposition to doubt of every thing seemed inter- 
 woven with the nature of Hume, and never was there, I am convinced, a more 
 thorough and sincere sceptic. He seemed not to be certain even of his own 
 present existence, and could not therefore be expected to entertain any settled 
 opinion respecting his future state. Once I asked him what he thought of the 
 immortality of the soul ? * Why troth, man,* said he, ' it is so pretty and so 
 comfortable a theory, that I wish I could be convinced of its truth, but I canna 
 help doubting.' 
 
 " Hume's fashion at Paris, when he was there as Secretary to Lord Hertford, 
 wastruly ridiculous; and nothing evermarked,inamore striking manner, thewhim- 
 sical genius of tVie French. No man, from his manners, was surely less formed 
 for their society, or less likely to meet with their approbation ; but that flimsy 
 
122 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 philosophy which pervades, and deadens even their most licentious novels, was 
 then the folly of the day. Free thinking and English frocks were the fashion, 
 and the Anglomanie was the ton du pais. Lord Holland, though far better cal- 
 culated than Hume to please in France, was also an instance of this singular 
 predilection. Being about this time on a visit to Paris, the French concluded, 
 that an Englishman of his reputation must be a philosopher, and must be ad- 
 mired. It was customary with him to doze after dinner, and one day, at a great 
 entertainment, he happened to fall asleep: * Le voil^!* says a Marquis, pulling 
 his neighbour by the sleeve ; / Le voil^, qui pense !* But the madness for 
 Hume was far more singular and extravagant. From what has been already 
 said of him, it is apparent that his conversation to strangers, and particularly to 
 Frenchmen, could be little delightful, and still more particularly, one would sup- 
 pose, to French women. And yet no lady's toilette was complete without Hume's 
 attendance. At the opera, his broad, unmeaning face was usually seen entre 
 deux talis minois. The ladies in France give the ton, and the ton was deism ; a 
 species of philosophy ill suited to the softer sex, in whose delicate frame weak- 
 ness is interesting, and timidity a charm. But the women in France were deists, 
 as with us they were charioteers. The tenets of the new philosophy were a 
 ported de tout le monde, and the perusal of a wanton novel, such, for example, 
 as Therese Philosophe, was amply sufficient to render any fine gentleman, or 
 any fine lady, an accomplished, nay, a learned deist. How my friend Hume was 
 able to endure the encounter of these French female Titans I know not. In 
 England, either his philosophic pride, or his conviction that infidelity was ill 
 suited to women, made him perfectly averse from the initiation of ladies into the 
 mysteries of his doctrine. I never saw him so much displeased, or so much 
 disconcerted, as by the petulance of Mrs. Mallett, the conceited wife of Boling- 
 broke's editor;^ This lady, who was not acquainted with Hume, meeting him one 
 night at an assembly, boldly accosted him in these words: * Mr. Hume, give me 
 leave to introduce myself to you ; we deists ought to know each other.' — * Ma- 
 dam,* replied he, * I am no deist. I do not style myself so, neither do I desire to 
 be known by that appellation.' 
 
 " Nothing ever gave Hume more real vexation, than the strictures made 
 upon his history in the House of Lords, by the great Lord Chatham. Soon after 
 that speech I met Hume, and ironically wished him joy of the high honour that 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 123 
 
 had been done him. ' Zounds, man,' said he, with more peevishness than I had 
 ever seen him express, * he's a Goth ! he's a Vandal !' Indeed, his history is as 
 dangerous in poHtics, as his essays are in religion ; and it is somewhat extraordi- 
 nary, that the same man who labours to free the mind from what he supposes 
 religious prejudices, should as zealously endeavour to shackle it with the servile 
 ideas of despotism. But he loved the Stuart family, and his history is, of course, 
 their apology. All his prepossessions, however, could never induce him abso- 
 lutely to falsify history ; and though he endeavours to soften the failings of his 
 favorites, even in their actions, yet it is on the characters which he gives to them, 
 that he principally depends for their vindication ; and from hence frequently pro- 
 ceeds, in the course of his history, this singular incongruity, that it is morally im- 
 possible that a man, possessed of the character which the historian delineates, 
 should, in certain circumstances, have acted the part which the same historian 
 narrates and assigns to him. But now to return to his philosophical principles, 
 which certainly constitute the discriminative feature of his character. The prac- 
 tice of combating received opinions, had one unhappy, though not unusual, effect 
 on his mind. He grew fond of paradoxes, which his abilities enabled him suc- 
 cessfully to support ; and his understanding was so far warped and bent by this 
 unfortunate predilection, that he had well nigh lost that best faculty of the mind, 
 the almost intuitive perception of truth. His sceptical turn made him doubt, 
 and consequently dispute, every thing ; yet was he a fair and pleasant disputant. 
 He heard with patience, and answered without acrimony. Neither was his con- 
 versation at any time offensive, even to his more scrupulous companions ; his good 
 sense, and good nature, prevented his saying any thing that was likely to shock, 
 and it was not till he was provoked to argument, that, in mixed companies, he 
 entered into his favourite topics. Where indeed, as was the case with me, his 
 regard for any individual rendered him desirous of making a proselyte, his efforts 
 were great, and anxiously incessant. 
 
 ** Respecting this new, or rather revived system of philosophy, soi disant 
 tettCj it may perhaps be confessed, that it may, possibly, have done some good ; 
 but then it has certainly done much more mischief to mankind. On the one 
 hand, it may perhaps be allowed, that to its prevalence we owe that general sys- 
 tem of toleration which seems to prevail, and which is, I fear, the only speck of 
 
 r2 
 
1^4 
 
 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 white that marks the present age.* Yet, even this solitary virtue, if infidelity 
 be its basis, is founded on a false principle. Christian charity, which includes the 
 idea of universal philanthropy, and which, when really Christian^ is the true foun- 
 dation on which this virtue should be erected, aTid not the opinion that all reli- 
 gions should be tolerated, because all are alike erroneous. But even allowing 
 this boasted benefit its full weight, to the same cause we are, I doubt, on the other 
 hand, indebted for that profligacy of manners, or, to call it by the most gentle 
 name, that frivolity which every where prevails. To this cause we owe that total 
 disregard, that fastidious dislike to all serious thought ; for every man can be a 
 deist without thinking ; he is made so at his toilette, and, whilst his hair is dress- 
 ing, reads himself into an adept ; that shameful and degrading apathy to all that 
 is great and noble ; in a word, that perfect indifference to right or wrong, which 
 enervates and characterizes this unmeaning and frivolous age. Neither have we 
 reason to hope a favourable change. The present manners are the fashion of 
 the day, and will not last. But infidelity will never subside mto true piety. It 
 will produce its contrary. The present is an age of irreligion ; the next will, 
 probably, be an age of bigotry. 
 
 " ^tas parentam^ pejor eevis^ tiilit 
 Nos nequiores, mox daetuios 
 Progenietn vitiosioreis." 
 
 Jo proceed now with Politico. 
 
 * When tbls was written, I know not. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. . 125 
 
 17^7. 
 
 After Lord Hertford's departure, the Earl of Bristol was nomi- 
 nated lord lieutenant. But he never came, and, if the opinions of certain 
 persons have any weight, never would have succeeded if he had come. Then 
 Lord Weymouth, a nobleman of talents, was appointed ; and, if Junius is to be 
 believed, merely for the first emoluments of a place, which, it was intended, he 
 never should fill. At last Lord Townshend came to Ireland. His Viceroyalty 
 forms a peculiar epocha in the history of this country ; a gallant Soldier, the military 
 associate of Wolfe, frank, convivial, abounding in wit and humour ; sometimes, 
 it is said, more than was strictly consonant to the Viceroyal dignity ; capricious, 
 uncertain, he not unfrequently offended the higher orders ; but, altogether, had 
 his parliamentary measures been , more agreeable, few lord lieutenants would 
 have been more acceptable to the Irish. His brother, the celebrated Charles 
 Townshend, was then chancellor of the exchequer ; but scarcely had the lord 
 lieutenant kissed hands on his appointment, when Charles Townshend died, 
 and his political importance suflTered, of course, much diminution. A very 
 novel system, as to this country, had, previous to his departure from England, 
 been resolved on by the English cabinet. The lord lieutenant was, in future, 
 to continue here for some years, and all the patronage of the lords justices 
 consigned to him ; — a wise system for Ireland, had it been carried into execution 
 as it should have been. To no one was it, to a certain point, more agreeable 
 than to Lord Charlemont ; and he was prepared to support the new Viceroy, if 
 the measures to be pursued bore any just conformity to the supposed plan. 
 Unfortunately, however, the developement of every day's proceeding proved, that 
 there was no plan whatever, unless to get rid of the aristocracy at any rate. 
 As the subversion of their power, now so ancient in the country, would naturally 
 create a host of opponents to Lord Townshend, some management of the people, 
 and some popular measure, were necessary, to place the new system in successiful 
 
n(5 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 opposition to the old. The independency of the judges had been, for some 
 years, a favourite object in Ireland. Lord Townshend, therefore, in' the first 
 speech which he made to the Irish parliament, directed their attention to this 
 point, and heads of a bill soon passed both Houses, which enabled the judges 
 to hold their seats, not as before, during pleasure, but during good behaviour. 
 Tiie bill was, however, returned from England so altered, that it was thrown out. 
 What occasioned this change in the sentiments of the English cabinet is not 
 known ; but any thing more completely impolitic could scarcely be devised ; it 
 counteracted their own system, and, instead of adding dignity and grace to the 
 new, and resident Viceroy, it was calculated to render his administration ineffi- 
 cient, and almost contemptible. To propose a measure from the throne, to the 
 recommendation of parliament, is always considered as giving it that sanction 
 which government can so amply bestow. To withdraw such a measure abruptly, 
 or so to change it in its progress afterwards, as to render its adoption dangerous, 
 is justly regarded as a breach of faith ; and the English cabinet, by abandoning 
 Lord Townshend in this instance, placed him in a situation most singularly 
 awkward as a Viceroy, who was either not authorized to say what he did, or so 
 inefficient as not to have power to carry what he himself had proposed. The conse- 
 quences, at a future day, were highly injurious to his administration ; but as 
 the bill was lost at the time that the Octennial bill was gained, its rejection for 
 the moment was comparatively disregarded. 
 
 The session for 17()8 will be long memorable for the passing of the Octen- 
 nial bill into a law ;* a measure which, whether Lord Townshend recommended 
 its adoption, or not, to the English ministry, covered him with popularity, and 
 may be said to have first opened the door of the British Constitution to Ireland. 
 Till this time the Irish Parliament continued, unless put an end to by prerogative, 
 for the life of the reigning prince. During that of James the First, it 
 sat for a long period ; in the reign of Charles the First, its sittings, 
 not elections, were frequent ; it continued four sessions only during the life 
 of his son ; for, after the dissolution of parliament by the Duke of Ormonde, 
 in August, 1 666, Charles the Second never summoned another in this kingdom ; 
 
 * The House of Commons passed beads of a bill for holding Septennial Parliaments in Ireland, 
 but the English council changed the word Septennial into Octennial ; thus giving four sessions to the 
 Irish legislature, which at this time sat only every second year. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 1 27 
 
 so that, for eighteen years, Ireland was without any legislative assembly what- 
 ever. King James's parliament cannot be acknowledged, nor was any parliament 
 called here till four years after the revolution. William and Mary, therefore, 
 sat, during that time, on the throne of these kingdoms, without any legislative 
 interference on the part of Ireland ;* for the act of recognition of their Majesty's 
 title to the crown of this kingdom was not passed till November, 1 6q1. The war, 
 however, of l^QO, and 1691, is to be taken into consideration, as precluding a 
 more immediate recognition. The parliament of 1692 sat but a short time indeed ; 
 from the 5th of October to the 3d of November, when it was prorogued. The 
 day of that prorogation is not to be passed over ; the royal assent was then given, 
 by Lord Sydney, to the bill which acknowledged William and Mary's title to the 
 crown ; and scarcely had that assent been given, when he entered a most angry 
 protest against some proceedings of the commons. So highly did his Excellency 
 resent their supposed invasion of the royal prerogative, by rejecting a money 
 bill because it had not its rise in their house, and constitutionally adding, that the 
 sole right of preparing heads of money bills was in the Commons, that not one word 
 escaped him relative to the important act which they had just presented, and he 
 confirmed ; but, having as sullenly as briefly told both Houses, that he would 
 take into his consideration some heads of bills which he had heard were prepa- 
 red by them, for his, and the council's approbation, he dismissed them never 
 to meet again, as, in some months after, the parliament was dissolved. In such 
 proceedings the image of the English constitution was but faintly reflected, and 
 so inauspicious, and so clouded, was the dawn of the first parliamentary pro- 
 ceedings in Ireland after the revolution. Better counsels, however, have since, 
 though slowly and reluctantly, taken place ; nor can we, at this day, sufficiently 
 admire the superior efficacy of that constitution, which, even with the miserable 
 portion of it then doled out to Ireland, could sustain and uphold this kingdom, 
 not merely amid the conflict of hostile camps, but the inexpert councils of the 
 victors ; who treated those whom they had subdued^ and those who aided them 
 in that subjugation, with almost the same mortifying and revolting indifference. 
 
 * Unless the act of Henry 8th, which declares, that whoever is King of England shall be also 
 King of Ireland. But the Statesmen at the Revolution, (Lord Sonaers was, in i6Q2, Attorney-Gene- 
 ral, or Lord Keeper) did not chuse to trust to tiiat act alone, but had the act of Recognition passed also, 
 and thus m^de assurance double sure. 
 
128 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 But Ireland was not merely annexed to the crown of England, (may she be 
 ever so !) but, from the peculiar untowardness of her situation at that time, the 
 complete dependant on the Parliament and people of England. The ungenerous 
 restrictions on her commerce, some few years after the period I now touch on, 
 gave that dependancy its full blazon. To expect generosity from the mass of 
 mankind, towards those who are in piteous subserviency to them, is, with some 
 splendid exceptions, the most light and insubstantial of all chimeras ; — this is the 
 history of individuals, as well as of nations. 
 
 The spirit of liberty, however, was not totally extinct. Parliament stood, 
 for a time, aloof; but some members of parliament, in both houses, proved, 
 by their conduct, that it was not for slavery they contended at the Boyne. 
 A bill of rights was discussed, and the frequent holding of parliaments made a 
 part of that proposed bill ; unsuccessfully indeed, but we must respect the 
 memory of those who brought forward such questions. During the reign of 
 Queen Anne, there was no dissolution, till the year before the death of that 
 Princess, when a new Parliament was called, which her Tory ministry could not 
 bend to their purposes, nor divert from the House of Hanover, although they 
 »ent a lord lieutenant, (the Duke of Shrewsbury) who, from the clearness of 
 his understanding, and the peculiar felicity of his temper and address, was the 
 most likely to conciliate their regards. But that he really acted in unison with 
 his ministerial colleagues may now be very reasonably doubted. 
 
 In the reign of George the First, though part of it was disturbed by 
 Wood's patent, and not sufficiently so by the final judicature act, our parlia- 
 ment was not once dissolved, nor was that convened by his successor, which, of 
 course, sat three and thirty years ; for so long did that good Prince wear the 
 crown. Nothing, therefore, can more completely display the inconsistency of 
 some politicians, than their condemnation of the septennial bill in England, as 
 being, from its duration, utterly irreconcileable to the constitution, whilst they 
 loudly exclaimed against any change in the Irish parliament, whose existence 
 was only terminated by an exertion of the prerogative, or the personal extinction 
 of the monarch. A house of commons, of such longevity, could hardly 
 be said to have any communication with, or knowledge of, the people. 
 It became superannuated enough to outlive all recollection of popular con- 
 trol. Quieta non movere is a maxim which the levity of the multitude, and 
 
CARL OF CHARLEMGNT. 12^ 
 
 Ihe sinister ambition of those who too often lead that multitude, sufficiently 
 demonstrite the general utility of. But it has its limits, and most necessarily 
 4o, In the case before us, though parliament had now continued in the state I 
 have described for nearly eighty years after the revolution, statesmen could not 
 expect that it would always remain so. The people looked towards England, 
 and, observing the frequency of parliaments there, which unavoidably had its 
 influence on the democratic part of the legislature, began to murmur at their 
 own condition. In this temper, the original steps towards obtaining the Octen- 
 nial bill were, as Lord Charlemont always observed, to be traced, however faintly, 
 in the writings of his friend Doctor Lucas, which, though limited at first to 
 objects merely municipal, not unfrequently hinted at the unconstitutional dura- 
 tion of parliaments ; and, at last, openly recommended a proper resistance to such 
 a political grievance. Those writings, though now almost forgotten, made no 
 small impression on the public mind. The imperfect historical knowledge of 
 Lucas was soon, and amply, supplied by the diligent research, and entire fami- 
 liarity with constitutional subjects, which some gentlemen at the bar, or mem- 
 bers of the house of commons, displayed in several publications, all tending to 
 the same point, and stating the necessity of abridging the existence of Parliament, 
 without which any change in the constitutitm, oi* condition of Ireland, would be 
 looked for in vain. 
 
 The metropolis then came forward, and was followed by some counties, 
 recommending a parliamentary support of this great measure ; gradually the 
 flame spread wider, nor was it in the power of ministerial, or aristocratical 
 influence any longer to extinguish it. On the 22d October, 1761, (the first day 
 of the meeting of the new parliament) leave was given to bring in heads of a 
 bill to limit the duration of parliament ; but when, on the 9th of December 
 following, it was moved that the lord lieutenant would be pleased to recom- 
 mend the same in the most effectual manner to his Majesty, the motion was 
 negatived by a large majority. This proceeding very justly awakened the sus- 
 picions of the people as to the sincerity of their representatives ; and the house, 
 perfectly conscious that such suspicions were by no means vague or idle^ 
 thought proper to adopt the following very undignified, disingenuous, resolution : 
 *' Resolved, that the suggestions confidently propagated, that the heads of a 
 lull for limiting the duration of parliaments, if returned ^om England, would 
 
' 130 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 , have beCQ rejected by this house, are without foundation ;" 26th of April, 
 1762. The progress of the bill through the house, in the ^bsequent session 
 of 1763, was still more languid, and more calculated to awaken, and keep alive, 
 every doubt and suspicion of the people. Leave was given to bring it in on 
 the 13th of October, and it was not presented till the 14th of December fol- 
 lowing, nor reported till the middle of February. Nothing can more evidently 
 mark the real disposition of the house, towards this very constitutional bill: 
 the people became more importunate than before, and the house of commons 
 once more passed the bill ; having, according to the usage of those days, sent it to 
 the privy council, where the aristocratical leaders were certain it would be 
 thrown into a corner ; nor were they mistaken. If they could have so long 
 combated this measure in an assembly that had, at least, the name and semblance 
 of a popular one, with what facility could they overthrow it in a select body, 
 issuing directly from the crown, and where some members, not of one, but 
 both houses of parliament, would, like confluent streams, direct their united force 
 against it, with a more silent, indeed, and therefore more fatal current. The bill 
 being thus soon overwhelmed, nothing could be done till another session. Once 
 more the people petitioned, and once more the house of commons sent the bill 
 to their good friends the privy council, enjoying, in public, the applaus^ of the 
 nation for having passed it, and, in secret, the notable triumph that it would be 
 so soon destroyed. But here matters assumed a different aspect ; the Privy 
 council began to feel that this scene of deception had been long enough played 
 by the commons, and being, with some reason, very much out of humour, 
 that the plaudits of the nation should be bestowed on its representatives, whilst 
 his Majesty's privy council, by the artifice of some leaders, was rendered odious 
 to the country, resolved to drop the curtain at once, and certified the bill to the 
 English privy council, satisfied that it would encounter a much more chilling 
 reception there, than it had met with even from themselves. The aspect of 
 affairs was again changed. The Irish privy council had disappointed the commons; 
 and the English cabinet now resolved to disappoint and punish both. Enraged 
 with the house of commons for its dissimulation, with the aristocracy for not 
 crushing the bill at once; and, amid all this confusion and resentment, not a little 
 elated, to have it at length in their power completely to humiliate that aristo- 
 CFAfey, which, in the true spirit of useful obsequious servitude, not only galled the 
 
EARL OF CMAULEMON'J'. 13I 
 
 people, but sometimes mortified, and controlled the English cabinet itself; 
 afraid of popular commotions in Ireland; feeling, as English gentlemen, that the 
 Irish public was in the right ; as statesmen, that it would be wise to relinquish 
 at once what, in fact, could be but little longer tenable, — they sacrificed political 
 leaders, privy counctUors, and parliament, to their fears, their hatred, their 
 adoption of a new policy, and though last, not the least motive, it is to be hoped, 
 their just sense of the English constitution. They returned the bill, and gave 
 orders for the calling of a new parliament ; which was dissolved the day after the 
 Lord Lieutenant put an end to the session of I768. 
 
 It is impossible not to mention, in this place, an anecdote which I 
 
 heard from Lord Charlemont, as well as others. He happened, at this 
 
 time, to dine with one of the great parliamentary leaders. A large comrpany, 
 
 and, as Bubb Dodington says of some of his dinners with the Pelhams, much 
 
 drink, and much good humour. In the midst of this festivity, the papers and 
 
 letters of the last English packet, which had just come in, were brought into 
 
 the room, and given to the master of the house. Scarcely had he read one or 
 
 two of them, when it appeared that he was extremely agitated. The company 
 
 was alarmed. " What's the matter? — Nothing, we hope, has happened 
 
 that — — *' " Happened ! (exclaimed their kind host, and swearing most 
 
 piteously,) Happened ! The septennial bill is returned.'' A burst of joy from 
 
 Lord Charlemont, and the very few real friends of the bill, who happened to be 
 
 present ! The majority of the company, confused, and, indeed, almost astounded, 
 
 began, after the first in\'oluntary dejection of their features, to recollect that 
 
 they had, session after session, openly voted for this bill, with many an internal 
 
 curse. Heaven knows ! But still they had uniformly been its loudest advocates ; 
 
 and that, therefore, it would be somewhat decorous, not to appear too much 
 
 cast down at their own unexpected triumphs. In consequence of these politic 
 
 reflections they endeavoured to adjust their looks to the joyous occasion as well 
 
 as they could. But they were soon spared the awkwardness of assumed felicity. 
 
 " The bill is not only returned,'' continued their chieftain, " but — but— the 
 
 parliament is dissolved !" " Dissolved ! Dissolved ! Why dissolved ?" '* My 
 
 good friends, I can't tell you why, or wherefore ; but dissolved it is, or will be 
 
 directly.'* 
 
 Hypocrisy, far more disciplined than their s, could lend its aid no further, 
 '■ S 2 
 
132 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 If the first intelligence which they heard was tolerably doleful, this was com- 
 plete discomfiture. They sunk iilto taciturnity, and the leaders began to look, 
 in fact, what they had been so often politically called, a company of Under- 
 takers. They had assisted at the parliamentary funeral of some opponents, 
 (Jones Nevill, for instance ;)* and now, like Charles the Fifth, though without 
 his satiety of worldly vanities, they were to assist at their own. In the return 
 of this fatal bill was their political existence completjely inurned. Lord Charle- 
 mont took advantage of their silent mood, and quietly withdrew from this 
 groupe of statesmen, than whom a more ridiculous, rueful set of personages 
 in his life, he said, he never beheld. The city, in consequence of the intel- 
 ligence of the evening, was in a tumult of gratitude and applause; illuminations 
 were every where diffused, and our unintentionally victorious senators were 
 obliged, on their return home, to stop at the end of almost every street, and 
 huzza, very dismally, with a very merry, very patriotic, and very drunken 
 populace. 
 
 But public exultation was not confined to Dublin. In a few days all Ire« 
 land might have been said to be one continued blaze. The septennial bill was 
 now, according to the mode of passing bills in those days, once more to appear 
 before the House of Commons, where, if it was not received with much inte- 
 rior joy and gladness, it met with great civility, and, in general, the most per- 
 fect parliamentary decorum. Many, unquestionably, acted like true patriots, 
 and assented to it from their hearts, as a great constitutional boon conceded to 
 Ireland. Some connected with boroughs began now to look a dissolution in 
 the face, and calculated on a temporary sale, or entire lucrative transfer, of this 
 species of parliamentary property. Some members for counties, who had long 
 flattered themselves with possession of their seats, either for their own lives, 
 or the life of the Sovereign, conscious that a retrospect of their political 
 existence could afford little satisfaction to themselves, or their electors, shud- 
 dered at the idea of meeting those beloved constituents once more. Altogether, 
 there was not a little patriotism, much dread of the people, and abundant 
 selfishness. 
 
 * Mr, Arthur Jones Nevill, whose expulsion from the House of Commons, for supposed de- 
 iinquency, as surveyor-general of public works, was a noere trial of strength between Boyle and Stone,, 
 in which the former was successful. The parliamentary wits of that day, in the House of Commons^ 
 •aid;, on his expulsion, that be was not 7wigo Jones, but 0«/igo Jones. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 183 
 
 The House of Lords presented a scene far more uniform. As a permanent 
 body, emanating directly from the crown, the thunder of a dissolution not 
 only rolled innocuous over their heads, but was hailed by them as the harbinger 
 of days, auspicious, perhaps, to public liberty, but, at all events, far more pro- 
 pitious to their own personal interest. The major part of the boroughs lay 
 in their hands, and a measure now presented itself which gave to them their 
 choice of increasing their followers, or augmenting their purse. In some caset 
 the latter object would be found, perhaps, the most desirable. A parliamentary 
 chieftain in the north, or south, might, now and then, be rich in adherents, 
 and poor in pocket. — Mancipits bcupleSy eget aris Cappadocum rex. The 
 diminution of parliamentary consequence would, at certain intervals, be com- 
 pensated by domestic convenience. They congratulated themselves, therefore, 
 on the iipproach of a season, which was no longer to await the slow demise 
 of the crown, the death, or the ennobling of a solitary individual ; but would, 
 then, and in its renovation every seven or eight years, restore to them their 
 boroughs, in value augmented tenfold, and, in short, as productive and agree- 
 able, as, at that moment, they were sterile and neglected. If such sentiments 
 predominated in the minds of- several, it is but candid to state, that some por^ 
 tion of public spirit pervaded also those of others. There were some, also> 
 who had been so long held in thraldom by the aristocracy, that they could not 
 but rejoice in a measure which would rescue them, and their connexions, from 
 an oppressive bondage, and, if pursued with a just and liberal spirit, give con- 
 stitutional, rational liberty to the kingdom. Lord Charlemont and his public- 
 minded friends (they were, alas ! but few) availing themselves of these inter- 
 mingled sentiments among their noble brethren, . most wisely took the current 
 as it served, prevailed on the House to consent to the reading of the bill thrice 
 on the same day, and crowned the whole with the following resolutions : — 
 
 " Resolved, That the reading of the bill for limiting the duration of 
 parliaments a second time, committing it, reporting, and reading it a third time, 
 and passing it in the same day, was done as a distinguishing mark of the appro- 
 bation of this House of that ImU, and is not to be drawn into precedent. 
 
 " Resolved, That an humble addr^s be presented to liis Majesty, to 
 express our grateful acknowledgments for returning the bill for limiting the 
 duration of parliaments in this kingdom, so essential to the constitution, so 
 
134 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 beneficial to the Protestant religion, and so universally desired by the nation ; 
 and to testify, by this early tribute of our thanks, the great satisfaction which 
 ■\ye feel from an event, which equally contributes to the joy of the nation, and 
 to his Majesty's glory." 
 
 The bill however did not pass through the House of Lords with entire 
 unanimity. Lord Chancellor LifFord, Lord Annaly, and a respectable prelate. 
 Doctor Hutchinson, Bishop of Killala, not only voted, but protested against it. . 
 Their arguments, as contained in the protest, are feeble and inconclusive. 
 
 In alluding to this measure, which may be said to have first unlocked the 
 political energies of Ireland, Lord Cliarlemont has in some of his papers made 
 the following observations, which are so truly just, that it would be unpardonable 
 to withhold them from the reader. '* As far as my experience goes, this 
 maxim appears to me infallible, that every measure intrinsically just and good 
 will finally be carried by virtuous and steady perseverance. In the pursuit of 
 that which is salutary and right, let no patriot be discouraged by defeat, since, 
 though repeated efforts may prove ineffectual, the time will come, when the 
 labours of the virtuous few will finally succeed against all the efforts of 
 interested majorities, when a coincidence of favourable circumstances will 
 conspire with the justice and utility of the measure, and, beyond the reach of 
 human foresight, carry into execution even that which, by the weak and timid, 
 was deemed most impossible. Nil desperandum is a maxim in patriotism, 
 which I solemnly recommend to the observance of my children. * Let them 
 always endeavour after what is right, how difficult so ever it may appear of 
 attainment ; since, though they should not live to witness success, they will lay 
 a foundation for the success of their survivors. The man who lays the first 
 stone of the temple of liberty has as much, and perhaps more credit with 
 posterity, than he who lives to complete the edifice." 
 
 This year (I768) seems to have been particularly auspicious to Lord 
 Charlemont in private as well as public life. On the second of July he was 
 married to Miss Hickman, daughter of Robert Hickman, Esq. of the county of 
 Clare ; an ancient and respectable family, allied to that of Lord Windsor. 
 Unfeigned respect for this noble lady, for the just delicacy of her mind, imposes 
 an almost total silence on me, where otherwise I should be least inclined to 
 indulge it. But I may be permitted to say this at least, that her union with Lord 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 135 
 
 Charlemont was productive of felicity, as rational and refined as uninterrupted ; 
 and her taste and sentiments were, in all respects, congenial to those of her 
 amiable Lord.* 
 
 . , The Parliament now accelerated to its close; and though the House of Com- 
 mons could not, with much propriety, be styled "Fit Haunt of Gods," our General 
 Sire did not take leave of his primaeval abode with more fond and unavailing 
 regret, than that august mansion was now bid adieu to by some of its dege- 
 nerate sons, who had gaily indulged the expectation that they should continue 
 members of it, as long as their Sovereign continued on his throne. But that 
 dream of political beatitude was now over. Many never again entered its walls. 
 A new scene was opened, and several new actors appeared. Some creations 
 took place, of course, from time to time, in the House of Lords, of which the 
 Peerage, no doubt, retains the most distressing memory; and History, no memory 
 at all. Of some who flourished, if I may be allowed the phrase, in that assembly, 
 or were long conspicuous in the lower House of Parliament, it is proper that 
 just mention should be made. 
 
 Simon Luttrell, Earl of Carhampton, was descended from a long line of pro- 
 k genitors, who, for several centuries, were seated at Luttrelstown, in the county 
 of Dublin, where, as well as in other counties of Ireland, they had very large 
 possessions. The immediate ancestors of Lord Carhampton, or some of them 
 at least, followed the fortunes of James the second. His uncle held a high rank 
 in that prince's army, and was by him appointed a privy counsellor of Ireland, 
 on the same day with the celebrated Anthony, Count Hamilton.-}- He was 
 killed at the battle of Landen. Lord Carhampton was bred up in political prin- 
 ciples directly opposite to those of his ancestors, and received the first part of 
 his education at Eton, where he formed early habits of intimacy with Lord 
 Camden, whose age corresponded exactly with his own. J He was a distin- 
 guished member of the House of Lords. in Ireland for many years, though by no 
 means young when he took his seat in that assembly. Whilst he was there, he 
 spoke with his accustomed wit and humour, great perspicuity, adroitness, 
 
 4 
 
 * Since the above was written, that truly excellent lady is, alas ! no more. 
 f Author of the Granaont Memoirs, and many miscellaneous productions, in prose as well as verse. 
 
 X Both were born in the year 17 13. 
 
•"^ 
 
 136 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 knowledge of mankind, quickness in perceiving, and rallying the foibles of hii 
 adversaries, stimulating, if it suited his purpose, a warm temper to warmth still 
 greater, with a general vigilance, and command of his own. To oratory he laid 
 no claim. He was well versed in the proceedings of parliament, as, for the best 
 part of his life, he had sat in the English House of Commons, where, though 
 he did not press forward as a constant debater, he was a most keen and accurate 
 observer of all that passed. As a companion a more agreeable man could 
 scarcely be found. He was the delight of those whose society he frequented, 
 whilst he resided in Dublin, as he did almost constantly towards the close of 
 his life. His conversation (for I had long the honor and happiness of partaking 
 of it) was charming; full of sound sense, perfect acquaintance with the historiies 
 of the most distinguished persons of his own age, and that which preceded it ; 
 without the least garrulity pursuing various narratives, and enlivening all with 
 the most graceful original humour. In many respects it resembled that species 
 of conversation which the French, at a period when society was best understood, 
 distinguished above all other colloquial excellence of that day, by the appropriate 
 phrase of V Esprit de Mortemart. Gay, simple, very peculiar, yet perfectly natural, 
 easy, and companionable; unambitious of all ornament, but embellished bj 
 that unstudied and becoming air, which a just taste, improved by long fami- 
 liarity with persons of the best manners, can alone bestow. Lord Carhampton 
 was an excellent scholar ; but as the subjects which engaged his attention in 
 general were either political, or such as an agreeable man of the world would 
 most dwell on, in mixed companies, his literary acquirements were only, or 
 more peculiarly, known to those who lived in greater intimacy with him. 
 
 To enter into an idle, and unskilful panegyric of this nobleman, is not the part 
 of these memoirs ; but they can state, with propriety, that he was friendly and 
 good-natured; and it is only doing bare justice to his memory to add, that the 
 accounts which political writers of the day, especially at the period of the Middlesex 
 election, published with regard to him, are almost without exception to be 
 regarded as the mere fabrications of party. Young persons, who engage early 
 and warmly in politics, cannot be sufficiently warned against the slightest encou- 
 ragement of publications, which, professing to have some national object in view> 
 are almost totally and ungenerously personal. No zeal for any patron or party, 
 or cause, should induce an honourable mind tg overlook, much jess to applaudv 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 137 
 
 any wanton misrepresentation of our adversaries ; for what has any good party, 
 or good cause, to do with misrepresentations ? At first they are regarded as the 
 mere indiscreet o'erleapings of too great alacrity in a political contest ; but insen- 
 sibly they create an indifference to all truth, if some paltry triumph or advantage 
 can be obtained by a deviation from it : or, without being so deadly in their 
 effects, how often do they generate an unkindly spirit towards those whom 
 either the propriety, or the accident, of parliamentary warfare may sometimes 
 oppose to us ; and how frequently has it happened, even to the best natures, 
 -that no inconsiderable portion of life has passed away, before the prejudices 
 excited by those worst of all enemies to the liberty of the press, and indeed all 
 civilized society, have totally subsided ? 
 
 Charles Coote, Earl of Bellamont, was, I believe, descended from that Sir 
 Charles Coote, who acted no inconsiderable part as a military personage, in 
 Ireland, during that sad and agitated period which succeeded the calamitous aera 
 of 1641. No portion of his warlike spirit was lost in his descendant, who, at an 
 early period of his life, distinguished himself against the Oak boys, and other 
 insurgents ; for which services it was thought proper to reward him with a red 
 ribband ; an*d he was accordingly invested with the ensigns of the order of the 
 Bath, by the Duke of Northumberland, then Lord Lieutenant, at the castle of 
 Dublin. He was a nobleman who possessed much quickness of parts, of real 
 but very singular talents, and most fantastic in the use of them. In his dress, 
 his air, his manners, his diction, whether in common conversation, or debate, 
 he was totally unlike any other man of his time. His person was well formed, 
 of a most advantageous height, and, when decorated with his star, or other 
 emblems of chivalry, he moved along, like a Lord Herbert of Cherbury, or one of 
 those knights who " jousted in Aspramont or Montalban ;'* as lofty in mien as 
 in phrases ; courteous, or hostile, as the occasion required. His oratory cannot 
 be at all adequately described. He must have been heard in the House of Lords; 
 where the stately march of his periods, his solemn pauses, his correspondent 
 gestures, his selection of words, so remote from common use, yet by no means 
 deficient in energy, or point, sometimes excited the admiration, and always the 
 amazement, of his auditors. The politeness of his manners was certainly 
 
 * I speak of him as he appeared between thirty and forty ytan ago. 
 
 T 
 
138 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 engaging, though ceremonious, and tinctured with that eccentricity which 
 pervaded his whole deportment. He had a just and becoming public spirit, 
 which conciliated the regard of Lord Charlemont, who acted as his second in 
 his celebrated duel with the Marquis Townshend ; when, it is almost superfluous 
 to add, that he behaved with his usual characteristic gallantry and punctilious 
 antique courtesy. He was most severely wounded, but lived many years after- 
 wards. 
 
 There were other noblemen of talents who spoke with extreme good sense 
 in the Lords, and always supported a propriety and dignity of conduct ; but it 
 is unnecessary to dwell on them here. I shall, therefore, go to the House of 
 Commons. 
 
 John Scott, afterwards Earl of Clonmell, was, in the year 1769, recom- 
 mended to the protection of Lord Townshend, then viceroy of Ireland, by Lord 
 Chancellor Lif!brd. The Marquis had expressed his wishes for the assistance of 
 some young gentleman of the bar, on whose talents and fidelity he might rely, 
 in the severe parliamentary campaigns then likely to take place. In consequence 
 of this recommendation Mr. Scott was elected a member of the House of Com- 
 mons for one of the late Lord Granard's boroughs. This choice did great honor 
 to the chancellor's discernment of character, as Scott not only answered, but 
 even exceeded, the most sanguine expectations of the Lord Lieutenant. The 
 opposition, at that time, was sufficiently formidable ; being composed of the 
 most leading families in the country, joined to great parliamentary talents, and 
 led on by Flood, whose oratorical powers were then, perhaps, at their height. 
 Against this lofty combination did Mr. Scott venture to oppose himself, with a 
 promptitude and resolution almost unexampled. No menace from without 
 doors, no invective within, no question, however popular, no retort, however 
 applauded, no weight, or vehemence of eloquence, no airy and delicate satire, 
 for a moment deterred this young, vigorous, and ardent assailant. On he 
 moved, without much incumbrance of argument certainly, but all the light 
 artillery, and total war of jests, and bon mots, pointed sarcasms, popular stories, 
 and popular allusions, were entirely his own. He spoke, it must be confessed, 
 very indifferently at first ; but whilst his antagonists, and some of the fine 
 gentlemen of the House, accustomed to a more fashionable and polished oratory, 
 affected to regard his eloquence, (if, in their opinion, it deserved the name) as 
 
EARL OF CHARLRMONT. 13^ 
 
 a noisy torrent for ever voluble, and for ever the same, the older, and more 
 sagacious members soon perceived where the force of his talents lay, and that he 
 was not calculated to move in a subordinate sphere. On the death of Tisdall 
 he succeeded to the place of attorney- general ; and as, in a year or two afterwards, 
 more important questions were agitated than had before engaged the attention 
 of the House of Commons, he was obliged to come forward as the principal 
 supporter of government ; and encountered, of course, no small share of popular 
 odium. Several of his enemies, and persons who talked without consideration^ 
 asserted that he displayed no talents whatever in defence of administration. But 
 let justice be done to him. He spoke often with much ingenuity, and, in some 
 instances, great address. It is true that, in the warmth and tumult of debate, 
 arguing, as he frequently did, on grounds not at all tenable, opposed by as elo- 
 quent men as ever sat in the House of Commons, with the voice of the country 
 calling aloud for freedom, and seconding all their efforts, he hazarded assertions, 
 which, as he could not recall, his opponents would not suffer to pass without 
 sharp animadversions. But, as some of Dryden's productions were, according 
 to Hume, the off^spring of haste and hunger, the positions which Mr. Scott 
 often advanced, were the off^spring of the moment, of a mind hurried, and driven 
 beyond its sphere ; in short, of a political combatant who was obliged, at any 
 rate, to defend administration. In this situation, he was often ungenerously 
 left almost alone ; but, on looking back to those days, it may be said, that he 
 was one of the best supports which ministers had in the House of Commons. 
 The times were almost wild ; much management was required ; and where others 
 would always have irritated, he generally conciliated. He was removed from the 
 office of attorney-general, during the viceroyalty of the Duke of Portland ; but 
 in that of Lord Northington was appointed prime seijeant ; and if popularity is 
 said, very justly too, to be of a most transitory nature, public disapprobation 
 is often equally so ; for, whilst holding the latter situation, he was listened to with 
 evident satisfaction, in that House, where, a year or two before, to make use o( 
 the words of Lord Clarendon, " he had rendered himself marvellously ungra- 
 cious." But several, in a similar situation, would have rendered themselves still 
 more so. He had many social virtues ; and, in convivial hours, much unaffected 
 wit and pleasantry, with a cordial civility of manners. To his great honour be 
 it recorded, that he never forgot an obligation ; and as his sagacity and know- 
 
 t2 
 
140 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 ledge of mankind must have been pre-eminent, so his gratitude to persons 
 who had assisted him in the mediocrity of his fortune was unquestionable, and 
 marked by real generosity and munificence. 
 
 -' Walter Hussey, who afterwards took the name of Burgh, and was advanced 
 to the station of lord chief baron of the exchequer, came, at this time, into par- 
 liament, under the auspices of James, Duke of Leinster. He immediately 
 joined the great opposition then formed against the administration of Lord 
 Townshend. His speeches, when he first entered the House of Commons, were 
 very brilliant, very figurative, and far more remarkable for that elegant, poetic 
 taste which had highly distinguished him, when a member of the university, than 
 any logical illustration, or depth of argument. But as he was blessed with great 
 endowments, every session took away somewhat from the unnecessary splendour 
 and redundancy of his harangues. To ![iiake use of a phrase of Cicero, in 
 speaking of his own improvement in eloquence, his orations were gradually 
 deprived of all fever. * Clearness of intellect, a subtle, refined, and polished 
 wit, a gay, fertile, uncommonly fine imagination, very classical taste, superior 
 harmony, and elegance of diction, peculiarly characterized this justly-celebrated 
 man. Though without beauty, his countenance was manly, engaging, and 
 expressive ; his figure agreeable and interesting ; his deportment eminently graceful. 
 To those who never heard him, as the fashion of this world in eloquence, 
 as in all things, soon passes away, it may be no easy matter to convey a just 
 idea of his style of speaking ; it differed totally from the models which have 
 been presented to us by some of the great masters of rhetoric in latter days. 
 His eloquence was by no means gaudy, tumid, nor approaching to that species 
 of oratory, which the Roman critics denominated Asiatic ; but it was always 
 decorated as the occasion required : it was often compressed, and pointed, 
 though that could not be said to have been its general feature. It was sustained 
 by great ingenuity, great rapidity of intellect, luminous and piercing satire ; in 
 refinement abundant, in simplicity sterile. The classical allusions of this orator, 
 for he was most truly one, were so apposite, they followed each other in such 
 bright, and varied succession, and, at times, spread such an unexpected, and 
 triumphant blaze around his subject, that all persons, who were in the least 
 
 * ** Quasi deferbuerat oratio," — 
 
 De Claris Oratoribus. . 
 
EARL 01* CHARLEMONT. 141 
 
 tinged with literature, could never be tired of listening to him. The Irish are 
 a people of quick sensibility, and perfectly alive to every display of ingenuity,, 
 or illustrative wit. Never did the spirit of the nation soar higher than during 
 the splendid days of the volunteer institution ; and, whpn Hussey Burgh, alluding 
 to some coercive English laws, and that institution, then in its proudest array, 
 said in the House of Commons, *' That such laws were sown like dragons* teeth, 
 and sprung up in armed men,"* the applause which followed, and the glow of 
 enthusiasm which he kindled in every mind, far exceed my powers of descrip- 
 tion. 
 
 Never did the graces more sedulously cherish, and uniformly attend any 
 orator more than this amiable and elegant man. They embellished all that he 
 said, all that he did ; but the graces are fugitive or perishable; Of his admired 
 speeches but few, if any records are now to be found; and of his har- 
 monious flowing eloquence, it may be said, as Tacitus did of an eminent 
 speaker in his time; " Hatcrii canorum iliudj et profluens, cum ipso extinctum 
 est.'*'^ 
 
 He accepted the office of prime serjeant during the early part of Lord 
 Buckinghamshire's administration, but the experience of one session convinced 
 him, that his sentiments and those of the English and Irish cabinets, on the 
 great questions relative to the independence of Ireland, would never assimilate. 
 He soon grew weary of his situation ; when his return to the standard of 
 opposition was marked by all ranks of people, and especially his own profession, 
 as a day of splendid triumph. Numerous were the congratulations which he 
 received on this sacrifice of official emolument, to the duty which he owed to 
 his country. That country he loved even to enthusiasm. He moved the question 
 of a free trade for Ireland, as the only measure that could then rescue this 
 kingdom from total decay. The resolution was concise, energetic, and successful. 
 
 * I remember Mr. Fox speaking of this allusion to the late Mr. Forbe», .with peculiar 
 approbation. 
 
 t It is to be observed, however, that the debate reporters in his time, were in general the most 
 ignorant of human beings. Unless, therefore, his friends were at the trouble of preparing some of 
 his speeches for the press, they must have been sadly disfigured. In a debate on the mutiny bill. 
 Burgh quoted an opinion of Serjeant Maynard's. The reporters stated, that he very appositely 
 introdijced a saying of an eminent Serjeant Major 
 
142 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 He supported Mr. Grattan in all the motions which finally laid prostrate the 
 dominion of the British parliament over Ireland. When he did so, he was not 
 unacquainted with the vindictive disposition of the English cabinet of that day, 
 towards all who dared to maintain such propositions. One night, when he sat down 
 after a most able, argumentative speech in favour of the just rights of Ireland, he 
 turned to Mr. Grattan, " I have now," said he, " nor do I repent it, sealed the door 
 against my own preferment ; and I have made the fortune of the man opposite 
 to me," naming a particular person who sat on the treasury bench. 
 
 He loved fame, he enjoyed the blaze of his own reputation, and the most 
 unclouded moments of his life were not those when his exertions at the bar, or 
 in the House of Commons, failed to receive their accustomed and ample tribute 
 of admiration ; that, indeed, but rarely happened ; he felt it at particular mo- 
 ments, during his connection with the Buckinghamshire administration ; nor did 
 the general applause which he received counterbalance his temporary chagrin. 
 A similar temperament is, I think, recorded of Racine ; but he had not Racine's 
 jealousy. On the contrary, the best intellectual displays of his contemporaries 
 seemed always to be the most agreeable to him, and I can well attest, that he 
 hailed the dawn of any young man's rising reputation with the tribute of 
 kindred genius. 
 
 He died at a time of life when his faculties, always prompt and dis- 
 criminating, approximated, as it should seem, to their fullest perfection. On the 
 bench, where he sat more than one year, he had sometimes lost sight of that 
 wise precept which lord Bacon lays down for the conduct of a judge towards an 
 advocate at the bar. " You should not affect the opinion of poignancy and ex- 
 pedition, by an impatient, and catching hearing of the counsellors at the bar.'** 
 He seemed to be sensible of his deviation from this ; to be convinced that security 
 in our own opinions, like too great security in any thing, *' is mortals chiefest 
 enemy," and that, in our daily converse with the world, we meet with others 
 who are far wiser than ourselves, even on those points where we fondly imagine 
 our own wisdom to be the most authenticated. His honest desire not to feed 
 contention, but bring it to as speedy a termination as could reasonably be wished, 
 deserves great praise. 
 
 * Lord Bacon's speech to Judge Hutton, on being made a Judge of the Common Pleas. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 143 
 
 ^ He did not** says Mr. Flood, alluding to him in one of his speeches, 
 " live to be ennobled, but he was ennobled by nature." I value the just prerogatives 
 of ancient nobility, but to the tears and regrets of a nation, bending over the 
 urn of public and private excellence, as Ireland did over his, what has Heraldry to 
 add, or, at such moments, what can it bestow ? 
 
 Sir William Osborne was a most attentive, acute, and discriminating member 
 of the House of Gammons. He was always particularly attended to. There 
 were few whose remarks, at certain moments, were more shrewd and pointed. 
 When a gentleman, now no more, made his first speech in the House of Com- 
 mons, Sir William asked who he was ; and being told ; " Well," he replied, " I 
 think he will do. But I observe that, contrary to the general practice of his 
 family, he speaks on the side of Opposition. If the Opposition have enlisted 
 him they are perfectly in the right, for he seems to have the finest face for a 
 grievance of any man I ever beheld." Many similar neat and apposite sayings 
 are recorded of him. 
 
 Mr. Henry Flood was bv far one of the ablest men that ever sat in the 
 Irish Parliament. As he will appear frequently in the course of these memoirs, 
 I shall not enter here into his character as entirely as I otherwise should. He 
 came into the House of Commons, and spoke during the administration of the 
 Earl of Halifax. Hamilton's success, as a speaker, drew him instantly forward, 
 and his first parliamentary essay was brilliant and imposing. Hutchinson, who 
 was at that time with the court, replied to him, but with many compliments, and, 
 as has been already observed, he was almost generally applauded, except by 
 Primate Stone. He was a consummate member of Parliament. Active, ardent, 
 and persevering, his industry was without limits. In advancing, and, according 
 to the parliamentary phrase, driving a question, he was unrivalled ; as, for instance, 
 his dissertations, for such they were, on the law of Poynings, and similar topics. 
 He was in himself an Opposition, and possessed the talent, (in political warfare a 
 most formidable one) of tormenting a minister, and every day adding to his dis- 
 quietude. When attacked, he was always most successful, and to form an accu- 
 rate idea of his excellence, it was necessary to be present when he was engaged in 
 such contests, for his introductory, or formal speeches were often heavy and 
 laboured, yet still replete with just argument ;^ and through thewhole were diffused 
 a certain pathos, an apparent public care, with which a popular assembly is almost 
 
144 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 always in unison. His taste was not the most correct, and his studied manner 
 was slow, harsh, and austere ; the very reverse of Hamilton, whose trophies first 
 pointed the way to Floods genius, and whom he avowedly attempted to emulate. 
 But in skirmishing, in returning with rapidity to the charge, though at first shaken, 
 and nearly discomfited, his quickness, his address, his powers of retort, and 
 of insinuation, were never exceeded in Parliament. However, it was from the 
 whole of the- campaign that his abilities were to be duly appreciated. He entered, 
 as has been observed by his illustrious opponent,* rather late into the British 
 House of Commons, and was never fairly tried there. His first exhibition was 
 unsuccessful, and it seems to have indisposed him, for a considerable time at 
 least, to any subsequent parliamentary effort. Besides, at the moment that he 
 became a member, that house was completely divided into two distinct contending 
 powers, led on by two mighty leaders ; and his declaration, at the onset, that he 
 belonged to no party, united all parties against him. His speech on the India bill, 
 was, as he assured a gentleman from whom I had it, in some measure accidental. 
 The debate had been prolonged to a very late hour, when he got up with the inten- 
 tion merely of saying, that he would defer giving his detailed opinion on the bill, 
 (to which he was adverse) till a more favourable opportunity. The moment that 
 he arose, the politeness of the Speaker, in requesting order, the eagerness of the 
 opponents of the bill, who knew that Flood was with them, seconding the efforts 
 of the Speaker, the civility always paid to any new member, and his particular 
 celebrity as an orator, brought back the crowd from the bar, from above stairs at 
 Bellamy's, and, in short, from the lobby, and every part adjoining the House. 
 There was much civility in this, mingled with no slight curiosity, and altogether 
 it was sufficient to discompose most men. All the members resumed their 
 places, and a general silence took place. Such a flattering attention, he thought, 
 should be repaid by more than one or two sentences. He went on, trusting to his 
 usual powers as a speaker, when, after some diffuse and general reasonings on the 
 subject, which proved, that he was not much acquainted with it, he sat down 
 amid the exultation of his adversaries, and the complete discomfiture, not of his 
 friends, for he could be scarcely said to have one in the house, but of those whose 
 tninds breathed nothing but parliamentary, indeed almost personal, warfare, and 
 
 * Mr. Grattan. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 145 
 
 expected much from his assistance. Altogether the disappointment was univer- 
 sal. He spoke, and very fully, some years afterwards, on two or three occasions. 
 On the French treaty, (his speech was published) and, on the parliamentary 
 reform. On the last-mentioned subject his progress was correspondent to that 
 which ha^been already stated of him. He introduced it with a heavy solemnity, 
 and great, but laborious knowledge. But his reply, especially to Mr. now Lord, 
 Grenville was, as I have been assured, incomparable, and Mr. Burke particularly 
 applauded it. 
 
 Till his acceptance of office, in 1 775, he was the uniform friend and supporter 
 of Lord Charlemont, who, indeed, scarcely took a political step without him* 
 Their intimacy then ceased. It revived again, in some measure, when Flood 
 revived his opposition ; and was again eclipsed, not extinguished, by their adop- 
 tion of difierent sentiments, at the time of what was called the simple repeal, in 
 the autumn of 1782. It shall be alluded to hereafter. Lord Charlemont wai 
 highly indignant at Flood's journey to Belfast, and exciting a violent ferment 
 there ; among Lord Charlemont's particular friends too \ That cloud, however, 
 passed away ; and either, aa has been said, politicians do not love, nor hate, or 
 their ancient affections were then really united, and a cordial intercourse of letterg 
 took place during the regency. To such vicissitudes are political lives subject. 
 Lord Charlemont was always amiable, and Flood possessed, or certainly could 
 display, most engaging manners. He was extremely pleasing in privatfe inter- 
 course ; well bred, open, and hospitable. His figure was tall, erect, graceful ; and 
 in youth, his countenance, however chailged in our days, was of correspondent 
 beauty. On the whole, he made a conspicuous figure in the annals of his coun- 
 try, and he is entitled to the respect of every public-spirited man in it, for unques* 
 tionably he was the senator who, by his exertions, and repeated discussion of 
 questions, seldom, if ever approached before, first taught Ireland that it had a 
 parliament. Mr. Flood died in December, 1791. 
 
 Mr. Daly was for many years a most distinguished member of the House of 
 Commons, and co-operated with Lord Charlemont, till the administration of the 
 Earl of Carlisle, when he accepted the place of Muster- Master- General, but the 
 friendship between him and Lord Charlemont remained unaltered. He was de- 
 scended from an ancient family, some of whom were remarkable for strength of 
 understanding, and distinguished themselves at the bar, and in Parliament. His 
 
146 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 direct ancestor was Denis Daly, who was a judge and privy counsellor in the reign 
 of James the Second. A man of remarkable ability. Henry, Lord Clarendon, 
 at that time Lord Lieutenant, speaks of him frequently, always with respect, and, 
 alluding to his family, says, " That he was of a race truly Irish, and bred under 
 the famous Patrick Darcy, a name so well known in the preceding troybles.'' 
 
 Mr. Daly, whom I now touch on, was born in 1747, educated at Christ- 
 Church, Oxford, and came into Parliament, as the representative of the county of 
 Galvvay, in 1768. He was uncommonly gifted ; for in him were united much 
 beauty and dignity of person, great private worth, great spirit, extensive erudi- 
 tion, and penetrating genius. Seldom was any man more regarded in the House 
 of Commons than he was, not only whilst he Continued with Opposition, but 
 after he had joined Government, and indeed till the time of his death. He was 
 rather an eminent speaker and orator, than a debater. In the general business 
 of the house he did not at all engage, but when he was forced to reply, he spoke, 
 though very shortly, with a promptitude and animation that were almost peculiar 
 to him. His oratory was rapid, unaffected, displaying great energy of intellect, 
 much fortitude of mind, dignified, not austere, nothing morose, but nothing ludi- 
 crous, or jesting; still, however, solving grave debate with powers of ridicule, that 
 almost put corruption out of countenance, and pouring itself forth in sentences 
 so constructed, as to style, and invigorated, as to sentiment, that his hearers were, 
 in truth, not only convinced, but conquered. It is to be lamented that some of 
 his speeches have not been preserved. That on the embargo, in December, 1777, 
 when he opposed government, and in which he replied with such an overwhelm- 
 ing disdain of the imbecile policy, and puny battle of his opponents; such a 
 blended force of diction and of reasoning, was so completely excellent in every 
 part, as would alone justify the fullest panegyric on his oratory. It was the most 
 perfect model of parliamentary speaking, that, in my opinion, could be exhibited. 
 It is said, that in council he was superior. On some great questions he stood 
 almost alone, and he was right. The measures that he advised were bold and 
 rapid. At a meeting of the friends of government, in 1783, when Mr. Flood had 
 announced his intention to the House of Commons, of bringing forward the 
 reform bill, which had been, in fact, prepared by the Convention, Mr. Daly 
 infused his own spirit into the minds of several who were wavering, and prepared 
 the resolution which Mr. Conolly moved in the House of Commons. If he 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 147 
 
 leaned to any party in the state, it was to a qualified aristocracy, accompanied with 
 the utmost repugnance to jobbing. In fact, he was neither the tool, nor the 
 idol of any party. He served the crown with such a port and dignity, that, at 
 particular moments, government seemed to be borne along by him. As he loved 
 liberty he uttered the most poignant sentiments against all public excesses, and, in 
 truth, he seemed to have a horror of all public tumult. The people were ulti- 
 mately sterved thereby, for he acquired an authority with ministers, which checked 
 their excesses also ; and, as he did not run headlong with either, he seemed to com- 
 mand both. He had pride, but it was a pride that led him to excel, and was 
 not obtrusive, or revolting. He wad not only good humoured, but extremely 
 playful. In private society he was above the practice of satire, and if 
 ever he resorted to it, it was only to check the satirist, and with delicacy make 
 him feel, that he himself was ako vulnerable. Good manners in him seemed an 
 emanation of good nature; and, as an illustrious friend of his, who lived itl great 
 intimacy with him, has more than once remarked to me, to know him, and not 
 to love him was impossible. He was a classical scholar, and not only collected 
 the best editions of the great authors of antiquity, but read books with the ardor 
 of a real lover of literature. His library was uncommonly valuable, and was sold, 
 I believe, at a very high price. It may not perhaps be thought superfluous to 
 state in this place, that, in a conversation which he once had with the author of 
 these Memoirs, he said, that as to English prose- writers, the style of Dryden, and 
 that of Andrew Stuart, in his letters to Lord Mansfield, especially the concluding 
 part of them, were, in his opinion, the best models which any young man could 
 attend to, who wished to speak in the House of Commons. 
 
 He once made an observation to me which shewed such a general knowledge 
 of the Irish House of Commons at that time, that I never shall forget it. On 
 €ome question, (no matter what) the court was either left in a minority, or obliged 
 to withdraw it. Some member attempted to pursue this apparent triumph by a 
 more decisive resolution. " How little is he acquainted with this house !'* said 
 Mr. Daly. " Wer€ I a minister, and wished to carry a very untoward measure, it 
 would be directly after we had passed some strong resolution against the court. So 
 blended is the good nature of Irish gentlemen with their habitual acquiescence, 
 that, unless party, or the times, are very violent indeed, we always wish to shrink 
 from a second resolution against a minister, and to make, as it were, some atone- 
 
 V 2 
 
148 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 ment for our precipitant patriotism, by as rapid a return to our original civility 
 and complaisance.'* 
 
 He died at an early period, not very much beyond forty. A nervous disorder, 
 to which he had been long subject, at last closed his days. He rose to speak one 
 night in the House of Commons, when, after delivering a sentence or two, with 
 imperfect articulation, he made a full pause. The house cheered him with its 
 usual approbation and respect. He continued silent. It was then perceived that 
 his malady had so much increased, as to render him totally unable to go on. The 
 stillness which succeeded for some moments, and the generous sympathy which 
 the House displayed, anxious at the same time to conceal, if possible, their feelings 
 from him, produced the most interesting, indeed affecting scene, which I ever 
 witnessed in any popular assembly. It was the last effort he ever made to express 
 his sentiments in public. 
 
 Such were the principal personages who were now engaged in 
 parliament. Though the new parliament was elected in the summer of 1768, 
 it did not meet till October, 176Q. Lord Frederick Campbell, at the com- 
 mencement of that year, had relinquished his situation as the Viceroy's secretary, 
 to Sir George, afterwards Lord Macartney ; an Irishman, handsome, young, very 
 well, or rather very agreeably informed, lively and amusing ; he was, on his arrival 
 here, extremely courted and sought after. Early in life he had been much con- 
 nected with the Holland family, and the old Lord Holland often said, that Ma- 
 cartney was one of the few persons patronized by him, who did not return their 
 obligations with the most singular ingratitude. Under the influence of that 
 connection, he had been sent ambassador to Russia, and his talents were more 
 suited to courts than a divided House of Commons, which it was his fortune to 
 encounter here. His oratorical powers were inconsiderable, and his tones in 
 speaking seemed to be modelled on those of the old stage, which partook more 
 of a monotonous recitative, than the variety, fullness, and energy which com- 
 mand the attention of modern assemblies. Although he spoke in a conciliating 
 manner he did not conciliate ; his rhetoric was regarded as too feeble, even by 
 his own party ; and, by the opposition, was almost contemned. Had he not 
 been Secretary, he would have been totally passed over as a speaker. In his 
 offkial situation, and in such a tumultuous session, he was, as might be expected, 
 treated often with roughness and asperity; personal rudeness he would not 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. ug 
 
 have brooked ; he had too high a spirit. His disinterested conduct in bis different 
 gov^nments calls forth every eulogium ; but that has no place here* 
 
 As the session approached, administration and opposition prepared for 
 battle. With such an enemy to combat as the old aristocracy, i^r more «cute 
 in party management than those who took their places, common poU(^ 
 demanded the propriety of narrowing the ground of combat, by affording scope 
 for such a paucity of questions, merely, as the necessary business of the House 
 could not elude the discussion of. 
 
 Agreeable to Poyning's act, the Irish privy council was bound to certify a 
 bill to the English council, as one of the causes for holding a parliament here. 
 It was the opinion of the most sound and moderate statesmen, that there was 
 no absolute necessity to certify a money bill for that purpose, but that any 
 other bill would equally meet the intentions of Poyning^s act. But the 
 Cabinet thought proper to shew to the House of Commons its ministerial 
 power, and the insignificancy of the representatives of the Irish people. A 
 money bill was certified, and, as some leaders on the ari^ocratic side exactly 
 wished, for it laid the ground of parliamentary hostility. 
 
 On any other question, save that of holding the purse of the nation, the 
 old aristocracy would not have met immediate or extended support. On this, 
 the whole popular independent party, with Lord Charlemont and Mr. Flood at 
 their head, formed a junction with the very men whom, perhaps, they other- 
 wise would have opposed, and rejected the money bill. The reason stated by 
 the House of Commons was, that it did not take its rise in their house. Against 
 this vote Lord Townshend protested. Lord Charlemont, however, was not 
 deficient in vigilance. A motion was made under his direction, which, though 
 negatived as he expected, attained its sole object of entering a strong protest 
 on the journals against Lord Townshend*s expected one, before he prorogued 
 the parliament. The protest had many signatures, and both Houses were 
 angrily dismissed till the March following. Thus, instead of harmony, confi- 
 dence, a more enlarged and conciliating spirit of government, which were to 
 await the new system, it was now universally exclaimed against, and even the 
 unpopularity of the old undertakers was lost in that of the Lord Lieutenant. 
 
 Parliament did not meet again till March, 1771 ; at last it did meet, and 
 Lord Townshend carried a majority, though not without great difficulty, in the. 
 
; 'I'BJ 
 
 150 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 House of Commons. But though he was successful, the opposition was formid- 
 able. Lord Charlemont exerted himself to the utmost. The consequences 
 of such exertions were displayed in a succession of protests, breathing a lan- 
 guage the most ardent and most constitutional. Sixteen or eighteen peers, 
 some of the highest rank, the Duke of Leinster, and others, signed these pro- 
 tests, — an unusual assemblage in the Lords of Ireland. To obtain these majo- 
 rities the administration did not confine itself within the limits of what may be 
 termed influence. It overstepped all such bounds. New places, new pensions, 
 new boards, burst upon the public with melancholy, and even frightful, alacrity. 
 This has been called expending half a million to put down the aristocracy of 
 Ireland, and the assertion has been re-echoed with stupid admiration. The 
 truth is, that it was expended to put down the people through their 
 representatives. No matter from what motives the aristocracy opposed Lord 
 Townshend, the commons opposed him most justly, and asserted their own 
 rights, when they rejected the money bill. 
 
 The Triple alliance, however, of aristocracy, undertakers, and their newly- 
 confederated powers, now gave way. To this surrender, the principal event 
 which contributed was Mr. Ponsonby's resignation of the chair of the House of 
 Commons. That gentleman, allied to the principal whig families in both king- 
 doms, possessed not only great influence from such connections, and his high 
 «tations, but from personal disposition, which was truly amiable. His manners 
 were exactly such as a parliamentary leader should have. Open, affable, and 
 familiar ; he had peculiar dignity of person, at once imposing and engaging. 
 The Commons had, by a majority of twenty-seven, humbly thanked his Majesty 
 for continuing Lord Townshend in the government. Mr. Ponsonby said, in his 
 letter to the House of Commons, that he would not be the instrument of carry- 
 ing such address, and resigned the chair. The Duke of Leinster* and Lord 
 Charlemont had, in vain, endeavoured to dissuade him from this resignation. 
 The night before it took place, his Lordship, who was particularly urged to the 
 interview by the Duke, sat up with Mr. Ponsonby till a very late hour, and 
 urged every reason which his iBind could suggest, for continuing as he was ; 
 that, to carry up the address was merely ministerial, and to relinquish his 
 
 * Jamesj Duke of Leinster, grandfather to the present Duke. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 15 1 
 
 situation, which was still the source of very formidable power, was serving, even 
 criminally, those whom he was bound by his own doctrine to oppose, according 
 to Lord Charlemont's phrase, a toute outrance ; that, as he was not without 
 some apprehensions of being voted out of the chair. Lord Charlemont repre- 
 sented the extreme difficulty of such a step, admitting even the malignity of 
 his enemies, in its fullest force ; to which his Lordship added an observation, 
 founded on consummate experience of his countrymen, at that time at least, 
 that, in a country where personal friendships are as strong as public principle, 
 combated as it is, is weak, such fears were totally groundless. Lord Charlemont 
 left him, fully persuaded that he had succeeded in his mission, but the proceed- 
 ings of the House of Commons next morning convinced him of the contrary. 
 
 It has been already stated, that the money bill was the rock on which 
 Lord Townshend's ministry struck. That question should, of all others, have 
 been avoided. It is, to a degree, puerile to say, that the aristocracy opposed the 
 money bill from factious motives. That consideration docs not make its origin 
 more legitimate, or the policy of those who brought it forward less cen- 
 surable. It is extremely probable, that some, nay many, of the members in 
 the parliaments of Charles the First, opposed that prince, or his ministers, 
 from selfish, and interested views. What then ? His tyranny is not^ the less 
 to be condemned ; ahd when he agitated the very questions which he should 
 not have agitated, he only prepared the road for the downfal of his power. 
 The spirit of the times was totally changed, and the minister, who only pores 
 over the statute-book, when he should consult that spirit, knows nothing of his 
 business. Lord Townshend's protest against the proceedings of the Commons 
 is grounded on Lord Sydney's, in king William's reign. As if Ireland, in 
 1769, bore any resemblance to Ireland in 1692. Bad or silly conduct will 
 always find far more precedents to colour its misdoings, than good conduct 
 ever can. 
 
 If Lord North had insisted, in 1779, on continuing the restrictions on our 
 woollen manufacture, because they were laid on by King William, or his 
 ministers, he would not have deserved an answer. If it is not found expedient 
 to repeal an act of Parliament, which militates against the first principles of 
 the constitution, that act should be shunned, not brought forward. Poyning's 
 law was unnecessarily and wantonly brought forward by Lord Townshend'& 
 
* 
 
 TW 
 
 152 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 advisers, or the English cabinet ; and by doing that which their enemies wished 
 them to do, they involved themselves and the country in sad confusion. To cir- 
 cumscribe the power of the oligarchy, and the undertakers, was very different from 
 annihilating, or wishing to crush into insignificancy, some of the most respectable 
 £imilies in the country. The ancestors of those families had borne the brunt 
 of hostile times, and there was a claim on their part, not indeed to do wrong, 
 but not to be extinguished by government. It had become the fashion of the 
 court in England, for some years back, to decry the persons, the principles, 
 of the old whig families, and the same system seemed to be resolved on 
 here. Lord Charlemont could not join in that system. He thought, and many 
 wise men thought with him, that national freedom might find, as at the revo- 
 lution, no slight bulwark in the undecayed support of certain noble houses, 
 which, to hereditary possessions, joined hereditary principles of enlarged 
 policy, and which they wished to maintain equally with their estates. Better to 
 resort to such men, than to adventurers who proclaimed themselves of no party, 
 solely to be tied by no principle. If power and place were taken even from 
 the undertakers, to be lodged in the Secretary's office, and thence to be distri- 
 buted to those only who could shew a badge of servitude in parliament, to 
 entitle them to a meagre share of either ; strangers to Irishmen, or Irishmen 
 who acted only as strangers to their country, aliens, sojourners in all lands but 
 their own, the people considered themselves as little benefited by the change ; 
 the triumphs of the Castle, or those of the oligarchy. 
 
 Every bad doctrine, with regard to this country, was not only not deviated 
 from at this time, but adhered to with most unconstitutional rigour. Publica- 
 tions, treating the parliament as a mob, the country as subjugated, and the 
 necessity of the English legislature taxing us for our own preservation, were 
 multiplied with the roost revolting variety. If the Octennial bill had been 
 hypocritically supported by the oligarchy, it was reluctantly conceded by the 
 cabinet ; and early in the first parliament, which met after that bill had passed, 
 Ireland was told by the secretary, that a money bill, originating in a body, emanating 
 solely from the crown, that is, the privy council, was a fine paid by the people of 
 Ireland, for the meeting of any parliament whatever. No wonder that such 
 language created a host of opponents ; and it is necessary to re-state it here, at 
 the opposition which Lord Townshend met in Ireland has, by repeated misre- 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 153 
 
 presentations, been attributed solely to the aristocracy. That body was certainly 
 very hostile to him, and, I doubt not, from very improper motives. But such 
 doctrines as above-mentioned, and the avowed system of court influence, 
 directed against the House of Commons, increased the opposition, and alone gave 
 temporary strength to the aristocracy which otherwise it would not have known. 
 A better system of government would have equally, and, perhaps, far more 
 speedily, have circumscribed its power. 
 
 It may not be disagreeable to some readers to leave such politics for a time, 
 and pass to more tranquil and pleasing subjects. In the ntidst of all these 
 political contests, Lord Charlemont never lost sight of literature. He was 
 well versed in that of ancient days ; but Italian literature had long engaged 
 his attention. He, at this time, meditated a history of the poetry of that 
 interesting country from the time of Dante to that of Metastasio. But a 
 variety of occupations diverted his attention from that work for several years. 
 He, at last, resumed it in 1785, and has left a most pleasing, accurate, and 
 critical account of the best poets of Italy, during the time I have mentioned. 
 It may one day, I hope, see the light. Some further account of it shall be given 
 hereafter. — ^That Lord Charlemont was well qualified for the office of historian of 
 Italian poetry, may, I think, be admitted from Baretti's dedication to him, of 
 the " Account of the Manners and Customs of Italy." " JTour ' 
 '' knowledge of the manners and language of Italy is hardly less than my own, 
 " who am a native of that country ; and your knowledge of its literature much 
 ** more extensive.''* Baretti always lived in intimacy with Lord Charlemont. 
 The two following letters from him, one written soon after his acquittal at the 
 Old Bailey, for the accidental killing of a man in the Haymarket ; and another, 
 which is no imperfect representation of his mind, whimsical and original, may 
 find a place here, more especially as they fall in with this period of Lord Charle- 
 mont'slife. 
 
 London, October 35th, 17^. 
 
 My L©rd, 
 Doubtless the public papers have apprized your lordship of the dreadful 
 adventure I met with on the (5th instant, the very day, I think, that I received 
 
 * In the Lettere Fanailiari e Critiche di Vincenzio Martinelli, Londoo, 1758, there arc two 
 letters addressed to Lord Charlemont. *' Sopra L'Axiosto." 
 
 X 
 
f 
 
 134 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 your kind letter. During a fortnight, you may well imagine, my lord, that I 
 could not easily turn my thoughts to any other thing, but the danger of losing, 
 by a jury, that life which had wonderfully escaped a gang of ruffians. Yet, 
 however great my apprehensions, I think that my friends had no fault to find 
 with my fortitude. Your lordship must know, by this time, that my confi- 
 dence was not frustrated in the least, and that I have been honourably acquitted, 
 after a trial of near five hours. The audience was «o perfectly satisfied with my 
 innocence, that the verdict was echoed with a general shout of approbation. 
 Immediately after the trial, I would have given due thanks to your lordship, for 
 your expressions, but the agitation of my mind had not then subsided 
 enough to permit me the free use of my pen. I am sore you will easily 
 pardon the dilatoriness. I thank you now with all my heart, and ardently wish 
 to see your lordship on this side the water, to talk awhile on this subject, which 
 you will own to have been more interesting to me, than my or Mr. Sharpe's 
 nonsense about Italian customs or manners. What would I have given to have 
 seen Lord Charlemont amongst my friends upon that occasion ! A great deal 
 indeed ! However, those I had about me did their part so well that they have 
 made me an Englishman for ever. I am sure I will be buried, in due time, 
 under that very ground which is trod by so many generous men. 
 
 I am, my Lord, 
 with the greatest respect and affection, 
 your lordship's most humble, and most obliged humble servant, 
 
 Joseph Baretti; 
 
 London, Feb. 15, 1772. 
 My Lord, 
 
 I thank you for your kind condescension for apologizing, when there was 
 
 not the shadow of necessity for any apology; and I forbear making a necessary 
 
 one for my delay, in telling your lordship that I have executed your commission, 
 
 least I should be thought so confident as to presume to pay you in kind, and 
 
 give you tit for tat, as the saying is. However, it is an indisputable fact, that 
 
 I have a deal of work to dispatch every day; that is, a couple of devils, (Printer's 
 
 devils) to deliver myself from very regularly twice a day, Sundays excepted ; 
 
 and twelve pages of Don Quixote, if not fourteen, to translate every day ; and 
 
 almost every day, many letters to write in many languages. So that your 
 
% 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEMpNT. 153 
 
 lordship would certainly commiserate the poor drudge, could you form a just 
 idea of my incessant fatigues. See here, my lord, what callosities I have upon 
 this thumb of mine, and got by my continual squeezing of a pen. But, quoth 
 Lord Charlemont, why do you, my old friend, work so very hard ? A pretty 
 question indeed, my good lord ; why I work f faith for no other reason, but 
 because I hate work, and want to be idle ; what other motive could I have, 
 since idleness is the very blank at which diligence, and industry, are for ever 
 aiming. 
 
 I have shewn Dr. JohnsQn your lordship's letter, and he charges me to 
 give you a thousand thanks for your kind words ; yet wonders how you seem 
 to think him of any party but your's, knowing, as he does, that your's is that of 
 philosophy and virtue. Sir Joshua, and Cipriani, have likewise seen the 
 contents of your letter : Cipriani told me, that he would answer for himself, and 
 Sir Joshua says, that Bartolozzi would fain engrave the picture before it is sent 
 to you, so that, if your lordship has no objection, Bartolozzi shall have it first, 
 otherwise it will be sent forthwith. 
 
 Coming now back to speak of my dear self, I must, for once, and very 
 gravely, expostulate with your lordship as to that oblique, but degrading 
 accujsation, of my being little less than apathically indifferent about politics. 
 Jesus! Jesus ! How wrong and unjust those lords are apt to be, when they 
 take it in their heads so to be. Is such an accusation to be brought against a 
 man, who has for these four months past been impairing his sight, wearing out 
 his thumbs, and exhausting his patience in diligently collecting half a dozen 
 editions of Machiavel's works, in order to strike out a new one in three 
 enormous quartos. Come forth of thy back shop, thou Tom Davies, Bookseller, 
 de mis Pecados ! Come forth to bear witness against this lord, as 
 how I have been, and am still, sunk into the very deepest abyss of politics 
 Machiavelian ! Was not Machiavel the indentical bell-wether of all, and every 
 one of, the political flock ? The first, the best, the damnedest of them all ? and 
 how am I to be taxed with indifference about politics, who am now invested by 
 bookseller's authority, with the power of supervising and ushering the chief 
 code of that science into a new edition, and am actually doing it. However, 
 though a thorough politicianj I will be so far honest as to own, there was a 
 time when I was tainted with doctrines unsound ; for instance, there was a time, 
 
 x2 
 
i 
 
 15C MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 when my notion of liberty, (and liberty is the axis round which all manner of 
 politics turns) when my notion of liberty was, that any native of ^ny land was a 
 freeman, provided he had where withal to fill his guts after his own taste, 
 together with a tolerable share of prudence ; there was a time when I thought 
 the French to be no slaves, but* when actually tugging at the oar in the gallies ; 
 when I was persuaded it was matter of indifference, whether rogues were 
 hanged by a dozen of shop-keepers, or a dozen of senators ; when I thought it 
 beastly, that some hundreds of hot-headed rascals should presume to turn a 
 thief into a legislator, and to bring him among some honest custard- eaters, that 
 he might grow fat as a pig, when he deserved to be kept as lean as aLizzard. 
 There was a time, my lord, when I thought that a bastard kind of liberty, that 
 did permit a multitude of Catos, Brutuses, Senecas, and Socrates* to call 
 Johnson a hireling, Warburton an atheist, Burke a Jesuit, Mansfield an ass, 
 Wilkes a saint, and Junius the saviour of his country. A multitude of such 
 foolish notions, I own, I once fostered in my idle pate. But my long medita- 
 tions on Machiavel, together with a careful perusal of Algernon Sidney's works, 
 and Molesworth's account of Denmark, have turned me into a genuine 
 lover of liberty. So Huzza, my boys, Wilkes and liberty for ever, and a plague 
 upon my former apathy about politics. But my paper is at an end, and I have just 
 room to subscribe myself. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Your most faithful, and most obedient servant, 
 
 Joseph Barbtti. 
 
 Baretti was a splenetic man, and it may be presumed, from this letter, that 
 his politics, and those of Lord Charlemont, did not exactly correspond. But 
 his lordship very justly considered that as a matter of entire indifference, and 
 always valued him for his literary attainments, and his many good qualities. 
 
 At what time Lord Charlemont's acquaintance with Mr. Horace Walpole 
 (Earl of Orford) commenced, I know not. The following letter is from Mr. 
 Walpole ; it alludes, as usual, to the arts, or artists, literature, and that tragedy of 
 the Mysterious Mother, which has been just mentioned, and, some years after- 
 wards, was the subject of a few letters between them. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. i»7 
 
 Arlington-street, October 17th, 1770. 
 My LorDj 
 
 I am very glad your Lordship resisted your disposition to make me an apology 
 for doing me a great honour, for if you had not, the Lord knows where I should 
 have found words to have made a proper return. Still you have left me greatly 
 in your debt. It is very kind to remember me, and kinder to honour me with 
 your commands ; they shall be zealously obeyed to the utmost of my little credit, 
 for an artist that your Lordship patronizes will, I imagine, want little recom- 
 mendation, besides his own talents. It does not look, indeed, like very prompt 
 obedience, when I am yet guessing only at Mr. Jervais's merit ; but though he 
 has lodged himself within a few doors of me, I have not been able to get to him, 
 having been confined near two months with the gout, and still keeping my house. 
 My first visit shall be to gratify my duty and curiosity. I am sorry to say, and 
 beg your Lordship's pardon for the confession, that, however high an opinion I 
 have of your taste, in the arts, I do not equally respect your judgment in books. 
 It is in truth a defect you have in common with the two great men, who are the 
 respective models of our present parties, the hero William, and the Martyr 
 Charles. You know what happened to them after patronizing Kneller and Ber- 
 nini, one knighted Blackmore, and one pensioned Quarles. 
 
 After so saucy an attack, my Lord, it is time to produce my proof. It lays 
 in your own postcript, where you express a curiosity to see a certain tragedy, with 
 a hint that other works of the same author have found favour in your sight, and 
 that the piece ought to have been sent to you. But, my Lord, even your appro- 
 bation has not made that author vain ; and for the play in question it has so many 
 perils to encounter, that it never thinks of producing itself. It peeped out of 
 its lurking corner once or twice, and one of those times, by the negligence of a 
 friend, had like to have been, what is often pretended in prefaces, stolen, and con- 
 signed to the press. When your Lordship comes to England,* which, for every 
 reason but that, I hope will be soon, you shall certainly see it ; and will then allow, 
 I am sure, how improper it would be for the author to risque its appearance in 
 public. However, unworthy as that author may be from his talents, of your 
 
 * He bad been for a short time the preceding spring in London. 
 
^ 
 
 158 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Lordship's favour, do not let his demerits be confounded with the esteem and 
 attachment with which he has the honour to be, 
 
 My Lord, 
 Your Lordship's most devoted servant, 
 
 HoR. Walpole. 
 
 To detail the various measures which engaged Lord Townshend's adminis- 
 tration would be unnecessary. With some exceptions, they were generally dis- 
 approved of. He lived with a particular and chosen society, and was as much, and 
 justly admired by them, as an excellent companion, as abroad he was exclaimed 
 against as a Viceroy. His social talents were sometimes even set forth, though 
 very absurdly, as a defence of the errors of his administration. ** The Lord 
 Lieutenant says more good things in one night, than are perhaps uttered in this 
 House during a whole session.*' This I heard Provost Andrews say, on some 
 charge against Lord Townshend, for extending too far the influence of the 
 crown. No doubt it might have been strictly true ; but what a speech for the 
 House of Commons ! 
 
 Towards the close of this administration, died Charles Lucas, member for 
 the city of Dublin. A man extremely weW known, and not only for some part 
 of his life politically, but professionally, connected with Lord Charlemont, as he 
 was originally an apothecary, but afterwards acted, and was much esteemed, as a 
 physician. Lord Charlemont, on his return from abroad, consulted him in Lon- 
 don, and often said, that he received more benefit from the advice of Lucas, than 
 all his physicians. 
 
 Lucas was a man of a bold and ardent nature. In the year 1743, he first 
 distinguished himself in the corporation of Dublin, which, at that time, laboured 
 under gross mismanagement. He particularly exclaimed against the board of 
 Aldermen, and in this opposition he met a coadjutor in Mr. Digges Latouche, a 
 most intelligent and respectable merchant, but of a temper totally distinct from 
 that of Lucas. During their opposition in the common council, a vacancy hap- 
 pened in the representation of the city of Dublin, by the death of Sir James 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 159 
 
 Somerville.* Latouche first, and Lucas afterwards, declared themselves candi- 
 dates. This created a distinct interest between them. In fact, they had never 
 been cordially united, and Lucas attacked Mr. Latouche with much intemperate 
 abuse. In less than a year afterwards, the death of Alderman Pearson, the other 
 representative of Dublin, closed their contests, and both would, in all probability, 
 have been elected, although Sir Samuel Cooke, and Mr. Charles Burton, were 
 opposed to them by the board of Aldermen, and the Castle interest, had not the 
 court thought proper to get rid of Lucas at all events. Accordingly, on the 
 second day of the sessions, 1 7'^99 complaint was made to the House of Commons 
 of certain seditious writings by Lucas, which were, after some fruitless opposi- 
 tion, unanimously voted highly criminal, the Attorney- General desired to pro- 
 secute him, and he himself ordered to Newgate. However, he withdrew to 
 England, which was all that was wanted ; and, to prevent his return to Ireland, 
 he was voted an enemy to his country. The perfidy of the Castle, the profligacy 
 of the House of Commons, and the spirit of the people, which was only hushed 
 into silence, not subdued, deserve, on this occasion, to be recorded. Lucas had 
 been induced, by some vague, but flattering terms of support, to go to the castle ; 
 and was there so cordially listened to, that he left with the Lord Lieutenant,-}- in 
 his own justification, some pamphlets which had been much censured by the 
 dependants on government. When he was brought before the House of Commons, 
 he was merely asked, whether he was the author of such and such papers ? It 
 would have been scarcely possible to have proved him so, for the printer was not 
 to be found, and no other evidence was to be had, when Mr. Weston, the Lord 
 Lieutenant's secretary, had the astonishing and profligate impudence to produce 
 the very papers which Lucas had left at the Castle, and which, of course, could 
 not be denied by him, had he been disposed to take refuge in that way ! — So 
 much for the conduct of some courtiers in those days. As to the people, humi- 
 liated as they were, at this time, yet Lucas having asserted in various parts of his 
 writings, the independency of Ireland, so far as related to its Parliament, the 
 managers against him were totally afraid to meet the people, or Lucas, on that 
 ground, and selected such of his papers, as with much indiscreetness, perhaps 
 
 * l6th of August, 1748. 
 t The Earl of Harrington. This, of course, was before the attack on him in the House of Comnaons. 
 
l60 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 coarseness of phrase, assailed particular departments of the government. But all 
 was general. The heads of papers were mentioned, and no single detached para- 
 graph attempted to be pointed out. 
 
 I may be tedious, but it is somewhat curious to pursue this subject a little 
 farther. Mr. Latouche proceeded to the poll alone, and, after a dreadful contest 
 with the Castle, in favour of Burton, was, with Sir Samuel Cooke, declared duly 
 elected. The indignation of the court knew no bounds. A petition was pre- 
 sented against his return, and, on the sole accusation of being joined to and in- 
 fluenced by Lucas, which was notoriously false, and if true, could not have 
 vacated his seat, he was voted out of it, and Mr. Burton placed in his stead. A 
 more infamous proceeding perhaps never disgraced any House of Commons. To 
 return to Lucas. He pursued his profession in London, and having written an 
 ** Essay on Waters,*' was honoured with the support of Dr. Johnson, who, in his 
 review of that publication, recommends him to the notice of the people of Eng- 
 land, in the following spirited and energetic manner : '* The Irish ministers drove 
 him from his native country, by a proclamation, in which they charged him with 
 crimes which they never intended to be called to the proof, and oppressed him by 
 methods equally irresistible by guilt and innocence. Let the man, thus driven into 
 exile for having been the friend of his country, be received in every other place 
 as a confessor of liberty ; and let the tools of power be taught in time, that 
 they may rob, but cannot impoverish." At length he was enabled, by the inter- 
 position of some powerful interests, to return to Ireland, when, on the death 
 of his late Majesty, he was elected for the city of Dublin, and held that truly 
 respectable situation to the time of his death. 
 
 As a politician, he was, as the Due de Beaufort was called, during the time 
 of the Fronde at Paris, un rot des halles, — a sovereign of the corporations. In 
 the House of Commons his importance was withered, and comparatively shrunk 
 to nothing, for the most furious reformer must admit, that, however the repre- 
 sentation was, in too many instances, narrowed into private interests, it still 
 embraced the most conspicuous and useful orders in the state ; where, if education 
 and knowledge are not to be found, how are they to be sought after ? Lucas had, 
 in truth, little or no knowledge as a leader in Parliament ; and his efforts there 
 were too often displayed in a sort of tempestuous alacrity to combat men, whose 
 lofty disregard of him left them at full liberty to pursue their argument, as if 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. If 1 
 
 nothing had disturbed tb€m. Self confimand, whether constitutiopaU or ariing 
 nrora occisional contempt, is a most potent auxiliary. 11 is opponents woe 
 sometimes indeed rendered indignant, but, whether culra, or anyy, the 
 battle always left htm worse than before. — Yet, with all this precipitancy, 090 
 too frequent want of knowledge, he annexed a species of dignity to himselif in tlie 
 House of Commons, which was not without its effect. His inflrnpities. for he 
 was always carried into, and out of the House, being so enfeebled by the gout, 
 that he could scarcely stand for a moment; the gravity, and uncoronion 
 neatness of his dress; his grey, and venerable locks blending with a 
 pale, but interesting countenance, in which an air of beauty was still visiD!e, 
 altogether excited attention ; and I never saw a stranger come into the House 
 without asking who he was. The surest proof of his being in some way or 
 other formidable to ministers, was the constant abuse of him in their papers. 
 The wits of Lord Townshend's administration, (there were many employed iji 
 its service,) assailed him in every way that their malign vivacity could suggest. 
 Their efibrts are forgotten. His services remain. He had certainly talents, but 
 t^nts unaided by cultivation. Originality is much. He raised his voice, when 
 all around was desolation and silence. He began with a corporation, and be 
 ended with a kingdom ; for some of the topics which he suggested, now nearly 
 seventy years ago, such as the octennial bill, and other measures, were of vital 
 magnitude to Ireland. Lord Charlemont always regarded him. His remains 
 were honoured with a public funeral, and his statue has been placed in the 
 Royal Exchange of Dublin. 
 
 After a residence of 6ve years, Lord Townshend was at last recalled, as the de- 
 corums of a court, and dignity of representation, were^ by the old courtiers, 
 said to be not exactl)^ of uniformly sustained by his Excellency. This considera- 
 tion, aided by a particiilar ministerial influence, might pofisibly have had,., some 
 weight in the nomination of his successor. The Earl Harcourt, who foilofwed 
 Lord Townshend in the government, had passed almost the whole of his life in 
 courts, for which the softoess^ and reigned politeness of his manners, eminently 
 qualified him. He was grandson to Lord CbanqeUor Harcourt, a most eloquent 
 and able man, much superior, in Sir Robert Walpole's opinion, to Lord Cowper. 
 His son, our Vicerby^S father, pbssessed an ag^eeidile, poetic genius ; and some 
 persons said, that he was the afothbi^Of that peeirfiiriy gradefiil, siid witty ^oog. 
 
i6i MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 ^ Kitty, B^iautiful and Young;** but Prior's muse cannot be deprived of one 
 of its most charming ornaments without the clearest authority. Lord Har- 
 court, now Lord Lieutenant^ had been Grovemor to his Majesty when Prince of 
 Wal^s.'** Some whigs murmured that the grandiBon of Sacheverel's eminent 
 advocate, should be appointed to such a situation. But their murmurs ceased, 
 when they found him resigning his ofHce, because persons were placed about 
 the Prince, whose principles he considered as inimical to the revohition* This 
 step, however, did not exiie him, at a future day, from St. James's. He was 
 appointed to some station in the household, attended her majesty to England, 
 on her first arrivaF there, and afterwards went ambassador to France. His next 
 advancement was to the Viceroyally of Ireland. His Secretary, and sole minis- 
 ter, on whom the wholte burthen of public afi»irs lay, attended with a propor- 
 tionable share of unpopularity, except during the agitation of the absentee tax, 
 was Colonel, now Lord de Blacquiere. A stranger to- this country, he caught 
 its manners, "'Living as they rose,** or, at least, the manners of those whom 
 he was obliged to cultivate, with peculiar and rapid discernment. He courted 
 them, he fed them.. But he knew the importance of a table, especially in this 
 eountry, and distributed his best Margoux with a very becoming profusion. 
 Lord Macartney used to say, that the Irish privy council formed a branch, not 
 merely of the Irish government, but of the Irish legislature. If he had added, 
 that, that most august, and winning personage, a French cook, formed alsa 
 a very efficient adjunct to our council, and our senate, he would have been per- 
 fectly within the limits of historic veracity. Several secretaries were well co»- 
 rinced of his utility, and yet, were sa ungenerous, when they spoke with more 
 than usual approbation in the House, to attribute their success to their rhetoric^ 
 not to their incomparable culinary friend. Such cruel oblivion was altogether 
 mljustifiab^e, and the secretary should have been addressed ia the words of 
 Martial i 
 
 "Quod tam GrandJB Sopbot, damat tn>i ttsba togata> 
 ** Non tu, Fomponi y cacoa diserta tua est." 
 
 * It if ratha rennrkable, that his relation, the Due d'Harcourt, thoold fill: exactly the same office 
 &. the OMixt of Lewis l6th. He was gotemor to tJ^t onfortunate prince's son, the Dauphin. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. l6$ 
 
 Which may perhaps be translated, or rather imitated thus : 
 
 " Though from the benches^ ' hear-hims' loud ascend, 
 •' Your Cook, aot you, is elocpient, my friend." 
 
 No man understood and managed the passions and propensities of the poli- 
 tical world better than Blacquiere did. His success was correspondent. Mr. 
 Knox, a contemporary placeman, with wliom he held an official correspondence, 
 bears this testimony to him, that he was the first secretary who ever thought of 
 the interests of Ireland. The First ! admitting the fact, what a picture does it 
 hold forth of the manner in which Ireland was governed ? The Lord Lieute- 
 nant's secretary was at that time, though, of course, in entire subserviency to 
 the English cabinet, always regarded as the minister for Ireland. After a lapse 
 of several centuries, we are informed, by a gentleman sufficiently conversant m 
 Irish affairs, that Sir John Blacquiere was the first minister who ever thought of 
 them ! From whom did the English ministry obtain any knowledge of Ireland ? 
 How were its interests to be managed ? or who was to regard them, if a person 
 in such a situation did not ? The Lord Lieutenant, a six months' visitor of this 
 country, seldom paid much attention to them. Such a viceroy as Lord Chester- 
 field is not often to be found. But that Irish secretaries were, in general, per- 
 fectly indifferent to Irish interests, is unquestionably true. And it is as certain, 
 that the supineness, and inattention of English ministers to this country may 
 be regarded as some of the leading causes for its comparative poverty and imbe- 
 dlity. But more of this hereafter. — The recal of Lord Townshend was gratefiil 
 to some gentlemen, who indulged the hope, that his successor's administration 
 might proceed on more constitutional principles. They did not therefore join 
 Lord Harcourt, but were prepared to give him such support ias, in their opi- 
 nion, he might be justly entitled to. Too many, however, laid hold on Lord 
 Townshends departure, not as an apology for, but an entire justification of 
 their abandonment of the party, which they hitherto had adhered to. In the 
 true cant of political hypocrisy, and tergiversation, they said, " It is highly in- 
 decorous that every Lord Lieutenant should be indiscriminately opposed. We 
 could not conscientiously join Lord Townfibend, but we may certainly support 
 Lord Harcourt." This was abstractedly fair, had they upheld Earl Harcourt*s 
 government upon principles of candour and disinterestedness. But how did they 
 
 y 2 
 
X64 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 support H ? As all such apostates have ever supported any Viceroy. Besieging. his 
 doors, besieging those of the secretary night and day, soliciting every employ- 
 ment, courting every service ; at the castle, unresisting sycophants ; in the 
 House of Commons, adventurous braggadochios, hourly insulting the public, 
 whom they robbed, and, by their rapacity, hourly weakening that royal autho- 
 rity which, with an audacious temerity, they affected exclusively to maintain. 
 It is deeply to be deplored that any secretary should be obliged to enlist such 
 mercenaries; and, had this administration aspired to any loftiness of station. Of 
 to measures of great and permanent utility, it might have laughed theif men- 
 dicancy to scorn. But it was soon discovered, that it was a government of 
 patronage, of multiplied arrangements. Such a government will be always 
 weak, though, to superficial observers, it appears exactly the contrary. But hav- 
 ing no public measures to rest on, no confidence of the people to resort lo, k 
 will be always upheld by the servile and the venal ; their solicitations are neces- 
 sarily complied with ; tlieir numbers pass for strength, and their misdeeds for 
 spirit. But all is hollow. — That Lord Harcourt, or Lord de Blacquiere were 
 inimical to Ireland, or indifferent to its interests, cannot be at all supposed. 
 Had th^ been permitted, perhaps, to assert a higher tone, had they been sedfN 
 lously attended to, and wisely supported by the English cabinet, it is "not at aJll 
 impossible, that their administration would have assumed a different aspect. 
 But the most exalted plans for the relief of this country, if such had ever issued 
 from their councils, would, at that day, have been frowned on ; indeed, experi- 
 enced more austerity of reception, on account of their excellence, thaa tbe 
 most vulgar, temporizing policy. 
 
 ^here was, according to the ideas of the ministers at that time, safety m the 
 /rtWer, and en>barrassment in the former. That was sufficient. — Sooh a bemimibi»g 
 poliqy i« the superior, was enough to paralize all exertion in the iEKferior 
 cabinet ; and, Iwd any thing before been wanting, completely to prwrncialiEe 
 its government, the noblest qualities would, 1>y the operation of such a sys- 
 tem, sink into the lowest, and every evil of a Proconsular management he watu- 
 rally resorted to, where every thing dignified was proscribed. The mkiigtry of 
 Lord Ifereourt was therefore a ministry of sinr^er infloence ; that of Ins succes- 
 sor,. Lord Buckinghamshire, promulgated rmbecilfty. Ireland was brought to a 
 precipice, fron^ which it was snatdhed by^e bold hands of i't4«\*m son*, -mid 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 1^ 
 
 the mfld wisdom of itis rulers. — ^Some dsviation» however, wa3 at first made by Lord 
 Harcourt; from the politics of his predecessor. One or t\»^ oboOKious acts were 
 repealed, the board of excise put dovrn ; but an account of these measures, of the 
 Tontine scheme, of the stamp duties, then fir«t resorted to, the state of the nati- 
 onal debt ; at that time, ^994,890^ of the penekm list ^1 72,494s, form part of 
 the general parliamentary histoi^ of Indand. They are only mentioned here, 
 as giving «o far the financial state of the kingdom at the close of 1773. Go- 
 vermtient wished to do something in favour of the Catholics. But scarcely 
 was the door opened for their relief, than it was instantly closed again. One 
 bill, enabling them to lend mosey to Proteeta&ts on mort^ges of lands, and 
 another topermk them to take leases for lives of laii^s, &c. were suddenly drof/t. 
 For this, Lord Haroourt^s govemmcDt was not to be blamed. He, as weU as 
 his secretary, were favourable to the CiAholics, and the names of the gentlemen 
 who were ordered to bring in the bSls, Sir He«)ules Langrishe, and Mr. 
 MondL Mason, prove, that this adBttmstration was friecfedly to such measures. 
 The tifnes, however, were against them. — How fer Lord Charlenaont n^ght 
 have been personally connected Avith Lord Uareourt, I kiiow jiot. With Ws 
 manners he mast have been pleased, but fnam his administration he kept akn^^t 
 totally aloof. About this, or ra^er soone time befove i^t noblefBaa arrived in 
 Ireland, Lord Charlemont began to btoiM his elegant house in Rutland ^quaoe, 
 DcrbHn; which, as long as it remimiis, m.ust be adroared by 'every ooe, 
 who can relish whatever is most correct, eamph, and chaste in acchkecUuie. 
 His taste in that nseful and agreeable science particularly, as well as the &tie 
 arts in general, has been acknowledged by all, who are most qnaiafied to diecide 
 on such subjects, fiut it must endear hi« memory to those who have Sfmt, 
 and sense enough to respect genuine, unequivocal patriotism ; that he JkMkiteed 
 his love of architecture, not solely from ithe-elegamt gratification which it affords, 
 but from the nobler sense o{ his duty, as a citizen, who was bound to oultiwite 
 the interests of his native land. The beautil{il ornamented residence at 14«it}Qo 
 its Temple, so truly attic, so mudh the object of general admiration, rose in 
 obedience to those ^ner 'feelings, whieh ^were awakened, e^n to enthusiasm, jiot 
 more by a contemplation of the edifices of Pericles, than reflection>on the Athe- 
 nian mind ; nor is it tiny enforced language ito say, that Marino was the child of 
 patriot, civil wisdom, as well as the- graces. It has-been noticed talraadi^, 4iiet 
 
166 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the number even of his acquaintance in Ireland was, on his return from abroad, 
 very limited, for as to his friendships, they were, with two or three exceptions, 
 solely confined to England. We cannot, therefore, sufficiently honour a noble- 
 man, who in such a situation, and with such attractions to fix him in another 
 country, had resolution enough, at a very early period of life, from a strict 
 sense of duty, to adhere to his own. But he can explain the just motives which 
 actuated him better than I can ; and his opinion, as to the residence of the 
 higher ranks in Ireland, necessary at all times, and peculiarly so at that moment, 
 may have its utility. Some of his reasons, from the consolidation of the legis- 
 latures of both kingdoms, now cease to operate ; but altogether, they deserve 
 insertion here, as they form a degree of alliance with the subjects of the ab- 
 sentee tax, a measure proposed during Lord Harcourt's administration, which I 
 shall touch on in its proper place. " As I had left Ireland, when almost a child, 
 I had few, or no acquaintance there. — At least, none of that class which, 
 holding a place between friendship and acquaintance, are in a high degree in- 
 teresting to the heart. All my connexions had been formed among Englishmen, 
 the attractive force of which circumstance I quickly perceived, and being tho- 
 roughly sensible, that it was my indispensable duty to live in Ireland, determined, 
 by some means or other, to attach myself to my native country ; and, principally 
 with this view, I began those improvements at Marino, which have proved so 
 expensive to me. My health, to which sea-bathing, and the social neighbour- 
 hood of a metropolis, were absolutely necessary, would not allow me to settle 
 on my estate in the north, and, without some pleasant, and attractive employ- 
 ment, I doubted, whether I should have resolution enough to become a resident, 
 and residence is the first of our political duties, since, without it, all others are 
 impracticable. 
 
 " It is the nature of man to assimilate himself to those with whom he lives, 
 or, at least, to endeavour such assimilation, especially where his adopted 
 countrymen, exalted in his own private opinion above himself, affect to deride 
 his native manners and partialities. The Irishman in London, long before he 
 has lost his brogue, loses, or casts away, all Irish ideas ; and, from a natural wish 
 to obtain the good will of those with whom he associates, becomes, in efiect, a 
 partial Englishman. — Perhaps more partial than the English themselves. — In the 
 cast, it is well known that Christians meet no enemies so bitter, or so dangerous. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 167 
 
 as renegadoes. Let us love our fellow subjects, as our brethren — ^let us at all 
 times act in concert, for the universal good of the empire ; but let us consider, 
 that we are best enabled to perform that duty, by contributing to the prosperity of 
 our own country, which forms so capital a portion of that empire. What can the 
 unconnected Irishman perform in England ? Whatever his consequence may be 
 at home, it is lost in the vast circle of English importance. The resident Irish- 
 man may be of consequence even in England. The English Irishman never 
 can. He gets into Parliament, and by so doing, takes upon himself a new duty, 
 independent of, and perhaps contrary to that to which he was bom, — the service 
 of his constituents. — He may enrich himself as a courtier, or gain applause as a 
 patriot ; he may serve his party, he may serve himself; but Ireland must be served 
 in Ireland. The love and service of our country is, perhaps, the widest circle in 
 which we can hope to display an active benevolence. Universal philanthropy 
 is, no doubt, a god-like virtue ; but how few are there who can hope, or aspire 
 to serve mankind ? Although our fervent wish ought always to extend to the 
 service of mankind, our endeavours ought to be more particularly pointed to 
 the practice of that most extended duty, patriotism, to which they are adequate. 
 If every man were to. devote his powers to the service of his country, mankind 
 would be universally served.'' 
 
 As the Irish parliament was not convened by Lord Harcourt till October, 
 3773, Lord Charlemont spent the beginning, and spring of this year in London. 
 Much of his time was devoted to his literary friends, Sir Joshua Reynolds, Drs. 
 Johnson, Goldsmith, and Mr. Beauclerk, With the gentleman last mentioned 
 he had formed a particular intimacy ; and on his return to Ireland, Mr. Beau- 
 clerk corresponded with him very frequently. I shall take leave to give some 
 part of his letters to Lord Charlemont ; they are not many, but they are suffi- 
 cient to shew the warmth of Beauclerk's attachment to him, and give a favour- 
 able portraiture of that accomplished man's disposition, and agreeable talents. 
 If they did not, they should find no place here ; for on what principle a writer 
 can think himself justified in ransacking the closets of the dead, and dragging 
 to light every idle, though venial foible, without the slightest respect to the 
 feelings of friends, of relations, or even female delicacy, I have yet to leam^ 
 
\6$ MEMOIRS OF JAMES> 
 
 MttsweU HUl, JtAj sih, i;;3. 
 
 .My Deab Lord, 
 
 It is certainly ordained by fate, that I should always appear in a state of 
 humiliation before you ; nothing else could have prevented me from writing to 
 you, and endeavouring thereby to keep up an intercourse with one for whom I 
 shall always retain the greatest, and tenderest regard ; lessening in some mea- 
 sure the greatest of all human evils, the separation from those we love ; but 
 that insuperable idleness, which accompanies me through life, which not only 
 prevents me from doing what I ought, but likewise from enjoying my greatest 
 pleasure, where any thing is to be done, has hitherto prevented me from writ- 
 ing ; but if I obtain your pardon this time, I will, for the future, mend my man- 
 ners, and try, by one act at least, to be worthy of that friendship which you 
 have honoured me with. I need not assure you, that I most ardently wish to 
 visit you this summer in Ireland ; nothing but Lady Di.'s illness shall prevent 
 me. I have been but once at the club since you left England ; we were enter- 
 tained, as usual, by Dr. Goldsmith's absurdity. Mr. V.* can give you an ac- 
 count of it. Sir Joshua Reynolds intends painting your picture over again, so 
 you may set your heart at rest for some time ; it is true, it will last so much the 
 longer, but then you may wait these ten years for it. Elmsly gave me a com- 
 mission from you about Mr. Walpole's frames for prints, which is perfectly un- 
 intelligible : I wish you would explain it, and it shall be punctually executed. 
 The Duke of Northumberland has promised me a pair of his new pheasants for 
 you, but you must wait till all the crowned heads in Europe have been served 
 first. — I have been at the review at Portsmouth. If you had seen it, you would 
 
 have owned, that it is a very pleasant thing to be a King. It is true, made 
 
 a job of the claret to — , who furnished the first tables with vinegar, under 
 
 that denomination. Charles Fox said, that Lord S — wich should have been im- 
 peached ; what an abominable world do we live in, that there should not be above 
 half a dozen honest men in the world, and that one of those should five in Ire- 
 land. You will, perhaps, be shocked at the small portion of honesty that I allot 
 to your country ; but a sixth part is as much as come* to its share ; and, for any 
 thing I know to the contrary, the other five may be in Ireland too, for I am 
 
 * Mr. Agmondisham Vesey, of Lucan^ near Dublin. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 169 
 
 sure I do not know where else to find them. Your philanthropy engages you 
 to think well of the greatest part of mankind ; but every year, every hour, adds 
 to my misanthropy, and I have had a pretty considerable share of it, for some 
 years past. Leave your parliament, and your nation to shift for itself, and 
 consecrate that time to your friends, which you spend in endeavouring to 
 promote the interest of half a million of scoundrels. Since, as Pope says, 
 
 " Life can little else supply. 
 Than just to look about us, and to die.'^ 
 
 Do not let us lose that moment that we have, but let us enjoy all that can be en- 
 joyed in this world ; the pleasures of a true uninterrupted friendship. — Let us leave 
 this island of fog and iniquity, and sail to purer regions, not yet quite corrupted 
 by European manners. It is true, you must leave behind you Marino, and 
 your medals, but you will likewise leave behind you the S — s, and R — bys of 
 this place. I know you will say you can do all this without flying to the other 
 pole, by shunning the society of such wretches ; but what avails it to me, that 
 you are the very man I could wish, when I am separated from you by sea and 
 land ? If you will quit Marino, and sail with me, I will fly from Almack's, 
 though, whatever evil I may have suflTered from my connection with that place, 
 I shall always with gratitude remember, that there I first began my acquaintance 
 with you ; and in the very sincerity of truth I can say, that I would rather have 
 such a friend as you, even at three hundred miles distance, than both the 
 Houses of Parliament for my friends in London. — I find when I have once begun 
 to converse with you, I cannot leave off; — you have spoiled me, my Lord, and 
 must take the consequence. Why should fortune have placed our paltry con- 
 cerns in two different islands ? if we could keep them, they are not worth one 
 hour's conversation at Elmsly's.* If life is good for any thing, it is only made 
 so by the society of those whom we love. At all events, I will try to come to 
 Ireland, and shall take no excuse from you, for not coming early in the winter 
 to London. The club exists but by your presence ; the flourishing of learned 
 men is the glory of the state. Mr, Vesey will tell you, that our club consists 
 of the greatest men in the world, consequently you see there is a good, and 
 patriotic reason for you to return to England in the winter.— Fray make my best 
 
 * Elmsly, the bookseller. 
 
170 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 respects to Lady Charlemont, and Miss Hickman,* and tell them I wish they 
 
 were at this moment sitting at the door of our ale-house in Gerard-street, f 
 
 Believe me to be, my dear Lord, 
 
 With the utmost sincerity, 
 
 Affectionately your^s, 
 
 • T. Beauclerk. 
 
 Lord Charlemont, however, idid not obey the kind summons of his friend, 
 but continued his attendance on p&rliament, where, in the House of Commons 
 at least, some business of importance was transacted. Early this session a mo- 
 tion was made there by Mr. Flood, " that a tax of two shillings in the pound, 
 should be laid on the net rents, and annual profits, of all landed property in Ire- 
 land, to be paid by all persons who should not actually reside in the kingdom, 
 for the space of six months in each year, from Christmas, 1773, to Christmas, 
 1774.'' — This measure, for a long time past, very generally favoured by the peo- 
 ple of Ireland, was particularly supported by Flood in the House, and out of 
 doors by Lord Charlemont ; who, however, was by no means so zealous in the 
 sequel for its adoption, as he had been at first on a slighter regard of the sub- 
 ject. Nothing certainly appears more plausible, more reasonable. That a 
 country should transmit every year the best, or a very considerable part of its 
 rental, to be spent in another kingdom, without deriving any aid whatever to 
 its establishment, or its most pressing exigencies, from those to whom such 
 rent is transmitted, is apparently that species of political proposition, which 
 common sense, and common justice revolt at. Yet, such are the relative situa- 
 tions of the two kingdoms, that to remedy an evil of this nature, is a matter of 
 extreme delicacy and difficulty ; — the tax proposed would, in some instances, be 
 no compensation for the grievance sustained, and in others, would be manifest 
 injustice. 
 
 That, in free countries like these, a person should not be at liberty to 
 chuse his place of residence, or pay a severe fine for remaining in one kingdom 
 
 * Sister to Lady Charlemont ; a most amiable aad respectabte lady. She died a few yosrs ago> 
 regretted by all who had the pleasure of her acquaintance. 
 
 t Gerard-street, the Turk's Head Tavern, in that street^ where the literary club then held 
 their meetings. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 17 1 
 
 tnore than another, militates strongly against that general liberty, which both 
 islands so super-eminently enjoy ; yet, on the other hand, if a frivolous, or un- 
 just, and unfeeling man, contemning the place of his birth, and, without any 
 reasons but such as he would almost blush to avow, turns his back on his 
 native soil, indifferent alike to its prosperity and its distresses, contributing 
 nothing to the former, alleviating nothing of the latter, it appears by no means 
 unreasonable, that a mulct, or penalty, should in some measure effectuate that, 
 which no regard to the duties of a good citizen would ever prompt him to do, 
 and that the freedom, which the purses, and the persons of his countrymen 
 enable him to enjoy, should not be used to their detriment, or discomfiture. 
 Even a person, whose birth is Engli^ti, and the major part of whose possessions 
 are equally so, should not complain of too much harshness, if, enjoying an 
 estate in Ireland, and sordidly and sullenly denying the slightest contribution to 
 its government, the legislature regards him as an object of taxation. But to 
 those, whose public duty requires, perhaps, a constant residence in England, 
 or, without being so called on, are by birth, by habit, by division of property, 
 attached to England, yet, on every occasion, aiding Ireland, (though not the 
 place of their abode,) by their counsels in the senate, by their pecuniary con- 
 tributions to the public exigencies, or their own immediate tenantry ; to such 
 persons an absentee tax would justly appear in a light as invidious as impolitic. 
 Few measures could, with more certainty, tend to alienate the affections and 
 regards of men, capable, and willing to serve Ireland, than a compulsory resi- 
 dence in Ireland; and the spontaneous gifts of a wise policy, or uniform 
 benignity, would be ill exchanged in that case, for a reluctant, sullen acquies- 
 cence in a tax, which would make the doors of the treasury, the only doors in 
 the kingdom, familiar to its contributors. — Such reasons as these might partly 
 have co-operated in its rejection by the House of Commons, where, I have been 
 informed, it was extremely well debated. 
 
 But the great argument which swayed the House was, that the adoption of 
 such a measure would infallibly lead to a land-tax ; and, if the powerful interest 
 of the principal absentees had, till now, secured Ireland from such a tax, the 
 same interest would then be exerted to introduce it in this kingdom. Being 
 fined as absentees, and, in truth, paying a land tax, they would take care, 
 either that their peculiar mulct should be repealed, or, that the rest of the 
 
 z 2 
 
172 MEMOIRS OF JAMESr 
 
 inheritors of landed property, should, as such, pay a tax as well as themselves. 
 The reader will please to remember, that this measure was agitated several years 
 before the acknowledgment of the independency of Ireland by the British legis- 
 lature ; and if, during such an inauspicious period, it was thought prudent not 
 to weaken the slight ties of affection by which we were then regarded in Eng- 
 land, but, on the contrary, to cultivate every powerful interest .whatever, a 
 measure like an absentee tax, after our being restored to, and enjoying a parti- 
 cipation of commercial and constitutional rights with England, would be ini- 
 mical to every idea of sound conciliating policy. The union has now, indeed, 
 if any thing else were wanting, rendered all such financial schemes totally im- 
 practicable. But to put a particular tax fur ever aside, and promote a cordial 
 intercourse between the two countries, are very distinct legislative duties. To 
 diminish the number of absentees, or induce great landed proprietors to fre- 
 quent l^isits to their estates, a more improved state of things in Ireland, con- 
 curring with more expanded ideas of such proprietors, is even yet wanting. A 
 long, very long peace indeed, will effect, more than any thing else can, in 
 this kingdom, the extinction of religious prejudices alone excepted. As Cicero 
 says, of some busy, tormenting politician, in his time, (I forget his name) ; " he 
 always lived in the hopes of some innovation, and the tranquillity of the republic 
 immediately made him an old man ;'* so I venture to prophecy, that the peace of 
 our commonwealth, will be the premature age, the hopeless decrepitude of many an 
 untamed spirit in Ireland. -j- A lengthened peace will gradually turn the eyes of 
 those whom they have misled, and perhaps are still misleading, from France to 
 their own country, to England, to English connexion, and English constitution. 
 But in this change of regards, England must cordially co-operate. No rudeness 
 of party writers, no impertinence, no insult, no intemperance. Let the two 
 nations love each other, as their neighbours, as themselves. The arts of peace, 
 of industry, will follow in the train of European tranquillity, and domestic 
 amity. A liberal intercourse between our gentry on each side of the water, will 
 be multiplied tenfold, the face of the agent will not alone be known to an Irish 
 tenantry ; their landlords will be, at least, equally so, and the absentee tax will 
 
 * In otio Reipublicse Consenescebat. 
 i This was written early in 1804^ 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 173 
 
 only stand among the occasional reminiscences of other^ and more inauspicious, 
 because more ignorant times. — But this subject has led me beyond my proper 
 limits, and the reader will justly upbraid me that, in treating it as I have done, 
 part of my narrative is misplaced. In the history of the absentee tax, it should 
 have been mentioned, that the government of this country apparently favoured 
 its introduction. 
 
 Lord Harcourt, and his co-adjutors, very possibly thought, that it was a 
 fair, and salutary tax, to propose to the Irish parliament. Be that as it may, the 
 proposal gave them, what they much wanted, a great deal of popularity, and 
 also held out to them the prospect of obtaining, what they equally stood in need 
 of, a very lucrative tax. In point of finance they were nearly at their wit's end. 
 The national expenditure far exceeded the annual revenue, and under the direct 
 promise of government, that more economy should pervade every department, 
 taxes were resorted to, new and burtliensome, in order to place revenue and 
 expenditure on the same footing, and thereby stop any further accumulatioi} of 
 debt. The revenue, however, was soon raised, and the promise was as soon 
 forgotten. In this forlorn state, government grasped at the scheme of taxing 
 the absentees, as one which was not only to raise them from despair,, but cover 
 them with laurels. The people were taught to believe, that this proposed tax 
 would be a great concession to them, and a great relief, though no preceding 
 tax was to be given up, nor a single department to ui^lergo any reform. It has - 
 been said, that this particular mode of taxation was also resorted to, because the 
 leading objects of it were hostile to administration ; and, indeed, their most for* 
 midable opponents. Some ministers are undoubtedly as mean, and can act from • 
 as grovelling motives, as- the basest of our species. But that kind of vulgar, 
 ungentlemanlike rancour, was, I am persuaded, not then to be found in thecabinet. 
 
 The minister, Lord North, was not only incapable of such pitiful hosti- 
 lity, but, when the battle raged most among parties, was a liberal and generous 
 opponent. When he answered some of the absentee lords,* who addressed him 
 
 * The Duke of Devonshire, tlie Mar^is of Rockingham, Earl of Besborough, Earl of Upper - 
 Ossory, Lord Milton, &c. They have been much abused for their. letter to Lord North. Upoa. 
 v»ry untenable grounds in my opinion. 
 
174 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 on the subject of the tax, he stated, " That the Lord Lieutenant had sent over 
 several propositions for restoring the credit, and putting the finances of Ireland 
 on a proper footing : that, among other modes of supply, he informed his 
 Majesty's servants in England, that a tax on absentees might possibly constitute 
 one of them. The answer of the cabinet was, that whatever plan appeared 
 most likely to give relief to Ireland, should be adopted, though it included a 
 tax on absentees." — Lord Harcourt certainly did not act with the whig leaders 
 at this time, yet he was personally attached to many of them, and was defended 
 in the House of Commons, by Lord John Cavendish. Altogether, the idea of 
 government pointing a tax against them, on account of their political conduct, 
 may be justly abandoned. Besides, it should be recollected, that although the 
 noblemen above alluded to, were, or rather some of them, the principal land 
 proprietors in Ireland, and of course, most to be affected by the tax, there 
 were others who possessed great estates in this country, who generally, if not 
 always, voted with the minister. 
 
 If, therefore, as has been repeatedly suggested, the influence of the whig 
 leaders, though in opposition, predominated so far in this instance, as to oblige 
 ministers to relinquish the measure, and give orders to Lord Harcourt, when 
 the question was almost brought to a decision, suddenly to withdraw his sup- 
 port, it is fair also to join the influence of the ministerial lords, who were per- 
 sonally concerned, as well as their general opponents, and could not have been 
 inert, or unattended to by the premier. But, whatever weight both parties had, 
 either separately, or in conjunction, I have good reasons to believe, that the 
 House of Commons was chiefly swayed in its decision by the dread of a land- 
 tax succeeding that on absentees, and that several were governed, not by that 
 consideration merely, but by what appeared to them, the impolicy, and illibera- 
 lity of the measure. On the division as to this question, numbers were peculi- 
 arly balanced ; the ayes being 102 ; and the noes, or those against the tax, 122. 
 In the preceding business. Lord Charlemont, at first, took a very active part. 
 His earlier opinions were, as already stated, strongly in its favour ; but on a 
 more accurate, and comprehensive view of the subject, he rather, or indeed 
 almost entirely abandoned them. The following short portion of parliamentary 
 history is, in truth, no farther connected with his, than that it increased his 
 
EARL OP CHARLEMONT. I7i 
 
 respect for Mr. Pery,* and added to the fervour with which, at this time, he 
 engaged in every rational scheme, and embraced every wise suggestion, that 
 tended to meliorate the condition of his country. I have already endeavoured, 
 however imperfectly, to do some justice to the character of Lord Pery. The 
 following speech, if justly considered, does more honour to his memory, than 
 any thing I could say, and presents the most faithful, however melancholy 
 picture, of the state of Ireland at this time. It was made by him, when 
 Speaker, at the bar of the House of Lords, December, 1773> and forms a pro- 
 per sequel to the history of the absentee tax. All the subsequent proceedings 
 in favour of the extended commerce of Ireland, were founded on this representa- 
 tion. 
 
 " The Commons have exerted their utmost efforts to answer your Excel- 
 lency's expectation, not only in providing for the discharge of an arrear of 
 ^265,000 ; but also in making an addition to the revenue of near ^100,000 
 a year. Difficult as this task appeared in a kingdom so destitute of resources 
 as this is, yet it was undertaken with cheerfulness, and prosecuted with vigour ; 
 but if the means which they have employed shall prove inadequate to the libera- 
 lity of their intentions, it must be imputed to the inability of the kingdom, not 
 to any disinclination, or unwillingness in them to make ample provision for his 
 * Majesty's service, to which they have sacrificed their most favourite objects. 
 The moderation and temper, with which all their proceedings have been con- 
 ducted during the course of this session, aflbrd the clearest proof, not only of 
 their gratitude for his Majesty's attention, and condescension to their wishes, 
 but also of the just sense they entertain of your excellency's intercession in their 
 favour ; and they have the fullest confidence, that the same humane and benevo- 
 lent disposition, will induce your Excellency to represent to his Ma- 
 jesty, in the strongest light, not only their duty, and affection to him, but also 
 the state, and circumstances of this kingdom ; from which they conceive the 
 most sanguine hopes, that those restrictions, which the narrow, and short- 
 sighted policy of former times, equally injurious to Great Britain, and to us, 
 imposed on the manufactures and commerce of this kingdom, will be re- 
 mitted. If Great Britain reaped the fruits of this policy, the Commons of Ire- 
 
 * Lord Perj afterwards. 
 
176 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 land would behold it without repining, but it aggravates the sense of their mis- 
 fortunes to see the rivals, if not the enemies of Great Britain, in the undisturbed 
 possession of those advantages^ to which they think themselves entitled upon 
 every principle of policy and justice. It is the expectation of being restored 
 to some, if not to all of those rights, and that alone, which can justify to the 
 people the conduct of their representatives, in laying so many additional bur- 
 thens upon them, in the course of this session ; and no time can be more favour- 
 able to their wishes, than the present, when the public councils are directed by 
 a minister, who has judgment to discern, and courage to pursue the common 
 interest of the empire, and when the throne is filled by a monarch, the sole 
 object of whose ambition is to render all his people happy."* 
 
 As these memoirs contain the history of Lord Charlemont's life, not the 
 history of Ireland, it may be necessary, and that not unfrequently, to vary the 
 narrative, more perhaps than a strict unity of design will justly permit. With- 
 out such transitions the object of the work would be defeated, and Lord Charle- 
 mont would be seen in little more than one point of view, which, however 
 favourable, could not fail of wearying almost every reader, ** From grave to 
 gay" therefore ; from Lord Pery's speech, full of public care, to Beauclerk's 
 correspondence which breathed no care at all, as to politics, and even affected 
 more indifference on such subjects than he always felt, (for he was a man of too* 
 much genius, too much independence of mind, to be totally regardless of legis- 
 lative affairs ;) to his correspondence I shall now return. 
 
 Add phi, Nov. 20, 1773. 
 
 My Dear Lord, 
 I delayed writing to you, as I had flattered myself that I should 
 have been able to have paid you a visit at Dublin before this time, but 
 I have been prevented, not by my own negligence, and indolence, but by va- 
 rious matters. — I am rejoiced to find by your letter that Lady C. is as you 
 wish. I have yet remaining so much benevolence towards mankind, as to 
 wish, that there may be a son of your's, educated by you, as a specimen of 
 what mankind ought to be. — Goldsmith the other day put a paragraph into the 
 
 * A short note among Lord Charlemonrs papers has these words, " In Lord Harcourt's time 
 the liberty of trade was begun by a speech of the Speaker's." 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. l/y 
 
 newspapers, in praise of Lord Mayor Townshend. The same night we hap-^ 
 pened to sit next to Lord Shelbume, at Drury Lane ; I mentioned the circum-^ 
 stance of the paragraph to him ; he said to Goldsmith, that he hoped that he 
 had mentioned nothing about Malagrida in it. " Do you know," answered 
 Goldsmith, ** that I never could conceive the reason why they call you Malagrida, 
 for Malagrida was a very good sort of man."* You see plainly, what he meant 
 to say, but that happy turn of expression is peculiar to himself. Mr. Walpole 
 says, that this story is a picture of Goldsmith*s whole life. — Johnson has been 
 confined for some weeks in the Isle of Sky ; we hear that he was obliged to 
 swim over to the main land, taking hold of a cow s tail. Be that as it may, 
 Lady Di.-f- has promised to make a drawing of it. Our poor club is in a miser- 
 able decay ; unless you come, and relieve it, it will certainly expire. Would 
 you imagine, that Sir Joshua Reynolds is extremely anxious to be a member of 
 Almack's ? You see what noble ambition will make a man attempt. That den 
 is not yet opened, consequently I have not been there ; so, for the present I am 
 clear upon that score. I suppose your confounded Irish politics take up your 
 whole attention at present. If they could but have obtained the absentee tax^ 
 the Irish parliament would have been perfect. They would have voted them- 
 selves out of parliament, and lessened their estates one half of the value. This 
 is patriotism with a vengeance. — I have heard nothing of your peacock's ^ggs. 
 
 The Duke of N d tells me, that if they are put into tallow, or butter, 
 
 they will never hatch. I mention this to you, as worthy of your notice. Mr. 
 Walpole promised me to send you a drawing of his frames, but he has been so 
 much engaged with Lord Orford's affairs, that he has probably forgot it. 
 There is nothing new at present in the literary world. Mr. Jones, J of our club, 
 is going to publish an account, in Latin, of the eastern poetry, with extracts 
 translated verbatim in verse. I will order Elmsly to send it to you, when it 
 comes out ; I fancy it will be a very pretty book. Goldsmith has written a pro- 
 
 * It is almost superfluous to remark, that this is the anecdote so often mentioned of Goldsmith, 
 t Lady Diana Beauclerk, wife to Mr. Beauclerk, and daughter to Charles, late Duke of Marl- 
 borough ; eminent for her exquisite taste, and skill in painting. Lord Charlemont has often men- 
 tioned to me, that Sir Joshua Reynolds frequently declared to him, that many of her ladyship's 
 drawings might be studied as models. 
 J Sir William Jones. 
 
178 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 logue for Mrs. Yates, which she spoke this evening before the Opera. It is 
 very good. You will see it soon in all the newspapers, otherwise I would send 
 it to you. I hope to hear in your next letter, that you have fixed your time for 
 letuming to England. We cannot do without you. If you do not come here, 
 I will bring all the club over to Ireland, to live with you, and that will drive you 
 here in your own defence. Johnson shall spoil your books, Groldsmith pull 
 your flowers, and Boswell talk to you ; stay then if you can. Adieu, my dear 
 Lord. Pray make my best compliments to Lady Charlemont. 
 
 Believe me to be, very sincerely, 
 
 And affectionately your^s, 
 
 T. Beauclerk. 
 
 Mr Deak Lord, 
 Enclosed I send you the drawing of Mr. Walpole's frames j which I did 
 not receive till last night. I hope you received a letter from me some time ago ; 
 I mention this, that I may not appear worse than I am, and likewise to hint to 
 you, that, when you receive this, you will be two letters in my debt. I hope 
 your parliament has finished all its absurdities, and that you will be at leisure to 
 come over here to attend your club, where you will do much more good than all 
 the patriots in the world ever did to any body, viz. you will make very many 
 of your friends extremely happy ; and you know Goldsmith has informed us, 
 that no form of government ever contributed either to the happiness or misery 
 of any one. — ^I saw a letter from Foote, with an account of an Irish traged)' ; the 
 subject ^s Manlius, and the last speech which he makes when he is pushed 
 off from the Tarpeian Rock, is, *' Sweet Jesus, where am I going?" Pray 
 send me word if this is true. We have a new comedy here, which is good for 
 nothing ; bad as it is, however, it succeeds very well, and has almost killed 
 Goldsmith with envy. I have no news, either literary or political to send you. 
 Every body, except myself, and about a million of vulgars, are in the country. 
 I am closely confined, as I^y Di. expects to be so every hour. 
 
 I am, my dear Lord, 
 
 Very sincerely and affectionately your's, 
 
 T. B£AVCLBRK. 
 Adelphi, December 24th, I7;a. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 179 
 
 My Dear Lobd, 
 I have this moment received your letter, and I need not tell you how 
 happy it has made me, by informing me that Lady Charlemont is well, and 
 yourself so much better. I can now give you a better reason for not writing 
 sooner to you, than for any other thing that I ever did^in my life. When Sir 
 Charles Bingham,* came from Ireland, I, as you may easily imagine, immedi- 
 ately enquired after jx)u ; he told me, that you were very well, but in great afflic- 
 tion, having just lost your child. You cannot conceive how I was shocked 
 with this news; not only by considering what you sufiered on this occasion, but 
 recollected that a foolish letter of mine, laughing at your Irish politics, would 
 arrive just at that point of time. A bad joke at any time is a bad thing; but 
 when any attempt at pleasantry happens, at a moment that a person is in great 
 affliction, it certainly is the most odious thing in the world, I could not write 
 to you to comfort you ; you m\\ not wonder, therefore, that I did not write at 
 all. I must now intreat you to lay aside your politics for some time, and to con- 
 sider, that the taking care of your health is one of the most public-spirited 
 things that you can possibly do ; for, notwithstanding your vapour about Ire- 
 land, I do not believe that you can very well spare one honest man. — Our 
 politicians, on this side of the water, are all asleep ; but I hear they are to be 
 awakened next Monday, by a printer, who is ordered to attend the bar of the 
 House, for hiving abused Sir Fletcher Norton. They have already passed a 
 vote, that Sir Fletcher's character is immaculate, and will most certainly 
 punish the printer very severely, if a trifling circumstance does not prevent 
 them, viz. that the printer should, as he most probably will, refuse to attend. — 
 Our club has dwindled away to nothing. Nobody attends but Mr. Chambers, 
 £nd he is going to the East Indies. Sir Jpshua and Goldsmith have got into 
 such a round of pleasures, that they have no time. — In my next I will send you 
 a long history of all our friends, and particularly an account how twelve thou- 
 sand poimds may be paid without advancing one single shilling. This is certainly 
 very convenient, and if you can get rid of all your feeling and morality before 
 my next letter arrives, you may put it in practice, as probably it has not yet 
 
 been introduced into Ireland. 
 
 Believe me to be, my dear Lord, 
 
 T. BiBAVCLBUC 
 
 ^delphi, Feb. Iftth, 1774. 
 
 * Tlie late Ix>rd Lucan. He was a member of the Literary dob. 
 
 A a 2 
 
180 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 My Dear Lord, 
 That it was my full intention to visit you in Ireland, and that it still re- 
 mains so, is as true, as that I love and esteem you more than any man upon this 
 earth ; but various accidents have hitherto hindered me, the last of which has 
 been a violent illness, which obliges me to a constant attendance on Doctor 
 Turton ; but, in spite of him, or nature itself, I will very soon pay you a visit. 
 Business, it is true, I have none to keep me here ; but you forget that I have 
 business in Lancashire, and that I must go there, when I come to you. Now 
 you will please to recollect, that there is nothing in this world I so entirely hate 
 as business of any kind, and that I pay you the greatest compliment I can do, 
 when I risque the meeting with my own confounded affairs, in order to have the 
 
 pleasure of seeing you ; but this I am resolved to do. — The D is quite a 
 
 new acquaintance ; he says, he is a scholar, and I believed him to be so. He 
 seemed a good-natured man, and a man of parts, and one proof I am sure he 
 gave of his understanding, by expressing a strong desire to be acquainted with 
 you. I had recollection enough, however, not to give him a letter to you, as I 
 suspect that a certain thing, called politics, might be the cause of a difference 
 between you, particularly as he told me, that he was an intimate friend of 
 Rigby's. And if the old proverb is true, Noscitur a Socio, I guessed that he 
 was not a man after your own heart. Why should you be vexed to find that 
 mankind are fools and knaves? I have known it so long, that every fresh 
 instance of it amuses me, provided it does not immediately affect my friends 
 or myself. Politicians do not seem to me to be much greater rogues 
 than other people; and as their actions affect, in general, private persons 
 less than other kinds of villany do, I cannot find that I am so angry 
 with them. It is true that the leading men, m both countries, at 
 present, are, I believe, the most corrupt, abandoned people in the nation ;• — 
 but now that I am upon this worthy subject of human nature, I will inform you 
 of a few particulars relating to the discovery of Otaheite, which Dr. Hawkes- 
 worth said, placed the King above all the Conquerors in the world ; and if the 
 glory is to be estimated by the mischief, I do not know whether he is not right. 
 When Wallis first anchored off" the island, two natives came along-side of the ship, 
 without fear or distrust, to barter their goods with our people. A man, called 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 181 
 
 the boat-keeper, who was in a boat that was tied to the ship, attempted to get 
 the things from them without payment. The savages resisted, and he struck one 
 of them with the boat-hook, upon which they immediately paddled away. In 
 the morning great numbers came in canoes of all sizes about the ship. They 
 behaved, however, in the most peaceable manner, still offering to exchange their 
 commodities for any thing that they could obtain from us. The same trick was 
 played by attempting to take away their things by force. This enraged them, 
 and they had come prepared to defend themselves with such weapons as they 
 had; they immediately began to fling stones, one of which went into the cabin 
 window. Wallis, on this, ordered that the guns, loaded with grape shot, 
 should be fired ; this, you may imagine, immediately dispersed them. Some 
 were drowned, many killed, and some few got on shore, where numbers of the 
 natives were assembled. Wallis then ordered the great guns to be played, ac- 
 cording to his phrase, upon them. This drove them off; when he still ordered 
 the same pastime to be continued, in order to convince them, as he says, that 
 our arms could reach them at such a distance. If you add to this, that the in- 
 habitants of all these islands are eat up with vile disorders, you will find, that 
 men may be much worse employed, than by doing the dirtiest job that ever was 
 undertaken by the lowest of our clerk- ministers. These particulars I had from 
 a man who went the last voyage, and had them from the gunner of Wallis's 
 ship. We have one of the natives here, who was wounded in that infernal 
 massacre. — There is another curiosity liere, Mr. Bruce. His drawings are the 
 most beautiful things you ever saw, and his adventures more wonderfiil than 
 those of Sinbad the sailor, and perhaps as true. I am much more afflicted with 
 the account you send me of your health, than I am at the corruption of your 
 ministers ; I always hated politics, and I now hate them ten times worse, as I 
 have reason to think, that they contribute towards your ill health. You do me 
 great justice in thinking, that whatever concerns you must interest me, but as 
 I wish yOu most sincerely to be perfectly happy, I cannot bear to think that the 
 villanous proceedings of others should make you miserable ; for, in that case, 
 undoubtedly you will never be happy. — Charles Fox is a member at the Turk's 
 Head, but not till he was a patriot, and you know, if one repents, &c. — 
 There is nothing new, but Goldsmith's Retaliation, which you certainly have 
 
182 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 seen. — Pray tell Lady Charlemont, from me, that I desire she may keep you 
 irom politics, as they do children from sweetmeats, that make them sick. 
 
 Believe me to be, &c. 
 
 T. Beauclxrk. 
 
 Miuwell Hill, Summer Quarters, July 1 8th, 1774. 
 
 But to disgust Lord Charlemont with politics was no very easy circum- 
 stance. It is true, they were too often a source of chagrin to him, and who- 
 ever pursues the real interests of his country, as he did, unmoved by the two 
 great passions, ambition or avarice, which agitate so many political leaders, 
 must encounter much disquietude and mortification. An event took place at 
 the close of this session, which, however he might for some time have been 
 prepared for, he was still in hopes might ultimately be averted. Mr. Flood 
 accepted one of the Vice-treasurership's of Ireland. He had hitherto joined 
 Lord Charlemont in almost every political measure, lived in great intimacy with, 
 and was consulted by his Lordship on every occasion, in which the public was 
 at all concerned. He was, at this time, at the head of opposition, and re- 
 garded by administration as their most formidable antagonist. But it was ob- 
 served in the course of the session, that his attendance at the House was less 
 frequent, his speeches less animated, and gradually in short, his opposition 
 became more desultory, languid, and uncertain. Symptoms like these, at first, 
 alarmed his friends, and soon after the public, who ascribed this visible change 
 to occasional ill humour and increased ill health. Undoubtedly he had too much 
 reason to be out of humour with some of his associates. 
 
 Several of them, after many feeble and invalid apologies to him, joined 
 government, and others, without any apology at all. Neither the number of 
 such men, their talents, knowledge, nor parliamentary importance, were in any 
 way conspicuous. But they filled the muster-roll of the Secretary ; ** Ibimus, 
 Ibimus ut cunque prsecedes,*' might have been their motto; for they walked 
 after the Secretary across the House, or into the lebby, with as undaunted steps 
 as if each of them had been a Cincinnatus, and going home to dress a supper of 
 herbs ; regardless of that of the Secretary, and all the good Margoux that was so 
 lamentably wasted upon them. Flood observed, that his ranks were thinned, 
 and seeing the defection of others, who were better auxiliaries to him, in debate 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT, 18S 
 
 at least, than the above-mentioned personages, he began to consider himself as 
 deserted. The public however, many independent gentlemen, and Lord 
 Charlemont still remained. Interview succeeded interview between him and his 
 noble friend. Then an epistolary correspondence ; then a few, but candid cx- 
 postulatory anonymous letters in the public prints, in which Lord Charlemont 
 bore a share. But the Vice-treasurership was accepted. — It has been said, pretty 
 frequently too, that Flood's object in accepting a lucrative situation, was the 
 large addition to his income, exhausted as his estate then was, by parliamentary 
 and election contests of various kinds. The motives of men are generally of a 
 mixed kind, and if that was his object, of which I know nothing, and therefore 
 am not entitled to touch on it further, I am certain that it was not his sole ob- 
 ject. I had not the honour of being very well known to him ; but he was 
 always civil, and even kind to me. In the spring and early part of the summer 
 of 1786» I had often the pleasure of meeting him in London, in company with 
 an excellent friend, now no more. It appeared to me, that he had a great de- 
 sire to serve the public, by the adoption of some beneficial measure, during Lord 
 Harcourt's administration. That he thought, (however erroneously,) he might 
 be of far more service to Ireland, by accepting a high situation, circumstanced 
 as parties then were (1774), than by remaining with opposition. The Vice- 
 treasurership had hitherto been given only to men eminent in Parliament, or, 
 of great connexions, and almost invariably, to absentees. Som« rays of vanity, 
 of patriot ambition, might have played on his mind, when he contem- 
 plated such a place as bestowed on him, and by his acceptance, rendered more 
 approachable to Irish gentlemen, and parliamentary exertions in Ireland. Some 
 of his political rivals, Mr. Hutchinson particularly, seemed at that time to have 
 seceded from their former station, as statesmen, and counsellors to the Viceroy. 
 Power, indeed, they still liked, and adhered to ; but they did not advance so 
 forward in public life as heretofore. At such a period Flood indulged himself 
 with the prospect of an almost entire ascendancy in the cabinet of Ireland. He 
 flattered himself that his talents could easily sway a very amiable, very well 
 bred, but incurious old nobleman, and an active, adroit colonel of dragoons. 
 In short, like the Roman Lyric Poet on another occasion, he menaced many 
 and charming things ; and, like him too, he lived amid such menaces, and his 
 new occupations, nor rightly, according to the ideas of others, nor agreeably to 
 
 •^ 
 
184 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 himself. He soon discovered that the Vice-treasurership was given to him, not 
 to call forth any novel ambition, but, as far as it could effect it, to extinguish even 
 the embers of the old. The castle of Dublin was to be to him the castle of 
 indolence ; and, like other Irishmen of eminence in those days, however he 
 might endeavour to win his way to power and emolument, by public activity, he 
 could only obtain both, by public repose. Lord Charlemont's advice to him, 
 therefore, was the result of sagacity and long experience. Before I close this 
 subject, I may just mention, that at the time alluded to, when Mr. Flood was 
 in London, he more than once declared to Mr. Forbes,* " That he had been 
 betrayed oftener, when taking an active part in the House of Commons of Ire- 
 land, than he thought it necessary to state. " Except some particular persons," 
 continued he, " men, indeed, of the most scrupulous and delicate honour, every 
 one whom I entrusted a parliamentary motion to, or plan of conduct for the 
 session, almost uniformly betrayed me." A melancholy portrait this, if 
 strictly consonant to the fact, of political turpitude. — Whilst lamenting this de- 
 fection of Flood, it .was the will of Providence, that Lord Charlemont should 
 sustain a most severe domestic calamity. His brother, Francis Caulfield, an 
 amiable man, representative of the borough of Charlemont, was, on his return 
 from England, to attend his duty in Parliament, lost between Park- gate and 
 Dublin. But so little do we know to-day, what the morrow may produce, that 
 this shipwreck, which for some time covered Lord Charlemont's hous€ with 
 mourning, was, at no distant period, the source of much gratification to his. 
 feelings as a statesman. By the vacancy which Mr. Caulfield's death occasioned 
 in Parliament, the Electors of Charlemont were enabled, under the auspices of 
 his Lordship, to return a man to the House of Commons, who was destined to 
 act a more conspicuous part than any one who had ever been deputed to serve 
 there. This was Henry Grattan,-J- a name which will last as long as Ireland has 
 a name among nations. Lord Charlemont always spoke of this election, as 
 most flattering to himself, and as one event, amongst innumerable pf the kind, 
 by which the dispensations of Heaven are peculiarly marked ; extracting satis- 
 faction and self- approbation from the bosom of misfortune, and the triumphs 
 
 * The late John Forbes, Esq. M. P. for Drogheda. 
 
 f He took his seat, for the first time, in the House of Commons, the 11th of De- 
 cember, 1775. 
 
EARL OF ClIARLEMONT. 185 
 
 of a nation, from the overwhelmings of the deep. In the summer of 17/6, the 
 
 very ingenious and celebrated agriculturist, Mr. Arthur Young, paid a visit to 
 Ireland. His account of his tour through this kingdom has been long since 
 published, and is, with some slight exceptions, not merely an amusing, but 
 a most instructive and useful publication ; as it is in every person's hands, I shall 
 not touch further on it here. Among other letters of recommendation which 
 he brought to various persons in Ireland, who might, by their influence or know- 
 ledge, be of some utility to him in his proposed researches, he was favoured with 
 one from Mr. Burke to Lord Charlemont, which deserves particular attention. 
 
 Westminster, June 4th, 1776. 
 
 My Dear Lord, 
 Permit me to make Mr. Young acquainted with you. To his works, and. 
 his reputation, you can be no stranger. I may add, that in conversing with this 
 gentleman, you will find, that he is very far from having exhausted his stock of 
 useful and pleasing ideas in the numerous publications with which he has favour- 
 ed the world. He goes into our country to learn, if any thing valuable can be 
 learned, concerning the state of agriculture, and to communicate his knowledge 
 to such gentlemen as wish to improve their estates by such methods of enlighten- 
 ed culture, as none but people of good fortune can employ, especially in the 
 beginning. But examples may be given, that hereafter will be useful, when you 
 can prevail on yourselves to let the body of your people into an interest in the 
 prosperity of their country. Your Lordship will think it odd, that I can con- 
 clude a letter to you without saying a word on the state of public affairs. 
 But what can I say that will be pleasing to a mind formed like your's ? Ireland 
 has missed the most glorious opportunity ever indulged by heaven to a subordi- 
 nate state, — that of being the safe and certain Mediator in the quarrels of a great 
 empire. She has chosen instead of being the arbiter of peace, to be a feeble 
 party in the war waged against the principle of her own liberties. But I beg 
 pardon for censuring, or seeming to censure, what I perhaps so little compre- 
 hend.. It certainly is much above me. Here we are, as we are. We have our 
 little dejections for disappointments, our little triumphs for advantages, our little 
 palliatives for disgraces, in a contest, that no good fortune can make less than 
 ruinous. I return to Mr. Young, whom I am sure you will receive with the 
 hospitality which you always shew to men of merit Mrs. Burke joins me ia 
 
 Bb 
 
 f'm- 
 
J 86 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 our best compliments to Lady Cliarlemont. Your Lordship, I trust, believes, 
 that I have tlie most affectionate concern in whatever relates to your happiness, 
 and that 
 
 I have the honour to be ever, my dear Lord, 
 
 Your most faithful, and obliged humble servant, 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 On part of this letter I may have occasion to make one or two observa- 
 tions in the course of these memoirs. At present, I shall proceed with the nar- 
 rative. 
 
 The English Cabinet now determined on the recal of Lord Harcourt. Ire- 
 land presented a melancholy aspect. At the Castle, patronage, extended beyond 
 all former precedent, found its limits only in a treasury, so decrepit, and so 
 beggared, as to afford no longer nutriment to it. In the Metropolis, mendi- 
 cancy ; in various parts of the kingdom, south and west, the provision trade 
 crushed by an embargo; in every harbour, commerce almost prostrate. A 
 sullen despondency took place every where ; and that despondency was, in some 
 places, only visited by a melancholy ray of gloomy satisfaction, in beholding 
 the incipient distress of England, which now began to look, to a lengthened 
 contest with America ; in its progress, sanguinary, in its termination, uncer- 
 tain. If that distress was to be augmented, the people of Ireland might enter- 
 tain a hope, that the British Cabinet would, at last, turn its eyes to them, and 
 national misfortune produce that comprehensive policy, which ancient connexion, 
 and coeval poverty, common justice, and the honest sympathy of a few in Eng- 
 land, had hitherto solicited in vain. From America, vanquished, and laid low, 
 Ireland had no reason to look for a diminution of its calamities. The cause of 
 that country was, as to taxation, nearly, indeed altogether its own. The Par- 
 liament of England had not it is true waged war, nor was it necessary to enforce 
 its supposed right of commanding the purse of the Irish nation. But that 
 right was not relinquished. On the contrary, it lay in their statute book, as a 
 weapon in an armory, to be made use of at their bidding. Blackstone, in his 
 Commentaries, then not many years published, and of a form too novel, too 
 elegant, not to find their way where other law books would be repulsed, had 
 told the English nation, and more fatally told many of its academic youths, who 
 were destined to be legislators of England, that, as such, they could tax thii 
 
• EARL OF CHARLEMONT. is; 
 
 country at their pleasure. Even at the hour now under contemplation, some 
 English statesmen had, as unequivocally, as indiscreetly, declared such senti- 
 ments within the walls of the House of Commons. If therefore this claim was 
 to be established by force of arms in America, Ireland might perhaps be visited 
 in its turn. Proximus ardet Ucalegon. With this difference only, that all 
 flame here would, in proportion to our vicinity, and circumscribed territory, be 
 sooner extinguished. What else was to be expected ? Prosperity has some- 
 times, though surely not frequently, a salutary influence on some individuals, 
 but I do not remember to have ever read, or heard of any nation, which it 
 made either better or wiser. 
 
 It is certainly not at all possible to suppose, that the state of affairs in Ire- 
 land could be unknown to the British Cabinet. Yet, that with such knowledge 
 they could act, as they did, appears peculiarly strange. They must have been 
 awake, (though some circumstances would seem to suggest the contrary,) not 
 only to the wretchedness of the country, but to the principle on which they 
 commenced the war with America. That principle, as I have already stated, 
 embraced, and was formidable to Ireland. Yet was no effort made at this 
 time to allay either our wretchedness or our fears. A larger portion of poli- 
 tical wisdom, in the person of the Viceroy, seemed now necessary for the very 
 existence of Ireland. But the appointment of a Lord Lieutenant appeared to 
 follow the ordinary rules that prescribe the choice of a Viceroy in times the 
 least marked by any peculiar event. 
 
 John Hobart, Earl of Buckinghamshire, the successor of Lord Harcourt, 
 was, like him, descended, though far more remotely, from an eminent lawyer, 
 and, like him too, had been employed in a diplomatic situation, which, though 
 less splendid, was at the time more connected with business. He had been 
 ambassador in Russia at the commencement of this reign ; and I believe from the 
 return of his embassy, to his nomination here, remained, though not a stranger 
 to the court, a stranger to all office whatever, in which any responsibility was 
 concerned. His family was not very ancient, but some of his ancestors were 
 illustrious.* He was an honest man, and had a better understanding than was 
 generally supposed. 
 
 * Particularly the great lawyer. Sir Henry Hobart, and Sir Miles Hobart» so rerered m a pt* 
 tciot in the fint Parliaments of Charles the First. 
 
 Jib 2 
 
188 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, • 
 
 If however he was not very conspicuous in politics, we must pronounce 
 him a Richlieu, compared to his Secretary. Posterity will 'hardly perhaps be- 
 lieve that, at a juncture so critical and alarming, the Cabinet should not have 
 insisted on the nomination of the latter, as well as the former. But the choice 
 was left to Lord Buckinghamshire. And what opinion he had formed either of 
 the difHculties he was to encounter, or the Irish Parliament, may be gathered 
 from the person he selected ; a worthy man undoubtedly ; Mr. Richard Heron, 
 his law agent, and supervisor (I believe,) of his estates. Now let the reader 
 conceive an antique scrivener, or laborious conveyancer, from Gray's Inn, 
 transplanted at once to such a scene as Ireland presented at that time ! Yet was 
 this gentleman, if in his power, to raise the manufactures, the revenue, the 
 commerce of the country, all drooping, all withered ! To combat the prejudices 
 of the mercantile interest in England ; to sooth clamours at home ; to 
 reconcile the minds of men to a desolating civil war with America ; to balance 
 parties, to manage the leaders of the House of Commons, and " win the high 
 debate T' Alas ! good man ! He was not only inadequate to all this, but to any 
 part of it ; nor was he to be blamed. Neither his species of knowledge, nor 
 habits of life, were in the slightest degree assimilated to his situation. What 
 right had the British Cabinet to complain, when they committed the interests of 
 both countries, in truth, to such a well-meaning, but inefficient personage? 
 They made loud exclamations, but they were the authors of their own 
 calamities. 
 
 Lord Buckinghamshire met Parliament in October, 1777. For some time 
 after it opened, nothing of particular moment occurred, except the debate on 
 the embargo, the necessity of which was feebly supported by Burgh, pertinaci- 
 ously by Scott, and opposed with great vivacity, and honest indignation, by Ogle, 
 superior point, delicate satire, and ingenious argument by Grattan ; but, above 
 all, by the rapid, irresistible reasoning, and manly eloquence of Daly, who, on 
 this occasion put forth the full force of his abilities, and towered equally above 
 friends and foes in the debate. Mr. Fox was in Dublin about this time, accom- 
 panied by Lord John Townshend. He was not present during the discussion of 
 the embargo, but he attended the House constantly in the earlier part of the 
 session. He was much struck with the vivacity, and quickness of the Irish 
 , Speakers. Mr. Grattan he often heard, and was particularly captivated by him. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 189 
 
 He spent much of his time with one of his oldest friends, the late excellent 
 Bishop of Downe,* and frequently saw Lord Charlertont, whom he had long 
 known, and long respected. This session was protracted to a great length, 
 and was, in some respects, of unusual importance. 
 
 If in the preceding year, (1777) Ministers had many difficulties to oppose, 
 they were now destined to encounter evils of a magnitude hitherto unexampled. 
 Towards the close of that year, a British army had been led into captivity, and 
 General Burgoyne's surrender seemed to be the event, which, if any hesitation 
 had before existed in the French Councils, as to the policy of openly assisting 
 the American cause, now banished all irresolution on that point. The Cabinet 
 of Versailles acknowledged the states of America as friends and allies. So 
 feeble are all treaties, so unstable are the declarations of potentates, when set in 
 competition with the chance of one rival nation rising on the ruins of ano- 
 ther. In the course of another year, Spain pursued the same system ; thus was 
 exhibited the curious phenomenon of the younger branch of the Bourbons, 
 supporting revolted colonies, though at the risque of setting an example to their 
 own ; and the elder branch of the same house, coming forth in a very novel 
 character indeed, — the declared protector of independency, natural rights, and 
 the general liberty of mankind. With what sincerity it is unnecessary to state. 
 But the language was specious, and therefore more to be guarded against. A 
 combination like this was truly formidable, and required to be opposed, not 
 only by immediate, and spirited hostility, but by measures of such conciliating 
 policy, as would tend best to consolidate and extend that hostility. — During the 
 discussion of some commercial points, proposed to be conceded in favour of Ire- 
 land, it was suggested by Mr. Townshend, afterwards Lord Sydney, to widejj^ 
 the foundation of the intended system, by extending such privileges to the 
 Roman Catholics of Ireland, as would give them a better interest in the common 
 cause. Lord North, with his usual liberality, adopted the idea, but said, that 
 any such measure should originate with the Irish Parliament. Subsequent to 
 this. Sir George Savile, though, as well known, not co-operating with the 
 minister in his general politics, brought in a bill for the removal of particular 
 disabilities affecting the Roman Catholics in England. He was ably seconded 
 
 * Dr. William Dickson. 
 
igo MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 by Mr. Dunning, and, indeed, with great candour on both sides of the House. — 
 The business now advanced. The declaration of the minister ; the example 
 of such men as Savile, and Dunning; the spirit displayed in the British 
 Parliament; were not without their influence here. On May 27th, J 778, 
 Mr. Gardiner,* a young gentleman of accomplished mind, and large posses- 
 sions, moved for leave to bring in heads of a bill for the relief of the Roman 
 Catholics, which was granted, though, as might be expected, the circumstances 
 of the two countries being totally dissimilar, not with that cordiality which 
 marked the entrance of Sir George Saviie's act. Two most respectable men were 
 joined to Mr. Gardiner in the resolution to prepare the bill : Mr. Barry 
 Barry,f an active, intelligent Member of Parliament, and Mr. Yelverton.J 
 The chief objects of the bill were to empower Catholics, subscribing the oaths 
 of allegiance, to take leases of lands for 999 years, and to render such pro- 
 perty as devisable, and descendible, as that enjoyed by protestants. To this was 
 added a clause, disabling the eldest son of a Popish family from making his father 
 tenant for life, as heretofore, by his own conformity to the established religion. A 
 legislative regulation so infamous as to disgrace any nation on earth. The bill was 
 combated in every stage, whether in committee, or the whole House, and after 
 division succeeding to division, was at last carried through the House of 
 Commons. In the Lords, the numbers were 36 to 12. Lord Charlemont 
 supported the clause, but opposed some other parts of the bill. 
 
 It may be necessary here to state, and in Lord Charlemont's own words, 
 what passed but six years before in the Upper House of Parliament. " As some 
 slight alleviation to the sufferings of the Papists, and to encourage the peasantry 
 of this persuasion, to benefit the country by building cottages, heads of a bill 
 were prepared to enable them to take leases for ninety years, of the tenement, 
 on which" their cabin was to be built, and of a small portion of ground to serve 
 as a potatoe garden. This bill had been repeatedly moved in the Commons, and 
 repeatedly rejected. In 1772 I resolved to try it in the Lords, and so far pre- 
 vailed, as to get it read twice, and committed. But all in vain. The House 
 had hitherto been thinly attended, and to this circumstance I owed my success. 
 
 * Afterwards Lord Montjoy. 
 t The late Earl of FarDbam. 
 X Afterwards Lord Avonmore. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. IQl 
 
 But the trumpet of bigotry had sounded the alarm. To give the wretched cot^ 
 tager a permanent interest in his miserable mud-built habitation, was said to be 
 an infringement on the penal code, which threatened the destruction of church 
 and state. A cry was raised that the Protestant interest was in danger. The 
 Lords were summoned to attend, the House was crowded with zealous supporters 
 of orthodoxy, and oppression, and I was voted out of the chair, not wholly 
 unsuspected of being little better than a Papist." 
 
 But if the spirit of 1772 had somewhat abated, however slightly, the con- 
 dition of the empire was, during the short space of six years, materially, and 
 unfortunately changed. One of the peculiar, and distressing embarrassments, to 
 which Ireland has been more subjected, than other countries, is the rapid transi- 
 tion of its legislature, on the same subject, from one extreme to another ; and 
 few measures have been so opportunely, frankly, and liberally conceded, as not 
 to leave behind them too many vestiges of that deep-rooted discontent, which 
 it was the laudable object of such measures to remove. It has been peculiarly 
 the case with regard to the Catholic questions, which the penal code against 
 that body has furnished in such melancholy abundance to the consideration of 
 Parliament. Had such questions been brought forward, when the mind of the 
 legislature was more vacant, and unrestricted by external circumstances ; if the 
 Penal code had been alone combated, and the attack on it, unaided by particular com- 
 binations of events, which controlled every thing within their reach, the demo- 
 lition of that code would certainly have been much slower, but it would have 
 appeared, at least, the result of more conviction, and therefore excited more 
 gratitude, and respect in the minds of those, for whose benefit it was so suc- 
 cessfully assailed. It certainly is a melancholy consideration, that mankind re- 
 quire too often to be frightened into a performance of their duty ; but the code 
 of Queen Anne, was, in particular instances, so monstrous, and some 
 of its restrictions, from a change of times and manners so superannuated, 
 so opposite to all wholesome policy, that it could hardly have survived a century, 
 though no great national calamity had ever taken place. Certainly not in any 
 country that had access to books, to the progressive knowledge of- the age, and 
 an interchange of sentiment with other people than its own. It was framed for 
 the preservation of a colony, not the growth of a kingdom. 
 
 But if the war was the predominant cause which led to the adoption of the 
 
193 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 act of 1778, there were also some internal, and local causes, which, no doubt, 
 facilitated its progress. Though the vindictive spirit against the Catholics still 
 subsisted, and in very formidable strength, it did not walk abroad arrayed in 
 so much horrors as formerly. Tradition was indeed very efficacious, but 
 as according to the well-known observation, our minds are more sluggish in re- 
 ceiving any impression from what we hear, than what we see, it was not to be 
 expected that the senator, of 17/8, should regard the Catholic with the same 
 undiminished sentiments of terror, and disgust, as his ancestor of 1703 ; though 
 perhaps in no country that ever yet existed, was the traditionary tale of historic 
 woe more fully preserved, and more duly and sedulously given to its young 
 hearers. Without exaggeration, it may be said to have formed part of our 
 education. Too often on both sides. But if the Catholic was taught to hate, the 
 Protestant was also taught, and had it now in his power, to give to that hatred an 
 almost paralyzing efficacy. — Exhausted, and worne down by rancour abroad, and 
 in the very bosom of his family meeting, or dreading to meet, hlial rebellion 
 and ingratitude, as prescribed for his good by act of parliameni, more than 
 one wealthy Catholic proprietor became a very venial hypocrite, to shelter 
 himself from the legalized hypocrisy of his son, and conformed to the established 
 religion, to save his family from mendicancy and oppression. Thus, if he 
 preserved his estate, he preserved his ancient predilections also ; tacitly perhaps, 
 but when his former brethren's Interests were, as he conoeived, at stake, those 
 predilections were never lost sight of. This may be exclaimed against ; but, 
 from a code which absolutely bribed a son, if not to crush, at least to manacle 
 his father, as to his property, and rob his family, what could be expected but 
 deception, and concealed, not extinguished, resentment ? Or what anchorage 
 could the state have in such a man's affections ? From such a quarter, however, 
 sprung up a species of Catholic interest in the House of Commons. It was not 
 extensive ; but it was aided by many Protestant gentlemen, who, holding large 
 estates, with many Catholics residing on them, \ery naturally wished to give 
 such Catholics a more permanent interest in their possessions ; and at once 
 aid them, and raise the value of their own property. Politics, or Election, 
 and parliamentary advantages, formed also part of such gentlemen's perspective, 
 in taking this ground, however distant. The provision trade, till broken 
 by repeated embargoes, had enriched several catholics, who, unable to 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 193 
 
 purchase land, had created a multiplied adherence by money, which they lent, 
 at legal interest, and to members of both Houses among others. To what 
 extent this cause operated I know not, it certainly had its effect. But, above 
 every thing else, perhaps, was the American revolution favourable to the Roman 
 Catholic cause. " A voice from America shouted to liberty,'* said Mr. Flood in the 
 year 1782. That voice awakened the people here, especially in the North, to 
 a sense of their political thraldrom. They asked themselves, and their 
 neighbours, whence that thraldom, and why should it be submitted to any longer? 
 But how shake it off ? The majority of the people was in double servitude ; 
 and the fetters, forged for them at home, were more severely felt than those 
 imposed by England. The latter, at least, they wore in common with the rest 
 of their fellow subjects in Ireland. But the iron of their domestic chains 
 ulcerated, and weighed down their mind. Those who looked to emancipation 
 from the British Parliament, justly said, that liberty, like charity, should begin 
 at home ; nor could they hope for any co-operation from their Catholic brethren 
 in a cause of freedom, which would avail Catholics little, in a country which 
 could scarcely be called their own. Sentiments like these soon spread abroad ; 
 they found reception wit^iin the walls of both Houses of Parliament, and effectually 
 aided the Catholic bill. Thus was the Popery code of laws, that gloomy fortress, 
 which shut within its precincts a comparative paucity of the inhabitants 
 of Ireland, and frowned terror on all the rest, first laid open. 
 
 The year J 77 8 furnishes not only ample, but even splendid materials for 
 the historian of Ireland. Its national distress was indeed great, but its national 
 spirit was still greater. Ireland, like Antaeus, the more depressed to the 
 earth, seemed to rise still stronger, and fiercer in proportion to its depression. 
 The volunteer army now appeared. An institution totally unprecedented, 
 totally unlike any thing which we read of, in any annals whatever. With the 
 history of Lord Charlemont it particularly blends itself. It gave to him the 
 justest celebrity, and, as he said himself, " to that institution my country owes 
 its liberty, prosperity, and safety ; and, if after her obligations, I can mention 
 my own, I owe the principal, and dearest honours of my life." The origin of 
 these singular, and celebrated armed associations is, in general, pretty well 
 known. About this time, and perhaps a year or so before the present period, 
 some detached corps had been embodied in different parts of Ireland, particularly 
 
 c c 
 
194 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the county of Wexford, by the public spirit of some gentlemen ; but the 
 vokinteer army of Ireland, is indebted for its formation to a letter of Sir 
 Richard Heron's. Little did that worthy gentleman, and most undesigning 
 statesman, imagine that any part of his correspondence should give rise to hosts 
 of armed citizens, self-paid, self- commissioned, which not only protected, but 
 for some years spread a glory round Ireland, astonished England, and, it is 
 believed, obliged France to pause in the midst of its ambitious projects. But if 
 the presumption of man was not too untameable to be awed by any lesson 
 whatever, an event like this might teach, nations, " that, in the hands of 
 Providence, the slightest instruments are productive of the greatest changes ; and 
 that selfishness, and injustice, will eventually destroy their own objects." The 
 embargo already mentioned, had, in conjunction with other causes, reduced the 
 export, and more especially the provision trade of Ireland. As the South 
 languished under that embargo, so did the North under the pressure of the 
 American war, which, as far as it could commercially operate here, desolated the 
 linen trade, and with this falling off, of whatever meagre supports we had, fell 
 also the revenue. The reduction of the former, produced a general discontent, 
 and of the latter, an inability to pay for the necessary defence of the kingdom. 
 In this state of things, the town of Belfast, which eighteen years before had 
 been visited by invasion, applied to government for protection against the 
 common enemy, who then menaced it with peculiar danger. Sir Richard 
 Heron's answer was plain and candid. Government could afford it none. 
 
 To the many idle suggestions, (idle, as they only produced imnecessary 
 irritation,) of the illegality of the volunteer army, this letter might perhaps be 
 opposed as a substantial answer. Government was, as to national defence, 
 abdicated, and the people left to take care of themselves. But if thus 
 abandoned, their spirit soon supplied the defects, and imbecility of administration. 
 Belfast, Antrim, the adjacent counties, poured forth their armed citizens. The 
 town of Armagh raised a body of men, at the head of whom Lord Charlemont 
 placed himself. Every day beheld the institution expand, a noble ardour was 
 almost every where diffused, and where it was not felt, was at least imitated. 
 Several, who had at first stood aloof, now became volunteers from necessity, 
 from fashion. No landlord could meet his tenants, no member of Parliament his 
 constituents, and no gentleman whatever the ladies, who was not willing to serve. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 195 
 
 and act witH his armed countrymen. The spirit-stirring drum was heard through 
 every province, not to *' fright the isle from its propriety,'* but to animate its 
 inhabitants to the most sacred of all duties ; the defence of their liberties, and 
 their country. 
 
 Grovernment stood astounded. With unavailing regret, it now beheld the 
 effects of its own immediate work indeed ; but to look more retros|)ectively, the 
 work of its predecessors, and of England. To disunite, or disarray the 
 volunteers was beyond their power, though the secret object of their wishes. 
 Disunion, without money, was impracticable ; and the volunteers well knew that 
 the contractors, and manufacturers, at the other side of the channel, who had 
 impoverished the Exchequer, and the courtiers, who had robbed it here, could 
 not rob them of their arms and privileges. The former would give nothing, 
 and the latter had nothing to give. But money, if to be had, could then have 
 effected little, or rather nothing whatever. As a body, the volunteers, in that 
 hour of generous enthusiasm, were as unassailable by gold, as by fear. As to 
 disarraying them, supposing its accomplishment, to such a state had Ministers 
 brought matters, it could not have been effected without danger. Contending 
 terrors agitated administration. An army, acting without any authority from 
 the crown, was a subject of great alarm ; but French invasion was a cause of 
 alarm still more immediate ; and yet, no other troops had Ministers to oppose to 
 invasion, than this formidable volunteer srmy, with whom, or without whom, 
 they now did not know how to live. America had drained both kingdoms of 
 their forces ; and for the raising of a militia, government had no money, and 
 the volunteers no inclination. Ministers looked around for succour, but in 
 vain. There stood the French, — here the volunteers, one of whom, they 
 thought, would destroy them. They must have fancied themselves somewhat 
 in the situation of fair Rosamond, who saw poison in one hand of her rival, 
 a dagger in the other, and herself doomed to die by the bowl or 
 poniard, just as suited her own inclinations. One notable expedient Ministers, or 
 some of their emissaries, had recourse to, in order to divide the volunteers, 
 which I had almost forgotten, but it deserves to be mentioned. It was 
 proposed to some of their officers, (this took place in the South) to get 
 commissions from the crown, or take them out at first as for form's sake merely. 
 '* In case of an invasion,*' said those forlorn logicians, "and that you are takes 
 
 c c a 
 
iqG memoirs of JAMES, 
 
 prisoners, such commissions will alone entitle you to an exchange." At that 
 very moment, was a noble English army captive in America ! So strangely 
 forgetful are some intemperate politicians of the most alarming events, even of 
 yesterday, and so unable, or so resolutely determined are they, to draw no 
 beneficial inference from them whatever. — The volunteers were, at last, no 
 longer teazed nor tormented. Those who were most attached to administration, 
 fell into their ranks, as well as its opponents. In little more than a year, 
 their numbers amounted to forty- two thousand men. The Duke of Leinster, 
 the .Earl of Clanricarde, Lord Charlemont, not to mention other noblemen, 
 and gentlemen of the highest stations, commanded them in different districts. 
 
 At this time commenced the most active part of Lord Charlemont's life. 
 That man must be cold-blooded indeed, who can look back to those days, 
 without a lively satisfaction, and becoming elevation of mind. I allude more 
 particularly to the years J 781 and 1782, when trade revived, the volunteer 
 army became disciplined, and a general harmony prevailed throughout Ireland. 
 They may be regarded as the brightest which this country ever beheld. I 
 have read somewhere, that Marshal Tallard, with the elegant politeness of a 
 courtier of Louis the 14th, and a sensibility of mind superior to all politeness, 
 told Lord Devonshire, at parting from him, " that when he returned to 
 France, and reckoned up the days of his captivity, he should leave out those 
 he spent at Chatsworth." It is no affectation to say, that so might Ireland at ibis 
 time have addressed Lord Charlemont, and assured him, that in counting the 
 years of her thraldom, she left out those of the volunteer institution. 
 
 Generosity, frankness, and above all, a disposition in Irishmen, to regard 
 each other, with looks of kindness, were then most apparent. It was impossible 
 to contemplate, and enjoy the cheerful dawn of unsuspicious intercourse, 
 which then diffused its reviving light over this Island, without an abhorrence of 
 that debasing policy, which, when the sword was sheathed, and the statute 
 book slumbered, sullenly filled the place of both ; turned aside the national 
 character from its natural course, counteracted its best propensities, and, under 
 the denomination of religion, fiercely opposed itself to the celestial precept of 
 Christianity, — love one another. The content, the satisfaction that sat on every 
 face, and, I may add, the moral improvement, that formed one of the purest 
 sources of that satisfaction, cannot be effaced from the memory. Let those 
 
« EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 197 
 
 who sneer at the volunteer institution, point out the days, not merely in the 
 Irish, but any history, when decorous manners kept more even pace with the 
 best charities of life, when crime found less countenance, and law more 
 reverence. This state of affairs lasted, it is true, but a short period. It has 
 passed away like a dream. The mutability of all institutions every one feels ; 
 but few will acknowledge their own follies, which so often produce, or 
 accelerate, such sad vicissitudes ; and from folly we were not more exempt than 
 others. 
 
 An investigation of some of the causes, which contributed to the 
 celebrity and success of the volunteer army till the year 1783, may not be 
 without its utility. It was fortunate for Ireland, that there should have been at 
 that time, a growth of men, capable of restraining popular excesses ; to whose 
 understanding the people wisely committed themselves, and by whose prudence 
 they triumphed. ^_ Li vy mentions, that Roman virtue never shone so much, as in 
 the second Punic war. ** Never," says he, " were the people more disposed to 
 revere the wisdom of their superiors, nor their superiors more disposed to favour 
 the people." The success which attended the period I have now touched upon, 
 should be a lesson to both. To the people, to be on their guard against vanity, 
 and the higher orders against pride. Had the example of the French revolution 
 taken place at .that day, Ireland would, it is more than probable, have totally 
 failed in her efforts. But there was then no rivalry of orders in the state ; one 
 thing professed, another thing concealed. The union that subsisted between 
 men of superior endowments, and those of home -spun integrity, and good 
 sense, was for the sole purposes of mutual triumph. Lord Charlemont, and 
 the truly good and wise men who acted with him, took care to confine the pub- 
 lic mind to two great principles — the defence of the empire, and the restoration 
 of our constitution. In their steps to the latter, they were peculiarly cautious to 
 limit the national claim to such a point only as Ireland herself could not divide 
 upon. This was a grant of a free trade. As to the Constitution, Protestants, 
 and Catholics had agreed to a declaration of right, in l641 ; the Protestant 
 House of Commons, when it had expelled the Catholics, would not listen to 
 any measure, which gave countenance to the authority of the English Parlia- 
 ment, and the Catholics, in all their propositions, and treaties, had insisted on 
 the great point of parliamentary independency. In this measure, therefore, the 
 
J9d MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 principal men who now came forward, again miited Ireland^ and by their state- 
 ments, and publications, divided England so far as to prevent its acting in con- 
 cert against them, for, in two or three years subsequent to this period, a great 
 part of England admitted the justice of our claims. — Another cause contributed 
 to national success. It has been already partially displayed, — the good conduct of 
 the people. If the kingdom was menaced from abroad, it was at home in a 
 state of unexampled security. Private property, private peace, were every 
 where watched over by the volunteers, with a filial and pious care. Ministers, 
 or rather those who wish to render themselves acceptable to any ministry, by 
 their mean subserviency, could not have styled the volunteer associations as, 
 most fatally, they styled the Americans, a banditti ; or, had they been silly 
 enough to have attempted to proceed against them as such, they would have 
 transformed themselves mio the most intemperate, imbecile banditti, that history 
 could contemplate. — Hume observes, that the Revolution of 1688 was accom- 
 plished by the first persons of the country, in rank and intellect, leading the 
 people. Hence it ended in liberty, not confusion. The revolution of Ireland 
 in 1782 was formed in a similar manner. 
 
 I have stated that the national distress in 1778 was great. In truth, ft 
 could hardly be exceeded. The complaints of our manufacturers at last reached 
 England. The ministers there, especially Lord North, were disposed to give 
 every attention to them, and they did come forward with some resolutions, 
 beneficial perhaps, but of very limited extent. Contracted however as they 
 were, th6 manufacturing towns of Lancashire took the alarm. Petition fol- 
 lowed petition, and every pi&tition rose in selfishness, illiberality, and ignorance, 
 above those that preceded it.*^ The intemperance of some places was such as to 
 become ridiculous. They said, that their cotton trade would be ruined, and 
 almost unequivocally declared, that, rather than submit to that, they would go 
 back to their old trade of rebellion, as in 1745 and 1715. But what shall we 
 say to those members of the British House of Commons, (they were indeed but 
 few,) who denied that we suffered any distress whatever, or, if there was any, 
 that it arose, not from the restrictive commercial system of England, but our 
 own want of police ? It would be a difficult matter to ascertain, of what police 
 any unhappy manufacturers could be the objects, who, when corn was most plenty, 
 as in this very year, and the preceding one, could not buy it. Thousands of 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 199 
 
 whom were supported by charity. Or what police, in the most extended mean- 
 ing of the word, could benefit the farmers, who, from want of all market, as 
 agriculture and manufacture equally aid each other, and corn falling to the 
 lowest price, were unable to pay their rents, and suffered nearly as much as the 
 manufacturer.* Nor was this the casual poverty of one or two years, but the 
 recurring distress of many. In short, during this prattle of narrow-minded 
 ignorance, the commercial pulse of Ireland stood almost still. Ministers felt the 
 disorder, and would have prescribed, successfully perhaps, for it, but jealousy, as 
 despicable as ill-grounded, prevented them. In vain were many noble efforts 
 made in both Houses of the British Parliament, by Lord Nugent, Lord Beau- 
 champ, Mr. Burke, Lord Ossory, in the Commons ; by the Duke of Manches- 
 ter, Lord Lansdowne, and the Marquis of Rockingham, in the Lords. With 
 the Marquis Lord Charlemont corresponded, and aided all his efforts ; but two 
 or three manufacturing towns prevailed over Ireland, and its most enlightened 
 friends. 
 
 When the people here found the session closed in England, and nothing 
 substantial accomplished, they did not fold their arms in foolish despair. 
 They were then taught, as distress will indeed effectually teach any nation, or 
 individual, that their best dependence was on themselves. They had recourse 
 to that policy, which Swift had in vain advised half a century before. They 
 ■^ot only used their own manufactures, but entered into a non-importation agree- 
 ment of any whatever from England. This resolution was embraced with the 
 usual characteristic ardour of the Irish. The despondency of the manufacturers, 
 of the lowest order, was changed to thanksgiving ; some of the fashionable gen- 
 try, who had been more supine than others, were reanimated to a sense of their 
 duty. The volunteer bands increased not more in numbers than in spirit. 
 Lord Charlemont was seen every where among them. He mingled his mind 
 with theirs, and was every where revered and followed. 
 
 Matters were now drawing to a crisis. The Irish Parliament met in Oc- 
 tober, 1779- The Lord Lieutenant's speech from the throne, did not say 
 much, and the address in answer, did not, of course, presume to say more. 
 Such addresses, as well as the parliamentary speeches that precede them, are too 
 
 * See the Conamercial Restraints of Ireland, by the late Right Hon. John H. Hutchinson. 
 
T 
 
 200 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 frequently, in point of meaning, exactly of a similar value with those '•' Verses 
 by a person of quality," as some rhyming, and most feeble poetical effusions 
 were termed at the commencement of the last century ; both echoes ; with this 
 difference however, that the latter are the faded echoes of poetry long since de- 
 parted indeed, but, in its early existence, original and vigorous ; — but the latter 
 are the echoes of, if the phrase may be allowed, of mere inanity. However, 
 when genuine, p.irental care of a kingdom resumes its station in Parliament, 
 such vanities dissolve into air. An address, of a different complexion 
 from those I have just mentioned, had, towards the close of the session of 
 1778, been moved by Mr. Daly. Its object was to open the trade of Ireland, 
 and, though negatived, it left its impression. It was determined by him, and 
 his friends, (Lord Charlemont was one of them,) to renew that address at the 
 commencement of the next session. Accordingly, an address was formed, and 
 moved by Mr. Grattan, as an amendment to the answer to the Lord Lieute- 
 nant's speech, which I have now stated. To counteract that amendment, the 
 ministerial speakers introduced much general expression as to the trade of Ire- 
 land, but the opposition could not be so deceived. It was resolved, that a posi- 
 tive unequivocal requisition, to be restored to our commercial rights, should be 
 preferred by the House of Commons. Mr. G rattan's amendment was prefaced 
 by a preamble, stating the necessity, and justice of our claims. Mr. Burgh, at 
 that time Prime Serjeant, approved of the amendment, but condemned th» 
 preamble, and suggested one short, simple proposition. Mr. Flood whispered 
 to him across the benches, — *' state a free trade merely.'' Burgh instantly adopted 
 the words, and moved, " That nothing, but a free trade could save the country 
 from ruin.'' Mr. Grattan at first objected to withdrawing the preamble, as he 
 not only considered it a necessary adjunct to any motion that could be made on 
 the subject, but was afraid, by dividing the proposition, to make room for some 
 adroit and successful parliamentary manoeuvre, which would get rid of the 
 whole. However, when Mr. Conolly, the brother-in-law of the Lord Lieute- 
 nant, and who, from that connexion, as well as his rank and situation, might 
 in the fluctuating state of the House, have commanded a majority, not only 
 expressed himself strongly in favour of a free trade, but against the pream- 
 ble, Mr. Grattan withdrew it, stating, at the same time, that he did so, in the 
 full and entire expectation, that the resolution, as to a free trade, should be un- 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 201 
 
 equivocally supported. Mr. Burgh's amendment was then put and carried 
 unanimously. This is the history of that famous, and operative resolution. — 
 When the House of Commons attended the Lord Lieutenant with this resolu- 
 tion, the volunteers of the Dublin district lined the streets through which they 
 passed, as a mark of respect and grateful approbation. The Duke of Leinster, 
 was, on that day, at their head. So perfectly correct, as well as spirited, had the 
 conduct of the volunteer army been throughout the kingdom, that the House 
 of Commons, almost as soon as it met, voted their unanimous thanks to them. 
 Soon after, they passed a money bill for six months and no longer. — To detail 
 the speech of the English minister, and the commercial resolutions which he 
 moved in consequence of our claim of a free trade, would change the entire 
 nature of this work, which professes to be, not the memoirs of a nation, 
 but an individual. It is true, that the history of Ireland at this time, is in 
 many respects the history of Lord Charlemont ; but I should pass beyond all 
 biographical limits, if I gave too much expansion to such events, however 
 national and important, as he was not immediately, and personally connected 
 with. In the measures for obtaining a free trade, betook a most decided part, but 
 as he did not often speak in parliament, others were necessarily more prominent. 
 It is due however to the memory of that most amiable man, Lord North, to 
 state, that his speech, on moving the commercial resolutions, was able, liberal, 
 and conciliating. It contains the amplest information on the subject. The 
 history of the navigation act, the woollen manufacture, and the manner in which 
 we were excluded from both, are dearly stated. — The resolutions which 
 re-opened the woollen trade to Ireland, and gave to us a freedom of commerce 
 with the British colonies, on certain stipulations, were received in this country 
 with joy and gratitude. Dublin was illuminated,, and universal satisfaction 
 prevailed. /r . 
 
 If that satisfaction was not as permanent as some expected, the Irish are 
 not to be blamed. The alteration of the Mutiny bill, which had been sent from 
 hence, to a perpetual one, excited very general indignation ; other impolitic acts 
 were complained of. The spirit of the nation flamed higher than ever. Mr. 
 Grattan not so much imbibing, as diffusing, a large portion of that spirit, and 
 acting in concert with his friend. Lord Charlemont, moved a declaration of rights 
 in favour of Ireland. The oration which he made on that occasion can never be 
 
 D d 
 
202 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 forgotten by those who heard it. The language of Milton, or Shakespeare, 
 can alone describe its effects. It " fulmined over" Ireland ; whilst the Commons, 
 who seemed at first electrified by such impassioned, and commanding eloquence, 
 and afterwards shrunk from his proposition, gave it entire blazon. When printed 
 it was contrasted with their conduct, and read with more avidity. Necessarily 
 imperfect as the copy was, those who perused it, could not conceive how it 
 could be resisted. The popular indignation now vented itself in angry, but 
 justifiable resolutions, and variety of addresses. Parliament did not rise till 
 September, 178O. Lord Buckinghamshire was recalled the Christmas following. 
 I cannot take leave of this nobleman, without stating, as I am enabled to do, 
 by one who never spoke at random, (the late Lord Pery,) that his dispatches, 
 in proportion as he became acquainted with Ireland, wt re just, accurate, and 
 in every respect those of an honest man. But ministers paid little, or no 
 attention to them. We can account for this neglect, partly from Lord Bucking- 
 hamshire's want of support, either from great parliamentary alliance, or imposing 
 talents, and much more, perhaps, from the daily augmenting embarrassments of 
 the ministers at that time ; but, not only to neglect a Viceroy, who had faithfully 
 depicted the state of the country, but to blame hnii for every thing that was 
 done, whilst he resided in Ireland, as they did, was most ungenerous, and no 
 apology can be made for such disingenuous conduct. I well remember Lord 
 Pery's words, — Never was man used worse than Lord Buckinghamshire. 
 
 The Earl of Carlisle came to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant, at the close of 
 December, I78O ; a nobleman of high birth, polished mind, and graceful 
 manners. To those of exalted rank, who pay real attention to literature, the 
 best thanks of the community are due. Lord Carlisle has cultivated letters 
 successfully, and the earls of Surrey, and of Arundel, might have claimed him, 
 not less from poetic taste, and a love of the fine arts, than consanguinity. If 
 indeed the wits of Charles the second, are entitled to full credit, Melpomene, 
 during that Monarch's reign, could have exclaimed equally with the unhappy 
 queen of Scots ; " Alas ! what has that noble house of Howard suffered for 
 my sake?" But " th« Father's revenge," had not then appeared. It would have 
 called forth a very different language, and the muse of severe tragedy must, I 
 think, have not only justified, but applauded the criticisms of Johnson. Mr. 
 Eden, now Lord Auckland, came with him as secretary. A gentleman, the 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. XOS 
 
 very reverse of sir Richard Heron. Perfectly skilled in parliamentary language 
 and management ; of quick, as well as versatile parts, consummate talents for 
 business, and correspondent industry, he was. well calculated, not only to guide 
 the nation in its newly-opened path of commerce, but to form such establish- 
 ments, as would advance its progress therein, and enable them to improve 
 what they had acquired. But, for such acquisitions a more pacific season was 
 requisite. The nation called aloud for independence, and without a free 
 constitution, they regarded a free trade as altogether insecure, and «o far of 
 inferior value. Lord Carlisle did not meet parliament till the October after bis 
 arrival. But the Secretary did not suffer the intermediate time to pass away unpre- 
 ductively. Some members, and, as it afterwards appeared, one or two leaders^ 
 were soothed into approbation of his measures. The plan of a national bank 
 was agitated, and afterwards carried into execution. Other regulations took 
 place. 
 
 Early in the spring of this year (1780,) began that acquaintance of Lord 
 Charlemont with Dr. Haliday, a celebrated physician of Belfast, which was 
 afterwards improved into the most ardent friendship on both sides, and only 
 ceased with Lord Charlemont's life. The two following letters, though written 
 at different periods, form the commencement of that epistolary correspondence 
 between them, ample extracts from which will be given to the reader. It is in 
 many parts^ not less a faithful picture of Ireland, during a very busy, and 
 agitated period, than of Lord Charlemont's life, his habits, and sentiments on 
 various topics, especially the politics of this country. Haliday was a scholar, a 
 man of peculiar and varied genius, and talents. As a physician, universally 
 esteemed throughout the North of Ireland, or a considerable part of it, and his 
 medical skill was not less sought after, than his conversation, which was truly 
 valuable. He knew mankind perfectly ; but his wit, which was abundant, in no 
 wise partook of that saturnine complexion, which too deep an insight into our 
 frail nature, and a vexatious intercourse with the world, may sometimes generate, 
 but will too often be found in company with a cold heart, and a vain mind, affect- 
 ing that superiority to which it has no claim. He was as playful as intelligent; 
 full of life and humour, candid, hospitable, and benevolent. As a politiciati, 
 he was liberal and independent ; and in a town, at that time much tinctured 
 with republicanism, entertaining as he did, sentiments of the purest whiggism^ 
 
 D d 3 
 
a04 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 he became extremely dear to Lord Charlemont. The two letters which now 
 appear, are merely introductory to the rest, and the last should not have been 
 given, if Lord Charlemont's testimony to the excellence of a late venerable 
 character was not too pleasing to be suppressed. They both relate to the reviews, 
 which took place, under his auspices, at Belfast. 
 
 ** April 23, 1780. The extreme kindness of your invitation is no longer 
 to be resisted ; neither can my too well-grounded fear of being troublesome 
 prevail against my ardent desire of being personally acquainted with, and I may 
 add, of being obliged to a gentleman, whose general character is such as to 
 rank him among those very few, from whom I would wish, and rejoice to receive 
 obligations. I will then most certainly have the pleasure of accepting the favour 
 you wish to confer. Mr. Grattan has been kind enough to consent to be my 
 aid- de-camp, and shall think himself happy in an opportunity of being known 
 to you. You have undoubtedly heard of the astonishing share he took in the 
 late great day of debate. I call it a great day, because though not precisely in 
 the manner we intended, we most certainly gained our point, and have laid a 
 ground for going still further, in doing away the reproach of this country.'' 
 
 " Dublin, May 2, J781. With cheerfulness, and with gratitude, I accept 
 your kind invitation ; may I add with exultation, and vanity; for indeed I am 
 proud to be obliged to you, and shall ever look upon you as one of those very 
 few, who, in conferring benefits, confer honour also. Nothing can give me 
 greater pleasure, than to hear of Mrs. Stewart's* amendment, yet still you say 
 that she is in a precarious state. When you favour me with a letter, I intreat 
 that you would be particular in your account of her, as I am, in the highest 
 degree, interested in her safety, on her own account, on that of her worthy husband, 
 and especially, on account of that best, and most respectable of human beings, 
 Lord Camden, whose life, I am convinced, depends upon the thread df her 
 destiny, lll^ dies utramque ducet ruinam." In the winter, and spring of 1781, 
 we find Lord Charlemont in London. 
 
 He had lost Mr. Beauclerk in the preceding year,* whose death he always 
 lamented; but many literary, and respectable friends still remained to him in 
 London. Sir Joshua Reynolds was always dear to him, and a sketch of his 
 
 * Mr. Beauclerk died in April, 1 780. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 205 
 
 character, as inscribed by his Lordship, under a picture of Sir Joshua's, is 
 inserted in the Appendix. At that eminent artist's, and good man's table, which 
 collected more literary, and accomplished men, than perhaps any other table in 
 London, Lord Charlemont was a very frequent inmate. Boswell mentions his 
 having passed a most agreeable day in his company, and that of some other 
 gentlemen at Sir Joshua's, on the .30th of March, 1781, when a trifling 
 incident took place, on which Boswell has enlarged with his usual good 
 humour,* but the relation of which was far from pleasing to Lord Charlemont. 
 On the contrary, he expressed himself with some degree of anger on the subject, 
 and more than once declared, to the author of these memoirs, hisdisappiobation 
 of the plan of a book, which, however lively and interesting, gave, without 
 any consent whatever of the parties, their careless, unbended conversation to 
 the world. Nothing, he added, could strictly authorize such a practice ; and 
 were it more generally adopted, all unrestricted intercourse in society would 
 soon be put an end to. Johnson he highly esteemed, and honoured; but 
 to raise up a literary monument to him, by setting in a note book, and 
 afterwards divulging to the public, the casual expressions, or opinions, with all 
 the petty incidents, whether of gaiety or asperity, that took place in his 
 <x>mpany, was unjust to the society which was occasionally gathered round him. 
 Any colloquy could scarcely bear such a promulgation ; and, were it possible to 
 retain accurately any lengthened conversation, (which I believe it is not,) 
 how much of its original grace, and vigour, must necessarily be lost! In this 
 respect, Mr. Boswell has, and no wonder, particularly failed. How little, 
 notwithstanding all his efforts, of the continued conversation of any society, 
 eminent for its acquirements, and knowledge, has been given by him. He 
 breaks off too often in the midst, and cannot pursue it. As to Johnson's 
 conversation, it is, as illustrative of the man, highly curious, interesting, and 
 often instructive ; but, as displaying those powers of logical ratiocination, for 
 which he so valued himself, and is so extolled by his biographer, it is lamentably 
 defective ; for the greatest part of his reasonings, as they are called, is complete 
 «ophistry. If, as he said, most unjustly surely, of the Scotch, that Scotland 
 was more valuable to them than the truth, a temporary conquest in argument, 
 
 t See Mr. Boswell's account of that day in his life of Jobnsoi^, 
 
206 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 was to him, unquestionably, of superior consequence toits stability, or its 
 efficacy. He once gave an instance of this, which is to be deplored. In 
 arranging the defence which was to be made by Baretti, on his charge for 
 murder, at the Old Bailey, Mr. Burke and he differed, and with vehemence, 
 about some parts of it. By his own confession afterwards, there would have 
 been no difference, had there been no audience. Now, if the defence which 
 Johnson suggested had been adopted by Baretti, and failed ; consequently 
 perhaps, endangered his life, what could Dr. Johnson have said, for being, at 
 such a meeting, influenced by the applause of his audience? But, when 
 victory was not his object, and he gave his opinions dispassionately, he was 
 admirable. His remarks on the general business of life, and manners, cannot 
 be surpassed ; and, as a teacher, indeed teacher best of moral wisdom, as 
 Milton says, I cannot sufficiently express my reverence for, and my obligations 
 to him. Lord Charlemont, as I have mentioned, cordially esteemed him, and 
 had a sincere regard for his biographer, whose life of Johnson was, as his 
 Lordship conceived, on the grounds I have stated, liable to great objections. 
 The execution of it, notwithstanding its many faults, he thought excellent ; but 
 the general plan incompatible with the freedom, and indeed sacredness, of social 
 intercourse. 
 
 The Volunteer reviews of J 781 and 1782 were particularly splendid. At 
 Belfast there were not less than five thousand men in the field, perhaps more. 
 The volunteers were now, considering the time that they were embodied, 
 remarkably well disciplined. In the course of the year 1781 an event took 
 place, which peculiarly marks the gallantry, constitutional ardour, and noble 
 loyalty which prevailed in the Northern army ; and, had it been necessary to call 
 it forth, the same spirit would unquestionably have been found in the South of 
 Ireland, A rumour very generally prevailed, that an invasion of this country, 
 by the French, was seriously determined on. Lord Charlemont finding that it 
 obtained more credence than any report of a similar nature hitherto had, 
 waited on the Lord Lieutenant, who acquainted him that there was every 
 reason to consider it authentic : that an express had been sent to him by Lord 
 Stormont, (secretary of state) stating a variety of particulars relative to the 
 
 * Frances, now Couatew of Londonderry, daughter of the late Charles, Earl Camden. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 207 
 
 proposed expedition, the port from whence the enemy was to sail, and where 
 they were then actually assembled ; that the city of Cork was the meditated 
 place of attack; and, in short, no doubt could remain of the intelligence 
 received. Lord Charlemont stated to the Lord Lieutenant, that he would, 
 with his Excellences permission, set out instantly for the north, where he had 
 no doubt such a spirit would be displayed, as would, in its effects, tend to 
 baffle every effprt of foreign hostility. The Viceroy warmly approved of his 
 intentions, and early the next morning Lord Charlemont set off" for Armagh, 
 where he arrived at night. All the officers of his own corps, which consisted 
 of a thousand men, two troops of horse, and two artillery companies, were at 
 that time in the town, attending the assizes. Lord Charlemont called them 
 together, stated the object of his journey, and desired to know what they 
 would authorize him to say to the Lord Lieutenant. In a few minutes they 
 desired their Lieutenant Colonel to speak for them, and their answer was 
 precisely in the following words : " My Lord, till this instant you have never 
 done any thing displeasing to your regiment, but now we must say, that you 
 have not a little offended us. Your present application to us, is not only 
 needless, but in some degree offensive to our feelings. We have unanimously 
 chosen you our colonel> and in that quality, relying upon our spirit, and certain 
 of our obedience, instead of applying to us, you should in the first instance 
 have assured the Lord Lieutenant, that your regiment would immediately join 
 the king's troops at Cork. You should then have sent down your orders, and we 
 would instantly have obeyed, marched, and met you in the field." Lord Charlemont 
 told them, that their kind reproof was one of the highest obligations which he 
 covdd have received from them ; but that he thought it his duty to speak to them 
 previous to any other step being taken, and begged that they would draw up 
 some resolution, which he might lay before the Lord Lieutenant. They unani- 
 mously exclaimed, " No resolutions ! no resolutions ! only have the goodness, my 
 Lord, to acquaint his Excellency, that our regiment shall be as soon at Cork, 
 as any troops in his Majesty's service : and we beg that you will never again use 
 us so ill, as to make such an application to us, but answer, at once for us in 
 your own name, and command us always.** The whole Northern army soon 
 followed this noble example ; all prepared to march, and declared their determi- 
 nation, on the slightest order from government, to go to the South, subject . 
 
206 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 themselves to military discipline, and any of the kings generals that shCuld 
 command there. I'he only difficulty, Lord Charlemont said, was to controul 
 this generous impetuosity, (the true characteristic of the Irish) so far, as not 
 to deprive the north of all troops whatever. But, it is almost certain, that 
 had any invasion taken place, fifteen thousand men from thence would have 
 joined the king's army, and left a sufficient defence for the northern counties. 
 The same ardour was universal throughout Ireland. It pervaded all ranks. 
 When the youth at Newry prepared to leave that place, all the men who began 
 to advance in years, gallantly formed a corps, into which no one under fifty, or, 
 who had not a wife and children, was suffered to be enrolled. They called 
 themselves the Ladies' fencibles, and were for a long time embodied. Lord 
 Charlemont must have felt no slight exultation, in representing this disposition 
 of his countrymen to the Viceroy. He only requested, that Government would 
 prov de camp equipage for such corps as were not furnished with any. It was 
 instantly ordered ; but some months after the invasion was relinquished by the 
 French, and, it may be presumed, that these preparations contributed not a 
 little to its abandonment. 
 
 From the camp, to the peaceful shades of Marino, and his excellent 
 library, was Lord Charlemont's usual transition in those days. Literature was 
 his constant resource, aided by an agreeable, and varied society. Except by a 
 few, it cannot be said, that letters were much cultivated at that time in Ireland. 
 Yet, though the pursuits of a camp are necessarily incompatible, for the mo- 
 ment, with literary studies, the volunteer institution, so far from being formi- 
 dable to such studies, eventually contributed to thar extension. Almost every 
 man of a liberal education throughout Ireland was now, occasionally at least, in 
 the field, and many gentlemen of literary acquirements devoted no inconsider- 
 able portion of their time to the camp, and such military knowledge, as, in their 
 situation, they could obtain. The different ranks of society became more 
 mingled. Those who were uninformed, frequently, often daily met those who 
 were not so. Liberal intercourse took place, and many were ashamed of con- 
 tinuing ignorant. Reading became, though slowly, a fashion, and what was 
 originally fashion, gradually changed into a favoured, and pleasii^g habit. It is» 
 indeed to be wished, that that habit was still more extended. But unquestion- 
 ably, more books were bought, and continued to be so, after the volunteer 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 209 
 
 institution was formed, than ever before in Ireland. To Lord Charlemont • 
 library and society, every man of letters, when properly recommended, wa* 
 entirely and unaffectedly welcome. Some of the heads of the university, or 
 those who were connected with it, particularly so. Among others, Mr. Wil- 
 liam Preston, a young gentleman of true poetical genius, very extensive erudi- 
 tion, and independent spirit. Lord Charlemont became his patron, and his 
 friend. At this time he aided his genius as far as he could, by diffiising a 
 publication of his works throughout such circles in London, as might fan the 
 blaze of his poetical fame. He sent several copies to some of his literary friends 
 there. A letter of Mr. Horace Walpole*s, (Lord Orford) otherwise not im- 
 portant, will sufficiently illustrate Lord Charlemont's attention to his friend, 
 Mr. Preston, in this respect. 
 
 Strawberry Hill, July l8t, 1 781. 
 I have been exceedingly flattered, my Lord, by receiving a present from 
 your Lordship, which at once proves that I retain a place in your Lordship** 
 piemory, and you think me worthy of reading what you like. I could not wait 
 to give your Lordship a thousand thanks for so kind a mark of your esteem, 
 till I had gone through the volume, which I may venture to say I shall admire, 
 as I find it contains some, pieces, which I had seen, and did admire without 
 knowing their author. — That approbation was quite impartial. Perhaps my 
 ifuture judgment of the rest will be not a little prejudiced, and yet on good foun- 
 dation, for if Mr. Preston has retained my suffrage in his favour by dedicating 
 his poems to your Lordship, it must at least be allowed, that I am biassed by 
 evidence of his taste. He would not possess the honour of your friendship 
 unless he deserved it ; and as he knows you, he would not have ventured to prefix 
 ypur name, my Lord, to poems that did not deserve your patronage. I dare to 
 say they will meet the approbation of better judges than I can pretend to be.* 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 . , With the greatest respect, esteem, and gratitude. 
 
 Your Lordship's most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 Ho£. Walpole. 
 
 * This ingenious, and excellent man, Mr. Preston^ is now no m(»«. He died, traly 
 lamented, in February, isd^. A great intimacy subsisted between bim and hixd CbatkmoOL 
 
 E e 
 
210 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Parliament at last met, and on the first day of its meeting, Lord Charle- 
 mont, not forgetful of his fellow soldiers, moved, that the- thanks of the House 
 of Lords should be given to the Volunteers. The resolution passed unanimously ; 
 and a similar one was adopted by the Commons. Several members had now 
 joined the ministerial standard, or were disposed to a junction. Mr. Flood, on 
 the contrary, separated himself from administration, and was ironically felicitated 
 by Mr. George Ponsonby, who supported Mr. Eden, on his departure from his 
 long, and lamentable taciturnity. 
 
 O lux Dardaniae, spes O fidissima Teucrum, 
 Qax tants tenuere morae ? 
 
 If this, or any thing like it, was addressed to him, (I know not that it 
 was) it no way affected his determination, which was now decidedly taken. He 
 returned to his ancient, and able exposition of Poyning's law, spoke extremely 
 well, and moved several just, and patriotic resolutions, not one of vvhich, 
 though he had great support in debate, was successful. In return, he was de- 
 prived not only of the vice-treasiirership, but his place at the council board. It 
 is true, that a seat in the privy council was an adjunct to his official situation, 
 but, as several continued there, though deprived of office, it was unwise to 
 make him an exception. It did not, of course, diminish the force of his elo- 
 quence, much less his asperity, and considerably augmented the ministerial 
 embarrassments. But one large majority now succeeded to another, and the last 
 was generally more numerous than that which preceded it. To proceed without 
 a majority, is utterly impracticable on the part of any minister ; but care should 
 be taken, that the sentiments of that majority, and at least a very considerable 
 part of the nation, should be in conjunction. A minister may fancy himself 
 secure in numbers, but if the representatives of the people, and the people them- 
 selves, look totally diff*erent ways, without cohesion, or assimilation, it is impossible 
 that things can remain long in such a situation. Lord Carlisle appears to have 
 been justly sensible of this ; and most strongly recommended to the English 
 Cabinet a dereliction of all claims on the part of the British Parliament, to 
 bind this country by any laws made at Westminster, as heretofore. But the 
 people of Ireland looked to the conduct of their representatives, and began 
 almost to despair that the domination of the British legislature would be ever 
 shaken off^. Some of Lord Charlemont's friends held the same language. He 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 211 
 
 however thought very difFerently, and rested his hopes on/tliat which seemed to 
 overwhelm them with despondency. He drew the most cionsoling augury from 
 the conduct of the House of Commons itself; which, he said, would certainly 
 end in the completion of all those objects, which it now perversely, and, in several 
 instances perhaps, reluctantly frustrated. The majority ran so fast, that its fall 
 might be almost confidently predicted; and he often said, that if such majorities 
 had not been so marshalled, and so drawn forth, the meeting at DungannoR 
 would never have taken place. 
 
 V. 
 
 E e 2 
 
212 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 1782. 
 
 That celebrated convention now drew near. It originated from the southern 
 battalion of the first Ulster regiment, commanded by Lord Charlemont. The 
 officers, and delegates of that battalion, met on the 28th of December, 1781 ; 
 when, having declared that they beheld with the utmost concern the little atten- 
 tion paid to the constitutional rights of Ireland, by the majority of those, whose 
 duty it was to establish and preserve them, they invited every volunteer associa- 
 tion throughout the province of Ulster, to send delegates to deliberate on the 
 alarming situation of public affairs ; and fixed on Friday, the 15th of February, 
 17S2, for such assembly of delegates at Dungannon. On that very important 
 day, the representatives of one hundred and forty-three corps of the volunteers 
 of Ulster met, as appointed. Colonel William Irvine took the chair. They 
 were all persons of most respectable property ; many possessed indeed very con- 
 siderable estates. Their loyalty and patriotism were equally known and acknow- 
 ledged. They entered into twenty resolutions, declaratory of the rights, the 
 grievances of Ireland, and, at the same time, their exultation in the relaxation 
 of the penal laws against the Roman Catholics. Their concluding address, 
 memorable for its pointed brevity and spirit, is given here. 
 
 " To The right Honourable^ and Honourable the Minority in both Houses of 
 
 Parliament* 
 " My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 " We thank you for your noble and spirited, though hitherto ineffectual 
 efforts, in defence of the great constitutional rights of your country. Go on ! 
 The almost unanimous voice of the people is with you ; and in a free country, 
 the voice of the people must prevail. We know our duty to our sovereign, and 
 are loyal. 'We know our duty to ourselves, and are resolved to be free. We 
 seek for our rights, and no more than our rights ; and, in so just a pursuit, we 
 should doubt the being of a Providence, if we doubted of success." 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 213 
 
 Never was any address more triumphantly, more cordially received. It was 
 malignantly hoped by a few, that some irregularity of phrase, some deviation 
 from constitutional language, would afford a pretext, for at least dividing, or 
 weakening the associations. But that hope now vanished, and foes, as well as 
 friends, seemed equally to applaud them. 
 
 In somewhat more than a month after this eventful transaction, the British 
 ministry at. last gave way. The Irish Parliament had been adjourned from 
 the 14th of March to the l6th of April, 1782. On the 14th of the month 
 last>mentioned, the Duke of Portland came to Dublin as Viceroy, Lord 
 Carlisle having sent his resignation to I^ndon by the hands of Mr. Eden. 
 Colonel, now General Fitzpatrick, had preceded the Duke by some days, as his 
 secretary. A gentleman, who to very agreeable, and excellent talents, added a 
 most firm, and manly mind. Though not born in Ireland, he was of truly 
 ancient and illustrious Irish lineage, being descended from the Princes of Ossory.* 
 This circumstance particularly, as well as his general political character, rendered 
 him very acceptable to the people of this country. The Duke of Portland's 
 arrival in Dublin was hailed with the loudest acclamations. — A Whig ministry, 
 at the head of which, was Lord Rockingham, and a Whig Viceroy, who had 
 cheerfully co-operated with that ministry, and was personally much esteemed by 
 Lord Charlemont, were, of course, in the highest degree, agreeable to him. 
 General Fitzpatrick, on his coming to Dublin, prevented Lord Charlemont*s visit 
 to him, by calling almost immediately at Charlemont House ; he had an inter- 
 view with his Lordship, when he delivered a letter from the Marquis of Rock- 
 ingham to his old and esteemed friend, the good Earl. Part of it is as follows : 
 
 My Dear Lobd Charlemont, 
 The long and pleasing friendship which has so mutually and so cordially 
 existed between your Lordship and me, for many, many years, may now, I trust, 
 facilitate what I am sure has been the object of our public conduct, — the mutual 
 advantage and prosperity of both these countries. National distrusts andjesalousies 
 will not have the smallest weight on either of our minds. 
 
 * The well-known, and erudite Antiquaiy, Doctor Ledwich, sajs, " The noble representative of 
 the fyauly of Fitzpatrick, the present Earl of Upper Ossory, (brother to General Fitzpatrick,) 
 possesses the advowson of particular churches, and a large estate in Upper Ossory : patrimonies 
 ^tescended to him through a line of progenitors, for more than one thousand years j— an instance not 
 perhaps to be paralleled in Europe." 
 
214 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 The Duke of Portland being appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, is, I 
 think, my dear Lord, a pretty good pledge of the fair intentions of his Majesty's 
 ministers. — His Grace's character, and disposition of mind, as well as the princi- 
 ples on which he has long acted, are well known to your Lordship, and I cannot 
 but hope, that many advantages will arise from a trust and confidence in his 
 character, which may produce the happiest effects, both in the commencement 
 and progress of such plans as may be suggested. I can assure your Lordship, 
 that his Majesty's present ministers will not loiter in a business of such magni- 
 tude. — This day his Majesty sends a message to the House of Commons, 
 stating, that distrusts and jealousies have arisen in Ireland, and that it is 
 highly necessary to take them into immediate consideration, in order to a final 
 adjustment. The Duke of Portland will set out for Ireland to-morrow 
 evening. His Grace is empowered to send the same message to the Parliament 
 in Ireland.— I should hope that an adjournment of the House of Commons in 
 Ireland, for a fortnight, or three weeks, in order to give the Duke of Portland 
 the opportunity of enquiring into the opinions of your Lordship, and of the gen- 
 tlemen of the first weight and consequence, will be readily assented to. — I cannot 
 think that it would be good policy in the House of Commons of Ireland, to 
 carry on measures, at this juncture, which should appear as measures to extort. 
 In truth, my dear Lord, I think the time is come, when a new system, and 
 new arrangement of connection between the two kingdoms, must be settled, to 
 the mutual satisfaction, and the reciprocal interests of both. Let us unite our 
 endeavours in so good a work. — I cannot conclude, without expressing to your 
 Lordship, how anxious I shall be to hear from you. — Lady Rockingham begs to 
 present her best compliments to your Lordship, and Lady Charlemont. 
 I have the- honour to be, dear Lord Charlemont, 
 
 Most affectionately your's, 
 
 Rockingham. 
 
 . Grosvenor-Square, Tuesday, P.M. Five o'clock, April the gth, 1782. 
 
 I write in a great hurry, as I expect Colonel Fitzpatrick to call for the letter 
 every moment. He sets out from hence. 
 
 Lord Charlemont's answer was as follows : The date of the letter is 
 forgotten in the copy, but it appears to have been written directly after the 
 meeting of Parliament, which was two days subsequent to the Duke of Portland's 
 arrival. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 215 
 
 My Dearest Lobd, 
 As in writing to your Lordship, I find it indispensably necessary that I 
 should follow and communicate the immediate feelings of my heart, I cannot, 
 at this conjuncture, begin a letter to you, without expressing my joy and exulta- 
 tion at the late happy change of administration, a change in which I rejoice as a 
 patriot, and as a friend. For, since the welfare of the empire at large is, I trust, 
 one of my warmest wishes, can any thing be more pleasing to a mind so im- 
 pressed, than to find that empire rescued from ruin, principally by the man whom 
 I have been so long used in the most eminent degree to love and honour. The 
 gratification of another passion, indeed the ruling passion of my soul, intervenes 
 also to complete my satisfaction, and the love of my country induces me to 
 exult in the power of a man, whose well known love of general liberty gives 
 me the best- grounded reason to hope that he will employ that power in restoring 
 the invaluable blessing of freedom to every part of these dominions. From 
 what I have now said, your Lordship will readily conceive, that no greater 
 misfortune could possibly befal me, than to be prevented in any way from giving 
 my whole support to an administration, which is, in every respect, so dear to 
 me. But, thank heaven, I have little reason to dread any such event ; yet, 
 unfortunately, a difficulty occurred at setting out. The adjournment proposed 
 by your Lordship was absolutely impracticable, and a thorough knowledge of 
 the state of this country would, I am sure, convince you, that it would have 
 been extremely imprudent to have hazarded the proposition. The Parliamentary 
 declaration of right was universally looked up to as an essential and necessary, 
 preliminary. It was a measiu'e pointed out by the people, from which nothing 
 could ever have induced them to recede, and if an adjournment had been 
 proposed, the new administration would undoubtedly have been defeated at their 
 first, setting out. The message sent to Parliament rendered an immediate < 
 proceeding still more indispensablci The King desired to be informed of the 
 causes of discontent, and those causes could not have been too soon ascertained, 
 and declared, in order to their speedy removal. The nation was to the last 
 degree anxious, and the minds of all men were attentively fixed on the event of 
 the 1 6th April; and so decidedly was the sense of the people against any 
 adjournment, that by giving way in a matter so very repugnant to their wishes^ 
 we, whose power of support consists principally^ if not wholly, in ouTi 
 
1i6 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 popularity, might have endangered that influence, which, upon the expected 
 and necessary redress of all our grievances, we wish to employ in your behalf. 
 These reasons, and many others, too tedious to be now detailed, induced me to 
 think the measure proposed, not only improper, but highly imprudent also ; 
 and they seemed to have some weight with the Duke of Portland, who 
 honoured me with a long conference on the subject, and who, with great 
 prudence, as well as goodness, gave up the point; neither will he, I am 
 confident, have any reason to repent his concession. At the same time, least it 
 should be thought that our aversion to postponement concealed under it, the 
 least distrust of the present administration, I think it necessary to declare to 
 your Lordship, as I did to the Lord Lieutenant, that my mind is incapable of 
 harbouring any such principle ; my intimate knowledge of you must naturally 
 and necessarily banish all distrust. Yes, my dearest Lord, I look up to you 
 with the most unbounded confidence, a confidence founded upon a thorough 
 inowledge of your principles, and your wisdom. We ask but our rights — our 
 uncontrovertible rights — restore them to us, and for ever unite in the closest 
 and best rivetted bonds of affection, the kingdom of Ireland to her beloved, 
 though hitherto unkind sister ! — Bind us to you by the only chains that can 
 connect us, the only chains we will ever consent to wear, — the dear ties of 
 mutual love, and mutual freedom. But I have already detained you much too 
 fong. Pardon this unconscionable letter. I shall hasten to conclude by 
 returning you my most sincere acknowledgments for the honour and favour of 
 your's, and by assuring you that, as I loved you out of office, my affection still 
 equally continues, even though you are a great minister, a rank of men, 
 with which my heart has not often been much connected. — Lady Charlemont 
 joins with me in best respects to Lady Rockingham, and desires her sincere 
 compliments of congratulation to your Lordship. Believe me, my dearest 
 Lord, that I speak much less than the sentiments of my heart, when I assure 
 you, that 
 
 I have the honour to be. 
 Your Lordship*s most faithful, most afifectionate humble servant, 
 
 CharlUmont. 
 
EAftL OF CHARLEMONT. 217 
 
 -c The following letter from Mr. Fox should have preceded Lord Rockingham's, 
 as it was written before his. Both were however received much about the same 
 time by Lord Charlemont. " With Mr. Fox" his Lordship said, " I had the honour 
 ai^ pleasure of an old acquaintance ; his wonderful talents, and astonishing parlia- 
 mentary exertions, will be remembered with the highest applause, as long as 
 oratory is held in estimation ; that is to say, as long as the constitution exists.'' 
 The frankness, simplicity, and wise, because honest, policy of that great states- 
 man, appear in the subsequent letter to Lord Charlemont. 
 
 My Dear Lord, 
 If I had had occasion to write to you a month ago, I should have written 
 with great confidence that you would believe me perfectly sincere, and would 
 receive an^ thing that came from me with the partiality of an old acquaintance, 
 and one who acted upon the same political principles. — I hope you will now 
 consider me in the same light, but I own I write with much more diffidence, as 
 I am much more sure of your kindness to me personally, than of your inclina- 
 tion to listen with favour to any thing that oomes from a Secretary of State. — 
 The principal business of this letter is to inform you, that the Duke of Portland 
 is appointed Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Colonel Fitzpatrick, his Secretary ; 
 and when I have said this, I need not add, that I feel myself on every private, 
 as well as public account, most peculiarly interested in the success of their 
 administration. That their persons and characters are not disagreeable to your 
 Lordship, I may venture to assure myself, without being too sanguine, and I 
 think myself equally certain, that there are not in the world two men whose 
 general way of thinking upon political subjects is more exactly consonant to ycur 
 own. It is not therefore too much to desire and hope, that you will at least 
 look upon the administration of such men with rather a more favourable eye, 
 and incline to trust them rather more, than you could do most of those who 
 have been their predecessors. Why should not the complete change of system 
 that has happened in this country have the same effect there that it has here ? 
 and why should not those who used to compose the opposition in Ireland, 
 become the principal supporters of the new administration there, on the very 
 grounds on which they opposed the old one ? In short, why should not the 
 whlgs, (I mean in principle, not in name,) unite in every part of the empire, to 
 
 p f 
 
118 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 establish their principles so firmly, that no future faction shall be able to destroy 
 them ? With regard to the particular points between the two countries, I am 
 really not yet master of them sufficiently to discuss them, but I can say in 
 genera], that the new ministry have no other wish than to settle them in the w^^y 
 that may be most for the real advantage of both countries, whose interests 
 cannot be distinct. This is very general indeed, and if this language came from 
 persons whose principles were less known to you, I should not expect you to 
 consider it as any thing but mere words ; as it comes from those, of whom I 
 know your good opinion, I trust it will pass for something more. All we desire 
 is favourable construction, and assistance as far as is compatible with your 
 principles ; for to endeavour to persuade men to disgrace themselves, (even were 
 it practicable, as in this instance I know it is not) is very far from being part 
 of the system of the ministry. The particular time of year at (Vhich this 
 change happens, is productive of many great inconveniences, especially as it 
 will be very difficult for the Duke of Portland to be at Dublin before your 
 Parliament meets ; but I cannot help hoping that all reasonable men will concur 
 in removing some of these difficulties, and that a sliort adjournment will not be 
 denied, if asked. I do not throw out this as knowing from any authority that it 
 will be proposed, but as an idea that suggests itself to me, and in order to show 
 that I wish to talk with you and consult with you in the same frank manner in 
 which I should have done before I was in this situation, so very new to me. I 
 have been so used to think ill of all the ministers whom I did know, and to 
 suspect those whom I did not, that when I am obliged to call myself a minister, 
 I ff^l as if I put myself into a very suspicious character ; but I do assure you 
 I am the very same man, in all respects, that I was when you knew me, and 
 honoured me with some share in your esteem; that I maintain the same opinions, 
 and act with the same people. I beg your pardon for troubling you with so long 
 a letter; but the great desire I feel in common with my friends, that we should 
 retain your good opinion, must make my apology. 
 
 Pray make my best compliments to Mr. Grattan, and tell him, that the 
 Duke of Portland and Fitzpatrick, are thoroughly impressed with the con- 
 sequence of his approbation, and will do all they can to deserve it. I do most 
 sincerely hope, that he may hit upon some line that may be drawn honourably 
 and advantageously for both countries, and that, when that is done, he will 
 
EARL OF CHAKLEMO-NT. 219 
 
 shew the world that there may be a government in Ireland, of which he is not 
 ashamed to make a part. That country can never prosper, where what should 
 be the ambition of men of honour, is considered as a disgrace. I must beg 
 pardon again for the unconscionable length of this letter*' I do assure you, my 
 dear Lord, that there is no one who more values your esteem, or is more 
 solicitous for the continuance of it, than 
 
 Your very obedient, humble servant, * -J 
 
 C. J. Fox, > 
 Gtafton-Street, April 4th, 1782. i . i 
 
 Lord Charlemont immediately returned the following answer. 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Give me leave in the first place to return you my most sincere thanks for 
 the honour and favour of your letter; your finding leisure at this very busy 
 period, when every moment of your time is precious to yourself, and to the 
 Empire, for the recollection of an old friend, is a kindness whidi I had no reason ® 
 
 to expect, and for which I shall ever be grateful. You do me also honour and 
 justice in supposing that I should at all tiroes receive any thing that comes from ■ 
 you with a great degree of partiality, . and though your idea of the difference 
 between the man, and the minister, be in some respects a just one, I can 
 conceive, that a man in high ministerial office may be a perfectly honest man ; 
 indeed the arrangement of the present administration would alone be sufficient 
 to persuade me of this possibility. No man can be more rejoiced than I am at 
 the late happy, though tardy, change. I rejoice in it as a friend to individuals, 
 but more especially as a member of the Empire at large, which will probably be 
 indebted to for it its salvation. I hope also, and doubt not, that I shall have 
 reason to rejoice in it as an Irishman, for, I cannot conceive that they, who 
 are intent upon the great work of restoring the empire, should not be ardently 
 attentive to the real welfare of all its parts, or, that true Whigs, genuine lovers 
 of liberty, should not wish to diffuse this invaluable blessing through every part 
 of those dominions, whose interests they are called upon to administer. The 
 appointment of the Duke of Portland, and his secretary, is a good presage. I 
 know and respect their principles, and should be truly unhappy, if any thing in their 
 conduct respecting this country, should prevent my perfect co- operation with them. 
 
 F f 2 
 
MO MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 For, my dear Sir, with every degree of affection for our sister kingdom, with every 
 regard for the interests of the Empire at large, I am still an Irishman, I pride myself 
 in the appellation, and will in every particular act as such, at the same lime declaring, 
 that I most sincerely and heartily concur with you in thinking, that the interests 
 of England and Ireland, cannot be distinct, and that therefore in acting as an Irish- 
 man, I may always hope to perform the part of a true Englishman also. With regard 
 to what you hint respecting an adjournment, I sincerely hope it will not be 
 desired, as the matter seems to me to involve some great, not to say, 
 insurmountable difficulties. The eyes of all the nation are eagerly fixed on 
 the meeting of the l6th. The House is convened for that day, by this very 
 particular summons ; that everi/ member should attend, as he tenders the rights of 
 parliament. The declaration of an independent legislature is, on that day, to be 
 agitated, and the minds of all men are so fixed upon the event, which they have 
 every reason to imagine will be favourable to their wishes, that I should greatly 
 fear the consequences of any postponement, especially, as from sad experience 
 ® the people have been taught to suppose, that a question postponed is, at leasts 
 
 weakened. This too is an act of the House, and the House alone. — Such are the 
 • difificulties which occur. However, though they appear insuperable, so strong 
 is our wish not to throw any obstacle in the way of the present administration, 
 that we shall wait to be determined by events. I have seen Grattan, and have 
 communicated the kind paragraph in your letter concerning him. He desires 
 his most sincere thanks to you, for your goodness, and friendly opinion of him. 
 We are both of us precisely of the same mind. We respect and honour the 
 present administration. We adore the principle on which it is founded. We 
 look up to its members with the utmost confidence for their assistance in the 
 great work of general freedom, and should be happy to support them in 
 Ireland, in the manner which may be most beneficial to them, and honourable 
 Xo us ; consulted, but not considered,* 
 
 The people at large must indeed entertain a strong partiality for'the present 
 Ministers. True whigs must rejoice in the prevalence of whiggish principles. — 
 The nation wishes to support the men who opposed the detested American war. 
 Let our rights be acknowledged, and secured to us. Those rights which no 
 
 * This is rather ifnperfectly expressed. His Lordship^ I presume, 'meant to say, that they wished 
 to be consulted, at statesmen^ bat not considered, in any new niinisterial arrangement of offices^ then 
 likely 10 take place. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 221 
 
 man can controvert, but which, to a true Whig, are self evident; and 
 those lives and fortunes which are now universally pledged for the 
 emancipation of our country, will then be as cheerfully, as universally, pledged 
 for the defence of our sister kingdom. 
 
 You have thought it necessary to apologize for the length of your letter, 
 though such an apology was needless, as I never received any which gave me 
 greater pleasure. What then ought I to say for mine ? But excuses will only 
 take up more of your precious time. I will therefore at once conclude, 
 begging you to present my most affectionate compliments to all my fri^ids, 
 and particularly to my dear Lord Rockingham, whom I called dear, when out 
 of office, and have therefore a right to do so now. Be assured, my dear Sir, 
 that nothing can be more valuable to me, than your friendship and esteem, 
 and that I desire nothing more ardently, than constant opportunities of 
 cultivating them, and of proving to you how sincerely I am,. 
 
 Your most faithful, and 
 
 Obedient humble servant, 
 
 Charlemont^ 
 
 The proceedings of the l6th of April, 1782, have been given in many 
 , publications, but it is not so generally known, that the resolutions which Mr. 
 Grattan moved on that day, were objected to at the Castle. Not perhaps in 
 substance, for the English ministry meant fairly, but some modifications were 
 proposed, which, according to Lord Charlemont, would have diminished their 
 weight and efficacy. Perhaps the Duke of Portland might have imagined, 
 that they would not be acceded to by the British cabinet, unless in some 
 degree altered. Lord Charlemont had some interviews with his Grace on the 
 subject, and declared, that it was the intention of his friends, as well as him- 
 self, to move the resolutions in both Houses, without any alteration, and that 
 administration might take what part it pleased. In such a state of uncertainty 
 were matters, that, when the House of Commons met, it was not known by 
 Lord Charlemont, or his particular friends, whether the resolutionsj or' 
 addressj . which Mr. Grattan intended to move, would be opposed, or 
 not. He prefaced his declaration of right, with a speech which breathed 
 all his wonted ardour, and fire of patriotism. Notwithstanding his 
 exertions, he was as ill as possible ; and, as Lord Charlemont often mentioned, 
 if ever spirit could be said to act independent of body, it was on that occasion. 
 
222 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, • 
 
 He stated the three great causes of complaint on the part of Ireland ; the 
 declaratory statute of George the first, the perpetual mutiny bill, and the 
 unconstitutional powers of the Irish Privy Council. The repeal of the two 
 statutes, and the abolition of the most improper sway of the council, were, he 
 said, the terms on which he would support goverment. The address to his 
 Majesty, stating the grievances of Ireland, and the declaration of right, were 
 then moved by him, in answer to the King's message to Parliament. The 
 sense of the House appeared so unequivocal in favour of the address, that if 
 administration had any intention, at the opening of the debate, to oppose it, and 
 the annexed resolutions, all such opposition was now relinquished. Colonel 
 Fitzpatrick acted with his usual good sense, and the address passed unanimously. 
 In fact, had government shewed itself any way hostile to the address, it must 
 have been left in a minority, as several of the old court had now pledged 
 themselves to a support of Mr. Grattan in this instance ; and many of that 
 body would have joined him, not from the slightest regard to a declaration 
 of right, or its movers, but from hatred to the administration, which they would 
 have most gladly embarrassed, and indeed overthrown, if in their power. The 
 British Ministers acted with candour and magnanimity. The remedy to our 
 political grievances was given precisely in that mode which we had ourselves 
 prescribed. Mr. Fox moved the repeal of the obnoxious statute of George the 
 first, in the House of Commons. " Never did a British Minister,'' said Mr. 
 Grattan, ** support such honourable claims with such constitutional arguments." 
 Lord Shelburne moved a similar resolution, and with great ability, in the House 
 of Lords. The repeal was immediately adopted. — The joy of the nation was 
 unbounded. Twenty thousand seamen were voted for his Majesty's navy ; and 
 the volunteers cheerfully engaged to contribute their aid towards raising them. 
 Fifty thousand pounds were unanimously voted to Mr. Grattan, and a day of 
 general thanksgiving was appointed, to return thanks to Almighty God for 
 that union, harmony, and cordial affection, which had been happily brought 
 about between the two kingdoms. — But the brightness of our political days did 
 not long continue. The clouds began to gather. It is necessary here to go a 
 short way back. Two or three gentlemen, at the head of whom was Mr. 
 Flood, who, before the address was moved, had been not only asked, but 
 solicited to give their opinion as to any omission, or addition if necessary, and 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 223 
 
 then made no objection, now declared, that nothing was done, and that any 
 measure, short of an entire renunciation on the part of England to bind this 
 country by English laws, would be invalid and inefficient. The House of 
 Commons, however, notwithstanding Mr. Flood's able arguments, thought 
 otherwise, and were, almost unanimously, content with the repeal. So seemed 
 the people to be in general, and numerous bodies of volunteers, most of Ulster 
 particularly, declared "themselves of a similar opinion. Legal security was 
 strongly urged by the discontented ; but the idea of one kingdom binding 
 another, as by bond and warrant, was laughed at ; and it was urged that, if 
 England, after forma^y repealing a statute, which solemnly declared her right 
 to make laws for this country, determined to resume that right, a renunciation 
 would stand as little in the way of such perfidious hostility, as any other declaration 
 whatever. If the faith of kindred nations was not to be relied on, what else was to 
 be resorted to ? Open war could alone terminate such conflicting pretensions. 
 Nor could Ireland expect that England would so far prostrate itself, as in a 
 subdued and grovelling tone to declare itself an usurper. Redress between 
 individuals was never considered as less effectually obtained, because obtained in 
 a gentlemanlike manner, and without urging too far that just pride, the 
 concomitant of all honourable minds, which, when so urged, may very 
 naturally, but very fatally, spurn at all concession, or compromise whatever. 
 '* The nation," to make use of Mr. Grattan's words, " that insists on the 
 humiliation of another, is a foolish nation." Dissatisfaction was nevertheless 
 gaining ground, nor were any arts wanting to disseminate it. On the 31st of 
 July, the Volunteers at Belfast declared, by a majority of two voices, that " the 
 nation should not be satisfied with what had been done.*' 
 
 There are moments in the history of nations when the most active talents 
 will be outstripped by what is familiarly called wrong- headedness, in the race of 
 mischief. A nobleman. Lord Abingdon, whose character was little known in 
 Ireland, candid and honest certainly, but of a peculiar frame of mind, thought 
 proper to introduce a bill, precisely at this time, asserting the right of Great 
 Britain to legislate externally for Ireland. His position was, as expressly 
 stated in the words of the bill, " that the Kings of England having been 
 acknowledged sovereigns of the English seas for eighteen centuries, and the 
 Western sea, in which Ireland is included, being part of the maritime powers 
 
224 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 of the kings of England ; the British Parliament had the sole right to make 
 laws to regulate the external commerce of Great Britain, and all such kingdoms 
 as are under its sovereignty." Another clause of the bill then states, " That 
 Queen Elizabeth having formerly forbad the King of France to build more ships 
 than he then had, without her leave first obtained ; it is enacted, that no 
 kingdom as above stated, Ireland as well as others, should presume to build a 
 navy, or any ships of war, without leave from the Lord High Admiral of 
 England.** Such was this bill ; full, undoubtedly, of those prejudices which, 
 as Addison says, naturally cleave to the heart of a true-bori> Englishman, and not 
 altogether unlike some resolutions which I have read of a parliamentary committee 
 of very honest Whigs in King William's time; the first of which was, " that the 
 Parliament of England was the wonder of the world.** At any other time it 
 would have excited little attention, unless from its singularity ; but, running 
 rapidly as it did, against the fond and justly- cherished opinions of many who 
 were as precipitant as its mover, the collision was formidable, and resounded 
 from one end of the island to the other. Such was its potency, as not only to 
 infuse strange doubts into the minds of numbers of the volunteer army, but '* so 
 horribly to shake the disposition" of various corps, that it frightened them from 
 proceeding any further in their laudable exertions to procure men for the British 
 navy. Among others, a respectable corps in Dublin, which was under Lord 
 Charlemont's immediate command, entered into very warm resolutions against 
 enrolling any seamen, and sent the resolutions to his Lordship, (he was then in 
 the north,) accompanied by a letter of great civility and kindness. Lord 
 Charlemont answered it directly, and preserved a copy of that and another 
 letter, merely, as he said, " with a view of shewing the difficulties he sometimes 
 met in conducting the volunteers, and the toilsome means he was compelled to 
 pursue, in regulating the sallies of a set of men, brave and honest, but, as 
 must naturally be expected, rash and violent ; whose virtuous zeal, easily inflamed 
 by the machinations of the designing, it was often necessary to repress, though 
 by no means to suppress." This was also to be done without endangering that 
 good opinion, on which alone were founded his hopes of being able to serve his 
 country, by securing its tranquillity. These letters he selected from among 
 many which he was forced to write upon various occasions. The following was 
 addressed to the secretary of the corps above-mentioned. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 225 
 
 Sir, 
 However I may disapprove of the resolutions which you sent me inclosed, I 
 cannot but thank the gentlemen of the corps for their kind conduct with regard 
 to me ; and you for the politeness of your letter. Your wish to apply to me for 
 my approbation, was all the compliment I had any right to expect, and, in my 
 unlucky absence, an application to your Lieutenant Colonel, was right and 
 proper. It happens however unfortunately that, in this instance, my sentiments 
 and those of Colonel Flood, which have usually been similar, essentially differ, 
 and I trust that, had I been in town, I should have been able to have urged 
 such arguments as would have prevented a proceeding, which, coming from a 
 corps that I have the honour to command, has, I confess, given me much 
 uneasiness. In the perpetual hurry of my present occupations, it is impossible 
 for me to detail upon paper the many reasons which, in my opinion, ought 
 to have induced you at least to suspend your resolution ; I shall therefore 
 content myself for the present with saying, that this country would indeed be 
 in a condition mfeerably precarious and humiliating, if every rash expression 
 which may fall from any imprudent individual, should be able to change our 
 sentiments, shake our determinations, and, by exciting our jealousies, to disturb 
 the national confidence and tranquillity. Is it reasonable to expect, or possible 
 to suppose, that the whole people of Great Britain should, in any sentiment 
 whatever, be perfectly unanimous ; or that, in a populous nation, there should 
 not arise some unreasonable individuals who will give vent to their passions, 
 and make usejof their privilege of speaking, to declare their crude ideas in contra- 
 diction to the generally received opinions and resolves? And shall we suffer 
 ourselves to be agitated by their wild suggestions ? Shall a people, such as we 
 have shown ourselves, forfeit our character of steadiness, and veer at the 
 slight impulse of every breath of discontent ? But it will be said, that the 
 speech of Lord Abingdon ought to be replied fo, and so it was in the most 
 proper and explicit manner. As no motion whatsoever was made, no debate 
 could arise, but the Chancellor asked Ix)rd Abingdon if he intended to make 
 any motion ? For that if he did, such motion would be opposed. In 
 consequence of this, Lord Abingdon pocketed his bill, and it does not even lie 
 upon the table. Such is the transaction which has given you so much disquiet ! 
 Such is the transaction which has agitated the minds of men, upon whom a 
 
 G g 
 
226 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 great nation relies for support. Such is the transaction which has induced you 
 to disclaim proceeding in a service to which the nation is pledged bothby honour 
 and interest. A service, essentially necessary to yourselves, as the only intent 
 of the present levy is, to man the Channel Fleet for the defence of your own 
 coast, as well as that of Great Britain, and to enable us to cope with our inveterate 
 enemies in those seas, where their decided superiority must necessarily end in 
 invasion. But I did not mean to say so much, and have not now leisure to 
 write more. Indeed, even what I have written has been injured by frequent 
 interruptions. I shall only add, that from my heart I disclaim with you all 
 distinction between external and internal legislation, and shall at all times 
 equally oppose, by every possible means, every attempt which may be made to 
 legislate for us, cither externally or internally. But I will not madly suppose 
 any such attempt, and till it shall be made, which I trust will never be the 
 case, I will remain in perfect tranquillity, do my utmost to promote the security 
 and welfare, both of Ireland and the empire at large, strengthen this country 
 and her constitution with all my efforts, and quietly rest upon^my arms. 
 
 From what I have now said, you will readily conceive how uneasy your 
 resolution has made me, and how happy I should be, that a service whicli I am 
 here endeavouring to forward should equally succeed every where, and more 
 especially in a corps, which I have the honour of peculiarly calling my own ; the 
 credit of which is, in my opinion, in this instance, essentially concerned, and 
 which I am bound to love by every motive of gratitude and esteem. 
 
 I am, Sir, 
 Your most obedient, humble servant, 
 
 Charlemont. 
 
 Lord Charlemont frequently said, that this corps, though highly respectable, 
 was peculiarly open to the suggestions of busy agitators, and for some time 
 gave him far more trouble, and tormented him more, in consequence of those 
 agitators, than any other corps in the city of Dublin. '* In truth," his Lord- 
 ship used to add, ** I may say, that the whole volunteer army could not be put 
 in competition with them in this respect. However, such was their indulgent 
 opinion of me, and such the influence which that opinion gave me over them, 
 that they gradually became as ductile, and free from all rash resolves, as I could 
 
 possibly wish.'* 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 227 
 
 The second letter alluded to, a copy of which was taken by Lord Charle- 
 mont, is here partly given. His Lordship's correspondent was a very 
 respectable gentleman in the north. After briefly stating the usual arguments 
 which induced him to support the measure of a simple repeal of the act of 
 George the First, the noble writer proceeds : '* For my own particular, I confess 
 myself convinced, and the more so when I reflect, that the contrary doctrine 
 has generally been preached by those who wish to spread through the kingdom 
 their own private discontents. 1 say, generalli/, for as to Flood, he is my friend, 
 and though I cannot approve his present conduct, I would not wish to insinuate any 
 thing to his prejudice. This I know, that, under the sanction of his authority, 
 numbers have enlisted themselves who wish to undermine the present administra- 
 tion, merely because it has set out on a system of governing without corruption ; 
 who declare such a plan imaginary and Utopian, and who, having at all times 
 uniformly withstood the just wishes of the people, are now desirous, for their 
 own ends, to inspire them with causeless jealousies, who, having passed their whole 
 parliamentary lives in the pay and service of the court, now take upon them the 
 very new character of flaming patriots, in order to force administration back into 
 the old trade of corruption, by which means they may be gainers ; favourers of 
 the late ministry, and of their principles, they wish to make the country so 
 uneasy, as that the present men may be compelled either to have recourse to 
 those measures, under which this kingdom has so long groaned, or to retire ; 
 enemies to retrenchment, which is now thought to be the favourite plan, they 
 wish to render any such measure impossible, by shewing government that they 
 must purchase, and consequently keep entire, the fund of corruption. Some 
 few there may possibly be, who act from mistaken principle, but of this I am 
 sure, that by far the greater number answer exactly to the description I have 
 now given. Such are my opinions on the present important crisis, yet am I 
 not however arrogant enough to hope that they should have more weight than 
 must naturally be allowed to the sentiments of a man .who has ever been warm 
 in his country's cause, and who is unprejudiced and uninfluenced. — Office I have 
 disclaimed, and as for honours, my kind and partial country has heaped upon me 
 greater and more substantial than any monarch on earth could bestow. But it 
 may be said that they are not hereditary. I answer they are. My son, and 
 my son's sou will enjoy their consequences, and I trust, that as the corruption 
 
 G g 2 
 
" ■'*' i ■ V^ '• ' '" 
 
 • X 
 
 11% MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 by which many honours are obtained, descends from generation to generation, 
 so may those principles by which, through the goodness of my countrymen, 
 mine have been gained, be entailed upon my family, the best and most precious 
 of all inheritances. Farewell; — my affectionate compliments to all friends, and 
 particularly to C — ford. 
 
 I remain, my dear Sir, 
 Your most faithful, and obliged humble servant, 
 
 Charlemont. 
 
 Whatever relaxation there was in the efforts of some of the volunteer 
 corps to continue the recruiting service for the navy, there was none on the 
 part of Lord Charlemont. Under his auspices numbers of the Ulster army, 
 which at this time elected him commander in chief of all the forces in the 
 north, were peculiarly active in the same laudable work. A most respectable 
 meeting was held in the city of Dublin, at the Tholsel, when Lord Charle- 
 mont was called to the chair, and requested to write to the different sheriffs in 
 every part of Ireland, strongly recommending this great national service. He 
 did so, and from all quarters received the most cordial and satisfactory answ^s. 
 Soon after the repeal of the statute of George the First, so often mentioned 
 during this period of Irish history, had received the royal assent. Lord Charle- 
 mont wrote to his friend, the Marquis of Rockingham. The letter strongly 
 marks his feelings at the completion of this wise and necessary measure. • It 
 produced a temporary correspondence between him, Lord Rockingham, and 
 Mr. Burke. 
 
 My Deajbest Lord, 
 In this season of national joy, this scene of universal congratulation, is it 
 possible that I should be silent ? It would be improper, and, thank Heaven, 
 my feelings render it impossible also. I, who in addition to the public cause, 
 at which every Irishman rejoices, feel in my private capacity every tender 
 motive of heart-felt satisfaction. Who have not only to exult in the liberty of 
 my country, but have also the delight of knowing that the man who has long 
 been dear to my heart, has had so large a share in promoting the restoration of 
 that liberty. Suffer me then, my ever dear Lord, to join felicitations to my 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. ^2g 
 
 acknowledgments, and to congratulate you upon the situation in which you now 
 stand ; a situation which, to one who feels like you, must be happy beyond 
 * expression, conscious, as you must be, that you have been a principal cause of 
 the felicity of a whole nation, and that principally through your means the 
 union of the empire is secured by the bonds of mutual freedom and consequent 
 affection. Permit me also, on a more private score, to thank you for having 
 reconciled my duty to my inclination, by enabling me to devote my endeavours 
 to the support of an administration, any opposition to which would have made 
 me miserable, and which, from the earnest already given us, there is every 
 reason to be confident will claim, as their due, the hearty support of every 
 sincere lover of his country. 
 
 The last letter which I had the honour of writing to your Lordship, con- 
 tained a faithful statement of the situation of this kingdom, and my ardent 
 solicitations in its behalf. All that I could desire has been perfectly complied 
 with, and consequently, this should be a letter purely of acknowledgment, for 
 I cannot avoid indulging my vanity, however perhaps ill founded, so far as to 
 suppose that even the opinion of a simple individual, upon whose fidelity you 
 could depend, might possibly have had some little weight with you. Impressed 
 by this imagination, however vain and idle it may be, how can I express the 
 acknowledgments of my heart. But the attempt would be fruitless, and my 
 vain endeavours would detain you too long. I shall therefore hasten to con- 
 clude, by assuring you, of what I trust you do not doubt, that, 
 
 I have the honour to be, my dearest Lord, &c. 
 
 Charlemont. 
 
 P. S. Allow me to request that you would present my most affectionate 
 compliments to my old friend Burke. 
 
 Dear Lord Charlemoxt, 
 The state of my health continues but moderate. The influenza attacking 
 me, while I was only recovering from old complaints, rendered me little capable 
 ot much active labour, and yet sometimes I contrive to get through a good deal 
 of business, though in some matters I must run in arrear. I thank your Lord- 
 ship for your last kind and cordial letter. I rejoice that your Lordship is pleased 
 and satisfied with our conduct as ministers, and be assured, my dear Lord, 
 
230 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 that those persons whom formerly you honoured with, your friendship, as 
 individuals, (because you approved their principles,) will continue to act towards 
 Ireland, and towards promoting the general good of the empire, with the same 
 zeal, and liberal ideas, which have hitherto characterized their conduct. These 
 are matters which may want adjustment in the new state in which England and 
 Ireland now stand. I heartily wish that no time was lost on either side in 
 accelerating the adjustment of any such matters which might hereafter cause any 
 disputes or misunderstandings, and this happy moment of friendship and cor- 
 diality, and confidence, between the countries, was made use of, to form and 
 arrange plans of mutual and preciprocal support. Nothing was ever better timed 
 than the kind offer made by Ireland of furnishing 20,000 men for the service of the 
 fleet. Lord Keppel has sent one of the best, and most alert men in the navy 
 to superintend, and to receive the men, which the zeal of Ireland will 
 furnish. Captain Mac Bride has no occasion for my panegyric, but in writing 
 to a friend like your Lordship, it is natural for me to say something in behalf 
 of one I have a great regard for, and who probably, in this business, may have 
 frequent intercourse with your lordship. — Lord Keppel assures me, that if he 
 had a supply of seamen, he could add, in three weeks, not less than 14 ships of 
 the line to the fleet which Lord Howe will command. It will indeed, at 
 present, be but a very scanty fleet with which Lord Howe will proceed to sea. 
 I verily believe, if France and Spain are alert, their fleet may be more than 
 double the number of our's. But could we be enabled to send the ten, or 
 fourteen additional ships, along with, or soon to join Lord Howe, I should 
 have the utmost reliance that the ability, and conduct of Lord Howe, would 
 afford us the most pleasing prospect of success, even though the enemies fleet 
 might still be superior to our's in actual number of line of battle ships. Nothing 
 but the friendly efforts of Ireland can rapidly furnish men for these ships. 
 
 I take the opportunity of writing to your lordship by the messenger whom 
 I send to the Duke of Portland, to convey to his Grace, in a safe and expeditious 
 manner, his majesty's gracious confirmation, and approbation, of the resolution 
 of the House of Commons of Ireland, in granting ^iO,000 to be laid out 
 in the purchase of lands for Mr. Grattan. As soon as I received at the treasury, 
 the communication from the Duke of Portland, I directed the warrant to be 
 prepared, and took the earliest opportunity of laying it before his majesty for 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 231 
 
 his signature. The proceedings in Ireland are upon a large and liberal scale, 
 and though economy may be a necessary virtue in a state, yet, in rewarding 
 greatpublic merit, narrow ideas on that subject are not good policy. — I have 
 many compliments to make to your Lordship from Lady Rockingham. She is 
 happy that so much good humour is likely now to subsist between England and 
 Ireland, and the more so, as she thinks that national and private friendship 
 going hand in hand, must be pleasing to your lordship, as well as to myself. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 My dear Lord, &c. &c. 
 
 Rockingham. 
 
 Grosvenor Square, Monday, June 17, J 782. 
 
 Lord Charlemont was much affected at receiving this kind letter. The 
 Marquis was so ill, when he wrote it, that he could scarcely attend to any 
 business. The answer was as follows. 
 My Dearest Lord, 
 
 The satisfaction which your letters always afford me has been, in this last 
 instance, not a little allayed by the accounts you give me of the present weak 
 state of your health, a point in which, at all times, my affection for you must 
 highly interest me, but in which I am now more peculiarly concerned, not 
 only as a friend, but as a lover of my country. Yet am I encouraged to hope 
 the best, when I reflect that Providence, which seems now at length to have 
 interposed in behalf of this declining Empire, will restore the health, and 
 protect that life, with which its safety and prosperity are so intimately 
 connected. 
 
 Your lordship will have heard, from the Duke of Portland, the result of 
 the great meeting at Dungannon. All has gone well, in spite of the amazing 
 activity of those who wish to propagate through the nation their own discontents. 
 The address to the king has been sent over by delegates from the meeting. 
 Upon this matter I have had a long conference with the Lord Lieutenant, and 
 his grace has, I believe, written to your lordship — He mentioned to me, 
 that though etiquette must preclude his majesty from giving an answer to the 
 address, your lordship would probably invite the gentlemen to dinner on the 
 day of the delivery, and take an opportunity of giving them such an answer as 
 might be satisfactory. This measure I take the liberty humbly to recommend 
 to your lordship as salutary and necessary. 
 
232 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 The important business of the seamen will, I trust, succeed to our wishes. 
 No efforts of mine have been wanting, and you may be assured I shall continue 
 my exertions. Nothing can possibly impede the service, but this unlucky 
 discontent, which some have endeavoured to spread abroad, respecting the 
 repeal of the sixth of Greorge the first, being unaccompanied Ly any renunciation 
 clause, or preamble. 
 
 Your lordship however will have seen the resolution of Dungannon 
 
 respecting the seamen. With 20,000 men thus pledged to assist in recruiting, 
 
 I think we cannot fail, even though the ardour of some among them may be 
 
 sladkened by the cause above mentioned ; a cause which 1 have endeavoured, 
 
 and shall labour by every means in my power, to remove, even though my 
 
 popularity were to be hazarded by such attempt. For, however dearly I may 
 
 iiold the love of the people, if a constant perseverance in the service of my 
 
 country cannot retain it, I should account it neither honourable nor satisfactory. 
 
 The paragraph in your lordship's letter, where you mention, that, in the 
 
 new state in which England and Ireland now stand, there are matters which 
 
 may want adjustment, I do not entirely comprehend. That all future disputes, 
 
 or misunderstandings, should be obviated, is undoubtedly a principle of which 
 
 no man can disapprove ; but till ydur lordship shall be pleased particularly to 
 
 specify the means, by which this great object may be attained, it is impossible 
 
 for me to form any judgment, or to give any opinion. I am extremely obliged 
 
 to your lordship for your kind alacrity in carrying into execution the vote of the 
 
 House of Commons in behalf of my friend Grattan. No man has ever 
 
 merited more from his country than he has done ; and his present conduct, in 
 
 labouring with me to check the ill effects, which, without our united efforts, 
 
 might have been produced by the exertions of the discontented, is, in my 
 
 opinion, a continuation of his merits. Lady Charlemont desires her sincerest good 
 
 wishes, and compliments to your lordship, and joins with me in best respects to 
 
 Lady Rockingham. Be so good as to assure her ladyship, on my behalf, that 
 
 if, in the present instance, national, and private friendships go hand in hand, 
 
 as I trust they will, such amity must be sincere indeed, perfect, and perpetual. 
 
 I have the honour to be, my dearest Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's most faithful. 
 
 Most truly affectionate, and obedient servant, 
 
 Chablemont. 
 Dublin, June 1782. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 233 
 
 The delegates, alluded to in the above letter, waited on his Majesty with a 
 very diUiful, and proper address, expressive of the loyalty, gratitude, and 
 satisfaction, of the Ulster volunteers. But it is impossible to read the following 
 elucidatory note of Lord Charlemont's, which is annexed to his letter, 
 without being almost equally disgusted with the persons who laboured so 
 successfully in the cause of discontent and sedition, and those who with such 
 stupid alacrity became their willing dupes. " Before the arrival of the 
 volunteers embassy, Lord Rockingham was seized with that disorder which, 
 in the end, proved so fatal to him, to me, and the empire. My letter had 
 however the desired effect, the delegates having been received, and treated by 
 his Majesty's ministers- with every mark of attention ; in consequence of which 
 they returned home perfectly well satisfied, and helped in some degree to assuage 
 their growing discontents. Yet, so successful had the efforts been of those who 
 wished to inflame, that even those popular messengers were on their return 
 unpopular, and were treated with disesteem by the more violent of the party." 
 
 The paragraph in Lord Rockingham's letter, touching some adjustment as 
 necessary between England and Ireland in their novel situation, Lord Charle- 
 mont considered as probably alluding to some arrangement relative to com- 
 merce. It certainly created some degree* of uneasiness in his mind. But 
 whatever was intended, nothing appears to lave been done. At least, nothing 
 to which Lord Charlemont was, in any respect, a party. Mr. Burke's letter to 
 to him was as follows : 
 
 My Dear Lord, 
 The slight mark of your Lordship's remembrance of an old friend, in the 
 end of your Lordship's letter to Lord Rockingham, gave me very great satisfac- 
 tion. It was always an object of my ambition to stand well with you. I ever 
 esteemed and admired your public and private virtues, which have at length 
 produced all the effects which virtue can produce on this side of the grave, in 
 the universal love of your countrymen, I assure you, my Lord, that I take a 
 sincere part in the general joy, and hope that mutual affection will do more for 
 mutual help, and mutual advantage, between the two kingdoms, than any ties 
 of artificial connexion whatsoever. If I were not persuaded of this, my satis- 
 faction at the late events would not be so complete as it is. For, born as I 
 
 H h 
 
^34 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 was in Ireland, and having received what is equal to the origin of one's being, 
 the improvement of it there, and therefore full of love, and I might say, of 
 fond partiality for Ireland, I should think any benefit to her, which should 
 be bought with the real disadvantage of this kingdom, or which might tend to 
 loosen the ties of connection between them, would be, even to our native 
 country, a blessing of a very equivocal kind. But I am convinced, that no 
 reluctant tie can be a strong one, and that a natural, cheerful alliance will be a far 
 securer link of connexion than any principle of subordination borne with grudg- 
 ings and discontent. All these contrivances are for the happiness of those they 
 concern, and if they do not effect this, they do nothing, or worse than nothing. 
 Go on, and prosper ; improve the liberty you have obtained by your virtue, 
 as a means of national prosperity, and internal as well as external union. I find, 
 that Ireland, among other marks of her just gratitude to Mr. Grattan, (on 
 which your Lordship will present him my congratulations,) intends to erect a 
 monument to his honour, which is to be decorated with sculpture. It will be a 
 pleasure to you to know, that at this time, a young man of Ireland is here, who, 
 I really think, as far as my judgment goes, is fully equal to our best statuaries, 
 both in taste and execution. If you employ him, you will encourage the rising 
 arts in the decoration of the rising virtue of Ireland ; and though the former, in 
 the scale of things, is infinitely below the latter, there is a kind of relationship 
 between them. I am sure there has been ever a close connection between them 
 in your mind. The young man*s name, who wishes to be employed, is Hickey. 
 
 I have the honour to be. 
 With the highest sentiments of regard and esteem, my dear Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's most obedient servant, 
 
 £dm. Bubke. 
 Whitehall, June 12th, 1782. 
 
 The monument which Mr. Burke mentions was never erected. Popular 
 discontent, |)opular inconstancy, and the machinations of ill-doers, forbad it. 
 On the first of July following, the Marquis of Rockingham died, and his death 
 was followed by a complete division of the cabinet. The labour, perseverance, 
 and union of years, were, by the extinction of one illustrious and good man, 
 rendered inefEcient. The afHiction of Lord Charlcmont may be well conceived. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 235 
 
 " Of this virtuous, accomplished, and truly amiable man," (thus his Lordship 
 speaks of his departed friend,) " whatever friendship might inspire me to say, 
 would fall far below, not only my own feelings, but the love, gratitude, and 
 respect of every good citizen, of every good man throughout the British dominions. 
 
 " Cui pudor, et justitiae soror, 
 Incorrupta fides, nudaque Veritas, 
 Quando nllum invenient parem ?" 
 
 I shall have occasion hereafter to mention Lord Rockingham. He must 
 be lamented by all who wish well to the tranquillity and welfare of their 
 country, for, from the hour of his death may be dated that fatal disunion 
 between some of our eminent men, especially Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Fox, which, 
 however they differed essentially and widely as to some political questions, was 
 extended and kept alive by every art of low cunning, ministerial intrigue, and 
 the bad passions of inferior men, labouring merely for their own despicable 
 aggrandizement or emolument. It has been productive of much national 
 calamity. 
 
 In the general contemplation of politics there is surely something extremely 
 disgusting. When we know, and perfectly understand, the motives of many 
 who act in a higher political sphere, every honest feeling shrinks back from the 
 ingratitude, perfidy, and inordinate selfishness, which so often crowd on our 
 attention. Yet, the person who is the object of the greatest popular odium, 
 the Minister himself, is frequently not at all tinctured by any one of those bad 
 qualities; certainly infinitely less so in general, than the humblest of his 
 followers. Don Quixote and Sancho form no imperfect representation of such 
 a personage, and some of his adherents. The latter acting solely from the 
 impulse of vulgar and sordid minds, suggest only such expedients as, what- 
 ever may be their utility, or the contrary, will invariably comprehend and 
 benefit themselves. But the whole is varnished over with the adroitness of 
 slaves, which a noble and exalted nature is incapable of attending to, or exactly 
 perceiving the drift of, even if it did. Perhaps it will be found, that the largest 
 share of that unpopularity which so often attends ministers, arises from the 
 mischievous activity, or inconsiderately-adopted suggestions of subordinate, or 
 unsuspected instruments. The people exclaim^ and are discontented. With 
 
 H ha 
 
236 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 great reason often. But when to please them the Minister retires, or their own 
 dominion blazes forth, in the success of their most favoured measures, how do 
 they act themselves ? Not always indeed, but surely too, too often, with such 
 boisterous caprice, imperious levity, and vehement ingratitude, that, not merely 
 those, whose feelings are quicker than their discrimination, but persons of very 
 unclouded intellect, almost half wish even for the most unpopular Minister's 
 resumption of power. A Minister is frequently imposed on, but the people are 
 much oftener so, when it suits the purposes of unprincipled, able men, to 
 practice on their credulity. I speak of the niultitude. Altogether, on what- 
 ever side we turn our eyes, politics never did yet, and perhaps of all human 
 pursuits, never will afford any permanent, unmixed satisfaction to any rational 
 being. But this reflection will not justify inertness, or indifference to the service 
 of our country. The contemplation of the unworthiness of others should not 
 force as to a dereliction of our best duties. In all ages it has forced too many. 
 
 The conduct of numbers of my countrymen, amiable and excellent as they 
 generally are, was at this time utterly unjustifiable. A mere difference of 
 opinion, on a point inconsequential, and even now almost forgotten, made 
 them regard their best friends almost as monsters. All Grattan's services were 
 thrown into oblivion. The Favourite of the l6th of April, became in little more 
 than two months, indeed, long before " their shoes were old," in following him 
 with loud acclamations, one of the most unpopular men in the kingdom. 
 The man of firm temper may laugh at all this, but it cannot render 
 solitude, or total absence from the political world, less supportable, to reflect, that 
 the persons who contributed most to this frenzy, were the very men who, for 
 year after year, swelled every unpropitious vote against Ireland ; and whose 
 doors, barricadoed as if against the plague, could scarcely afford them security, 
 against the hatred, and almost legitimate fury of the people, who now applauded 
 all that they said, and all that they did. Such are the extremes in a free state ; 
 extremes, to which liberty is nearly allied. By those who are better courtiers 
 than public men, the consanguinity may be denied ; but it does not less exist. 
 It will be acknowledged by every candid, reflecting mind, and, on the whole, 
 God forbid that, because we are sometimes fools, we should be always slaves. 
 
 If the following letter from Lord Charlemont to his friend, Dr. Haliday, 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 237 
 
 • 
 
 justly condemns the sinister zeal of some, and vile levity of others, it places 
 the conduct of him, who was now the object of so much calumny, in a very 
 favourable point of view. 
 
 Dublin, August lltb, 1782. 
 
 " Respecting the grant, T know with certainty that Grattan, though he 
 
 felt himself flattered by the intention, looked upon the act with the deepest concern, 
 and did all in his power to deprecate it. As it was found impossible to defeat 
 the design, all his friends, and I among others, were employed to lessen the 
 sum. It was accordingly decreased by one half, and that principally by his 
 positive declaration through us, that, if the whole were insisted on, he would 
 refuse all, but a few hundreds, which he would retain as an honourable mark of 
 the goodness of his country. By some, who look only into themselves for 
 information concerning human nature, this conduct will probably be construed 
 into hypocrisy. To such, the excellence and pre-eminency of virtue, and the 
 character of Grattan, are as invisible and incomprehensible, as the brightness of 
 the sun to a man born blind. — I forgot to mention, in regard to the second 
 scandalous aspersion, that Fitzpatrick never in any way, either express or 
 implied, threw out any such threat as that which has been forged for him. 
 Such an idea, I am confident, never occurred to him ; and, if it had, he has 
 too much sense to have hazarded it, as the consequence must have been fatal 
 to his administration. Indeed, these instances of ingratitude shock me not a 
 little : That a man who has given up his whole life to the service of his country, 
 nay, has imminently hazarded that life, by his activity in the cause ; whose 
 endeavours have been crowned with success, to whom principally we owe the 
 blessing of liberty : That such a man should be maliciously defamed, and the 
 scandal believed by many, is a baseness of ingratitude that surpasses all 
 comprehension. Happy it is, that \ irtue in herself is a blessing, and that a 
 good conscience is the greatest of all pleasures, as the contrary is a curse, and a 
 punishment, more excruciating than any tyrant ever could invent. The 
 former of these will, at all events, be my friend's reward ; and the latter, if 
 they be not callous, will well avenge him of all his enemies. For my own part, 
 Lhave as yet been spared; but, let what will happen, nothing shall make me 
 
236 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 deviate from the path I have hitherto pursued. Detractipn may possibly injure 
 my reputation, though, even there I think I may defy it ; but it never shall take 
 from me that first of all blessings, the consciousness that I am acting right, and 
 to the utmost of my abilities exerting myself in the service of my country. This 
 may look like vanity, but a proper pride in some cases is a necessary, and even 
 a virtuous quality." — The same subject is pursued in another letter to Haliday, 
 written in some days after the preceding one. 
 
 Marino, August ]7tb, 1782. 
 
 ** 1 have had a letter from our friend Harry,* dated Shrewsbury. 
 
 He was then getting better, and writes in tolerable spirits. I am heartily glad 
 that he is safe out of this pestilential atmosphere, and am certain, that the change of 
 air, and of scene, will do him more good even than the waters of Spa. To a 
 delicate mind, popular ingratitude must be grating indeed. But what people 
 were more apt to be ungrateful than the . renowned Athenians ? Why then 
 should I not flatter myself that, together with this bad quality of theirs, we 
 may also have obtained some of their good ones, — their spirit of freedom, as 
 well as their spirit of discontent? If we have gotten their levity, may it not be 
 a certain symptom, that we are in full possession of their liberty also ? You 
 see that I am inclined to be in good humour with the world ; a certain sign, 
 that tranquillity, and the shades of Marino agree with me. Why, my dearest 
 Doctor, may I not hope some time or other to shew this, my favourite retreat,^ 
 to you and Mrs. Haliday ?'* 
 
 The ministry had been now almost totally changed as to its principal 
 members. Lord Shelburne was at the head of the Treasury, and the Duke of 
 Portland, though he had resigned the Lieutenancy of Ireland, continued here, 
 chiefly, I believe, from the effects of a fall from his horse, till the middle of 
 September. It should be mentioned, that the Catholic bill, which had been 
 introduced, and almost passed in Lord Carlisle's time, received the royal assent, 
 when his Grace of Portland closed the session. It granted to the Catholics still 
 further immunities. For this bill Lord Charlemont voted. 
 
 Towards the end of this summer a most singular military scheme took place in 
 Ireland ; a scheme, at any other period, and before the militia was established, not 
 
 * Heniy Grattan. He had then set out on his journey to Spa. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 239 
 
 ineligible ; and no mean substitute for such troops as the country might, at 
 particular junctures, be deprived of. In consequence o£ the war, and a recent 
 vote of the House of Commons, which had been followed by an Act of Parlia- 
 ment, five thousand men were granted for service abroad. The military 
 establishment, as fixed in Lord Townshend's Viceroyalty, consisted of twelve 
 thousand men ; but, as four thousand were voted for a prosecution of hostilities 
 not long after their commencement, there now remained but three thousand for 
 the entire defence of the kingdom. Altogether, there were not, allowing for 
 the deficienees of regiments, and common casualties, regulars sufficient to do 
 garrison duty. This the authors of the scheme, positively, .and perhaps very 
 justly, asserted. It was proposed to raise four provincial regiments, of one 
 thousand men each, for three years, or for the war ; to be officered by Irish 
 gentlemen, who were to receive rank according to the number of men that they 
 raised, and not to be sent out of Ireland. This scheme was submitted to Lord 
 Charlemont's consideration, and it was suggested at the same time, that he might 
 command the whole, or part of it, as he pleased, with the rank of Major- 
 General. They were to be called Fencibles. To the command of this body of 
 men. Lord Charlemont gave, in the first instance, a decided negative ; and at a 
 subsequent interview with the Lord Lieutenant, stated some of his objections to 
 the entire plan : That, from his peculiar situation, he well knew, that nothing 
 would be more unpopular ; if however, on repeated consideration, it appeared 
 eligible, the mere unpopularity of the measure should not sway him, or any 
 honest man. The Volunteers would undoubtedly regard it, not as an oblique, 
 but very direct effort, to undermine them : And considering their alacrity and 
 eagerness, to meet the common foe, why not call on them again, if it was 
 necessary ? That, if from such an army, some danger was apprehended, that 
 danger would not be diminished by depriving them of officers of experience 
 and moderation, who had acquired an undoubted influence over them, and by 
 that influence controlled many occasional irregularities. Who would then 
 command them ? Assuredly they would not disband themselves ; and the most 
 unprincipled, dangerous men in the kingdom might, in an evil hour, become 
 their leaders. That if young officers were to be taken from the volunteer army, 
 neither they nor the men could be of much use, as, in all probability, the war 
 would be over before either soldier or subaltern were disciplined. For any 
 
240 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 present purpose, therefore, they would be inefficient, and any distant purpose 
 could hardly be brought into contemplation. Lord Charlemont added, that he 
 inoagined his predictions respecting the almost general odium attendant on the 
 plan, would be found not the less true, because the Lord Lieutenant might 
 have many applications for commissions ; he would, undoubtedly have many, 
 and when rank, and money were to be had, he knew not that country, especially 
 one circumstanced as Ireland was, where similar applications would not be 
 abundant. Such were, in part, Lord Charlemont's objections ; but it seems 
 they were not regarded as of sufficient weight to occasion an immediate 
 extinction of the plan, for, whilst reviewing the southern army at Cork, he 
 heard that it had been carried into execution, and all the officers taken from 
 the Volunteers. That body became outrageous, and the people sympathizing 
 with them, the general indignation overflowed all bounds. 
 
 This took place in the summer of 1782, as I have stated, but so fixed 
 
 was the popular abhorrence of the Fencible scheme, that on the dissolution of 
 
 parliament, in the ensuing year, some members lost their seats, in consequence 
 
 of accepting fencible commissions. A circumstance occurred, which it is the 
 
 duty of an historian to mention. When Lord Charlemont again waited on 
 
 the Lord Lieutenant, he lamented that he was so good a prophet, for the 
 
 Fencibles had created more disturbance than he had even ventured to foretell ; 
 
 but begged leave, at the same time, to ask the Duke, if his prediction was not 
 
 equally outstripped in the number of applications which had been received ? 
 
 " Certainly," replied his Grace ; *' I have had, at the least, a hundred and fifty 
 
 applications ; and some persons, whom I was obliged to refuse, have been the 
 
 most outrageously abusive of the Fencibles, and decried the plan infinitely 
 
 more than its original enemies. The Volunteers are all content and mildness 
 
 compared to them." Many retired, well meaning people may perhaps imagine, 
 
 that such conduct can scarcely be met with. But it is a faithful, not overcharged 
 
 picture of popular impostors. Such base auxiliaries, however, were not necessary 
 
 to overthrow the fencible scheme. The united eftbrts of volunteers, and the 
 
 people ; with a clearer prospect perhaps of returning peace, utterly demolished it. 
 
 At all events, nothing could have reconciled the country to its adoption. Lord 
 
 Charlemont acted the part of a dutiful citizen throughout the whole of the business; 
 
 honestly, and unaffectedly he advised government, and did not inflame the people 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 24 1 
 
 against it. Although he foresaw the consequences, and was not better received at the 
 castle for stating them so explicitly as he did, at least he certainly thought so, his 
 respectfor the Duke continued undiminished. Heapplaudedhisgeneralconduct,his 
 courteous deportment, (so particularly necessary in a Lord Lieutenant,) and 
 was to the utmost gratified by his behaviour towards the Volunteers. As Lord 
 Charlemont said, he made them fashionable at court. This, his Lordship 
 considered as flowing from the Duke's natural disposition, unassailed, in the 
 more early part of his administration, by any fencible plans. When the 
 volunteers were reviewed by Lord Charlemont in the Phoenix park, the Duke 
 was present ; and, on being thanked by the noble general at the levee, for the 
 honour his grace had done them, " Surely, my lord," he replied, "a body of men, 
 formed on such principles, could not be so near me, without a desire on my 
 part to see their exertions." This was spoken so audibly, that numbers heard 
 it, and were captivated. The same attention prevailed every where. The late 
 amiable, and much lamented General Burgoyne had, at that time, the command 
 of the forces in Ireland. Whenever the king's troops, and the volunteer corps 
 met, a mutual exchange of the usual military courtesies constantly took place 
 between them. Lord Charlemont suggested, that both should be drawn out 
 together, and pay the accustomed honours to the King's birth day, in 
 conjunction. The suggestion was laudably, and generously complied with; 
 and whoever remembers it, must acknowledge, that it appeared to be a day 
 of the most unaffected, real gladness, that perhaps ever shone forth 
 in Dublin. Why are not such moments laid hold on, and improved, as 
 they ought to be? Every attention was paid by the military to Lord 
 Charlemont, and, in all places, the reverence, and affection almost, of the 
 soldiery, kept equal pace with their obedience to the commands of their 
 superiors. On his road to Limerick, he passed through the town of Nenagh. 
 There happened to be no volunteers in the place, and a party of the 18th light 
 dragoons insisted on mounting a guard for him, whilst he staid the evening. 
 Another party of the same regiment, with equal cheerfulness and politeness, 
 escorted him for a short distance, that is, as far as he would permit them. 
 Such are the benign effects of an administration, founded on the unmixed 
 confidence of the people. Such the cordial good will, and pure freeheartedness, 
 which at that moment reigned between the regulars and the Volunteers. No 
 
 • 
 
 II 
 
144 MEMOms OP JAMES, 
 
 rtidetieSs, h6jeat6(iSy, h6 umbrage, Distinctiotis are, too often, as invidkwisly 
 as "seekwusfly kept up between the soldier and the citizen. Leit them not be 
 taioght afny ot^je*, *hafn *hoSe which arise naturally fi cm vanned society, in the 
 day of "peace, «nd they themselves will make none in the flay of battle. What 
 has occasioned the ddw^nfall of many of the ancient monarchies of Europe ? Not 
 Gallic superiority surely ! Too mtich reliamce 'on one dass of the comwiunity, 
 Ivhich, howiBver 'brttVe, could not alone sustain such monarchies, a«d, asthc 
 evtint proved, a morbid oblivion of their citiisens and their peasantry, it is 
 proper to state here, tliat Lord Gharlemont totally declined the acceptance of 
 Hiiy office, eft emolomerit, t!hough repeatedly solicited by the Duke of Portland 
 tb take both. Mr. Grattaft, on his Grace's arrival, and before the grant of fifty 
 thbusand pottnds Was 'even suggested, displayed a similar disinteresredness. 
 
 iThe Etfrl Temple* assumed the government of Ireland, September, 1782. 
 He had, before he Was formally declared Lord Lieutenant in council, written a 
 Irtd^t polite, and^ in every respect, satisfactory letter to Lord Charlemont, 
 antiouhdng his ftppoiritn>ent, and soliciting that nobleman's support, during his 
 administration in Ireland. Lord Charlemont -s answer was, in part, as follows : 
 
 ^^ ^^^^r (No Date.) 
 
 I'ermit me to return you my most sincere acknowledgments for the 
 honour conferred on me, and the pleasure afforded me by your lordship's letter, 
 which I should have long since answered, had not my receiving it been retarded 
 by my being in the country, where I was busily occupied in reviewing the 
 volunteer army. With your lordship, I most sinCisrely lament the resolution 
 which the Duke of Portland has taken to resign the government of Ireland, in 
 the administration of which hjgh office he had, as you well observe, obtained 
 the almost universal confidence of this nation, a confidence founded upon the 
 surtst basis, our perfect conviction of his public virtue, and our experience of 
 his steady endeavours, essentially to serve the country he was deputed to goverq. 
 fie is indeed a man in every respect fitted, worthy and usefully to fill the office 
 which hasbden assigned to him. Your lordship will, 1 am sure, pardon me for 
 <lwelling a little on a topic, which is with me a favourite one, especially as his 
 approaching loss renders him, if possible, still more dear. If any thing 
 
 * Now Marquis of Buckingham. 
 
EAKL OF CHABLEMONT. ^-kSf 
 
 however could console m for such a loss, it would be the chajracter of the nqble 
 peraoa who ia destined to sBcceed him ; a consoktbii; which is greatly inoreaaed 
 by the sentiments conveyed in yoor lordship's letter. With such a pledge o(f 
 ytrar sincerity, I cannot doubt, or fear ; and shall only add, that as, notwith- 
 standing my opinion of, and my good wishes for the Duke of Portland, hii 
 conduct was the only thii^ that msored to him my support ; in the same 
 manner, and on the same account only, will your lordship be certain to receive 
 it. Wkh every acknowledgment of your goodnes* towards me, and every 
 good wish for the happiness of your future government, 
 
 I have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. &c. 
 
 Chablemont.- 
 
 The new Viceroy's letter to Lord Charlemont was fraught with the justest 
 principles of government ; and, as he expressed his desire to pursue a plan of 
 reforming the expenditure, and correcting the abuses of the revenue of Ireland, 
 he certainly did not deviate from it. His brother, now Lord Grenville, was his 
 Secretary ; and as the succeeding winter was the last, during which the 
 Irish Parliament did not sit in those days, ample time was afforded to the Lord 
 Lieutenant for a prosecution of those plans of retrenchment, and controul of that 
 multiplied and grievous peculation in various offices, which he so laudably engaged 
 in. Like his father, Mr. George Grenville, he took business as a pleasure he was 
 to enjoy, and his " application was undissipated and unwearied.'' * Such assiduity 
 was never before, and indeed I believe, never since witnessed at the Castle. Nor was 
 he at this time more than thirty years of age. He was not awed either by situation 
 or connexion. A gentleman of large fortune, allied to Lord Charlemont, and 
 protected by a great Southern Parliamentary leader, was dismissed from his 
 office. He was found deficient in a very large sum, and his Majesty's attorney was 
 ordered to sue him, on belialf of the public. Lord Shannon's patronage, though 
 supported by more than half a dozen members of the House of Commons, was, 
 for the first time, found inadequate. Never till then, had the idd court known 
 that seven-fold fence to fail, and dismal was the augury. The Viceroy was not 
 inattentive to Lord Charlentont on this occasion. He stated the business to 
 his lordship, and \ery civilly added, that he could not think of proceeding in itj 
 
 * See Mr. Burke's speeches on American taxation, and his character of Mr. Grenville. 
 
 I i 2 
 
244 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 •without acquainting him.^ Lord Charlemont expressed much obligation, 
 and, at the same time, entire approbation of the Lord Lieutenant's conduct. 
 His Excellency was much gratified ; he stated the egregious defalcations which 
 had been brought to light in many offices, and, " be assured, my Lord,'* 
 continued he, " there's not a board throughout Ireland which does not 
 tremble at this instant." The dismay was terrible. Clerks, treasurers, 
 and secretaries, fled in all quarters. Some chiefs of particular departments 
 did not indeed fly, but menaced, or muttered eternal vengeance against Lord 
 Temple ; they shuddered to behold the ancient abodes of peculation on the 
 point of being exposed to the eye of day, to mortals, and immortals, the 
 Lower House, and the Upper ; abodes, odious from corruption, and formidable 
 even to some of its ennobled professors in a higher sphere, as almost vying 
 with their own. 
 
 But Lord Temple went on, and it is justly to be lamented, that his 
 speedy recall should put an end to all further exposition.— ^ About this time 
 his Majesty was pleased to create an order of Knighthood for Ireland, by the 
 appellation of knights of St. Patrick. As this measure immediately followed 
 the establishment of the independence of Ireland, it was extremely gratifying. 
 The letter to Lord Charlemont from Earl Temple on this occasion, does so 
 ftiuch honour to both, that every one, I think, will be pleased with its 
 insertion. 
 
 My Lord, 
 His Majesty having been pleased to institute a new order of knighthood in 
 Ireland, as a measure calculated to convey to his Irish subjects the sense he 
 entertains of the present respectable situation of that kingdom, and the peculiar 
 interest which he takes in whatever regards them, I have received his commands 
 to prepare, for his approbation, a list of such names as may best promote his 
 Majesty's intentions of placing this order upon the most respectable footing. 
 And I am convinced, that I cannot better promote this gracious disposition, than 
 by addressing myself to your Lordship, whose birth, rank, and property would 
 well entitle you to every mark of distinction. But when I add to these 
 
 * Ilia. Lib. 20. v. 64. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 245 
 
 considerations your public services, so justly distinguished, and of a nature which 
 this kingdom must ever most gratefully remember,' I cannot hesitate a moment 
 in requesting your Lordship's permission to place your name upon the list, which 
 I am preparing in pursuance of his Majesty's commands. And I mention this 
 idea to your Lordship, with the greater satisfaction, as the motto of this order, 
 (Quis separabit,) will tend to enforce that explained, constitutional, and solid 
 union, between the two kingdoms, so necessary to both, and which your Lord- 
 ship has so long laboured to establish upon the surest foundation, — that of 
 mutual confidence and affection. . 
 
 I haye the honour to be, with great regard. 
 
 My Lord, . 
 Your Lordship's very faithful, and obedient servant, 
 , , . Nugent Temple: 
 
 Lord Charlemont, (and with much reason certainly,) was uncommonly 
 pleased with this letter. He waited on the Lord Lieutenant, and with many 
 expressions of thanks, accepted the honour that was so kindly and justly 
 proposed to him. It cannot be denied, however, that at a former interview, 
 before any circumstance whatever relative to the order was absolutely determined, 
 or on the institution itself publicly announced, he seemed rather to decline it. 
 Among other things which he stated to the Lord Lieutenant, he said, ** that the 
 measure seemed to him, and in his opinion really was, an honourable distinction 
 to the kingdom, and might be considered as a badge and symbol of her indepeflr- 
 dence, so newly created.'^ The time also, most assuredly was, as had been 
 mentioned by the Lord Lieutenant, peculiarly favourable ; since, as such insti- 
 tutions usually took place in consequence of some signal success, the present 
 period would be allowed, of all others, the most proper, as no events could 
 possibly be more worthy of consideration, than those which had lately happened. 
 But there was another point of view, in which it might be regarded; would it 
 not tend, (in some measure at least,) to extend the influence of the crown so 
 recently protested against ? But to that objection. Lord Charlemont added, an 
 answer might certainly be made, which, if it even occurred to the Lord Lieutenant, 
 his politeness would of course prevent him from urging ; namely, that as to the 
 influence of the crown in the House of Lords, it could scarcely receive any 
 addition, for what could make many, or most of his. Lord Charlemont's 
 illustrious brethren, better courtiers than they were at that moment. He^ 
 
24& MEMOIRS OF lAMEB, 
 
 expressed at the same time great respect for the Lord, Lieutenant, and that 
 respect made him hesitate, as to the propriety of any refusal of the order, for, as 
 he added, what time could be more auspicious, or what Viceroy better entitled to 
 general esteem ? Much more passed, but it is unnecessary to state any thing further, 
 as he accepted the order. In truth, there could be no genuine obstacle to his 
 acceptance of such an honour, and he frequently acknowledged that Lord 
 Temple acted through the whole of the business with equal urbanity and good 
 sense. 
 
 Lord Charlemont had conceived it possible that, at that moment, when 
 the general agitation of the public mind had not subsided, the people, by whose 
 confidence he considered himself as alone useful, might, through some 
 misconception or misrepresentation, construe this acceptance of the blue ribband 
 of St. Patrick, into a dereliction of their interests ; but they and the Volunteers, 
 (ia fact„ at that time they were one,) exulted at his promotion, and universally 
 declared, that they never could have pardoned a government, which, in such 
 an institution, would have omitted him. 
 
 The following circular letter of Mr. Secretary Hamilton, is connected with 
 
 the history of the order of St. Patrick, and that of Lord Charlemont at this 
 
 particular juncture. 
 
 Dublin Castle, 4th Feb. 1783. 
 
 My Lord, 
 The Lord Lieutenant has commanded me to acquaint your Lordship, that 
 he has received, with very particular satisfaction, a letter from the Right Honour- 
 able Mr. Townshend, conveying to his Excellency the King's entire approbation 
 of your Lordship, and the other noblemen, whom he has recommended to his 
 Majesty, to be created Knights of the Order of St. Patrick. If is Excellency 
 cannot give a more convincing proof of the high estimation in which the King 
 holds the noble persons who are to be companions of this order, or of his 
 Majesty's desire to gratify the wishes of his nobility of Ireland, than by 
 acquainting your Lordship, that his Majesty has been graciously pleased to take 
 the first stall to himself, and to nominate his Royal Highness Prince Edwarcl to 
 fill the second. His Majesty's letter for carrying the constitution of this order 
 into execution is expected to arrive very shortly, and your Lordship will have 
 the earliest notice of the day which shall be appointed for the investiture. 
 
 I have the honour to be, 
 
 My Lord, &c. 
 
 Sackville Hamilton. 
 
5nr 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEMONT, «tr 
 
 The Ingtallation ^ars -condacted with great magmficence. The Lord Lieu- 
 teiTant, with modi propriety, crrdered that the volunteers shoiild line thfe streets 
 in junction with the King's troops, and, by Lord Charlemont's particular desire, 
 a station was assigned to them within, and about the Cathedral of St. Patrick, 
 BO that they particularly assisted at, and, to a certain degree, formed part of the 
 ceremonial. This attention was very pleasing to them. Immense crowds 
 attended the procession of the knights from the Castle to the cathedral, and 
 Lord Charlemont, as he passed along, was received with applause and acclamation 
 hy all ranks of people. 
 
 The following extract of a letter from Mr. Horace Walpole, (Lord Orford,^ 
 though written somewhat more than two years after the institution of the order 
 of St. Patrick, has its proper place at this period. 
 
 Strawbeny-iUil], Nov. 23d, \765. 
 As your Lordship has given me this opportunity, I cannot resist saying, 
 what I was exceedingly tempted to mention two or three years ago, but had not 
 the confidence. In short, my Lord, when the order of St. PatridsL was 
 instituted, I had a mind to hint to your X^ordship, that it was. exactly the moment 
 for seizing an occasion that has been irretrievably lost to this country. When I 
 was at Paris, I found in the convent of LeS Grands Augustins, three vast 
 chambers filled with the portraits (and their names and titles beneath,) of all the 
 Knights of the St. Esprit, from the foundation of the order. £very new knight, 
 with few exceptions, gives his own portrait on his creation. Of the order of 
 St. Patrick, I think but one founder is dead yet, and his picture perhaps may be 
 retrieved. I will not make any apology to so good a patriot as your Lordship, 
 for proposing a plan that tends to the honour of his country, which I will 
 presume to call mine too, as it is both by union and my affection for it. I 
 should wish the name of the painter inscribed too, which would excite emulation 
 in your artists. — rBut it is unnecessary to dilate on the subject to your Lordship, 
 who, as a patron of the arts, as well as a patriot, will improve on my imperfect 
 thoughts, and if you approve of them, can give them stability. 
 
 I have the honour to be, &c. 
 
 (Hon. Walpoljk. 
 
 Lord Charlemont had, I believe, long before the receipt of Mr. W^lpole's 
 letter, entertained some ideas, not very dissimilar to those of that gentleman. 
 
248 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 on this subject; and had Lord Temple continued in Ireland, would have submitted 
 them to his consideration. But that nobleman's departure, and the short duration 
 of any intimacy between his successor and Lord Charlemont, prevented his 
 schemes from being carried into execution. It is to be wished, that he had 
 urged the subject to the late Duke of Rutland, who loved and understood paintings 
 and from his situation, as well as disposition, was most likely to patronize what 
 was so properly suggested by Mr. Walpole. The fine arts suffer materially from 
 politics, or a disunion in politics, between persons of exalted rank, who wish 
 to cultivate literature, or whatever is connected with it. Their differences and 
 political engagements occupy so much of their time, that the muses are almost 
 excluded from their society. '1 he only memorandum of Lord Charlemont, 
 relative to this affair, is part of a short note or letter to Mr. Walpole, which 
 has these words. " I should be glad to know whether the Knights of the St. 
 Esprit are drawn in their robes of ceremony ? The reason of ray question is, 
 that, if such dress were not necessary, as I doubt it is, a series of fashion, as 
 well as of portraits, might be transmitted to posterity." Mr. Walpole's answer 
 is as follows : " Mr. Walpole has received the honour of Lord Charlemont's 
 letter, but is almost incapable of answering it, being laid up by a severe attack 
 of the gout in his whole right arm and hand. The portraits of the Knights of 
 the St. Esprit, at Paris, are only heads on Pannel, which touch one another. 
 That of the Comte de Gramont, of which Mr. Walpole has a copy, is in 
 armour. Perhaps the grand masters might be whole, or half lengths, in the 
 dress of the order to shew the habit. Other knights in their own robes of Peers, 
 or in the dress of the times : but it ought to be an inviolable rule, that no 
 fantastic dresses should be allowed in a national and historic monument. Mr. 
 Walpole is not able to say more at present.** 
 
 Whether any thing further wasdone, I know not. It may not yet be altogether 
 too late. To advert to the illustration which history may always derive from 
 painting and sculpture is unnecessary. But when we consider that the portrait of 
 a Comte de Gramont, who favoured Hamilton with an opportunity of writing the 
 most singular, and certainly the most agreeable book that perhaps ever was read, 
 could only be found in such a collection as has been mentioned, it is not idle to 
 indulge a wish, that such historic assemblages of portraits should be made, 
 whenever an occasion presents itself Every age, and every class of mankind, 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. ug 
 
 is more or less fertile in extraordfnary personages; and we migbt surely 
 compound with many a faithful, though most uninspiring resemblance of 
 illCistrious knights, or even a long line of decorated inanity, for the original 
 picture of any man who adorned society, or whose refined and peculiar gaiety 
 of conversation, like that of Gramont, has become the source of amusement, 
 nay delight, to successive generations. 
 
 Something, I hope not much, remains to be said with regard to the 
 proposed renunciation of the right of the British Legislature to make any 
 law whatever to bind Ireland. The measure itself might well be passed 
 over; but a few recorded circumstances relative to it, may tend to shew 
 the history of the people and the times. With such circumstances Lord 
 Charlemont also was much connected. He was perfectly satisfied with 
 what had been done for securing the independency of Ireland ; and 
 although he thought that some short preamble, totally relinquishing all claims 
 in future, should have preceded the repeal, he considered such an addition as 
 of little importance, and rested secure that, after what had passed, nothing 
 further would or could be attempted hostile to our rights. To solicit, or demand 
 in any way, a solemn renunciation from the English Parliament, Lord Charle- 
 mont thought very unwise, and repeatedly declared, that he would not be 
 accessary to such a step, as he was afraid that such solicitation might be 
 construed into an acknowledgment of some previous right existing in the British 
 Legislature, which he would never allow. On the other hand, discontent was 
 advancing with giant strides, though, at the period which I am now arrived at, 
 the country seemed to remain in an unquiet repose, from the expectation that 
 Lord Temple would, in the true spirit of party, endeavour to procure a 
 renunciatory act, merely to spite his opponents, and mortify the repealists. Such 
 expectation, however, was a very weak one. 
 
 When Lord Temple first came here, he was of the same opinion with those 
 who thought any renunciation unnecessary, and that Government would depart 
 not less from its dignity than all true policy, if, after such a national settlement* 
 that settlement should again, to a certain degree, be opened, and every new 
 popular requisition acceded to. But Lord Charlemont, who had daily intelli- 
 gence of what was passing in public, and clearly saw that the enemies 
 to the tranquillity of Ireland would never abandon the Vantage groupd which 
 
250 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 they had taken, till the point in dispute was conceded to- them, thought, that to 
 relinquish that point would be the best chance of dislodging all such perturbed 
 spirits, and giving rest to the country ; that a renunciation, unasked by the 
 Parliament of Ireland, at the worst, was nugatory, and could not produce, at 
 least, any bad effect. His old opinions remained the same, but he wished 
 much to control evil doers, and at the same time meet the wishes of the people. 
 In this mode of thinking, he was supported by the late Chief Baron Burgh. The 
 Lord Lieutenant differed from them, and was supported by many and grave 
 authorities. In such sentiments he continued, till a writ of error to the King's 
 Bench in England, which had been transmitted there, previous to the new order 
 of things, was received and acted upon by Lord Mansfield ; who said, that he 
 was obliged to adhere to the ancient usage of his court, and that he knew of no 
 statute which abrogated that usage. This business, of mere accident, (for it was 
 evident that no writ of error could be again sent there from Ireland,) threw the 
 country again into a flame; and a casual judicial proceeding was magnified into 
 national perfidy, and more than Carthaginian breach of faith and compact. The 
 uproar was, if possible, louder than ever. Lord Charlemont, though he strove 
 in the first instance to compose the agitated waves, considered the proceeding 
 in some degree fortunate, as it would be necessary to obviate any such matter in 
 future ; and an occasion now presented itself, which by blending this forensic 
 event, with the popular requisition, might lay the foundation of a total renun- 
 ciatory act. A draught of such a bill was accordingly sent from hence to 
 Westminster ; where, having received some modifications, it was introduced 
 into Parliament, slightly noticed in its passage through both Houses, and 
 finally received the royal assent. In this manner closed the business of renuncia- 
 tion ; originally set on foot by a few, and those interested men, it spread, and 
 gradually embraced almost the whole country. Several persons of indisputable 
 judgment, and most entire integrity, were undoubtedly, when the doctrine was 
 first diffused abroad, of opinion, that it should be supported. But its origin 
 in Parliament was, as I have stated ; and that the conclusion should somewhat 
 partake of that pure, disinterested spirit, which blazoned forth its commence- 
 ment, the renunciatory act was clandestinely opposed by particular gentlemen, 
 not from any conviction that it was unnecessary, but in hopes of completely 
 embarrassing Lord Temple, to force him from the Viceroyalty, and restore 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 251 
 
 themselves, their junto, and their jobs, to a full radiance and possession of 
 recently-eclipsed power. ^^ 
 
 Earl Temple continued here most deservedly a favourite with the people, 
 till the junction of Lord North's and Mr. Fox's parliamentary forces effected 
 that change which took place in April, J 783. The union between him and Lord 
 Charlemont continued undiminished, and the Volunteers of Dublin, co-operating 
 with their noble Greneral, escorted him to the water side, as the only testimonial 
 at that moment in their power, of their gratitude, affection, and reverence. 
 He resigned the sword to Lord Northington. 
 
 Robert Henley, Earl of Northington, was son to Lord Chancellor North- 
 ington, a nobleman extremely well known, and much talked of in his day. But 
 as wit and talents gradually assume their proper station, and give to their 
 possessor more permanent celebrity than high rank, even when accompanied 
 with no slight abilities, ever can confer, the name of his grandfather, Anthony 
 Henley, is, after the lapse of a century, more familiar to many readers, than that 
 of the Keeper of the Great Seal. He was a member of some of King William's, 
 and Queen Anne's Parliaments ; but he is particularly distinguished as being the 
 intimate companion of Swift for several years, especially during Swift's connexion 
 "with the Whigs. Henley is frequently mentioned by him as a man of letters, 
 wit, and singular humour. By Sir Samuel Garth he was also much esteemed, 
 and had the honour of receiving the dedication of the Dispensary. 
 
 Lord Chancellor Northington was, greatly to his credit, the steady friend 
 and supporter of Lord Camden, during that nobleman's early attendance at the 
 bar, and at a time when, from particular circumstances, the aid of such a man 
 as Henley was truly valuable to him. The Chancellor was a boon companion, 
 and this part of his character, without his boisterousness, the Lord Lieutenant 
 inherited. He was much regarded by Mr. Fox, under whose particular 
 influence, I believe, he came to Ireland. It cannot be said that he was precisely 
 that person who should have been sent here at a time so very critical ; for his 
 constitution was extremely enfeebled by the gout, and (what should be always 
 attended to in the nomination of a Lord Lieutenant,) his rank, though that of 
 an Earl, was not accompanied by sufficient splendour, to give him that 
 importance so necessary in the eyes of the people. He was regarded as a new 
 man, though his family was, in truth, an old English one. By those who lived 
 
 Kka 
 
252 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 in society with him, he was much relished, as being frank, affable, and good- 
 natured. His secretary (Mr. Windham) came here with great advantages. The 
 name of Windham is famiHar to all who know any thing of English history, 
 and he was already distinguished as a scholar, and one who, in all probability, 
 would act no obscure part in politics. He had the fire and the dignity of genius. 
 When a very young man he had paid, as I am informed, a visit to Lord Towns- 
 hend during that nobleman's Viceroyalty, and perhaps even then saw, or heard 
 enough of the interior of the Irish Cabinet, to doubt, at a future day, the 
 adequacy of his disposition or habits, to encounter such scenes as he had 
 witnessed here, without self-reproach. Something of this distrust appears in a 
 conversation which he had with his friend. Dr. Johnson, a few days previous to 
 his setting out for Ireland, " Never fear, Sir," said Johnson, (whose experience 
 of the world led him to imagine that it would soon dissolve the best intentions 
 of a young and honourable statesman) " never fear. Sir, you will soon become 
 a very pretty rascal."* But happily the moralist was mistaken. 
 
 Lord Northington, like his two immediate predecessors, had paid every atten- 
 tion to Lord Charlemont. At least, during the commencement of his adminis- 
 tration, there was a frequent interchange of civilities. Lord Charlemont 
 was enabled, soon after the Viceroy's arrival, to give what his Excellency 
 considered very effectual assistance to him, in a conference with the Lord 
 Mayor, at the Castle of Dublin. Not long after he received a letter from. Lord 
 Northington, an extract from which is here given* 
 
 Dublin Castle, Monday evening. 
 I was much disappointed to find, after the liberty I had taken to desire your 
 Lordship^s advice in private, upon a former occasion, that I was not to expect to 
 receive it in a more public manner. As I am sure it will not only contribute 
 M)uch to the honour of my administration, but be of essential service to the 
 affairs of this kingdom, to have the advantage of your Lordship's councils, I am 
 to request of your Lordship to allow me to remove the impediment, and give 
 me leave to have the honour of submitting your name for his Majesty's gracious 
 consideration, to be placed as one of the Privy Council of this kingdom. If 
 it will be a measure agreeable to your Lordship, I shall have the highest satisfao 
 
 '^ S«e BoswellVlife of Johnson. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 353 
 
 tion in shewing your Lordship this mark of my esteem and regard. Being, 
 
 with great esteem. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 Your most, &c. 
 
 NoHTHINGTON. 
 
 It may appear very singular that Lord Charlemont had never been 
 nominated a Privy Counsellor. Perhaps the reason was, as he said to the Lord 
 Lieutenant, that he had never applied for any such situation. He told his 
 Excellency, (for on the receipt of this letter he instantly waited on him) that, 
 although he had not thought of requesting such a favour, he could not decline 
 a compliment so politely offered to him. One condition, . however, he begged 
 leave toproposei that Mr. Grattan, with whom, close as their political union 
 was, he was still more allied by friendship, should be recommended at the same 
 time for a seat in the Privy Council, otherwise he should, though with not less 
 grateful respect to the Lord Lieutenant, totally relinquish the proposal. It 
 seems that Mr. Grattan had no more applied for this situation than Lord 
 Charlemont, and he was surely well entitled to it. The Viceroy said, that such 
 a proposition did Lord Charlemont honour ; that, for Mr. Grattan's character 
 he had' a high esteem, though he had not the pleasure of a personal acquaint- 
 ance with him ; and, if agreeable to that gentleman, he would join his name ; 
 to Lord Charlemont's in his letter to England. Mr. Grattan was consulted, 
 respectfully accepted the offer, and Lord Charlemont and he were accordingly 
 sworn of the Privy. Council. 
 
 Thus far every thing went* well. But the Coalition Ministry was, as 
 to the distribution of offices, gradually attended with the same effects here as 
 in England; Some who had been frowned t)n, or removed, during the Duke of 
 Portland's administration, now found their way back again to place and situation. 
 Scott rose higher from his falL Yelverton had indeed been appointed to succeed 
 the lamented Chief Baron Burgh, but his rank at the bar,- independent of his 
 connection with the Portland party, seemed to point him out as Burgh's ■ 
 successor. His place of Attorney-General was given to Mr. Fitzgibbon. Mr, 
 Forbes, who had been nominated SolicitorrGeneral by his Grace of Portland, 
 aud witlra delicacy unexampled declined the situation, till Mr. Cacleton,* who . 
 
 * Now Lord Carkton. . 
 
tJ54 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 then occupied it, was otherwise provided for, did not chuse to act as colleague 
 to Fitzgibbon. The Coalition Ministry displayed itself in various employments. 
 Much was chequered, and had there been a general harmony of parts, as was 
 in a good measure the case in England, this distribution of light and shade 
 might ultimately have been attended with pleasing effects. But there was no 
 harmony. The old courtiers hated the new, and being more dextrous, were 
 more successful. The arrangements which I have mentioned, with the excep- 
 tion of Yelverton's, could not have been much relished by Lord Charlemont, 
 and those for whom they were made, could not much relish him. This disin- 
 clination, however, must be understood as limited to politics ; for, as a private 
 nobleman, all parties valued him ; and even as to public matters, his opponents 
 respected him. But respect, and cordial attachment, are very different. 
 
 Mr. Windham, who had served as a bond of union on the Viceroy's first 
 coming here, between him and Lord Charlemont, now very wisely preferred the 
 county of Norfolk to the Phoenix Park, near Dublin ; and retired from his 
 situation. Lord Charlemont had long known and esteemed him, as an accom- 
 plished, amiable man. This secession added much to his chagrin, as might 
 reasonably be expected. Mr. Pelham then came over as Secretary. " A name 
 unmusical to Tory ears," in days past, and in the present, not very harmonious 
 to those with whom Mr. Pelham was obliged to coalesce. However, he did not 
 forget his ancestry, and those who love constitutional liberty must regard their 
 memory. At that time, he was here during part of a session only, and that 
 part was sufficiently stormy. He was young, but he steered through it with 
 adroitness. A circumstance, apparently trivial, but meant by the old court to 
 wound Lord Charlemont, took place on the first day of the opening of Parlia- 
 ment. He had been accustomed to move the thanks of the Lords to the 
 Volunteers. But the Duke of Leinster, who acted entirely with Lord North- 
 ington's administration, now anticipated him. Neither jealousy, (though his 
 Grace and Lord Charlemont had, in the earlier days of the Volunteers, 
 contended for the command of them) nor the desire of hurting the feelings of 
 the venerable Earl, had, I am convinced, the most feeble operation on his 
 mind. He was proverbially liberal in his sentiments, and always good-natured. 
 But he had a facility of temper which made him too often listen to the 
 suggestions of those, who, except sometimes from the casualty of rank, were 
 
( 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEMQNT. 255 
 
 utterly unfit to approach him. Never shall I think of that good nobleman 
 without every sentiment of tenderness and respect. But one of the notable 
 triumphs of the old court in Ireland, was the dissolution, when it could be 
 effected, of ancient political friendships. Private friendships, in a country 
 which, with all its impetuosity, has much of the milk of human kindness, were 
 of too strong a cement for their efforts. Several, who were personally attached 
 to each other, always voted on different sides of the House in Ireland. Party 
 never formed that great gulph of separation, which we have seen it effect in 
 London. Besides, the society in Dublin was too limited to admit of it. But 
 when one political friend could be detached on important questions, from another, 
 some of the members of the old court were uncommonly radiant. So far, however, 
 from separating the Duke and Lord Charlemont, this business created only the 
 murmur of a few minutes. Lord Charlemont had too much candour, not to 
 express his surprize to the Duke ; but he loved his Grace, and his father, too 
 well to be disturbed by such a passing blot, as the Castle Spells had thrown over 
 their ancient connexion. 
 
 The Volunteers were not satisfied, because their old General did not move 
 the resolution in their favour, as heretofore ; but they could not have been more 
 dissatisfied than many of those who had passed the resolution ; and who would 
 gladly have voted, not merely the thanks, but the Volunteers themselves, null 
 and void, could they have done so with safety. That army was become 
 disagreeable, not to say odious, to some persons in power. They menaced 
 certain of the Volunteers in private, and complimented them in public. The 
 menace and the compliment were alike inefficacious. In vain was it insinuated, 
 that their longer continuance in arms would be considered as dangerous to the 
 state. In vain was it declared, with a profusion of courtesies, that no men had 
 ever adted better, and that, as it was now a time of peace, and every constitu- 
 tional point granted on the part of England, they should look to an honourable 
 ♦epose. This was true, but the sincerity of those who spoke thus was much 
 questioned, and that circumstance spoiled all. No one moved. The only 
 auxiliary, which some impatient politicians could now look to, for the dissolution 
 or decay of the Volunteer army, was time itself, and that would have aided 
 them, though slowly. But proceedings were now to take place, of a nature, it 
 must be confessed, most novel and alarming, which form a particular epocha in 
 
^56 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the History of Lord Charlemont, and the Volunteer army, and contributed, more 
 than any event whatever, to shake that institution to its utmost foundation. 
 It is necessary here to trace matters to their source. — The progress of the 
 American war had been disastrous in the extreme. But, notwithstanding such 
 disasters, the mass of the people, as well as the Cabinet, were not indisposed 
 to the continuance of hostilities, and indulged the hope, that some unexpected 
 series of circumstances, some division in the American army, in the States 
 themselves, or defection on the part of France, if England persevered, would 
 ultimately crown their warfare with success, and bring back America to its 
 ancient subordination. The obstacles which presented themselves to that 
 reduction, had been not unforeseen by the most sagacious in politics, but by the 
 ignorant were disregarded, as owing merely to the temerity of one General, the 
 supineness of another, and the more than common perfidy of the French and 
 Spanish Cabinets. It required, therefore, according to the last-mentioned class 
 of politicians, nothing more than some greater exertion on our part, to recover 
 our lost laurels, our lost colonies, and subjugate the natut^al enemies of Great 
 Britain, as no slight portion of Europe is denominated by many, who profess 
 themselves to be no less energetic and loyal subjects, than rational benign 
 christians. In less than three years after the defeat of Burgoyne, the surrender 
 of Lord Cornwallis took place, and thus the captivity of two armies was requi- 
 site to open our eyes, and assuage somewhat of national presumption. That 
 presumption at length, and most reluctantly, gave way. AH hope of subduing 
 America, or alleviating the burthens which multiplied ten-fold in our efforts 
 towards that subjection, now vanished from the public mind ; but the Cabinet 
 still pursued its course. The people were, however, weary of the contest, and, 
 galling under the weight of taxation, condemned the obstinacy of the Cabinet, 
 and called aloud for the conclusion of the war. From the Cabinet they turned 
 their eyes to Parliament, whose servility they reprobated, and, totally forgetting 
 their own inconsiderate ardour in the prosecution of the war, attributed theii* 
 sufferings to the inadequate representation of the people, from whence alone, 
 as w^8 asserted, all past calamity flowed. But, in truth, as far as the American 
 contest was productive of calamity, if, at its commencement, the representation 
 had been more extended, Lord North would have had a more extended support ; 
 for, iinquestionably, not only the origin, but the prosecution of that war, 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 257 
 
 were, for some years, highly popular in various, and especially the remote 
 parts of England. The national sentiment however was now changed, and a 
 declaration of the increased influence of the. Grown had, under the auspices 
 of a great constitutipnallawyer, (Mr. Dunning)* beeo made by the represen- 
 tatives of the pedple. For this, and in short> all abuses whatever, a parliamen- 
 tary reform was loudly called for.i> In son^e places, delegates the roost, 
 respectable for rank and talents were ap^inted to consider a subject of si^oh 
 magnitude; and Mr. William Pitt, then first advancing to public notice, with 
 every aid that a splendid name, and splendid abilities could give tojiim* s^m^» 
 as a Statesman, to assume to himself the almost exclusive gutardiansh^p ipf this 
 favoured measure, and to render such an illusjtrious, and necessary tutelage, the 
 best foundation of hisr own fame, and a more exalted state of pubtic prosperity. 
 
 If England had reason to complain of die inadequacy or inequality of its 
 representation in the House of Commons, the people of Ireland had, at least, 
 as much cause to find fault with their's ; and had the subject been confined to 
 county and city meetings, or occasional assemblies of delegates, unexception- 
 ably convened, no questipn could have arisen as to the propriety, afid perhaps, 
 real utility, of such discussions. Petitions, the result of those meetiriffs, might 
 have been duly laid before Parliament ; and though iminediate success, or any 
 thing like it, could not be looked for, the attention of the House of G)mmon8 
 to the original and simple proposition of a parliamentary reform^ would not. 
 have been diverted to ni^^fers of an extraneous nature, and totally fiostile to the 
 Cduse with which they so improperly, intermingled themselves. What' was the 
 case at the present moment ? The voice of England in favour of a reform was 
 re-echoed here, not by the people, constitutionally speaking,^ but by the Volun- 
 teer army, issuing indeed from the people, yet still a military body, numerous 
 and formidable. Parliament had, as Mr. Grattan justly stated, not bullied, but 
 backed by them, overthrown the jurisdiction of another Parliament, and now, 
 however well-intentioned the Volunteer army, in general undoubtedly was, it is 
 but too certain that many who belonged to it wished, riot to moiiify, not to 
 meUorate, but at once overse^ the popular branch of their own legislature, 
 without whose regular, though slow co-dperation, ihey couJd'liave obtained 
 
25S MEMOIRS OF JAMES, . : 
 
 nothing; for all the respectability, rank, property, arid- sober intelleet of the 
 country would have opposed them, and England, though crippled at that time 
 by the war, was not laid prostrate. . 
 
 The slightest collisioni however^ of that nature, every good man in both 
 countries would justly have shuddered at.. But the kjndom was now much 
 agitated. A provincial meeting had nlet at Cork On, the 1st of March, 1783, 
 and entered into various resolutions in lavoor of reform. On the 24th of July 
 following, whilst Lord Charlemont was . on a .visit at Lurgan, to his friejfid 
 Mr. Bro^nlow, he received the annexi^d letter from the committee of cor- 
 respondence appointed by the delegates of forty-five Volunteer corps assembled 
 at Lisbum^, on the 1st of July, 1783, which committee met at Belfast on the 
 igth of the same month. It was this committee which corresponded with the 
 Duke Qf Richmond, Mr. Pitt, and. other promoters of reform.* .: 
 
 . Belfast, July 19th, 1783. 
 
 My Lobd, 
 The very glorious and effectual part your Lbrdshiplias taken in the emanci- 
 pation oT this kingdom, naturally leads the Voluntieers of the north of Ireland 
 to look up to your IJiOrdship, for a decided Support in favour of a reform, which 
 your Lordship has already declared meets your warmest approbation.— To a 
 nobleman so well acquainted with the ruinous fetate of the representation of 
 Ireland' in us to aim 'at conveying information were superfluous and unneces- 
 sary. The day fixed, for the Dungannon meeting being very near,' viz. the 8th 
 of September, next, and. our day/ of ' meeting, aS a committee for arranging 
 the information w^ s|hal I receive, being the 20th of August, we humbly hope 
 your Lordship will favour uS before the Jatter diate, with your sentiments at large 
 
 pn!tln>is ,su6ifect, .pointihe out such^ a specific mode of reform^ arid 'th6 most 
 
 ^^y-J^i^^^^yy^^^-i^^y'^-.^''^'^^. y Til. , 1 -. ,;^ 
 
 eligiDie steps leading to it, as come up. to your Lordship's idei^.— We 
 
 havfi yet another favoyr to request, viz. that your Lordship would infoi'm 
 
 u9, whether shorjtening^hj^ duration of Parliaments, exclusion of pensioners; 
 
 limitiDff the numter, of placemen, and a tax on absentees, or any of them, 
 
 ))e ■\i\ , your , ]pQrdship's ,9pinion subjects in which the Volunteers of Ireland 
 
 ought "to interfere ;-^and* we more earnestly entreat, that your Lordship 
 
 may fevour us with a sketch ©f such resolutions, as your Lordship would 
 
 * Charlemoht papers. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONr. 25§ 
 
 thmk proper to be proposed at Dungannon. — ^Your Lordship will be so good to 
 address your r^ly to our chairman, at Xisburne* ' ' ^i • . ^ 
 
 . i ,. -/h oi .^ .0 : Signed by order, &c. ': 
 
 This letter made a deep impression on Lord .<?hftrlemont. ; It was to hira a 
 •sufficient indication of what I have already stated, that there were some leaders 
 of the Volunteers, determined npt<^:liinit their operations to a parliamentary 
 reform^ but to yisit,^^:regnlate, perhaps con trpuli^yery department in the state. 
 The points alluded to in thpir letter met hjs approbation, the tax. on absentees 
 excepted. The principal object, a parliamentary jceform, wouW,, he was afraid, 
 be crushed to nothing, amid such a. Qrpwdpf cneasures with which they proposed 
 to accompany it. Altogether the business did'npt seem to him to wear the most 
 propitious aspect. Something however was to be done, and he immediately 
 wrote the following letter. Perh^s few men had ever a more delicate and 
 difficult part to act than Lord Charlemont, not only at the present juncture, 
 bui throughout the whole of this momentous business. 
 
 • ' r , Lurgan, July 24th, 1783. 
 
 Gentlemen, 
 Please to accept my most sincere acknowledgments for your kind, though 
 1 fear, too partial expressions, as well as for the honour ypu have done me, in 
 applying to me for advice on a matter so justly interesting to you, and so very 
 important to this nation. But while I thank you for your kindness towards me, I 
 •cannot avoid perceiving that your partiality has induced you greatly to over- rate 
 my abilities, which are far unequal to the task you have assigned me. A reform 
 in the representation of Ireland is a measure which most certainly meets with 
 my warmest ^approbation, and you may 'he assured that I shall co-operate with 
 every sincere lover of his country, towards the attainment of that desirable 
 object ; but to point out a specific mode, is a matter of so difficult a nature, that 
 I should esteem myself presumptupys, if I should attempt it, — certain as I am, 
 that it will require the united efforts, and the most ddiberate consideration of 
 the wisest men in this kingdom, to produce such a plan, as may be deemed 
 unexceptionable. The pain, however, which 1 must at all times feel from being 
 compelled to refuse my immediate compliance with any request of your's, is in 
 the present instance sbihewhiit 'a^eviated, by my being clearly of opinion. 
 
 Lis, 
 
260 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 that it is not now necessary that such mode should be pointed out to you ; and 
 Bince you have been pleased to ask my advice, permit me; as a sincere friend to 
 the object of oiir mutual wishes, to advise, that, at the Dungannon meeting, the 
 measure alone should be recommended, without specifying any mode whatsoever ; 
 which last consideration Ought, according to the best of my judgment^ to be 
 left entirely to the mature deliberation of your Parliament, and particularly of 
 those representatives whom you are now about to chuse. 
 
 Respecting the other points Upon which you desire my judgment, they are 
 all of them important, and of nice discussion ; but I will abstain from entering 
 into them for this plain reason, that I would heartily recommend it to you, to 
 confine yourselves to the one great measure only, which, when once carried into 
 execution, will infallibly secure all benefits of inferior magnitude. 
 'I have the honour to be, 
 
 ' Gentlemex, 
 
 '' Your most obedient, and most faithful Servant, 
 
 Charlemont. 
 
 The meeting at Dungannon was held on the day appointed, consisting of 
 delegates from 269 military corps. Mr. James Stewart, member for the county 
 of Tyrone, Lord CharIemont*s particular and valued friend, was called to the 
 chair. Lord Bristol, (Bishop of Derry) was also present. Many resolutions 
 were entered into ; but the principal one was, *' That a committee of five 
 persons from each county be chosen by ballot, to represent this province, 
 (Ulster) in a grand national convention, to be held at noon, in the Royal 
 Exchange of Dublin, on the 10th of November next, to which we trust eaph of 
 the other provinces will send delegates to digest, and publish, a plan of parlia- 
 mentary reform, to pursue such measures as may appear to them most likely to 
 render it effectual, to adjourn from time to time, and convene provincial 
 meetings, if found necessary. 
 
 An address to the Volunteers of Munster, Connaught, and Leinster, 
 accompanied this resolution, fraught with the loftiest sentiments in favour of 
 liberty, alluding to the events of last year, merely as an incitement to go further, 
 and pouring itself forth in that diffuse and impassioned eloquence, always 
 imposing on men of warm tempers, on subjects with which they are 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 261 
 
 little conversant, and exactly adapted to the ardent and precipitant master- 
 spirits of that agitated period. Several subordinate resolutions were entered 
 into. A proposition relative to the concession of the dective franchise to 
 the Roman Catholics was brought forward; ^ell intentioned, perhaps, but 
 indiscreet, for though that measure was most wisely, (as 1 shall ever think) adopted 
 by Parliament, ten years afterwards, it not only would not havfi met 
 support from the Protestant part of the community in 1783, but any warm 
 efibrts in its favour must have only added to that fiame, which already began 
 to blaze with too great violence. Lord Charlemont's friends took the lead in. the 
 rejection of this proposition. It clearly indicates the limited space in which^tbe 
 convention moved. But more of this hereafter. 
 
 An extract from a letter of Mr. Burke to Lord Charlemont, though it does 
 not allude to the convention, shows in some respect the sentiments of the minis- 
 ters with whom he was connected, towards Irelandjust at this time. **I see with 
 
 concern that there are some remains of ferment in Ireland, though, I ithink, we 
 have poured in to assuage it, almost all the oil in our stores. To my jastonish- 
 ment, I hear, that the very throwing out of a bill, in a common parliamentary 
 form, because the renewal of it, by the carelessness of the bringer in, militated 
 with the late ample grants to you in the colony trade, has been matter of offence 
 to some people. On this it is impossible to say any thing. I am sorry for it. 
 Ireland is an independent kingdom to all intents and purposes. But there are 
 circumstances in the situation of all countries, that no claims made, or allowed, 
 can alter. We cannot reclaim, and I really believe, no creature here wishes to 
 reclaim, one iota of the concessions made. But you are too near us, not to be 
 aflfected, more or less, with the state of things here. If you quarrel with the 
 present ministry, it will embarrass them undoubtedly ; but then you nray have 
 those who do not wish so sincerely for making the prosperity of Ireland. a very 
 principal part of the bond of union between us. Instead of treaty, to begin with 
 quarrel, about what may be thought fit to ask, is hardly the usage, even of those 
 who are supposed in a sort of natural state of enmity. But I go beyond my 
 mark. A little anxiety for the public in a very critical state, has induced me 
 to exceed the limits prescribed to one who has little natural weight, and no 
 official duty, that calls him to this particular affair, unless it becomes matter, of 
 parliamentary discussion. 
 
 »» 
 
Ii62 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 As the time for the meeting of the convention now drew near, the Lord 
 Lieutenant and the Government were, and with reason, not at all at their ease, 
 but most wisely forbore any hostility. Indeed, any thing of that sort would then 
 have been as inefficacious on their part, as the efforts of some of the best friends 
 of the Volunteers were unavailing in checking their progress. Many of the 
 delegates, however, who were chosen, in a good measure soothed the fears of 
 Government. Lord Charlemont, Mr. Brownlow, and three other gentlemen of 
 rank and consequence, were appointed from Armagh. Mr. Stewart, from 
 Tyrone. Several of known loyalty, and inimical to all anarchy, were nominated. 
 Others indeed, of very dissimilar principles, procured seats in the convention. 
 The county of Derry appointed four respectable members, with whom they 
 associated their fiishop, Frederick, Earl of Bristol. If this work should chance 
 to survive the present day, those who come after us may not be incurious to 
 learn something, however slight, of that singular man. He was the son of 
 Lord Hervey, so generally, but so imperfectly known, by the malign antithesis, 
 and epigrammatic lines of Pope. His mother. Lady Hervey, was also the 
 subject of that poet's muse ; but his muse when playful, and in good humour. 
 Two noblemen of very distinguished talents, the Earls of Chesterfield and 
 Bath, have also celebrated her in a most witty and popular ballad.* Lord 
 Bristol was a man of considerable parts, but far more brilliant than solid. His 
 family was indeed famous for talents, equally so for eccentricity ; and the eccen- 
 tricity of the whole race shone out, and seemed to be concentrated in him. In 
 one respect, he was not unlike Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, " Every thing 
 by starts, and nothing long." Generous, but uncertain ; splendid, but fantastical ; 
 an admirer of the fine arts, without any just selection, engaging, often licentious 
 in conversation ; extremely polite, extremely violent ; — it is indubitably true, 
 that amidst all his erratic course, his bounty was not seldom directed to the 
 most proper and deserving objects. His distribution of church livings, 
 chiefly, as I have been informed, among the older and respectable clergy in his 
 own diocese, must always be mentioned with that warm approbation which it is 
 justly entitled to. It is said, (how truly I know not) that he had applied for 
 the Bishopric of Durham, afterwards for the Lieutenancy of Ireland ; was refused 
 
 * See the versci on MoUy Lepel. Lady Hervey was the daughter of General Lepel. 
 
EARL OP CHAKLEMONT. 263 
 
 both, and, hinc ilia laa^ma, hence his opposition. But the inequality, the 
 irregular flow of hi^mind, at every period of his life, sufficiently illustrate his 
 conduct, at this peculiar and momentous period. — Such, however, wa» this 
 illustrious prelate, who, notwithstanding he scarcely ever attended Parliament, 
 and spent most of his time in Italy, was now called upon to correct the abuses 
 of Parliament, and direct the vessel of state in that course, where statesmen of 
 the most experience, and persons of the calmest judgment, have had the 
 misfortune totally to fail. — His progress from his diocese to the Metropolis, and 
 his entrance into it, were perfectly correspondent to the rest of his conduct. 
 Through every town on the road he seemed to court, and was received, with all 
 warlike honours ; and I remember seeing him pass by the Parliament House in 
 Dublin, (Lords and Commons were then both sitting) escorted by a body of 
 dragoons, full of spirits and talk, apparently enjoying the eager gaze of the 
 surrounding multitude, and displaying altogether, the self complacency of a 
 favourite Marshal of France, on his way to Versailles, rather than the grave 
 deportment of a Prelate of the church of England. 
 
 The convention met in Dublin, at the Royal Exchange, when, as prcr 
 paratory to every thing else, they chose Lord Charlemont their President. 
 *'The same reason/' says his Lordship,* " which had induced me to accept the 
 nomination from Armagh, and to persuade many moderate friends of mine, much 
 against their wishes, to suffer themselves to be delegated, namely, that there 
 should be in the assembly, a strength of prudent men sufficient, by withstanding 
 or preventing violence, to secure moderate measures, induced me now to 
 accept the troublesome and dangerous office of President, which was unani- 
 mously voted to me. Another reason also concurred to prevent my refusal. 
 The Bishop of Derry had, I knew, done all in his power to be elected to tliat 
 office, and I feared that, if I should refuse, the choice might fall on him, which 
 would indeed have been fatal to the public repose." The delegates being very 
 numerous, the place of meeting was altered from the Exchange, the rooms of 
 which were too small, to the Rotunda, in Rutland- Square. Lord Charlemont, as 
 President,' led the way, accompanied by a squadron of horse ; then followed the 
 
 * Charlemoot papers^ memorandums^ &c. 
 
264 MEMOIRS OP JAMES, 
 
 delegates, who walked two and two, and formeii a procession altogether as 
 novel as imposing. 
 
 The convention now sat in form, and presented, according to Lord Charle- 
 mont, " a numerous, and truly respectable body of gentlemen. For, though 
 some of a lower class had been delegated, by far the majority were men of rank 
 and fortune, and many of them Members of Parliament, Lords, and Com- 
 moners ; a circumstance which may be in some degree attributed to my 
 endeavours. For, though I never cordially approved of the meeting, yet, as I 
 found it impossible to withstand the general impulse towards it, and, as for 
 reasons already assigned, I did ilot chuse to exert myself against it, especially as 
 there was cause to fear my exertions would be fruitless, and if so, might prevent 
 my being useful towards moderating and guiding those measures which I could 
 not with efficacy oppose, and directing that torrent which might otherwise have 
 swept down all before it, I had, upon mature consideration, determined that to 
 render the assembly as respectable as possible, was the next best mode to the 
 entire prevention of it ; and this, not only for the sake of public tranquillity, 
 but the measure also which it meant to forward."* 
 
 Such were the well-meant efforts of Lord Charlemont. But when the 
 convention proceeded to business, it was soon found, that his moderation and 
 good sense, aided by the most respectable in that convention, would too often 
 prove altogether inefficient. Though Mr. Brownlow, a wise man, and carrying 
 with him that authority which wisdom and integrity, supported by large posses- 
 sions, will very generally command, was chairman of the committee, into 
 which the convention resolved itself; though other gentlemen, the most 
 respectable, formed the sub-committee, whose business it was to receive plans of 
 reform, the violent, untutored, and unprincipled, sometimes prevailed, and 
 carried resolutions, totally contrary to the wishes of the President, or Chairman. 
 
 A singular scene was soon displayed, and yet, such a scene as any one, 
 who considered the almost unvarying disposition of an assembly of that nature, 
 and the particular object for which it was convened, might justly have expected. 
 From every quarter, and from every speculatist, great clerks, or no clerks at all, 
 
 * Minutes of the conventioo, meraoraDdumSj &c. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 265 
 
 was poured in such a multiplicity of plans of reform, some of them ingenious, 
 some which bespoke an exercised and rational mind^ but, in general, as I have 
 been well assured, so utterly impracticable, "So rugged and so wild in their 
 attire,*' they looked not like *^ the offspring of inhabitants of the earth, and 
 yet were on it ;" that language would sink in pourtraying this motley band of 
 incongruous fencies, of mis-shapen theories, valuable only if inefficient, 
 or execrable, if efficacious. All this daily issued from presumptuous 
 empirics, or the vainly busy minds of some political philanthropists, whom 
 the good breeding alone of their countrymen permitted to be regarded as not 
 totally out of their senses. The committee shewed a perseverance almost 
 marveltbus, but the murky conceits, and solemn vanities of such pretenders, 
 would have put even the patience of the man of Uz to flight. At last, after 
 being for several days bewildered in this palpable obscure of politics, and more 
 and more theories flitting round the heads of the unfortunate committee, that 
 which must for ever take place on such occasions, took place here. A dictator 
 was appointed, not indeed in name, but substance. The Bishop of Derry 
 moved, that Mr. Henry Flood, who had not been one of the committee, should 
 be nominated, as an assessor, or joint member. And here was displayed the 
 potency of oratorical talents in such a body of men, and the justice of Lord 
 Bolingbroke*s observation, that the House of Commons, or in short, any 
 assembly partaking of the nature of the House of Commons, is like a pack of 
 hounds. They will always follow the man who shews them most game. So 
 rapid and decisive Was the superiority which Flood obtained, that, without his 
 concurrence, nothing was approved of The Bishop now, as has been often 
 experienced, found himself undone by his auxiliary. All his hopes of pre- 
 eminence in the convention, and elsewhere, rested on his ill-timed support of 
 the elective franchise, as a measure then, and at oncCi to be conceded to the 
 Catholics. The grossest adulation would blush to say, that this support arose 
 from superior discernment, or superior benevolence. His family had always 
 cultivated Whig principles, and however the necessity of " The descendants of 
 the Princess Sophia being Protestants," might have formed an article of his 
 political creed, as well as that of his predecessor's, yet, when we consider his 
 volatility, his long residence on the Banks of the Tiber, and general society 
 there, we may justly conclude that, at any period of our history, Tros^ Tj/riusve, 
 Catholic or Protestant Electors, or Statesmen, would have been objects of the 
 
 M m 
 
^66 * MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 most entire indifference to him. They, in truth, were so, and his propositions, 
 as to the Catholics, though dignified by his adherents, with the terms of highly 
 philosophical, were resisted by Flood, with that gentleman's usual sucoess. This 
 rejection of the Catholic, brought forward various plans of reform in fevour of 
 the Protestants, or the electors as they then stood. Flood's angry frown, and 
 angry comments, exiled them all. Adieu to all the theories, phlegmatic or 
 airy, of the learned and the unlearned ! They were no more heard of. At 
 last, Mr. Flood produced his own plan for new modelling the House of 
 Commons. It was unanimously adopted by the inferior^ and then submitted to 
 the grand committee, as it was called. A long debate arose. The difficulties 
 under which the assembly laboured in this great work of legislation, were now 
 apparent. Flood's plan, notwithstanding all his subtle interpretations and com- 
 ments, was, on sober investigation, found not much superior to many which 
 preceded it. Nay, there were some who, like Dangle in the play, thought 
 that the interpreter was the hardest to be understood of any of his coadjutors. 
 But, with all his plan's acknowledged imperfections, it was submitted to, as the 
 best that could be patronized without putting the assembly to the blush, and, 
 indeed, the state itself to the most imminent hazard. 
 
 A short scene was now acted, and, according to all the rules of criticism, in 
 perfect unison with the former. Two or three Lords and Gentlemen ; who possess- 
 ed borough property, declared in the Convention, that any proper plan of reform 
 should meet no obstacle from such possessions remaining in their hands. They 
 would willingly relinquish them for the benefit of the people. Immediately after 
 those gentlemen, who at that moment of enthusiasm were, I make no doubt, 
 perfectly serious in what they said, and were capableof very generous derelictions, 
 uprose several patriotic personages, and professing equal ardour in the public 
 cause, made similar renunciations. Unfortunately, however, their pretensions to 
 this invidious species of property were by no means so unequivocah Some of 
 those boroughs which they were pleased to call exclusively their own, presented 
 only very debateable ground, and were in general known to those gentlemen, 
 merely by the long sufferings which they sustained for even a dubious and 
 transitory interest in them. To abandon such boroughs altogether would, at 
 any time, be consummate prudence. To immolate a set of voters, periodically 
 cormpt, or law agents perpetually rapacious, would be most laudable, if a 
 convention or reform had never been heard of. ** Upon such sacrifices, the Gods 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT, a67 
 
 themselves, would,** I think, •* throw incense ;" could they have really been made. 
 Yet, with no other offerings to lay on the altar of public freedom, than what 
 might justly be termed their own personal embarrassments, and molestations, did 
 those gentlemen rise, one after the other, and, with the most untired gravity, 
 nobly bestow on the people their untenable claims, and unsound interests. 
 But they seemed resolved, on that day, that every proceeding in the Convention 
 should be almost ideal, and visionary plans of reform were followed by imaginary 
 proscriptions of family electors. 
 
 • Those shadows having passed over the scene in very sdeoin and ridiculous 
 order, the eyes of the spectators were at length tired of siicb mock-heroic 
 visions, and all turned towards Lord Charlemont. An enemy to ostenution, 
 and always averse to public speaking, he had hitherto remained silent. But he 
 found it necessary now to say something. " My determination," said his Lord- 
 ship, ** to sacrifice to the public that borough, which I have ever held in trust 
 for the people, was, I thought, sufficiently declared, by my acceptance of a seat 
 at this meeting. That trust I have at all times endeavoured to execute to the 
 public advantage ; and I can assure this assembly, that I have never felt so much 
 real satisfaction in the exercise of those powers, which, as a trustee for the 
 people, have been confided to me, as I now do, in resigning them.*' The 
 convention, and, indeed, all his auditory, were to the utmost gratified by this 
 declaration, and applauded it as the language of sincerity and true patriotism. — 
 Flood's plan of reform having now passed the ordeal of the two committees, was 
 finally reported to the convention, where the Bishop of Derry again brought 
 forward his proposal in favour of the Catholics, and was supported by several of 
 the delegates. Lord Charlemont and his friends opposed him strenuously, and 
 again left him in a minority. The point was warmly discussed. These repeated 
 differences did not contribute much to the establishment of any cordial amity 
 between the noble Prelate and the Earl. The former, one day whilst the 
 Convention was employed on something unimportant, ventured to hint to Lord 
 Charlemont, as they sat for some minutes apart together, " That his conduct was 
 by no means generally approved of,** (alluding, it is presumed, to the Catholic 
 business,) " and that he was considered as rather lukewarm in fiivour of a 
 reform.*' To this suggestion Lord Charlemont replied, as may be imagined, 
 with some warmth. A short, and somewhat unpleasant conversation took plaoe^ 
 
 urn 2 
 
268 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 not at all necessary now to detail, but which closed with these words of Lord 
 Charlemont. *' The difference which I make between the present and the 
 former objects of our exertions is this : Whilst Ireland was in effect subject to 
 a foreign legislature, there were no lengths I would not have gone to rescue her 
 from a state, which I considered as positive slavery. To that point I had pledged 
 my life and fortune, and towards the attainment of it, I would willingly and 
 cheerfully have hazarded not only them, but what was, and still is more dear to 
 me, and far more important, the peace of my country. Our present object I 
 esteem great, .and of high importance, and to obtain it, will do every thing not 
 inconsistent with the public peace. But I will go no further. Make what use 
 of this you please." The Convention proceeded to business, and the Bishop 
 withdrew. 
 
 After three weeks sitting, the labours of the Convention seemed to draw 
 towards an end. Lord Charlemont's health had suffered much from so close a 
 confinement, and he looked with pleasure to the moment, when he could resume 
 his daily exercise, and literary occupations. That moment did not arrive as 
 soon as he expected. The commencement of the Convention was inauspicious, 
 but the conclusion was agitating and eventful beyond any period in its history. — 
 It is not to be forgotten, that Parliament had met the end of October, and was 
 at this time actually sitting. To the astonishment of Lord Charlemont, Flood 
 arose in the Convention, about four o'clock in the afternoon of Saturday, 
 November 29th, and proposed, that he, accompanied by such Members of 
 Parliament, as were then present, should immediately go down to the House of 
 Commons, and move for leave to bring in a .bill, exactly correspondent in every 
 respect, to the plan of reform which he had submitted to, and was approved of 
 by, the Convention. To this proposition he added another, " That the conven- 
 tion should not adjourn till the faite of his motion was ascertained." A more 
 complete designation, and avowal of a deliberative assembly, coexisting with 
 Lords and Commons, and, apparently, of co-extensive authority, could scarcely 
 be made. It was, in truth, like bringing up a bill from the Bar of one House % 
 of Parliament to that of another. Both motions were acceded to. The impro-^ 
 priety, the imprudence of such a step, was deeply felt by Lord Charlemont. 
 That the gentlemen who adopted Mr. Flood's proposition did not SQ6 it in this 
 light, or seeing its real complexion, did not abandon it, may be partly attribut^4 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. QJ^ 
 
 to the ascendancy which Flood had> at this time, pbtaijned over, ippst of theiD, 
 as well as to that extreme ardour, which, pursuing a, (ayoiired object, pverloqk^ 
 or contemns all obstacles. XiOrd Charlemont had received a hint pf this extraor- 
 dinary moveiwent from Flood, but itj was no more: than a, hii)ti and on his 
 remoftstratiog against it, that geotleroai^ seemed tq have abandoned ^t,. Nor 
 wpuid he.perhapsrhave brought it forward a|:^^a^, qertainl)[ not then, had he not 
 been :impelled; -by particular personal motives, j, His great ambition was to ta^pe- 
 the k^ in this business of reform;, and a^ heat that time looked to a seat in 
 the British^ House of Commons, (which he soon after obtained,) his views 
 wOtld^.fas he imagined, be most powerfully aidjpd by.ljv^splep4'd;f?ierjjipns ^nthe 
 C6nvention,'a»wdU as the Irish, Pa^l^m^tiSmd^en^e him tp; aspire tp si^p^ior^ 
 rank and authority among the Reformists ia England^ ^s w^ll as, those of Ireland. 
 The, time however pressed, and he was pbliged to go -to London in a very few 
 days. .; Tocdinqiliish the honour of moving the question of fqform to apy one, 
 he <:oiild not :jdiink. iof, and tjae eagerness of som? delegates, oo-operating 
 with his own personal convenience, hejliurried it ipto the. House of Commons. 
 Thus is there a secret history in all public transaction^, and, that history not 
 always the most brilliant. . r . '..':/-,:■,'' 
 
 i'liii Parliament now became the theatre of popular exertion. ; Whoever was 
 pre8ent;in the Houserof Commons on the night of the, 29th of November 178^, 
 cannot ' >easily forget what passed there. I do not use any ^dispropo^iohate 
 language, iwhcB' I 1 say, that the; scene was almost terrific. Several of the 
 minority, and all the delegates* who had come from the Convention, were in 
 uniforms, and bore the aspect of stern hostility. On the other hand, admi- 
 nistration being supported on;thi5 occasion by many independent gentlemen, and 
 having at their head veiy able men, puch. as ^r. Yelverton,* and Mr. P^ly> 
 presented, a body of strength not always sieen in the ministerial rank^, Igol^ed 
 defiance to their opponents, and indeed seemed almost unassailable. They stpod 
 certainly on most advantageous ground, .and that ground given to them ,by their 
 adversaries. Mr. Fk>od, flushed with his recent triuqnp^s in a|^otJier place, and, 
 enjoying the lofty situation which his ^biUti^ always placed him in, fearlessly 
 led oa the attack. ; Mr. Yelverton answered him with great animation, great 
 strength of argument, and concluded with a generous, dignified appeal to the 
 
 •«n \ 
 
 ' ■ ' . • , ■ \ \' ■■ . -■.... 
 
 r * Afterwards Lord Avonn^ore., and.Cbief Baron of the Exchequer.' ' 
 
lyo MfeMOlRS OP JAMES, 
 
 Volunteers, whom he applauded for every part of their conduct, the preseivt 
 atdne excepted. Some speeches followed in a similar tone, but the minds of 
 men soon became too heated to permit any regular debate whatever. — It was 
 u)proar, it was blamour. Violent menace, and furious recriminatioa ! if ever a 
 ptfpiilar assembly "^ore the appearance of 'a wild and tumultuous tx:ean, it was 
 oH this occasion ; at certain, and those v^y short, intervals, there was something 
 iB^b 'a calm, when the dignity of Parliatnent, the necessity of supporting the 
 Constitution, and danger of any military assembly, were feelingly and justly 
 exp£ltiated on. The sad state of the representation was, with equal truth, 
 depicted dh' the bth'er side. A dehial of volunteer interference, and the 
 necysiity of amending the re!presentation, whether Volunteers existed or not, 
 was, in the first instance, made with very imperfect sincerity, and in the latter, 
 with genuine candour. To this again succeeded tumtllt and confusion, mingled 
 with the sad and angry voices of many who, allied to boroughs, railed at the 
 Volunteers, like slaves, not gentlemen, and pretended to uphold the Conititutioiiy 
 whilst they were, in truth appalled at the light, that now began, as their terror 
 suggested, to pervade their ancient and ambiguous property. But the impru- 
 dence of the Volunteers was of more service to such men than all their 
 array of servile hostility ; on that night, at least, it proved their best safeguard, 
 and placed them not within the shadowy, uncertain confines of a depopulated 
 borough, where they could find no safety, but under the walls of the Constitu- 
 tion itself. The tempest, (for towards morning debate there was almost none) 
 at last ceased ; the question was put, and carried, of course, in favour of 
 government, their numbers ISQ, those of the opposition, 77. This was 
 followed, and wisely too, by a resolution, " declaratory of the fixed determina- 
 tion of the House to maintain its privileges and just rights against any 
 encroachraents whatever ; and that it was then indispensably necessary to make 
 such a declaration." An Address to be carried up to the Throne, as the joint 
 Address of Lords and Commons, was then moved for, in which, after expressing 
 their perfect satbfaction in his Majesty's government, they declared their 
 determined resolution to support that Government, and the Constitution, with 
 their lives and fortunes. This Address was carried to the Lords, and imme- 
 diately agreed to. 
 
 We must now^ back to the Convention. — After sitting two hours, or 
 more, and receiving no intelligence fi^om Mr. Plood, Lord Charlemont, sus- 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. Jl/l 
 
 pecting that which had now taken place, and dreading least the delegates, who, 
 to make use of his own phrase, had put themselves clearly in the wrong, might 
 plunge still deeper in error, if they continued, at that time, to sit any 
 longer, prevailed on them to adjourn to the Monday following. All bis 
 address was required to carry this point, and no other person would, at that 
 time, have, perhaps, succeeded. The next day (Sunday) there was a large 
 meeting at Charlemont House, of his particular friends, who unanimously 
 agreed, that the public peace should be the first object of their attention. 
 Messages were received from several delegates, of^whom Lord Charlemont had 
 scarcely any personal knowledge, that they were reac^ y to follow him in any 
 measure h^ should propose. On Monday morjning he took the chair at ao earlier 
 hour than usual, at the Convention. — A gloomy, sidlen taciturnity prevailed for 
 some time ; at length a delegate aros^, and l)egan to inveigh against the House 
 of Commons. This was exactly what Lord Charlemont expeqted, ai^4* &t all 
 hazards, resolved to put an end to. He immediately aros^ called th^, delegate 
 to order, and said, " That one of the wisest usages in Parliament was, never 
 to take notice in one House of what was said in another. The observance of 
 such a rule, he then begged particularly to recommend to the Convention.** 
 The propriety of this speech was instantaneously felt; and, though ^many subse- 
 quent efforts were made, tending )tP misrule and anarchy, such was the respect 
 paid to Lord Charlemont, that the utmost tranquillity prevailed. To insure 
 that tranquillity, it was absolutely necessary to convince the delegates, that, not- 
 withstanding what had passed in Parliament, the original object of their 
 meeting should in no wise be departed from, and, that a Parliamentary Reform 
 should be as sedulously attended to, though in a different form, as it had been 
 before. Lord Charlemont s plan, at the original meeting of the Convention, 
 was, to prevent the most remote intercourse between Parliament apd that 
 Assembly. That the delegates, the Convention being previously dissolved, 
 should lay the scheme of reform, which seemed to be most approved o( before 
 their county meetings, regularly, convened ; and if that, or any other scheme, 
 should be particularly regarded, then,, to recommend such ipeasure to their 
 representatives, and petition Parliament on the subject. This plan ^ect^Xy 
 guarded against any direct conflict, at least, between Parliament and .the Cpn- 
 vention ; and though, in fact, its military origin could not be altogether denied 
 
372 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 if the scheme of that Assembly wks a/on* proposed, yet it Was s6 soon to be 
 clothed in the garb of the Constitution alone, by being laid before the people, and 
 by them again, through the metlium of their repriesentatives, before Parliament, 
 that it was almost above exception, and perhaps the best that, in such a peculiar 
 situation as matters then stood, 'could be devised." Biit Flood's genius, as we 
 have isee'n, prevailed. On the present day'of meeting, it was absolutely incum- 
 bent not to suffer the Convention to depart without keeping some plan of 
 reform still before their eyes • without this,' ihe delegates would not have been 
 pacified, nor indeed could it ^be expected. The following resolutions were, 
 therefore, proposed, and most warmly and unanimously adopted : 
 
 Resblvecl unanimously. — Ithat it is tlighfy nefcessary for' the delegates of 
 counties, cities, and towns, in conjunction with the other freeholders of their 
 several counties, to fofWard the plan of reform agreed to by this Convention, 
 by eofnvening county meetings, or whatever other constitutional mode they may 
 find tAost expedient; and that they not only instruct their' representatives to 
 Support the same in Parliament, but also re<^uest the' tnembers of the several 
 cities, towns, boroughs, and manors, within their county, to aid in carrying the 
 same into effect. . . - 
 
 Resolved unanimously,- — ^That the necessity of a Parliamentary Reform is 
 manifest, arid that we do exhort the nation, by every constitutional effort, to 
 effectuate such Reform. 
 
 But the business did not close here. — To the severe, yet gentlemanlike 
 reprehension, which many respectable meniibers of the House of Commons 
 considered themselves as justified by the occasion to use towards the Volunteers, 
 had bteti added many, and most intemperate, expressions against them by 
 others,' not the wisest or best part of the House. An Address to th^ King was, 
 therefore, resolved on; a protestatioh of their loyalty to their Sovereign, and 
 attachment to Great Britain, being ' regarded as the most dignified replication 
 that^ could be made. The Address was conceived in very dutiful terms, and 
 concluded with these words :—"• And to implore your Majesty, that our 
 humble wish to have certain manifest perversions of the Parliamentary Repre- 
 sentation of this Kingdom remedied by the Legislature in some reasonable 
 degreei^niay n6t be imputed to any spirit of innovation in us, but to a sober and 
 laudable^^ desire to uphold the Constitution, to confirm the satisfaction of our 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 273 
 
 fellow subjects, and to perpetuate the cordial union of both kingdoms." 
 Lord Charlemont folly aware of the evil consequences that might ensue from 
 the continuance of such an assembly in the Metropolis, under the circum- 
 stances it was now placed, most wisely insisted, that no other business 
 
 should be proceeded on, and the Convention finally adjourned. Thus closed 
 
 this celebrated meeting, which there is every reason to wish had never been 
 convened. To deviate from candour, would ill accord with the venerable name 
 which can alone, perhaps, give any thing like permanency to these memoirs, 
 and an adherence to truth, is the great duty of any historian, to which all 
 otlier considerations must necessarily yield. From the personal characters 
 of the leading delegates, nothing dangerous to the state was^to be appre- 
 hended. But the very reasons which most of them assigned for accepting 
 such a situation, proved, more than any thing else could, the irregularity and 
 impropriety of the meeting. They consented to be chosen, in order to 
 prevent mischief. What could any rational man expect from an assembly 
 which, in its very formation, carried with it the seeds of civil confusion ? 
 Happily for Ireland, Lord Charlemont, and men like him, prevented such 
 seeds from coming to maturity. Yet, with all their influence, they were, in 
 some instances, obliged to give way. To put a stop originally to any Con- 
 vention whatever, was beyond their power. The increase, the success of 
 the volunteers, stimulated them to pass the line of sound discretion, and they 
 would have formed a Convention, though their loved General had openly 
 declared himself totally inimical to it. Many acted, unquestionably, from 
 the purest motives ; others from perfect good wishes to the state, mingled 
 with no small attention to their own family interests ; and the volunteers, 
 in one particular district, were brought forward, unknowingly, to aid those 
 interests and the common cause at the same time. They were called forth, 
 too, at this particular period, because those who knew them best, were 
 perfectly sensible that their intervention would otherwise be too late, or that 
 they could not be collected at all ; the institution being, in that district, and 
 some other places, even then rather on the decline. This may surprize many 
 readers, but the fact was indubitably so. There were also some who entered 
 into the Convention, for the purposes of mischief. The popular interest 
 altogether predominated, and when the Convention sat, the mass of the 
 
 jr n 
 
274 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 delegates acted as assemblies, merely popular, ever will act. They 
 wandered over a multiplicity of objects, sometimes as reason, sometimes 
 as caprice dictated ; liberal in sentiment, arbitrary in conduct, till a man 
 of superior abilities (Flood) arose, and for a time ruled them with 
 absolute sway. So closely do the confines of multitudinous and personal 
 despotism touch each other, and so certain is it that, when the people 
 seem to govern with almost uncontrolled authority, do they most approxi- 
 mate to the solitary rule of an individual. How did this assembly act ? 
 At its very onset it claimed an authority not at all inferior to that of 
 the Legislature, (the common phrase was, that the Convention was the 
 true Parliament,) and at its conclusion, it rushed forward with proposi- 
 tions for the instant adoption of the House of Commons. Had such an ' 
 intervention been in the slightest degree successful, it is evident, to any 
 thinking person, that the remedy would have been infinitely worse than the 
 disease. Such a victory over the House of Commons, could not have 
 terminated there, for neither the volunteers, nor the people, would have been 
 satisfied with it. They might have said that they would, and at the moment 
 been sincere in such a declaration, but moderation and victory do not often 
 accom^>any each other, and as seldom at least, in civic contests, as military 
 hostility. The demagogues of that day, would not have followed the chariot 
 wheels of the members of a Convention, as the monitory attendant of the 
 Conqueror in a Roman triumph, to recal him to himself, to control his pride, 
 and mitigate his presumption ; but they would have followed for the purposes 
 of applauding their temerity, and extending their dominion. They would 
 have taken care to tell them how near they were in their visitation to the 
 House of Commons, to that of the Lords ; and that they would do nothing 
 if they did not dislodge some of the Bishops at least, or go a little 
 further at once, and erect the standard of the Convention, on the ruins of 
 episcopacy and aristocracy. To all such enlarged notions, or benevo- 
 lent hints, of what an armed, successful Convention might, or ought 
 to do, the assembly of which I now treat would not, perhaps, Jiavc 
 immediately listened ; at least, all the good and wise who sat there, would 
 not ; and I believe it is as certain that, in such a case, an equal portion of popular 
 hatred would have attended the reformers, and the reformed ; the Convention, 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. izrs 
 
 as well as the House of Commons. Another Convention would have arisen, or 
 a secession from the old one taken place, an3 confusion would have been worse 
 confounded. 
 
 That Conventions may be necessary, no one but a slave can deny. The 
 history of the Revolution has proved it ; but a repetition, or too frequent 
 recurrence of such assemblies, may be dreaded, even by the most strenuous 
 advocates for popular p-ivilege ; for the collective power of the people, by being 
 brought in that manner perpetually into action, will naturally exhaust itself; it 
 will lose all its fire, and cease to have that just, but regulated, controul over the 
 democratic part of the legislature, which the genius and. spirit of the Consti- 
 tution most certainly invested it with. In truth, all liberty would be ultimately 
 destroyed ; for, if there is danger to be apprehended from any assembly, not 
 strictly known to the Constitution, with whatever portion of the property, inte- 
 grity, and wisdom of the country that assembly may be connected, there is, on 
 the other hand, much, very much, to be dreaded from the unprincipled, obse- 
 quious servants of power, who, with the ardour of low- cunning, catch at the 
 slightest errors of generous minds, and are enamoured with any irregularity of 
 freedom, as, sooner or later, it enables them to give some wound to liberty 
 itself. — What then, it may be asked, is to be done? — Nee Deus intersit, is a« 
 sound a precept, in the formation of such assemblies, as the construction of 
 poetic machinery. Let them never be brought together, if the general senti- 
 ment does not, beyond all contradiction, loudly, yet gravely, and not unfre- 
 quently, proclaim, that the existence of the nation itself demands their inter- 
 ference. " The power of impeachment," said Lord Somers, once in the House 
 of Commons,* '^ should be like Goliah's sword, kept in the temple, and not 
 used but on great occasions.*' The same may be said of Conventions. 
 
 The reader who may not remember the days of this military convention 
 will be naturally anxious to enquire, what sensation its adjournment, or rather 
 indeed its downfall, excited ? To the best of my recollection, little, or none 
 whatever. This indifference can be accounted for ; — its basis, [from circum- 
 stances at that time, perhaps, insuperable, was altogether too narrow ; the 
 delegates did not, nor could they then include the Catholic body ; yet, to talk 
 
 * » 
 
 * Set Grey'g Debatei, 
 V n 2 
 
fire MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 of extending the right of suffrage wherever property was to be met with, and, 
 at the same time, shut out the majority of the nation, was a strange contra- 
 diction. That the Catholics, therefore, should lament the extinction of an 
 assembly, which, whilst it proposed to erect a temple of general freedom, could 
 not bring them even within the vestibule, was not at all to be expected. — ^There 
 were other reasons which had their influence on all thinking men, who stood 
 aloof from the House of Gammons as well as the Convention, and regarded the 
 proceedings of both impartially.— ^This Convention was, independent of its 
 military origin, which alone was sufficient to condemn it, the least justifiable of 
 any Convention that ever sat in Ireland. It thought proper to meet, not only 
 immediately after the Revolution of 1 782, but directly, at the same time, with 
 a new Parliament, whose character, or whose temper, on any subject, had not 
 been tried at all ; and superadded to that, the particular subject for the 
 promotion of which the Convention now met, (a Parliamentary Reform,) had 
 never, as a question of debate, been entertained by any House of Commons 
 whatever in Ireland. So that here was a Revolution, a new Parliament treading 
 on the heels of that Revolution, and a subject, totally novel, to be taken up 
 by that Parliament. But, without having tlie patience to see what influence 
 that Revolution would have on a new Parliament, or how fer it might affect 
 such a popular question particularly ; and of course, having no possible pretext 
 to say, that the petitions of the people were disregarded as to that point, (none 
 indeed had been presented,) the Convention came instantly to a conflict with 
 Parliament. The consequences were such as might be expected. Parliament 
 stood on such Vantage ground, that the Convention instantly broke down.. 
 
 Some considerations may also be added to the above, which made much 
 impression on part of the community, and must be enlarged on here. If it is 
 necessary to animadvert, not unfrequently, on the misconduct of ministers, it is 
 necessary also to take notice of the faults of the people. Despicable is that 
 man, who, to sooth their ear, dwells with a malign and vulgar satisfaction on the 
 errors of their rulers, and never touches on their own. In August, 1783, that 
 is, three months before the meeting of the Convention in Dublin, the Parlia* 
 ment was dissolved, and a new one summoned to meet. Here, then, were the 
 people called forth to act their part in the choice of new representatives. If it 
 t>e sullenly said, that the system of representation circumscribed the popular 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 277 
 
 choice in too narrow limits, I accede to the proposition ; but I beg to add, that 
 it was not so bound in as to prevent its coming forth at all; and it did not 
 come forth. Numerous as the boroughs were, still they did not overspread the 
 entire field of elections ; the counties and several free towns remained ; yet 
 most certain is it, that not one county, not one free town, or corporation,* 
 throughout the kingdom, expressed their own or the people's gratitude, by 
 electing any one of the eminent men who had so recently, and so gloriously, 
 led them on to the best victory, the triumph of rational freedom. Nay, 
 some country gentlemen, who had, in the late contest, acted a part the 
 most independent, were thrown out. Let it be remembered too, that, 
 some portions of the country had divided themselvTs into two parties. 
 One was for simple repeal, as already stated ; the other, for renun- 
 ciation by Act of Parliament ; and, according to the usual acerbity which 
 distinguishes very unimportant feuds of mankind, they began to hate each 
 other with almost as peifcct coriliality as they hated the usurpations of the 
 British Parliament. It might therefore be expected, by those who know 
 what mankind reaHy is, that party division would effectuate that which 
 public spirit had neglected to do ; and, as Mr. Flood was the renowned leader 
 of one party, someplace might be found where that party predominated, 
 which would return him to Parliament with an air of superior gratitude and 
 resplendent patriotism ; in other words, with great apparent magnanimity, 
 and much interior spite. No. Party was loquacious and venomous, and 
 displayed itself in every shape, and every place, except where it should have 
 most displayed itself, at the moment, that is, on the public Hustings. 
 
 Mr. Flood, and his illustrious rival, were obliged to wander, as far as 
 elections extended, through this mist of popular oblivion, and find their way 
 to Parliament in any manner they could. The Borough of Charlemont once 
 more silently received Mr. Grattan, and Mr. Flood had great difficulty in 
 finding any seat whatever. At this very moment were demagogues rushing 
 forth from every corner in quest of a parliamentary reform, vociferating that 
 the people could not elect a single friend of theii-'s, and dissatisfied with all 
 
 * I do not include the county of Wexford, for instance, where Mr. Ogle, who had been one 
 of the most strenuous advocates for the rights of. the people, was again elected. But his strength . 
 was irresistible. The same may be said of Mr. Brownlow, aad two or three more perhaps. 
 
278 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 that had been done -in both Parliaments, unless they could give a freer 
 and more expapded utterance to the voice of the constituent, which 
 voice» when called upon by the Constitution itself to speak, was, as to the 
 chief upholders of that Constitution, no where to be heard. The incon- 
 «stency, the unreasonableness of such proceedings certainly disinclined 
 many to the Convention, and they beheld its abrupt dissolution, 
 not merely with unconcern, but satisfaction. It is proper to record 
 such things. No people ever yet existed, of warmer hearts, and more 
 lively gratitude, than the Irish. But the public here, as elsewhere, 
 has its levity, its days, its months, of idle, arbitrary domination. And 
 of all unreasonable expectations, what can be more so, than that the 
 person who has embarked solely in their service, should proceed in his course, 
 with either energy or efficacy, under the chill of their neglect, or the 
 miserable uncertainty of their frowns or their smiles ? The philosophic 
 representative who knows what the people, the " fond many,*' have been, in 
 all ages, may continue to serve them, unmoved by their clamours ; but he 
 who engages in public life, with equal purity of mind at first, but less firm 
 purpose, will only encounter similar discouragements for a stated period ; he 
 will not wait for a return of their good humour. He is assailed, not so much 
 by the minister, or avidity of increased income, as the suggestions of a 
 wounded mind, of self-love, which tells him, that he may be more useful to 
 his country in a ministerial, than popular connexion. At length, he 
 abandons comparative poverty, caprice, and the crowd, for affluence, con- 
 stancy, and the court. This is not the course of heroism, but how little 
 heroism is, in truth, to be met with; and if that little finds not its natural 
 reward in the sunshine of the people's general attachment, what right have 
 the people to complain ? With a few sentences more I shall close the subject 
 of the Convention. It has led me further than I intended ; but a sincere wish 
 to guard my countrymen against the blandishments of every specious 
 novelty must be my apology. They may rest assured, that the established 
 forms of the Constitution embrace almost every possible mode of redress of 
 public grievances ; and that, impatiently to seek a new path, in quest of 
 that which can certainly, though slowly, perhaps, be obtained, by pursuing 
 the old parliamentary road, may dazzle their imaginations, and even recreate 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 279 
 
 their minds for a moment, but will only terminate in darkness and confusion. 
 It has been said, that the majority which resisted Mr. Flood's motion was 
 composed of the usual Swiss of the Castle, and the entire array of the 
 borough-holders. But it was not so. The friends of one, or, I believe, 
 two or three noblemen who had boroughs, voted with Mr. Flood. In the 
 majority were many gentlemen totally unconnected with administration; 
 who, on other occasions, voted against Lord Northington; and were 
 unequivocally friends to the measure of a parliamentary reform, but 
 objected to tlie bill then moved for, as originating from an armed assembly.* 
 When Mr. Flood said, in the House of Commons, that his sentiments in. 
 favour of that bill were his own, and not borrowed elsewhere, Mr. D. 
 Daly quickly, and justly replied ; " I do not say, that they are not his 
 own, but they are more notoriously the sentiments of the Convention." Being 
 such, they form the entire justification of the House of Commons in refusing 
 leave even to bring in the bill; for, unless some peculiar, and extraordinary 
 circumstances imperiously demand such a negative, in limine^ the House 
 never adopts it. Their decision was as judicious as spirited. Had it actedother- 
 wise, the reform then urged might have been called a parliamentary, bat its 
 only proper denomination would have been a military reform ; and what that is,, 
 had former ages been as silent as they are instructive on the subject, the dread 
 series of events which have taken place, since the days of the Convention, 
 has most fatally promulgated to the world. But, if the timid acquiescence 
 of the House, in the decrees of the Convention, had then established a 
 precedent for submission, and left to the Commons neither name nor authority 
 of any sort, however we might for ever deplore its imbecility, we cannot, 
 on the other hand, applaud its almost continued resistance, during 
 a variety of subsequent and tranquil periods, to the question of reform, 
 when urged as constitutionally as ably. That reform required indeed all the 
 
 * Many gentlemen, as well as the Author of these Memoirs, must have seen a letter of Mr. 
 Fox, then secretary of state, to the late General Burgoyne, at that time Commander in Chief, in 
 Ireland, on the subject of the Convention. It was written with the spirit of a Patriot, and wisdom of 
 a true Statesman. In his ardour for a parliamentary reform, he yielded, he said, to none of the 
 Convention ; but dreaded the consequences of such proceedings, and would, he added, lament it as the 
 deepest misfortune of his life, if by any untoward steps then taken, and whilst he was minitCer, the 
 two kingdonis should be separated, or run the slightest risque of separation. 
 
iiSO MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 aid which the wisest, and b^st senators could give to it; and had it been 
 cahnly, jiuhciously, and timely adopted, though it could not have averted 
 every evil from this kingdom, the measure of our misfortunes would, in all 
 probability, have been much less, and our own legislature remained unterrified, 
 and unimpaired. 
 
 No particular cordiality had for some time subsisted between Lord 
 Northing-ton and Lord Charlemont. The introduction of Scott and Fitz- 
 gibbon, to place and power, had already, in some measure, alienated his 
 Lordship from the Viceroy, and the Convention had alienated the Viceroy 
 from Lord Charlemont. Matters soon came to a crisis. Lord Charlemont, 
 for some time after the dissolution of the Convention, continued to attend 
 the levees at the Castle. But he was received with such cold civility, that 
 be discontinued his visits altogether. Mr. Brownlow was not spoken to 
 when he went there. This behaviour, on the part of Lord Northington, 
 was puerile and impolitic to the last degree. It is to be presumed, that 
 some of the old court, who, in consequence of the Coalition, had crept once 
 more into favour, influenced his conduct in this particular. He should have 
 recollected, that Lord Charlemont had not set the Convention in motion, and 
 that, if others had plunged it into excesses, his good sense and regained 
 ascendancy over that assembly, drew it forth from the abyss into which it 
 had partly fallen. In acting so, he had done the State essential service. 
 He was aided, on that occasion, by the pacific, salutary councils of Mr. 
 Brownlow, as well as other gentlemen, and they should have been thanked, 
 not frowned upon for their conduct. But in politics there is no medium. It 
 is melancholy to reflect on that perverseness of mankind, which so often 
 baffles every effort of those who are most disposed to serve them. Though 
 the Convention was perfectly convinced'of Lord Charlemont's disinterested- 
 ness, and honest zeal in its service, the majority of the delegates, at a 
 moment the most important, deserted him, and went forth to contend with 
 the legislature of their country. When he had over-ruled all tumult, and by 
 his direct influence prevented any breach betw*n them and Government, 
 the chief of that government met him with such an alienated mien, as almost 
 proclaimed him an anarchist. A strange world this ! 
 
 When Lord Northington opened the session of J 783, every thing, at 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. asi 
 
 first, appeared perfectly tranquil. But there was soon an opposition to his 
 Administration. It consisted partly of, several persons totally unconnected 
 with the court, some young members of very promising talents, who had 
 never before satin Parliament, Sir Laurence Parsons,* particularly Mr. Arthur 
 Browne, and others. Mr. Curran also, who had come into the House of 
 Commons on the general election, joined this opposition. But the persons, 
 the most hostile to Lord Northington's Administration, were some gientiemen, 
 who openly professed themselves attached to Mr. Pitt, the Greiivilles, and, 
 in short, the English opposition. In this, there was nothing disreputable 
 or improper. Some few sessions however afterwards, when those same 
 persons supported the court system, as if not only they, but their aucUtors, 
 had been in the habit of drinking the Waters of Lethe, and forgotten all that 
 was said or done, the constant theme of their lamentable declamation was, 
 that all English parliamentary connections, or, acting with any view to 
 English opposition, (no matter how congenial the principles of two parties 
 at this, and the other side of the water, might be,) were in the highest 
 degree reprehensible, and injurious to the interests of Ireland. This band, 
 with the gentlemen before-mentioned, acted in opposition, but not always 
 in concert, and formed altogether, a most miscellaneous, and therefore 
 inefficient association, considering tlie parts and industry of some who 
 composed it. Mr. Flood was generally at their head, and sometimes fancied 
 that he was, when in fact, he was not, for nothing could be more opposite 
 than his mode of thinking to the political creed of a few of those gentlemen. 
 Several of this opposition acted, however, to my knowledge, from principles 
 of sound patriotism. But after a short campaign of about six weeks, Mrv 
 Flood, as already mentioned, went to England, and entered the lists against 
 the India bill, when his reputation, as an orator, suffered a transient eclipse ; 
 not, however, that sad and lengthened one, which prejudiced, illiberal 
 scoflers, were so malignantly impatient to proclaim to the friends of Ireland. 
 But those who dared to think for themselves, turned from such scoffers with 
 disdain, and towards Flood, with no diminished admiration. 
 
 The Coalition Ministry was now overset in its turn. A Ministry which, 
 in my humble opinion, had it been permitted to remain, could have done 
 many and good services to the State. But the swell and agitation of the 
 American war had not then subsided, and during such a tumultuous period, no 
 
 * Now Earl of Ross. 
 O Q 
 
282 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 nation was ever yet much disposed to reflection. To the general mass of the 
 people, the transition, from hostility to intimate union, hetween two 
 violent political opponents, seemed abrupt, sudden, and only made from 
 an unblushing avidity of place and power. That great parliamentary 
 leaders should look to both, is certainly very natural, but that the statesmen 
 in question acted solely from such motives, or were incapable of making 
 genuine sacrifices to the public weal, I never can suppose. Still, however, 
 the fair opinions, or even prejudices, of the more sober part of the 
 community, are by no means to be contemned, and the junction between 
 Lord North and Mr. Fox might, at a day more remote, have been formed, 
 not only without furious obloquy, but almost without observance. But if 
 they were unguarded, the people were unreasonable. It seemed to be their 
 determination, that they should not agree ; and, however soothing returning 
 amity might be to the usual feelings of mankind, the nation was to be 
 indulged by a promulgation of perpetual war between two Statesmen, the 
 most accessible, as their basest foes have since reluctantly acknowledged, to 
 every humane and generous sentiment. Not only recollecting, but repub- 
 lishing every angry and contumelious expression that had fallen from Mr. 
 Fox in the violence of an almost ten years' parliamentary warfare; those 
 enemies boldly declared that, as he and the noble Lord had differed on one 
 subject, then for ever closed, it was impossible that they could agree on any 
 other whatever. Such was the language held at this period, and it was 
 successful. Many excellent men, however, Lord John Cavendish, and 
 others, were not to be swayed by it. They adhered to the Ex- Statesmen,, 
 and the approbation of such ornaments to their country should, by a mind 
 that reflects justly, be regarded as, at least, a full equivalent foir the loss of 
 power. 
 
 Lord Northington now shared the fete of his friends, and retired 
 from the IJeutenancy of Ireland. The Duke of Rutland succeeded him. 
 Young, and not conversant in business, but amiable, generous, and convivial, 
 he became, from his fii-st coming here, the favourite of the higher order* of 
 the State, and would have been equally so with the lower, had not one of 
 two questions been agitated directly after his arrival, which in Parliament 
 excited no commotion, but were eagerly laid hold on by some untoward 
 spirits without doors, to aid that cause of mischief and setlition, which they 
 so perversely maintained. On that subject a word or two hereafter. The 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 283 
 
 Duke's court was magnificent ; a succession of various entertainments took 
 |)lace, over which the presence of the Duchess of Rutland, then, confessedly, 
 one of the most beautiful women perhaps in Europe, diffused an animation 
 and radiance totally unexampled. .Social pleasures, (so congenial to the 
 disposition of the Irish) were agreeably cultivated ; the good cheer of the 
 table was applauded even by its most renowned votaries, and altogether it 
 was a season of much indulgence. The Duke's Secretary, Mr. Orde, (now 
 Lord Bolton,) was good-humoured, polite, and attended as much, perhaps 
 more, to business than the delicacy of his health would always permit. As 
 the Lord Lieutenant came in the midst of a session, some questions which 
 had been introduced in the Earl of Northington's time, pursued their course. 
 Among other matters it was proposed to give such a duty to some manufac- 
 tures, and the materials of manufactures here, as would have produced a war 
 of prohibitory duties between England and this counUy, had the proposition 
 been adopted. The House of Commons rejected the scheme, as crude, 
 indigested, and totally impolitic. But some intelligent men on both sides of 
 the House thought, that some commercial system would be necessary ; and it 
 was agreed, that such a system should be considered, and submitted to the 
 House early the neiLt session. Mr. Flood returned from England, and 
 brought in another bill of Parliamentary Reform, which Mas not at all 
 relished even by those who were»very sincere advocates for that measure. It 
 was consequently rejected. 
 
 The failure of these two questions was, during the summer, fatal to the 
 tranquillity of the metropolis. Every rational person must acknowledge, 
 that if any favoured proposition is to be directly consigned to the disposal of 
 the multitude, because it is not implicitly and instantly adopted by Parliament, 
 misrule and anarchy must supersede all wise and salutary government. There 
 is an eternal difference between the great body of the people, calmly and con- 
 stitutionally adopting a great question, and particular, unauthorised bodies 
 of men assembling capriciously together, and, by menace and uproar, attempt- 
 ing to force a rejected question on the legislature. It is the duty of the 
 people to await with respect the solemn decisions of Parliament ; but to raise a 
 standard against Parliament for its first, or any vote on questions concerning 
 the propriety of which the most unbiassed persons may entertain a diversity 
 
 oo2 
 
284 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 of sentiments, is a species of conduct in which it it difficult to say, whether 
 guilt or madness most predominates. Yet such was the conduct of some 
 persons in Dublin at this time. The city was thrown into violent confusion. 
 The Duke of Rutland was, on his appearance at the theatre, (his first too 1 
 believe,) hooted and insulted, as if he had been a Verres, an ancient 
 inveterate foe to the people. He was here not many weeks at that time. 
 Some agitators wrote circular letters to the different sheriffs, requiring them 
 to elect persons to sit in a particular assembly, or another Parliament in fact, 
 to beheld in Dublin. Whatever objections might have been made to the 
 mode in which Mr. Fitzgibbon, then Attorney-General, prosecuted the 
 Sheriff of the County of Dublin ; a worthy man, but who was so ill advised as 
 to comply with this insane writ of sedition ; no good member of a well- 
 regulated community, can deny his suffrage to the spirit, and even wisdom, 
 with which the Attorney acted upon that occasion. The meeting which the 
 Sheriffs of the city of Dublin convened for the like purpose of an illegitimate 
 election was, by his timely admonition, dispersed, and the quiet of the state so 
 far preserved. However his general system of politics may be disapproved, 
 candour demands this tribute to his memory. Such was the whirlwind of 
 faction, and uproar, which the Duke of Rutland met almost on his entrance 
 into the Viceroyalty. But he inherited the gallant spirit of his father, and 
 rode out the storm. The rage of that storm was not hoM'ever felt beyond 
 the metropolis. It was the mischievous frenzy of the tribunes of the city, 
 not the constitutional opposition of the leaders of the country. Loril 
 Charlemont was at this time reviewing his Volunteers. Had he been on the 
 spot, his rebuke at the moment would have only confirmed, and extended 
 audacity; and it was best, perhaps, to show to the people, the feebleness and 
 short existence of all commotion, originally set on by persons who are more 
 willing to aspire to rebellion, than able to sustain, or to propagate it. In 
 truth, the rulers of states themselves can alone afford permanent materials 
 for rebellion to subsist on. 
 
 The Session of 1785 was very important; but this is not the place for its 
 history, or that of the celebrated commercial propositions, which occuj^ied 
 almost the whole of it, and extended the sitting of Parliament to an unusual 
 length. Those who read the Memoirs now before them with attention^ 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 2S5 
 
 (if such Memoirs are entitled to attention,) need scarcely be told, that on the 
 10th of August, 1785, the commercial propositions, which had been returned, 
 much altered by the British Parliament, were debated in the Irish House of 
 Commons, with a spirit of freedom, liberal investigation, and eloquence by 
 some, and great dexterity of argument and commercial knowledge by others, 
 which reflected no small lustre on the talents and independence of Ireland. 
 The opposition was indeed a minority, but a minority from numbers, property, 
 and intellect, so entirely respectable, that Mr. Orde most wisely did not go 
 beyond that day in the prosecution of his system. It was not renewed. But the 
 subject cannot be departed from, without taking some notice, however imper- 
 fect, of the uncommonenergy of reasoning, and sublimity of eloquence, which 
 Mr. Grattan displayed. His audience, which had been long accustomed to 
 his oratorial powers, was amazed; and those who had never heard him 
 before, were lost in their admiration of such uncommon rhetorical excellence. 
 This speech was, I think, the last great triunoph of his genius in the House of 
 Commons, and perhaps superior to all that preceded it. Some gentlemen 
 who opposed him, manifested peculiar industry of research, and powers 
 of understanding. Mr. Foster, Mr. Fitzgibbon, are chiefly to be distin- 
 guished. Lord Charlemont was particularly adverse to the propositions, 
 but, as is well known, they never reached the upper House of Parliament. 
 ' Early in 1786, Lord Charlemont was placed in a situation as new as 
 agreeable to hiriii. He was elected President of that learned, and truly re- 
 spectable l>ody, the Irish academy, then incorporated under the auspices of his 
 Majesty. The erudite and ingenious author of the preface to the first 
 volume of the transactions of the Academy, has briefly, but clearly stated the 
 causes which, till then, operated against the permanent establishment of any 
 such learned society in Ireland. To cultivate literature, if disposition was 
 sometimes wanting here, genius never was. Dissimilarity of habits, after- 
 wards of religion, between the ancient inhabitants and the new comers, 
 would, although direct hostility had ceased, check any cordial, general 
 co-operation, even in those arts the most immediately necessary to the im- 
 provement of rising society ; and science could only spring up, dubious and 
 languid, during the short intervals of our repose from civic and religious 
 contests. As tlie connection between the two countries became more stabi- 
 litated, and rational society more advanced in both kingdoms, even ouf 
 
9,S6 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 vicinity to England, as the author alluded to justly observes, however it daily 
 
 added to many a useful art, was, to a certain degree, injurious to literature in 
 
 Ireland, as those who cultivated it most sedulously, would naturally look to 
 
 a country, where it was more expanded, and its votaries more rewarded. 
 
 As it was near to England, so was it remote from other countries ; and that 
 
 sequestered situation, which made Ireland, " L'Ultima Irlanda," as Tasso says, 
 
 once the seat of undisturbed learning in the west, was now equally hostile to 
 
 scientific improvement, except such as England imparted, being unapproached 
 
 by any, or certainly, very few enlightened, foreign visitants. Physical, therefore, 
 
 as well as moral causes, combated against us. Still, however, the genius of the 
 
 country was not torpid even at home, and it would gladly have come forth, at 
 
 the bidding of such men as Molyneux, the associate of Locke and Sir William 
 
 Petty, who, towards the close of Charles the Second's reign, endeavoured 
 
 to establish a society here, on a foundation similar to that of the illustrious 
 
 royal society in London. 
 
 " But war unslicathcd the sword, and purple gore 
 *' Stained the fair silver of the limpid wave."^ 
 
 The arbitrary domination of Louis the Fourteenth, was opposed, and the 
 rights of a free people were established on the banks of the Boyne ; but science 
 fled from such scenes, and the labours of philosophy were in vain. The society 
 was no more heard of. From that day various, but private literary societies 
 have appeared, and faded away in Dublin. Almost every one of them, as well 
 as the present Royal Academy, arose under the parent wing of the University, 
 as most of the original academicians belonged to that venerable seminary, 
 or had the honour of receiving their education within its walls. May both 
 long flourish ! 
 
 The Irish academy " unites in one plan the three compartments of science, 
 polite literature, and antiquities ; whatever is pleasing, with whatever is useful ; 
 the advancement of speculative knowledge with the history of mankind ; it 
 makes provision for the capricious variations of literary pursuit, and embrac- 
 
 ♦ 
 
 * See some very elegant verses on the nuptials of his Majesty, by Mr. Hussey Burgh, afterwards 
 
 Lord Chief Baron, and written by him when a fellow commoner of Trinity collie, Dublin; they were 
 
 published with other congratulatory poems written on that occasion^ by some of the young gentlemen 
 
 of the university. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 287 
 
 ing all the objects of rational enquiry, it secures the co-operation of the learned 
 of every description/'* When this respectable body placed Lord Charlemont 
 in the chair, he did not regard it as a mere honorary distinction, to add to the 
 solemn enumeration of his dignities at the Herald's office, and nothing to 
 literature. Not one of the members attended the academy meetings oftener than 
 he did ; few so constantly. Those who were his cotemporary academicians must 
 long call to mind his urbanity, the graces of his cqnversation, and the variety of 
 literary anecdote,ancientormodern,withwhichheamused,andindecd instructed 
 them, during the intervals of their agreeable labours at the academy. In such 
 labours he bore himself no inglorious part; and, in their first session, he favoured 
 them with an essay, drawn from no common sources, in which he undertakes 
 to prove, from an Italian author, Fazio Dclli Uberti, a nobleman of Florence, 
 who flourished not long after Dante, the antiquity of the woollen manufac- 
 ture in Ireland-t It is recorded of some of our countrymen, that the severe 
 blow which that manufacture sustained, somewhat more than a century ago, 
 was owing to their boast of its extent and prosperous condition.;]: Had 
 Lord Charlemont lived in those days, he would have defended its privileges 
 with no less ardour as a senator, than in the present he traced its history with 
 the ingenuity of a learned academician. 
 
 We must now attend him to the camp. The reviews of the Volunteers 
 were continued as usual this year and the succeeding one. But he observes, 
 in one of his letters, that they were not then of the same numbers as for- 
 merly. His solicitude with regard to this institution was the same ; and if he 
 continued the reviews, when the same reasons did not exist, or at least with 
 
 * See the preface to the Transactions of the Academy. 
 
 f Tlie work, froin a passage of which Lord Charlemont formed the materials of his essay, is an 
 old Italian poem, called, Dittamondi. The first edition of it was printed at Vicenza, 1474. 
 
 X Mr. Hutchinson (Secretary of State for Ireland) says, that he more than once, heard Lord Chan- 
 cellor Bowes mention a conversation that he had with Sir Robert Walpole, on the subject of the 
 woollen manufactory in Ireland i who assured him, that the restraints imposed on it by the Ei^ish 
 parliament, had at first taken their rise from the vauntings of several Irish gentlemen, of the great 
 success pf that manufacture in this Kingdom.— &e his Commercial Restrictions of Ireland. 
 
28S MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 diminished force, for such military exhibitions, as some years before, it was 
 because he not only wished that a certain portion of the inhabitants of this 
 country should be habituated to the use of arms, but well knew, (as has been 
 often mentioned,) that if he relinquished the command of even this remnant of 
 the volunteer bands, there were not then w^anting some who would seize on 
 it for purposes by no means so patriotic as his own. It was more wise there- 
 fore to suffer the Volunteers to fade away tacitly under his quiet, auspicious 
 rule, than that they should receive ill-timed, or angry, orders from the Castle 
 for their dispersion, which they not only would not have obeyed, but perhaps 
 have recalled some of their former associates from their pacific, rural occupa- 
 tions, to engage in an unnecessary contest with government, which could 
 have little redounded to the honour of either party, and most injuriously to 
 the country. The following slight extracts are taken from two of his letters 
 to Haliday, relating to the Belfast reviews, and his residence, during their 
 continuance, at that gentleman's house. 
 
 Dublin, May 31, 1787 
 " You are perfectly right, my dearest doctor, to make a virtue of ne- 
 cessity, and to request that, which my military spirit would now prompt me 
 to take as a right by prescription, having worn a red coat long enough to 
 imbibe some of its influence, at least so far as to endeavour where I have 
 found good quarters, to make my quarters good. There was a time, when I 
 was really ashamed to give you so much trouble, but those bashful days are 
 now past, and I begin to think modesty degrading to a veteran as I am. — I 
 have indeed been robbed, but I am too good a patriot to repine at sharing the 
 fate of my country.*'* 
 
 Marino, July 21, 1787, 
 " No sooner are you rid of the trouble which always accompanies my 
 presence, than the plague of my correspondence commences ; neither do I 
 now write to thank you for all your repeated kindnesses, as the common 
 course of ceremony would seem to require. Ceremony, thank fate, cannot 
 possibly have a place in our connection. 
 
 " I left my broken coach at Drogheda, and rattled on in a common chaise, 
 
 * Charlemont-House had been robbed, I believe, of lome article*. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 283 
 
 which also broke down before my arrival. Fortune de la Guerre T 
 
 Air. Francis, now Sir Philip, visited Ireland in the coufse of the summer, as 
 appears from part of Mr. Burke's correspondence with Lord Charlemont, 
 which relates to that gentleman, and, what was dear to Lord Charlemont's 
 heart, a bust or likeness of his lost friend, the Marquis of Rockingham. 
 
 Gerrard-street, Jane 1, 1787. 
 • My Dear LoitD, 
 •1 have an high respect for your Lordship of old, as I trust you know ; 
 and as I iaave the best wishes for my friend, Mr. Francis> I am exceedingly 
 desirous that he should have an opportunity of paying his compliments to 
 the person in Ireland the most worthy the acquaintance of a man of senie 
 and virtue. Mr. Francis has not been in Ireland since the days of his 
 childhood, but he has been employed in a manner that does honour to the 
 country that has given hirai birth. 'When he sees your Lordship, he will 
 perceive that ancient morals have not yet deserted at least that part of the 
 world which he revisits, and you will be glad to receive for a while a 
 citizen that has only left his country, to be the more extensively serviceable 
 to mankind. May I beg your Lordship to make my most respectful and most 
 affectionate compliments, and those of Mrs. Burke, and my son, and all 
 that are of our little family, to Lady Charlemont. I hope that Mt. Francis 
 will bring back such an account of the health of your Lordship, and all 
 your's, as may make us happy. 
 
 I have the honour to be, my dear Lord, 
 : fi With the most cordial attachment. 
 
 Your most affectionate and obliged friend, 
 ' And fuithful servant, 
 
 Edm. Bukke. 
 
 ■ - . •' BectfbsfieU, inljig, 1787- 
 
 IVIr Dear Lord, 
 Mr. Francis, called upon me in his way to his own house, cbanned, as 1 
 expected he would be, with your character and conversation, and infinitely 
 obliged by your reception of him. Give me leave to convey his tbaok« to 
 
 p p 
 
2^0 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, • 
 
 you, and to add mine to them. — Every motive induce^ me to wish your house 
 provided with all the ornaments that are worthy of it ; the bust you desire 
 is that which is most essential, and that in which you combine your taste, 
 your friendship, and your principles. When I go to town, I shall see Mr. 
 Nollekens, and hasten, him as much as I can; there was no bust- taken from 
 Lord Rockingham during his life time. This is made from a masque taken 
 from his face after his death, and of course must want that animation which 
 1 am afraid can never be given to it, without hazarding the grouiid Avork of 
 the features. Tassie has made a profile in his glass, which is, I think, the 
 best likeness, I mean unc61oured Hkeness, which exists. I will recommend 
 it to Nollekens ; perhaps he may make some advantage of it ; though I have 
 observed that artists seldom endeavour to profit of each other's works, though 
 not in the exact line which they profess- j •.. r-.l : : : . / 
 
 .. Believe me, with the most cordial affection, ^ 
 'i ' My dear Lord, your Lordship^ ! » •. .;.i • • i 
 
 Most faithful, and obl^ed bumble servant, 
 f «•: I- 1.:' - . ~ EcM. fiuAKE.' ■■ 
 
 Lord Charlcmont*s days, at this tin>e, passed away in a general tran<}ujllity. 
 The country was, with sonVe very slight interuuptions, quiet and composed. 
 It advanced fast in prosperity. The commercial propositions had occasioned 
 no small ferment ;- but as they were timely withdrawn, that fci;nierit subsided. 
 They occasioned, however, a schism, and division in the House of Commons, 
 which, till that question was agitated, thie House had not known during the 
 Duke*s administration. The opposition, however, was, vierjr inconsiderable, 
 as to other questions, and conducted without aqiimpny, much less malevo- 
 lence. On Mr. Forbes's pension bill, when first introduced, the minority did 
 notexceed 26, or. thereabouts. That question, however, took place before the 
 celebrated one of the propositions, and after the last-meutioned debate, no 
 qut'sfion was discuss€'d of the slightest importance, except that which rela- 
 ted to the police establishment of the city of Dublin. Someniembers carried 
 t)n what was then termed, and justly, a Petite Guerre^ or inconsiderable 
 pailiamentaiy warfare, against government. The phrase wa» adopted by 
 some- of the leaders of the Opposition t3iemselves, to express their dislike 
 
EARt OF CHARLEiViONt. 291 
 
 t)f such msignificant, though sometTnies irritating proceedings, and they 
 tjf course took no part iri them. ' 
 
 '''" Sometime after the close of the session of 1787, the Duke of Rutland 
 visited the north of Ireland. He was magnificently received by the Marquis 
 of Downshire, the Earl of Moira, and some other noblemen and gentlemen. 
 Belfast displayed great royalty and hospitality on this occasion, and made 
 a most superb entertainmt^nt for his Grace, which, as J remember, seemed to 
 afford. him muchaatisfaction> When the rnemory of Lord Russell was given 
 *s^ toas;,b,e ajp^e, and with a >varmth of feeing, >vhich it was impossible not to 
 partake pf, ^aid that he was t^njy flattered by the n^mor^ of that excellent 
 jp^rspi>- being then drank, not qp)y as Lpi'd RusseH's political principles wem 
 his o>y^, but he. prided himself, and such pride of ancestry he hoped vas 
 laudabk, on being that great patriot's immedia|te. descendant. One circum- 
 stance relative to the Duke, during this tour, . I shall takekave to mention, 
 hpwever trivial, |as it emjnently^^hews.tliei^niserable uncertainty, a^id cmpti* 
 ness of human expectation. Ashe walked up and down the npble library 
 at Lprd Moira's, some gentlemen, as I well recollect, took notice to each 
 other of the remarkable compactness, and strength of his frame, which seemed 
 to indicate great health, and peculiar longevity, , But a fever, the consequence 
 of too much conviviality, must have begun, even, then, to undermine him, and 
 immediately after his return tp Dublin, clpsed his days in the very summer of 
 life, and the midst of wprldly grandeur. He was somewhat more than three 
 and thirty. He died greatly regretted, by his own domestics, friemls, and 
 connections, particularly sp ; and the funeral ceremonial wluqh attended his 
 remains frpm the chamber, adjoining the House of Lords, wliere they lav 
 in state, to the water side, did honour to the taste and feelings of those 
 who planned it. As a procession it was perhaps unrivalled ; but the 
 silent, and decorous sorrow of the multitudes that witnessed it, diffused 
 an affecting grace, and sootliing = splemnity pver every pbject, beyond the 
 reach of the most refined pageantry^ 
 
 The Marquis of Buckingham (formerly Earl Temple) was appointed 
 successor to the much-lamented Duke, and Lords Justices were nominated 
 till his arrival. When he came once more to Dublin, as Lord Lieutenant, 
 the people seemed to vie with each other in giving him welcome. Lord 
 Charlemont went again to the Castle, which he had not visited aft«- the 
 
 p p 2 
 
CD2 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 debate on the famous propositions, and perhaps not often before. But 
 he always mentioned the Duke of Rutland with respect, and even 
 tenderness. His letters to Haliday will best speak his sentiments at this 
 juncture. 
 
 DubltOj Januaiy 4> 1788. 
 
 " — — Now to answer seriously the question you have so comically put. 
 It is most true that, during the late administration, I seldom attended the 
 Privy Council, because I did not chuse to assist at measures which I 
 disapproved, and could not oppose with any possibility of effect. It is also 
 true, as reported by the news printers, who do me a most unmerited honour^ 
 in giving importance to an occurrence so perfectly trifling, that, since the 
 arrival of our new Viceroy, I have some time attended at council, because 
 there was a probability that the above-mentioned reason might no longer 
 exist, and because it is a maxim with me, that every new Lord Lieutenant 
 shouM be well received, and narrowly watched. The Marquis of Buck- 
 ingham certainty merited a good reception. During the short time he was 
 here, his attention to business was miraculous, and its effects J^egan already 
 to be felt. Defatilters were ferreted out of their most secret holes, and there 
 was every reason to hope, that had his administration lasted, the honey of 
 our hive woufd have been no longer a prey to drones and wasps. A 
 surgeon's aid was necessary, and we had reason to expect, from our present 
 operator, skill, care, and boldness. So far for his reception; which, 
 however, I am free to confess, was in my opinion, too extravagant. 
 Respecting his fiiture administration, time alone can discover its tendency. 
 I have however no reason to think that he means any harm. But from 
 what I have said, you will readily conclude, that I, for my own part, keep 
 myself clear from, in any degree, pledging connection, and that while I give 
 no peevish opposition, from which indeed I have ever been averse, I am ready 
 upon any occasion to oppose strenuously. If Lord Buckingham comes over, 
 nnijicumbered by any project, he will make an excellent Lord Lieutenant." 
 
 This administration did, in fact, move on with almost unexampled 
 tranquillity. The Viceroy was most laudably employed, as Lord Charlemont 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 293 
 
 justly observed, in correcting some of the many abuses which had crept 
 into the pubHc offices, an Herculean labour! and the obliging manners, and 
 honourable conduct of his secretary, Mr. Fitzherbert,* were held in universal 
 estimation. So remarkably calm indeed was the session of 1788, so 
 unruffled by any thing like violent parliamentary contests, that, as it is often 
 the hard fate of unostentatious goodness to be denominated stupid, this 
 session was by some exclaimed against, as intolerably dull, and uninte- 
 resting, because it was not distinguished by any impassioned debate, or 
 violent hostility of party. There was one class of men to whom, I can 
 well remember, it appeared of the most lamentable nature, and the con- 
 tinuance of such inauspicious serenity was, by them, deprecated with an 
 unfeigned, and truly piteous fervour. Their distress was indeed ridiculous, as 
 the cause of it could not be openly declared, though it was generally known. 
 The fact was, they were not employed, their suffrages were not called for, 
 and in proportion to the paucity, of what may be called tormenting 
 questions, in the House of Commons, the pretences of besieging Lord 
 Buckingham, or Mr. Fitzherbert for offices were diminished. This session, 
 therefore, to them was a session of parliamentary famine, and the opposition 
 was tacitly accused of starving them, because no question was brought 
 forward, which could display the hardihood of those gentlemen in debate, 
 or their impatience for the rewards of that hardihood at the Castle. "f- The 
 charge, therefore, against the opposition, differed totally from the general 
 accusations preferred against them. They were not said to endanger public 
 
 * Now Lord St. Hdons. 
 
 f Such secret lamentations among some of the minor statesmen, and ministerial members, 
 were not confined to the period I allude to. Many years preceding it, a gentleman raentioned,- 
 in the course of his speech in the House of Commons, that a person, who always voted with 
 government, and when he spoke, constantly insulted the opposition on account of the thinnest 
 of their ranks, was observed one night,, when the minority was going into the lobby on a 
 division, to stand near a friend of his, who composed part of that minority, and with great 
 earnestness exclaimed to him ; " The Lord increase your qatstions, the Lord increase your 
 numbers, I shall nev«r be a commissioner of the revenue^ or any thing else at this rate." 
 
^94 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 tranquillity) but they gave no unnecessary molestation to government, and 
 were therefore guilty, according to some persons, of the most inexpiable 
 crime. 
 
 l^us matters stood at the close of the session of 1788, which Was as 
 h'mited as tranquil. On the l6th of July, Lord Charlemont revisited 
 Belfast as usual, and once more reviewed the volunteer army^ The review was 
 not attended by any thing novel or uncommon. But the county of Armagh, 
 of which Lord Charlemont was governor, was at this time the scene of 
 sanguinary outrage and religious discord. All this contention is said to 
 have arisen from an acciden tar quarrel between two Presbyterians, in which 
 a Roman Catholic espoused one of the parties. This idle fray was protluctive 
 of much rancour where they resided, and a contemptible village warfare 
 gradually expanded itself into hostilities, which pervaded the whole, or 
 most part of -the county. One half of the infuriated contests, which set 
 kingdom against kingdom, and in proportion as they rise in absurdity and 
 horror, are decorated with all the gaudy epithets which the lyric, the 
 tragic, or epic muse can bestow on them, have not often a more 
 honourable origin. The Protestant, or Presbyterian parties were denominated 
 Peep of Day Boys, as they often visited the houses of the Catholics at break 
 of day, to search for anns ; and the latter were styled Defenders. Much blood 
 was shed on both sides. Lord Charlemont proceeded from Belfast to Armagh, 
 and endeavoured, as far as in his power, to restore tranquillity. " The 
 situation," says he, writing to Dr. Haliday,* " in which I found the county 
 of Armagh, has given me much uneasiness. I have, however, laboured to pacify 
 all sides, and to allay that rancorous hate which existed between the 
 parties. My labours, I trust, have had the desired effect; and I have reason 
 to believe that all disturbance is no>v at an end. How strange is the 
 inconstancy of tlie people. A few years ago I was compelled to hazard all 
 my popularity to prevent the protestants from ruining themselves, and their 
 country, by giving up all to the Catholics; and now I am forced to a risque of 
 the same popularity, to prevent them froin cutting each others throats.** 
 All disturbance, however, was not at an end. His Lordship's benign 
 
 * Dublin, August 1, 1788. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. OQS 
 
 interpotsition at this time, produced only a temporary suspension of wretched 
 hostility, which, as I shall have occasion perhaps to state hereafter, broke 
 out again with increased fury, and was productive of the most unhappy 
 effects. 
 
 From this time till the winter, Lord Charlemont continued either in 
 town, or at Marino,* enjoying the society of his friends, or engaged in 
 literary occupations. His house was uniformly open to all who had any 
 claim on his attention, either from similarity of constitutional principles, or 
 their cultivation of those pleasing and liberal studies which, in general, 
 employed his mind, and were his most agreeable, though too often, only 
 momentary refuge. Every foreigner, of taste congenial to his own, and every 
 Englishman of rank and talents, visited him during their occasional resi- 
 dence in Dublin. Among those who became known to him at this time, 
 was Mr. Cholmondeley, the friend of Doctor Johnson, now (1804) Chief 
 Commissioner of the Customs. ** 1 am happy,** thus he writes to his friend: 
 Haliday, Sept. sOth, 1788 ; ** that you saw Cholmondeley, and that he saw 
 you. Upon so short an Acquaintance I never yet liked any man more, and * 
 therefore hear with pleasure, that he did not disapprove of my reception.* 
 It may not be improper to state here, what Mr. Burke once said to me of 
 this accomplished nobleman : " Lord Charlemont is a man of such polished 
 manners, of a mind so truly adorned, and disposed to the adoption of what- 
 ever is excellent and praise- worthy, that, to see and converse with him, 
 would alone induce me, or might induce any one who relished such qualities, 
 to pay a visit to Dublin." 
 
 Towards the approach of winter, an event the most melancholy, and 
 fraught with consequences the most important to the well-being of these 
 kingdoms, took place in England. His Majesty, (so it pleased Providence,) 
 was seized with a malady peculiarly grievous and afflicting. The grief which 
 spread through every class of his subjects, when the nature of the dis- 
 order was more fully ascertained, and unequivocally declared, cannot be 
 described in terms sufficiently adequate. For several weeks all was anxiety 
 and sorrow, and every one looked to the meeting of Parliament with the 
 
 ' *Hw elegant Villa, near Dublin. 
 
age MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 most heart-felt impatience. The two Houses met at Westminster on the 
 fiOth of November, 1788, when they unanimously adjourned to the 4th of 
 December. The physicians who attended his Majesty were, in the mean 
 time, examined before the Privy Council, who all agreed, as to his utter 
 inability to meet Parliament, of the uncertain duration of his complaint, 
 and the probability that, in time, it would be removed. On the 4th of 
 December the Houses met again, when the minutes of the Privy Council 
 were read, and Monday the 8th was fixed on for taking them into • considera- 
 tion. Commitees of both Houses were, on that day, appointed to examine 
 the physicians. Xhey brought up their report on the 10th, when Mr. Pitt 
 moved, ** That a committee be appointed to examine the journals of the 
 House, and report precedents of such proceedings as may have been had in 
 cases of the personal exercise of the royal authority being prevented or 
 Interrupted by infancy, sickness, infirmity, or otherwise, with a view to 
 prpvide for the same.'' This resolution was objected to by Mr. Fox, as only 
 tending to create delay. That there was then an Heir Apparent to the 
 Crown, of full age and understanding, and in his, Mr. Fox*s opinion, it was 
 clear that, during the suspension of the exercise of the royal authority from 
 incapacity, the Heir Apparent, situated as the Prince of Wales then was, 
 had as just a claim to the exercise of kingly power, during such incapacity, 
 as if the Crown had naturally demised. This position Mr. Pitt utterly 
 denied, and in a lofty tone declared, ** That to advance such a claim or right 
 in the Prince, or any one, without the concurrence of both Houses of 
 Parliament, was a species of treason to the Constitution.'* 
 
 It is not the part of such a- work as this, to detail or enter into the 
 debates which arose in the British Parliament on this important question ; a 
 question, as will appear hereafter, of the deepest concernment to Ireland. 
 Suffice it to state here, that, notwithstanding the Prince did not advance 
 any claim, and that a large party in both Houses, in conjunction with the 
 Dukes of York and Gloucester, who delivered their sentiments on this 
 occasion, deprecated the discussion of any such question, it was brought 
 forward, and the exclusive right of both Houses of Parliament to supply the 
 defect of the personal exercise of the royal authority, was asserted by con- 
 siderable majorities. The proceedings subsequent to this business, Mr. Pitt's 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. O^f 
 
 'ktter to the Prince of Wales, the answer of his Royal Highness, in every 
 Tespectso dignified and so becoming;* his nomination to the Regency, with 
 the limitations and restrictions annexed to the discharge of that high trust, are 
 all amply detailed elsewhere. They are necessarily touched on here, as leading 
 to, and forming a considerable part of that great business of the Regency, 
 which called forth the powers of the Irish Parliament, and in whose proceed- 
 ings Lord Charlcmont took such an honourable and conspicuous a part. The 
 meeting of the Irish Legislature was deferred as long as it could possibly be. 
 Every effort was made to secure a majority for Government, and in vain. 
 Most of the gentlemen who had always voted with opposition, and many 
 who, on this occasion, left the Viceroy, proposed to I^rd Charlcmont to 
 call a general meeting of such as were adverse to the proceedings in the 
 British Parliament. A large party therefore of the Members of both Houses, 
 met at Charlemont-House, on the 3d of February, 1789. In two days after, 
 the session was at length opened by Lord Buckingham. The speech was 
 necessarily short ; it mentioned the King's illness in the most proper and 
 dutiful terms, and concluded with declaring his Excellency's confidence in 
 that affectionate attachment to his Majesty, and zealous concern for the 
 united interests of both kingdoms which had manifested itself in all their 
 proceedings. The first division in the House of Commons sufficiently 
 displayed the temper of that assembly ; and the faint prospect of their pro- 
 ceedings on this occasion being studiously assimilated to those of the British 
 Parliament, the Secretary (Mr. Fitzherbert) moved, that the House should 
 go into a committee, to take the state of the nation into consideration, on 
 Monday the l6th of February. Instead of that day, Wednesday the 11th 
 was proposed by Mr. Grattan, and carried by a majority of 54 ; the numbers 
 being 128 to 74. The same preponderance against administration prevailed 
 in the House of Lords. 
 
 The Houses met accordingly on the 1 1 th. On the part of administra- 
 tion it was proposed, that tliey should wait the proceedings of the British 
 
 * It is admirably written^ and, independent of the just, and constituUoaal fieotiments whick 
 U breathes, deserves almost to be studied as a composition. 
 
•* 
 
 298 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Parliament, and tlie complete investiture of the Prince of Wales as Regent; 
 
 that they should proceed by bringing in a bill to recognize him as Regent 
 
 here, and not by address ; that nothing could be effectually or legally done, 
 
 until it was ascertained in whose hands the Great Seal of England was, as by 
 
 the act, generally called Lord Chief Baron Yelverton's Act, the Great Seal 
 
 was rendered necessary to the passing any Irish law ; so much so, that if the 
 
 King of England was here in person, he could not give his assent to any 
 
 Irish bill, till it had been returned to Ireland under the Great Seal of 
 
 England ; that this was the bond of union and connection with Great 
 
 Britain ; that the regent of England might, when in possession of that 
 
 instrument, and perhaps would, supersede any regent made by the Parliament 
 
 of Ireland ; that the 23d of Henry 8tb, for ever annexed the Crown of 
 
 Ireland to that of England; it was made on a particular occasion; when 
 
 the House of Fitzgerald, and the House of Butler, espousing different 
 
 parties, had plunged Ireland into civil commotion; that th'tSri$fit did not 
 
 apply merely to the Monarch, or the person who wore the crowif>Ki4a|yj^^ . . ^ 
 
 whoever was in possession of the executive power in England; that^nc ^ '"^^ 
 
 chief executive magistrate in England, and Ireland, should be one and the 
 
 same person, or in other words, the Regent of England was, in every respect, 
 
 the Regent of Ireland ; that the address of the two Houses conferred no 
 
 power ; and that, to proceed in any other manner than that now proposed, 
 
 would tend to a separation from, and complete disunion with England. 
 
 These were the leading points adduced by Lord Buckingham's Ministry, 
 chiefly indeed by Mr. Fitzgibbon, then Attorney-General, and were sustained 
 by him with no ordinary ability. 
 
 On the other side, it was answered ; that to proceed by bringing in a 
 bill, was on the supposition, that there was then a third person in a capacity 
 to act; but by address it was proposed to make an efficient third estate, iu 
 order to legislate ; that the address then to be moved, was copied from 
 an address voted by the Convention Parliament to the Prince of Orange, 
 desiring him to take on himself the conduct of public affairs, which 
 address was afterwards followed by a bill giving to the whole the form 
 of law, and so it was intended to proceed in- the case before them ; that 
 
#♦ 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEM0N1\ *99 
 
 tlrere were iome points in which the revolution was like the present period ; in 
 others it was different ; the throne was then vacant, at present it was filled ; 
 but as in both cases there was a suspension of the royal authority, it was the 
 duty of the two Houses, as at the Revolution, to restore immediately the 
 exercise of the Regal power ; an address, therefore, was the most direct mode 
 of doing so ; the necessity was urgent, protection was the source of allegiance ; 
 that resorting to the Great Seal of England was, for obvious reasons, 
 inexpedient ; if they could not appoint a regent by an Act of Parliament 
 directly, they ought not to do it fictitiously ; that the present situation of the 
 country did not appear to have been in the contemplation of the legislature of 
 either country, at any period ; that the great object of the chief Barons 
 bill, which had been held out in terrorem to the two Houses of Parliament, 
 was to prevent the alteration of bills by the Privy Council ; that it was denied, 
 that the King of England, if at the Castle of Dublin, could not give the 
 royal assent/' The Gi-eat Seal of England would not then be necessary as a sign 
 
 .,5; , ^^ ,*.-"'^y^i'^fr*'°^^^*^'^ » ^^^^» if the address of the two Houses on such an 
 '^ ' " ebiergency could convey no power, then the two Houses of Parliament in 
 
 England, could convey no power to the Prince of Orange. But did they not 
 call on him to take on himself the direction of public affairs, though they 
 positively at that moment declared, that the throne was not vacant ? What 
 then became of the assertion, that the Prince of Wales could not act on such 
 powers ? He would act under the only powers competent to call him to the 
 government ; he therefore not only had a right, but ought to act. If the two 
 Houses of the British Parliament claimed such powers, the Irish, being equally 
 independent, might claim similar privileges. The act of Henry 8th annexing the 
 crown of Ireland to that of England, did not apply to the present question, unless 
 it was affirmed, that the regency of Ireland was inseparably annexed to that oT 
 England, which no one would venture to affirm. The act of Henry the 8th set 
 forth the reason of its being made, in order to raise in the mind of the people 
 the authority of the lord thereof; the lordship was created into an imperial crown, 
 annexed to, not merged in, that of Great Britain ; but annexation was here 
 attempted to be melted down into dependence, and dependence into extinction. 
 — The connection was said to be in danger. How ? By resorting to the line of 
 succession. To the Heir apparent with irresistible claims, and the already declared 
 
 a n Q 
 
SOO MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 choice of Great Britain. Was it by giving hiro full regal authority ? AH 
 limitations, all restrictions were given up, even by the ministry, or its leader 
 iu Ireland, as totally unnecessary here. It was impossible therefore, though both 
 Houses of the Irish parliament wished it, that the mode of proceedings should 
 be precisely the same. They were accused of precipitancy. How ? By appointing 
 the Prince regent, at this day, some months after the royal indisposition, after 
 the first meeting of the British Parliament on this unhappy business; nay, after 
 his Royal Highness had accepted the regency;* as, to make use of his own 
 words, the safety and interests of the people must be endangered by a long 
 suspension of the exercise of the royal authority. But the resolutions of the 
 British Parliament, in fact, declare that any person whatever is equally 
 eligible with the Prince, as regent. If, therefore, instead of the Royal Family 
 wearing the Irish Crown, the people are directed to contemplate, as the object 
 of their affection, an officer with the Great Seal in his hand, will the advocate 
 for such doctrine answer for the afTectioiis of his Majesty's subjects of Ireland? 
 If, according to that resolution, England would chuse, not the Piiijc^ of 
 Wales, but another person regent, England would first go astray, and then 
 accuse Ireland of promoting disunion. But, as both Parliaments concurred 
 in the great object, the Regent, Ireland was not, nor could be, committed with 
 England. No reflection was meant to be cast on the wisdom of the British 
 Parliament, or its measures, and the deliberations of the two Countries were 
 governed by their respective circumstances. 
 
 Such were the arguments, in substance at least, which were used on this 
 momentous question. To some the detail may appear tedious ; but the whole 
 proceedings of this singular period are closely interwoven with the history of 
 Lord Charlemont, and they derive even a superior interest from this con- 
 sideration, that the Parliament which so acted is now no more -, and that its 
 resolutions on this occasion were, in the short space of ten, or eleven years 
 afterwards, the principal cause of its annihilation ; or, if some do not like that 
 phrase, of its being shorn of its beams, by the total extinction of two hundred of 
 its members. It was accused then, as in 1789, of indiscretion, of precipitancy,, 
 of a wish to involve the twa kingdoms in confusion, and civil discord, with 
 
 * See bi» answer, on the30th of January, 1789, to the committees of both Houses.. 
 
"* EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 30i 
 
 this additional mortification, that some who supported parliament on this very 
 question, tacitly acquiesed in the censures passed in 1799 on their proceedings, 
 whilst others disdained all such taciturnity, and nobly condemned their own 
 acts, for the purposes of their own exaltation. But on the conduct of the 
 Irish Senate, at the critical juncture of 1789, let posterity, not those who 
 were busy actors in the scene, or interested cotemporaries, alone decide. That 
 a difference, or even the prospect of a difference between two Indepen- 
 dent Parliaments, affecting the very being of these countries, should be the 
 most cogent argument for the consolidation of both legislatures, I per- 
 fectly agree to; but conceding this, and even the absolute necessity of 
 a legislative union, where mutual adhesion is otherwise found utterly or 
 nearly* impracticable, it is not perhaps perfectly clear to every one, that 
 the behaviour of the Irish Parliament on this memorable occasion, furnished 
 an argument entirely condusive, in favour of such a junction. If there 
 was any essential difference between the two legislatures, and in fact there 
 was not; but if there was, it displayed itself in one singular, solitary 
 instance only, whilst the journals of the Irish Legislature, for a century, 
 present an almost unvaried assimilation of its proceedings, as to the suc- 
 cession to the Throne, to those of the British Parliament. Let any 
 one read the speeches of the different Viceroys from the Revolution to 
 1800. All is harmony, all good humour. The Parliament is thanked, and 
 re-thanked, by the successive Sovereigns for good and loyal conduct, and 
 attachment to England. In king William's time, certainly, Lord Sidney 
 entered his protest against the proceedings of the House of Commons 
 as to a money bill, so did the Marquis Townshend, as has been already 
 mentioned ; but this Was a quarrel with one branch of the Irish legislature 
 merely. In the regn of George the First, the House of Lords, in Ireland, 
 asserted their claim to the appellant jurisdiction ; but the British Peers (such 
 was the utter imbecility of our nobility, and, indeed, of Ireland at the time) 
 bore them down, and, till 1782, removed the final judgment-seat to them- 
 selves. But there was no clash, no conflict of legislatures, on the occasion, 
 
 * As in the union with Scotland, when Lord Somers, tl)e great promoter of that measure, was 
 afraid, and justly, that the Scotch Parliament might difler totally from the Parliament of England 
 as to the succession of the House of Hanover. 
 
302 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 and if there had been, in the present instance, as I have already stated, is it 
 at all certain that the Irish Parliament was in the wrong? Far from it, in 
 my opinion. The Union is not the question here, but the conduct of Lord 
 Charlemont, and other honourable men who co-operated with him at this 
 trying period, of the two Houses in Ireland in short ; many of the mem- 
 bers of which were undoubtedly influenced by his example. 
 
 There were then two contending parties in England, one in the pos- 
 session of power and afraid of losing it, the other, entertaining just 
 expectation that, at no very distant period, they w^ould be restored to it; but 
 this could not be accomplished without a violent- struggle. The conse- 
 quences of that struggle, as of every political contention in England, were 
 soon felt in Ireland ; it has been always the case, and ever will, though the 
 floor of the Irish House of Commons is no longer trod upon. The great 
 object of the ministerial party, at that time, was delay ; the most obvious 
 reasons suggested such a course. It so happened, that whilst pursuing that 
 course, and every moment most tremblingly anxious for their official 
 existence, an assertion of Mr. Fox's (in my opinion a perfectly just one, as 
 he explained it) was instantaneously seized on with peculiar adroitness and 
 parliamentary management, and not only furnished more grounds for pro- 
 crastination, but was so contrived, as to throw an odium on the Opposition, 
 and give a transient splendour to the Minister, as maintaining the rights of 
 the people in Parliament against the claim supposed to be advanced by the 
 adherents to the Prince of Wales. The memorable resolution passed on this 
 occasion, and already taken notice of, had much influence in Ireland. No one 
 felt more sensibly than Lord Charlemont did, the possible dangers which might 
 result from a resolution, which left the royalty of the Prince so unguarded, 
 and so inefficient, as opposed to the claims of an over-vaulting popular 
 ambition. Though no such ambition might then display itself, who could 
 answer for the vicissitudes of opinion, or the irregularity of malignant pas- 
 sions, fed and nourished by such a resolution, and operating in a country so 
 divided as Ireland. Never therefore did any proceeding more completely unite 
 the affisctions and suffrages of many independent members of the Irish House 
 of Commons, than this vote with regard to the supposed claims of the Prince 
 of Wales. It certainly was one of the principal causes for accelerating matters 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 305 
 
 in Parliament here, and giving the regency at once to his Royal Highness. 
 To say that ambition, the hopes of aggrandizement, of emolument, did not 
 intermingle themselves with this great question, and change the conduct of 
 several, would be, not only to state an untruth, but an untruth of the most 
 puerile kind. Far be it from me to conceal, were it even in my power, the 
 sad venality, and unblushing revolt of some Irish Senators,* on this occasion ; 
 the cabals, the morning, the midnight assemblies of ridiculous personages, 
 now jocund, now woe-be-gone, crowding the Castle, the lobby of the House 
 of Commons, assailing every person of consequence or no consequence in the 
 streets, who liappened to have a letter in theirhands, the Peer, or the Postman, 
 the Printer, or the Privy Councellor, anxious for, and hanging their timid, and 
 fluctuating votes, on the arrival of every pacquet, and every bulletin from 
 England. Now the tides began to swell on the ministerial side of the House; 
 now they were lower again, according to the truth, or the lies, the absurd 
 rumour, the mingled, and varying intelligence of the hour. Like the 
 Bourgeois Gentilhomme of Moliere, who had read prose without knowing 
 that he did so, those gentlemen had acquired in one respect the sagacity of 
 Cromwell's Embassador, f unconscious of any such intellectual visitation, and 
 were, if possible, more the humble servants of events, than he ever was. 
 Then were speeches made, and voices heard, which never were heard before 
 in the House. One would imagine, that the statue of Memnon had been 
 put into commission ; that one image had been multiplied into several, all 
 for the first time animated, and all alone vocal to the rising Sun ! Alas ! what 
 beings are we ! But let the history of Caligula, now deiticd, now dreading 
 the Tarpeian rock, as Tiberius was said to be in existence, or the contrary ; 
 let the crowds, whicli in the last moments of Lewis the Fourteenth, alter- 
 nately surrounded the Duke of Orleans, tell the world, if such information 
 is at all necessary, that the pursuits of mankind, on such occasions, have 
 ever been the same. 
 
 Such auxiliaries as I have now described, acted undoubtedly with Lord 
 
 * I fancy that we were not singular } towards the close of this question, at least, scenes, nearly 
 similar, were acted at "Westminster. 
 
 f Lockhart. 
 
304 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Charlemont, and his friends ; and, where is the party or association of men, 
 many of whom have not been influenced by similar motives ? But it is 
 equally certain, that the majority of the independent part of the House, and 
 some of its most constitutional Statesmen, and lawyers, were cordially 
 attached to, and effectually supported, the system pursued in favour of the 
 Prince of Wales. Not to add that there were many gentlemen of principle, 
 and fortune, on the other side, would be to falsify history ; and several 
 members who had always voted, or in general, with Government, did not 
 desei;!: their ranks in that hour of peril, but generously supported an adminis- 
 tration vrhich almost every one then considered, as advancing rapidly to the 
 last scene of its existence. It is to be presumed, that the understandings of 
 those gentlemen co-operated with their feelings, for though not to desert a 
 sinking friend must ever be applauded, to follow any administration, or 
 opposition, from motives merely personal, however constantly practised, 
 cannot, (without aflfecting any severity of principle,) be justly reconciled to . 
 genuine parliamentary rectitude. 
 
 The principal opponent of adminstration on this question, in the House 
 of Commons, was Mr. Grattan ; but he was supported with great ability 
 by the Secretary of State, (Mr. Hutchinson,) Mr. Charles O'Neil, a very 
 eminent lawyer, Mr. Forbes, Mr. Curran, and Mr. Arthur Browne. The 
 same line was pursued by Lord Charlemont, and those who acted with him. 
 The Duke of Leinster, the Earl of Granard, the Earl of Moira, Lord 
 Donoughmore, in the Upper House. On this occasion. Lord Charlemont 
 moved the address to the Prince of Wales, requesting his Royal Highness 
 to take upon himself the Government of Ireland, with the style and 
 title of Prince Regent, and in the name and behalf of his Majesty to exercise 
 all regal powers, during his Majesty's indisposition, and no longer.* On the 
 19th February, 1789, both Houses waited on Lord Buckingham with their 
 address to the Prince, which his Excellency refused to transmit, as incon- 
 sistent with his oath as Lord Lieutenant ; and further stated, that he 
 could not consider himself warranted to lay before the Prince an address, pur- 
 
 * On Lord Cbarlemont's motion for this address^ the conteats were 45, and the non-contents 26. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 305 
 
 porting to invest bis Royal Highness witk powers to take on him the govern- 
 ment of Ireland, till he was enabled by law so to do. 
 
 The consequence of this refusal, (for which a vote of cei?sure on the Lord 
 Lieutenant passed both Houses)* was, that the Commons appointed four of their 
 members, and the Lords two of theirs, to wait on his Royal Highness with the 
 address. The gentlemen deputed by the House of Common;! were of the 
 highest rank and respectability ; Mr. O'Neill, Mr. Conolly, Mr. William Pon- 
 sonby, and Mr. James Stewart.-f- The Duke of Leinster, and Lord Qharlemont 
 were appointed by the Lords. Lord Charlemont, therefore, accompanied bj^the 
 Duke, and the above-mentioned gentlemen, went to. England directly. t?^ery 
 one knows how this mission terminated ; that it please^ Crod to restore our 
 Sovereign to perfect health, and of course all proceedings, as to a regency, were 
 entirely suspended in both kingdoms. It is no £^lulatio^, but strict historical 
 justice to state, that the urbanity and good sense of his Royal Highness were 
 never more conspicuous than on this occasion. To all the deputies he paid 
 attentions the moat delicate and flattering ; h,e particularly distinguished our 
 good and venerable Ekirl, who, whenever an opportunity permitted, never failed 
 to speak of his Royal Highness with the utmost fervor of aflfection and gratitude, 
 of the perfect propriety of his behaviour at this arduous moment, his 
 knowledge of mankind, and that fascinating politeness and good breeding 
 which, accustomed as Lord Charlemont had been to the refined society of some 
 of the most accomplished men in Europe, he oftei^ declared that he had seldom 
 seen equalled, and never surpassed. To this it must be added, that his Royal 
 Highness's expressions of regard for the Irish Parliament, and people, were the 
 most conciliating, the best calculated to leave on their minds an impression the 
 most pleasing, and to close this important and interesting scene with temper, 
 with dignity, and unaffected benevolence. Happy had it been for both countries, 
 if the same moderation, and benign healing disposition, had been manifested in 
 the general deportment and language of many of the inhabitants of Great 
 
 * It Is to be observed, that several of the Lords and Commons who voted against Lord Bucking-, 
 ham's administration, in the general business of the regency, opposed this resolution of censure. 
 
 f They were all members for Counties, and, except Mr. Stewart, Privy Counsellors. Mr. 
 Stewart is now, I8O7, the sole survivor of the entire deputation. 
 
 B r 
 
306 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Britain and Ireland, not only at this, but at a subsequent period. On the con- 
 trary, a spirit of jealousy and rancour seemed to have arisen from the agitation 
 of this question, which, though controlled for several years, displayed itself once 
 more in 1799> ^"d, under the thin disguise of affected regard for the connection 
 of both kingdoms, shewed, by its querulous phrase, and temerity of misrepre- 
 sentation, that the conduct of the Irish Legislature, at this period, had never 
 been, for one moment, consigned to oblivion. 
 
 This tempestuous and ever memorable session closed the 23th of May. 
 Lord LifFord, the Chancellor of Ireland, died in the month of July following. 
 Before his promotion to the great seals of this kingdom, in 1767, he had been 
 one of the Judges of the King's Bench, in England, and owed his elevation to 
 Lord Camden, who was always firmly attached to him. He was esteemed an 
 excellent lawyer, an impartial judge, and his patience and good temper on the 
 bench were exemplary. After some negotiation, Mr. Fitzgibbon, the Attorney- 
 general, succeeded him ; his exertions during the regency question had been so 
 great, and, fortunately for him, so recent, that every difficulty, as to his promo- 
 tion, vanished before them. Mr. Fitzherbert, a most amiable man, whose habits 
 and knowledge were more suited to foreign diplomacy than the management of 
 the House of Commons, relinquished his situation as Secretary, and was suc-r 
 ceeded by Mr. Hobart,* now Earl of Buckinghamshire. Some time after, the 
 Viceroy himself left Ireland. As a statesman, he was not generally relished ; 
 but he had many personal friends, and deserved to have them, from his steady, 
 undeviating patronage. Nev^r was a lady in her high situation more the 
 object of affectionate respect and veneration than the Marchioness of Buck- 
 ingham ; her father. Lord Nugent, so well known aX Westminster and Dublin, 
 was an Irishman; he cultivated literature not unsuccessfully, had agreeable 
 talents for poetry, and, what is of far more consequence, and I am sorry to add, far 
 more uncommon, he loved his own country, and on all occasions promoted its 
 interests. Lords Justices were appointed in the room of the Marquis of Buck- 
 ingham, and he was finally replaced by the Earl of Westmoreland. Many who 
 had opposed government on the late melancholy occasion, had quietly fallen 
 back, long before this, into their old situation ; but some great and leading 
 
 * 1805. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 307 
 
 connections would, on no account, coalesce with Lord Buckingham, or his 
 successor. An amnesty had been offered some time after the close of the 
 regency question, with what peculiar terms accompanied I know not, but by 
 those connections it was rejected. Several were dismissed from their official 
 situations; — Mr. Ponsonby^ as Postmaster-general, his brother, Mr. George 
 Ponsonby, the Duke of Lieinster, and many of their friends and adherents. 
 Thus was gradually formed an Opposition, which, in point of numbers, of 
 talents, and general respectability, was the most formidable that had been 
 encountered by the Irish Administration for many years. 
 
 Lord Charlemont's health at this time was by no means good ; he describes 
 himself, in a letter to his friend Haliday, as sick of many griefs, public and 
 private.* " My nerves, the constant source of all my complaints, are much 
 affected, and, consequently, neither my eyes nor my spirits are as they ought to 
 be. The horrid weather, which I take to be unparalleled, may possibly contri- 
 bute to produce these effects in me ; but what alteration in the weather can 
 produce any good effect upon those wretches in the county of Armagh ? Few 
 things have ever given me so much concern and anxiety as these nasty broils. 
 The fools will undo themselves, and I cannot help it. I am sorry to add to 
 these causes of discontent the politics of my Belfast friends. Here, however, 
 the case is by no means desperate, since, I am persuaded, their good sense must 
 bring them back to a right way of thinking, and those principles, which seemed 
 to be a part of their nature, must resume their empire. — In other respects, 
 however, matters go on tolerably well. The party is determined and firm, 
 neither do I think it possible, that any farther impression can be made by all the 
 arts and powers of Administration. I have forwarded the institution of a Whig 
 Club, upon the most constitutional principles, which will certainly be of great 
 use. 
 
 " It now rains as if it was just beginning, and I have twenty acres of 
 meadow cut ; and what is worse, it is so dark, that I must conclude my letter. 
 For Heaven's sake! be incessant in preaching Whig principles. Farewell! 
 Excuse this languid letter, and believe me ever unceasingly, that is to say, 
 while I am a Whig, your faithful friend, and truly affectionate, " C." 
 
 * Letter from Marino> June I4tb, 1799. 
 R r 2 
 
308 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Notwithstanding his indiflferent state of health, and variety of his engage- 
 ments, he was no less assiduous in forming the literary than the political 
 character of his country ; he attended constantly the meetings of the Irish 
 Academy, and, this year, furnished that learned body with a short, but elegant, 
 and erudite essay on a most singular custom which prevails in Metelin, the 
 ancient Lesbos, where his Lordship had formerly resided for some time. — It 
 seems the eldest daughter inherits there, to the almost entire exclusion of the 
 rest of her family. For beauty and amenity he gives Lesbos the preference to 
 all the Greek islands on the Asiatic side of the Egean Sea ; and speaks, (as what 
 man of genius would not) with a very pardonable enthusiasm, of an island so 
 celebrated in ancient story, which had listened to the earliest and most 
 animating strains of the Lyric Muse, to Sappho and to Alcaeas. 
 
 From Lesbos and Alcaic song to Belfast, Armagh, and the Whig 
 Club, is, I confess, a transition not the most brilliant; but we must follow 
 Lord Charlemont as he alternately pursues literature or politics ; and, indeed, 
 it is impossible not to respect a man who was so unceasingly solicitous 
 for the real constitutional liberty and honourable tranquillity of his 
 country ; other characters may be more brilliant, but I know of none 
 more entitled to our affectionate veneration. 
 
 He was very anxious, and from the most patriotic motives, that a political 
 club should be established in Belfast, the inhabitants of which he truly loved, 
 and who, indeed, were worthy of his attention, from their general knowledge, 
 their public spirit, and the animation which pervaded all their undertakings, 
 whether commercial or political ; but this spirit, as he conceived, was tinctured 
 with something of republicanism ; and in a town so circumstanced as that was, 
 from its opulence and superior acquirements, extending its influence over no 
 small portion of the North of Ireland, he wished that the old revolution, not 
 democratic, principles, should- prevail, and be generally acknowledged. " I really 
 think,'* thus he writes,* " that an institution of this kind, (a Whig, or Con- 
 stitutional Club) would, by holding out a congregation to the true believers at 
 Belfast, be a means of fixing, amd even recalling, many, who might otherwise 
 wander from the faith.** 
 
 * Letter to Dr. Hdliday,^ (Extract from) Dnblin, December 4tb^ 1789. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 309 
 
 His ingenious and respectable friend, Haliday, who was of the genuine 
 Whig school, adopted warmly his Lordship's ideas on this subject, as appears 
 from the following letter:* 
 
 " Though I have but a moment, I cannot omit assuring you of the heart- 
 felt joy which your letter has afforded me. My love for my country, — my 
 ardour in the good cause which now occupies me, — and, though last, not 
 least, my affection for Belfast, are all gratified by the account you send me. 
 Your sketch, as you chuse to call it, like a sketch of Raphael, is, from its 
 outline, spirit, and animation, more valuable, perhaps, than a more finished 
 picture would be, even by the fieme hand ; to attempt a correction would be to 
 spoil it. Heaven bless you, my dear friend, go on and prosper, continue your 
 patriotic efforts, and Belfast will again be what she was, what she ought to be. 
 Excuse my haste, and believe me ever, unalterably your's." 
 
 The club was formed after some modification of their resolutions, in 
 which he says, " he finds, with much concern, that Haliday's effectual and 
 moderate draught had been, in some instances, departed from.'* However, 
 matters were explained to his satis&ction ; a re-perusal of them shewed, that a 
 clause which he wished to be adopted, had been so already, and his Lordship's 
 name was enrolled among the members of this society. Whilst he was thus 
 constitutionally and wisely employed, some of the Castle people insisted, in all 
 companies, that he was diffusing anarchy, and a spirit of resistance to all govern- 
 ment; and one person said, that Haliday should be hanged, — the usual ebul- 
 litions of ignorant servitude and precipitate arrogance. 
 
 The course of these Memoirs now leads me to a particular account of 
 the Whig Glub 6i Dublin, in the formation of which Lord Cbarlemont had 
 the principal share ; at whose meetings he often presided, and of which, when 
 his health permitted, he- was the life and ornament. It consisted of the leading 
 ro^nbers of Opposition in both Houses of Parliament, with the addition of 
 many gentlemen who were not in Parliament, nor belonged to any party, except 
 that of the Constitution. To this description ^ of men there were some few 
 exceptions, which I shall take notice of hereafter. •Unlimited has been the 
 abuse and misrepresentation of this society, as if it were a species of monster, 
 
 * Letter to Dn Haliday, Dublin, Febroar/aoth^ i;^90. 
 
310 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 engendered by faction, any thing like to which the state had never before seen. 
 The truth is, that many political societies, not unlike this in some respects, but 
 with different appellations, and more miscellaneous in their original construction, 
 had, from time to time, been set up, and gradually died away, in Ireland. Not 
 ten years before, a political association of several of the nobility and gentry had 
 taken place, under the auspices of that great lawyer. Lord Avonmore, then Mr. 
 Yelverton, a man whose very name is hostile to all faction. This association was 
 distinguished by the name of the Monks of St. Patrick ; many of the original 
 members of the Whig Club, Lord Charlemont, Mr, Grattan, and others, 
 formerly belonged to this association. Mr. Daly, Lord Chief Baron Burgh, 
 Mr. Ogle, were also members. Both societies were formed in times very 
 interesting to the welfare of Ireland, and their general object was a co-operation 
 of men, who held, or professed at least to hold, a general similarity of political 
 principles, and resolved to maintain the Rights and Constitution of their 
 Country. At the time of the formation of the Whig Club, the Monks of St. 
 Patrick had, as a body, ceased to exist. When they first assembled, in 177Q, 
 the demand of a free trade for Ireland had been made, and, in the course of 
 that session, wisely complied with. Mr. Grattan's celebrated speech and 
 motion for a Declaration of Rights followed, in 1780; and, in the year 1782, 
 that motion also was at last, as already stated, and with a change of ministry, 
 entirely successful. 
 
 How long after the splendid sera of 1782, the Monks of St. Patrick con- 
 tinued their meetings, I know not, nor is it at all necessary to ascertain. I 
 have traced their progress so far, merely to show, that societies like this seldom 
 survive, for any time at least, the questions for the attainment of which, or, rather, 
 during the discussion of which, they originally came together. A weak govern- 
 ment is always uneasy, but a wise one has no occasion to be troubled about them. 
 The good sense, and good principles of the founders of such societies are cer- 
 tainly the best safeguards, which any ministry can have, independent of their 
 own wise conduct ; for it is only the nonsense, or pertinacity of ministers, on 
 points which ought to be conceded, that can give them longevity ; or, should 
 they even pass the limits which they originally prescribed to themselves, and 
 rise into faction, a sound and constitutional administration may laugh them to 
 «corn. It may however in general be said, that if they continue at all, after the 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. Sll 
 
 completion of their objects, or^ after some particular and interesting period has 
 passed away, they cease to be political, and sink into select convivial parties. In 
 England such societies have always existed, and woe be to its liberties, if that 
 day ever arrives, that, should witness their extinction. To the great Whig 
 association in Queen Anne's time, generally known by the name of the Kit Kat 
 Club, Lord Bolinbroke endeavoured to oppose another, and, in point of rank 
 and talents, a very splendid association.* A third society then started up, more 
 decidedly hostile to the Whigs, if that could be, than the ministers, and differ- 
 ing from the latter in some respects, because they thought them not violent 
 enough. This was the October Club. All were produced by the spirit of the 
 times, and with that spirit did they subside. 
 
 The violent outcry which was raised, and the misinformation which has 
 taken place with regard to this Whig Club, established chiefly by Lord Char- 
 lemont, make it necessary for me to pursue this subject somewhat further than 
 I originally intended. What were the principal objects of the Whig association 
 in England, as it stood in 1712 ? The preservation of the English constitution, 
 and the succession of the House of Hanover ; both of which, during the adminis- 
 tration of Lords Orford and Bolinbroke, they considered as in peculiar danger. 
 Numberless were the pamphlets, and numberless were the speeches made 
 against them, for presuming even to breathe such an insinuation. They were 
 factious, disrespectful to the Sovereign, and only wished to get into place and 
 power from which they had been so lately discarded. So said their enemies. 
 The younger members of that society, Mr. Walpole and Mr. Pulteney particularly, 
 then in the prime of life, venerating, as did the association in general, the ministers 
 of King William, Lord Somers especially, by whose aid the constitution of 1688 
 had been obtained, and made their principles the standard of their own political 
 feith. Now what says the first sentence of the declaration of the Whig Club 
 
 • See his letter to the Earl of Orrery. June 12,1711. The prudery with which this cele- 
 brated and dissipated statesman mentions the institution he was then forming, is remarkable. " The 
 first regulation proposed, and that which must be inviolably kept, is decency. None of the extrava- 
 gance of the Kit Kat, none of the drunkenness of the Beef Steak, is to be endured. The improvement 
 of friendship, and the encouragement of letters, are to be the two great ends of our society, &c. &c." 
 How scrupulously his Lordship adhered to decorum, how cautious he was, exactly at this time too, of 
 offending against propriety and good morals, may be seen in Swift's journal to Stella. 
 
312 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 in Ireland ? " Whereas, imder the circumstances of our renovated constitution, 
 vtt deem it necessary, that a constant and unremitting watch should be kept 
 against every step of encroachment upon those rights which have been lately 
 re-established, and for thQ safety of which we oannot but apprehend more danger 
 from an adnskinistration which has lately attempted to infringe them, 
 than we should from a ministry formed of those men, under whose 
 power, and with whose concurrence, they were originally restored to us, 
 and whose principles we must approve, because they are our own" They 
 then state among other matters, that they adhere to the principles which directed 
 the Lords and Commons to address the Prince of Wales, to take upon himself, 
 during his Royal Father*s indisposition, the administration of affairs, free from 
 occasional, or unconstitutional restrictions, such restrictions being more calculated 
 to answer the views of ambition, than to preserve liberty, or promote the solid 
 interests of the empire ; that the great objects of the society, are the constitution 
 of the realm, as settled by the Revolution in 1688, and the succession in the House 
 of Brunswick ; and, that they will ever maintain, as sacred and indissoluble, the 
 connection with Great Britain, being in their opinion indispensably necessary for 
 the freedom of this kingdom in particular, and for the freedom, strength, and 
 jM'Osperity of the empire in general." This is the outline. 
 
 Mr. Burke considered, and justly, the establishment of 1782, as the true 
 revolution of Ireland. If so, I confess I cannot see any reason why Lord 
 Charlemont, and several Irish noblemen and gentlemen, should be blamed for 
 displaying as much anxiety and fondness for that Revolution in 1789, as was 
 manifested by English lords and. gentlemen for their constitution in I712. 
 The latter apprehended more danger to their political rights from a Tory, 
 than a Whig Administration. The former entertained like apprehensions from 
 the existing ministry ; and as the English Whigs looked with confidence to Lord 
 Somers, and considered his principles as their own, the Irish Whigs rested with 
 peculiar security on Mr. Fox, and the Rockingham party, under whose power 
 and with whose aid, Irish freedom was established in 178S^* 
 
 « The Kit Kat Club,** says Horace, Lord Orford, " are usually regarded 
 merely as a set of Wits, but, in truth, they were the Patriots to whom England 
 owed the Hanover succession, and its own safety in 1714." Far be from me 
 the presumption to place our Whig Association in a general line of comparison 
 with that illustrious association of men, who, as long as the old English constitu- 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONiV 313 
 
 tion IS revered, as long as public principle is dear to us ; as long as the most 
 engaging accomplishments, and all the charms of the purest Wit, maintain 
 their accustomed power over our minds, must always be held in the most 
 pleasing and grateful remembrance. They formed a union as rare as it was 
 fortunate, of stations the most distant in society, without encroaching 
 on the privileges of either. The Duke of Somerset considered it as no dimi- 
 nution of his dignity to be, in the unbended hours of such a company, 
 the literary, or convivial associate of Tonson. With the simplicity of English 
 manners, they retained as much of the ancient institutions of chivalry, as Was 
 suited to the more tranquil and polished age in which they lived. Though 
 romance, with all its splendid train, had long since vanished, fidelity to honour- 
 able engagements, and courtesy to the fair sex, were, by the leading members of 
 that association, most scrupulously adhered to. They were Patriots, they were 
 gentlemen ; they invoked the spirit of the constitution, but they invoked the 
 spirit of the muse also ; and, whilst they preserved the former, they gave to the 
 latter its most pleasing employment, the celebration of beauty, and the giaces of 
 the female character. The unceasing conquests of the Marlborough Daughters 
 were opposed, with an air of gay triumph, to the victories of their father, then in 
 his utmost splendour ; and it was with an agreeable extravagance, added in the 
 language of poetry, that their eyes could alone restrain that freedom, so recently 
 established at the Revolution.* All this may be called trifling, but away with 
 moroseness. ,If it is trifling, it softens, and harmonizes the heart. Our. Politics 
 are not alw^s the most favourable to politeness ; and he is a dreary personage 
 indeed, who can fastidiously listen to the praises of that sex, which has often, in 
 the midst of temptations, retained those most dear to them in the paths of 
 political honour, or, without any opportunity of displaying such heroism, added 
 new charms to social life, and metamorphosed grave and formidable statesmen 
 into obliging and agreeable companions. — -Yet, whilst I pay this tribute to the 
 memory of departed worth, and departed genius, it would be a miserable aflec- 
 tation of humility, if I did not add, that in point of original talents, in useful 
 or ornamental knowledge, some of the members of the Whig Club were not 
 
 * See the verses by some members of the Kit Kat Club« especially those by Ix>rd Halifax, and 
 Mr. Manwarynjr. 
 
 s 8 
 
314 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 altogether distant from their celehrated predecessors. ' In attachment to true 
 revolution principles and unfeigned admiration of the constitution, which arose 
 with new lustre from such principles, no way their inferiors. Were I not, 
 perhaps idly, afraid, that even the roost sober panegyric might be regarded as 
 something like adulation, I could point to some living characters, as sufficiently 
 illustrative of my assertion ; but surely on constitutional topics, on the varied 
 subjects of polite literature. Lord Somers could have listened to Lord Charle- 
 mont with real satisfaction ; Lord Burlington* would have found an architec- 
 tural taste, as chastened as his own, in a visit to Marino ; and the witty, elegant, 
 and what is far more valuable, good-natured Lord Dorset, might have passed 
 from a conversation on Titian, or Vandyke, at Charlemont House, to the enjoy- 
 ment of humour as smiling as his own, or gay raillery as polished^as Arthur Man- 
 waryng*s, in the rooms appropriated to the more select memfcers of the Whig 
 Association. I have alluded to some misinformation with rekard to their pro- 
 ceedings. It has been stated, that at the Whig Club " wer^ planned and ar- 
 ranged all the measures for attack on the ministry. Each member had his 
 measure, or his question in turn. The plans of debate, and manoeuvre, were precon- J 
 certed ; and to each was assigned that share of the attack he was most competent to 
 sustain,"* The respectable author, who wrote this, was misinformed. Never, I beg 
 leave to say, were there any plans of debate preconcerted, or any share of attack 
 assigned to this, orthat member at the Whig Club. The meetings of opposition 
 were, if not at Mr. Forbes's house, sometimes at Leinster, and more frequently at 
 Charlemont House. But at none of these houses, much less in a Club room, 
 at a Tavern, where latterly, as is always the case, the company was more miscella- 
 neous than could have been wished, did the members undergo this species of mar- 
 shalling, which Mr. Plowden has represented. The opposition must have had the 
 gift of prescience, and known the turn which every debate would take, the particular 
 retort, or reply, that would be made, the perpetual wanderings from the subject in 
 
 * Richard Boyle, Earl of Burlington. 
 5'_Who plants like Bathurst, or who builds like Boyle."— —Pope, 
 
 t See Mr. Plowden's History of Ireland, 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. S\$ 
 
 question, and the necessity, irregular as such deviations were, of sometimes taking 
 notice of them ; all this, and much more, must they have been acquainted with, 
 l^efore they fixed a speaker in a station which he was invariably to support. No 
 arrangement, therefore, of any question to be spoken to in Parliament, was ever 
 made at this Whig meeting. Such a representation gives to it, what Mr. 
 Plowden never intended, the air of the Jacobin Club at Paris ; an institution 
 which it never resembled; an institution which Lord Charlemont and his 
 friends held in the utmost abhorrence.* Some publications issued from 
 the Whig Club, one especially, in consequence of a contest, in which govern- 
 ment entangled itsetf with the city, relative to the rights of the Common 
 Council to negative a Lord Mayor, chosen by the Board of Aldermen ; but this 
 question was before the Privy Council, and never came before Parliament. The 
 question relative to the Catholics, the most important of all, and most con- 
 nected, not merely with the interests, but the passions and prgudices of the 
 people, was indeed brought before Parliament, and that question the Whig Club 
 declined all discussion of. This, surely, was tiot inflaming the pec^le against 
 the government, but rather, however unjustly, directing popular indignation 
 towards the association itself. Let it be added here, that some of the subor- 
 dinate resolutions of this society related to bills then proposed, and often 
 rejected by Parliament ; such as the Place Bill, the Bill for disqualifying Revenue 
 Officers from voting at Elections, the Pension Bill, &c. all which are now 
 become the law of the land, though it was repeatedly asserted, in every debate 
 relative; to them, day after day, session after session, that they inevitably tended 
 to the separation of this country from England, and would separate both countries 
 in a very few years. Just as Chief Justice Whitshed solemnly assured a jury, 
 
 * The KJt Kat Club once exercised an authority over one of their members, which the Whig Club, 
 I am satisfied, never would have thought of j — when Sir Richard Steele's expulsion from the House 
 of Commons was decided on by the opposite party, his friends at the Kit Kat iusisled that he should not 
 make his own speech, but such a one as should be dictated to him. . Sir R, Walpole instantly spoke, as 
 if in the House, on behalf of Steele, and made an admirable speech, according to Mr. Pukeuey's account, 
 who was present. Had the Whig Club, therefore,' ever assumed the liberty of arranging any speeches, 
 or debates, for the House of Commons, it seems that it would not have been singular in ddiiig-io, and 
 if there was any thing Jacobinical according to the modern phrase, in such a proceeding, it was a species 
 of Jacobinism that existed long ago. — See Bishop Newton's account of Lord Bath. 
 
 S S 2 
 
9i6 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 and his auditors, that the sole object of the author of a proposal to wear Irish 
 manufactures, was to bring in the Pretender. 
 
 I'hat some persons, few, very few indeed, were admitted into this society, 
 and inconsiderately admitted, I freely acknowledge. But to fix any other charge 
 on the Whig Association for the reception of such men, than either a venial 
 ignorance, or culpable facility and good nature, it would be necessary to point 
 out the paths of sedition and treason, into which it was led by such obnoxious 
 members ; or, if you please, into which it led them. It has been said, and 
 truly too, that in parties the tail too often impels the head.. Was it so here ? 
 They never presumed to influence, nor was it in Uicir power to influence the 
 higher orders of that society. We might as well charge Addison with all the 
 imputed profligacy of Lord Wharton, for both, at a particular period, acted with 
 the same party ; and in Ireland, one was Secretary, and the other Viceroy ; as 
 attempt to fix an odious suspicion of disloyalty on any class, or particular body of 
 men, on grounds so utterly untenable. 
 
 If the reader of these Memoirs is not at all conversant with, or if he is 
 perfectly indifferent to, all Irish politics, especially those of late years, he must, 
 I am perfectly sensible, consider all this as peculiarly tedious and uninteresting. 
 But when it has been stated, by high and grave authority, that the rebel con- 
 federacy was only an improvement on this society, and more than insinuated, that 
 the leaders of it must have entertained principles directly hostile to all Monarchy 
 and all Constitution, the Biographer of the venerable Lord Charlemont would 
 forget the duty of an historian, all respect to that Nobleman's memory, and 
 the memory of many illustrious and ^ood men, now no more, if he did not, 
 though with inadequate talents^ enter at large into the origin and views of the 
 Whig Association. But there are some politicians who, when parties are opposed 
 to each other in the state, seem to consider all debate, not as it ought to be, an 
 open, liberal, and instructive discussion of the questions that may occasionally 
 engage the attention of Parliament, but as an unprincipled contest between 
 two fierce belligerent powers, who think themselves at liberty to resort to every 
 species of hostility within the reach of human invention, provided the depression 
 of an adversary^ or some transient, grovelling advantage^ are at any rate 
 obtained. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 317 
 
 Mr. Burke's correspondence with Lord Charlemont, during this year, 
 was fre(|uent, and much of it confidential. It relates to a momentous period. 
 Many of the personages, who are mentioned in it, are still busy actors in 
 the public scene, which, at that time, was agitated extremely. Such parts 
 of the correspondence, as may without impropriety be given, are here 
 inserted. There was scarcely any gentleman of distinction, who visited 
 Ireland, and who was acquainted with Mr. Burke, who did not obtain an 
 introductory letter from him, to Lord Charlemont. To publish them all 
 would be idle, for several, however adorned by that elegance of diction, in 
 which the writer was perhaps never excelled, are merely letters pf introduc- 
 tion. Some, however, are blended with the history of the day, others 
 express his sentiments on particular occasions, and all bear testimony to the 
 accomplishments, the talents, and the virtues of Lord Charlemont. Mr. 
 Shippen, an American gentleman, of pleasing manners, whose family was 
 allied to the famous William Shippen,* came at this time to Ireland, and 
 was well received here. Some few of Mr. Burke's letters, or portions of 
 them at least, are here given in succession. The first relates to Mr. Shippen. 
 
 My Dear Lord, 
 
 If I were to write all that is in my heart and head relative to you, and 
 to your proceedings, I should write volumes. At present, I abstain from 
 any subject, but that which, at this instant^ may give your Lordship occasion 
 to remember me. 
 
 My friend^ Mr. Shippen, of Pensylvania, a very agreeable, sensible, 
 and accomplished young man, will have the honour of delivering this to 
 your Lordship. I flatter myself, that you will think of him as I do, and 
 if you do, I have no doubt that he will find, under your Lordship's protec- 
 tion, every thing that he can expect, (and he expects a great deal,) from 
 Ireland. He has been, for some time, upon his travels on the Continent of 
 Europe; and, after this tour, he pays us the compliment of thinking, that 
 there are things and persons worth seeing in Ireland. For one person, 1 am. 
 sure I can answer, and am not afraid of disappointing him, when I tell him, 
 that in no country will he find a better pattern of elegance, good breeding, 
 
 * See Mr. Coxc'b Memoirs qf Sir Robert WaJpole. 
 
S18 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 and virtue. I shall say nothing further to recommend my friend to one, to 
 whom a young gentleman, desirous of every sort of improvement is, by 
 that circumstance, fully recommended. America and we are not under 
 the same Crown, but if we are united by mutual good will, and reciprocal 
 good offices, perhaps it may do almost as well. Mr. Shippen will give you 
 no unfavourable specimen of the new world. 
 
 Pray remember my most affectionate and respectful compliments, with 
 those of this house, to Lady Charlemont, and Miss Hickman, and to all 
 those who do us the honour of their good wishes. Believe me, with the 
 sincerest respect and affection, ever. 
 
 My Dear Lord, 
 Your most faithful, and obedient humble servant, 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 
 Crcrrard-Street, March 29th, 1789. 
 
 My Dearest Lord, 
 
 You do no more than strict justice in allowing the sincerity of my 
 attachment to you, and my readiness, on all occasions, to obey your com- 
 mands. My affections are concerned in your thinking so, and my pride in 
 having it believed by as many as know me. 
 
 After I had received your Lordship's letter of the 24th of March, I lost 
 no time in attending the P. I cannot say that I executed your Lordship's 
 commission literally : I thou^it it better to let you speak for yourself. To 
 have done otherwise, would not have been to do justice to the P. to your 
 Lordship, or even to the person charged with your commission. There 
 never was any thing conceived more justly, or expressed with more elegance, 
 than what you have said of his R. H. I did not think it right to spoil so 
 just, and so handsome a compliment, by giving it in any other words than 
 your own. I risqued more, and, without your authority, put the letter into 
 his hands. The P. was miich pleased, and I think, affected. The account 
 your Lordship has given of the state of politics in Ireland, was certainly not 
 what we could have wisJied, and indeed expected. It was, however, a relief 
 to his R. H. as he found t^ngs much better than, from other accounts, he 
 had conceived them. 
 
EARL OP CHARLEMONT. SI9 
 
 I never had the least idea that the opposition in Ireland could continue 
 against the presiding administration here, however some individuals might 
 be on principle adverse to it. I am charmed with what I have heard of 
 the Duke of Leinster.* I am happy to find him add a character of firmness 
 to the rest of his truly amiable and respectable qualities. Ponsonbyf then 
 is, it seems, the Proto- Martyr. I never saw him until the time of your 
 embassy ; but I am not mistaken in the opinion I formed of him, on our first 
 conversation, as a manly, decided character, with a right conformation of 
 mind, and a clear and vigorous understanding. The world will see what is 
 got by leaving a provoked, a powerful enemy ; and how well faith is kept by 
 those, whose situation has been obtained by their infidelity, one would have 
 thought that personal experience was not necessary for teaching that lesson. 
 As to what you have said of the care to be taken of the Martyrs to their 
 duty, that is a thing of course, in case an opportunity occurs. They would 
 not be injured so much, as the leaders would be eternally disgraced, if they 
 were not made their first objects. It would be a shame indeed, if those who 
 surrender, should profit more b}^ the generosity of their enemies, than those 
 who hold out to the last biscuit, might by the justice and gratitude of their 
 friends. Here we seem to have forgot all serious business. 
 
 I have a thousand handsome things to say to your Lordship, on the 
 part of the P. with regard to your principles, your liberality of sentiment, 
 the goodness of your heart, and the politeness of your manners. I think 
 hira a Judge of these things, and I see that he knows the value of a com- 
 pliment from one, who has his civiHty for every body, but the expression of 
 his approbation for very few. 
 
 Will your Lordship be so good as to remember my affectionate respects 
 to your late colleagues. Mrs. Burke, my brother, and son, beg to present 
 our most grateful duty to Lady Charlemont and Miss Hickman. 
 
 I am, with the most heart-felt sentiments of affection. 
 
 My Dear Lord, &c. 
 
 'Edu, BUrke. 
 
 Saturday, April 4th, 176Q. 
 
 * William, late Duke of Leidster. 
 f William^ late Lord Ponsonby. He had been remoTcd from his office of Poit-Master Genera}, 
 after the business of the Regency. 
 
320 MEMOIRS OF JAME3, 
 
 Mt Dear Lord, 
 I have little to say of importance, and nothing at all to say that is 
 pleasant. But I do not chuse to let my friend Mr. Nevill depart without 
 taking with him some token of my constant love and respect for your Lord- 
 ship. Your friendship and partiality are things too honourable, and too dear 
 to me, to suffer them to escape from my memory^ or from yourself, if I can 
 help it. Indeed, I want consolations, and these are consolations to me of a 
 very powerful and cordial operation. We draw to the end of our business 
 in this strange session. I have taken no part whatever in the latter period, 
 though in the former I exerted myself with all the activity in my power, 
 and which 1 thought the crisis called for. Nature has made a decision, 
 which no art, or skill of parties, could have produced.' When that was 
 done, I had nothing further to do. My time of life, tlie length of my 
 service, and the temper of the public, rendered it very unfit for me to exert 
 myself in the common routine of opposition. Turpe Senex Miles. There is 
 a time of life in which, if a man cannot arrive at a certain degree of 
 authority, derived from a confidence from the Prince, or the people, which 
 may aid him in his operations, and make him compass useful objects without 
 a perpetual struggle, it becomes him to remit much of his activity. 
 Perpetual failure, even though nothing in that failure can be fixed on the 
 improper choice of the object, or the injudicious choice of means, will 
 detract every day more and more from a man's credit, until he ends without 
 success, and without reputation. In fact, a constant pursuit even of the 
 best objects, without adequate instruments, detracts something from the 
 opinion of a man's judgment. This, I think, may be, in part, the cause of 
 the inactivity of others of our friends, who are in the vigour of life, and in 
 possession of a great degree of lead and authority. I do not blame them, 
 though I lament that state of the public mind, in which the people can 
 consider the exclusion of such talents, and such virtues, from their service, 
 as a point gained to them. The only point in M'hich I can find any thing to 
 blame in those friendsj is their not taking the effectual means, which they 
 certainly had in their power, of making an honourable retreat from the 
 prospect of power into the possession of reputation, by an effectual defence 
 of themselves. Tliere was an opportunity which was not made use of for 
 that purpose, and Avhich could scarcely have failed of turning the tables ou 
 
fi ARL OF CHARLEMONT. 52 1 
 
 ibeir adversaries. Bat I ought to stop ; because I find I am getting into the 
 fault common with all those who lose at any play, that of blaming their 
 partners: and indeed nothing has hastened, at all times, the ruin of declining 
 parties so much, as their mutual quarrels, and their condemnation of each 
 other. 
 
 My particular province has been the East Indies. We have rest, or 
 something like it, for the present ; but depend on it, I shall persevere to the 
 end, and *hall not add myself to the number of those bad example*, m 
 which delinquents have wearied out the constancy of their prosecutors. We 
 may not go through all the charges ; I fear it will be out of our power to do 
 this ; but we shall give a specimen of each great head of criminality, and 
 then call for judgment. So far as to a general view of my sole«hare of bu- 
 siness. As to the politics of Ireland, as I see nothing in them very pleasant, 
 I do not wish to revive in your mind, what your best philosophy is required 
 to make tolerable. Enjoy your Marino, and your amiable and excellent 
 family. These are comfortable sanctuaries, when more extensive views of 
 society are gloomy, and unpleasant, or unsafe. May I request, that your 
 Lordship, and Lady Charlemont, will think of us, in your retreat, as of 
 those who love and honour you not the least, amidst the gen«ral good opi- 
 nion in which it is your happiness to live. Ever, my dear Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's most faithful, &c. 
 
 Edm. Burke. 
 Gerrard-street^ July 10> 1789. 
 
 My dearest Lord, 
 I think your Lordship has acted with your usual zeal and judgment, 
 in establishing a Whig club in Dublin. These meetings prevent the eva- 
 poration of principle in individuals, and give them joint force, and enliven 
 their exertions by emulation. You see the matter in its true light, and 
 with your usual discernment. Party is absolutely necessary at this time ; I 
 thought it always so in this country, ever since I have had any thing to do 
 in public business ; and I rather fear, that there is not virtue enough in this 
 period to support party, than that party should become necessary, on account 
 
 T t 
 
822 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 of the want of virtue to support itself by individual exertions.* As to us 
 here, our thoughts of every thing at home, are suspended by our astonishment 
 at the wonderful spectacle which is exhibited in a neighbouring and rival 
 country. What spectators, and what actors ! England gazing with astonish- 
 ment at a French struggle for liberty, and not knowing whether to blame, 
 or to applaud. The thing, indeed, though I thought I saw something like 
 it in progress for several years, has still somewhat in it paradoxical and mys- 
 terious. The spirit, it is impossible not to admire; but the old Parisian fero- 
 city has broken out in a ghocking manner. It is true, that this may be no 
 more than a sudden explosion ; if so, no indication can be taken from it ; but 
 if it should be character, rather than accident, then that people are not fit 
 for liberty, and must have a strong hand, like that of their former masters, 
 to coerce them. Men must have a certain fund of natural moderation, to 
 qualify them for freedom, else it becomes noxious to themselves, and a per- 
 fect nuisance to every body else. What will be the event, it is hard, I think, 
 still to say. To form a solid constitution, requires wisdom, as well as spirit ; 
 and wliether the French have wise heads among them, or, if they possess 
 such, whether they have authority equal to their wisdom, is yet to be seen. 
 In the mean time, the progress of this whole affair is one of the most curious 
 matters of speculation that ever was exhibited. 
 
 Our neighbour,-^ the Duke of Portland, is still somewhat stiff in his 
 limbs, though he can walk. IJe is the same virtuous, calm, steady character, 
 in all sorts of weather, natural and political. He always thinks and speaks 
 of your Lordship, as such men as you and he ought to think and speak of 
 each other. I am ever, my most dear Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful and affectionate, 
 
 £dm. Bubke. 
 Beconsfield, August gtb, 1789. 
 
 The debates of the Session, 1790, were such as might be expected from 
 the violent concussion of parties. An uncommon accession of strength was, 
 
 * See his very ingenious and eloquent defence of party, ia that admirable paiPf^Iet, '* Thoughts 
 on the Caase of the present Discontents." It waS Written in 1 7/0* 
 t The Duke was then at Bulstrode. 
 
^^y 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 323 
 
 by the junction of the Ponsonby family, given to the opposition. As a debater, 
 Mr. George Ponsonby was little, if at all inferior, to any one, who had ever sat 
 in the Commons of Ireland. Diction, pure, simple, and perspicuous, variety of 
 argument, not expanded, but compressed and forcible ; great promptitude, 
 great vigour in attack, aided by a memory the most uncommonly retentive ; 
 such were the characteristics of his eloquence. Never was Mr. Grattan more 
 pointed, more various, more eloquently indignant, than during this session. 
 He had an admirable parliamentary lieutenant, if I may be allowed the phrase. 
 In Mr. Curran, who animated every debate with all his powers. He was copious. 
 Splendid, TuU of wit and Ufe, and ardour. Mr. Forbes was eminently 
 useful, and from the stores of his reading, selected such well -arranged 
 materials, as blended themselves with, supported, and enriched every question. 
 Never were his laborious researches, his general parliamentary and constitutional 
 knowledge, moreconspicnous'than at this time. Altogether, it was, on the part of 
 opposition, the most completely brilliant session in my remembrance. Adminis- 
 tration seemed at first astounded by the incessant rapidity of the attack, nor 
 was it till towards the dose of the Session, that they recovered themselves 
 sufficiently to encounter their adversaries with any proportionate ability, when 
 Sir Hercules Langrishe spoke with real talent, accompanied with his usual good 
 humour, urbanity, and moderation. But a leader, like Mr. Fit^gibbon, was 
 wanting. The divisions at this time were peculiarly strong ; generally more than 
 ninety ; and, as I well know, they might often have passed one hundred, if the ranks 
 of opposition could ever be as well marshalled as those of their opponents. That, 
 however, cannot be expected. Lord Charlemont attended every debate, 
 and spent so much more of his time in the Commons than the Lords, that it 
 was justly said, he should have been admitted ad eundem in the former assembly. 
 It is true, that he never omitted his attendance in the Upper House; but 
 appeals constituted, at this time, the principal business of their Lordships ; 
 they felt none of the warmth of the Commons, and Lord Fitzgibbon began 
 already to rule there with almost unlimited sway. Tlie principal topics urged 
 by the opposition were, the creation of fourteen new places, for the purposes of 
 unconstitutional influence in the House of Commons, and the disposal of 
 Peerages for purposes equally corrupt ; in other words, conferring the honours 
 
 Tt 2 
 
3S4 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 of nobility for money, and that money expended in the purchase of seats in the 
 Lower House of Parliament. This charge, than which a more criminal one 
 could scarcely be adduced, was but feebly resisted. It was indeed retorted, and 
 at a subsequent period more particularly, that a similar practice had in one 
 instance taken place during Lord Northington's administration, which some of 
 the leading members of the opposition entirely supported, and were the advisers 
 of. As to the various questions which were agitated in the Lower House, I 
 must refer the reader to the parliamentary debates. They cannot come properly 
 within the limits of Memoirs of Lord Charlemont, which take notice only of 
 such as were of superior magnitude, or those which his Lordship %vas more 
 immediately connected with. The Session was as short as it was spirited. 
 Parliament being prorogued early in April, and dissolved almost directly 
 afterwards. 
 
 Lord Charlemont's old friends, the Volunteers of the North, were 
 again visited and reviewed by him this summer. ** The Derry army,*' he 
 mentions in his letter,* " was at least three thousand four hundred strong. I 
 say at least, because the returns were made so strictly, as to be under the 
 reality. They went through their business incomparably, notwithstanding the 
 most disadvantageous weather." The Volunteer spirit had, however, at this time, 
 began to decline. 
 
 The new Parliament met the 10th July, 1790. Mr. Foster was re-elected 
 Speaker, not without a large minority in favour of Mr. William Ponsonby.-}- 
 The principal object in calling Parliament at that unusual season was, to obtain 
 a vote of credit to the amount of ^200,000, in consequence of the aggression 
 at Nootka Sound. This hostility, on the part of Spain, was the sole topic dwelt 
 on in the speech from the Throne. All parties were unanimous in support of 
 the honour of his Majesty's Crown, and the inseparable connexion of the two 
 kingdoms. A general harmony of sentiment prevailed during this Session, which 
 was uncommonly limited, as it closed the 24th of July. 
 
 The friendship and cordial attachment which uniformly subsisted between 
 the Marquis of Rockingham and Lord Charlemont, have, in the course of this 
 work, been frequently mentioned. At this time he was enabled, by the kind 
 
 * Extract of a letter to Haliday, Fort Stewart, July 30tb, 1790. 
 
 t Mr. Plowden says, that the House did Dot divide, but he is mistaken^ 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 325 
 
 and pious aid of the Marchioness, to indulge the feelings of his heart, towards 
 his lost friend, and place an admirable likeness of him, finely executed in the 
 purest marble, at Charlemoht-House. The Bust of Lord Rockingham, 
 with suitable accompaniments, and the inscription beneath, written 
 by Lord Charlemont, occupies a part of the saloon, or rather new library, 
 which, though not large, is truly elegant, and is peculiarly graced by 
 this, its best ornament. Part of Lady Rockingham's letters to Lord Charle- 
 mont, relative to its completion, may, it is to be presumed, be inserted, and 
 *with propriety, here. On no other subject perhaps, very few certainly, should I 
 think myself entitled to give any portion of her correspondence to the world. 
 But the same respect to that noble lady, which justly withholds me from any 
 such intrusion, in this instance impels me forward, as in no hotter way could I 
 pay that tribute, however slight, to her memory, to which it has so entire a 
 claim. To turn aside from politics at any time, or, at least, when politics are 
 unaccompanied by any thing very dignified, or inspiring, cannot be a matter of 
 much regret ; but when such a deviation leads us to the contemplation of an 
 illustrious matron, engaged in the sweet and grateful, though melancholy office 
 of recalling to the sculptor, the features of a noble husband, for ever dear to 
 her; and from the stores of her own memory, facilitating the labours of the 
 artist. Such a deviation is indeed soothing. With two or three letters of Lady 
 Rockingham to Lord Charlemont, one also from Mr. Burke to him is given, 
 as in part adverting to the same subject. 
 
 1 fear I must have appeared extremely blameable to your Lordship, and I 
 
 am free to confess, that I have partly been so : Neither the picture, nor Tassie's 
 profile could be of any help, as Nollikens said; but in the summer, when his 
 business permitted him, I got him to prepare a fresh model, and bring it down 
 here ; and he was so patient as to work upon it, after my instructions, two whole 
 days, and alter a million of times according to my wish, till I really thought a 
 great degree of likeness was obtained, and a spirit given to the countenance, 
 which, I am sure, the other casts were totally void of; for there was a poverty 
 in the character o£ those, and a tame, but agonized look, which expressed 
 nothing of him, either in life or death ; his complacency of countenance had 
 nothing of lameness when living, and I was assured, that the agony of dissolu- 
 
326 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 tion was presently restored to a sweet serenity in every feature. I sent to Mr, 
 Burke to come and see the amendments ; Mr. Byng also came, by chance, and 
 their opinions of the visible improvement, gave me infinite satisfaction. Had I 
 wrote to your Lordship just then, it would have been in a sanguine strain, but I 
 postponed till a cast was made, which had some delay from Nollikens having 
 some journies to make ; but, as he said he had a remarkable fine piece of marble, 
 I ordered him to begin the bust, and get forward with it as fast as possible, to 
 make up for the long delay, which my hatred to bespeak what, (from my own 
 feelings,) I judged would be so unanswerable to your kind wishes, had occasioned. 
 I hope the waiting a while will prove more anrppfrahle to your Lordship, in 
 receiving a more expressive resemblance of your beloved friend, and that you 
 will excuse my weakness in this matter : I did not chuse to prejudice your ideas, 
 by giving you the whole of mine, with regard to the cast I sent, neither can I 
 yet say, that I am content, though vastly more so. I will have the honour of 
 writing to your Lordship again, when the bust is nearly finished. — I was shocked 
 to hear of the death of your Lord Lieutenant, the poor Duke of Rutland, who 
 was our relation, and once very partial, and affectionate to our house — I fear he 
 took no care of his health. I have troubled you too long, and will only add, 
 that I am, with true esteem. 
 
 Your Lordship's very obliged, humble servant, 
 
 M. Rockingham. 
 
 Hillingdon-House, Dec. 7tb, 1787- 
 
 For a length of time past, I reallyhave not had the courage to write to your 
 
 Lordship, knowing myself to have been the only cause of your not receiving the 
 bust as soon as it was finished, which certainly would have been the case, could 
 I have consented to its going without my seeing it, and a variety of things, which 
 would appear trifling, and incomprehensible to another person, were serious 
 impediments to my being able to go to town. The distress and uneasiness it 
 has cost me not to have been able to exert myself better, can hardly be expressed ; 
 but the satisfaction at having at last fulfilled my devoirs, is as great. Mr. Nolli- 
 kens assured me, that he would pack up, and send with the greatest care, the 
 bust, by the next ship. I must now speak a word upon its merit. The marble 
 is as beautifully perfect as any thing can be ; and I really am as much contented 
 with the resemblance, as it is possible to be with any thing of that sort ; I hope 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. • 327 
 
 you will think it has greatly profited from the pains I took, and the patience that 
 the artist exerted in following my directions. Be so good as to place it so as 
 for the right side of the bust to strike the eye first. The front and the left side 
 have not, to my eye, so strong a resemblance ; but, upon the whole, I hope it 
 is worthy of the place your Lordship has kindly destined for it; and your accept- 
 ing it, as a mark of my gratitude for so flattering a testimony of your r^ard to 
 the original, will be the highest satisfaction you can confer on me. I must again 
 beg of you to pardon my negligences, and to believe that J am, with much truth 
 
 and regard. 
 
 Your Lordship's most obliged, humble servant, 
 
 M. RoC^INQHAJf. 
 October 2l8t^ 1788. 
 
 Dear Lord Charlemont, 
 I fear I must have appeared very ungrateful to your Lordship, in having 
 kept silence so long, after receiving your kind remembrance in the drawing you 
 promised me, when I had the honour and pleasure of seeing you at Hillingdon. 
 The truth is, that at the time it came, I was so indifferent, that writing was a 
 very irksome employment to me, and has continued so ; though I am certainly 
 better, and now able to take up my pen, and express my just sense of the elegant 
 and afi[ectionate manner in which your Lordship has paid the tribute of firiend- 
 ship. The inscription you composed for that bust, which you have made the 
 prominent feature in your beautiful saloon, is every thing that a friend could wish 
 from a friend. I think the sanction of truth permits me to say, that you have 
 given the precise character of the person, in words that flow from the heart. I 
 hope your Lordship is enjoying good health ; I thought you looked remarkably 
 well when I had the honour of seeing you here, and was afraid you might be the 
 worse for walking out that very cold day. I wish I could, at this time, have 
 the pleasure of shewing your Lordship this little place, it is in such perfect beauty. 
 I cannot conclude, without returning my best thanks for two canisters of snuff; 
 Your supplies of Irish snuffs are always so excellent, tliat my taste becomes too 
 nice. I beg my compliments may be made acceptable to Lady Charlemont. I; 
 am, wiUi much regard. 
 
 Your Lordship's faithful and obliged servant, 
 
 M. ROCKINGHAAL. 
 
 HilHngdon House, June 28tb, 1790* 
 
328 • MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Mr BEAR Lord, 
 A man makes but a bad figure in apology, even when he has an indulgent 
 friend to whom he may offer it. I think I may as well cast myself at once on 
 your goodness ; for, if you are not of yourself disposed to make excuses for my 
 silence, or to pardon it without any excuse, I really do not know how I can offer 
 any thing, which may induce you to forgive me, I am, unfortunately, very 
 irregular, and immethodical. To tell you I have been at once much occupied, 
 and much agitated with my employment, might make it appear as if I 
 thought myself and my occupations of more consequence than I hope I do. So 
 I leave it with you ; entirely persuaded, that you do not think that either neglect 
 of you, or indifference to the matter of your commission, are among the things 
 for which I ought to give no account. I did not receive the drawing quite so 
 early as might be expected. As soon as I could see Lady Rockingham, I gave 
 her the drawing, and the inscription : she felt much affected with the tender 
 and melancholy consolation she received from your Lordship's genius and friend-^ 
 * ship. The memorial of Lord Rockingham ought to be in the house of the man 
 whom he resembled the most, and loved the best ; it is a place fit for a temple 
 to his memory. The inscription was such as we both approved most entirely.* 
 I will endeavour to procure for your Lordship a drawing of the monument at 
 Wentworth ; it is really a fine thing, and the situatioa wonderfully well chosen.— 
 You know what my opinion is about the importance of Ireland, to the safety of 
 the Succession, and the tranquillity of this kingdom. With that opinion, as 
 well as from my cordial good wishes to your Lordship, and your friends, I rejoice 
 to find, that, on the whole, the elections have been favorable. This is more than ' 
 I dare to promise myself for this side of the water. You will permit me to con- 
 vey, through your Lordship, my most thankful acknowledgments to the Royal 
 Academy of Ireland, for the great honour they have done me. Believe me ever, 
 my dear Lord, 
 
 Your faithful, and most obliged, humble servant, 
 
 £dm. Burke. 
 
 Beconsfield, May 25 th, 179O. 
 
 At the beginning of the subsequent year, 179I, administration thought pro- 
 per to divide the authority of the Lieutenancy, or government of Armagh, which 
 had for considerably more than a century been almost exclusively enjoyed by Lord 
 
 * See the Appendix, No. 4. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 3ii| 
 
 Charlemont*s ancestors, into two separate appointments, and to add Lord Gosfprd s 
 name to his in the government of that county. The nobleq^en tKus joined iq 
 his Lordship in that respectable situation, was certainly of a very ancient family, 
 long established in Armagh,* of extensive property, and many estimable 
 qualities. To approved loyalty and moderation in his political principles, he 
 added conciliating manners, and becoming gallantry of spirit, as his conduct at 
 all times, particularly at a subsequent period in the commencement of the rebels- 
 lion, sufficiently evinced. But this division of the authority of Governor, 
 though it had often prevailed in some counties of Ireland, seemed evidently 
 calculated to mark the disapprobation in which Lord Charlemont*s political con- 
 duct was held at the Castle, and that the mode adopted in giving him an adjunct, 
 was particularly ungracious, appears from the following letter r-j- . 
 
 ^ ■ 
 
 " A few days since, Sir Annesley Stewart called upon me, with an account, 
 that he had Just then read in the gazette, the appointment of Lord Gosford, 
 who was joined with me in the Lieutenancy of Armagh, an event of which I 
 now heard for the first time, and which had in no way been previously intimated 
 to me. A duplicate of Governors, that is to say, commanders in chief of 
 militia, J has ever appeared to mc a political bull, and though this absurd practice 
 has of late years taken place in Ireland to the most ridiculous excess, I did not 
 tliink that it ought to affect a family, which has for a long time, indeed, been in 
 the possession of that Plume, Clear in my own mind of the propriety of what I 
 was about to do, and conscious, that though the exhibition of family pride be of 
 all other things the most ridiculous, yet that there are occasions, when it is 
 criminal not to assert one's own dignity, I immediately wrote to the Secretary, 
 signifying to him that, having been informed by the gazette, &c. I requestol 
 of him to give in to the Lord Lieutenant my resignation. Of my conduct 
 in this business, I hope my dear friend will not disapprove, and I trust that 
 my friends in Armagh will think that I have acted right ; in which case, 
 instead of a decrease, I shall experience an increase of that partiality which I 
 
 * His Lordship's family name, Acheson, is well known to those who are conversant in the 
 Tighter parts of Swift's Miscellaneous Poetry, as the lively and celebrated Poem of Hamilton'* Bawi^ 
 was written at the seat of Sir Arthur Acheson, Lord Gosford's immediate ancestor. 
 
 f Letter to Dr. H. February 7th, 1791. 
 
 I The militia« ai now established, was not adopted In Ireland tiU 1793. 
 
 V. U 
 
^ 
 
 320 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 • * 
 
 eyer shall endeavour to deserve, and to turn, as far as in me lies, to their advan- 
 tage, and that of my country." 
 
 But such ministerial acts as this, where ill humour and resentment pre* 
 dominate more than true policy, are almost invariably attended with consequences 
 precisely the reverse of those, which the advisers of them most unaccountably 
 eixpect. It happened so here. " Was there ever such an administration !'* 
 his Lordship triumphantly exclaims, in his letter to Haliday.* ** They have 
 essentially served and exalted the man they wished to degrade. My friends in 
 Armagh are so kindly angry, that, unequal as I am to writing, I have been 
 Compelled to interpose in behalf of moderation.** 
 
 His Lordship had, on this occasion, the satisfaction of receiving a very 
 warm and affectionate address from a large portion of the freeholders of the 
 county of Armagh.-f- Notwithstanding all his pacific efforts, it is conceived in 
 terms highly indignant against the Administration. One sentence is so histo- 
 rically exact, that I shall transcribe it. — ** Your Lordship was sole governor of 
 our county, in times rather more perilous than the present ; in times, shall we 
 say, when the kingdom had no government, or none but that derived from the 
 strength, spirit, and wisdom of the people, so often, and with such zealous 
 integrity, informed, advised, and led by your Lordship." His answer is cordial 
 and spirited. J 
 
 Soon after this, the Bath waters being recommended as beneficial to the 
 health of some of his Lordship's family, he prepared, at the close of April, to 
 go there. The journey was undertaken by him with great cheerfulness. "How- 
 ever disagreeable,*' § sayS he, " it may be to a man, who is, perhaps, more than 
 any other, an habitudinarian, it is not pleasant to me to give" up Marino ; it is 
 still less pleasant to me to give up my library ; but it is least of all pleasant to 
 absent myself from that sphere of public life, where my endeavours may possibly 
 be of some smallutility to my country. My absence, however, will be, I trust, 
 but short ; and, if wanted, I shall be ready and at hand. Bath waters, they 
 tell me, may be of service to me also, but that is a motive of a nature secondary 
 indeed.'' 
 
 * Dublin, February 18th, 179 1, 
 •f- In a note, at the conclusion, it is stated, that the address vras signed by 1378 freeholders. 
 i Dublin, April Jpth, 1791. § Lettei; to Haliday, Dublin, April 27th, 1791. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 321 
 
 "On this oecasion he experienced the regard, affection, and veneration, 
 which all ranks in Dublin entertained for him in the highest degree. When 
 his intended journey, and the cause of it, were generally known, Charleinont 
 House was attended by crowds of visitants, |dl anxious, and expressing 
 the most heart-felt desire, for the re-establishment of the health of his 
 excellent Countess, his own, and those most dear to them. On the day 
 of his embarking for England, all was anxiety and ferment. *' The city," to 
 make use of Shakespeare's phrase, " cast its people out upon him." Every one 
 was abroad. The streets, from Charlemont House to the river, were completely 
 thronged; all hung on his.chariot-wheels, with looks of gratitude and attach- 
 ment, and poured forth the most ardent prayers for his return. As his carriage 
 moved on, attended by numbers of gentlemen, his friends, and many of the 
 Volunteer associations, the spectacle was of the most interesting kind. It afforded, 
 indeed, none of the usual objects of popular and ordinary gaze. It derived 
 nothing from the miseries, the unyoked passions of the multitude, or the solemn 
 follies of mankind. But the qualities that do most honour to mankind — generous 
 sympathy, and generous admiration of pure and un tired patriotism, ranged 
 themselves on every side, and communicated a modest and winning sploiidor 
 to the scene, which all the lamentable spoils, and pernicious glare of Roman, 
 domination, in its asoent to the capitol, forbad Romans ever to witness. Let 
 me not be considered as having said too much on this occasion. I hope that 
 there is not that constant perverseness in our nature, which renders us indiffe- 
 rent to the homage so seldom paid to excellence, which is produced at home, 
 and presents itself to our eyes, unaccompanied by those sad. reflections which 
 deprive glory of more than half its triumph. Is a certain portion of human 
 misery necessary to constitute, as it too often so strangely does, so large a part 
 of our historical panegyrics ? 
 
 — ■■ — The marks of respect which his situation, at this time, more 
 particularly called forth, were not confined to the metropolis alone. Many 
 of his friends and admirers in the North, and elsewhere, deprived of his 
 presence, uncertain as to his state of health, naturally wished to indulge their 
 feelings, by erecting his statue. This testimony of grateful affection, he, for 3 
 long time, altogether declined ; but being much urged, he so far gave way t& 
 their kind importunities, as to express his wishes, that, in any public monument 
 
 una 
 
Z21 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 to be erected to his honour, the Volunteers should also be designated, and their 
 name joined to his. In that case, he said, the monument would be more 
 acceptable to him, and less objectionable.* He declined, however, any decision, 
 till the return of his dear and excellent friend, James Stewart.f whose " incom- 
 parable judgment," his Lordship adds, " and ardent affection towards me, must 
 render his advice desirable, if not essential. The inconvenient post, which 
 baulked me yesterday, gives me an opportunity of informing you, that, though 
 better, I am not yet quite well of my complaint. The unprecedented variable- 
 ness of the weather operates against us all ; and these sudden changes from 
 Jamaica to Nova Zembla, would affect nerves of iron. Have you read Mcintosh's 
 pamphlet ? Bating a few errors, it is an excellent performance.*' 
 
 As to the proposed monument, unquestionably this mode of doing hin;ii 
 reverence, in his life-time, however suggested by increasing attachment, and 
 almost filial duty, could not be exactly suited to the justness of that moral taste, 
 which, on all occasions, was so conspicuous in his conduct. I have heard 
 nothing more of this statue, or monument ; nor am I certain that it ever was 
 erected. Every reader, or, at least, every Irish reader, will anticipate me, in 
 ^yi<^g> that he has a far more glorious and durable one in the hearts of his 
 countrymen. 
 
 In the session of this year, 179^ the Opposition was not quite so strong 
 in numbers as the preceding one; but their spirit suffered no diminution. The 
 increase of salaries to various officers, in different departments ; the still further 
 extension of a most unconstitutional influence in Pariiament; a motion to 
 enquire whether any legislative provisions then existed, which might prevent 
 Ireland from receiving the full benefit of her free trade, beyond the Cape of 
 Good Hope, and the Streights of Magellan ; the sale of the Irish Peerage. 
 Such were the questions which principally engaged the attention of the House 
 of Commons. As to the Peerage, it should seem that the representatives of 
 the people were far more jealous of the abuses which had, in too many instances^ 
 been suffered to prevail in several new creations, than the Peers themselves 
 were ; for I have no recollection of any question whatever being entertained on 
 the. subject, in the Upper Assembly. In subordinate matters, relative to the 
 
 ^ * LeUer from Bath, June 22 and 23, l/pl. 
 
 t Mr. James Stewart, M. P. for thft county of Tyrone, already mentioned ; and wLo luiut 
 be always mentioned with reipecl. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 313 
 
 promulgation of their rank and titles, their Lordships had sometimes shown an 
 alacrity and resentment, which, if directed to higher objects, might have 
 sheltered their order from the contumelious treatment which it experienced from 
 a variety of Ministers ; but a printer, though far less noble, was certainly much 
 safer game than a statesman.* 
 
 No one lamented more than Lord Charlemont did his almost 
 invincible disinclination to address a public assembly on this alleged sale 
 of peerages. He felt it deeply, and too truly predicted its consequences. 
 Had he been in the habits of public speaking, he would, several years 
 before, have addressed his brother Peers on the necessity of appealing to 
 the Crown against its Ministers, for their idle and wanton abuse of one 
 of the most important prerogatives entrusted to the executive power. Most 
 ceitainly at that period, the honours of the Irish Peerage were scattered 
 with the most unthinking and impolitic profusion ; one good efiect^ however, 
 this profusion had, which certainly never was intended ; — it retained 
 some illustrious Commoners of great property in the Lower House, who 
 were perfectly ashamed of going in a vulgar crowd to the Upper One. A rich 
 adventurer from the East or the West, was advanced to the rank of an here- 
 ditary legislator, in a country where he had neither property nor connection of 
 any sort, which he never saw, or wished to see ; — or, an insignificant member 
 of the British or Irish House of Commons, whose claims were as importunate, 
 as his services were pitiful, found himself equally obtruded on the old, or more 
 recent but meritorious nobility. The Minister, after having him long in his 
 possession, and not knowing exactly what to do with him, thought it, 
 perhaps, most convenient to make him an Irish Peer; — this has happened 
 
 * The House of Lords, many years ago> committed one La Boissiere to prison, who rery 
 innocently printed a list of the Iri^ Peerage without permission. An Epigram was written <» thi« 
 occasion, by Arthur Dawson, one of the Barons of the Exchequer in Ireland. It was nearly at 
 follows : 
 
 " The Lords have to prison sent La Boissiere, 
 *' For printing the rank and the name of each Peer; 
 " And there he must stay, till he's not worth a souse, 
 " For, to tell who the Peers are, reflects on the House." 
 
S24 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 more than once ; — like the artist in Horace, who, after a sad state of uncer-^ 
 tainty, whether he should turn a useless log into a joint-stool or a deity, at last 
 determined in favour of the latter. " Hence my deification,"* says the tutelary 
 god of the gardens, with great candour, giving an account of his creation ; and 
 if similar ingenuousness had been adopted by some of the hereditary guardians 
 of the Constitution, whom I have alluded to, what heaps of genealogical 
 invention would then be spared ; and what strange fictions of Norman 
 chiefs, that never existed, or Norman heiresses, whose children were only 
 the ideal oflTspring of an old compiler of a Peerage, would be, most happily, 
 for ever lost to the world !-|- But as to the sale of Peerages, stated as it 
 was by the Opposition, no act, however unconstitutional, can be more extensively 
 perni^ous in its consequences ; it affects not one, but both Houses of Parlia- 
 ment ; — a man continues for years a corrupt member of the Commons, that, 
 at a future period, he may be an equally, or more, corrupt member of the Lords. 
 Let it be observed too, that personal corruption in this case, is neither transient, 
 nor confined to the individual, but expands and multiplies itself in those whom 
 his parliamentary arrangements so ignominiously oppress the legislature with. 
 In truth, a venal Borough is a bad vestibule to the House of Lords. No man 
 should be suffered to pass in that way to the highest assembly in the kingdom ; 
 for his own sake, independent c^ every other consideration, a Minister should 
 discountenance all such approaches. Is it not monstrous, that a man of the 
 most vulgar mind, perhaps, and vulgar manners, but whose purse commands 
 two or three boroughs, should have it in his power so say to any Minister, 
 " Give me a peerage, or I shall, as far as numbers can, thwart all your 
 measures ; perhaps, on a most important question, turn the scale against you !" 
 How is all emulation depressed, or the honours of the peerage rendered of less 
 value in the eyes of the army, the navy, the law, by bestowing them on 
 
 ♦ tf 
 
 Deua Inde Ego !"— Sec Horace. 
 
 f The late Earl of Westmeath, who, with the real good breeding of an old nobleman, had a just, 
 not extravagant, senfie of his birth and rank j being told, that the Minister intended to create such a 
 number of Peers, many of them not very dignified, as would hardly find room in the House of Lords, 
 unless it was enlarged for their reception j — " Build a One Shilling Qallery for them," replied the 
 old Peer. 
 
 ■ai 
 
EARL OF CHAHLEMONT. 3^6 
 
 such men ? The House of Lords is 4 Court of Honour, of final Appeal. Let 
 the reader reflect a moment on such an august personage as I have alluded 
 to, giving his suffrage on the most solemn occasions, as in a court of chivalry ; 
 or, in conjunction with some of dur best nobility, and the sages of the law, 
 deciding on no small portion of the property of the kingdom. Such practices 
 call loudly for a reform ; and though such fi measure encountered no other 
 species of parliamentary misdoing, it would be well employed in laying that 
 prostrate. Let no man talk of difficuHies in such a case ; before an upright, 
 unbending Minister they would soon vanish. Mr. Grenville opposed himself 
 to as great, if not greater, -wrhen, to his eternal honour, he extinguished the 
 profligacy of the House of Commons in deciding on contested elections. 
 
 But to return. Lord Charlemont remained at Bath for near six months. 
 His correspondence with his valuable medical friend continued as unreserved as 
 usual ; but it related much to family concerns, and topics with which the public 
 has nothing to do. The following letters contain nothing remarkable ; but one 
 of them presents his opinion, in a few words, as to the disgraceful scenes which 
 took place at Birmingham at this time. To the religious and political establish- 
 ments of his country Lord Charlemont was indeed the warmest friend ; but, 
 certainly, though he differed totally from Dr. Priestley as a theologist and 
 politician, he did not think that such auxiliaries as fire and sword were the most 
 respectable in combating improper speculations, or supporting sacred order. 
 
 * " The excuse you are pleased to make for what you call your long for- 
 bearance, is by no means v&lid, nor indeed admissible, since you are too well 
 skilled in the nature of maladies to be ignorant that nothing can so essentially 
 relieve those nervous feelidgSj of which my last letter complained, as pleasur- 
 able occupation, and too well versed in the constitution of the human mind not 
 to know, that, of all occupations, there is none so pleasurable as the perusal of 
 letters from distant friends. Nothing, in truth, can more clearly shew the 
 power of the mind over bodily disorder, than the effect your letters produce. 
 The character, most certainly, in which they are written, is not the best remedy 
 for a weak sight, and yet, when, by poring over them, I have made out your 
 words, and, consequently, your sense, even my eyes are the better for that 
 
 * Bath, July 30tb, J 791. 
 
126 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 labour, which, exerted in decyphering the writing of an uninteresting corres- 
 pondent, would be apt to injure them. 
 
 " The Birmingham brutes, as you justly call them, are a disgrace to 
 England, a disgrace to humanity; and the letter of the gentlemen, is, if 
 possible, worse than the outrages of the rabble. This place is horribly disagree- 
 able, but if, in the g^and point, it answers our purpose, we shall esteem it a 
 Paradise." 
 
 *" Delighted by the receipt of your letter, I am sorry id be compelled to 
 tell you, that I am scarcely able to answer it, having^ for some time past been 
 much out of order, occasioned, as I suppose, by the change of season, which 
 usually affects my ridiculous nerves ; but a short letter is better than none, and 
 I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of informing you, that Sunday next is fixed 
 for our setting out for Ireland. 
 
 " I have, with the highest approbation, and the greatest pleasure, perused 
 the Dissenter's Address, and, not content with reading it, have talked so much 
 in its praise, that I^have made every one else read it with applause. Many, you 
 know, there are who never think of any publication till they hear it praised, and 
 then take upon themselves to judge, when, in effect, they only echo. I never 
 had the least idea, that the Potentates of Europe would burn their fingers in the 
 French flame ; but now, that matter is, I think, entirely out of the questioii, 
 though not, I should suppose, for the reasons given by your Parisian politicians. 
 Nothing could afford me higher pleasure than again to visit my old quarters. 
 How, indeed, I shall be disposed of next summer, is a matter of uncertainty ; 
 but impossibility alone could prevent my obeying a summons to my duty. The 
 worst of it, however, is, that such impossibility may exist. 
 
 " The Duke of Leinster has honoured me, by joining me with his Royal 
 Highness-(- in the commission of godfather." 
 
 In the following letter bis Lordship differs from Haliday, as to some points, 
 and certainly very material ones. J 
 
 * 
 
 * Bath, October 13th, 17QU 
 t The Prince of Wales, to the young Marquis of Kildare, now Duke of Leinster. 
 
 i Dublin, December I5th, J 791. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 
 
 327 
 
 " Thank you for your letter ; — thank you for the explicit, manly, &nd 
 friendly manner in which you avow and explain your sentiments ; a manner 
 worthy of my friend, and for which I must thank you, notwithstanding the 
 painful situation into which your letter, kind as it is, has cast me. Not to be 
 able perfectly to agree with you, must at all times give me pain ; but the 
 sensation is aggravated tenfold by my finding myself utterly incapable of 
 explaining, as I could wish, the reasons of my disagreement. I cannot entirely 
 adopt your opinions, nor coincide with your reasoning, and yet the wretched 
 state of my nerves absolutely precludes my entering into the argument, or 
 endeavouring to justify myself where I differ.'* 
 
 As the best part of this letter was confidential, it would be improper to 
 publish it altogether ; I shall only insert such extracts from it as cannot be 
 considered as strictly so, and do credit to the head and heart of the noble 
 writer. The difference of sentiment between him and his friend, seemed to 
 be chiefly with regard to some claims of the Catholics, which it was expected 
 would be brought forward in the Session of Parliament then fast approaching^ 
 
 ** For Heaven's sake, let us not amuse ourselves with dangerous experi- 
 ments. In one of Lucian's Dialogues, the wily Proteus desires Mcnelaus, who 
 doubted tbe reality of that fire, into which he was about to transform himself, 
 to try the effect, by taking him by the hand ; to which the shrewd Spartan 
 laconically replies, ** Ovk (x(r(PocXYis >; na^a w n^oreu.''* 
 
 " You ask me whether things are not much altered since the time of the 
 Convention, and whether the French Revolution has not made a wide 
 difference ? Some difference, I confess, it has made ; but even though matters 
 in France should remain as they are, by no means, in my opinion, an essential 
 one. At all events, time should be given for the perfect establishment of that 
 wonderful and glorious change. Exactly as it is it cannot remain; many alte- 
 rations must, and will be made: and, with grief of heart I speak it, there are 
 some circumstances, which might induce a thinking man to fear, to tremble, for 
 a reverse. No Constitution is, indeed, firmly established but the British, which, 
 -spile of the ill effects that time, wealth, luxury, and consequent corruption, 
 
 * " The experiment is not easy, Proteus." 
 X X 
 
126 ,1 MEMOIRS OF JAMES. 
 
 labour, which, exerted in decypheriD|v the writing of an Qtilnteresting corres- 
 pondent, would be apt to injure them*'.-: j; (•„> ?- • 3/r nfoni .. jv ,: v' nsi ■; , '/ 
 , - *' The Birmingham brutes, as you justly call them, are a disgrace to 
 England, a disgrace to humanity ; and the letter of the gentlemen, is, if 
 possible, worse than the outrages of the rabble. This place is liorribly disagree- 
 able^ but if, inthegtvnd point, it answers our purpose, we shall esteem it a 
 *«radi8e. > ■ ,.• • ; - ., ,- •mu-.' :o pnH-yy^- 
 
 ♦*' Delighted by the receipt. of your letter, I am sorry td be compelled to 
 tell you, that I am scarcely able to answer it, having for some time past been 
 much out of order, occasioned, as I suppose, by the change of season, which 
 usually afiects my ridiculous nerves; but a short letter is better than none, and 
 I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of informing you, that Sunday next is fixed 
 
 « 
 
 for our setting out for Ireland. ^ ..... :.Nj; ^J.,^. >, ■ y„, 
 
 ** I have, with the highest approbation, and the greatest pleasure, perused 
 the Dissenter's Address, and, not content with reading it, have talked so much 
 in its praise, that I^have made every one else read it with applause. Many, you 
 know, there are who never think of any publication till they hear it praised, and 
 then take upon themselves to judge, when, in efl^t, they only echo. I never 
 had the least idea, that the Potentates of Europe would bum their fingers in the 
 French flame ; but now, that matter is, I think, entirely out of the question, 
 though not, I should suppose, for the reasons given by your Parisian politicians. 
 Nothing could afford me higher pleasure than again to visit my old quarters. 
 H0W9 indeed, I shall be disposed of next summer, is a matter of uncertainty ; 
 but impossibility alone could prevent my obeying a summons to my duty. The 
 •worst of it, however, is, that such impossibility may exist. 
 
 " The Duke of Leinster has honoured me, by joining me with his Royal 
 Highness-f- in the commission of godfather.** 
 
 . ■ . » • • . " ' ■ 
 
 In the following letter bis Lor^hip differs from Haliday, as to some points, 
 and certainly very material ones. J 
 
 * Bath, October 13th, 1791. ' 
 
 t The Fnnoe of Wales, to the young Marquis of Kildare, now Duke of Leinster. 
 
 ; Dublin, December l5tb, 17QI. 
 
EARL OP CHARLEMONT. 327 
 
 " Thank you for your letter ; — thftnk you for ^he explicit, manly, and 
 friendly manner in which you avow and explain your sentiments ; a manner 
 worthy of my friend, and for which I must thank you, notwithstanding the 
 painful situation into which your letter, kind as it is, has cast me. Not to be 
 able perfectly to agree with you, must at all times give me pain ; but the 
 sensation is aggravated tenfold by my finding myself utterly incapable of 
 explaining, as I could wish, the reasons of my disagreement. I cannot entirely 
 adopt your opinions, nor coincide with your reasoning, and yet the wretched 
 state of my nerves absolutely precludes my entering into the argument, or 
 endeavouring to justify myself where I differ.'* 
 
 As the best part of this letter was confidential, it would be improper ta 
 publish it altogether ; I shall only insert such extracts from it as cannot be 
 considered as strictly so, and do credit to the head and heart of the noble 
 writer. The difference ojf sentiment between him and his friend, seemed to 
 be chiefly with regard to some claims of the Catholics, which it was expected 
 would be brought forward in the Session of Parliament then fast approaching. 
 
 €t 
 
 For Heaven's sake, let us not amuse ourselves with dangerous experi- 
 ments. In one of Lucian's Dialogues, the wily Proteus desires Menelaus, who 
 doubted the reality of that fire into which he was about to transform birosd^ 
 to try the effect, by taking him by the hand ; to which the shrewd Spartan 
 laconically replies, " Ovk do^ahvig ^ Ue7^sc u IT^otsu.*'* 
 
 " You ask me whether things are not much altered since the time of the 
 Convention, and whether the French Revolution has not made a wide 
 difference ? Seme difference, I confess, it has made ; but even though matters 
 in France should remain as they are, by no means, in my opinion, an essential 
 one. At all events, time should be given for the perfect establishment of that 
 wonderful and glorious change. Exactly as it is it cannot remain ; many alte- 
 rations must, and will be made: and, with grief of heart I speak it, there are 
 some circumstances, which might induce a thiiiking roan to fear, to tremble, for 
 a reverse. No Constitution is, indeed, 6rmly established but the British, which, 
 «pite of the ill effects that time, wealth, luxury, and consequent corruptioOy 
 
 * " The experioaent is not easy, Proteus." 
 X X 
 
328 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 have wrought ; spite of. Payne's ingenious^ but not soU3, animadversions, I 
 must still regard as the best that ever was devised, principally for this reason 
 among many others ; that it exclusively possesses the almost divine power of 
 renovation, and the innate faculty of repairing its defects, without departing 
 from its genuine spirit, but merely by a legal recurrence to its first principles. 
 
 " The French Constitution was born with maladies, which may, however, 
 and probably will be remedied ; but then, it depends for its existence on a 
 people in all ages inconstant, and now corrupted with every species of vice. 
 The American, which is so much better, can only last till that immense region, 
 increasing in wealth and population, shall be divided inio various states, republics, 
 and kingdoms, while the British Oak, blasted as it may be, will, by its native 
 vigour, shake off its nlaladies, and remain for ages a lasting monument of its 
 superior strength. But I must conclude, with a thousand things yet to say. 
 Happy, however, I am, in being able to end my letter with a perfect concurrence 
 in your opinion, respecting the precipitancy of the movers, and the prematurity 
 of the measure ; and this surely is an irrefragable argument against encouraging 
 hopes which cannot be immediately complied with. Disappointment is a, never- 
 failing source of anger, and possibly of tumult, and nothing is more wanting 
 to us, both as a nation and as individuals, than peace and tranquillity. For, 
 in truth, I am weary of political bustle, and now utterly unable to go 
 through it. 
 
 *' Solve senescentum maturS sanus equum> ne 
 Peccet ad extremum rldendus, et ilia Ducat. 
 
 **I have received a second letter from you, which you will easily conceive I 
 am little able to answer. Upon the topic of education, I have one word to say. 
 Nothing can be more wise than your sentiments on this head. Seminaries 
 common to all persuasions would, both in appearance and reality, create and 
 strengthen that cordial union among Irishmen, which it must be the wish of 
 every honest man to cultivate. I have had the misfortune to differ from my 
 friend, though I am sure not widely. Though yet unconvinced, I am still, I 
 repeat it, open to conviction, and if it ever shall come, I will cordially embrace 
 it. Nay, I will say more. As my affection towards all my countrymen is 
 sincere and ardent, I am consequently possessed of ontf principle, which 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 3ig 
 
 strongly tends towards conviction^ namely, a wish, though hitherto a vain one, 
 to be convinced.' * 
 
 A ce vray citoyen^ ^achez vous conformer> 
 £t retenez de lui, nation genereuse^ 
 Que moins une mere est heureuse> 
 Plus ses enfans doivent I'aiiner.* 
 
 The perusal of the above letter brought to my mind those verses of the 
 Chevalier de Boufflers, which were addressed by him to the unhappy, divided 
 people of Poland, and recommended to their imitation the conduct of one of 
 their best Patriots, the venerated Malachowski, I confess, I know not to whom 
 they can be better applied than to the benevolent Lord Charlemont, or any 
 country, where such admonition, and such an example may be qf more utility, 
 than to Ireland. 
 
 A word or two with regard to literature may be now permitted. At this 
 
 time, nor indeed till the Union took place, was there any Act of Parliament 
 
 which regulated literary property in Ireland. It was often proposed to bring in 
 
 a bill for that purpose, during the existence of the Irish Legislature, but, I know 
 
 not how, such efforts were always ineffectual. Authors were thus exposed to the 
 
 constant invasion of the booksellers here, and we accordingly find some very 
 
 eminent ones, especially Mr. Gibbon, lamenting the repeated inroads that were 
 
 thus made on their property. Sir William Blackstone, as I have been informed, 
 
 was far more angry than Gibbon, for numbers of his excellent commentaries 
 
 were printed in Dublin, and sent for sale to America. From the following 
 
 letter it appears, that some bookseller here undertook to print Mr. Walpole's 
 
 Tragedy of the Mysterious Mother, without his knowledge or consent, and 
 
 Lord Charlemont, from his disapprobation of such a practice, and unvarying 
 
 regard for Mr. Walpole, interfered as to the printing. Mr. Walpole seems to 
 
 have been highly gratified by such a procedure. He accordingly wrote, as 
 
 follows, to Lord Charlemont : 
 
 Berkeley-Square, 17th Feb. 1 79 1. 
 
 It is difficult, my Lord, with common language that has been so much 
 
 * See I'Histoire des principaux Evenemeus du Regne de F. Guillaume, Roi de Frusse, par M. 
 Lc Comte de Segur. A most excellent work. 
 
 xx2 
 
830 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 prostituted in compliments, to express the real sense of gratitude, which I do 
 feel at my heart, for the obligation I have to your Lordship, for an act of friend- 
 ship as unexpected as it was unsolicited ; which last circumstance doubles the 
 favour, as it evinces your Lordship's generosity, and nobleness of temper, 
 without surprizing me. How can 1 thank your Lordship, as I ought, for 
 interesting yourself, and of yourself, to save me a little mortification, which I 
 deserve, and should deserve more, had I the vanity to imagine that my printing 
 « few copies of my disgusting Tragedy would occasion different, and surreptitious 
 editions of it ? 
 
 Mr. Walker has acquainted me, my Lord, that your Lordship has most 
 kindly interposed to prevent a bookseller of Dublin from printing an edition of 
 the Mysterious Mother without my consent ; and with the conscious dignity of 
 a great mind, your Lordship has not even hinted to me, the graciousness of 
 that favour. How have I merited such condescending goodness, my Lord ? Had 
 I a prospect of longer life, I never could pay the debt of gratitude ; the 
 weightier, as your Lordship did not intend I should know that I owe it. My 
 gratitude can never be effaced, and I am charmed that it is due, and due with 
 so much honour to me, that nothing could bribe me to have less obligation to 
 your Lordship, of which I am so proud. But as to the Play itself, I doubt it 
 must take its fate. Mr. Walker tells me the booksellers have desired him to 
 remonstrate to me, urging that they have already expended fifty pounds ; and 
 Mr. Walker adds, as no doubt would be the case, that should this edition he 
 stifled, when now expected, some other printer would publish one. I certainly 
 might indemnify the present operator, but I know too much of the crafty not 
 to be sure, that I should be persecuted by similar exactions, and, alas ! I have 
 exposed myself but too much to the tyranny of the press, not to know that it 
 taxes delinquents, as well as multiplies their faults. In truth, my Lord, it is too 
 late now to hinder copies of my Play from being spread. It has appeared here, 
 both whole, and in fragments ; and to prevent a spurious one, I was forced to 
 have some printed myself; therefore, if I consent to an Irish edition, it is from 
 no vain desire of diflusing the performance. Indeed, my good Lord, I have 
 lived too long, not to have divested myself both of vanity and affected modesty. 
 I have not existed to past seventy-three without having discovered the futility 
 and triflingness of my own talents ; and at the same time, it would be imperti- 
 
EARL OP CHARLEMONT. 33 1 
 
 nent to pretend to think, that there Is no merit in the execution of a Tragedy, 
 on which I have been so much flattered. Though I am sincere in condemning 
 the egregious absurdity of selecting a subject so improper for the stage, and 
 even offensive to private readers. But I have said too much on a personal theme, 
 and therefore, after repeating a million of thanks to your Lordship, for the 
 honour of your interposition, I will beg your Lordship, if you please, to signify 
 to the bookseller that you withdraw your prohibition ; but I shall not answer 
 Mr. Walker's letter till I have your Lordship's approbation ; for you are both 
 my Lord Chamberlain and Licenser, and though I have a tolerably independent 
 spirit, I may safely trust myself under the absolute power of one, who has 
 voluntarily protected me against the licentiousness of those who have invaded my 
 property, and who distinguishes so accurately and justly between license and 
 liberty. 
 
 I have the honour to be. 
 With the utmost respect, and infinite gratitude. 
 
 My Lord, 
 Your Lordship's most obliged, and most devoted, humble servant, 
 
 HoR. Walpolk, 
 
 The French Revolution had now made considerable progress. Prom its 
 commencement, it had been hated by some, dreaded by others ; but by nuuiy» ■ 
 who really wished well to the establishment of genuine liberty, and hoped that 
 its errors would yield to its perfections, it was favourably regarded. The agita- 
 tion which it occasioned throughout Europe was, indeed, extreme. No 
 wonder. The depression of the old monarchical power of France (it was not 
 yet overthrown) was alone sufficient to excite astonishment in the mind of 
 every thinking man whatever. But when to the loosening this vast fabric from 
 its foundations were added new doctrines and theories, which before seemed 
 only to occupy the minds of ingenious and brilliant, but, for the most part, spe- 
 culative writers ; and now descended from the closets of such men, to nungle 
 themselves in the real concerns of life ; to oppose opinions the best founded^ . 
 institutions the most regarded ; and Anally, to overshadow the present state of 
 morals, and of politics, throughout Europe ; it cannot, indeed, be matter of 
 surprize, that some of the wisest and firmest men were astounded by the 
 
332 AIEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 march, and dreaded the establishment of such novel assaHdntsT To oppose them 
 by force of arms, seems, however, a very unwise policy. But to enter into such 
 a disquisition, is not my purpose, nor suited to the more confined subject of this 
 work. It is sufficient to say, that, in their progress, they touched this country 
 also, and indeed, considering its situation, in every aspect that a politician can 
 regard it, to be unvisited by such a migration, would be almost as much a 
 matter of astonishment as the stupendous event from which that migration 
 flowed. Ireland was, indeed, visited by revolutionary principles ; but their pro- 
 gress, at this time, was limited. In the North, and neighbourhood of Belfast 
 particularly, they were most prevalent. The general body of the Roman 
 Catholics seemed unaffected by them. But with these revolutionary doctrines 
 there also sprung up, and was sedulously cherished by many honourable and 
 good men, a warm attachment to genuine constitutional freedom ; an abhor- 
 rence of despotism, in every shape ; and a laudable desire to communicate the 
 blessings of civil and religious freedom, or, in other words, the privileges of the 
 British constitution, to all classes of men whatever. The feelings of such men 
 were damped, not extinguished, by the scenes of anarchy which then began to 
 unfold themselves in France. With the French, if they condemned their con- 
 duct in many, nay, most respects, they also sympathized as a people who had 
 suffered from long and inveterate abuses ; from an interior policy, the evils of 
 which the humblest peasant had no chance of totally escaping ; and, above 
 all, from a profligate, unfeeling, war system, which, with the exception almost 
 of Cardinal Fleury, and the earlier days of his royal pupil, a refined, but am- 
 bitious and intriguing court had, for more than a century, entailed on them. 
 In the days of Louis the Fourteenth, France, impoverished, though splendid, 
 adulatory, and prostrate, not merely at the feet of the monarch, but of Louvois, 
 saw itself hurled headlong, and with it no inconsiderable portion of unoffending 
 Europe, into a war of horror and misery unexampled, by the sole hand of that 
 imperious and sanguinary minister. Why ? Because his royal master and he 
 differed about the construction of a window ! * If other wars did not originate 
 from similar levity, the same insensibility to the miseries of their fellow creatures 
 displayed itself in the conduct of too many of the war ministers of France. To 
 
 * See St. Simon. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 333 
 
 that abominable policy, even the good and (Economical Louis XVL was forced 
 to give way, and take a part in the American contest. To combat, and, if 
 possible, put down, such a system, was, surely, wise and honourable ; and al- 
 though the National Assembly not only failed in doing so, but, from the over- 
 weening vanity and utter inexperience of their leaders, too soon let loose a 
 thousand evils on their miserable country ; the feelings of all, who wished the 
 overthrow of such politics, were not the less right, nor the views of those who, 
 from the first meeting of the States General, were inimical to all melioratioo 
 whatever, less to be abhorred. 
 
 Under the auspices of popular opinion, which seemed at this time to pre- 
 vail in favour of extended toleration, the Roman Catholics in Ireland began to 
 look at their own situation in the State, and to entertain hopes, that there was 
 some chance, at least, of its being meliorated. A general committee of that 
 body met early in February * this year ; several resolutions from different parts 
 of Ireland were read, and referred to a closer committee. That committee soon 
 after produced a report, which was submitted to the general meeting, and con- 
 tained, among other matters, the following paragraph : " That, with all humi- 
 lity, they confide in the justice, liberality, and wisdom of Parliament, and the 
 benignity of our most gracious Sovereign, to relieve them from their degraded 
 situation, and no longer to suffer them to continue like strangers in their native 
 land ; but thus have the glory of shewing all Europe, that, in the plenitude of 
 power, strength, and riches of the British empire, when nothing they grant can 
 be imputed to any motives but those of justice and toleration, the complaints of 
 the Catholics were generously attended to.'* The conclusion was, " that appli- 
 cation should be made for such relief, as the wisdom and justice of Parliament 
 may grant.*' Lord Fingall presided at this meeting ; but, some time after, his 
 Lordship, Lord Kenmare, and several leading gentlemen among the Catholics, 
 declined attending the committee, not relishing, as it is presumed, the connection 
 which, every day, became more apparent between some of that committee in 
 Dublin, and persons in the north, and elsewhere, whose sentiments were avow- 
 edly republican. Many Catholics of great respectability, utterly adverse to any 
 union between such associations, and their own body, presented an address to 
 
 * February lltb, l^gi. 
 
334i MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the Lord Lieutenant, expressive of their loyalty, and entire deference to Go- 
 vernment, in whose wisdom they expressed their full confidence. Much alter- 
 cation, much division, now took place, with which these Memoirs have nothing 
 to do. But fair and foul take their share as much in the proceedings of man- 
 kind, as in the vicissitude of the seasons. In the midst of all these subordinate 
 and inferior contests, there was a large portion of sober intellect, and genuine 
 afiection to the Catholic body, and Ireland, which quietly pursued its way, and, 
 by degrees, opened the door for relief In forming a connection with Mr. 
 E. Burke, the Catholic gentlemen shewed themselves most adroit negotiators ; 
 for a more valuable one, with any private individual, could scarcely, at this 
 time, have been formed. He was their countryman ; had, at all times, been a 
 most able and eloquent advocate for the claims of the Catholics ; his talents 
 were then at their highest point of perfection, and he had so recently displayed 
 them, in his ever- memorable reflections on the French revolution, that, from 
 being the object of the aflfected contempt of ministers, he was now their idol ; 
 indeed, almost their demigod. To this justly-celebrated man, therefore, they 
 wisely applied. With great ardor, as is particularly well known to those who 
 were acquainted with him, did he engage in any subject which employed his com- 
 prehensive mind, and, with peculiar and uncommon ardor, into this, mast 
 favoured subject, for such it was by him. His son was appointed agent to the 
 Catholics. 'J heir opponents represented him as self-willed, and destitute of all 
 talents. His father, bowing not so much under advanced years, as incurable 
 sorrow for the loss of that only son, has described him as possessing much abi- 
 lity, and graced with many polite acquirements. A generous mind, sympa- 
 thizing with the afflicted heart, which, in its agony, poured forth such an 
 eulogy, will applaud^ not criticise, the brilliancy of its colouring. But his son 
 was, in truth, (for I knew him) possessed of lively parts, of knowledge, and 
 accomplishments. Whether he was generally agreeable, in the varied inter- 
 course of life, it is not in my power, from meeting him chiefly at his father's, 
 to say ; but, in domestic scenes, and respectfully soothing, not opposing, the 
 occasional querulousness of a venerable father, he appeared to me extremely 
 amiable and engaging. This gentleman came over to Ireland, and, where party 
 did not interfere, was most cordially received. His father addressed that cele- 
 brated letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe, in which the claims of the Catholics are , 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. *S5 
 
 discussed with the talents of a roaster. Lord Chailemotrt Head and admired it.* 
 Mr. Burke was his old and intimate friend ; their -mutual conneptrpfn ^ith'Lord 
 Rockingham had drawn them more closely together; and ''the sfcntimcnts of 
 Burke, in his pamphlets, relative to Whig administrations, and Whig principles, 
 were, with several exceptions however, the sentiments of Lord Charlemont. 
 But, on the subject of the Catholic question, he at all times differed from him ; 
 andthis diiference, at the moment I allude to, rose higher, perhaps, in the 
 mind of Lord Charlemont, from the opportunities which his knowledge of the 
 North gave him of accurately understanding the real motives of many, wko, 
 with views very distinct indeed from those of Mr.. Bnrke, co-operated 
 wit^ the Catholics. Of the foolish, or mischievous designs of such new 
 coadjutors in the Catholic cause, Mr. Burke had heen well iafiarmed; but hos- 
 tile in the extreme to general innovation, as,a31 Enropehowkaows heums, hedid 
 not consider such obtruders as of sufficient, importance 3to suspend the proceed- 
 ings of the friends of the Cathplics, or turn aside the exjpected benignity of the 
 Legislature.; " If,'* said he, " whilst a man is dutifully soliciting.a favour freat 
 Parliament, any parson should cbuse^ in an hniproper manner, %o shew his indi i 
 nation towards thei cause depending ; and if Ma£ must destroy the cause of the 
 petitioner, then, not only the petitioner, but the legislature itself, are in the. 
 power of any weak friend, or artful enemy, thsit the supplicant, or that the 
 Parliament, may.haye. A man must be judged b)Lbis own actions. ** 
 
 The following letter, which young. Mr. Burke delivered from his fether to 
 Lord Charleptipnt, in Dublin, cannot but be interesting, as it relates to that 
 melancholy separation which had now taken place between two most eminent 
 men ; an event always to be deplored, and particularly by those who had once 
 the happiness of witnessing the cordial and unreserved intimacy which subsisted 
 between them: ; ; ^ .. ..it . 
 
 ng^;-. r .; II '. ^ ' • • Beconsfield, December agth, 1791. 
 
 :i[ji.'..' .. My DBAE Lord,.- -I .•■-■'-■' '-' w^v.-...i..- 
 
 < : uj , 
 
 I have seldom been more vexed, than when I found that a visit of mere 
 formality had deprived me of the substantial satis&ction which Mrs. Burke, and 
 my brother, had, in seeing you as well as they had ever remembered you. — 
 Many things, at that time, had contributed to make that loss very great to me. 
 Your Lordship is very good, in lamenting the difierence which politics had 
 
334 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the Lord Lieutenant, expressive of their loyalty, and entire deference to Go- 
 vernment, in whose wisdom they expressed their full confidence. Much alter- 
 cation, much division, now took place, with which these Memoirs have nothing 
 to do. But fair and foul take their share as much in the proceedings of man- 
 kind, as in the vicissitude of the seasons. In the midst of all these subordinate 
 and inferior contests, there was a large portion of sober intellect, and genuine 
 affection to the Catholic body, and Ireland, which quietly pursued its way, and, 
 by degrees, opened the door for relief In forming a connection with Mr. 
 E. Burke, the Catholic gentlemen shewed themselves most adroit negotiators ; 
 for a more valuable one, with any private individual, could scarcely, at this 
 time, have been formed. He was their countryman ; had, at all times, been a 
 most able and eloquent advocate for the claims of the Catholics ; his talents 
 were then at their highest point of perfection, and he had so recently displayed 
 them, in his ever- memorable reflections on the French revolution, that, from 
 being the object of the aflfected contempt of ministers, he was now their idol ; 
 indeed, almost their demi-god. To this justly-celebrated man, therefore, they 
 wisely applied. With great ardor, as is particularly well known to those who 
 were acquainted with him, did he engage in any subject which employed his com- 
 prehensive mind, and, with peculiar and uncommon ardor, into this most 
 favoured subject, for such it was by him. His son was appointed agent to the 
 Catholics, 'i'heir opponents represented him as self-willed, and destitute of all 
 talents. His father, bowing not so much under advanced years, as incurable 
 sorrow for the loss of that only son, has described him as possessing much abi- 
 lity, and graced with many polite acquirements. A generous mind, sympa- 
 thizing with the afflicted heart, which, in its agony, poured forth such an 
 eulogy, will applaud, not criticise, the brilliancy of its colouring. But his son 
 was, in truth, (for I knew him) possessed of lively parts, of knowledge, and 
 accomplishments. Whether he was generally agreeable, in the varied inter- 
 course of life, it is not in my power, from meeting him chiefly at his father's, 
 to say ; but, in domestic scenes, and respectfully soothing, not opposing, the 
 occasional querulousness of a venerable father, he appeared to me extremely 
 amiable and engaging. This gentleman came over to Ireland, and, where party 
 did not interfere, was most cordially received. His father addressed that cele- 
 brated letter to Sir Hercules Langrishe, in which the claims of the Catholics are 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 555 
 
 discussed with the talents of a master. Lord Charlemont read and admired it. 
 Mr. Burke was his old and intimate friend ; their mutual connection with Lord 
 Rockingham had drawn them more closely together; and the sentiments of 
 Burke, in his pamphlets, relative to Whig administrations, and Whig principles, 
 were, with several exceptions however, the sentiments of Lord Charlemont. 
 But, on the subject of the Catholic question, he at all times differed from him ; 
 and this difference, at the moment I allude to, rose higher, perhaps, in the 
 mind of Lord Charlemont, from the opportunities which his knowledge of the 
 North gave him of accurately understanding the real motives of many, who, 
 with views very distinct indeed from those of Mr. Burke, co-operated 
 with the Catholics. Of the foolish, or mischievous designs of such new 
 coadjutors in the Catholic cause, Mr. Burke had been well informed ; but hos- 
 tile in the extreme to general innovation, as all Europe now knows he was, he did 
 not consider such obtruders as of sufficient importance to suspend the proceed- 
 ings of the friends of the Catholics, or turn aside the expected benignity of the 
 Legislature. " If," said he, " whilst a man is dutifully soliciting a favour from 
 Parliament, any person should chuse, in an improper manner, to shew his incli • 
 nation towards the cause depending ; and if that must destroy the cause of the 
 petitioner, then, not only the petitioner, but the legislature itself, are in the 
 power of any weak friend, or artful enemy, that the supplicant, or that the 
 Parliament, may have. A man must be judged by his own actions.'* 
 
 The following letter, which young Mr. Burke delivered from his father to 
 Lord Charlemont, in Dublin, cannot but be interesting, as it relates to that 
 melancholy separation which had now taken place between two most eminent 
 men ; an event always to be deplored, and particularly by those who had once 
 the happiness of witnessing the cordial and unreserved intimacy which subsisted 
 between them : 
 
 * Beconsfield, December 29th, 1791. 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 I have seldom been more vexed, than when I found that a visit of mere 
 formality had deprived me of the substantial satisfaction which Mrs. Burke, and 
 my brother, had, in seeing you as well as they had ever remembered you. — 
 Many things, at that time, had contributed to make that loss very great to me. 
 Your Lordship is very good, in lamenting the difference which politics had 
 
336 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 fnade between Mr. Fax and me. Your condolence was truly kind ; for my loss 
 has been truly great, in the cessation of the partiality of a man of his wonderful 
 abilities, and amiable dispositions. Your Lordship is a little angry at politics 
 that can dissolve friendships. If it should please God to lend me a little longer 
 life, they will not, I hope, cause me to lose the few friends I have left ; for I 
 have left all politics, I think, for ever. Every thing that remains of my rela- 
 tion to the public, will be only in my wishes, which are warm and sincere, that 
 this constitution should be thoroughly understood ; for then I am sure it will be 
 ,fiincerely loved ; that its benefits may be widely extended, and lastingly conti- 
 nued ; and that no man may have an excuse to wish it to have another fortune, 
 than I pray it may long flourish in. I am sure that your country, in whose 
 prosperity I include the most valuable interest of this, will have reason to look 
 bac^ on what you have done for it, with gratitude, and will have reason to 
 think the continuance of your health, for her further service, amongst the 
 greatest advantages she is likely to expect.— —Here is my son, who will deliver 
 this to you. He will be indemnified for what I have lost : I think I may speak 
 for this my other, and better self, that he loves you almost as much as I do. 
 Pray tell Lady Charlemont, and the ladies, how much Mrs. Burke, my brother, 
 and myself are their humble servants. Believe me, my dear Lord, with the 
 most sincere respect and affection, ' / 
 
 Your Lordship's most faithful, obliged, 
 
 and obedient humble servant, 
 
 £dm. Buhke. 
 
 That a communication had taken place between Government and the 
 Catholics, aided, perhaps, by the interveation of Mr. Burke, was apparent eariy 
 in the session of 179^, when Sir Hercules Langrishe, a particular friend of Mr. 
 Burke, a commissioner of the revenue, and very able member of Parliament, 
 brought forward a bill for their relief. That bill proposed to give to the Catho- 
 lics the profession of the law, to permit intermarriages, to take off restrictions 
 on education, and to remove those obstructions to arts and manufactures, that 
 limited the number of apprentices to the Catholics. Sir Hercules' motion for 
 leave to bring in the bill* was seconded by Secretary Hobart.-[- Of the progress of 
 
 * 25tb January, J 792. f Naw Earl of Buckinghanashire. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 357 
 
 this bill, which finally received the royal assent, it is unnecessary to treat here* 
 but as some circumstances took place during that progress, materially connected 
 with the general political history of Lord Charlemont, and the Opposition, it is 
 incumbent on me to touch on them as briefly as I can. The Opposition has 
 been represented as taking up this question, for the sake of power and popula- 
 rity. This statement is the very reverse of the fact. Instead of urging on the 
 question, the members of -opposition were much divided as to the eligibility of 
 the measure proposed. The first conversation which I recollect to have taken 
 place among some of the members of the Opposition, relative to the Catholics, 
 was at Mr. Forbes's * house. It was in consequence of the intelligence received 
 from England, of the introduction of Sir John Mitford's (now Lord Redesdale) 
 bill. It was said, and indeed it did not require the aid of any political prophecy 
 to state, that the agitation of such a question, in England, would, sooner or 
 later, bring forward a discussion of Roman Catholic claims in Ireland ; especially 
 as the French revolution, unstained, at that time,*)- by the dreadful atrocities 
 which so disgraced it afterwards, disposed many to turn their thoughts towards 
 qoestions of general political concern, who had never before indulged sudi con« 
 templations. As, therefore, the gentlemen then present had every reas&n to 
 expect that some question, with r^ard to the Catholics, would be introduced 
 into the House of Commons, it was for them to consider what part they would 
 take, not as connected with Opposition, but merely as members of Parliament 
 It may be necessary to state that Mr. Grattan was not present. The gentlemen 
 who were present, (but few in number,) seemed topause, asif their minds had been 
 suddenly engaged by a very novel object ; and no c^inioD whatever was given, 
 or declaration made, as to the conduct which they might pursue in Parliament. 
 But I am certain, that this accidental meeting (it was no more) and conversa- 
 tion, led some of those gentlemen to the most serious investigation of the 
 Cath^ic question ; they considered it in every light which it could possibly bear, 
 <with regard to present or future times, to Ireland, or to England ; and the 
 result of their attention was, a relinquishment of many prejudices ; a disposi- 
 tion to hear every thing that could be said in parliament, or dsewhere, on the 
 subject ; and far more inclination to support the Koman Catholic cause, on some 
 points, than they had before felt, or imagined, perhaps, that they could ever 
 
 * The late John Forbes, Esq. M. P. for Drogheda. f February, 1791. 
 
 y y 2 
 
538 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 feel. Such Is the force of early habit. Several years had now elapsed since 
 any Catholic question had called forth the attention of Parliament ; with that 
 body in general the gentlemen now mentioned had no connection whatever, 
 either from consanguinity, habits of society, or politics of any sort. With Mr. 
 Richard Burke, who came to Ireland this year, some of the Opposition were on 
 terms of intimacy, as they had often seen him in England, where they had the 
 honour of being known to his illustrious father ; but no attachment to that great 
 man, as I have already stated, influenced Lord Charlemont ; and certainly, it 
 was equally inoperative on Lord Charlemont's friends, several of whom differed 
 from his Lordship on this question. 
 
 Sir H. Langrishe's bill has been already mentioned. On the 18th of 
 February, J 792, Mr. Egan, a gentleman of talents, who to great spirit 
 added an honest and feeling heart, presented a petition from several 
 respectable Catholics of the city of Dublin, chiefly commercial gentlemen, 
 stating, " That they humbly presumed to submit to the House of Commons 
 their intreaty, that the representatives of the people would take into considera- 
 tion, whether some of the civil incapacities under which the Catholics laboured^ 
 and the restoration of the Elective Franchise , which they enjoyed long after the 
 Revolution, would not tend to strengthen the Protestant state, add new vigour 
 to industry, and afford protection and happiness to the Catholics of Ireland; 
 and that enjoying some share in the happy Constitution of Ireland, they would 
 exert themselves with additional zeal in its conservation/' The speech which 
 Mr. Egan made on introducing the petition, was as measured and conciliatory 
 as any speech could be. However, on the Monday following, Mr. Latouche 
 moved, that this petition should be rejected ; and though the House had 
 received it, ordered it to lie on the table, and nothing whatever was intended to 
 be then done, or moved, in consequence of it ; his motion was carried by a 
 great majority, for the numbers were 208 to 23. In this minority Mr. Plowden 
 mentions the names of Mr. F. Hutchinson, and his brother, now Lord 
 Hutchinson, Sir Michael Smith, late Master of the Rolls, Mr. Grattan, Mr. 
 Forbes, Mr. Hardy, &c.* An enumeration, which not only shews that the 
 opposition did not set up the Catholic question as a standard of discontent, but 
 at the same time disproves the assertion, that none of them ever supported the* 
 
 * Lord HutchinscMi, and many other gentlemen who supported the Catholics, never acted 
 with the Opposition as a part y^ or on any question^ save that of the Catholics, merely. 
 
 r 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. S3() 
 
 Catholics till 1 793, for that also was maintained. Of Mr. Egan's intention to 
 bring forward this petition, or Mr, Latouche's motion to reject it, the members 
 of the Opposition, till they came into the House, were equally ignorant, and 
 whatever was said by them on the motion for rejection, arose immediately from 
 the occasion, though as to the Roman Catholic cause, it proved to be a most 
 important debate indeed. It is a familiar observation, that considerable events 
 often flow from trifling causes. It was completely exemplified here. A debate 
 which sprung up on the sudden, and in consequence of a motion the least 
 expected, brought out the discussion of the Catholic claims to a far greater 
 length than the gentlemen who supported ihem could have imagined or in 
 the slightest degree intended. The debate embraced every point, and the 
 concession of the elective franchise, though generally protested against, by no 
 means inspired that dismay, which on the first day of this session it infallibly 
 would have done, if even obliquely proposed. Such are, and ever will be, the 
 consequences of motions, which, with the best intentions on the part of the 
 mover, as was the case here, snatch a hasty and premature opinion from the 
 House of Commons ; and then raise up that opinion, thus rapidly obtained, as 
 a certain shade and bulwark, under which the House may in future repose, and 
 resist all solicitations on the point in question. Not only Mr. Latouche, a most 
 respectable gentleman certainly, and perfectly independent Member of Parlia* 
 ment, but a large portion of the House thought, that this spirited rejection of 
 the Catholic petition, would exile the question of elective franchise from the 
 walls of the House of Commons for generations, perhaps for ever. Alas ! What 
 said the very next session ? However, notwithstanding the too eager zeal of 
 many on this memorable night, it is but justice to some g^entlemen to state, 
 that they were anxious for the withdrawing of Mr. Latouche's motion. From 
 repeated conferences around me, and in the Lobby, I believe, that several of 
 the ministerial members, and Mr. Hobart, were of the same opinion. But 
 Mr. Latouche's general support was to them, of great value. He did not recede, 
 and they gave way. 
 
 I have been thus rather too minute perhaps in the detail of this proceeding; 
 but I know of none more important to Ireland. Every question that has since 
 arisen with regard to the Catholics, may take its date from this day. — Lord 
 Charlemont*s state of health, at this time, was indiirerent> and the situation o£ 
 
340 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the country by no means contributed to its restoration. He exerted himself 
 however as usual. He visited, or was visited by every one, who, in his opinion, 
 could alleviate somewhat of the public discontent. The French Revolution had, 
 not only at its beginning, but a considerable time afterwards, a warm advocate 
 in him, and he indulged the hope, that the ferment in France, would subside 
 into something beneficial to that kingdom, and ultimately to Europe. He 
 writes thus from Dublin to Haliday :"* Sickness is often the source of acts of 
 charity and benevolence. It softens the mind, checks our ardour, and by 
 restraining us in the course of our usual pursuits, affords us leisure to think of our 
 absent friends, and to bestow on them those favours which hard-hearted health 
 would have refused. All this is very fine, but a vulgar proverb would better have 
 expressed my meaning. It is an ill wind that blows no body good. Such 
 a blast was not your sciatica, to which I am indebted for the receipt and 
 entertainment of your two excellent letters. My malady, alas ! is of a far 
 different nature, since, while it increases my wish for a friendly correspon- 
 dence, it deprives me of the power of indulging myself in writing. How 
 then can I possibly follow you in the many points which you have suggested. 
 In truth, I cannot. My eyes forbid it, and I must i>er force comply. The 
 last news from France, even by the French account, is horrible, and alarming 
 to all who wish well to their cause. I have often said, because I have long 
 known that the French populace was savage, and their barbarity is now increased 
 and exalted by anarchy, and a total want of subordination. But despotism will 
 never return, and the bustle will end in freedom tempered by Iaw,f and in a 
 Constitution far better than that which their philosophers have devised for them. 
 There was never yet a country where Revolution was so indispensably necessary. 
 Its Government was tyrannical, and that too by means of a wide spread, and 
 still increasing Noblesse, brought home to every man's door. No wonder, then, 
 if upon the first opportunity, a nation, so circumstanced, should have rushed 
 beyond the limits of true political wisdom." 
 
 The following letter, though short, may afford some variety to the reader. 
 The poetry which it alludes to I have not seen, and the great work which hfc 
 
 * May 12, 1792. 
 -f How completely was the amiable Lord Charlemont inistaken ! ! 
 
EARL OF CHAliLEMONT. 
 
 341 
 
 mentions of his friend Haliday, was a Tragedy, which that ingenious man had 
 written, and some time after transmitted to Lord Charlemont for his perusal. 
 His friend's agreeable talents were now employed, and with success, in affording 
 him some amusement amidst the multiplying vexations produced by unsteady, 
 and improvident councils, the folly of some demagogues, and the sad scenes 
 which began at this time, though slowly, to open in Ireland.* 
 
 "My health and eyes have been lately much affected, but what is infinitely 
 worse, Lady C. has been alarmingly ill. Don't be frightened, however, since 
 she is now perfectly recovered. After what I have said, there needs no further 
 apology for my leaving you so long unthanked. Your letter, and its inclosure, 
 require indeed all my acknowledgments, but particularly the latter, which shows 
 me what the youth was, who is grown into such a man. I find in it poetry 
 without parade, patriotism without pretence, and piety without cant or super- 
 stition. If, however, you should be kind enough to send me your opus magnum, 
 I am afraid that I must be compelled to make an impertinent condition. 
 Cannot Lady C. be allowed to read it to me ? For my weak eyes, ioined to the 
 crabbedness of your hand-writing, the only crabbedness about you, would, I 
 doubt, prevent my reading in such a manner, and to taste it as I ought." 
 
 Dublin, October 29th, 1793. 
 Excellent, my dearest Doctor ! I admire your Tragedy, and think that 
 it may hold a first rank among modern performances. But why do I talk of 
 modem ? It is truly ancient. The conduct is good, the characters are true, and 
 well supported. The dialogue is excellent, and what particularly pleases me, is, 
 that you have contrived to allot to every principal personage, a language peculiar 
 to himself; an idiom, if I may so call it, by which he is distinguishable. Here 
 is no frippery, no gew-gaw tinsel, no glittering Will o'the Wisp, but all is 
 solid, and poetry in its senses. At the same time, I will by no means say, that 
 there are not passages which might be amended. A faultless poem is, I 
 believe, always a dull one. The last act might possibly be more wrought up, 
 and a few scattered sentences may be liable to criticism. But, upon the whole^ 
 
 * Dublin, Jane 7th, 1792. 
 
34-2 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 it is a good and sound Tragedy. Such are my sentiments, which, however, I 
 should have delivered with much more certainty, if your cursed cramp writing 
 could have been read with a greater degree of fluency. The feelings evaporate, 
 whilst we are poking out the difference between an R and an N. I have 
 not, however, yet done with it, but, as I have now an idea of the whole, shall, 
 as far as my eyes will allow me, reconsider the particular parts. How vexatious 
 it is, that such a play upon such a subject cannot, I fear now, with propriety, 
 be laid before the public. The proverb says, that truth is not to be spoken at 
 all times. Farewell. Lady C. thanks you for every thing but your hand- 
 writing. 
 
 This Tragedy, on which Lord Charlemont pronounces so warm an eulogium, 
 I have never seen ; nor, though sent to London, was it ever printed, or brought 
 on the stage, and, in all probability, for the reasons which his Lordship assigns. 
 But neither at this, nor at any time, has a Tragedy, in favour of general 
 liberty, however noble the sentiments, or poetical the diction, been a constant 
 favourite on our stage. Declamation is not relished, and declamation in such 
 plays, too often over-rules passion. But to proceed. It is pleasing to see this 
 amiable nobleman so agreeably employed, and it was a task for which he was 
 perfectly qualified. Few men were juster critics than Lord Charlemont ; and to 
 the delicacy of his taste he united an urbanity and candour, which rendered his 
 opinions, as to any literary performances that were submitted to him, of real and 
 decisive value. In such occupations, when politics did not interfere, much of 
 his time was engaged. And no portion of it ever hung heavy. Lord Falkland 
 pitied an unlearned gentleman on a rainy day. In that respect, no one could 
 ever have been less an object of his compassion than Lord Charlemont. His 
 spirits, till exhausted by sickness, were uniformly cheerful, and fitted him for 
 the various scenes of life in which he was engaged. Often did he pass from a 
 warm and interesting debate,* to the discussion of a scientific, or critical 
 disquisition at the academy. Such transitions were as agreeable to his friends, 
 as they were without effort on his part, and always of some utility. He was a 
 
 * The old Parliament-House in Dublin, and that where the Irish Academy meets, are situated 
 very near to each other. The former in College-Green, the Academy-House in Grafton-Sfreet. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. S43 
 
 servant of the public, as well as a fine gentleman. But that malady, which is a 
 foe to all honourable fame, that ennui, which is laid claim to by many of 
 our modern fine gentlemen, as one of their inalienable prerogatives, formed no 
 part of his composition. 
 
 Mr. Bur^j:e's correspondence w^ith Lord Charlemont closed in December, 
 1792. At least I have seen no letters from him, to his lordship, subsequent 
 to that period. There are many who Avillread with satisfaction, any account 
 which relates to that extraordinary man. The following is taken partly from 
 Lord Charlemont's hand writing. 
 
 ** This most amiable and ingenious man was private Secretary to L^rd 
 Rockingham. It may not be superfluous to relate the following anecdote, 
 the truth of which I can assert, and which does honour to him, and his 
 truly noble patron. Soon after Lord Rockingham, upon the warm recom- 
 mendation of many friends, had appointed Burke his Secretary, the Duke 
 of Newcastle, wishing probably to procure the place for some dependant 
 of his own, waited on Lord Rockingham, over whom his age, party 
 dignity, and ancient family connection, had given him much influence, and 
 even some degree of authority, and informed him, that he had unwarily 
 taken into his service, a man of dangerous principles, and one who was by 
 birth and education a Papist, and a Jacobite; a calumny founded upon 
 Burke's Irish connections, which were most of them of that persuasion, 
 and upon some juvenile follies arising from those connections. The Manjuis, 
 whose genuine Whiggism was easily alarmed, immediately sent for Burke, 
 and told him what he had heard. It was easy for Burke, who had been 
 educated at tlie University of Dublin, to bring testimonies to his Protes- 
 tantism ; and with regard to the second accusation, which was wholly 
 founded on the former, it was soon done away, and Lord Rockingham, 
 readily, and willingly disabused, declared, that he was perfectly satisfied of 
 the falsehood of the information he had received, and that he no longer 
 harboured the smallest doubt of the integrity of his principles; when 
 Burke, with an honest, and disinterested boldness, told his Lordship, that 
 it was now no longer possible for him to be his Secretary ; that the reports 
 he had heard would probably, even unknown to himself, create in his mind 
 such suspicions, as might prevent his thoroughly confiding in him, and that 
 
 z z 
 
344 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 no earthly consideration should induce liim to stand in that relation, with a 
 man who did not place entire confidence in him. The Marquis, struck with 
 this manliness of sentiment, which so exactly corresponded with the feelings 
 of his own heart, frankly, and positively assured him, that what had passed, 
 far from leaving any bad impression on his mind, had only served to fortify 
 his good opinion, and that, if from no other reason, he might rest assured, 
 that from his conduct upon that occasion alone, he should ever esteem, and 
 place in him the most unreserved confidential trust. A promise which he 
 faithfully performed ; neither had he at any time, nor his friends after his 
 death, the least reason to repent of that confidence ; Burke having ever 
 acted towards him with the most inviolate faith and aflfection, and towards 
 Ills surviving friends, with a constant and disinterested fidelity, which was 
 proof against his own indigent circumstances, and the magnificent offers 
 of those in power. It must, however, be confessed, that his early habits, 
 and connections, though they could never make him swerve from his duty, 
 had given his mind an almost constitutional bent towards the popish party. 
 Prudence is, indeed, the only virtue he does not possess; from a total want 
 of which, and from the amiable weaknesses of an excellent heart, his esti- 
 mation in England, though still great, is certainly diminished. What it was 
 at this period, will appear from the following fact, which, however trifling,* 
 I here relate as a proof of the opinion formed of him by some of his party. 
 Having dined at Lord Rockingham's, in company with him and Sir Charles 
 Saunders, Sir Charles carried me in his coach to Almack's. On the way, 
 Burke was the subject of our conversation, when the Admiral, lamenting 
 the declining state of the empire, earnestly and solemnly declared, that if 
 it could be saved, it must be by the virtue and abilities of that wonderful 
 
 man." 
 
 Thus far Lord Charlemont. Something, though slight, may be here 
 
 added. Burke's disunion, and final rupture with Mr. Fox, were attended with 
 
 circumstances so distressing, so far surpassing the ordinary limits of civil 
 
 j-age, or personal hostility, that the mind really aches at the recollection 
 
 of them. But let us view him, for an instant, in better scenes, and better 
 
 hours. He was social, hospitable, of pleasing access, and most agreeably 
 
 * It does not appear at wliat period the above was written. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 345 
 
 communicative. One of the most satisfactory days, perhaps, that I ever 
 passed in my life, was going with him ttte a Ute, from London to BecorfS- 
 field. He stopped atUxbridge, whilst his horses were feeding, and happening 
 to meet some gentlemen, of I know not what militia, who appeared to be 
 perfect strangers to him, he entered into discourse with them, at the gateway 
 of the inn. His conversation, at that moment, completely exemplified what 
 Johnson said of him ; " That you could not meet Burke for half an hour, 
 under a shed, without saying, that he was an extraordinary man." He was, 
 on that day, altogether uncommonly instructive and agreeable. Every 
 object of the slightest notoriety, as we passed along, whether of natural, or 
 local history, furnished him with abundant materials for conversation. The 
 House at Uxbridge, where the treaty was held, during Charles the First's 
 time; the beautiful, and undulating grounds of Bulstrode, formerly 
 the residence of Chancellor JefFeries; and Waller's tomb, in Beconsfield 
 Church-yard, which, before we went home, we visited, and whose charac- 
 ter, as a gentleman, a poet, and an orator, he shortly delineated, 
 but with exquisite felicity of genius, altogether gave an uncommon 
 interest to his eloquence; and, although one-and-twenty years have 
 now passed since that day, I entertain the most vivid, and pleasing recollec- 
 tion of it. He reviewed the characters of many Statesmen ; Lord Bath's, 
 whom, I think, he personally knew, and that of Sir Robert Walpole, which 
 he pourtrayed in nearly the same words, which he used with regard to that 
 eminent man, in his appeal from the Old Whigs to the New. He talked 
 much of the great Lord Chatham, and amidst a variety of particulars con- 
 cerning him, and his family, stated, that his sister, Mrs. Anne Pitt, used 
 often in her altercations with him, to say, " That he knew nothing what- 
 ever, except Spenser's Fairy Queen." ** And," continued Mr. Burke, *• No 
 matter how that was said ; but whoever relishes, and reads Spenser, as he 
 ought to be read, will have a strong hold of the English language.' 
 These were his exact words. Many passages, or phrases, from his own works, 
 abundantly testify, that he had himself carefully read that great poet. His 
 reflections on the French Revolution particularly. Of Mrs. Anne Pitt, he 
 said, that she had the most agreeable and uncommon talents, and was, beyond 
 
 zzS 
 
 o 
 
346 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 all comparison, the most perfectly eloquent person he ever heard speak.* 
 Hfe always, as he said, lamented, that he did not put on paper a conversation 
 he had once with her. On what subject I forget. The richness, variety, and 
 solidity of her discourse, absolutely astonished him. 
 
 But I restrain myself. Before I take leave of this truly eminent man, 
 so long connected with Lord Charlemont, and whose fame, as an author, and 
 philosophic statesman and orator, of the highest rank, is now so stabilitated, 
 let me add, (and it is a slight tribute to modest and retired worth to add,) 
 that Mrs. Burke appeared to me a lady of uncommonly mild, gentle, and 
 most engaging manners. 
 
 The rejection of the Roman Catholic petition, as already stated, produced 
 new auxiliaries to that cause, which it meant totally to prostrate. Many 
 Protestants who had before opposed, now supported the Catholics. The 
 question was much more a subject of grave and private consideration, than 
 it had ever been before. The Catholic Committee published a general expo- 
 sition of their tenets, in which they declared, that the doctrine of, ** No 
 faith is to be kept with Heretics," was detested and reprobated by them, not 
 only as contrary to their religion, but destructive of morality, of society, and 
 even common honesty. That the doctrine that Princes excommunicated 
 by the Pope and Council, or by any ecclesiastical authority whatsoever, 
 may therefore be deposed, or murdered by their subjects, or any other 
 persons, was, and is, wicked and impious, and as such abjured, and disavowed 
 by them. That as to any right resulting from forfeited lands, they disclaimed 
 all such, nor admitted any title or claim which was not established by the 
 laws of the land as they then stood; and that, "whenever Parliament should 
 restore to them the elective franchise, they desired, that no Catholic should 
 be permitted to vote for members to serve in Parliament, till he had taken an 
 oath to defend to the utmost of his power, the property of the country, as 
 established by the different acts of attainder and settlement. These are the 
 heads of the declaration, and I insert them, as it was at the time much 
 approved of. The sub-committee also published a letter for general circula- 
 
 * Lord Bolingbroke admired Mr. Pitt, (Lord Cliatliam,) extremely, but not sa much as his 
 lister, Mrs. Anne Pitt. The former, be always termed Sublimity Pitt, and the latter, Diyioity Pitt. 
 However, he never, I believe, heard Pitt speak in the House of Commons, 
 
 o 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 347 
 
 tion, which was accompanied with a plan for electing a certain number of 
 delegates throughout Ireland, for the purpose of ascertaining the general 
 sense of the Roman Catholics, as to the measure of the elective franchise, 
 and submitting that sense respectfully to Parliament. In this circular letter 
 they also stated that several independent country gentlemen, lately in Dublin, 
 had frequent consultations for the laudable purpose of re-uniting to the 
 committee, Lord Fingall, and the other gentlemen who had withdrawn 
 from it. That they had received from his Lordship, and the gentlemen who 
 acted with him, the most positive declaration, that they would not oppose 
 the Committee in their endeavours to obtain the emancipation of the Catho- 
 lics ; and that the plan then inclosed was sanctioned by the general Committee, 
 the independent gentlemen, by Lord Fingall, and his friends. The delegates 
 were to meet in Dublin. 
 
 The general ferment excited by this letter is well known, and must be 
 ever memorable in the annals of this country. From the language held by 
 most of the grand juries, we should be led to imagine, that the elective 
 franchise never could be conceded to the Catholics. The Catholics made 
 one general replication to the various resolutions against them, which was pub- 
 lished by the committee. After taking notice of the assertion, that " they 
 were a Popish congress, formed for the purpose of overawing the legis- 
 lature,** •* they would not descend," they said, " to observe on the 
 invidious appellation of a Popish congress ; the substantial part of the charge 
 was, their intention of overawing Parliament." They called upon their ene- 
 mies to point out the word, action, or publication of the Catholics, which 
 could, before rational and dispassionate minds, bear such an absurd and 
 wicked import; that as to exciting tumult and sedition, the complete refu- 
 tation of such a charge, was the very measure that was made the pretence of 
 bringing it forward ; their petition, last session, was rejected with disgrace ; 
 and it was insisted, that tbe petitioners did not speak the sense of the 
 Catholic body ; it therefore became necessary to ascertain what the sense of 
 that body was ; and what plan, for collecting the general sentiment, could 
 be devised, more peaceable, and efficacious, than bringing, from each county 
 and city of Ireland, the most respectable and Intelligent gentlemen, who best 
 knew the wishes of their countrymen, and, from their propertv, must be 
 
348 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 most desirous and capable of securing tranquillity ? What was tHe fact? The 
 choice of the Catholics had been universally made, without a single instance 
 of irregularity or disorder. 
 
 Much more was stated by the committee ; but I only select such leading- 
 topics, as may give a general view of the subject, and as they are more 
 remotely or immediately connected with the history of Lord Charlemont. Not 
 to dwell on them, or too slightly to dwell on them, would involve that his- 
 tory in much obscurity. The violence of many persons in Dublin and Belfast, 
 who certainly intermingled themselves with the Catholics, for the completion 
 of their own sinister purposes, disgusted and rendered him more adverse to 
 some popular, as they were called, but, in truth, democratic, meetings, than 
 he had hitherto been. — * ** My conscience tells me, that it is much too long 
 since I have written to you ; but the same faithful monitor assures me that I am 
 notiu fault. By candle-light 1 cannotwritealine, and the necessity of my health 
 obliges me to spend the greater part of the morning on horseback ; so that 
 in those wint'ry days, short, indeed, is the time when I am able to comfort 
 myself by friendly correspondence ; and even this brief space is liable, every 
 day, to be further abridged, by frequent interruptions. This is vexatious ; 
 but vexations are become almost habitual to me. Private business, not of 
 the most pleasant sort, disturbs me, and the public is to me a constant source 
 o£,misery ; even that love of my country, which used to brighten and illu- 
 minate the darkest scenes of my life, has now changed its effect, and spreads 
 a gloom over my prospects. Yet, believe me, I do not despond; there is 
 yet in this country a fund of good sense, which will finally prevail over all 
 the nonsense of the times. Belfast continues to vex me ; but you are there, 
 and many who think as you do. Activity alone is wanting, and that must 
 and will be called forth by emergency." — Such were the honest opinions 
 of Lord Charlemont. 
 
 A parliamentary reform, which would meet the wishes of men of sense, 
 of independence, in every part of Ireland, and particularly conciliate 
 the regards of the North, where the voice of the most respect- 
 able of the people seemed to call aloud for that favoured object; 
 
 * Letter to Haliday^ Dublin, December 3d^ 1792. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 549 
 
 such a measure, he thought, would best controul sedition, and give to 
 government a'id the constitution, the aflPections of that province. Although 
 his plan did noi embrace, or bring within its circle, the Catholic body, at 
 that period, yet a House of Commons, elected according to such !a plan, 
 and, of course, in a far more popular manner, than aily representatives whom 
 Ireland had then seen, would, as he conceived, sympathize more with 
 the general mass of the people ; would naturally approximate itself to the 
 Catholics, and gradually, when circumstances were more benign, admit 
 them into an entire, or very considerable share, at least, of the Legislature. 
 Nor did such a moment appear to him so remote as it did to others. At all 
 events, he thought that such an incorporation of the Catholics would be 
 attended with far more grace, more efficacy, and real cordial pennanency, 
 than it could be, when originating from a House of Commons, constituted 
 as the present was ; acting in the midst of doubts, of prejudices, fluctuating 
 councils, and unchanging ministerial influence. Had he been anxious for 
 the restoration of the elective franchise to the Catholics, at this time, (and 
 certainly he was not) he must have despaired of the success of a measure, to 
 which the Government, on both sides of the water, the two Houses of Par- 
 liament,/«and the mass of the Protestant interest, seemed to oppose an unva- 
 rying hostility. If, therefore, it was by many considered as impoHtic, by 
 others as impracticable, at this juncture, why not resort to, or commence 
 with, that remedy, (a parliamentary limited reform) the advantages of which 
 appeared to be least equivocal, and the immediate success most obvious ? 
 
 " Man proposes, but God disposes," says the old and just proverb. All 
 prospect of obtaining any thing for the Catholics seemed to have alnK)st 
 totally vanished; yet their cause was advancing with the steps of a giant. 
 The benignity of their Sovereign, as on former occasions, was not wanting 
 to them on this : to that benignity was also added the policy of his Majesty's 
 ministers in England, which now assumed a different shape. A sad gloom 
 began to spread over part of the continent of Europe ; the Prussian armies, 
 and the Duke of Brunswick, had not only retired, with much discomfiture, 
 but Dumourier had obtained signal victories. If the cause of general freedom 
 had gained a triumph, in the retreat of the invading armies, the chiefs of 
 the Jacobin party now triumphed Over liberty itself. Instead of laying the 
 
350 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 ground-work of rational freedom in France, secured as it then was against 
 all foreign invasion, the leaders of that party murdered their humane 
 monarch, and, drunk with rage and success, seemed to " cry woe" to more 
 than one half of the inhabitants of Europe ; a cry to which, I am afraid, 
 some of the cabinets in Europe, by their temerity, and ignorance of the real 
 state of France, not a little contributed. If ministers were determined 
 on, or could not avoid, hostilities with France, in either case they were 
 now obliged to give a calmer attention to Ireland, and to render it less vul- 
 nerable. Hence, as is generally said, their countenance, at last, of the 
 Catholic claims, and their support of that very measure, the elective 
 franchise, against which they had encouraged the Irish administration to 
 draw forth, wherever it could, the whole force of the Protestant interest. 
 Not more rapidly did the chief of the august house of Brandenburgh fall 
 back, some few months before, on the frontiers of France, than ministers 
 now retired from the proposed overthrow of the Catholic question ; leaving 
 those whom they had cfragged into the field, unfortunate grand jurors, obse- 
 quious Irish cabinet ministers, with all the old machinery of the castle, broken, 
 dissipated, and destroyed. All this was deeply to be lamented ; not, indeed, 
 their recommendation of the measure, but the inauspicious extremes of 
 conduct with which it was accompanied. How could it be otherwise? If 
 ministers think that they can view a great question, in all its relations, at 
 one or two abrupt and hasty glances, ministers, like other men in such cir- 
 cumstances, will find themselves mistaken. Their policy must, in some 
 measure, share the fate of Penelope's web; the evening will unravel and undo 
 the.coun<jil& of the morning; and a great work of legislation will often be 
 commenced, never completed. An important political measure was never 
 yet the produce of a hurried, desultory attention. When Hyde, Lord 
 Rochester, au able, but impetuous man, told Lord Keeper North, that he 
 could understand any business in England in the course of a month, ** Your 
 Ijordship would understand it much better in two," replied the Lord Keeper, 
 with true good sense. This question should have been deeply considered, 
 from the moment of the rejection of that petition which solicited the elective 
 franchise, and not left the sport of every contingency, at a period when 
 France, and a great part of Europe, presented scenes of such variety, that 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 031 
 
 all politicians seemed to be at gaze, uncertain to-day what the morrow might 
 bring forth. Still, however, with an opening war, and opening discontent 
 in Ireland, to attempt to close that discontent, though with the certainty of 
 being blamed for inconsistency in some respects, was comparative wisdom. 
 
 The session of 1 793 commenced in January ; and the situation of the 
 Catholics was recommended to the attention of Parliament, in the Lord Lieute- 
 nant's speech from the throne. Ministers, as I have just stated, now went fur- 
 ther than the Catholics themselves proposed or expected. The bill, granting the 
 elective franchise, was warmly supported and combated in both Houses. In 
 the Commons, Mr.Grattan's eloquence and ability, in behalfof that measure, were 
 not inferior to any former display of talent which that gentleman had exhibited 
 on all questions relative to the Catholics ; he was truly their uniform friend. — 
 On this occasion, indeed, he lamented that the bill had not gone far enough ; 
 it had, however, his support, and that of most of the gentlemen in opposition ; 
 Mr. Curran, particularly, exerted himself in favour of the Catholic cause. But 
 the proceedings of the Lords, on this question, appertain more particularly ta 
 this work. Lord Clare, the Chancellor, spoke vehemently against the Catholics, 
 and against the bill, but concluded with voting for it. The Duke of Leinster, 
 Lord Donoughmore, the Earl of Granard, the Bishop of Downe, (Dr. Dickson,) 
 Lord Dunsany, gave it the most unqualified support. The Bishop of Elphin, 
 Dr. Lawe, expressed sentiments worthy of the son of the venerable and enlight- 
 ened Bishop of Carlisle, of the friend of Paley, and of a truly Christian Prelate. 
 He said precisely, and no more, what Johnson, and almost every eminent 
 moralist, had constantly said, of the whole Catholic code. He was abused for his 
 speech, in the House of Lords, and applauded by the majority of the people of 
 Ireland. Lord Charlemont, who had not altered Jiis sentiments with regard to 
 the concessions to be made, and the proper 4;ime of making such concessions, to 
 the Catholics, opposed the bill ; he also protested against it. But, if he opposed 
 the Roman Catholics at this time, he opposed them with good manners and 
 good nature. His jx)litics were uniform ; even his refusal of their demands was 
 so gracious, and accompanied with such known integrity of heart, that it con- 
 ciliated them more tlian the votes of others in their favour, preceded, as such 
 votes were, by angry and vituperative speeches. 
 
 It certainly cannot be matter of surprize, that the Catholics of that dav, 
 
 <J A 
 
JT""^"" •♦ "^ ■.» ■•rrss"; '^"V'iw^^^wr?iEf«!i^w"»\'V.»'^^MJ«i^>*J^' 
 
 350 r .MEMOIRS^ OF JAMES, 
 
 ground* work of rational fre^om m France, secured ds it then was against 
 all foreign invasion, the leaders of tiiat party murdered their hunane 
 monarch, and, dnink with rage'andi ^Success, seemed to " crjr woe" to fejore 
 than cme half of the inhabitants of Europe ; a cry to '^hich. Lam afraid, 
 someof the cabinet^ in £uTope,thy> their tSnerity, and %norance of the real 
 state of France, not a little contribiJited. If ministers w^fe 'determined 
 on, or could jK>ti avoid, hoBtilities with France, in either case ^they were 
 now obliged td give a calmer attention talrelandj and to tender it less vul. 
 .nerable. Henbe, a&'is geneiraUy said^ their . oountenance, at 4ast,* of th^ 
 Cathblic ciaiitis,)*ahd tbdr support: of that v^ry^ measure, the elective 
 franchise^ j^io^t Vhich they bad encouraged the Irish admibistratt^n to 
 draw fbrtfay wfherever it could, the whole force of the Protestant mterest. 
 Not menC' rapidly: did the chief: of. the august ihouse -of Bcandenburgh ^11 
 |>aok,< sonib few.knontbs before, oh thefrontibrs :of France, than miniGfters 
 now. retired from the proposed overthrow of the Catholic' question ; leaving 
 those whom they: had. dragged into the field, unfortunate gtand jilrors, obse- 
 quious Irt&h cabinet ministers, with all the old machinery of tlie castle, broken; 
 dissipated, and destr(^'ed., All this was deeply to be lamented ; not, indeed, 
 their; lecommeiidatron of the.meaisure, but the inauspicious eictremes oif 
 conduct iwith which it was accompanied. How could' it be othei^se? If 
 nuQJsters^ think that they can view, a great question, in all its relations, at 
 one br two abrupt and. hasty glances,: mioisters, like other men in siicb cir> 
 cumstances^ will find themselves' mistaken.. ,Their' -policy 'mtis>t, in some 
 im^suE^,:* 'share tiieifate of Penelope*s web; the evening will unravel ind undo 
 thftciauiMnl« of tlie morning; and a great work of legislation will often be 
 commenced, (i^ever. completed. An important political measure was never 
 yet the ptoduoe of a hurricdt desultory . attention. When Hyde, Lord 
 Roche8ter,.an able, ..If ul impetuous man, told Lord Keeper North, that he 
 could: understand aiby buaiuess in. England in the course of a month, " Your 
 JiOrdship would understand it much better in two," replied the Lord Keeper, 
 ^ithtrue^good sense. .This. question should have, been deeply considered, 
 from.the moment of the rejection of that petition which solicited the ekibtive 
 franchise, and oot.left the sport of every contingency, at a period when 
 France, and a great part of Europe, presented scenes of such variety, that 
 
'■^Bj»p5P|||jpi|pf5re.«;'U"M^»W,f"^,!W|iw y» ' "?to,- «•*;»■'. » -^'^i •■ ' -»■ "^« . 
 
 EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 351 
 
 all politicians seemed to be at gaze, uncertain to-day what the morrow might 
 bring forth. Still, however, with an opening war, and opening discontent 
 in Ireland, to attempt to close that discontent, though with the certainty of 
 being blamed for inconsistency in some respects, was comparative wisdom. 
 
 The session of 1 793 commenced in January ; and the situation of the 
 Catholics was recommended to the attention of Parliament, in the Lord Deute- 
 nant*s speech from the throne. Ministers, as I have just stated, now went fur- 
 ther than the Catholics themselves proposed or expected. The bill, granting the 
 elective franchise, was warmly supported and combated in both Houses. In 
 the Commons, Mr.Grattan's eloquence and ability, in behalf of that measure, were 
 not inferior to any former display of talent which that gentleman had exhibited 
 on all questions relative to the Catholics ; he was truly their uniform friend. — 
 On this occasion, indeed, he lamented that the bill had not gone far enough ; 
 it had, however, his support, and that of most of the gentlemen in opposition ; 
 Mr. Curran, particularly, exerted himself in favour of the Catholic cause. But 
 the proceedings of the Lords, on this question, appertain more particularly ta 
 this work. Lord Clare, the Chancellor, spoke vehemently against the Catholics, 
 and against the bill, but concluded with voting for it. The Duke of Leinster, 
 Lord Donoughmore, the Earl of Granard, the Bishop of Downe, (Dr. Dickson,) 
 Lord Dunsany, gave it the most unqualified support. The Bishop of Elphin, 
 Dr. La we, expressed sentiments worthy of the son of the venerable and enlight- 
 ened Bishop of Carlisle, of the friend of Paley, and of a truly Christian Prelate. 
 He said precisely, and no more, what Johnson, and almost every eminent 
 moralist, had constantly said, of the whole Catholic code. He was abused for his 
 speech, in the House of Lords, and applauded by the majority of the people of 
 Ireland. Lord Charlemont, who had not altered his sentitnents with regard to 
 the concessions to be made, and the proper 4:ime of making such concessions, to 
 the Catholics, opposed the bill ; he also protested against it. But, if he opposed 
 the Roman Catholics at this time, be opposed them wjth good manners and 
 good nature. His politics were uniform ; even his refusal of their demands was 
 so gracious, and accompanied with such known integrity of heart, that it con- 
 ciliated them more tlian the votes of others in their favour, preceded, as such 
 votes were, by angry and vituperative speeches. 
 
 It certainly cannot be matter of surprize, that the Catholics of that day, 
 
 3 a 
 
352 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 obtaining, as they did, more than they asked for, or, perhaps, even thought of, 
 retired from the doors of Parliament in much ill humour. The versatility of 
 Parliament, though, I trust, ultimately beneficial to Ireland, was little calculated 
 to inspire their gratitude or veneration ; and, with the vote that conferred the 
 elective franchise, to be told that they were utterly unworthy of any benefit, and 
 that, of all bad measures, it was the worst, was surely a most extraordinary- 
 mode of supporting the minister, aiding the Catholics, pacifying the country, 
 or strengthening the empire. Ever shall' I depbre the manner in which this 
 great question was treated, and this great boon conceded : differently managed, 
 it might have been every thing to the State, and its good effects more rapidly 
 diffused than they are likely to be. But it contains a sanative principle ; it raises 
 the peasant from the ground, and gives him a hold in the state. Those who 
 wish to depreciate every constitutional measure, who, in truth, sneer at every 
 political goody and look only to the " present time,'* in all their parliamentary spe- 
 culations, see nothing in the decUve frandiise, but what they term an increased 
 vassalage on the part of the poor voter, and on that of the landlord augmented 
 power. This must be the case in some districts, certainly, where one man's 
 property is very extensive, and the surrounding territory almost entirely depen^ 
 dent on him. But properly is always changing r industry, under a wise Govern- 
 ment, will be progressive; and, as it proceeds, ignorance and personal thraldom 
 will disappear, and give way to that liberal connection between a land-holder 
 and his tenantry, which every man must contemplate with pleasure. If exten- 
 ^ve possessions bear too great a sway in one county, property may be more 
 balanced in an adjacent one ; and it can be no inferior consideration to any 
 statesman, to teach the humblest Catholic, that, in looking to the formation of 
 the popular branch of the Legislature, the law entertains the principle of respect- 
 ing Aim, if he will learn to respect himself T^ar respect, on the part of the 
 Catholic, will be best displayed by a reverence for the existing institutions of his 
 country. Much has been said of the thirst for entire political power, which 
 prevails in that body ; and it is suggested that no n>eans will be left untried to 
 obtain it; If Catholic aggrandizement and siiperioritif are ever sought for, in 
 any regular legislative mode, the measure must instantly fail ; for, though Catho- 
 lic numbers might, from a concurrence of circumstances, outvote a particular 
 Protestant uitefjist in the Sheriff's court below, what would they generally avail 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 35 
 
 
 
 in the court of Pailiament above, constituted as the mass of property now is, 
 with every prospect of continuing so ? If foreign assistance is insanely courted, 
 to procure that aggrandizement, the most complete and guilty success that 
 could attend such an appeal, would soon vanish into air. A modern conqueror 
 would listeil but a short time to the dreams of hierarchical ambition, or the 
 claims to ancient possessions. He would take care that the hungiy auxiliaries 
 who left their own shores along with him, should be amply served ; and, com- 
 pared to them, or his own permanent interest in that state which he would affect 
 to assist, but, in truth, subdue, Romish church, or Romish chieftain, would 
 meet no respect whatever. To such connections both might say, '* Pol ! not 
 eccidistis amici .'" * and they would say true ; for, in such scenes, the modern, 
 or last Catholic, woujd be worse, than the first. There are many persons abun- 
 dantly ready, on the first cloud that appears in our political liemisphere, or the 
 first suggestion of their own imbecile and sorry fancies, to plunge their country 
 into an abyss of mischief. To^uch only can I be supposed to address myself 
 here. The good sense of my Catholic countrymen in general, requires no 
 ftid from my admonitions. . 
 
 It has been often sdid, not merely by those who wish to derogate from 
 the merit of Lord Charlemont, (not many in number) but some of his 
 admirers, that he was rather too fond of popular applause, and, in particular 
 instances, sacrificed somewhat too much to that object. I think I shall not 
 appear his indiscriminate eulogist, when, to this animadversion, I can oppose 
 not only his vote on the elective franchise, but his conduct on various emer- 
 gencies, when his sentiments and those of his countrymen were not in unison. 
 That on all occasions he sought, and ardently sought, thieir affections, is 
 perfectly true ; and if to cherish their regards was an error, we must, indeed, 
 lament, that more of his rank, equally natives of Ireland, have never been 
 accused of an error so amiable. But, so far from bending his speech to the 
 political fashion of the day, or adopting any unbecoming metamorphosis, to 
 please his countrymen, I confess I know not any one, whose mind and lan- 
 guage were more uniformly erect than his were. A conduct, to be iapplauded 
 in any eminent political character, but in one who was so truly the child of 
 
 * Or, according to Pope, *' My friends, deuce take you for your pains." 
 
 3 A 2 
 
354 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the people, deserves lasting respect and admiration. If I have endeavoured 
 to do him justice in this point, let it also be extended to Irishmen who 
 differed from him, and who never regarded him with less favourable eyes, 
 even when he most opposed them. As to the mercenaries, whose trade is 
 falsehood and misrepresentation, they, and their employers, are not to be 
 noticed. The approbation of a man's own mind is, unquestionably, the best 
 he can have; but the well-earned applause of our fellow-citizens is, indeed, 
 grateful. And let it be an encouragement to every honourable man, who 
 treads the road of public life, that such applause can be bestowed on those 
 who oppose, as well as those who more immediately gratify the public wish, 
 when that opposition is known to proceed, as was the case here, from a 
 good heart, accompanied with good manners. 
 
 If Lord Charlemont differed from ministers, and many of the opposition, 
 with regard to the Catholic bill, he coincided with both as to other public 
 measures, now to be supported by them. Not only did ministers announce 
 all cessation of hostilities to the so often defeated Place, Pension, and Respon- 
 sibility Bills, but they condescended to adopt them, in some measure, as 
 their own, and usher them into Parliament under their auspices. This was 
 doing much, and it seemed to prognosticate a happy change. The good Earl 
 was certainly gratified to the utmost ; and particularly when his friend, Mr. 
 Ponsonby,* supported by Mr. Conolly, declared his intentions of bringing 
 forward the great question of Parliamentary Reform. Even to this the 
 ministers, or at least some of their friends, did not seem adverse, but, with 
 a shew of political gallantry, which the House never before witnessed, 
 declared themselves the champions of this forlorn measure, as well as the 
 rest. Some of the country gentlemen could scarcely believe their ears or 
 their eyes : such deeds, or rather such professions of high parliamentary 
 emprise, seemed to carry them back to the days of antique, chivalrous 
 patriotism. *' Whence does all this benignity flow V* said Lord Ciiarlemont, 
 at this time, to the author of these Memoirs; " I doubt very much if 
 Monsieur Dumourier ever heard of a parliamentary reform, and yet I am 
 almost tempted to suspect him of having some share in what is now going 
 forward." 
 
 * William, now (1806) Lord Ponsonby. He stated what is alluded to here, January I4th^ 1793. 
 
EARL OF CHARUSMONT. 355 
 
 With whatever apparent or real benignity PaHiam en t opened, the fol- 
 lowing letter from Lord Charleniont to Dr. lialiday too plainly shews the 
 state of affairs in the metropoliis : 
 
 Dublin, Feb.26tfa, 1793. 
 
 My still declining health precludes the possibility of answering your last 
 letter. It ought not, however, to remain wholly unanswered ; but I must 
 have patience, and content myself with a few incoherent sentences. 1 con- 
 tinue to rejoice in the firmness of my friend Ponsonby ;* and the more so, as 
 that firmness will one day carry our point. I cannot entirely agree with 
 you concerning the French war ; — for a week they were old Romans^ and have 
 since been savage Gauls. I exulted in their emancipation, but shudder at its 
 effects, which have put even liberty out of fashion. 
 
 Respecting the Volunteers of this city, they are, alas ! no longer what 
 they were. I have, indeed, been their nominal general ; but for many years 
 past they have, in no instance, followed my advice, nor have they ever taken it 
 when offered unasked. Their follies have brought shame on the institution ; 
 upon a late occasion their conduct has been absolutely indefensible. No 
 Egyptian hierophant could have invented an hieroglyphic more aptly significant 
 of a republic, than the taking the crown from the harp, and replacing it by the 
 cap of liberty. The corps which adopted this emblem, and gave itself the title 
 of National Guards, was on all hands condemned ; yet all my endeavours could 
 not prevail on many other corps to avoid sharing their fate, by adopting them as 
 brethren. Their silly afiectation of French summons ! French appellations ! &c 
 &c. No man is more likely to err than I am, but I will never be led away with 
 my eyes open ; nor shall even the love of popularity ever induce me to deviate 
 from that which my best judgment assures me is right. The anxiety their 
 conduct has occasioned me is beyond expression, and neither my health nor 
 spirits can any longer bear it. Respecting Reform, it will, I fear, be strenuously 
 opposed ; yet our numbers will, I trust, be greater than ever. Much will, I 
 trust, be done even in this session, and some good foundation be laid. Pension 
 and place bills will pass, the latter of which is certainly a most desirable object* 
 And now, my dearest friend> adieu ! 
 
 t As to the Reform. 
 
556 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 With rt'gard to the National Guards, which Lord Charleroont alludes to, 
 the Lord Lieutenant (Earl of Westmorland) and the Council shewed a most 
 proper and becoming spirit. They were immediately put down, and, with the 
 unanimous approbation of the House of Commons. 
 
 The Pension and Responsibility Bills, so long the favoured objects of 
 Opposition, and of every moderate constitutional man throughout the kingdom, 
 were brought in, and, after a slight opposition from some of the old courtiers, 
 received the Royal assent at the close of the Session. The Catholic Bill also ; 
 but the same fate did not attend the ancient question of Reform. With every 
 indulgence to Ministers, I must say, that their countenance of a question so 
 important, at the beginning of a Session, and subsequent abandonment of it, 
 were impolitic in the extreme, and tended to create much and well-grounded 
 discontent throughout the kingdom. There are some questiopa which should 
 never be played or trifled with. — ^This was one of them. — Lord Charlemont, 
 and many of the constitutional and loyal friends of Reform, expressed their 
 severe and bitter disappointment. Whether Ministers here were instructed hy 
 the English Cabinet at first to accede in part to the question, and, as certain 
 prospects began to be less clouded, their instruction* were gradually changed, 
 may admit of some speculation. Altogether, the plan of Reform aspired to a 
 height of parliamentary perfection, which they thought, perhaps, impracticable, 
 and, without any contending instructions from England, was certainly not at all, 
 truly relished by themselves, or, if they had relished it, no one will suspect that 
 they would have followed its premature extinction in the British Cabinet with 
 their own official one. They were not so sublime. 
 
 " Thou wast too good to dwell on earth with me, 
 " And I, not good enough to die with thee !" 
 
 If Ministers were in the habit of composing parliamentary epitaphs, such 
 might have been their's, on the departed question of Reform at this juncture. 
 Another reason, independent of the change of affairs on the Continent, may 
 justly be assigned for the English Ministers avoiding any Parliamentary Reform 
 in Ireland, and that was, the dread of its being more successful in England if 
 it had gained ground here. But a more opportune season for bringing it 
 forward in the Irish House of Commons could hardly have been found. Mr. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 357 
 
 Ponsonby, Mr. Conolly, and othei- great land proprietors, connected with 
 boroughs, and borough patrons, though formerly inimical to, were now (I know 
 what I write) sincere advocates for the measure. It would have been, and 
 was, in truth, on one or two nights discussed calmly and wisely. Mr. Hutchin- 
 son, (the Secretary of State) spoke with much information on the subject,* 
 and changed the opinions of some gentlemen. To say that the demagogues, 
 either in the North or Dublin, would not have been satisfied, is saying nothing, 
 for, certainly, no plan of Reform could have pleased them, but one of their 
 own formation. To wait, therefore, for their approbation, would have been the 
 waiting of the rustic for the passing by of the river. The river still flowed on, 
 and so would their discontent ; but a sincere adoption of some rational plan of 
 Reform must have tended to disarm them, and diminish the number of their 
 adherents, which at this time was by no means great. Some of them acknow- 
 ledged afterwards, that it would have had that effect. That perverseness which 
 sometimes governs htiman afiaits, was not a little displayed in this business. A 
 Reform, so loudly called for by the People, and so often frowned at by the 
 Castle, was, at this time, when so favourably regarded by the House of 
 Commons, almost entirely neglected by the People. Except a resolution in its 
 favour by the Catholic Convention, all was silent. In districts where the 
 Catholics were disliked, or dreaded, this silence could be accounted for; but the 
 same taciturnity prevailed even where they were most favoured. If the plan 
 had been agteeable to the United Irishmen, or if they had applauded it with 
 the sinister view of obtaining some ground on which, at a future day, they 
 might erect their scheme of universal suffrage, moderate men might, indeed, 
 have naturally shrunk back, and, observing the obliquity of such motives, 
 declined giving any assistance to any Reform, which, however, originally raised 
 as a tower of strength to the state, would, with the aid of such political 
 architects, be soon changed into a tower of confusion, where every language 
 would be spoken save that of the Constitution. But it was not so; — the 
 United Irishmen were, at this time, as silent with regard to a Reform as the 
 rest of the community in general were. They, indeed, declared themselves 
 perfectly indifferent to any thing the L.egislature could, or would do, and 
 
 * See an Extract of his Speech in the Appendix, which is worth attending to, as it gives, in a short 
 compass, the genuine state of Parliamentar)' Representation at that time in Ireland. 
 
3o8 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 recommended a similar apathy to all his Majesty's loving subjects in 
 Ireland. 
 
 There was much business transacted this Session, and altogether it was an 
 uncommonly important one. Lord Hillsborough (the late lamented Marquis 
 of Downshire) introduced the Militia Bill into the House of Commons, which 
 was generally approved of. The Opposition supported Administration in the 
 prosecution of hostilities which had now commenced, and in questions, such a9 
 the Alien Bill, and others which might be expected to take place in the situ- 
 ations which England and France now held, as opposed to each other. With 
 his health rather declining, and his mind in some respects ill at ease, we find 
 Lord Charlenriont at the present period in harmony with Ministers. Satisfied, 
 except as to a Reform, with their proceedings, amused and rendered happy by 
 the correspondence and lively talents of his friend. 
 
 * *' A thousand thanks for your pleasing letter, and still more pleasing 
 verses ; delightful in themselves, and still more to me, when I consider them as 
 a proof that no disagreeable circumstances have been able to overthrow your 
 philosophy, or, as it may be more truly expressed, to prevail over that fortunate 
 flow of spirits with which nature has blessed you. Sometime since I should 
 have attempted, though even then without success, to have answered your 
 epistle in its own style; but alas ! ill-health has well nigh quenched in me every 
 spark of humour, every poetical eftervescence. — But no more of this ; — I shall, 
 therefore, conclude with a request, that when you write to the dear Anna and 
 the charming Delia, you will present them with my most truly affectionate 
 compliments, together with my felicitations on their being able to inspire a 
 youth of sixty-five with a spirit of poetry, which would do honour to Catullus. 
 Adieu ! Believe me that I shall ever be, what I ever have been since I first 
 knew you, your truly affectionate, C. 
 
 " Though I am weary of politics, I cannot avoid informing you, that our 
 labours have not been entirely fruitless, and that if our success has not been 
 equal to my wishes, it has far, however, exceeded my expectations. The expla-^ 
 nation of the Navigation Act, together with its consequences, is a real commer- 
 
 * Letter to Haliday, Dublin, June 13th, 1^93. 
 
EABJ. OF CHAm^^MONT. 359 
 
 dal benegt The entire oe»sion of the He^edU^y Revepu^, which is now to be 
 eonsolidated with the other national fqnds, jind strictly appropriated ; andth<e 
 establishment of a Treasui^J^oard^ which will be paid for \>y the salaries of ^e 
 useless ^nd alien Vioe-Treasurers^ will, in e^eot, pearly answer thie purpose of 
 our Jlesponsibility 3iU. ^esp^ting Place and Pension Pills something will be 
 dones but to vfbat extent is not yet explfiined. My hopes* I poxifes^ ^tfi by 
 no means sanguine on these heads. Once more adieu !" '''^ ^'y^^^:- ■ *^'' y:^*^ ""^^ 
 ^': In « few days after the d^e of this letter,* the Evl of Moira-f- djedi. Ife 
 was one of liOrd Oharlemonf s earUest friends* 9nd for many ye^u^ his paHia- 
 mentary coa^i^itpr in the ^onse of Pesers. ]Eie was a scholar, weU versed in 
 ancient as well as modem h.ter^ture; possessed of much and truly use^l 
 information, which he communicated with peculiar agreeablenesis, for his diction 
 was remarkable for its^ facility and purity, and his conceptions clear and unem- 
 barrassed :— he was axonstant reader ; in truth, few men of any rank read so 
 00Q8taDdy;-^his stij^dleslcaaed much to spentiiic subjects, and those of natural 
 history, which he well^^der8itxx)d. He was very conversant also in the polite 
 arts, and his libri^i to which eyery one had access, was a noble collection of 
 hooks, the mogt useful, as well as the most agreeable. In politics he was a 
 Whig, of true ne^lution printiiples, that is, attached to monarchy and the 
 peofie* ^ From the moment that he first took his seat in the House of Lords to 
 the close of his life, (a long period) his conduct was that of a truly independent 
 Peer. He.ofiteo oppiosedi he neyer attempted to vilify or debase the Govern- 
 ment. With many of the Lord Lieutenants be lived on terms of intimacy or 
 civiHty ; but, I believe, never once asked a favour from one of them. With an 
 elocution the most unembarrassed, as I have already stated, but adapted, per- 
 haps, more to society than public life, and with geneml political knowledge, he 
 veiy seldom spolLe in Parliament; on one or two occasions he was forced, by 
 idle asperity, to assert himself ; he;didso, with a just spirit and his usual good 
 manners. In the earlier part of bis life he had lived much abroad, or in 
 England} in the best company of the jjde r pturt of the court of George the 
 
 * Thuriday, June 20th, 1793. 
 
 f Johfi RawdoD, fuber to the preaent Earl of Moira^ Hastiogs, &c. 
 
 3 B 
 
358 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 recommended a similar apathy to all his Majesty's loving subjects in 
 Ireland. 
 
 There was much business transacted this Session, and altogether it was an 
 uncommonly important one. Lord Hillsborough (the late lamented Marquis 
 of Downshire) introduced the Militia Bill into the House of Commons, which 
 was generally approved of. The Opposition supported Administration in the 
 prosecution of hostilities which had now commenced, and in questions, such as 
 the Alien Bill, and others which might be expected to take place in the situ- 
 ations which England and France now held, as opposed to each other. With 
 his health rather declining, and his mind in some respects ill at ease, we find 
 Lord Charlemont at the present period in harmony with Ministers. Satisfied, 
 except as to a Reform, with their proceedings, amused and rendered happy by 
 the correspondence and lively talents of his friend. 
 
 * *' A thousand thanks for your pleasing letter, and still more pleasing 
 verses ; delightful in themselves, and still more to me, when I consider them as 
 a proof that no disagreeable circumstances have been able to overthrow your 
 philosophy, or, as it may be more truly expressed, to prevail over that fortunate 
 flow of spirits with which nature has blessed you. Sometime since I should 
 have attempted, though even then without success, to have answered your 
 epistle in its own style; but alas ! ill-health has well nigh quenched in me every 
 spark of humour, every poetical efiervescence. — But no more of this ; — I shall, 
 therefore, conclude with a request, that when you write to the dear Anna and 
 the charming Delia, you will present them with my most truly affectionate 
 compliments, together with my felicitations on their being able to inspire a 
 youth of sixty-five with a spirit of poetry, which would do honour to Catullus. 
 Adieu ! Believe me that I shall ever be, what I ever have been since I first 
 knew you, your truly affectionate, C. 
 
 " Though I am weary of politics, I cannot avoid informing you, that our 
 labours have not been entirely fruitless, and that if our success has not been 
 equal to my wishes, it has far, however, exceeded my expectations. The expla> 
 nation of the Navigation Act, together with its consequences, is a real commer- 
 
 * LeUcr to Holiday, Dublin, June 13th, 1793. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 359 
 
 cial benefit. The entire cession of the Hereditary Revenue, which is now to be 
 consolidated with the other national funds, and strictly appropriated ; arid the 
 establishment of a Treasury fioard, which will be paid for by the salaries of the 
 useless and alien Vice-Treasurers, will, in effect, nearly answer the purpose of 
 our Responsibility Bill. Respecting Place and Pension Bills something will be 
 done ; but to what extent is not yet explained. My hopes, I confess, are by 
 no means sanguine on these heads. Once more adieu !'* 
 
 In a few days after the date of this letter,* the Earl of Moira-|- died.. He 
 was one of Lord Charlemont's earliest friends, and for many years his parlia- 
 mentary coadjutor in the House of Peers. He was a scholar, well versed in 
 ancient as well as modern literature ; possessed of much and truly useful 
 information, which he communicated with peculiar agreeableness, for his diction 
 was remarkable for its facility and purity, and his conceptions clear and unem- 
 barrassed ; — he was a constant reader ; in truth, few men of any rank read so 
 constantly; — his studies leaned much to scientific subjects, and those of natural 
 history, which he well tihderstood. He was very conversant also in the polite 
 arts, and his library, to which everyone had access, was a noble collection of 
 books, the most useful, as wrell as the most agreeable. In politics he was a 
 Whig, of true revolution principles, that is, attached to monarchy and the 
 people. - From the moment that he first took his seat in the House of Lords to 
 the close of his life, (a long period) his conduct was that of a truly independent 
 Peer. He often opposed, he never attempted to vilify or debase the Govern- 
 ment. With many of the Lord Lieutenants he lived on terms of intimacy or 
 civility ; but, I believe, never once asked a favour from one of them. With an 
 elocution the most unembarrassed, as I have already stated, but adapted, per- 
 haps, more to society than public life, and with general political knowledge, he 
 very seldom spoke in Parliament ; on one or two occasions he was forced, by 
 idle asperity, to assert himself ; he did so, with a just spirit and his usual good 
 manners. In the earlier part of his life he had lived much abroad, or in 
 England; in the best company of the older part of the court of George the 
 
 * Thursday, June 20th, 1793. 
 
 f John RawdoD, Either to the present Earl of Moira, Hastings, &c. 
 
 3 B 
 
360 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Second, and to his last hour retained the agreeable and polished manners of that 
 society; in this respect, indeed, it is not easy to do him justice; there was 
 nothing artificial, nothing forced, in his good breeding; — it was a courtesy 
 always flowing, never wearying, directed to every one, but still measured ; never 
 losing sight of the humblest as well as the highest in his company, never dis- 
 playing his rank, and never departing from it. Lord Charlemont used often to 
 cay, that he was one of the best bred men of his age. He had, like other men, 
 his foibles, but they were slight, and too often magnified by illiberality, igno- 
 rance, and adulation of ministerial power ; but there was not one gentleman (I 
 lay claim to that word only as our ancestors understood, and limited the use of 
 it) in either House of Parliament, or out of Parliament, who, if acquainted 
 with him, did not regard and respect him. His house will be long, very long, 
 remembered ; it was for many years the seat of refined hospitality, of good 
 nature, and good conversation ; in doing the honours of it. Lord Moira had 
 certainly one advantage above most men, for he had every assistance that true 
 magnificence, the nobleness of manners peculiar to exalted birth, and talents for 
 society the most cultivated, could give him, in his illustrious Countess.* 
 
 Lord Charlemont truly lamented the loss of this accomplished nobleman ; 
 but it pleased Providence to afflict him with one of a far severer nature. — His 
 second son, James Caulfield, a most pleasing youth of seventeen years of age, 
 died the September following. Lord Charlemont's letters express the anguish 
 of his heart, as well as that of the amiable partner in his afflictions, and her 
 consequent indisposition. Such scenes of domestic distress must necessarily 
 engage the sympathy of every reader ; but a detail of them would, surely, be 
 as unnecessary as disrespectful. 
 
 The borough of Charlemont, although under the immediate influence of 
 the Earl, might be considered, from the unvarying succession of its patriotic 
 representatives, as more the scene of popular election than many places where 
 independence was supposed to be most triumphant. Towards the close of this 
 year it was deprived of one of its members, Mr. Richard Slieridan, whose death 
 affected Lord Charlemont very sensibly. 
 
 * Elizabeth, Countess of Moira, Baroness Hastings, Hungerford, &c. in her own right j daughter of 
 Theophilus, and sister to Francis, late Earl of Huntingdon. 
 
EARL OF CHAHLEMONT. 361 
 
 •Xf 
 
 Poor Sheridan! (thus he writes to Haliday, January 1st, 1794) Indeed 
 his loss has given me sincere concern. Though certainly injured by the sad 
 situation of his health, yet, take him all in all, I shall find it very difficult to 
 replace him as I wish. Never, I am confident, lived a man of better heart, or 
 of more true and genuine honour, and, between us, the idem velle, alque idem, 
 nollcj was perfectly established. Where, then, is his like to be found ? I have 
 for some time past thought of nothing else, and have, hitherto, met only witli 
 disappointment. Meanwhile the time presses, and something must be decided. 
 •The new year has begun ; — I am glad of it, for I was heartily sick of the old 
 one. May it be marked with more pleasing events, both at home and abroad, 
 than its disgusting predecessor ! Let this be an epoch of returning reason, as 
 the last has been of universal madness." 
 
 Richard Sheridan, above-mentioned, was cousin-german to Brinsley 
 Sheridan.* He was bred to the bar, though without a regular academic edu- 
 cation, and possessed, in no slight degree, the talents and dispositions of his' 
 family. He had distinguished himself in his profession on some occasions, 
 and, though his fund of general information was too limited to command the 
 uniform attention of the House of Commons, he was always heard with satis- 
 faction. His manner was oratorial, his voice remarkably sonorous and 
 imposing ; — he had, at times, much of that thoughtlessness and, what may be 
 called, itourderie, which Swift describes as predominating in the character of his 
 grandfather, the celebrated Dr. Sheridan. In his dealings with the world, 
 he was indeed, as Lord Charlemont represents him, a man of the truest 
 honour ; and such was the festivity of his disposition, the excellence of his 
 temper, and peculiar simplicity of his mind, that few men were ever more truly 
 loved and esteemed. 
 
 The letter which Lord Charlemont wrote to Mr. Sheridan on offcrinir 
 him a seat in Parliament, is perfectly consistent with all that his lordship ever 
 said on that subject. It does him credit, and, as such, I insert it. 
 
 * Insigne moestis praesidium reis, 
 £t consulentij Poliio, caris, 
 Cui laarus etemos honores, 
 Dramatico peperit triumpho ! 
 3 B 2 
 
S62 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 April lOth, 1790. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Some characters, as well as some countenances, possess the peculiar privi- 
 lege of making an immediate and favorable impression. My acquaintance 
 with you has been of short duration, and yet that short acquaintance has 
 been effectual to point you out as the fittest person to execute a trust, which 
 is, in my opinion, the most important that one man can receive from ano- 
 ther. Whenever it may be possible that the representation of this kingdom 
 shall be purified, and advantageously altered from its present absurd, and 
 unconstitutional course, I shall, with exultation, resign that which some 
 men esteem their property, but will in the mean while endeavour to manage 
 that trust, which I hold for my country, as far as I am able, to her advan- 
 tage; neither do I think that I can better perform this, according to my 
 ideas, indispensable duty, than by offering you a seat for the borough 
 of Charlemont, your acceptance of which, will be an obligation to me. 
 Should I be so happy as to form with you this close and important connec- 
 tion, it may be expedient that you should know my general political senti- 
 ments, which, as they are clear and simple, I shall be able in a very few 
 words to explain. 
 
 As love for my country is the ruling passion of my heart, and, as our 
 actions are most commonly directed by the ruling passion, I can claim little 
 merit in wishing to act in the manner which I may deem most essentially 
 advantageous to her. I am, in the genuine, and most enlarged sense of the 
 word, a Whig; and consequently am warmly addicted to the party, with 
 whose general principles I most heartily concur; an attachment, which is 
 still further fortified by friendship, esteem, and confidence on the one hand, 
 and by a distrust on the other, founded upon experience. But I was an 
 Irishman, before I was a party man, and, however it might hurt the 
 feelings of my heart, should oppose my best friends, and those whom most I 
 love and honour, if at any time their interests should clash with those of my 
 country. This is my creed, and this I firmly believe to be your's, in which 
 confidence I once more intreat your kind acceptance of my offer ; by com- 
 plying with which request, you will most essentially gratify and oblige. 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most faithful. 
 And truly affectionate, humble Servant, 
 
 CHARLEMONT. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 
 
 363 
 
 Mr. Sheridan was succeeded in Charlemont by Mr. Jephson, nephew 
 to the ingenious author of that name, the friend of Garrick, Mr. Malone, 
 and other literary men. He, the author, was much caressed and sought 
 after by several of the first societies in Dublin, as he possessed much wit 
 and pleasantry, and, when not overcome by the spleen, was extremely 
 amusing and entertaining. He was a member of the House of Commons of 
 Ireland, and died not long since. 
 
 « The Borough of Charlemont'* (his Lordship writes, January asd, 179^) 
 " elects Richard Jephson, a young man of excellent talents, and, as far as my 
 strictest investigation can fathom, of sound principles. How far any untried 
 man may succeed, is a matter of mere hazard ; but the peculiar cast of his 
 abilities, joined to much diligence, and great ardour, gives him, I think, an 
 excellent chance. It is, besides, my opinion, that almost the only good 
 effect which can be derived from the present absurd system of borough 
 representation, is the possibility of bringing forward young men, who may 
 become useful to their country, but who, without this resource, would pro- 
 bably be condemned to waste their sweetness on the desert air." 
 
 The two following letters should have preceded what has been just 
 given. 
 
 Dublin, 19th November, 1793. 
 Success has attended your patriotic wish. Immediately on the 
 receipt of your official letter, I communicated its contents to Lord Hobart; 
 and, principally in consequence of your representation, a proclamation has 
 issued, requiring ships from the West-Indies to perform quarantine. Thus 
 have you kindly put it in my power to be in some degiee instrumental in 
 saving my country from the horrors of external malady ; and would to 
 Heaven you could equally enable me to check the course of internal dis- 
 order ! The principal aim of your literary society, is undoubtedly excellent, 
 and worthy of Belfast in her golden days ; but, if politics should interfere, 
 and in the present agitated state of my stilUbeloved town, it will be diflScult 
 to prevent such interference, I most sincerely join with you in thinking, that 
 
364 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 the good purpose of the institution will be disappointed. The present cast of 
 politics is a foe to letters, as will, I fear, too soon be exemplified in the fate 
 of the incomparable Condorcet. — Apropos, have you read the pamphlet, 
 signed Jasper Wilson ? It appears to me one of the best that ever was 
 written. The Calm observer, too, is an excellent composition ; but it is too 
 long, and though its flowers be often exquisitely beautiful, it is, perhaps, 
 too flowery. Of this last, however, I speak from a partial knowledge, as 
 the print is too small for me to read it, and part of it only has been read to 
 me. 
 
 Dublin, December 4th, 1793. 
 
 " It is impossible not to love O'Neill.* His very mistakes spring 
 
 from amiable qualities, and that milkiness of disposition, which steals upon 
 our affections, is, at the same time, the cause of his too great pliancy ; 
 I was once honoured with his confidence. 
 
 " Whoever attributes Jasper Wilson's pamphlet to more than one writer, 
 must, in my opinon, be wholly mistaken ; there is in it an integrity of 
 style and manner which could never be the result of association. I still 
 greatly prefer it to the Calm observer, which is too long, too complex, and, 
 in some places, not free from sophistry. The preface is, indeed, a master 
 piece, but the work itself often languishes, and is in some degree liable to 
 the strong objection of not compelling its reader to persevere in the perusal. 
 It is not, however, the work of the noble Lord ; I know him well, and he 
 is incapable of it. It may be, indeed, and I believe is, of his school." 
 
 As the preceding session had been remarkable for its length and 
 importance, the present one, (1794) was equally remarkable for its brevity, 
 and, indeed, nothingness. One circumstance, however, distinguished it, 
 which can by no means be passed over. Mr. Ponsonby,| on the 4th of 
 March, moved that his bill, for improving the representation of the people, 
 should be read a second time the next day. The 2d of August, according 
 to the usual style of ministerial amendments, was proposed, instead of the 
 
 * John, late Earl O'Neill^ father to the present Earl. A more amiable man never existed. 
 
 t William, late Lord Fonsonby. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 365 
 
 inorrow% and carried by a large majority of 142 to 44. In the course of the 
 debate, Mr. Grattan, with peculiar energy of argument, combated the plan 
 of individual representation, or universal suffrage, which had been held out, 
 accompanied by annual parliaments, as the unfailing remedies for all 
 grievances, and all abuses whatsoever. The limits and the object of this 
 work do not permit me to insert Mr. G rattan's speech, but it deserves an 
 attentive perusal. One or two sentences cannot be omitted. " To destroy 
 the influence of landed property, is the object of individual representation ; 
 but its immediate effect would be to extinguish the people. The rich might 
 for a time make a struggle, they might in some places buy a mob, who, by 
 such a plan, would be all electors. The minister too, for the short time 
 such a plan suffered king or minister, could in the corrupt confusion of 
 such election, preserve some influence by the application of the treasury, and 
 the command of the armv. But the farmer and the citizen could have 
 none of those advantages. With this plan of personal representation, a 
 revolution of power would lead speedily to a revolution of property ; for, 
 if you transfer the power of the state to those who liave nothing in the 
 country^ they will give themselves your property. The first ordinance then 
 of such a plan, would be robbery, accompanied with the circumstances 
 incidental to robbery, — murder." The framers and promulgators of this 
 plan felt the strength and poignancy of these observations, which exposed 
 the folly of some, and unmasked the projects of others. It is said, that at this 
 time, some nien who were scholars, amiable in society, and of refined talents, 
 belonged to the association of United Irishmen. lean believe it. But though 
 they did not engage in the treasons of others, their speculations and theories 
 carried abundant mischief with them. I should dismiss the subject at once, and 
 leave it to the general histories of this period, if, as the biographer of Lord 
 Charfimont, I was not obliged to record, not only the existence of such talents, 
 noxious always without experience, but also the perverseness of some of the 
 ministerialists, who, in their way, were as mischievous as the theorists, 
 blended Lord Charlemont, his friends, and all who opposed adminis- 
 tration, in one general mass, and despoiled government of much of its energy, 
 by their undistinguishing censures and hostility. Thus the press, whether 
 it teemed with the inflated language of L^nited Irishmen, or the denunciations, 
 
366 ' MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 of the court, became almost a nuisance, and in the very address to which 
 I have alluded of the United Irishmen, it was declared, " that the 
 speeches and debates of the opposition were regarded by that association 
 with perfect indifference, and, consequently, by all whom it could influence." 
 Yet at this time, and session after session, till Parliament itself, '* like an 
 insubstantial pageant," faded away, and was no more, the half, of what the 
 yet remaining courtesy of the House of Commons called debate, was 
 employed in charging all the opposition, Lords and Commons, with mis- 
 leading the populace by speeches, which were industriously kept from them, 
 and which the great leaders of the populace never read, and openly 
 declared their contempt of. It is not pleasant to look back to such scenes, 
 and the reader cannot be more tired of them than I am myself. As to 
 universal suffrage, it seems, as far as I can judge, very generally abandoned 
 at present; and, indeed, it is difficult to conceive how it could be enter- 
 tained for any length of time, by any persons who considered not the genius 
 of the British Constitution merely, which is totally adverse to any such 
 system, but the genius and propensities of mankind. 
 
 The conversations in Lord Charlemont's library, did not turn now so 
 much on books and literature as formerly. Far less agreeable topics were 
 reluctantly but necessarily discussed there. His spirits, however, received 
 at this time, a considerable, though temporary improvement by the Noble 
 Victory of Lord Howe, which, with other matter, is alluded to in the 
 
 following letter : 
 
 DabliD, June 23d, 1794. 
 
 Never, sure, was any thing more seasonable than the arrival of your 
 
 exhilarating letter. Half a year older than I am ! Why, man, you are ten 
 
 years younger. The French fleet, undoubtedly, fought well, but not, surely, 
 
 from having got rid of their nobility ; a set of men, who, though no favourites 
 
 of mine, were brave, spirited, and animated by a point of honour, which is 
 
 now replaced by a spirit of enthusiasm. If any thing could add to my joy 
 
 for so important a victory, it would be the deserved credit which Lord 
 
 Howe has thereby obtained ; whose conduct, as well as courage, have 
 
 scarcely been paralleled. I have known his whole family for many years, 
 
 and to have known them, is, in other words, to say that I have loved, and 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 367 
 
 highly respected them. Yet was this the man, whom a parcel of ignorant, 
 
 lazy lubbers dared to impeach by the fire-side. Washington is, indeed, a 
 
 man, whose lustre would be alone sufficient to irradiate the darkest age. If 
 Mr. Pitt does not take advantage of the time allowed him, he will certoinly 
 be answerable for all the consequences. But I really hope these matters 
 will be amicably adjusted. You give me great pleasure, by telling me that 
 Brownlow* is better. Conolly,t with whom you wish to be acquainted, is 
 a man of excellent heart, and a good share of whimsical parts ; he has, how- 
 ever, great oddities, and his conversation not always equal to his talents. 
 He has one quality, which will with you, I am confident, weigh much to 
 his advantage ; he loves me, I really believe, with great sincerity. Lady 
 Louisa is a paragon of excellence.f Mobs are, in general, by no means 
 pleasant ; but that of London, to the mob of Paris, is an assembly of poHte 
 philosophers. I have a curious article of intelligence, in a letter of excel- 
 lent authority, from I-ondon. Among the other wonders of this wonderful 
 war, there is none more surprising, than that, in their perpetual change of 
 generals, every new man seems to act just as well as his predecessor. The fact 
 is, that at the Revolution, the corps of artillery, cerUinly the best corps in 
 France, adhered to the Revolutionists. From among those have been selected 
 sixteen, who form the council of war, and four of these are continually 
 sitting. They have before them maps of the various theatres of war, maps 
 drawn by their former great engineers^ so perfectly correct, that they sec^ 
 at a glance, every spot of the country. Over these they fight their battles; 
 and couriers, constantly in waiting, convey their orders to the generals, who 
 have thus no latitude allowed them. In some of the late actions, the priso- 
 ners taken by us did not know their general's name ; but only said that, as 
 
 * The Right Honourable William Brownlow. 
 
 f The late Right Honourable Thomas ConoUy, brother in law to the Duke of Richmond, and 
 nephew to the Earl of Strafford. He represented the county of Deny in the Irish House of Com- 
 mons, and was also a member of the British Parliament for many years. He was a most honest 
 roan. His magnificent House, at Castletown, where he so long exerci#ed the truest hospitality, ia 
 the noblest manner, deserves to be held in lasting remembrance. 
 
 X Lady Louisa ConoUy, sister to the late Duke of Richmond. 
 
 S C 
 
S(ys MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 they lieard, he was newly appointed. By these means, all commanders are- 
 iilike, =and none is enabled to make a powerful party in his army."* 
 
 To^v=a^ds the middle of July Lord Charlemont proposed going to Belfast; 
 iLnd Reviewing the Volunteers tliere ; but I know not what numbers then 
 appeared tinder arms ; and the institution was now fading fast away. During 
 thecOtfrsedf this month, a large addition was made to the British cabinet, 
 and ^dh parliamentary strength giv€n to the minister, as he had never befon^, 
 even in the fulness of all his power, experienced. The Duke of Portland, 
 L6fd Spencer, Lord Fitzwilliam, Mr. Windham, and others, who not only 
 differed 'fi<6m Mr. Fox, as to the propriety of the war with France, but were 
 most ardetit in its prosecution, accepted official situations, and became cabinet 
 ministers. The influence of these arrangements was, of course, immediately 
 felt ill Ireland, and a change in the Lieutenancy was confidently talked of. 
 The matiagement of Ireland had, according to the general supposition, been 
 given to the Duke of Portland ; and this, it is said, was one of the first 
 points conceded by Mr.' Pitt, on the formation of this new coalition. Mr. 
 Grattan and Mr. Ponsonby were sent for, by some of their friends in England. 
 They went there, and every thing seemed to announce some alteration in the 
 Irish Viceroy alty. Lord Fitzwilliam was very early spoken of as the New 
 Lieutenant. The prospect of such appointment was truly acceptable to Lord 
 Charlemont. The character of Earl Fitzwilliam, his princely fortune in this 
 country, which he inherited from his revered uncle, the Marquis of -Rock- 
 ingham ; all these circumstances were, to Lord Charlemont, . peculiarly 
 grateful. But it appears, from his letters, that great doubts hung on Earl 
 Fit2william*s appointment. 
 
 Irithecourse of the autumn, his friend Haliday was called upon to attend 
 Mr. Brownlow,^ at his seat at Lurgan, in the county of Armagh ; and to 
 that truly respectable gentleman's illness the three subsequent letters chiefly 
 alhide : 
 
 DubliD, October I8th, l^. 
 Many thanks, my dearest Doctor, for your intelligence, disagreeable 
 
 * The authenticity of this intelligence, has, I am told, been denied. 
 
 t The late Right Honourable William Brownlow, Member for the county of Armagh, in 
 Ireland. He was father to the present Countess of Darnley, the Viscountesses Powerscoort and 
 De Vesci, &c. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. J6a 
 
 as it fs. Anxiety is, perhaps, a worse pain than the certainty of ill ; and 
 yet, so whimsical is our nature, we are always apt to prefer the former to 
 the latter. Whilst there is life, there is hope ; and however bad your account 
 may be, I will not despair. Indeed, in the present dearth of good men, we 
 could ill afford the loss of one so excellent : at all events, he will have every 
 succour that art can give ; and the firmness and excellence of his own mind 
 will not only aid the efforts of his physician, but, if the worst should happen, 
 help to console his friends. Our unaccountable uncertainty respecting Lord 
 Fitzwilliam still remains. 
 
 Dublin, October 27th, 1794. 
 
 Thank you for your last bulletin, which was somewhat consolatory — 
 
 but I fear — Alas ! poor Brownlow ! when shall we see his like again ? A 
 
 thousand qualities of head and heart had raised ray affectionate regard on the 
 
 true basis of esteem ; and now his dying goodness towards me has changed 
 
 that affection into real tenderness. ^That Caulfield* should represent the 
 
 county, must undoubtedly be my warm wish, but he is not of age ; at the 
 general election, I meant to offer him to the favour and protection of his 
 country. Some pretensions he has ; he is naturally honest ; educated in the 
 principles of real patriotism ; and his father has not been an absolutely idle 
 citizen. Pardon me, if I be too presumptuous; it is in behalf of a son. 
 
 Diiblin, October 20th, 1794. 
 
 This morning has brought me your short but mournful letter, every 
 line of which teems with regret. Such is the lot of man ! and the only con- 
 solation the survivors can expect, must consist in the enjoyment of that repu- 
 tation, which our departed friend has left behind him. Non omnis mojiar, 
 mttltaque pars mei vitahit libitinam, is not only an incentive to virtue, which 
 Heaven itself has impressed on our minds, but a real comfort in that greatest 
 of misfortunes, the loss of those we loved and esteemed.** 
 
 It is impossible for any one who sat and voted, with Mr. Brownlow, for 
 several years, in Parliament, to pass over his death without offering some 
 tribute to his memory. His ancestors had, for more than a century, rcpre- 
 
 ■ } 
 
 * Lord Caulfield, now Earl of C^arlemont. 
 
 3 c 2 • ^ • " ■ ' 
 
370 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 sented the county of Armagh, and he himself became one of its memberi 
 very early in life. His election was not only severely contested, but became 
 afterwards the source of a most notable trial of parliamentUry strength be- 
 tween Primate Stone and Mr. Boyle. Mr. Brownlow had been espoused by 
 the former. The only question regarded, at that time, in the Committee of 
 Elections, was, whether the petitioner or sitting member was most favoured 
 by those who had most parliamentary influence. Nothing else was thought on. 
 This was indecorous in the extreme; but it was not an indecorum of which 
 our House of Commons had a monopoly, as, till Mr. Grenvi lie's bill, some- 
 thing of a similar profligacy prevailed in St. Stephen's chapel. The division 
 on the Westminster election first shook, and that on the Chippenham con- 
 test removed. Sir Robert Walpole.* To this field of battle, then, this par- 
 liamentary Philippi, if I may be allowed the phrase, the opposing chiefs 
 always resorted, and decided their pretensions to power. The Primate carried 
 ^Ir. Brownlow's election, I think, by one vote, in a very full House. The 
 struggle was violent. Mr. Brownlow retained his situation upwards of forty 
 years, and was one of the most independent members that ever sat in the 
 House of Commons of Ireland. Whenever he spoke, he was heard with 
 peculiar attention and respect. To oratorial powers he laid no claim ; but 
 lie delivered his sentiments with uncommon perspicuity, great neatness, great 
 elegance, and, occasionally, with a tempered fire and spirit, which were felt 
 by every one around him : he never spoke at any length. With the rules 
 and proceedings of the House he was well acquainted ; and had so general a 
 knowledge of parliamentary affairs, that, on the resignation of the Speaker's 
 chair by Mr. Ponsonby^ he was proposed to succeed him, and very nearly 
 obtained it. He had many accomplishments ; music he understood accurately, 
 and the agreeable opeia of Midas f was, in some measure, planned, the airs 
 rehearsed, and altogether prepared for the stage, at his house. With the 
 acquirements of the men of rank and fashion of his day, he had their man- 
 ners, which were more polished than familiar ; but that deportment, which 
 
 * Id an interview with Mr. Pelbam, then Minister, Mr. Dodington franklj acknowledges, that 
 he, (Mr. Ftlbam) could turn out two or more gentlemen, on a petition, notwithstanding their 
 nnditputed election at a particular Borough, or eren County. They were Dodington's Parliamentary 
 friends. J quote from memory. Sec hit Diary. 
 
 f This original and very populli^ Opera, was written by Kane O'Hara, Esq. a man of talents 
 audi genius. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 371 
 
 was serious and dignified, contributed not a little to the gentleman-like air, 
 and agreeable solemnity, which formeriy distinguished the House of Com- 
 mons. It has i3ng since vanished. 
 
 Doubts still continued as to Lord Fitzwilliam's coming over. Lord 
 Charlemont's anxiety was increased to the utmost : he was perfectly satisfied 
 with the conduct of his friends who liad gone to England ; but the agreeable 
 expectations which he entertained from the arrival of the new Viceroy, were 
 extremely damped by the coldness, which prevailed in part of the North, and 
 the indifference with which they regarded any change of Lord Lieutenants. 
 If the system meant to be pursued was precisely the same as that which had 
 preceded it, or slightly varying, such indifference would have been very 
 natural ; but the people had no reason whatever to imagine that such would 
 be the case ; the character alone of the persons w ho went from Ireland forbade 
 it. They certainly were not negotiators at a congress for the general paci- 
 fication of Europe ; but though they could not close the war, they might, 
 perhaps, be enabled to close the internal differences, or at least, many of the 
 wounds of their own country. If all could not be done, yet something might 
 be done. But the truth is, that some of the leaders of the United 
 Irishmen, whose sole object was an Irish republic, regarded any measure 
 that had the least tendency to conciliate, or amend our condition, 
 with as much abhorrence as others contemplated it with satisfaction. Hence 
 the diffusion of their own spleen among the people. The name of a popular 
 Lord Lieutenant was odious to them, as it tended to weaken their interest in 
 confusion. The old Castle adherent, who would have risqued any perpetu- 
 ation of abuses, for the sake of his place, detested a melioration of system as 
 much as the United Irishman ; he was, in truth, as was said of Pompey, 
 Occultior, non melior ; for both, in different ways, would have sacrificed 
 their country for their own purposes. Too many of the people, with their 
 usual and sad facility, lent a willing ear to both ; it cannot, therefore, be 
 wondered at, that Lord Charlemont had much chagrin, joined to much 
 satisfaction. 
 
 Doblin, November 28th> 1794.^ 
 
 The precise terms on which the accommodation has taken place, are 
 not yet known to me ; but I am thoroughly convinced that Lord Fitzwilliam 
 
 •ToDr.Haliday. 
 
372 MfiMOinS OF JAMES. 
 
 would not accept, nor our friends engage themselves, without such concei* 
 sions as will be honourable to the country, he is sent to govern ; and you 
 will, I doubt not, find that our negotiators have acted throughout with 
 honour, particularly the Ponsonbys, who will> I believe, be found to have 
 risqued a situation, of all others to them the ttiost desirable, rather than 
 consent to any compromise, by which this cbuntry was not essentially served. 
 If such shall be found to be theit- conduct, public gmtitude is most certainly 
 their due; of which if they are deprived, the people will be to blame, and 
 unworthy of their service. But alas ! what, in this country at least, is public 
 gratitude? A sudden emotion, which scarcely ever outlasts the benefit, and 
 is sunk into its contrary, by the first popular whim. Yet, surely the people 
 act against their own interest, in suffering patriotism to be its own reward ; 
 though, in my opinion, no guerdon can be greater than the blessing of self- 
 approbation. This sentiment, I fear, will not be universal." 
 
 At length Earl Fitzwilliam arrived in Ireland, on the 4th of January, 
 1795, and Lord Charlemont once more appeared at the Castle. It has been 
 often, too often, confidently asserted, that the party with which Lord 
 Charjemont co-operated, was, in fact, nothing more than a mere postcript, 
 and humble adjunct to the great opposition in England, which, on every 
 momentous question, was consulted, and nothing done in Ireland without 
 the concurrence of the English leaders. It is necessary to notice this 
 charge of party, at the period we: have now entered on. The opposition 
 here, as it was said, followed Mr. Fox implicitly. That great Statesman 
 apposed tlte war. The minority in Ireland supported it. Earl Fitzwilliam 
 did not come here from the Cabinet of Mr. Fox, but Mr. Pitt. Lord 
 Charlemont's sentiments did not coincide with Mr. Pitt's in many respects, 
 yet he thought, that with candour and liberality to Ireland, on the part of 
 that minister, much good miglit be effected. For the persons and principles 
 t)f the Whig party, the leaders of opposition here, had, indeed, a strong, ainl 
 well-founded predilection, and when the Duke of Portland, under whom 
 the settlement of 1782 was made, came into office, they naturally looked 
 for the adoption of some measures beneficial to Ireland, Such were their 
 sentiments in the autumn of 1794. Any thing thdt has since taken place 
 
cftftnot -at all destr.oy $^ pi^riety ojf Stuch:§entime^>t^ at t^ time. Deeply 
 ibdeed did they lamqnt Jih^t Mf. Fo:^ w^P not ^e of hip Majesty^ pi^ni&tcrs. 
 dBut tliat «no;*t eminent, Juoaourrable .Statesman, had gopd reapo^is ^or hi^ 
 jcondjict, with whiab, exciepjt as general members of the empire, tlie Irish 
 ;gei»tliemen I have niehtiioned had nothing to do. Their iirstduty wap to 
 attend to Ireland^ ;and ;by serving Ireland to serve England. According to 
 this mode of thinking did they act, and by their profFeted council, whep 
 called on, contributed to bring Lord Fitzwilliam to Ireland. In those 
 councils Lord Charletiiont had no immediate share ; but there was no person, 
 whose co-operation, they, or, I believe, Lord Fitzwilliam considered as so 
 •indispensably necessary. It is scarcely possible to give any narrative of Irish 
 parliamentary affairs, without endeavouring, at least, to clear it of that 
 misrepresentation which has clogged almost every part of it since 1782, 
 particularly at this juncture. 
 
 The reader must certainly have always greater satisfaction in hearing 
 Lord Charlemont than his biographer. The two letters which follow, display, 
 £u: better than I can, his feelings as to Earl Fitzwilliam, and his gratifica* 
 tion in the appointments which were made, almost immediately after his 
 arrival. 
 
 Dpblin, Jan. Wtb, 1795.* 
 '* What is become of jou, my dearest I)pctor? I have not heard from 
 you the Lord knows when. Mine was, certainly, the last letter, but hang 
 etiquette! Well, the wished-for change has, at length, taken place. I 
 cannot avoid flattering myself, that we have now got a chief governor, 
 who comes over with the best intentions, and the strongest desire of doing 
 us all the good in his power. Already we have had a foretaste, and earnest 
 of his administration* I^egardless of ministerial influence, or convenience, he 
 has restored the University to its rights, and has placed at the head of the 
 Church, a Prelate, not from recommendation,, but from character, and whose 
 unassuming virtue, conduct, principles, and erudition, have alone recom- 
 mended him to that ^igh office. In bpth these appointments public utility 
 has alone been considered. Murray,'!' could possibly have had no protection 
 
 * ToDnlJaliday. 
 f The ReverencI Doctor Murra/, late Prorost of Trini^ CoUege, Dublio. 
 
,1 
 
 I 574 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 ) ' 
 i_ 
 
 but his own intrinsic merit, and Newcome/ had no English patron but 
 Charles Fox. From such commencement, it would be uncharitable, and 
 
 ; even foolish, not to indulge the most sanguine hopes, both with respect to 
 
 f • him, and his principal advisers. And here I cannot avoid repeating, what I 
 
 have often inculcated, that much public gratitude is due, and ought, in 
 propriety and policy, to be paid to the Ponsonbys, who have hitherto acted 
 
 ' a manly, consistent, and disinterested part. 
 
 Dublin, Jan. 31st^ 1795.* 
 ,f I have been, and am, extremely ill, my dear Doctor ; ever since that 
 
 unlucky accident by which I was so long deprived of air and exercise, those 
 necessaries of life on which I live full as much as meat and drink, I never 
 have known a moment's health. In a word, the above-mentioned privation of 
 that by which my health was sustained, seems to have accelerated . the 
 progress of old age ; and though not above half a year older, I am ten years 
 weaker than I was. This change has happened too, at a time, in all respects, 
 the most inconvenient, when, on the one hand, the present very alarming 
 ii situation of affairs may very possibly render necessary for me, exertions 
 
 which I may be no longer able to make; while, on the other, the only hopeful 
 
 administration I have yet seen, strongly invites me to join all my efforts in 
 
 behalf of that which I verily believe to be their principal object, the 
 
 j public weal. I may be mistaken, my dearest Haliday, and my sanguine 
 
 ' hopes may be deceived ; but I really think we have a chief governor, whose 
 
 warmest wish is to do us all the good he can, and whose powers, if not equal 
 to all we would wish, will most certainly enable him to be of the greatest 
 service to this ill-treated country. 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant met Parliament the 25th January. Mr. Grattan, 
 (a novel circumstance,) moved the address in the House of Commons, which 
 
 * The Right Reverend William Newcome, late Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of 
 Ireland. A most learned and amiable prelate, who, by the excellence of his conduct, and benig- 
 nity of deportment, conciliated the regard of all parties. Mr. Fox wa* truly attached to him. His 
 Grace had been tutor to that eminent man^ when Mr. Fox was student at Hertford College^ 
 Oxford* 
 
 t To Dr. Haliday. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONl'. 375 
 
 was carried without a division. The same harmony prevailed in the Lords. 
 The Catholics of the city of Dublin presented a petition by the hands of 
 Mr. Grattan, praying a repeal of all the penal and restrictive laws then 
 affecting the Catholics of Ireland. Various petitions followed from every 
 part of the kingdom. Mr. Grattan obtained leave to bring in a bill for their 
 relief. There were but three negatives to the resolution. Every thing as 
 yet announced a tranquil and happy session. But, as usual, the parliamen- 
 tary horizon was soon clouded. For several days previous to the 26th of 
 February, a rumour had prevailed that the British ministry was adverse to 
 the proceedings of the Irish Cabinet ; that rumour soon after added, that the 
 Lord Lieuteaant's recal was determined on, and before the 26th, all uncer- 
 tainty was at an end, and his intended removal was generally known, but 
 not formally avowed in Parliament. On the 2d of March, Sir Laurence 
 Parsons* expressed his concern at the rumoured change of a Lord Lieute- 
 nant, which he deprecated as a great national evil. " If the British Cabinet," 
 he said, " had agreed to the Catholic measure, and then withdrew their 
 support from it, and with it Lord Fitzwilliam, the Damon of darkness 
 could not have done more mischief. If the Irish Cabinet had brought 
 forward the Catholic question, without the actual concurrence of the British 
 ministers, that Cabinet was certainly highly responsible." He then moved, 
 that the words in the money bill should be changed from the 25th of March 
 to the 25th of May. He was well seconded by Mr. Duquery, but the 
 motion was opposed by Lord Fitzwilliai^i's particular friends, as tending to 
 excite alarm. Mr. Conolly then moved, that Earl Fitzwilliam had, by his 
 conduct, since his arrival, merited the thanks of the House, and the con- 
 fidence of the people. This passed unanimously. A similar motion was 
 made in the Upper House, by the Duke of Leinster, but their Lordships 
 were, on this occasion, better courtiers than the Commons, and 
 it did not pass with quite so much harmony. This very succinct 
 account of what passed in Parliament, on this eventful occasion, cannot be 
 passed over, without doing some justice to Sir Laurence Parsons and Mr. 
 
 * Sir Laurence, at that time Member for the King's County in Ireland. He is now, (1807) 
 Earl of Ross. 
 
 5 D 
 
57^ MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Puqucry.* Never did two men act more disinterestedly. For Lord Fitz- 
 william they entertained the truest respect, but they stood aloof from his 
 administration, so far merely, as not to support the war ; but, on the great 
 question of the Catholics, they were prepared to uphold him; and when his 
 Lordship was removed, they paid every tribute to the high honour, and 
 undeviating probity of his conduct. The following words of Sir Laurence 
 Parsons can never be forgotten. ** I never witnessed such ominous infatua- 
 tion as that by which the Minister is led. If he perseveres, the army must 
 be increased to myriads, and every man must have five or six dragoons in his 
 house." When he said this, he spoke like an honest, and, indeed, prophetic 
 Statesman. Thus, in two months, closed the administration of Earl Fitz- 
 william. That administration, as long as Ireland cherishes integrity, or a 
 Ipv^jjf concord, and national unanimity, must be remembered with gratitude 
 and respect. It did much, and had it been so permitted, would have done 
 much more. The negotiation relative to Lord Fitzwilliam's acceptance of 
 the Viceroyalty, and the Catholic claims, an event, in which Lord Charle- 
 mont was no way concerned, cannot be entered into here. It belongs to 
 another place. Indeed, from Earl Fitzwilliam's letters to Lord Carlisle, and 
 several other documents, few measures of such importance have been 
 attended with more publicity. 
 
 It is of consequence, at all times, that openness and candour should 
 accompany ministerial instructions to persons in high, responsible situ- 
 ations; particularly indeed, where not only the immediate tranquillity, 
 but the happiness, for ages, of a great nation, may be deeply 
 involved. No event almost, within the last century, convulsed 
 Ireland more than this abrupt and unfortunate recal. Lord Charle- 
 mont often, and in terms the least measured, declared, that it was utterly 
 
 * The late Henry Duquery, Esq. a member of the House of Commons, and one of the priq- 
 cipal ornaments of the bar in Ireland. An uninterrupted friendship of more than thirty years sub- 
 sisted between him and the author of these memoirs^ by whom he must ever be lamented. His 
 friendship would have done credit to any one, for never yet existed a man of sweeter manners and 
 higher honour. His talents were of no common rate^ and admirably adapted to business ; united 
 as they were to superior clearness, and perspicuity of intellect. He was nephew to Mr. Hutchiiuoo, 
 father to Lord Hutchinson, and died, truly regretted, a few years since. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 377 
 
 ruinous. His opinion was not influenced by the sudden dereliction of the 
 Catholic question. But lie well knew, that to the discontents of the 
 Catholics, and the mortification of the hopes of every constitutional man 
 throughout the kingdom, would be added, the malign joy of each agitator, 
 and fomenter of discord, to whom such an event as this would, of all others, 
 convey the most untoward satistaction. He well knew that the cry would 
 soon be raised, and louder than ever, against British influence, and he had less 
 now to oppose to that cry, than he had two months before. He well knew 
 that no pencil would be wanting to depict the British Cabinet sending forth 
 good Viceroys, or good ministers to Ireland, and then instantaneously 
 bidding them disappear. 
 
 *' Shew its eyes, and grieve its heart. 
 Come like shadows, so depart." 
 
 To Mr. Forbes and Mr. Ponsonby he said, « In spite of every wicked 
 machination, we had the mass of the people with us last New Year's Day, 
 and, if we do not make some exertion, next Christmas Day may see them in 
 the hands of the United Irishmen." That Lord Fitzwilliam's Viceroyalty 
 would have banished all discontent I cannot suppose; but that, if the 
 Catholic claims had then been settled, or some parliamentary reform taken 
 place, rebellion would not have reared its head, I am willing to believe. To 
 arrange a Catholic question, and a reform, in such a manner as not to injure 
 the Constitution in church or state, would have required the abilities and 
 knowledge of the most provident and intelligent politicians. A very exten- 
 sive reform, with the aid of the elective franchise, as granted two years 
 before, would alone have operated a far greater change, than could be at all 
 wished for. Yet a limited one would not have satisfied ; a season of more 
 complicated political difficulty than the present has seldom presented itself. 
 
 Before I dismiss the subject of Earl Fitzwilliam's administration, let mc 
 be permitted to add, that, as that nobleman had, to make use of the words 
 of the House of Commons, by his conduct merited the confidence of the 
 people, his personal deportment was such as to gratify, to the utmost, all 
 who approached him. The day of his departure from the Castle of Dublin 
 
 3d 2 
 
378 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 cannot be effaced from the memory of those who witnessed it. A versatile 
 and unprincipled courtier, an infuriated bigot, a mischievous enthusiast, or 
 unrelenting rebel, might have beheld that departure, and the emotions of the 
 multitude, with smiles and with complacency. But as he was on the point 
 of embarking for England, the indignation and concern which sat on the 
 countenances of the crowds which surrounded him, most feelingly displayed 
 the downfal of their noblest hopes, and the truth of the Roman adage, as 
 applied to Ireland ; 
 
 " Breves, et infaustos, populi Roman! Amores !" 
 
 Lord Camden succeeded him. Some of the unpleasant circumstances 
 that attended his arrival, and the departure of his predecessor, are taken 
 notice of by Lord Charlemont, in the following letter to Dr. Haliday ; 
 
 " Dublin, April 2d, 1795. 
 
 ** If you had not already seen the letters to Lord Carlisle, I should have 
 sent you copies of them, as it would have been painful to me to suppose, 
 that the man whom I love and esteem, was not fully vindicated in your 
 opinion, and vindicated I am sure he must be, by the slightest perusal of 
 their astonishing contents. The departure of Earl Fitzwilliam was, as it 
 ought to have been, solemn and mournful. Never did I see so well- 
 regulated a mob, if mob it could be called, which chiefly consisted of decent, 
 and well-dressed people. The day before yesterday his successor arrived, 
 and his arrival was, they tell me, marked with no small degree of riot. The 
 clangor of trumpets could scarcely drown the hissings of the people. Many 
 windows were broken ; several very foolishly in the Custom-House, where 
 a man is said to have been killed. The Chancellor, it is said, was pursued 
 by a parcel of blackguard boys, and putting his head out of the window to 
 order his coachman to drive on, some little David hit this Goliah on the fore- 
 head with a stone. The hurt is of no consequence, but the vulgar tale is, 
 that the surgeon assured him, that if the stone had been better directed, 
 and thrown with more force, he might have been seriously wounded. A 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 379 
 
 patch is, however, a badge of honour at Court. The Speaker's windows 
 were broken, and some of the rioters were taken, and the lemainder speedily 
 dispersed by a party of cavalry. All this, however, though not surprizing, 
 is extremely disagreeable. P. S. A Proclamation has issued, in which the 
 Primate's coach is said to have been attacked. It was indeed attacked, 
 but by mistake, and the mob, finding their error, instantly apologized. 
 I hear of no houses assaulted, but the Speaker's, the Custom-House, 
 and the Chancellor's. For all this I am really sorry, especially as 
 it happened on the occasion of the Lords Justices delivering up their sword 
 to the new Lieutenant. Mobs, moreover, are bad things, and ought to be 
 discouraged by evTry well-wisher to the public weal." 
 
 Mr. Pelham, who had been Secretary to the Earl of Northington, was 
 now appointed Secretary to Lord Camden. At any other time he would 
 have been acceptable to Lord Charlemont. The same may be said of the 
 new Viceroy. There were but few of the chief men in opposition, who had 
 not listened with pleasure to the lively, simple, and energetic eloquence of 
 his venerable father, the friend of Lord Chatham ! No one admired the 
 good old Earl Camden more,* as I well know, than Lord Charlemont. A pre- 
 dilection for Whig principles, joined to fondness for literature, always 
 gained access to him, and both were conspicuously united in Lord Camden. 
 Often have I heard Loi^ Charlemont speak with delight of the simplicity, 
 purity, and variety of his conversation. The manners of the present 
 Viceroy were popular, and his connexions in Ireland, were of great respec- 
 tability. All these circumstances, as I have already stated, would, in other 
 days, have had their weight; but the ungracious, sudden recal of the late 
 Viceroy, the interruption of the Catholic question, and the supposed domi- 
 nation pf the old part of the British Cabinet over their new auxiliaries 
 altogether indisposed the friends of Lord Fitzwilliam, in Ireland, to the 
 administration of his successor. Not so the House of Commons. " Its 
 learning and good breeding such," it supported Lord Camden, as it had 
 supported Lord Fitzwilliam ; and had Lord Fitzwilliam again returned, even 
 in the middle of the session, again would Lord Fitzwilliam have been 
 
 * See further. Appendix. 
 
> 
 
 « 
 
 380 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 supported. This too obliging disposition was the secret, or open triumph of 
 the disaffected, and source of honest complaint to all who loved good govern- 
 ment. It performed more than knight's service for the United Irishmen. 
 
 A motion for an enquiry into the state of the nation, was made 
 by Mr. G rattan, and negatived. Lord Fitz William's recal occupied the 
 attention of both Houses of the British Parliament, and without effect. It 
 was thought prudent however here, not to object to the adoption of some of 
 the measures of the former administration, and we find Lord Charlemont, 
 with great candour, acknowledging tliis wise policy, as far as it went. I 
 return to his correspondence. 
 
 " Dublin, April 6th, 1795* 
 
 " I send you, under three covers, a small work, which I have lately 
 received from its author. Monsieur DTvernois,'}' an old acquaintance of mine, 
 of great merit, and indisputable veracity, and who, from his being a native of 
 Geneva, and intimately connected with the commencements of the late 
 Revolution there, must be allowed the fittest person to write on the interest- 
 ing subject he has undertaken. The composition is good, but, above all, it 
 appears to me to contain an excellent antidote against the poison of certain 
 opinions, which have, I fear, been but too prevalent. A single experiment 
 carries with it more force than twenty arguments, o 
 
 " I have seen Robert,J and have given him but little comfort with regard 
 to his friend's administration. I cannot but love him, yet, why so Be-Pitted ? 
 Our present chief I have not seen, though perhaps in that our conduct may 
 not be perfectly right, but such, at least, are our feelings." 
 
 "Dublin, April 27th, 1795. 
 " I am glad you like D'lvernois. The work is well translated, but is still, 
 as is usually the case, far better written in the original French. The reign 
 of terror, you say, is over. For the present, I believe it is ; but how can we 
 
 * To Dr. Haliday, 
 f Sir Francis D'lvernois. 
 
 X Robert Stewart, now Lord Visooont Castlereagh, eldest son to the Earl (tf Londonderrj. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 3Sl 
 
 trust to the natural levity of a people, unconstrained by laws, and even by 
 morals ; not to speak of that great bond of society, religion, which is well 
 nigh extirpated ? The Catholic bill has been brought in, which is, indeed, a 
 sw6eper. It will be debated on this day se'nnight, and will, for the present, 
 be negatived. They talk, however, of a swinging minority, which will 
 probably insure the future success of this measure, or, at least, of something 
 like it. My health is still the same, not according to Queen Anne's motto, 
 
 * Semper eaderriy which was, by a good Whig of her days, translated, 
 
 * always worse, and worse.' 
 
 " Jackson has been found guilty, on the fullest evidence. A gentleman, 
 who attended the trial, assures me, that there was twenty times more proof 
 of real guilt brought forward in this case, than in all the London prosecu- 
 tions put together." 
 
 " Dublin, May 28th, 1793.* 
 " The Fitz William controversy is, by no means, finally closed, as the 
 House of Commons is still to take its share, and, most probably, more than 
 its share, as the speakers there are less tender than the more polished Lords. 
 Much good has been done in this session, as all Lord Fitzwilliam's measures, 
 those, I mean, which were begun in his time, have been put into execution, 
 one only excepted, of which you know my opinion. The important treasury, 
 that is to say, responsibility bill, has been perfectly carried. A good police 
 bill has passed, and an election bill, which will, I hope, be of service, by sim- 
 plifying the laws, and lessening the expense." 
 
 The Lord Lieutenant, as might be expected, wished much for the sup- 
 port of Lord Charlemont. He well appreciated its value. If, however, that 
 could not be obtained, or, at least, to the extent that was looked for. Lord 
 Camden expressed his desire, (which was laudable, and gentleman- like,) that 
 no difference in political sentiments should prevent their personal intercourse. 
 To this Lord Charlemont returned a suitable answer, but good-humourcdly 
 expressed his doubts, whether Sir Boyle Roche, (the master of the ceremo- 
 nies,) would not forbid their meeting, as he had not been at the Castle. At 
 
 * To the same. 
 
382 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 this time also, he was much indisposed. The Lord Lieutenant, ^^'ith great 
 civility, passed overall etiquette, and went to Charlemont- House. The visit 
 was, of course, immediately returned, hut it did not extend their connexion. 
 On looking hack to this period, it is, indeed, a matter of much regret, that 
 something was not done, some plan of conciliating politics adopted, which, 
 though it could not immediately embrace every point, on which statesmen 
 differed, might still give that aid which administration wanted. Majorities 
 it was not deficient in ; hut they only gave ministerial strength, and none to 
 the country'. Public opinion was still wanting, and that sort of public care, 
 which could give vigour, not violence, to the councils of the Lord Lieutenant. 
 Though the Catholic question could not then be conceded, that question, 
 surely, though the most important, did not form the whole of Irish policy ; 
 nor was it then, or indeed at any time, to be admitted as a maxim, that 
 because a particular question is not immediately accjuiesced in, that every 
 other question should be neglected, coldly supported, or perhaps violently 
 opposed. As Lord Charlemont, at this time, did not relish the Catholic bill, 
 he could, with more consistency, have supported Lord Camden, than his 
 coadjutors, who had protested against a junction with any ministry, that 
 would not adopt that bill. If, however, they favoured that measure, Lord 
 Charlemont equally favoured a parliamentary reform, and neither Catholic 
 bill, nor reform, would be listened to. Hence, his standing aloof. But, 
 above all, the British Cabinet, from its behaviour to Lord Fitzwilliam, could 
 not be confided in by the opposition. Meantime the United Irishmen 
 pressed forward; the old land marks of the Constitution began to be lost 
 sight of, and one violence to be opposed to another. This state of things is 
 strongly marked in most part of Lord Charlemont's remaining correspond- 
 ence. I lament it. The reader must be exhausted. But I can afford him 
 no variety. 
 
 There are few traces, at this time, of much literary intercourse between 
 Lord Charlemont and many of his friends. Mr. Melmoth's* letter to him is, 
 at least, a proof of the constant attention which he paid to men of letters. 
 
 * William Melmoth, Esq. so well known as the Translator of Cicero's Letters to several of 
 bit friends, many of his works, &c. 
 
 * 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. S8J 
 
 He had renewed his connection with this amiable gentleman, when at Bath, 
 and knew how to appreciate his literary attainments, though Dr. Johnson 
 did not.* 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I wish it were in my power to express, as strongly as I feel, those 
 
 sentiments which your Lordship's letter has impressed upon me, but I can 
 
 only request your acceptance of my warmest thanks, and appeal to your 
 
 justice to be assured, that no man can set a higher value than I do, on the 
 
 honour of your approbation, or is more ambitious to oh^in it. I consider, 
 
 as among the most desirable incidents of my life, that I Iiave formerly, often 
 
 enjoyed the pleasure and advantage of Lord Charlemont's conversation, and 
 
 I never retired from his company without having occasion to think of that 
 
 friend of Horace, whom he represents as " ad unguemf actus homo** My very 
 
 advanced period of life will not suffer me to indulge a hope, that I shall ever 
 
 enjoy that gratification again ; nor, indeed, can I even allow myself to wish 
 
 it, because I am persuaded, that nothing but indisposition can induce you to 
 
 revisit these waters. You will never cease, however, to be present to my 
 
 memory, so long as I shall retain any recollection of those persons, whom I 
 
 most love and esteem ; for I am, with the truest regard and affection, 
 
 My dear Lord, 
 
 Your Lordship's most obliged, and faithful humble servant, 
 
 Wm. Melwoth. 
 Bath, June lit, 179i 
 
 Lord Charlemont will be best seen in his letters ; and those to his excel- 
 lent medical friend pourtray him much better than any others which I have 
 seen. 
 
 Dublin, S^tember 2lst, 1795. 
 
 Since" our wonderful West India weather has given place to a tempera- 
 ture of air more congenial to our northern constitutions, my giddiness has 
 greatly abated, and my head is tolerably steady, indeed wonderfully so, 
 considering the general state of heads in this vertiginous age. At dinner I 
 
 * See Boswell's Life of Johnson. 
 3 E 
 
384 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 eat little or nothing, having almost ascertained the discovery of a secret, 
 which, in this country, would be of the greatest utility, namely, that eating 
 is Hot necessary to life. But, alas ! what a wretched answer is this to your 
 sprightly, and most entertaining letter, replete as it is with good humour. 
 I find, however, some comfort in being dull, since my own inability serves to 
 assure me, that the man who can write as you do, must be in health. I am 
 glad that you have seen your cousins,* and am happy that I am likely again to 
 see them, as by your account they are to repass through Dublin. He is, 
 indeed, a truly amiable man, and my lady, with whom I have not the honour 
 of being acquainted, is much esteemed, and liked by all who know her. 
 Mr. Dance has, as I am told, made but a bad head of my head. But, no 
 matter, he has been fortunate in your's, of which, thanks to the excellent 
 Lady Londonderry, we have some chance of a copy. 
 
 Dublin, October 24th, 1 795. 
 
 Short indeed must this note be, for I am ill able to write, and though 
 from having swallowed the bark of a Peruvian Forest, the malady is now a 
 good deal mitigated, still I am so depressed, that neither my head, nor my 
 ej^es, will obey, and second my wish of a long conversation with you. Bodily 
 disease, and bodily pain, must always affect the mind, and more especially, a 
 mind already sore, from various causes, but particularly from an incessant and 
 painful contemplation of the melancholy and alarming state to which is now 
 reduced that country, which has been ever so dear to my heart; and that too, 
 not only from the wretched mismanagement of others, but in a great measure 
 from her own fault. To you I need not say how ardently I have ever loved 
 my country. In consequence of that love, I have courted her ; I have even 
 married her, and taken her for life; and she is now turned out a shrew, 
 toimenting herself, and all her nearest connections. But no more of this, 
 for indeed I can write no more. 
 
 * Lerd and Lady Frederick Campbell, who were at this time in Ireland. Lord Frederick waSi 
 I believe, a relation of Mri. Haliday, whose maiden name was fidmonstone^ a most respectable 
 family iu Scotland. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 385 
 
 " Dublin, January 4th, 1796.* 
 " Had it not been for the favourable account from Bath, of the consequent 
 feall and masquerade, your last letter, which appeared to me so long in 
 coming, would have left me with spirits depressed indeed. But, thank fate, 
 your anxiety is in some measure removed, and with it, I trust, your com- 
 plaints will disappear. Upon the state of my health 1 will not dwell, 
 as I have no plea,sing circumstance to relate, yet I still struggle on through 
 increasing years, bad weather, and horrid times, and, according to the precept 
 inculcated by a very wise, though very vulgar proverb, " Endeavour to 
 make the best of a bad market.** Hamilton's-^- promotion is, indeed, a very 
 pleasing incident, and does much honour to Lord Camden. When you see 
 our amiable Viscountess,;]: congratulate her, in my name, on this good con- 
 duct of her brother." 
 
 In the course of this year, Ireland was the seat of every species of dis- 
 turbance. The defenders raged with almost uncontrolled fury. The county of 
 Armagh was every day more agitated by religious warfare. The Orange 
 Institution was formed this year. Its sole object was repeatedly declared to 
 be the support of the Constitution, as established by King William. But, if its 
 enemies speak the truth, it breathed nothing of that wise, and great 
 monarch's tolerating spirit. With the History of Lord Charlemont it has 
 nothing to do. Lord Camden met the Parliament, January, 1796. Opposi- 
 tion, if it now could be called so, was shrunk into a very narrow stream. 
 Its numbers seldom consisted of more than sixteen. Often not half thaf 
 number. If the great majority that prevailed, had displayed the calm, 
 impartial spirit of constitutional senators, it would have had almost irre- 
 sistible effect on the minds of the people, but this was not the case. '* What 
 was the temper observable in that House?" said Sir Laurence Parsons," on the 
 Insurrection Bill.'* Every thing said, however violent against the disturbers 
 of the peace, was received with plaudits ; but if any thing was said to 
 soften over-charged resentments, and to mix mercy with punishment, it was 
 
 * The same, 
 t Dr. Hugh Hamilton, promoted to the Bishoprick of Ossory. He had been a Fellow of 
 Trinity College, Dublin. A man of intrinsic worth, science, and genius, 
 X Now Countess of Londonderry, sister to Earl Camden. 
 
 3 E 2 
 
386 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 heard with discontent and mumiurs. Liberty of speech was questioned. 
 The most unworthy motives were assigned. They (the minority,) were called 
 advocates for disturbers, and for what? Because, though willing to concur 
 in powerful laws for their suppression, they would not, with a savage ferocity, 
 consider nothing but their vices, and refuse to offer some humane con- 
 sideration, to sooth, if possible, the exacerbated feelings of the times! 
 That these disturbers must be put down they all agreed. The difference 
 was as to the mode. 
 
 To public distress, and feeling for his countrymen, Lord Charlemont 
 was now doomed to experience the addition of much concern, and anxiety, 
 for the health of his friend Haliday, which, at this time, began, though 
 slowly, to give way. Lord Charlemont was unremitting in his attention to 
 him. 
 
 "Dublin, May l6tb, 1 796* 
 ** Though I could not help being uneasy at your silence, yet, as it is 
 both natural and wise to endeavour to palliate uneasiness, by hoping the best, 
 I succeeded in persuading myself that you were prevented from writing, by 
 your usual professional excursions ; and I even added the comfort of thinking, 
 that the constant exercise, which you were thus compelled to take, might 
 very possibly be salutary to you. But your letter has awakened me from 
 this pleasing dream ; and I find, with true concern, that you have, unfortu- 
 nately, been more occupied by illness than by business. There is, however, 
 in the distressing account which you give of yourself, one circumstance, from 
 which, my heart extracts much consolation. Amusement, you say, has still 
 the power to dissipate, if not to conquer, your ailment ; if so, 1 trust it is 
 no more than a nervous affection, and consequently within the reach of 
 regimen. Do you drink tea? If you do, leave it entirely. Many years ago, I 
 was alarmed, and tormented with the most violent palpitation, which returned 
 every night, and kept me in torture for hours together. By the advice of 
 Dr. Barry,-j- I left off tea, which I have never tasted since, and my cure was 
 
 * To Dr. Haliday. 
 
 f Sir Edward Barry, a very eminent physician of Dublin, who afterwards retired to Bath, 
 He is well known to the literary world, as author of the £ssay on the wines of the ancients. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 387 
 
 immediate ; nor has the disorder ever returned. I have often seen our dear 
 Viscountess,* though not near so often as 1 would have wished. To-morrow 
 she is to set out for the North, so that I must, for the present, lose her ; and 
 have no other consolation for the loss, but that you will be a gainer by it. 
 In addition to every estimable and pleasing quality, she possesses one which 
 must necessarily add a zest to them all ;— -she loves Lady Charlemont, and 
 
 has, I flatter myself, some regard for me. Our last news from Italy, bad 
 
 as it is, gives us, at least, the consolation of hoping, that when things 
 are at the worst they must mend. That our friend Burke should have chosen 
 to play a principal part in this horrid drama, is, indeed, provoking. Alas ! 
 What is human nature, when prejudice can harden the best of hearts, and 
 pervert the most brilliant talents. His attack upon the Duke of Bedford, 
 is a perfect portrait of its author's mind. Great brilliancy, strong prejudices.! 
 It is difficult to say how matters will end. A peace there must be, and yet 
 I cannot think with patience on a dishonourable one" 
 
 Amidst all his disquietudes, and multiplied occupations, Lord Char- 
 lemont always found an almost inexhaustible resource in the cultivation of 
 letters. The language of Italy, he had ever a predilection for, and 
 Mr. Cooper Walker,J who has so successfully presented the dramatic muse 
 of that country to our acquaintance, was enabled by his interesting historic 
 researches, in whatever related to a subject so novel, and agreeable, to 
 afford his lordship much satisfaction and amusement. For that gentleman 
 he entertained much esteem, and as that esteem was founded on his real 
 worth and acquirements, his obliging manners gradually increased it to 
 very cordial attachment. When Mr. Walker went to Italy, Lord Charle- 
 mont recommended him in a most particular manner to his old acquaintance, 
 Sir William Hamilton, our envoy at Naples; and, indeed, on every occasion, 
 
 * Londonderryi 
 
 t Some parts of it, however, are exquisitely pathetic, especially where he ipeaki of Lord 
 
 Keppel, and equal to any thing he ever wrote. 
 
 X Joseph Cooper Walker, Esq. well known in the literary world, and most deservedly regarded 
 
 by all who have the pleasure of his acquaintance. 
 
388 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 he testified his regard for him. Several letters passed between them, relative 
 to Italian literature. Two or three may be acceptable, for though not 
 at all important, tlicy present Lord Charlcmont in various lights, and afford 
 some diversity to the reader. 
 
 Dublin, JuljSd, 1796. 
 Dear Sir, 
 Accept my thanks for your goodness in gp*atifying my passion for 
 Italian poetry, by the communication of whatever may in any degree 
 concern it. The idea of your friend's analysis is, I doubt not, new, but 
 I do not immediately perceive its utility, as the variety of interrhyming in 
 Petrarch's sonnets, is not in itself a matter of much importance, and as, 
 without any scale, it is, in every instance, easily distinguishable at the first 
 glance. In this judgment, however, I may be erroneous, from not having 
 seen the full scope of what your friend has intended. The honour of 
 inventing this species of poetry has never, that I know of, been ascribed 
 to Petrarch, and you are certainly right in assigning it to Guitone d'Arezzo, 
 unless we should agree, as I do not, with some criticks, who pretend that 
 the formation of the sonnet was copied by the Italians from the provincial 
 bards. Respecting the derivation of its name, your friend's conjecture may 
 be ingenious, but is not, I believe, well-founded, as I may perhaps be able 
 to prove to your satisfaction, when I shall have the pleasure of meeting you 
 in my library. Your illness, and consequent absence from the acadeiiiy, 
 was a matter of deep regret to all those who wish well to the institution, and 
 we should have done wrong to ourselves, if we had not given you a seat 
 in the committee of antiquities, which, principally for want of you. has 
 been ill attended this year. I have, with great pleasure, carefully perused 
 Mr. Hayley's life of Milton, and think it by far his best performance, and 
 perhaps one of the most capital pieces of biography in our language. Of 
 Andreini's work I am possessed, and think, I must confess, less v : 11 of it 
 than the ingenious vindicator of our great epic seems to do; but tlve Adamo 
 ed Eva I never saw, and shall be much obliged to you for the pcxusalof it. 
 All our ladies join in affectionate compliments to you, and Lady Charle- 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 389 
 
 xnont in particular, desires to return her grateful acknowledgments for your 
 kind attention to her entertainment. 
 
 I am, my dear Walker, 
 
 Your most faithful. 
 
 And most humble servant, 
 
 Q CHARLEMONT. 
 
 P. S. I have not yet seen the Essai sur la vie de M, Barthelemy, and 
 shall, when lean procure it, read it with peculiar pleasure, as I was once well 
 accquainted with its very ingenious author.* 
 
 Dublin, December 8th> 179& 
 
 My Dear Walker, 
 Perpetually occupied as I am with the incessant hurry of troublesome 
 business, public and private, civil and military, it is scarcely possible that 
 I should find a moment's leisure for a renewal of my correspondence with 
 the muses, and with you ; yet, though nfy weak eyes be at this instance, 
 almost worn out with uninteresting scribbling, I will still fiirther encroach 
 upon them, briefly to return you my thanks for your last pleasing letter, 
 which has afforded me much pleasure, by once more awakening in my mind 
 my favourite passion, the love of literary pursuit. Marchmont we have 
 procured, though we have not, as yet, found leisure to read it ; and Lady 
 Charlemont desires me to thank you, in her name, for the information you 
 have given her respecting the poems, which, she doubts not, will contain 
 a better portrait of the writer, than any that could be put into the engraver's 
 hands. Roscoe's work most certainly possesses great merit ; but I must 
 finish this hasty scrawl, by assuring you, that I am, dear Sir, 
 
 Your most affectionate. 
 
 And most obedient servant, 
 
 CHARLEMONT. 
 
 To the best of my recollection, I requested you in my last letter to 
 add my name to Major Ouseley's subscribers; of this I now beg leave 
 to remind you. 
 
 * The Due de NiTemois^ already mentioned. He wrote this essay when in bis Eightieth year. 
 
590 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Equally to oppose the foreign enemy, and domestic traitor, govern- 
 ment had most prudently determined to raise Yeomanry corps throughout 
 the kingdom. Infirm as Lord Charlemont was, he went down to his OM^n 
 county of Armagh, where he was of essential service, in promoting this 
 great national object, from which such utility was afterwards derived. 
 He slightly mentions his exertions in a letter to his friend. 
 
 " A'maagh, Septembei 26tb, 1796, 
 ** Here I am with the view of encouraging the raising of corps for the 
 internal protection of the country in case of emergency; and how far I may 
 be able to promote the execution of that necessary measure, as yet I know 
 not ; but you are well enough acquainted with my sentiments, to render it 
 unnecessary for me to say, that where the safety of the country is at stake, 
 no motive will ever be able to prevent my endeavours to assRt it." 
 
 A short time, or just before he left Dublin on this eminently useful 
 work, he had, as was too often the case at this period, much cause of mor- 
 tification from some persons at Belfast. Sedition was at this time rising fast 
 into treason, and however many might differ from the ministers, as to the 
 mode of opposing it, there could be no difference whatever, in the well- 
 affected, as to the absolute necessity of setting up some barrier, to which 
 they could resort, and some standard by which they could be distinguished. 
 A declaration of political sentiments, and general attachment to the con- 
 stitution, was proposed at Belfast; the signature to which was by many 
 declined. Such reluctance at such a period, would, as Lord Charlemont 
 justly thought, infect the very life blood of national enterprize against the 
 enemies of Ireland. We cannot wonder therefore, if, upon this occasion, he 
 wrote the following indignant, and spirited letter : 
 
 Dublin, September I2th, 1796.* 
 What ! Do the good people of your town consider it as a matter of 
 very little moment, to be confounded in the mass of those whose princi- 
 ples they must detest ? Is the present situation of this country, and more 
 
 * ToDr.Haliday. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. S9l 
 
 especially of your neighbourhood, such as to render an avowal of amity to 
 the constitution, a matter of very little moment ? As for the arguments, 
 if such they may be called, made use of by those who wished to refuse 
 their signature, they are really too futile to deserve an answer. That the 
 spirit of discontent has struck its roots deep indeed, I am, alas ! well aware. 
 But is it merely a spirit of discontent ? I also am discontented; yet that shall 
 not prevent me from endeavouring to save my country from destruction. 
 But the spirit that has gone abroad, is, I fear, of a far worse nature, and 
 proceeds from the machinations of a set of wretches, who wish for con- 
 fusion, because by that alone they can hope to thrive. They wish for a 
 restoration of Chaos, not from the hope, though that would be sufficiently 
 foolish, that a better world might be created out of it, but, because they 
 suppose that in the confusion of elements, the lightest must necessarily 
 float at the top. The divine Milton, certainly no courtier, has well, and 
 beautifully, pointed out the close connection which exists between Chaos 
 and the author of all evil, where Satan addresses the powers and spirits of 
 the nethermost abyss, in words not ill adapted to a modern anarchist. 
 
 *' Direct my course j 
 
 " Directed no mean recompense It brings 
 
 " To your behoof, if I that region lost, 
 
 *' All usurpation thence expelled, reduce 
 
 ** To her original darkness, and your sway, 
 
 " Which is my present journey, and once more 
 
 " Erect the standard there of ancient night." 
 
 To whom the Anarch old answers, with the utmost kindness, and bids 
 him, " Go, and speed." " Havoc and spoil, and ruin are my gain." There 
 was a time when my opinion might have had some little weight at 
 Belfast, but those halcyon days are fled. My only consolation is, that /am 
 no way changed, whatever they may be who formerly honoured me with 
 their esteem." 
 
 In somewhat more than three months after the writing of this letter, 
 the French fleet was off the coast of Ireland, with a large body of troops, 
 under the command of General Hoche. It pleased Providence, in its mercy 
 to these kingdoms, to disperse that armament, and render it totally inef- 
 
 3 F ■ ' ■■■■" "^ 
 
593 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 fectual. To that providential interposition do we owe our safety. Nothing 
 however could exceed the gallantry, loyalty, and good conduct of the 
 South of Ireland on this occasion, and indeed every part from whence the 
 troops issued to meet the enemy, or through which they passed. Lord 
 Charlemont by no means relished the system, which ministers had begun 
 to display in Ireland ; but he considered the existence of the country at 
 stake, and neither he nor his friends, in the Lower House, opposed them at 
 this time. The dispersion of the French fleet gave to him, as it may be 
 supposed, new spirits. He flattered himself that this providential escape 
 might awaken ministry to a sense of the perilous situation in which this 
 country stood, it being now ascertained, that a French fleet might put to 
 sea, notwithstanding our general vigilance and great naval su|>eriority. 
 The good conduct of the South would, he hoped, operate as a controul on 
 the sedition of such in the North as had1>een led astray from their duty, 
 and the intemled invasion altogether tend to soften asperities, and open 
 a door for domestic tranquillity. In this he was mistaken ; but his senti- 
 ments were those of a true lover of his country. His life was, at this time, 
 almost uniform; some of his letters paint the state of his mind so exactly, 
 and, I am willing to think, do him in general so much honour, that it is 
 with pleasure I insert such as may, without any breach of delicacy, be 
 given to the public. They form, indeed, his genuine history. 
 
 Dublin, December lOth, 179^. 
 Is there, ray dearest Doctor, a situation more truly anxious, than to 
 fear that we are neglected by those we love and honour ? Post after post 
 passed away, and my humour grew worse and worse. Is he sick? No. 
 Has his business occupied him more than usual ? Whence then this unusual 
 silence? Mine was assuredly the last letter; but what of that, says friend- 
 ship? You should have written again and again, — and so I will, spite of 
 my weak eyes and nerves,^ — spite of my perpetual, tiresome occupations, 
 civil, military, public, and private. Such were the movements of my mind, 
 and such my final resolution ; when lo ! my good genius appeared in the 
 shape of two sonnets, removed my doubts, and crowned my wishes. How 
 soothing to the heart is applause from a friend, even though a well- 
 
XAUL OF CHARLEMONT. 393 
 
 founded modesty should assure us that partiality, not judgment, had 
 penned the eulogy ; that very partiality is perhaps more grateful to us, even 
 than a consciousness of desert. Thank you, my dearest Haliday, and 
 be assured, that your silence has been amply compensated. Yet still, as 
 nervous folks are apt to seek what they do not wish to find, one little 
 circumstance occurs, which in some degree damps my pleasure. Why are 
 these sonnets dated 93 and 94? Has 1795 or 96, altered eitlier you or me? 
 Surely no. You cannot change ; and though neyer worthy the praise your 
 friendship bestows, I at this instant deserve it as well as I ever did, and* 
 more particularly the divine sentiments conveyed in that line ; ** whose 
 frenzy not his wrath, but pity moves." Angry! no. I weep over the 
 madness of my beloved countrymen ; and if my blood could cure their 
 frenzy, they should be welcome to it. But I have written as much as I 
 possibly can write, and must leave you. Adieu, my friend, and though your 
 verses have now thoroughly appeased me, do not imagine, that the silence 
 of months shall hereafter be repaid by a sonnet ; but be assured, that a 
 frequent repetition of prose will give more satisfaction than the best 
 of poetry. 
 
 *' Dublin, February 1st, I7g7, 
 " The French attempt, which is now, thank Heaven, at least for the 
 present, entirely at an end, has, in my opinion, been productive of many 
 salutary effects. It has shewn to the people, that there are dangers more 
 to be dreaded than the effects of a bad administration. It has made the 
 weU*minded lay aside their vicious backwardness, and boldly speak out. 
 It has confirmed the wavering, and in a great measure awed and silenced 
 the clamour of faction ; but, above all, it has clearly pioved, that the 
 numbers of the disaffected have been far over-rated ; that even they who 
 talked wildly, would never be induced to act madly, and that the mass 
 of tiie people is yet to be depended on. It has roused the martial ardour 
 of the nation, and shewn our enemies, that where they were taught to 
 hope support, they would find the most vigorous resistance. What you 
 
 3 F 2 
 
394 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 mean by the defection of Sir Laurence,* I do not know, unless refusing to 
 obey the dictates of a private party ; unless itshall be deemed defection to follow 
 the dictates of our own unbiassed reason, rather than implicitly to assent 
 to peevish and ill-timed motions. Indeed, my dearest Doctor, true patriot- 
 ism does not always consist in perpetual and indiscriminate opposition, 
 which may sometimes take its rise in motives not much preferable to those 
 which influence the conduct of the servile courtier. The man who, 
 unwarped by interest, or ambition, acts at all times in the manner which, 
 to his unbiassed judgment, appears most likely to serve, or to save his 
 country, ever suiting his conduct to the exigency of the times, and never 
 giving way, either to passion, or to desire of emolument, he is the good 
 citizen, he is the true patriot. 
 
 ** So Payne has now attacked Washington, no wonder." 
 It can be no matter of surprise, though it is always to be lamented, 
 that the good are so often deceived. Lord Charlemont's hopes were ill- 
 founded. A message from the Lord Lieutenant to the House of Commons, 
 at this time, or not long after, announced the arrest of two committees itt 
 the town of Belfast, and the seizure of their papers, which contained 
 matter of so much importance to the public welfare, that he had directed 
 them to be laid before the House, and recommended to them to take the 
 same into their serious consideration. Lord Charlemont had, as appears 
 from all his letters, conjured them to pursue a different line of conduct, 
 but his advice was now laughed to scorn. They listened to the emissaries 
 of the United Irishmen, and rejected the counsels of their old and tried 
 friend. On the 10th of May, Mr. Pelham brought up the report of the 
 secret committee. It justified, he said, those measures, which, with the 
 approbation of the House, had been adopted by the Lord Lieutenant. 
 That he believed many of the United Irishmen might have been induced 
 to join that society under the pretext of reform, but, he trusted, that the 
 publication of the report would shew them their danger, and the crimes 
 they were falling into. It was ordered to be printed, and communicated 
 to a committee of the Lords. 
 
 * Sir Laurence Parsons. 
 
EARL OF CHAKLEMONT. 395 
 
 Dublin, June 9th, 1797* 
 
 Deplorable indeed, is the account you give, and your experience of 
 my sentiments will enable you readily to judge, how sensibly I feel the 
 misfortune of a town, which, with all its errors, must ever be dear to me; 
 neither does my having long foreseen, and fruitlessly warned your fellow 
 citizens against what has happened, tend in any great degree to lessen my 
 concern, since, perhaps, they are the most unhappy, and consequently the 
 most to be pitied, who suffer from their own faults or follies ; and far be 
 from me that hardness of heart, which can view with indifference, or 
 sometimes even with pleasure, the sufferings of a friend, merely because 
 he brought them on himself. To avert these evils, you well know what 
 pains I have taken. My advice has, indeed, been lavished on both parties, 
 with equally ill success ; but how could 1 expect that it would influence 
 those with whom I was wholly unconnected, when it had produced little 
 or no effect upon my friends ? Would to Heavc n it had been otherwise ; 
 but spurred on by destiny, we seem on all hands to run a rapid course 
 towards a frightful precipice. But it is criminal to despair of our country. 
 I will then endeavour yet to hope. My conscience at least is clear, and 
 Avith a clear conscience, utter despondency can scarcely exist. Every thing 
 in my power has been done. I have recommended conciliation, I have 
 recommended concession, and, though my advice, however strongly urged, 
 has proved ineffectual, still I .have disburthened my mind ; neither is it 
 utterly impossible that, in the fluctuation of these unsteady times, my 
 opinion may yet prevail. 
 
 The last effort, in favour of a Parliamentary reform, was made 
 in the House of Commons, by Mr. Ponsonby.f The opposition insisted, 
 that if even then adopted, it might be the means of drawing off 
 and reconciling numbers. The ministers on the contrary alleged, that the 
 report precluded all expectations of that sort, which, in the North, might 
 possibly be true, and some gentlemen added, that the people should be 
 subdued, before they were relieved. Idle and inconsiderate words ! The 
 
 * To Dr. Haliday. 
 t The late Lord Ponsonby. 
 
390 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 mass of the people could not be called traitors; and though Parliamentary 
 reform could not tranquillize, as far as might be wished, such language 
 was calculated to throw all conciliation to an immeasurable distance. That 
 some reform, or some effort towards conciliation, was not made, is surely to 
 be deplored. But a stranger to the history of these countries might, from 
 the language now held in both Houses, be led to imagine, that a Parlia- 
 mentary reform was never before heard of, except from traitors ; when, in 
 truth, a defect in the representation had already engaged the attention of 
 the most enlightened men in the country. From his academic chair at 
 Oxford, Blackstone had pointed it out to the rising youth of the country ; 
 it had been glanced at by the resistless eloquence of Lord Chatham ; and, 
 after a long interval, given the richest colouring to the dawn of his son's 
 political life. Mr. Fox had uniformly supported it ; Sir George Savile, 
 and some of the best and wisest men in Great Britain and Ireland. If a 
 measure, good in itself, is to be for ever exiled from Parliament, and frowned 
 out of society, because it may be perv^erted by mischievous and designing 
 men> what is to become of us? The conduct of some potentates, and legis- 
 latures, was, at this time, not a little singular. The coalesced powers went 
 forth, as they said, to combat for order, good government, and to extir- 
 pate usurpation. As a proof of their sincerity, some of them massacred 
 the Poles, and divided Poland among themselves, utterly extinguishing 
 it as a kingdom. The legislature of Ireland went forth very properly, in 
 defence of the constitution, against the United Irishmen, and almost 
 constantly talked, and too often acted, as if there was no constitution 
 whatever. 
 
 Parliament was dissolved in July, 1797; the venerable Earl 
 had the pleasure of beholding his eldest son, Lord Caulfield, elected for the 
 county of Armagh, with entire approbaition and applause. Such marks of 
 the esteem, and affection of the people, for himself and his family, were 
 always dear to him. The choice which he had made of friends in tlie 
 House of Commons, was confirmed by the general sentiment, and was 
 every way satisfactory to him. To this, and some violent disturbance at 
 Belfast, he alludes in the following letter : 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 397 
 
 *' Dublin, November 4th, Ijrpjr; 
 
 " I heard of the late military outrage at Belfast, and need not to you 
 who know me so well, expatiate upon my feelings on that subject. But, alas 
 all the world is mad, and unfortunately, strait waistcoats are not yet in 
 fashion. With you, I lament the carnage with which our late victory was 
 attended ; yet still I must rejoice in the event, which will be productive of 
 consequences, even thus not too dearly purchased. Indeed, among the sad 
 effects of the present abominable transactions, none is more striking, than 
 that our feelings have been blunted by the perpetual repetition of horrors, and 
 the man, who would formerly have wept over the loss of an individual, 
 can now hear unmoved the death of thousands. In the late action, the 
 slaughter was indeed terrible, yet wl>at was it when compared to French 
 butchery ? a native of La Vendue has assured me, that, in that district 
 alone, not fewer than five hundred thousand perished. He may have most 
 probably have exaggerated, but what ought to be our feelings, if we only 
 believe one half of bis narrative. What am I to expect from your next 
 epistle? I cannot conceive, neither can I guess, whom you mean by f»y 
 hero, in contradiction to Charles Fox ; who, though I may have sometimes 
 thought him injudicious, has ever been a hero of mine. Notwithstanding 
 your Parliamentary apathy, of which I cannot perfectly approve, you will, 
 I d^ubt not, hear with some satisfaction, that two excellent men, Frank 
 Dobbs,* and Piunkett,t ^^^ likely to take their seats in the approaching 
 Parliament. Of the former, to you who know him so well, I need say 
 nothing, and the character of the latter is incomparable, both for abilities 
 and for principle." 
 
 On the 15th January, 1798, The Lord Lieutenant met the New Par- 
 liament. Having acquainted both Houses of the failure of his Majesty's 
 
 * The late Francis Dobbs, Esq. an upright excellent man. He took an active and laudable 
 
 part in the affairs of this kingdom in 1782. 
 
 t The Right Honourable William Conyngham Plunkett. He has since particularly distin- 
 guished' himself in the House of Commons of the United Parliament, during the very short time 
 that he sat there. He was th^o Attemey General of Ireland, but resigned that situation soon 
 after, in 1807. 
 
3P8 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 endeavours to restore peace, and justly alluded to Lord Duncan's naval 
 victory, he added, that subordination and industry had, by the vigorous 
 measures adopted, returned in the North. Lord Clare, (the Chancellor) 
 supported the ministerial system in the Upper House, and observed, that 
 the state of the North at that time, was a proof of the wisdom of the 
 measures which had beenadopted ; they were strong, and had been extorted 
 from the Lord Lieutenant, but they were successful. So imperfectly 
 acquainted was Government with the real situation of that province ! The 
 House of Commons was, compared to former days, almost silent. A con- 
 ciliatory and just amendment to the address, was proposed by Mr. Smith,* 
 and, like other motions of similar benevolence, was of course lost. Mr. 
 Grattan was not a member of the New Parliament. A secession which. 
 Lord Charlemont most deeply, deplored. The court enjoyed his absence; 
 the country did not. There were many gentlemen of eminent talents, and 
 unequivocal principles, returned to the New House of Commons. But the 
 people looked for the old assertor of their liberties, and, like the image of 
 Brutus, during the funeral procession of Junia, he was brought back to 
 their minds, with an effulgence the more unrivalled as he was then withheld 
 from their view. 
 
 Lord Charlemont had, soon after the meeting of Parliament, the satis- 
 faction of beholding, what indeed was too often denied to him, the House 
 of Lords the scene of important and dignified debate. It had been 
 asserted, by some of the ministers in Ireland, and their partizans, that 
 the Earl of Moira had always brought forth his charges against them, in 
 the British House of Peers, and not in the Irish, of which his Lordship 
 was equally a member, and where his charges could be more easily answered, 
 possibly, entirely refuted. There was no necessity for them to indulge in 
 such a strain, as the Noble Earl was determined to persevere, and try whether 
 every hope of conciliation was fled from the hereditary guardians of Ireland, 
 as it seemed to have vanished every where else. Accordingly, he attended in 
 his place in the Irish House of Peers, on the 19th February, 1798. Never 
 
 * William Smith, Esq. now one of the Barods of the Exchequer in Ireland. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 399 
 
 was a more thronged and anxious assembly seen. Above and below the 
 bar every place was full. The House of Commons adjourned early on that 
 day, to give an opportunity to their members to attend the debate, and all 
 of them, who were in town, appeared there. Lord Moira's speech was 
 manly, eloquent, dignified, and made a deep impression. Tlie Chancellor 
 replied at great length, and, it is generally agreed on, with much ability. 
 Lord Glentworth* supported him. The Bishop of Downe,t who had never 
 before spoken in the House, and would not have spoken then, had he not 
 been called forth by the unprovoked asperity of the Chancellor, was heard 
 with the utmost delight and satisfaction, not only because his reply was 
 unexpected, but truly excellent. It refuted tlie acrimonious charges of 
 Lord Cla*re, expressed the most liberal principles of legislation, and M'as 
 delivered with a grace, and modesty, that interested every auditor. Lord 
 Charlemont, as well as the Earl of Granard, and Lord Dunsany, who 
 spoke ably, supported Lord Moira's motion, which was to address the Lord 
 Lieutenant to pursue such conciliating measures, as might allay the appre- 
 hensions, and extinguish the discontents, so unhappily prevalent in Ireland." 
 At a very late hour the House divided. The motion was negatived. Lord 
 Moira, as well as several other peers, the Duke of Leinster, and many of 
 the highest rank, joined Lord Charlemont in the protest. To this important 
 debate his Lordship alludes in the following letter : 
 
 " Dublin, March 20th, 1798.I 
 *' Health with me knows little melioration, and, in this city, public matters 
 appear daily to grow worse and worse. They, who censure Lord Moira's speech, 
 are, in my opinion, possessed of neither taste nor judgment. Nothing could 
 be better than his matter, unless his manner, which even surpassed the sanguine 
 hopes of friendship; animated, though cool, and dignified without pomp. His 
 first statement was excellent, but/nis reply was incomparable. The goodness of 
 his heart, incapable of allowinaf him to do any thing, which might be attended 
 by possible mischief, prompteonis moderation, and the soundness of his under- 
 
 * Now Earl of Limerick, 
 t Dr. William Dickson, late Bishop of, already mentioned in this wqrlv. 
 
 * To Dr. Haliday. 
 3 a 
 
400 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 standing, led him to believe, that he was far more likely to carry his point, by 
 
 moderated firmness, than by any excess of violence. But that which most of 
 
 all delighted, and surprized me, was his wonderful coolness, and self-possession, 
 
 which were such as to persuade every one who beheld him, that he would have 
 
 been just as cool, if commanding a line of troops, exposed to the hottest fire of 
 
 the enemy. As to our dear Bishop,* you have exactly said what I thought of 
 
 him. His answer to a most unjustifiable attack, was precisely what it ought to 
 
 have been, and was, I am confident, unexpected by his opponent, as it certainly 
 
 was by his friends, and particularly by me, who, the morning before, had t)een 
 
 urging him to speak, and had received for answer, that it was utterly im^possible. 
 
 "But facit indignatio versum. You will have seen in the papers, that Frankj* 
 
 has broke the ice, an effort which gives me the more pleasure, as I feared that 
 
 the sheepishness of the father might have been entailed upon the son. For his 
 
 first essay he was not deficient in matter, nor in manner ; and he shewed a degree 
 
 of bashfulness, which indicates that sensibility, without which no man ever yet 
 
 succeeded as a speaker. I am happy to inform you, that my two friends have 
 
 done excellently. Dobbs has fully equalled my expectation, and will daily 
 
 improve. Plunkett has exceeded them, and is already one of the best, and 
 
 most useful debaters. All our loves to Mrs. Haliday, and congratulate her, in my 
 
 name, on the excellent conduct of her countryman, J who has hitherto most 
 
 certainly acted in his difficult situation, with the greatest propriety, and has the 
 
 happiness of being accordingly disliked and abused. Adieu, my dearest Haliday." 
 
 ITie debate in which Lord Caulfield spoke for the first time was, on a 
 
 motion o£ Sir L. Parsons, (March 5th) for an enquiry into the state of the 
 
 nation, and to suggest such measures as were Kkcly to conciliate the 
 
 people. Lord Caulfield was listened to with peculiar attenticm on aM sides. 
 
 He spoke with sound sense. Lord Charlemont happened to 'be present, 
 
 and could not conceal his emotions. The good-nature, and quick sensibility, 
 
 so truly characteristic of the Irish, prevailed for the moment, and aM unseenvfy 
 
 * Of Downe. 
 t Francis, Lord Caulfield, now Earl of Charlemont. 
 % The late gallant, and truly-lamented. Sir Ralph Abercrombie. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 401 
 
 violence subsided. But at such a time any softer emotions could be of no long 
 duration, and party rage, and civil contest, soon resumed their arbitrary sway. 
 Lord Castlereagh spoke at great length, and said, '* that the United Irishmen 
 were in open rebellion, and, therefore, only to be met by force. Mr. Plunkett 
 repliedj that he detested the United Irishmen, who had brought the country 
 into that situation ; but there were in Ireland, hundreds and thousands, who, 
 though not in favour with the administration, as not being friends to their 
 measures, were utterly hostile to the United Irishmen, who dreaded nothing so 
 much as concession." This was exactly true, but the House would not attend 
 to the motion ; 156 voted against it, and 19 with Sir Laurence Parsons. 
 
 *' Dublin, May 3d, 1798. 
 " Thanks to the kind Mrs. Haliday, I have now before me two of your 
 letters, from both of which I have received the highest satisfaction, as they are 
 possessed of that true signum salutis, unforced, and unaffected pleasantry. You 
 growl, indeed, and no wonder, for who in the present times can do otherwise ? 
 But still your native good humour enlivens your discontent, and you contrive 
 even to grumble comically. A temper naturally cheerful is, indeed, one of the 
 greatest blessings bestowed on man ; for while it in no degree impairs the 
 sensibility oflts possessor, it prompts his imagination rather to brighten, than 
 to obscure the prospect, and enables him to collect from misfortune all its 
 consolatory circumstances, as bees are said to extract honey even from poisonous 
 herbs. Indeed, my dear Doctor, I have for some months been extremely ill, 
 and, instead of getting better, as the season advances, I seem daily to grow 
 worse ; but so it must be, as I daily grow older. I had spirits, but they are 
 evaporated; I had good humour, and in some degree I have it still. But how 
 should it subsist under the pressure of public and private calamity ? Yet still, 
 as there is no night so dark as to be totally void of light, both my private, and 
 public prospects, are enlivened by some cheering rays. My son's success in his 
 first parliamentary attempt, on which you so kindly dwell, most certainly affords 
 me real pleasure ; and I have the still higher satisfaction of perceiving, that, 
 whatever his abilities may be, his principles are precisely as I would wish them, 
 and such as will, at all times, prompt him to the disinterested service of his 
 country. Ought I then. to complain of my private lot? Surely no. And as to 
 
 5 g2 
 
4f)2 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 our public affairs, dark as they are, the gloom is in some degree brightened by 
 lights from the north, where tranquillity seems to be re-established, and where 
 good sense, and returning industry, appear to have at length prevailed over 
 madness and tumult. With these consolatory circumstances I will close my 
 letter,' and with another, the thought and repetition of which must always 
 give me pleasure, that I am, my dearest Haliday, your most faithful, and truly 
 affectionate, - CHARLEMONT. 
 
 ■ * . ■ . • ■ ' ■ 
 
 'f' " My love to our excellent Bishop,* and to our dear Countess ; tell Arthur 
 Johnston,-}- that it is his duty to get well, as his country cannot afford to lose 
 so excellent a man in this her sad decline. He never yet failed in duty towards 
 
 ^ her, and will not, I trust, in the present instance." 
 
 The lights from the north, which the good Earl mentions, were, as is 
 now too well ascertained, completely fallacious, and not to be depended on, 
 Alas I in twenty days after the rebellion burst forth in all its horrors. Of that 
 sanguinary rebellion, there can be but one sentiment among all persons of 
 unprejudiced understanding, and attachment to the Constitution. It could not 
 be justified. That there was great folly in the public councils; a sad, perverse, 
 and melancholy hostility to all conciliation ; and that such precipitant temerity, 
 and fury of disposition, accelerated the footsteps of insurrection, I can well 
 suppose. That some persons, far more violent than judicious, were not removed 
 from the public councils, or, at least, that some species of Parliamentary reform 
 was not tried, I think, every moderate person must lament. Some leaders of the 
 United Irishmen solemnly asserted, that had not all reform been denied, they 
 would not have closed with France. Without contradicting this, it is evident, 
 however, that the transition from reform to revolution could not have been, to 
 several of them at least, a step of extreme hesitation. To such persons, sepa- 
 ration from England was the original object. It is clear, from the general tenor 
 of their writings, so far back as 179^, that it was. But separation could not be 
 obtained without French assistance, and that assistance would not be given to 
 
 * Of Downe. 
 
 f Arthur Johnston, Esq. of Redemon, in the county of Downe. A gentleman of considerable 
 fortune, and great respectability. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 403 
 
 gain a reform, which was nothing to the French, but most readily given to 
 obtain a separation from England, which was every thing to them.* The views, 
 therefore, of the Parisian directory were speedily met, and those who originally, 
 I make no doubt, looked to nothing else than a reform, and that indistinctly, 
 soon adopted the bolder, and more expanded schemes of their coadjutors. This, 
 I think, was their progress ; but I can only write, of course, argumentatively. 
 An enthusiasm in some, originating from public principle ; mere disappointment 
 in others ; the hopes of aggrandizement, of emerging from obscurity 
 to distinction, to ill -got opulence, operating on too many, the delusive 
 example of the French revolution, the source of so much misery, the 
 profligacy of so large a portion of the House of Commons, the undistinguishing 
 fury sometimes of Parliament itself, co-operating with, often out-soaring the 
 wildest wing of a domineering court ; such were, in my opinion, the leading 
 causes of that rebellion. Redress of public grievances, the former boundary of 
 the desires of many who engaged in it, had been long passed over, and the 
 visionary fabric of an Irish republic, appeared to their heated imagination. But 
 the columns of that fabric were not the work of any Catholic deception, nor 
 had religious zeal, in my opinion, any share whatever in the original formation 
 of the rebellion, though it afterwards, in some parts of Ireland, (and, thank 
 God, but very few parts,) tinged that rebellion, with colours, above all others, 
 gloomy and terrific, and which, in every age, seem to have belonged to fanati- 
 cism and ignorance alone. A detail of the miseries which, wherever that 
 rebellion raged, desolated this kingdom, will not, i am sure, be expected here. 
 It was extinguished ; but if its extinction must always be the subject of national 
 exultation and gratitude, the horrors which accompanied it, must also preserve 
 their place in our recollection, and teach us to point out to those, who come 
 after us, those sad errors in some, and that mass of rebellious guilt in others, 
 which led to such an accumulation of evils. One mode of frustrating the efforts 
 of conspiracy, and rebellion, which was resorted to in this kingdom, every 
 person, I think, since the tempest of civil fury has now passed by, must depre- 
 cate, according to an Italian phrase, even " on the knees of their minds. ''-J^ 
 
 * See the evidence laid before tlie Irish Parliament by the committee^ to whom the papers of thcs 
 United Irishmen were referred. 
 
 f " Con le ginocchie della mente inchine." — Petrabca. 
 
404i MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 It was that of extorting confession by whippings, by half hangings^ by torture ; 
 a preventive system, as it was called, but which, in fact, had it brought forth 
 thousands of arms more than it did, could not compensate for the too ample 
 means which it furnished of nutriment to our worst passions, and the outrage it 
 offered to the Constitution. " It seems astonishing,*' says Sir William Black- 
 stone, " that the usage of administering the torture, should be said to arise 
 from a tenderness to the lives of men ;" and yet this supposed tenderness for 
 the lives am! safeties of others, was the plea urged in its defence in Ireland. 
 Such practices are the more to be guarded against, because it is natural to the 
 human mind, to fly to any expedient, no matter how repugnant to our calmer 
 feelings, that has the semblance of rescuing us from immediate evil ; and the 
 suggestions of cowardice or error, are afterwards sullenly maintained, as the 
 dictations of no vulgar fortitude, and unbiassed wisdom. It is melancholy, it 
 is humiliating, to adduce any authority for the promotion of humanity. But 
 an exalted, generous prudence, in the hour of overwhelming civil contention, no 
 one need blush to learn. Let those then, who, at the first approaches of 
 confusion, or any new crime that threatens the state, wish to extinguish the 
 ordinary tribunals of justice, or set up some arbitrary one of co-extensive 
 authority, for ever remember the words of Lord Somers, speaking of 
 the Star Chamber. 
 
 " It was set up in the 3d of Henry Vllth. in very soft words. To punish 
 great riots, to restrain offenders too big for ordinary justice, or, in the modem 
 phrase, to preserve the public peace; but, in a little time, it made this nation trem- 
 ble, England would never agree with those courts, that are mixed of state 
 and justice ; policy soon gets the better of justice."* 
 
 I am willing to indulge the hope, that all this will not be considered as too 
 extensive a digression. Whoever looks back with a just sense of human infir- 
 mities, and human wrongs, to the lamentable period to which these Memoirs 
 have now approached, will, I flatter myself, excuse me. 
 
 The rebellion had been now, if not put down, almost exhausted; 
 when the British ministry seemed to be of opinion, that^at such a 
 juncture, the Lord Lieutenant should be a military man, and accordingly, 
 
 * Minutes of Lord Somers's speech in the House of Lords, on the bill fcF abolisblng the 
 Privy Council of Scotland. — Hardwicke State Paperj. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 401 
 
 the Marquis Cornwallis was appointed. Lord Camden had, as he conceived, 
 done his duty to the utmost of his power ; and, as the Lord Chancellor 
 stated, all the strong, or, indeed, violent measures, were extorted from him. 
 He must, in my opinion, have gladly retired from such a scene of misery 
 and terror. It is surely to be lamented, and the more so as it can scarcely 
 be avoided, that, in times so fraught with dangers, and with horrors, as 
 those which now prevailed in Ireland, no inconsiderable portion of the 
 authority of the state should be consigned to low, illiberal, vindictive 
 men, at a distance perhaps from the seat of government, who, intoxicated 
 with their new power, and eager to shew their zeal, in hopes of some 
 preferment, grossly abuse that authority. Yet, in some respects, are such 
 men so necessary, that their abuses are connived at, often defended, by those 
 in elevated stations. This position was never more exemplified than ia 
 Ireland at the present moment. Violent as some leaders were, their 
 delegates, and subalterns, were far more so, as ignorance, and vulgar malice, 
 feel no controul from the narrow circle in which they move, or sensibility 
 even casually awakened. Insolence may certainly be found every where; 
 but the habits of liberal intercourse are very different from those I have 
 described, and society itself must be rendered one entire blot, before that 
 •persons, accustomed to such intercourse, will attempt, and still less avow, 
 any interruption, or mockery of those laudable sympathies, which a cultured 
 mind will be ashamed not to acknowledge, however feeble or evanescent 
 their impressions. It may be reasonably presumed, much as some persons 
 m ihigh authority are to be found fault with at present, that they were rendered 
 even more obnoxious to the public, tlian they, perhaps, deserved to be from 
 tlie causes now assigned. I shall not attempt to speak of those, of whom 
 I know but little. One noble person, whose unpopularity was, how-ever, 
 entirely of his own creation, and in which no subordinate agent could 
 have any share, I must beg leave briefly to mention. As a Statesman, 
 Lord Clare had many faults; but the vices which so often degraded 
 that character, did not belong to him. He was above all circumven- 
 tion, all corruption whatever. Open and undisguised, his ambition, and 
 his temper, held no interrupted, but a uniform, mingled sway over him. 
 Acrimonious, impatient,. overbeariDg, so far from wishing to conciliate, 
 
406 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 (I speak of his public deportment,) he made use of language so revolting, 
 so perversely unrestricted, that he often disobliged, nay made enemies even 
 of those who acted in concert with him. That his Parliamentary oppo- 
 nents therefore were never spared by him, cannot be a matter of surprize. 
 As to the lower classes ; were we to judge of him, merely by his speeches, 
 we might be led to conclude, that if the pealSantry of Ireland could have 
 been all collected on one funeral pile, he would have appeared as the first 
 man, and with no averted eyes, to hold the torch to it himself But in this 
 respect how unjust was he to his own disposition; for, though on such topics 
 he always spoke daggers, that disposition would have ever forbad him to 
 make use of any. In his abhorrence of popular excesses, he talked 
 as if he had forgotten all popular privileges ; but his zeal, his pre- 
 dilections, and his temper, ran forward with such strange alacrity, 
 that all memory of the higher duties, nay, sometimes the decorums 
 of a Statesman, was, for the instant, out-stripped in its course, by qualities 
 so unbridled and so untoward. Early in life, I knew him well, and though 
 our intercourse was discontinued, (I presume from politics, for he could 
 little brook any opposition on that head,) ancient amity was never lost sight 
 of. On a subject, therefore, where there must necessarily be many opinions 
 adverse to mine, I would not speak, but from entire personal knowledge ; and to 
 that knowledge I can add, from authority, not feeble, as in the eyes of many 
 mine perhaps may be, that Lord Clare, in many instances, displayed a feeling 
 and compassionate heart. To return. The Marquis Cornwallis arrived in 
 Dublin on the 20th of June. In nine days after his arrival, a proclamation 
 was issued, inviting all who were then assembled against his Majesty's 
 peace, to surrender themselves. Fourteen days were allowed (from the date 
 of the proclamation) for this purpose, and such persons as surrendered, 
 were called on to enter their names, acknowledge their guilt, abjure their 
 engagements, and take the oath of allegiance. On complying with such 
 terms, the generals commanding in the different districts, were authorized 
 to grant them protection, as long as they demeaned themselves as became 
 good subjects. This proffered amnesty would alone have cheered Lord 
 Charlemont's spirits ; but as, nearly at the same time, a manifesto, or decla- 
 ration of loyalty and adherence to the Constitution, expressed in the most 
 solemn manner, was published at Belfast, his satisfaction was complete. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 407 
 
 «' Dublin, June29thj 1798.* 
 " Though still scarcely able to write, an exertion must be made, as it is 
 impossible forme to repress my desire of thanking you for the sincere plea- 
 sure I have felt at seeing your name subscribed to the incomparable declara- 
 tion of the inhabitants of Belfast. That your sentiments were exactly those 
 which appear in that excellent production I had no doubt, but am happy 
 that you have thus promulgated them to a public, which, from want of 
 personal knowledge, might have mistaken you : thus far I thank you on my 
 private account ; but where should I find words to testify my acknowledge- 
 ments for the public service you have done, by affixing your truly respectable, 
 and popular name to a declaration of such genuine loyalty ? On this theme 
 I would wish to dwell ; but, alas ! my head, my eyes, and even my hand, 
 refuse their assistance. 
 
 " P. S. I take the composition to be your's." 
 
 Lord Cornwallis's proclamation was viewed in a very different light by 
 many, from that in which it was regarded by Lord Charlemont; and from 
 this time may be dated that rooted dislike, and animosity, which pervaded 
 the minds of some furious partizans against Lord Cornwallis. But the noble 
 Marquis might have been well consoled. He must have had not only the 
 approbation of his own mind, but that of every unprejudiced man, who> 
 detesting the rebellion, and anxious for the preservation of the connexion 
 with our sister kingdom, did not chuse to put that connexion entirely to 
 the hazard, by the continuation of a system, which might have rendered 
 disaffection desperate, planted the seeds of irreconcilable hatred, between 
 Irishman and Irishman, and rendered the very name of England disgusting 
 to the present and succeeding generations. To the controul of that system, 
 and the authority of some men in inferior civil departments, " most ignorant 
 of what they most assumed," and, therefore, proportionably cruel; was 
 added a seasonable check and rebuke of such of the military, (compara- 
 tively not many,) as forgetting the courtesy, which, to the lustre of the 
 soldier's character, imparts so much amenity, counteracted the purposes for 
 
 * To Dr. Haliday. 
 3 H 
 
408 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 which they combated, and would have changed ardent loyalty into cold, 
 unmoved allegiance, had not that loyalty known itself too well, and risen 
 superior to their incivility and indiscretion.* To the honour of the leading 
 military characters here let it be said, that they always shewed lenity; and 
 to the disgrace of another class in society, who very properly styled them- 
 selves not military, and very improperly, men of peace, let it also be said, 
 that such lenity was by them always condemned. 
 
 General Humbert, with the very insignificant force under his command, 
 arrived at Killala on the 22d of this month. A most accurate account of that 
 arrival, ami the transactions of the French in Killala, and its vicinity, have been 
 given to the world by the respectable and learned bishop of that diocese. The 
 route of the French, and the short battle which took place, previous to their 
 surrender, every one is acquainted with. But, not to make use of any 
 untimely levity of phrase, a common person must suppose that, under such 
 circumstances as the French were then placed, battle was given by them 
 merely pour orner la scene, and to decorate their surrender as well as they 
 could. For, with a force so superior, as that which was brought against 
 them, how was it in their power seriously to contend? Sed non est his locus. 
 
 The Parliament of Ireland, which, it is not to be forgotten, never dis- 
 continued their sittings, even when the rebellion was most furious, was at 
 last prorogued on the 6th of October, by the Marquis Cornwallis. He 
 observed in his speech from the Throne, that the circumstances which had 
 taken place since the commencement of the session, would render it for ever 
 memorable. That by the unremitting vigilance of his predecessor, treason 
 had been detected, and, through the sagacious diligence of Parliament, 
 developed in all its parts. A wicked rebellion had, in a great measure, been 
 subdued. He added, that the plan which had been adopted, for the remune- 
 ration of the losses of the suffering loyalists, was highly honourable to the 
 
 * ^' lis vivent, ma Foi," says Madame de Sevigne, giving an account to her daughter of some 
 of the troops which were sent to extinguish the commotions in Britanny j " Comme dans un pays de 
 Conquete, non obstant notre bon marriage avec Charles VIII. et Louis XII." Rennes, at the time 
 she wrote, bore a great resemblance, in some points, to Belfast at the present period j and there wer& 
 not then wanting some headstrong politicians, who, for the folly of particular persons, would have 
 laid waste the capital of Britanny, as in our days, Belfast was very nearly destroyed from similar 
 sug_eitions of similar political zealots.^ 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 409 
 
 feelings of Parliament, and, in every loyal breast, would excite emotions of 
 love and gratitude to his country. Lord Cornwallls was, I make no doubt, 
 sincere in all this praise of the Irish Parliament. But who could have 
 thought that, in less than four months afterwards, this asscnibly, 
 which had so well maintained the connexion between the two countries, 
 would be represented by Legislators and Statesmen, as perfectly incompetent 
 to any such purpose, and all this eulogy, to write quaintly, so soon terminate 
 in its elegy ? 
 
 The following letter from Lord Charlemont to his friend, gives a melan- 
 choly picture of the country, and himself. It also shows, as I have stated, 
 the intentions of ministers at this time, from the indirect sounding of the 
 public mind, which now took place. 
 
 "Dublin, October 15th, 1798. 
 " Why, yes, my dear Doctor, I am, indeed, sadly indisposed ; old age, 
 which insensibly steals upon the happy and healthy, seems to liave seized me 
 by sudden invasion. But no wonder. Such must always be the case, when 
 the corrosion of care co-operates with that gradual decay, which time must 
 ever produce. And surely you, who are intimately acquainted with my 
 heart, and have, with me, witnessed and deplored the sad. series of events, 
 which have for a long time crowded on each other in rapid succession, 
 cannot be ignorant of the cause of that perpetual anxiety, which, like the 
 vulture of Prometheus, has preyed upon my vitals. Even now, when rebel- 
 lion is frighted into its den, robbery and assassination, even in the neigh- 
 bourhood of the metropolis, still keep the field, and reign in its stead;^ The 
 murder of Hume,* the friend and favourite of his country, is a recent 
 example of atrocity, which perhaps exceeds all that went before it. But, as 
 if real events were not sufficient to disturb my mind, rumours also come 
 into-their aid. The town is now filled with reports, that an Union will 
 speedily be attempted. How far this may be true, I cannot presume to say, 
 but the unhappy always fear the worst. Has this report reached you? If it 
 has, tell me how it is received. Thank fate, I am enabled to conclude this 
 letter more comfortably than when I began it, being this minute informed 
 
 * William Hume, Esq. M. P. for the county of Wicklow. 
 
 3 H 2 
 
410 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 tliat an express is arrived from the post-master of Rutland,* with an account 
 that in an action oif the coast of Donegal, between our squadron, and that 
 part of the Brest fleet which was meant for Ireland, two French ships have 
 been taken, and three so crippled, that they must necessarily fall into the 
 hands of their pursuers. I am, however, perhaps, communicating intelli- 
 gence with which, from your vicinity, you are already acquainted. But 
 really the exploits of our navy are most illustrious, and that of Nelson, for 
 your congratulations on which I sincerely thank you, a prodigy in our naval 
 history. The French squadron is said to have consisted of one line-of battle 
 ship, and seven frigates, and its defeat will, I trust, put an end to all fear of 
 invasion. Your account of the Cow-Pock was received at the Academy with 
 surprise." 
 
 The rumours of the Union, which the good Earl alludes to, were, at first, 
 not at all attended to. Nay, for some time after this, so terrific was the very 
 name of Union, and so likely, in the opinion of most persons, to open afresh 
 every source of discontent, that many who were connected with ministers, 
 but far removed from their secrets, declared, in every company, that such 
 rumours were the joint offspring of the old opposition and the United Irish- 
 men. Some of the public prints, which were immediately under the influ- 
 ence of Government, in both kingdoms, re-echoed all such sentiments. But 
 how soon did they change ? To suggest the idea of a Union was highly 
 criminal m October ; to oppose it in the subsequent April was almost Higlv 
 Treason ! ! Such is the metamorphosis, and such the agreeable vicissitudes 
 of language, to which those gentlemen, who write only as the subalterns of 
 ministers direct, are obliged to adapt themselves to. 
 
 The author of these Memoirs was about this time at a consi- 
 derable distance from Dublin.. Anxious to be informed on the subject 
 of Union, he took leave, as he had sometimes done, to write to his- 
 Lordship. With his usual cordiality, but, at the same time, a mind deeply- 
 agitated. Lord Charleniont was so good as to write the following leiter,^ 
 which was the precursor of several more on the same subject* To unlock 
 all tliat cori*espondence would be as. unnecessary as improper. One letter 
 
 -* A fishing town, built under the patrooage of the late Right Hooourahle William Burton 
 Coayogham^ in the county of iJ«negaL. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 411 
 
 alone may suffice to shew what Lord Charlemont*s feelings were, at this time, 
 as to the Union* 
 
 ** Dublin, November 8di, 1798. 
 '* My D£AR Hardt» 
 " Though scarcely able to write from malady, both of body and mind, 
 I must, and will, make an effort to- thank you for your most acceptable 
 letter, and to assure you,^ that on the subject you mention,, we are precisely 
 of the same opmion, a* I flatter myself we ever shall be, upon every 
 important subject* The report to which you allude, and which is, I fear, but 
 too well grounded, has put a finishing stroke to that misery of mind, with 
 which every occurrence has,, for some time past, contributed to afflict me. 
 As soon as the rumour became prevalent, I thought it m}' duty to wait on 
 the Lord Lieutenants 1 prefaced my discourse by assuring him, that I 
 expected no answer to what I meant to say, conscious as i was that, con- 
 sidering his situation, it would be impertinent even to desire it ; but that, as 
 a proposition of the highest importance was openly, and generally spoken of^ 
 and as there wa»a possibility, that the report might be founded on truth, I 
 had deemed it an incumbent duty, shortly to lay before him my sentiments, 
 not only for my own sake, but for his also, as I could not doubt but that, in 
 a matter of this nature, he would wish to know the opinion of every indivi- 
 dual. That I deprecated the measure for many, many reasons, but would now 
 trouble him with one only ; that it would, more than any other, contribute to 
 the separation of two countries, the perpetual connexion of which, was one of 
 the warmest wishes of my heart. His Excellency received my discourse with 
 the utmost politeness ; expressed his obligation, and his firm assurance, that 
 every opinion of mine was founded on the best motives ; but, in compliance 
 with my desire, declined for the present, saying any more on the subject. 
 From this you may readily perceive that thia business is most certainly in 
 agitation. Lord Clare, as I am told, makes no secret of its being a principal 
 cause of his voyage to England, and two things only can, I fear, prevent its 
 heing brought forward ;. remonstrances from the English trading towns, and 
 the Hrm opposition of individtials here. The former is, I am assured, pro^ 
 bable, hut may only tend to render the treaty worse for this country ; and 
 as to the latter, both you and I are too well acquainted with our tellow 
 
412 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 legislators, to put much trust in them. The state also of the people is, from 
 many causes, highly unfavourable. They have, if I may use the expression, 
 been stimulated into torpor, and the same reason which, in many counties, 
 prevented the electors from taking the trouble of voting, would now, I 
 doubt, even on this occasion, produce the most profound apathy. They, who 
 are still rebels in their hearts, would like the measure as a mean of separation, 
 and, in addition to what you have urged, it ought to be considered, that the 
 wholesome interference of resident landlords, which has alone preserved the 
 country from utter ruin, would be exchanged for the interposition of merci- 
 less agents. 
 
 "But I can write no more. My eyes, which are beyond expression weak, 
 totally fail me, and the subject makes me sick. I have much more to say, 
 but will postpone it till we meet, which will, I trust, be soon. Lady Charle- 
 mont desires her compliments to you, and joins with me in the most sincere 
 respects to Lord and Lady Granard.* Adieu. Believe me, with the utmost 
 
 sincerity, 
 
 " Your most faithful, and truly aifectionate, 
 
 " Charlemont, 
 
 ti 
 
 Petitions against undue elections would be utterly impracticable." 
 
 The intentions of ministers being very soon after unequivocally declared, 
 as to this great measure, the kingdom, as might have been expected, was 
 extremely agitated. Resolutions followed resolutions, pamphlet succeeded 
 to pamphlet, chiefly written by the gentlemen of the bar, who, in various 
 productions on the subjects, displayed great talents. Their literary labours 
 had great effect on the public mind. 
 
 Parliament met on the 22d of January, 1799. The question of Union, 
 '^vhich had been mentioned in general, not specific terms in the speech from 
 the Throne, was well debated in the House of Lords. That truly inde- 
 pendent nobleman. Lord Powerscourt, moved an amendment to that part of 
 the address, which, as usual, was the echo of the speech, stating, *' That the 
 Union, as their Lordships* conceived, was not within the limits of their power, 
 
 * The Author was then at Castle-Forbeij the seat of the Earl of Granard. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 413 
 
 and that, if it were, it would be highly impolitic to adopt such a measure, as 
 it would, in their opinion, tend more than any other cause, ultimately to a 
 separation from Great Britain." This amendment was well conceived, and I 
 state it the more particularly, as the topic of eventual separation was urged 
 by as honourable and good men as ever sat in Parliament ; men, who did not 
 breathe a thought that was hostile to the connexion of the two countries. 
 That their augury may totally fail, must be equally their wish, with every 
 rational, w^ell-disposed person in both kingdoms. But, as such were their 
 apprehensions when the Union was debated, they would have forgot their 
 duty to their country not to have declared them ; and, as the biographer of 
 Lord Charlemont, who was actuated by similar apprehensions, it is my duty to 
 record them. Forty-six Lords were for entertaining the question of Union, 
 nineteen against it.* In the House of Commons the contest was very dif- 
 ferent. The first debate continued from five in the afternoon till ten o'clock 
 the next morning, when the Court carried the question by a majority of one. 
 The debate was resumed on the report of the address ; the sitting was of 
 equal length with that of the preceding evening. On the division, the Court 
 was in a minority. The numbers were, 106 for the Union, 111 against it. 
 This victory closed all further proceedings on- the subject during the 
 remainder of this session. The debate is in every one's hands. Those who 
 come after us will decide on it with more impartiality tlian those who took a 
 
 i share in it. 
 
 * Lord Charlemont felt great joy on this occasion ; but though delighted, 
 
 and almost intoxicated, as he said himself, with good spirits, at this unex- 
 pected triumph of the House of Commons, he by no means thought with 
 many of the people^ that such a victory was entirely decisive. He exerted 
 
 * To enter into the history of the Union, is, of course, totally foreign to the object of these 
 Memoirs. But among its opponents, the late Earl Ludlow should never be forgotten. From 
 London, and the honourable station which he had long held, that of Knight of the Shire for the 
 county of Huntingdon, he was at this time retired to solitude, and Ardsalla, his ancient family 
 residence in Ireland. But his change of fortune operated no change in his mind. He pursued 
 the same honourable course which he had always maintained in public life, and resisted every 
 temptation which was held out to him to support the Union, and aggrandize himself. I feel real 
 pleasure in thus mentioning him. He was a man of the most engaging manners, and fascinating, 
 gentleman-like deportment, that^ I think, I ever met in the course of my life. 
 
414 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 himself as far as he could, to reap the fruits of it, but his health, which for 
 several years, as appears from his letters, Avas very indifferent, began now 
 most rapidly to decline. In the course of April, he writes thus to his old 
 acquaintance. 
 
 Dublin, April IQth, 1799- 
 Greatly have I longed to hear from you, not only because a failure of 
 your letters is to me a privation, if not of a necessary of life, at least of 
 one of those few luxuries which I am permitted to taste. Believe me, 
 no man can feel more sensibly than I do, the validity of your excuses, being 
 jpyself in a similar situation of almost absolute inability. But you will 
 better conceive the extent of my depression, by its effects, than by any 
 account I can give of it. What must it have been, when I was not able 
 to attend the House, and partake of that oration, Avhich, if Ireland can be 
 saved, will save it. What you have seen is excellent, but you will see a 
 great deal more, for, to-morrow I trust, a full and correct copy will be 
 printed, and though the speech* lasted four hours, a single minute of it 
 cannot be spared. Besides the excellence of tiie performance, nothing was 
 ever better timed. Our great and laudable activity had given place to 
 inaction, and men were allowed to sleep upon the question, a dangerous 
 situation ; since, when gentlemen are allowed to sleep, they are too apt to 
 Imve golden dreams. Respecting Parliament you must not be unreasonable; 
 give them due praise for their merits, whatever demerits they may have. 
 
 This letter closed the correspondence between the amiable Earl and 
 his ingenious, agreeable, and respectable friend. The speech which he 
 alludes to, deserves, indeed, every eulogium. The last sentence in 
 Lord Charlemont's letter deserves particular attention. It was pre- 
 cisely that unreasonableness, which his Lordship mentions, that dis- 
 position to be unsatisfied, which at all times, even in its best days, Par- 
 liament had to contend with in various parts of Ireland. If it acted with 
 
 * This was a speech of the Right Honourable John Foster, in a committee of the whole 
 House. He took that opportunity of delivering his sentiments on the question of Union, which 
 came incidentally before the committee. At that time b« was speaker. Tbe speech wa« soou . 
 after published. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 415 
 
 ]^atriatism, an<3 that it often did no one can be so absurd as to deny, there 
 was certainly public gratitude and applause; but with that gratitude too 
 often came forth a querulous and wayward spirit, as full of fantasies as 
 of ignorance, which gradually rendered every thing that was done unpro- 
 mising, or of dubious import in the eyes of superficial observers, who every 
 where constitute a majority. It was not sedition that Parliament had, in 
 this instance, to encounter. It was not that versatility, and change of 
 opinion, which all statesmen in all ages have justly complained of. No; 
 Change of opinion could not take place, where there never was approbation, 
 and v/here it was determined there never should. But there was not one 
 honest guardian of the public weal in Ireland, who did not feel the efiects 
 of this cold and chilling humour, which was so often most diffused 
 where the-merit of ParUament was most exalted, and did more for the venal 
 courtier and determined rebel, than they could have ever done for them- 
 selves. It was, in truth, not unlike the mist, as described by Homer, spread- 
 ing over the tops of the mountains; to the shepherd not friendly, but to 
 the thief, far better than night itself. 
 
 * Lord Charlemont was now the almost continued victim of indisposition^ 
 daily sinking under his disorder, but still anxiously employed for the welfare 
 of that country which he so truly loved. His friends saw him constantly, 
 but saw him, on every visit, with augmented, and sometimes ill-concealed 
 sorrow. His fondness for literature still remained the same. The two 
 following letters to Mr. Walker, the first of which precedes the present period 
 by a month or two, and the last, written when he was almost borne down 
 by illness, indicate this suflficiently. 
 
 Dublin, 2d February, IT0(). 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 Please to accept my iiwst sincere acknowledgments for the very acccj.i- 
 able present with which you have favoured me,* as well as for your very 
 kind letter, the terms of which are certainly not the less pleasing to me, 
 for their having been dictated, like those of Baretti's dedication, rather 
 
 * On receiviqg a copy of Mr. Walker's Memoir on Italian Tragedy. 
 
 3 I 
 
415 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 by partial friendship, than by strict judgment. Spite of the avocations 
 of the timesj in which both duty and affectionate zeal compel me to take 
 a share, I shall peruse your work with fond attention, and shall more than 
 ever regret the weakness of my eyes, which could alone prevent me from 
 greedily devouring it, as the production of one for whom I have the highest 
 regardi and to whom I can with truth subscribe myself, 
 
 Dear Sir, your faithful. 
 And truly-affectionate> humble Servant, 
 
 CHARLEMONT. 
 
 My Dear Sim, 
 When your last very kind letter remained so long unanswered, I trust 
 that your justice ascribed the failure to absolute inability; such, indeed, was 
 the case. I have been for some time past extremely ill, and even now am 
 scarcely able to write. I am in possession of the valuable Furioso to which 
 you allude, with an inscription in very old writing, on the first page, testifying 
 that the book had been presented by the author himself, to the Sig^- Veronica 
 Gambera, So spelt. It is printed on vellum, and contains not twenty, but 
 forty-six cantos, being the first edition of the work, as completed and arranged 
 by Ariosto. I do not believe that I am possessed of the dramas you mention, 
 but, at all events, am not now able to climb in search of them. Quadrio I 
 have, and shall be made happy by your consulting him in my library. 
 
 Believe me, my dear Walker, 
 
 Ever your's, most sincerely. 
 
 And most affectionately, 
 
 CHARLEMONT. 
 
 Dublin, 18th April, 1799. 
 But Lord Charlemont's valuable life now drew rapidly to a close. He 
 had attended constantly in the House of Lords, during the discussion of 
 4he' Union, and the temporary defeat of that measure had given him some 
 transient spirits. But his health declined every hour. His appetite had 
 almost ceased, his limbs swelled, and it was evident to his family, and his 
 friends, that he could not long survive. He was visited in this his last 
 
EARL OF CHAllLEMONT. 417 
 
 illness, by his numerous acquaintance, till bis strength, more and more 
 exhausted, rendered him incapable of seeing but very few. One of the 
 persons whopn, I believe, he last saw, was Baron Metge ;* a gentle- 
 man whom, through life, he highly valued, and who was most cordially 
 attached to him. At last, for some days previous to his dissolution, he 
 sunk into a species of stupor, Consanguineus lethi sopor, to make use 
 of the words of one of the respectable physicians who attended him.«f- He 
 at length expired, at Charlemont House, Dublin, on the 4th of August, 
 1799, and in the seventieth year of his age. It was at first intended that 
 his funeral should be public; but, after some consultation, his remains were 
 conveyed to Armagh, and interred in the family vault, in that ancient 
 Cathedral. Though it was agreed on that the funeral should be strictly 
 private, it was most numerously attended. The burial service was read by 
 the Lord Primate, Archbishop of Armagh. J 
 
 Among his papers is the following : 
 
 MY OWN EPITAPH. 
 
 Here lies the body of 
 
 JAMES, EAUL OF CHARLEMONT. 
 
 A sincere, zealous, and active friend 
 
 To his Country. 
 
 X^t his posterity imitate hira in that alone. 
 
 And forget 
 
 His manifold errors. 
 
 Thus have I endeavoured to present to the reader, the public, and 
 much of the private, history of Lord Charlemont. To write the life of such 
 a man, may be, perhaps, impartially considered, as a matter of some diffi- 
 culty. Though engaged much, and acting the most honourable part in 
 political Hfe, he could not be strictly called a statesman ; though a member 
 
 * Peter Metge, Esq. late^ne ef the Baroi» of the Exchequer in Ireland. 
 f Br. Flonkett. Dr. William Harvey was the family physician, 
 
 X Right Reverend Dr. William Newcome. 
 3l2 
 
418 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 of an ancient, deliberative assembly, he was not an orator; though pos- 
 sessed of the purest taste, and distinguished by many hterary performances^ 
 which do honour to his memory, he cannot, without a violation of historical 
 truth, be entitled to the name of an eminent author ; and though the distin- 
 guished leader of many gallant bands, he will find no place among the con- 
 querors, or desolators of mankind. Nil horum. But he was better than all 
 this. He was, in every sense of the word, an excellent man. Of morals 
 unstained ; of mind, of manners, the most elegant. He was not only such 
 a fine gentleman as Addison has sketched with a happy pencil,* but passed 
 fer beyond the limits of that character. He was, with some allowance for 
 those slight errors which adhere to the best dispositions, a patriot of the justest 
 views, who kept his loyalty and his zeal in the most perfect unison. His sole 
 object seemed to have been the good, and melioration of his country. To 
 a certain degree he obtained that object. He obtained a triumph pver the 
 ancient prejudices, and ancient policy which held the legislature of this country 
 in thraldom. He indeed lived long enough to see that triumph idly, and 
 ungratefully depreciated. But his laurels are not the less glorious. They 
 were certainly all pacific ; and if many a venal statesman, or those who were 
 interested in confusion, secretly lamented that they were so, I am well aware^ 
 that many a reader, also, will consider the pages which record such laurels, as 
 cold, vapid, and uninteresting.. 
 
 Sed magk pugnas, et exactos tyrannos, 
 Densum hutneris, bibit aure vulgus. 
 
 But if ever the rage for war can be satiated, the period on which we have 
 fallen would, I think, abundantly satisfy the most wretched avidity in that 
 respect ; and the change of dethroned, or exiled monarchs, has been so frequent, 
 that these humble Memoirs may have a chance of being read, even from the 
 difference of scene which they present to those who cast their wearied eyes 
 over the desolated continent of Europe. The scene, however, so presented, is 
 not only not exempt from the general agency of human misery, for what 
 place is so ; but it partakes at one period, of those horrors which have given 
 such a pre-eminence in calamity to the present epocha in society; That it did 
 not abound in more, and that at an early period in Lord Charlemont's political 
 
 * See the second volume of the Guardian. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 419 
 
 life, it was not hurried into a contest of a very different nature from that of 
 ] 798, may surely, without any strained eulogy, be attributed to him ; and, 
 it cannot be too often repeated, the moderation and good sense of those 
 who acted with him. For such wise and healing conduct, slightly discoloured 
 as it might be with occasional imperfections, his memory is entitled to just 
 and lasting praise. — With regard to the Catholic question, on which, and as I 
 think, most unhappily. Parliament is yet so divided. Lord Charlemont, in 1 793, 
 voted against the concession of the elective franchise to the Roman Catholics, 
 and it is evident, from his letters in 1795, that he had not then relinqmshed 
 his former sentiments. Some time after, (I know not the precise period) 
 they underwent some change, but, in truth, he never altogether abandoned 
 them. But that he truly loved all his countrymen,* that he always felt for 
 the degraded situation of the Catholics, and early in life wished to change 
 it, cannot be controverted. He rose above ancient prejudice, and the history 
 of former days, when he cultivated such feelings, for the murder of his 
 ancestor^ Lord Charlemont, in l641,'|' was often present to his mind, but 
 it neither obscured his intellect, nor extinguished his benevolence. To 
 punish the living for the misdeeds of those who had been a century and 
 half in their graves, and such misdeeds basely amplified, was, he thought, a 
 policy peculiarly humiliating to the understandings of those who practised it. 
 Such vulgarity of sentiment he could not indulge in. But the liberty and 
 prosperity of his country were his objects ; and as he saw that they could not 
 be obtained bat partially, without a general union of Irishmen, his ruling pas- 
 sion, even in death, not withered, but regulated by long experience, and much 
 reflection, led him to some dereliction of early opinions, and the experiment of 
 a novel policy. 
 
 Lord Charlemont co-operated often, indeed generally, with those who 
 acted as a party, and professed, that they did so ; a party founded on common 
 principles, and those principles congenial to the common interest. A party 
 pursuing such a system, is necessary in our form of government, and is to be 
 applauded. But let us not panegyrize or expect too much. The more ignoble 
 
 * •* How b all your family ?— I mean Ireland j" says Haliday in a letter to his lordship, 
 t Castle Caulfield, the seat of the family, in the county of Armagh, was burnt in that year. 
 
420 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 motives of human action, often intermingle themselves with the pursuits of 
 every party, and how often is a debate brought forward, or a question opposed, 
 for the sole purpose of gratifying the spleen or humour of the day ? Plus 
 ttomacko, quam consilio dedit, may be regarded as the device of too many oppo- 
 sitions, and it is not less ungenerous than unwise, for it not only injures them 
 in the eyes of the public, but eventually proves the source of embarrassing, 
 and most awkward personal molestation, when they come into office, as it 
 furnishes their adversaries with such copious and inconvenient recollections. 
 In truth, to hear some leaders of opposition talk, one would Imagine, that 
 they never meant to come into power ; and when they are in power, so dissi- 
 milar is their language, that they never were once out of it. To all such 
 leaders. Lord Charlemont never belonged. Whatever his accidental, or neces- 
 sary co-operation, his party was only that of his country, and if, in his Par- 
 liamentary conduct, there was any particular defect, it arose merely from that 
 jealousy, which, certainly, not only the constitution abstractedly, but the 
 situation of this country, too often demanded ; a jealousy, however, which, in 
 some few instances, might be said to have extended too far, and without that 
 necessary allowance for human dealings, which our lamentable nature so fre- 
 quently requires. Nothing could be more just or more worthy the attention 
 of Ireland, than the observation of Mr. Fox, in his letter to Lord Charlemont. 
 
 " That country can never prosper, where what should be the ambition 
 of men of honour, is considered as a disgrace." 
 
 It was sadly exemplified in Ireland. Had those who enjoyed, and deserved 
 public confidence, taken office in defiance of popular prejudice, their disin- 
 terestedness might have gradually worn out that prejudice, and by adding public 
 opinion to the weight of their own character, out-balanced mere ministerial 
 authority on many an important topic. That he did not speak in Parliament, 
 or in public. Lord Charlemont always lamented. It is surely not necessary, 
 though some writers have thought it so, to make an apology for that which 
 can require none, and introduce a crowd of splendid names, Addison, Prior, 
 Soame Jenyns, and others, to keep, according to a trite phrase, any senator 
 in countenance, who never delivered his sentiments in Parliament. The 
 talent of public speaking is a peculiar gift, and whatever Lord Chesterfield may 
 say on the subject, though practice will certainly improve such a faculty, nature 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 421 
 
 must bestow it, as much as any other endowment of the mind. In 
 private conversation, Lord Charlemont was above most men. No one 
 could speak with more ease, purity, and perspicuity. But they who imagine 
 that those persons who so excel, would equally excel in public, adopt a very 
 erroneous opinion. G)lloquial powers are, in truth, so totally distinct, that 
 he who is highly gifted with such, and has long exercised them apart from 
 politics, will find it difficult, perhaps impossible, at a certain period of life, 
 to catch the tone and style of public speaking. Even at the academy, 
 where he might have been said to be at home. Lord Charlemont could 
 not deliver anything that had the seuiblance of a speech, or an harangue, 
 without being totally disconcerted. But he was then far from young. Had he, 
 in earlier life, persevered in his efforts as a public speaker, I make no doubt 
 that he would have been an excellent one. That he was alive to every nobler 
 feeling in public life, has been amply shewn. His sensibility, and 
 delicacy of taste, led him to the study of the fine arts, and polite lite- 
 rature in all its branches. Hence his communication with every 
 erudite, or lettered man, at home or abroad. The Marquis MafFei, in 
 Italy, Prince Czartoryski, in Poland, St. Palaye, Nivernois, Montesquieu, 
 and the Comte de Caylus, in France. He had a great respect for some of 
 the Scotch literati ; but I am not enabled to particularize them. The men 
 of science and genius, in England, to whom he was known, have been 
 already mentioned. Of his countrymen who resided altogether in Ireland, 
 Dr. Leland, that excellent scholar,* mentions his Lordship, as his first and 
 early patron, and their intercourse was liberal and frequent ; many others 
 might be adduced, or have been so, in. the course of this work. I believe 
 that few instances occur, of any one so engaged in public life, as for more 
 than forty years he was, who paid such unremitting attention to letters. 
 
 In painting, sculpture, and above all, in architecture, his taste and 
 knowledge were discriminating and profound. Yet his modesty and uni- 
 form desire to assist ingenuous merit, were no ways inferior. The late 
 
 ♦ 
 * He translated the orations of Demosthenes, and wrote the life of Philip of Macedon. At 
 a subsequent period^ he wrote the History of Ireland. Dr. Johnson had a great esteem for liim. 
 He was senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. 
 
422 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 Dr.Quin,* who was himself an excellent judge of the fine arts, used to 
 say, that he had just reason to believe, that Lord Charlemont himself 
 planned the temple at Marino, and resigned the credit of it to Sir William 
 Chambers. There was scarcely a contemporary artist of any merit, whom 
 he did not know; and many of them, in the earlier part of their lives, he 
 patronized. Athenian Stuart, as he was called, he lived in entire intimacy 
 with, as well as with Hogarth. Various are the letters from persons abroad, 
 the Abbe Grant, so well known formerly to the English at Rome, and 
 others, recommending young artists to his attention. He was, in truth, an 
 unostentatious Macenas, and his fortune, it cannot be denied, was con- 
 siderably impaired by his attachment to, and encouragement of, the fine arts. 
 Men of scientific pursuits were also cherished by him ; Sir Joseph fanksf 
 particularly, who was highly valued by, and very dear to him. 
 
 A word or two, and no more, remain to be said relative to the history 
 of Italian poetry. J Of a work so voluminous, and so interwoven with notes 
 and erudite criticism, it would not be easy to give such extracts as could 
 satisfy the reader, and certainly would swell this work beyond all just limits. 
 Of some of the Italian poets Lord Charlemont has given an historical account 
 as accurate as pleasing. But I must confine myself here to some few sonnets, 
 stating, at the same time, that he chiefly regarded a translation as nearly 
 literal as could be attempted. He seems to have been of opinion, that our 
 blank verse was as well adapted to Lyric, as to Epic, or any other kind of 
 poetry. In his translation of several of the odes of Horace, (accompanied 
 indeed with some excellent notes,) the authority of Milton, and his own 
 dislike of rhyme, induced him to attempt a species of measure, which, 
 however faithful to the original, or harmonious some particular^lines may be, 
 is, in truth, neither prose nor poetry. In this respect, I think, the delicacy 
 of his taste rather misled him. But I shall beg leave to present the reader 
 with two or three Sonnets, of his translations, from some of the Italian poets. 
 His accuracy and sensibility are, throughout, conspicuous. In these he has 
 adopted rhyme. 
 
 '^ Dr. Henry Quin, a most eminent physician in Dublin. 
 
 t See the Appendix. 
 
 % See p^e 152. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 423 
 
 SONNET FROM TESTI * 
 
 Al suon di roiei sospiri, e di miei pianti 
 Tu pur, sonno gentil, desto a pletade. 
 Di quella, &c. 
 
 At sound of my complainings, of my sighs. 
 
 To pity roused, even thou, O gentle sleep, 
 
 The form of her, who knows not how to weep, 
 Pitying presentestto my mental eyes. 
 In dreams those matchless charms ray sense enjoys. 
 
 That waking thought can never hope to reap ; 
 
 Thus on my heart, thy flitting shadows heap. 
 Those joys which Impious beauty still denies. 
 But whithei^'st thou ? Ah ! Thy flight restrain ! 
 
 Alas ! this cruel flutfring without cease. 
 From her was learn'd, whose image thou didst feign j 
 
 Yet not from thy deceit ray woes increase j 
 Foolish, and mad am I, who thus sustain. 
 
 On images, and shadows all my peace. 
 
 SONNET FROM LUDOVICO DOLCE.f 
 
 Mentre raccoglie hor' uno, hor' altro fiore, 
 Vicino k un rio di chiare, e lucid' onde, 
 Lidia, &c. 
 
 *Twas on a Streamlet's flow'r-enamell'd side 
 
 Whilst Lydia cuU'd the fragrance of the field, 
 
 Lydia, to whom the prize our beauties yield, 
 Lydia, of every shepherd's heart the pride ! 
 Nestling 'twixt flower and flower by chance she spied. 
 
 Like little snake, the Grod of love conceal'd ; 
 
 In haste her braided treasure she reveal'd. 
 And with a tress the lurking mischief tied. 
 The little God, rous'd from his balmy rest. 
 
 With frequent flutterings struggled to get firee. 
 And shook his pinions, fledg'd with downy gold. 
 
 Till, glancing on that face, by Venus blest, 
 "Tie me," he cry'd j '' bind fast this urchin bold ! 
 
 For ever here my chosen seat shall be." 
 
 * Test! was bom at Ferrara, 1593. 
 't Dolce was bom at Venice, 1508, and died there, 1508. 
 
 3 K 
 
424 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 SONNET FROM GUARINI. 
 
 Qual pellegriD, cui duro esilio afTrena, 
 
 As the poor exile, whom the tyrant's ire 
 
 Has forced to quit his dear, bis native nest> 
 
 By arms surrounded, and with fear oppress'd. 
 In pathless deserts shuns the danger dire. 
 His fear at length o*ercome by fond desire, 
 
 And hope, again lie seeks ttie region blest 
 
 Which gave him birth j but here the fell arrest 
 O'ertakes him, doomed in tortures to expire. 
 
 Thus I, though fortune, and a tyrant maid 
 
 Have driven me far away from that dear face. 
 Whose beauty fed my heart, ambrosial fare ! 
 
 Return to her, still fondly hoping grace. 
 To her, who mark'd me wretched ! Well aware 
 
 My fond desire must be by death repaid. 
 
 FROM PETRARCH, 
 Sonnet 182. 
 
 This Sonnet was probably written during one of those maladies to which, 
 as we may collect from the frequent complaints of her lover, the delicate consti- 
 tution of Laura was but too liable. 
 
 Fra quantunque leggiadre donne, e belle, 
 Gittoge costei, ch'al mondo non ha pare, &c. &c. 
 
 Whene'er amidst the damsels, blooming bright. 
 
 She shews herself, whose like was never made ; 
 
 At her approach all other beauties fade. 
 As at morn's orient glow the gems of night. 
 Love seems to whisper : while to mortal sight. 
 
 Her graces shall on earth be yet display'd. 
 
 Life shall be blest ; Till soon with her decay'd. 
 The virtues, and my reign shall sink outright. 
 Of n con, and sun, should nature rob the sky. 
 
 The air of winds, the earth of herbs and leaves. 
 Mankind of speech, and intellectu 1 eye, 
 
 Thi ocean's bed of fish, and dancing waves, 
 Ev*n so sliall all things dark and lonely lye. 
 
 When of her beauty death the world bereaves. 
 
EARL OF CHARLExMONT. 425 
 
 Ifc may be proper to mention, that Lord Charlemont speaks in the 
 warmest terms of Mr. Boyd's translation of Dante, as " one of the best 
 poetical translations in our language, and which is only prevented from 
 being a real translation, by the constant uniformity of its merit.'* It first 
 induced him to give a version of Dante, of which, as well as of all his 
 translations, he speaks with the most engaging modesty and diffidence.— Of 
 Mr. Roscoe, whom he highly recommends, he adds, " his translations make 
 me blush for mine. Yet I must say, that, excellent as they are, they share in 
 the glorious fault of being too poetical, and the latitude he has allowed 
 himself, rendered this part of his labours, to me at least, not entirely satis- 
 factory, by lessening that resemblance to his originals, which I must 
 persevere in thinking the first object of translation." 
 
 As to his domestic character, without the predominating excellence of 
 which, all the ornaments which literature, or manners can bestow, are of 
 diminished lustre, he was an indulgent father, a tender husband, a gene- 
 rous and kind master, an ardent, sincere friend. To intrude on the private 
 concerns of any family would be indelicate ; but, were it so permitted, 
 his disinterestedness, as a relation, might be shewn in the most favour- 
 able point of view. Sometimes, not frequently, he was irritable, but 
 easily appeased. That irritability shewed itself more in the House of 
 Commons, than any other place whatever. Among the country gentle- 
 men he had numerous friends, and very general influence. To the free- 
 dom of public opinion, he had every respect, but, if some of those 
 gentlemen, as was now and then the case, took a part in debate, or 
 voted in a manner which he had reason to imagine was directed by oblique 
 motives, they were certain, if they met him in the lobby, of encountering 
 a tolerably sharp reprimand. The importance of the House of Commons was, 
 he used to say, in a great measure, sustained by the county members, and when 
 such men relinquished their independence, they relinquished every thinc'. 
 But his anger was not often displayed; and so transient, that it could not 
 be said to derogate from that suavity of manners which so eminently cha- 
 racterized him. From some prejudices, or dislikes, he was not free. Whence 
 it arose, 1 know not, but he had, through life, almost a repugnance to the 
 French. Of his friend, the Due de Ni vernois, he would, after speaking highly 
 
 Sk2 
 
426 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, 
 
 of him, gcneraHy add, " But he is not a Frenchman, he is an Italian." This, 
 however, was the overflowing of mere conversation, and far remote from any 
 illiberality, which could warp his judgment in essential matters, either as to 
 literature or morals. He highly esteemed several of the French nobility, and never 
 mentioned the old, generous Mar^chal de Biron,* without a degree of 
 enthusiasm. In the lighter species of poetry, and memoir writing, he 
 considered the French as excelling all others. But their graver poets were 
 not equally the objects of his admiration. Altogether, their literary character, 
 and the romantic courtesy, and high honour, which in the superior classes 
 were so often blended with that character, peculiarly engaged, and even 
 fascinated his attention. But the general mass of Frenchmen he was not 
 attached to. — His life, when in Dublin, and not engaged by the Volunteers, 
 was extremely uniform. He was on horseback every morning, and after- 
 wards employed in various business till about one o'clock ; at that time, 
 or soon after, he went to his library, and remained there till almost dinner 
 time. His friends had then constant access to him ; and, considering the 
 frequent interruption of visitors, it is a matter of some surprize, that he 
 was enabled to write so much as he did. But it is a proof that not one 
 moment of his time was unemployed. When Parliament was sitting, he 
 regularly attended his duty there ; and as the Lords, if not detained by 
 particularly important business, rose rather early, he was to be met every 
 day in the House of Commons, where, from long usage, he was almost 
 regarded as a member. Those who have sat next to him, during a debate, 
 tannot forget the vivacity and justness of his remarks, on the different 
 speakers. As president of the academy, he equally attended their meetings, 
 and when his health was interrupted, the academy, from their respect to 
 
 * Louis de Gontaut, Marechal Due de Biron, and for more than forty years Colonel of the 
 French guards, to whom he was particularly dear, from the generosity and heroism of his manners. 
 The memory of the Marshal should be ever respected by the English, for he always received such 
 as were properly presented to him, with a courteous and magnificent hospitality. His kindness 
 and munificence to Lord Rodney, must always be remembered. He and his contemporary, the 
 Marechal de Brissac, seemed, as military men, to be of the school of Francis the First. They 
 would have gathered round him at the battle of Pavia, and never deserted him. The Marshal de 
 BircB died at Paris, October, 1788, in the 89tb year of bis age. 
 
EARL OF CHARLEMONT. 4^7 
 
 him, adjourned their sittings to Charlemont House. At home, and in the 
 bosom of his family, he enjoyed domestic societj% with tranquil, unruffled 
 satisfaction and pleasure. From continued study during part of his life, 
 his eyes had suffered irreparable injury, and, on that account, some one 
 of his family constantly read to him every evening which was not given 
 to mixed company. 
 
 As to his person, Lord Charlemont was of the middle size, or rather 
 above it; but he stooped considerably, especially towards the latter part 
 of his life; the effect, I believe, of ill health. When he appeared with his 
 blue ribband, and in full dress at the levee, his air and deportment were 
 exactly those of a Foreign Ambassador of the highest rank. His eyebrows 
 were large and black. His features, when a young man, to judge of him 
 from one or two portraits, were of a softened and delicate cast; but pain 
 and indisposition soon perform the work of age, and even before he reached 
 middle life, liad materially changed them. They became expanded, strong, 
 and more expressive than handsome. When he spoke, or addressed any one, 
 the amenity of his mind was diffused over his countenance, and rendered it 
 peculiarly engaging. 
 
 The completion of the Union, Lord Charlemont did not live to see ; and, 
 had he lived, his sentiments, it is more than probable, would, on that head, 
 have remained unchanged. A love of England, as well as his own country, 
 influenced him in that respect, for few were more attached to our sister king- 
 dom than he was. Whether, as to the Union, he was right or wrong, time 
 alone, not the present hour, must determine. Many a novel scene, and many 
 a change, must take place, before the durability of this new legislative fabric 
 can be said to be fairly tried. Would that the mode, by which that fabric ^ 
 was raised, could be for ever effaced from the memory ! but as that cannot 
 be let us endeavour to hope the best. Let us, in many instances, aspire to 
 a higher policy than has hitherto fallen to the lot, or the wisdom of 
 both countries to pursue ; that policy which alone merits such an epithet, 
 the melioration of the condition of our peasantry, the eternal exile 
 of all proscribing systems from this country ; the Union, not of legislatures 
 merely, which would be found only in the statute book, but of hearts, 
 of men, of Britons, of Irishmen, under whatever denomination, or civil, or 
 
428 MEMOIRS OF JAMES, EARL OF CH ARLEMONT, 
 
 religious, they may be now distinguished. So acting, the spirit of that 
 good man, whose memory I have endeavoured, though with no cunning 
 hand, to embalm, may be said to walk abroad, and live among us still ; 
 so acting, we shall prosper ; so shall " pale invasion come with half a heart,'* 
 and the well-ordered motto of the knighthood of St. Patrick, extend beyond 
 the shield of that chivalry, and for ever encircle both countries. Quis septirabit ? 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. 1, — ^p. 30. 
 
 The Titles of James, last Duke of Ormonde. He died, in exile, at Avignon, in France, 1^45 : 
 The most noble and illustrious Prince, James, Duke of Ormonde, Earl of Brecknock, and Barcm of 
 Lanthony, and Moore Park in England ; Duke, Marquis, and Earl of Ormonde, Earl of Ossory, 
 Viscount Thurles, Baron of Dingle, and Arklov, in Ireland ; Lord of the regalities and liberties, 
 and Governor of the county Palatine of Tipperary, and of the city, town, and county of Kilkenny j 
 Honorary Chief Butler of Ireland, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, and Constable of Dover Castle ; 
 Lord Lieutenant of the county of Somerset, Lord Lieutenant, and Custos Rotulorum of the county t^ 
 Norfolk ; High Steward of the Cities of Exeter, Bristol, and Westminster j Chancellor of the Univer- 
 sities of Oxford and of Dublin j Colonel of the First Regiment of Foot Guards j Captain General, 
 and Commander in Chief of all her Majesty's forces by sea and land } one of her Majesty's most 
 honourable Privy Council in England, and in Ireland ; Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, 
 and Lord Lieutenant General^ and General Governor of the kingdom of Ireland. 
 
 No. 2, — p. 84. 
 
 It may not, perhaps, be unacceptable to explain the origin of this, and similar titles still existing 
 in Ireland. Maurice Fitzgerald was, in 1329, created Earl of Desnumd, with a royal jurisdiction, or 
 Palatinate in the same, by patent, dated at Gloucester, 27th August, 3d Edward III. Count IVdatine 
 were termed Palatini, sive comites Palatii, as being principal officers or counsellors in the emperor's 
 palace. The title did not become common till about the time of Charleoaagne. King Henry II. 
 erected three Palatinates in Ireland. King Edward III. granted the Palatinate of Ormonde to the Earl 
 of Ormonde, which continued in that family to the reign of George the Ist, when it was put down by 
 act of Parliament, and was the last granted in Ireland. Every Count Palatine had a royal jurisdiction, 
 androyal se^nory. In right of the first, he had the same courts and officers as the King, who had no 
 jurisdiction in his liberty, none of the King's writs being of force therein, except writs of error, or 
 appeals, which were generally excepted in their charters. By his royal seignory, the Palatine had 
 loyal services, and royal escheats.} by the firstiiecould maketenures In. capi/«, and create barons. Thus, 
 
430 APPENDIX. 
 
 the Palatines of Chester created the Barons of Haulton, Malpas, &c. The Palatines of Meath, in 
 Ireland, had their Barons of Navan and Galtrim. The Palatines ofKildare, those of Narrow and 
 Rhebane. The Earls of Ormonde created the Barons of Loghmoe and Burnt Church. The Earls of 
 Desmond had their Barons of Ballykealy, the Baron of the Island, and also, their Knights of Kerry, 
 Knights of the Glen, of the Valley, &c.* No wonder if such enormous power was abused, and con- 
 tributed so often to the ruin of those who possessed it. Dr. Sullivan justly remarks, that it was the cause, 
 among other things, of the slowness of the settlement of Ireland. 
 
 No. 3,— p. 185. 
 
 What might have been the consequences at that time, of Ireland acting in the manner Mr. Burke 
 suggests, or, in other words opposing the American war, (supposing such an opposition) it is not easy to 
 say. Could such an interference have been effectual, it would have, perhaps, pretented a lamentable 
 waste of blood and treasure, and, possibly, for some time longer, have kept together the mother country 
 and her colonies. Such a connexion, however, would not have been permanent. The dread of such 
 an interposition on the part of Ireland, or the possibility of our differing from England, at some period 
 or other, was unquestionably one of the principal arguments made use of at the time of the Union. It 
 may not be superfluous to state, what was partly said in the Irish House of Commons, on the subject of 
 the proposition, that any person had an equal right with the Prince of Wales to the regency. It never 
 became a matter of direct debate there, but was constantly alluded to, during the regency question. It 
 was said that, considering the possible effects of such a resolution, it was well for both countries, that 
 their Parliaments stood as they did ; for their mutual independence might act as a mutual check on the 
 possible intemperance of either j and had there been any protracted controul of the Prince of Wales, the 
 independenceof the Irish Parliament might shelter the people of England from the effects of party 
 ambition, for no minister would continue to act upon that resolution, with the certainty of direct oppo< 
 sition to him on the part of the Parliament of Ireland. That, therefore, the independence of the two 
 Parliaments constituted, if the phrase might be allowed, a sort of fourth estate, which would not 
 suffer the possible occasional misconduct of either, and was, in fact, the best preservative of the con* 
 nexion between the two countries. All this may, by those who are in the habit of disregarding Ire- 
 land, be considered as visionary, and the idea of any controul at any time, from the Parliament of this 
 country, laughed at as extravagant. Certainly, their general proceedings encouraged no such specu- 
 lations; but I can with truth assert, that this mode of reasoning was approved of by Mr. Burke, 
 nay, assented to, in private, by Mr. Fitzgibbon ; and to the acquiescence of those two eminent men, 
 may be added the following historical document. It is now, I believe, very generally admitted, that 
 the ministers, during the last four years of Queen Anne, were resolved, if possible, to bring back the 
 son of James the Second, and place him on the throne of these kingdoms. From Ireland they expect«d 
 
 * See Smith's history of Kerry. 
 
APPENDIX. 431 
 
 every thing, but the Parliament of Ireland opposed them. Lord Middleton, a party man certainly, 
 but a most able and upright senator, and inagistrate, (he wa> Chancellor) writes in this manner qf the 
 Parliamentary Proceedings in Dublin at that time : " What effect that Session of Parliament had on 
 the English councils, was visible in the succeeding Session of the British Parliament ; at which time, 
 it was generally believed, the court intended to have brought in a bill to empower the queen to have 
 appointed her successor, but the vigorous proceedings of the Irish Parliament, in favour of the Protes- 
 tant succession, cast such a damp on their proceedings,*'* &c. In short, they abandoned the scheme. 
 Such was the opinion of Lord Middleton, with regard to the superior efficacy, which particular 
 conjunctures might give to the Parliament of Ireland. Let it be remembered too, that this opinion 
 was given, not in the heat of party, or debate, but in a private letter, long after the event, to a parti- 
 cular friend, and never, I presume, intended to meet the eye of the public. If such, therefore, was 
 the power of the Irish Parliament, according to Lord Middleton, at •S*^ 'v^>nning of the last century, 
 when it was as nothing, compared to the Parliament in 1789, it will not be said, that too fond an 
 opinion of its powers was entertained by Lord Charlemont or his friends. Such questions are indeed 
 now at rest, and, if statesmen act fairly, so much the better. But let not their obliquity 
 be adroitly metamorphosed into turbulence, or disaffection, on the part of those who may oppose them. 
 
 No. 4, — p. 205. 
 
 SIR JOSHUA REYNOLDS, 
 Regiae Academiae preses, 
 Piclorum sui saeculi 
 Facile princeps. 
 Suspendit picta vultum, mentemque tabclla. 
 
 The head nf the rising English school. 
 
 Who formed his pupils, 
 
 Not only by his example^ 
 
 But by his precepts. 
 
 Nor yet content with excelling all men 
 
 In this his favourite science. 
 
 He surpassed in all the qualities 
 
 Which depend on the genius, or the heart. 
 
 And richly endowed with every accomplishment, 
 
 * See the Middleton Papers, in the Orford Memoirs, 
 
 3 L 
 
432 APPENDIX. 
 
 With everjr grice, 
 And with every virtuey 
 In all his numerous^ and various Virorks, 
 ^ He never pourtrayed a more amiable. 
 
 Nor a better man 
 Hian himself. 
 
 « Would you not deem it breath'd, and that those veins 
 " Did verily bear blood ?" 
 
 Liquidis ille coloribus 
 
 Solers nunc bominem, ponere nunc deum. 
 
 No. 5,— p. 328. 
 
 ascription under the bust of the Marquis of Rockingham, by Lord Charlemont, and referred tu 
 in the letters of the Marchioness and Mr. Burke. 
 
 The most noble, Charles Watson Wentworth, 
 Marquis of Rockingham. 
 On whose Character, 
 A consciousness of partiality would prevent my expatiating. 
 If I were not confident 
 That the utmost ardor of friendship may be necessary 
 To give warmth to a delineation. 
 Which, even thus inspired, must fall far short of his merits. 
 Genuine patriotism, unshaken fortitude. 
 And immaculate honour. 
 Dignified his public conduct. 
 While his private life 
 Was marked, adorned, and sweetened 
 By every elegance of taste. 
 By all the tender endearments of friendship. 
 And by the constant practice of every social duty. 
 A Patron of all the Arts, useful and omameotal. 
 
 His Perspicuity discovered. 
 His Influence protected, his Liberality encouraged, 
 His Courtesy distinguished, and animated 
 Innumerable Votaries to true Genius, 
 Whose Modest Merit might otherwise have been concealed, 
 
APPENDIX. 433 
 
 And lost to tbeir Ck>anti7. 
 
 As a Minister, 
 
 History will best speak his Praise. 
 
 He rescued the Dominions committed to bis charge. 
 
 From the rage of Faction, 
 
 And the Destructive tendency of Unconstitutional Principles j 
 
 In bis first Administration, 
 
 His Conciliatory Endeavours were effectual 
 
 To the Restoration of Harmony 
 Between Great Britain and her C!olonies, 
 Which Blessing was, however, quickly forfeited 
 By a fatal change of men and measures. 
 Public Necessity, 
 And the Voice of the People, 
 Again called him to the helm of the sinking State, 
 Which, though now reduced to the last extremity. 
 By weak and evil governance. 
 Was saved from impending destruction. 
 
 By his persevering skill and courage. 
 The most jarring and discordant spirits 
 Were harmonized, and kept together. 
 By the love of his Person, the reverence for bis Character, 
 And the universal confidence in his honesty. 
 Upon him, as the great centre of attraction. 
 The confidence, and consequent safety of the whole depended. 
 He found the Empire involved in the fatal consequences 
 Of short-sighted, arbitrary, and tyrannic Policy, 
 When, following the dictates of wisdom, 
 And of justice. 
 He gave Peace and Security to his Native Land, 
 Liberty to America, ^ 
 
 And coinciding with the unparalleled efforts ^ 
 
 Of her virtuous Sons, 
 Restored her rights to Irelaiid. 
 As his Life was the support. 
 His death had nearly been the ruin 
 Of the British Empire, 
 As if his lamenting Country 
 Had been loth to survive her darling Soa, 
 Her friend, her benefactor, hf r pr^erv6r« 
 M.S. P. 
 CHARLEMONT. 
 3 L S 
 
434 APPENDIX. 
 
 There are many parts of the above Instription, which are touched with equal truth, elegance, 
 and delicacy. But I wish that Lord Charlediont, who so well understood, and relished some of the 
 Greek Epigrams, or Inscriptions, had adopted their exquisite, chaste, and beautiful simplicity, and 
 brevity, rather than the style which he has chosen j which, if more compressed, would, in my 
 opinion^ have been more impressive. It is, in some parts, too diffuse. 
 
 Directly under the bust. 
 
 This striking resemblance of her departed Lord, 
 Perpetual source of her grief, and pride ! 
 
 Was the precious gift 
 Of Mary. Mar<rhinness of Rockingham, 
 Under whose painful inspection. 
 And pious care, 
 Bxerted in behalf of his ever-lamenting friend. 
 And by the help of whose faithful memory. 
 The model was made. 
 1788. 
 
 ■ fcw fc « — ^^^ 
 
 No. 6,— p. 357. 
 
 Extract from the Secretary of State {Mr. Hutchinson's) Speech, in 1793. 
 
 " But what was the history of the representation in this country ? He could inform gentlemen 
 with some accuracy, having thought it his duty, when he took a more active part in public business, 
 to extract from all the borough charters, at the Rolls Office, their material contents. The number of 
 representatives in the thirty-fourth year of Henry VIII. was one hundred ; to this number Mary and 
 Elizabeth added about forty-eight, but of these were nineteen counties, of which Elizabeth had 
 established seventeen, a mode of representation worthy the character of that great princess. In the 
 first Parliament of James I. held in l6l3, the members of the House of Commons were 232 ; the 
 last creation of a borough was by Queen Anne, who created one only. For the difference between 
 the number of representatives at the accession of James, and the present number of 300, the House 
 4Df Stuart is responsible. One half of the representatives were made by them, and made by the exer- 
 tion of prerogative ; of those James made 40 at one stroke ; most of them at the eve of a Parliament, 
 and some after the writs of summons bad issued. The Commons in that parliament expressed their 
 doubts whether those boroughs had the power of returning members to sit in Parliament, and 
 
APPENDIX, 415 
 
 reserved that subject for future consideration. Complaints were made to James of those grants, but 
 what was his answer » * I have made 40 boroughs ; suppose I had made 400— the more the merrier.' 
 Charles I. followed the example of his father in exercising this prerogative, but not to so great an extent : 
 Complaints were also made to him, and he gave assurances that the new corporations shouKl be 
 reviewed by Parliament. The grants made by these two monarchs appear, by the histories and corres- 
 j5ondences of those times, to have been for the purpose of giving the Protestants a Majority over the 
 Roman Catholics. The grants by Charles U Jamfes II. and Queen Anne, proceeded from motives of 
 personal favour; thus it would appear, if the facts were investigated, that one half of the representation 
 of Ireland had arisen from the exertions of prerogative, influenced by occasional motives, disputes among 
 religionists, and inducements of personal favour, but had not been derived from any of those sources 
 which had produced the English Constitution. Had he the honour of being a member of the British 
 House of Commons, he would never touch the venerable fabric of their representation } but in this 
 kingdom, the part of the representation unlversaHjrwnmpla-ned of, had originated in part^ or private 
 motives, and he did not believe there was one prescriptive borough in the whole kingdom. He believed 
 some boroughs were called so, but he believed unjustly, eleven of the grants which had been 
 mentioned, did ndt appear at the Rolls Office, but most of these were modern in the time of the 
 House of Stuart." 
 
 No.7,— p 379. 
 
 Lord Camden. Under a print of his Lordship is the following Inscription by Lor<I Charlemont. 
 
 Charles, Earl Camden ; 
 Whose Character it is unnecessary to delineate. 
 
 His name alone being sufficient 
 
 To raise every sentiment of love, and veneration. 
 
 In the minds of all who know him ; 
 
 And unfortunate are they 
 
 Who know him not. 
 
 Endowed with the most eminent abilities. 
 
 They have ever been employed in the cause of justice. 
 
 In the support of liberty. 
 
 And in the service of his Country. 
 
 And such are his virtues, public and private. 
 
 That he would have been conspicuous. 
 
 And illustrious. 
 
 Even in the most virtuous age. 
 
 What mu»t he then be 
 
 In the present times ? 
 
436 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. 8,— p. 422. 
 
 SIR JOSEPH BANKS, 
 
 President of the Royal Society, 
 
 By whom this Print, 
 
 A private one. 
 
 Unpublished, 
 
 Was kindly presented to me. 
 
 His old friend and acquaintance. 
 
 Eager in the search of knowledge. 
 
 Though blessed with all the gifts of fortune. 
 
 He left his native home ; 
 
 And defying the dangers, and hardships of a voyage round the terraqueous globe. 
 
 He returned to enrich his country. 
 
 With the discovery of new regions, and new men ; 
 
 And with an improvement to natural history. 
 
 His favourite study. 
 
 Which adds splendor to the present enlightened age. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 flu^" By mistcJie there are duplicaie folios from 3ig to 328 inclusive. — The articles contained 
 in the second series are distinguished by an Asterisk. 
 
 A. 
 
 Andrews, Right hon. FraDcis, account and cha- 
 racter of, 75. 77. &c. 84. 158. 
 
 Albani, Cardinal, 28. 
 
 Annaly, Lord, John Gore, 81. 134. 
 
 Absentee tax, in Ireland, I JO, &c. 
 
 Auckland, Lord, Right Hon. William Eden, 
 202. 
 
 Abingdon, Earl of, 223. 
 
 Academy, Royal Irish, establishment of, 286. 
 
 Aylesbury, Earl of, 109. 
 
 Antoinette Marie, late queen of France, 92. 
 
 Albematie, Earl of, 38. 
 
 B. 
 
 Bowes, Right Hon. John, Lord Chancellor of 
 
 Ireland, 85. 101. 
 Baretti, Joseph, 93. Letters from, to Lord Char- 
 
 lemont, 153, &c. 
 Browulow, Right Hon. William, 83. Conven- 
 tion, passim, 25Q. 258. 264. 277» ^o\.e. 280. 
 
 Death and character of, 369. 
 Barry, Madame de. 9I. 
 Bolton, Lord, Right Hon. Thomas Orde, 283. 
 Burke, Edmund, 70 109. 145. 206. Letters from, to 
 
 Lord Charlemont, 233. 261. 289. 317 to 322. 
 
 328. 335. Slight account of, 343, &c. 
 Burke, Mr. his son, 335. 
 Beauclerk, Topham, some account of, IO9. Much 
 
 attached to Lord Charlemont, 1 Gj. Corresponds 
 
 with him, 168. 176. Death of, 204. 
 Reauclerk, Lady Diana, 177> note- 
 Kurgh, Right Hon. Walter Hussey, Ix>rd Chief 
 
 Baron of the Exchequer, character of, 1 40, &c. 
 
 Two hundred verses by, when in Trinity college, 
 
 286. 
 Burton, Francis, afterwards Lord Conyngham, 10. 
 
 12. 20. 
 Boyle, Henry, afterwards Earl of Shannon, 41. 45. 
 
 Death of, and character, 104. 
 Biron, Duke de, afterwards Marechal^ 38. 
 
 Boulter, Primate of Ireland, 39. 
 
 Benedict, 1 4th, Lambertine, 30. 90. 
 
 Bedford, John Duke of. Lord Lieutenant of 
 
 Ireland, 53, 54, 55. SQ. 77. 
 Buckingham, Marquis of. — See Temple, Earl. 
 Buckinghamshire, John Hobart, Earl of. Lord 
 
 Lieutenant (^ Ireland, 187. Recalled, 202. 
 Barton, Mr. 6. 
 
 Blackstock, the Scotch blind poet, 9. 
 Blacquiere, Sir John, now Lord de Blacquiere, 162. 
 Not inimical to Ireland, l64. Favours the 
 Absentee Tax, 173. 
 Burgoyne, Right Hon. John, Commander in Chief 
 in Ireland, wise conduct of, towards the 
 volunteers, 241. Mr. Fox's letter to, 279, 
 note. 
 Barry, (Mr. Barry) afterwards Lord Farn^am, 190. 
 Boswell, James, 14. Esteemed by Lord Charle- 
 mont, 205. 
 Bristol, Frederick, Earl of, and Bishop of Derry, 
 in Ireland, elected a manber of the Volunteer 
 convention, 262. An account of, ibid. Alterca* 
 tion between him and Lord Charlemont, at the 
 convention, 268. 
 Buckinghamsbire,Robert,Earl of,306. — See Hobart. 
 Buckingham, Mary, Marchioness of, 306. 
 Bristol, George, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant of Ire- 
 land, but never came, 125. 
 Bellamont, Charles, Earl of, character of, 137. 
 Bolingbroke, Lord, 46. 5Q. 311, note. 
 Browne, Arthur, late Prime Serjeant, and F. T.C D- 
 
 281, 304. 
 Bruhl, Count, 6, note. 
 Burlington, Earl of, 314. 
 Bute, Earl of, 65. 113. 
 Baldwin, Dr. Provost of Trinity College, 75. 
 Boissiere, La, a printer, epigram on, 333. 
 Bingham, Sir Charles, late Lord Lucan, 179. 
 
 Chatham, Earl of, \1i. 
 
43« 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Cox, Sir Richard, short character of, 74. 
 
 ( arte, Mr. 4, note. 
 
 Coalition ministry, 28. 
 
 Convention ot Volunteers in Dublin, 256. 
 
 Clanricaide, Earl of, 196. 
 
 Connolly, Right Hon.Thos.200. 305. 354.357. 367. 
 
 Connolly, Lady Louisa, 367, note. 
 
 Carlisle, Frederick, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland, 202. 207.211. 213. 
 
 Curran. Right Hon. John, 281. 304, 
 
 Chesterfield, Earl of. 76, 115. 
 
 Cumberland, William, Duke of, 7- 
 
 Campbell, Lord Frederic, ?48. 324, note. 
 
 Catholics of Ireland, 65, 66, &:e. I89, jpO, &c. 
 343. Circular letter from, 346. 
 
 Carleion, Hugh, Lord, 253. 
 
 Conway, Right Hon. Henry Colonel, afterwards 
 Marshal, 50 81. 120. 
 
 Chandler, Dr. 106. 
 
 Carhanipton, Simon, Earl of, Character of, 135. 
 
 Clonmell, John, Earl of, Character of, 138. See 
 Scott. 
 
 Chambers, Sir William, 27. 
 
 Cav endish. Lord John, 50. 282. 
 
 Carpenter, Lord, 6. 
 
 Clart-iidon, Henry, Earl of, 146. 
 
 Camden, John, Earl, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 
 373. Vi.sits Lord Charlemont, 382. 
 
 Cornwallis, Charles, Marquis, Lord Lieutenant ot 
 Ireland, 405. 
 
 Castlereagh, R(,ibert .Viscount, 401. 
 
 Caultield, Family of, 1. 
 
 Caultield, Sir Toby, tirst Lord Charlemont, 1. 
 
 Caulfield, Francis, 184. 
 
 Caultield, Lord, present Earl of Charlemont, 396. 
 
 Charlemont, Countessof, 1 15. 134. — SeeHickman. 
 
 Charlemont, W. First Viscount of, called the good 
 Lord Charlemont, 0. 
 
 Charlemont, James, Earl of, his birth, 6. Never 
 at a public school, ib. His tutors, ib. Goes 
 abroad, ib. Proceeds to Turin, and enters the 
 Academy there, 7. Prince Royal, very kind 
 to him, ib. Meets David Hume, and hit 
 accouivt of, ib. Leaves Turin for Bologna and 
 Rome, 10. Goes to Constai linople, ib. To 
 Messina, nnd hisuccoiint ot the plague there, 12. 
 Arrive.s at Mnlta, 14. Visits same of the 
 Greek Islands, the Troade, and goes to Egypt, 
 
 17. Visits Lesbos, ib. At Rhodes, and exa- 
 mines part of the t\)ast of Ciiria, ib. Arrives 
 at Athens, visits ihe Morea, Thebes, and Aulis, 
 
 18. Encounl>"rs a furious storm on his voyage 
 from Rhodes to Malta, where he anivts a 
 .second tiaie, 23. Accouiit of, ib. Returns 
 
 to Italy, 26. Is, by the desire of the Prince 
 Royal, present at his Royal Highnesses marriage 
 at Turin, ib. Distinguished at Verona, by 
 MafJei, 27. Returns to Rome, ib. His mode 
 of life there j patronizes Sir William Chambers, 
 and several young men of talents, 28. Iniimate 
 with the Lords Cavendish, ard Marquis of 
 Rockingham, 29. Due de Nivernois, attached 
 to him, ib. Much noticed by Pope Benedict 
 14th, 30. Re-visits Turin, and touches at 
 Barcelona, 30. Visits Montesquieu, and l»ng 
 account of by him, 31, kc. Goes to Paris, 35. 
 Frequents Lord Albemarle's, 38. Meets Count 
 Poniatowski, the late King of Poland, there, ib. 
 Returns to London, and re-visits Ireland, 39.. 
 Lord Chancellor Joceiyn's panegyric of him, 
 43. Has few acquaintances in Ireland, 44. 
 Is mediator between, and unites Primate Stone 
 and Mr. Boyle, 47. Intimate with the Marquis 
 of Hartington, Lord Lieutenant, and Colonel 
 Conway, his Secretar}', 50. Solicits nothing for 
 himself, or bis connexions, ib. Indignant at 
 the conduct of some of the Parliamentary leaders 
 of 1753, and resolves ta continue an inde- 
 pendent nobleman, 51. Wishes to bring an 
 appeal before the Irish House of Lords, but 
 abandons the idea, 52. On Cordial terms 
 with the Duke of Bedford, but dislikes Rigby 
 and Stone, 54. Goes to B 'Ifast, and Carrick- 
 fergus, on the French landing there, 58. His 
 account of the armed peasantry of the North 
 at that time, ib. His kindness to Flobert, ib. 
 A friend to Gerard Hamilton, 61. Introduces 
 Burke to him, ib. In London, when the Earl 
 of Halifax was appointed Lord Lieutenant, ib. 
 Supports the Irish Peeresses, ib. Visits lx)rd 
 Halifax and Lord Kgmont on that business, and 
 succeeds, 64. His opinion of the Catholie 
 question, which was agitated in Lord Halifax's 
 administration, 65. Great intimate of F'lood, 80. 
 His account of the insurgents in Lord Halifax's 
 time, 87. Visits the Due de Nivernois in 
 London, 93. Lives much with the opposition 
 in London, ib. Aiid Sir J. Reynolds, and Dr. 
 Johnson, ib. Patronizes Hogarth, ib. Ac- 
 quainted with Stevenson Hall, ib. His account 
 of the insurgents in the North, 95. Goes there, 
 g6. And contributes to the restoration of quiet, 
 99. Waits on the Earl of Northumberland, 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 100. Is, by order 
 of the King, offered an EarKiom, ib. Accepts 
 it with some stipulations, ib. Votes against 
 the Address for the peace, and protests against 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 439 
 
 it> 181. His interview with Lord Chancellor 
 Bowes, relative to bis pateat as £arl, ib. Goes 
 to London, 105. Chairman of the Consmitteeof 
 the Dilettanti, which patronized and regulated 
 Doctor Chandler's Travels through Asia, &c. 
 lOQ. Account of them, ib. Had a house 
 always in London till 1773, 108. Great 
 friendship between several English Lords and 
 .him, 109. Much attached to the Earl of 
 Aylesbury, and particularly so to the Marquis 
 of Rockingham, ib. Deeply affected by the 
 death of Lord Powerscourt, 110. Interview in 
 London with Lord Northumberland, 112. 
 Meets, as well as Lady Charlemont, great 
 civilities from the Earl and Countess of Nor- 
 thumberland, 115. Goes again to London, ib. 
 Dines with Lord Rockingham, and anecdote of 
 what passed there, 11 6. Acquainted with Ge- 
 neral Charles Lee, who writes to him from War- 
 saw, 117. Meets Dr. Hume in LmidoD, and ac- 
 count of him, 120. At first disposed to support 
 Ix»rd Towi>skend, 125. Dines with some parlia- 
 mentary leaders in Dublin, the day om which the 
 Octennial bill was returned, and anecdote of that 
 day, 131. R^oiced at the success of that bill, 
 133. Prevails on the Lords to have it read 
 thrice on the same day, ib. His reflections on 
 the success of that measure, 134. Married, ib. 
 His fi-iendship for Mr. Daly remains unaltered, 
 145. Heads, with Mr. Flood, the independent 
 party against Lord Townshend, 149. Active 
 against that administration, 150. Interview 
 with Mr. Ponsonby, ib. Attends to Itali«i 
 Literature, 153. Corresponds with Horace 
 Walpole, 156. Opinion of Lucas, as a phy- 
 sician, 158. Always attached to him, mast have 
 been pleased with Lord Harcourt's manners, but 
 stood aloof from his administration, 165. 
 Builds his house in Rutland Square, ib. His 
 architectural taste, ib. And Marino, ib. Opi- 
 nion of the necessity of residence in Ireland, 
 166. Corresponds with Mr. Beauclerk, 167. 
 Favourable at first to the absentee tax, 170. 
 Not afterwards, I74. Chagrined at Mr. Flood's | 
 taking the Vice Treasurersbip of Ireland, 183. 
 His brother, Mr.F. Caulfield, lost between Park- 
 gate and Dublin, 184. Under his, (Lord Cbar- 
 lemont's) auspices, Mr. Grattan first returned 
 to Parliament, ib. Receives Mr. Arthur Young 
 in Dublin, 185. Sees Mr. Fox in Dublin, 
 I8g. His account of a Bill which he patro- 
 nized in the Lords, as a small relief to the 
 Catholics, 190. His history blended whh that 
 
 3 M 
 
 of the Volunteers, 193. The most active 
 park of his life commences, I96. Corresponds 
 with Lord Rockingham, as to the distresses of 
 Ireland, 199. Active as to the extension of the 
 commerce of Ireland, 201. Supports particu- 
 larly, a declaration of rights, in favour of Ire- 
 land, ib. Commences his acquaintance with Dr. 
 Haliday, 203. Writes to that gentleman, 204. 
 In London, 205. Dines with Sir Joshua Rey- 
 nolds, ib. An incident on that day referred to 
 in Boswell's life of Johnson, ib His opinion 
 ef that life, 206. And of Johnson and Bos- 
 well, ib. Reviews the volunteers, ib. Waits 
 on the Lord Lieutenant, (Lord Carlisle) in con- 
 sequence of a rumour of a French invasion, 207. 
 Sets out for Armagh, ib. Gallant spirit of his 
 corps there, ib. And of the volunteers through- 
 out Ireland, 208. Returns to Marino, and 
 literary studies, ib. Patronizes Mr. Preston, and 
 sends copies (^ his works to London, 209. 
 Moves the thanks of the Lords to the volun- 
 teers, 210. Draws a flattering augury from the 
 conduct of the House of Commons, 21 1 . Arri- 
 val of the Duke of Po tland in Dublin, highly 
 agreeable to him, 213. Correspoodeoce be- 
 tween Lord Rockingham, Mr. Fox, and him, ib. 
 et subseq. Sees the Duke of Portland on the 
 1 6th of April, 221. Matters uncertain, ib. 
 Cleared up to the joy of the nation, 222. But 
 clouds soon gathered, ib. Writes letters to 
 Volunteer corps, who were dissatisfied, 225. 
 Most anxious for the recruitiog service of the 
 navy, 228. Attends, and is chairman of a 
 meeting in Dublin, for that purpose, ib. 
 Corresponds with Lord Rockingham, ai^ Mr. 
 Burke, 229, et sub. Afflicted at the death of 
 Lord Rockiitgham, 234. Writes to Haliday 
 about the grant of 50,000/. to Mr. Grattan, 237, 
 238. Fencible scheme submitted to him ; disap- 
 proved of by him, 239- Endeavours to dissuade 
 the Duke of Portland from it, and especially his 
 courteous demeanor towards the volunteers, 24 1 . 
 Great civilities paid to him by the King's troops, 
 ib. Declines all place or emolument, 242. 
 Writes to Earl Temple, in consequence of 
 that Nobleman's letter to him, ib. Waits on Lord 
 Temple, relative to the order of St. Patrick, 
 from whom he receives a letter on that subject, 
 
 245. Accepts the blue ribband of that order, 
 
 246. Attends to the Volunteers at the instal- 
 lation, 247. Correspondence between him and 
 Horace Walpole, relative to Portraits of the 
 Knights of St Patrick, 248, &c. Attends Lord 
 
 / 
 
 A 
 
 ^/ 
 
440 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Temple, on his departure from Dublin, with 
 the Volunteers, 25 1 . Paid attention to by the 
 Earl of Northington, 232. Made a Privy Coun- 
 cellor of Ireland, with Mr. Grattan, 253. 
 Cordially esteems Mr. Windham, 254. Elect- 
 ed President of the Volunteer convention, 263. 
 The reasons for accepting that situation, 264. 
 Account of that extraordinary meeting, from 
 its Election to its dissolution, 256 to 273. 
 Reflections on it, ib. Coldly received by Lord 
 Northington, 280. Elected president of the 
 Royal Irish Academy, 185. Writes an essay on 
 the antiquity of the Woollen Manufacture in 
 Ireland, 287. Corresponds with Haliday, 288. 
 Meets Mr. now Sir Philip Francis, in Dublin, 289. 
 Goes to Armagh to quell some Insurgents, 294. 
 Engages in the business of the regency, 297. 
 Account of that momentous business from, 295 
 to 306. Attends the Academy, and contributes 
 to its productions, 308. Establishes the Whig 
 Club in Dublin, 309. Account of that Institu- 
 tion from, 309 to 316. Hears frequently from 
 Mr. Burke, 317, &c. Sees Mr. Shippen, ib. 
 Attends the Lords, but the House of Commons 
 more frequently, 323. Reviews the Northern 
 Volunteers, 324. Letters from Lady Rocking- 
 ham to him relative to the bust of the Marquis, 
 325. 327 Resigns the Government of the 
 county of Armagh, 319*. Writes on that 
 subject to Dr. Haliday, ib. Warm and affectionate 
 address to him from that County, 320*. Goes to 
 Baih, 321*. An account of his Embarkation at 
 Dublin, ib. Displeased with some promotions 
 in the Irish Peerage, 323*. Godfather, with the 
 Prince of Wales, to Lord Kildare, now Duke of 
 Leinster, 326*. Corresponds with Haliday, but 
 differs from him, 327*. Hears from Mr. Wal- 
 pole, 329. Remarks on a Tragedy of Dr. Hali- 
 day's, 341. Anecdotes of Burke, by him, 343. 
 His plan as to a reform, and the Catholics, 348. 
 Opposes the Catholic Bill, 351. Uniform in his 
 conduct, 353. Displeased with the Vdlunteers of 
 Dublin, 355. In harmony with ministers, except 
 as to a reform, 358. Loses his second son, Mr. 
 James Caulfield, 360. Deplores the death of 
 Richard ^heridan, 36i . His letter to that gentle- 
 man, 362. Causes Mr. R. Jephson to be elected 
 for Charlemont, 363. Truly attached to Lord 
 O'Neill, 364. Delighted with Lord Howe's 
 Victory, 306. Deeply regrets the death of Mr. 
 Brownlow, 369. Auxious for the arrival of 
 Lord Fitzwiliiam, 37 1. Goes to the Castle, 
 372< Applauds the conduct of the Ponsonbys, 
 
 374. Laments the removal of Earl FitzwIlUam, 
 378. Corresponds with Haliday, 380. Visited 
 by Lord Camden, Lord Lieutenant, 382. Ap- 
 proves of his making Dr. Hamilton Bishop of 
 Ossory, 385. Writes to Mr. C. Walker, 388. 
 Angry with Belfast, 390. Rejoiced at 
 the Election of his son. Lord Caulfield, 
 for the county of Armagh, 396. Praises Mr. 
 F. Dobbs, and Mr. Plunkett, 397. Laments 
 the absence of Mr. Grattan from Parliament, 
 
 398. Attends the Lords, on the motion of the 
 Earl of Moira there, ib. Supports the motion, 
 
 399. And joins in a protest, ib. Writes an. 
 account of the Debate to Dr. Haliday, ib. 
 Present when Lord Caulfield first spoke in tlie 
 House of Commons, and much agitated, 400. 
 Rebellion breaks out, 402. Gratified highly by 
 the Marquis of Cornwallis's amnesty, 406. 
 Grieved at the murder of Mr. Hume, 409. 
 Waits on Lord Cornwallis about the union, 411. 
 Pleased with its temporary defeat, 413. Ap- 
 plauds Mr. Foster's speech on that subject, 414. 
 And writes to Haliday, ib. Observations on 
 his letter, ib. Becomes very ill, 415. Declines 
 rapidly, 4l6. His death and funeral, 41 7. Cha- 
 racter of, 418. His various excellencies, ib. 
 Opinion on the Catholic question, 419. How 
 far he acted with party, ib. Did not speak 
 in Parliament, chiefly from want of exertion, 420. 
 His conversation, 421. His love of letters, of 
 the fine arts, and patronage of Artists, 422. 
 Domestic character, 425. General indisposition 
 toward the French, ib. But applauds several 
 of their nobility, 426. Mode of life, ib. 
 His person, &c. 427. 
 
 Desmond, Earl of, 1 . 
 
 Dalton, Mr. 
 
 Davies, Sir John, 3. 99. 
 
 Drumgold, Colonel, 91, note 
 
 Dorset, Duke of. Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 80. 
 85. 
 
 Dorset, Earl of, 314. , 
 
 Dilettanti, Society of, 105, &c. 
 
 D'Eon, 91, note. 
 
 Dungannon, meeting at, 212. 
 
 Downe, Dr. William Dickson, Bishop of, 1 89. 
 
 Daly, Right Hon. Denis, character of, 145. 200. 
 269. 279. 310, 
 
 Dawson, Arthur, Baron of the Exchequer, Epi- 
 gram by, 333. 
 
 Dunning, John, Lord Ashburton, 190. 257. 
 
 Duquery, Henry, 376, note. 
 
 Dobbs, Francis, 397. 
 
 Downshire, Wills, Marquis of, 291. 
 
GENERAL INDEX 
 
 441 
 
 Delawar, Earl of, 65. 
 DuigenaD, Dr. Right Hon. 75- 
 Demosthenes, 73 • 
 
 Donoughmore, Richard, Lord, 304. 
 Dunsany, Lord, 399^ 
 
 E. 
 Egremont, Countess of, 6. 
 Eden, William. — See Auckland. 
 Elliot, Edward, Lord, 32. 
 Egmont, John, Earl of, 63, 64. 
 Eloquence, State of, in Ireland before Mr. Hut- 
 chinson's time, 7^' 
 Elizabeth, of France, Princess, 92. 
 Egan, John, 338. 
 
 F. 
 Fox, Right Honourable Charles James, 83, note. 
 
 141, note. 188. Writes to Lord Charlemont,21 7- 
 Flood, Henry, 80. Character of, 143. 149- 183. 
 
 193. 200.211.277-281. 
 Flobert, Monsieur de, 57. 5g. 
 Fencibles, Scheme of, 239. 
 Flngal, Earl of, 347- . . t 1 j 
 
 Fitzpatrick, Right Hon. Richard, arrives m Ireland, 
 
 213. Sees Lord Charlemont, ib. 237. 
 Fitzgibbon, John, Father to John, Earl Clare, 83. 
 
 100. 
 French, Robert, 83. 
 Fitzgerald, Robert, 84. 
 Fitzgibbon, John, afterwards Lord Fitzgibbon, 
 
 Earl of Clare, and Lord Chancellor, 253. 284. 
 
 306. 
 
 Forbes, John, 184.253.304. 314. 
 
 Francis, Sir Philip, 289. 
 
 Fitzherbert, AUeyne, now Lord St. Helens, 293. 
 306. — See regency. 
 
 Ferrers, Earl, 57. 
 
 Fabia, the younger, Q5. 
 
 Foster, John, Right Hon. 285. 
 
 Fitzwilliam, Wentworth William, Earl of. 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 368. Short admi- 
 nistration of, 376. Departure from Ireland, 378. 
 
 Grattan, Right Hon. Henry, comes into parha 
 ment, 184. 188. 200, 201. 221, 222. 257- 277 
 304. 337, 338. 351. 365. 368. 374, 375. 398. 
 
 Gardiner, Luke, late Lord Montjoy, 19O. 
 
 Grenville, William Lord, 145. 242. 
 
 Gosford, Arthur, Viscount, late, 329. 
 
 Greville Mrs. 92, note. 
 
 Goldsmith, Dr. IQ9. 177- 
 
 Granard, George, Earl of, 304. 399- 
 
 Gramont, Comte de, 248. » ,, „ 
 
 3 M 2 
 
 H. 
 Hervey, Lady, 64. 
 Herxjn, Sir Richard, 188, &c. 
 Hartington, Marquis of, comes to Ireland, as Lord 
 
 Lieutenant, 47, &c. 
 Hume, David, 7. 120. 
 Hall, J. Stevenson, 93. 
 Harwood, William, 83. 
 Holland, Lord, Henry, 148. 
 Hickman, Miss, 170. 
 Hickman, Robert, 134. 
 Hutchinson, Right Hon. John Hely, character of, 
 
 72.304. 338, note. 
 Harcourt, Simon, Earl, Lord Lieutenant of Ire- 
 land, 161. 164. 
 Harcourt, Due d' 161, note. 
 Hertford, Francis, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant of 
 
 Ireland, 115. 121. 
 Halifax, George, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant of 
 
 Ireland, 6I. 86. 94. 
 Hamilton, Anthony, Count, 135. 248. 
 Hamilton, Right Hon. W. Gerard, Secretary to 
 the Earls of Halifax and Northumberland, 
 account of, 61. 66. 81 . 87- 99- 1^3. 
 Hyperides, 73. 
 
 Hobart, Right Hon. Robert, 306.— See Bucking- 
 hamshire. 
 Haliday, Alexander, Dr. account of, 203. Letters 
 from Lord Charlemont to him, 204. 237- et 
 passim. 
 Hamilton, Sackville, Right Hon. 246. 
 Hamilton, Rev. Hugh, Bishop of Ossory, 385. 
 
 I. 
 
 V 
 
 Ireland, short account of the Politics there, antece- 
 dent to Lord Charlemonfs arrival, 39. State of 
 in 1776. 186. In 1778. 193. 198. 
 
 Johnson, Samuel, 14. IO9. 155. 16O. 177, 178. 
 
 252. 295. 
 Jocelyn, Robert, Lord Chancellor, 43. 
 Jones, William, Sir, 118, note. 177. 
 
 Junius, 77. r ^« 
 
 Jephson, Robert, slight account of, 303. 
 Jephson, Richard, elected for Charlemont, ib. 
 
 K. 
 
 Rildare, James, Earl of, 85.— See Leinster. 
 
 Kerry, Francis, Earl of, 101. 
 
 Killala, Dr. Hutchinson, Bishop of, 134. 
 
 Kit-KatClub, 312. 
 
 Killala, Dr. Stock, Bishop of, 408. 
 
442 
 
 GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 Liffbrd, James, Viscount, late Lord Chancellor, 
 
 306. 
 Leinster, James, Duke of, 150. 
 Leinster, William, Duke of, 76, note. J96. 201. 
 
 254. 304. 307. 351. 
 Langrishe, Right Hon. Sir Hercules, l65. 334. 
 
 336. 338. 
 Lucas, Charles, Dr. 129. Account of, 158. &c. 
 Latouclie, Mr. Digges, 158. 
 Latouche, Right Hon. David, 338, 339. 
 Lee, Charles, Major-general, II7. 
 Lords, House of, in Ireland, state of^ 53. 
 Leland, Thomas, Rev. Dr. 
 
 Landsdown, William, Marquis of. — See Shelburne. 
 Londonderry, Frances, Countess of, 385. 
 LudJow, Earl, Peter, 413, note. 
 
 M. 
 
 Macartney, George, Right Hon. aAerwards £arl 
 Macartney, l62. 
 
 Melcomb, George Bubb Dodington, Lord, 50. 
 
 Malone, Anthony, Right Hon. 66. 7L 
 
 Mason, John Monck, Right Hon. l65. 
 
 Mallet, Mrs. 121. 
 
 Marino, 208, et passim. 
 
 Moira, John, £arl of, 86. 101.291.304. Death, 
 and account of, 35^. 
 
 Moira, Francis, Earl of, 398. Highly extolled 
 by Lord Charlemont, 399. 
 
 Middleton, Lord, 63. 
 
 Mackenzie, Dr. 16. 
 
 Minas, de las. Marquis of, 30. 
 
 Murphy, Mr. 6. 10. 27. 
 
 Marlay, Richard, afterwards Bishop of Waterford, 
 verses to, by lord Charlemont. 15. 
 
 Montesquieu, account of, 31, &c. 
 
 Montagu, John, Duke of, 34. 
 
 Man waring, Arthur. 314. 
 
 Malone, Edmund, 14. 
 
 Melmoth, William, letter from to Lord Charle- 
 mont, 383. 
 
 N. 
 
 Nugent, Robert, Earl of, 306. 
 
 Northumberland, Hugh, Earl, afterwards Duke, 
 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 99. 112 137. 
 North, Lord, 189.201.256. 
 Nivernois, Louis Mancini, Due de, 29. 38. 
 
 account and character of, 89, &c. 
 Northington, Robert, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant 
 
 of Ireland, 251.282. &c. 
 Newcome, William, Right Re?er«nd, Archbishop 
 
 of Armagh, 374, note. 
 
 O. 
 
 Osborne, Sir William, 143. 
 
 O'Donnel, General, 67. 
 
 O'Brien, Sir Lucius, 83. 
 
 Ogle, Right Hon. George, 277, note. 310. 
 
 Octennial, or Septennial bill in Ireland, account 
 
 of, and progress, 126. 
 Ormonde, Thomas, Earl of, 4. 
 Ormonde, James, first Duke of, 4, note. 
 O'Neill, Charles, 304. 
 O'Neill, John, afterwards Earl, 305. 364, note. 
 
 Pery, Edmund, afterwards Lord Perj', 76. Account 
 
 and character of, 80. 1 75, &c. 
 Ponsonby, John, Right Hon. 94. 104. 150. 
 Ponsonby, William, afterwards Lord Ponsonby, 
 
 305.319. 
 Ponsonby, George, Right Hon. 211. 307. 
 Pinto, Don Emanuel, 23. 
 Poniatowski, Count, afterwards King of Poland, 
 
 38.84. 117. 
 Preston, William, 209. 
 Portland, William, Duke of. Lord Lieutenant of 
 
 Ireland, 213, 241, &c. 
 Parsons, Sir I^aurence, now Earl of Ross, 28. 
 
 394. 
 Pelham, Thomas, now Earl of Chichester, 254. 
 Poer, de la. Lord Arnold, 3. 
 Passionei, Cardinal, 28. 
 Poyning's act, 148. 
 Powerscourt, Edward, Viscount, 44. Character of, 
 
 109, &c. 
 Powerscourt, Richard, late Viscount, IO9, note. 
 Peeresses of Ireland, 61. 
 Propositions, celebrated commercial ones, 285. 
 Pitt, William, Right Hon. 235. 257. 
 Patrick, St. order of, 244. 
 Plowdcn, Francis, 314. 
 
 Quin, James, 73. 
 Quin, Henry, Dr. 422. 
 
 Q. 
 
 R. 
 
 Rockingham, Charles, Marquis of, 109. 116. 233' 
 
 235. 324, 325. 328. 
 Rockingham, Mary, Marchioness of, letters from, 
 
 to Lord Charlemont, 325, &c. 
 Reynolds, Joshua, Sir, 109. l6S, 177* 
 Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 120. 
 Rutland, Charles, late Duke of. Lord Lieutenant 
 
 of Ireland, 282. 284. Death of, 291. 
 Rutland, Mary, Duchess of, 283. 
 
GENERAL INDEX. 
 
 443 
 
 Revolution, French, 322. 341. 
 Robinson, Judge, 96. 98. 
 Robeapierre, gi. 
 
 Regency question in. Ireland, 295 to 306. 
 Reform, Parliamentary. — See Convention. 
 Rothes, Earl of, 5/. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sackville, Lord George, 83. 
 
 Sidney, Sir Henry, 4, 5. . 
 
 Stewart, William, 98 
 
 Stewart, James, 26O. 262. 305. 322.* 
 
 Stone, George, Archbishop of Armagh, Primate 
 of Ireland, 41.45.80.85, &c. Letter from 
 to Lord Charlemont, 96. Death and character of, 
 104. 105. 
 
 Swift, Jonathan, Dean, 49. 69. 78, note. 
 
 Sheridan, Richard, death and character of, 36l. 
 
 Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, ib. 
 
 Saville, Sir George, I89. 
 
 St. Palaye, 38. 
 
 Stewart, Sir Annesley, 329. 
 
 Skelton, Mr. 6. 
 
 Scott, Mr. 10. 
 
 Scott, John. — See Clonmell. 
 
 Sinclair, lieutenant-general, 7« 
 
 Shannon, Richard, Earl of, 243. 
 
 Shippen, Mr. 317. 
 
 Segur, Comtede, 329, note. 
 
 Shelbume, William, Earl of, 177. 222. 
 
 Somers, John, Lord, 127, note. 275.311. 
 
 T. 
 
 Temple, George, Earl, now Marquis of Bucking- 
 ham, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 242, 243, 
 244. 291.— See Regency. 
 
 Tallard, Marshal, 196. 
 
 Thanet, Earl of, 117- 
 
 Tavistock, Francis, Marquis of, 77. 
 
 Teignmouth, Lord, 1 1 8, note. 
 
 Tisdall, Philip, Right Hon. account and charac- 
 ter of, 78> &C' 
 
 Thurot, Monsieur de, 57- 
 
 Tracton, James, Lord, 83. 
 
 Townshend, George, Viscount, afterwards Mar- 
 quis, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 125, 126. 
 149. 158. 161. 301. 
 
 Townshend, Charles, 115. 125, note. 
 
 Townshend, John, Lord, 188. 
 
 Tottenham, Colonel, 39, note. 
 Talbot, WUliam, Earl, 64. 
 
 U. 
 Union between England and Ireland ; Montes- 
 quieu's opinion of, 36. Debated, 413. 
 United Irishmen, 402. 
 
 V. 
 
 Volunteers of Ireland, origin and account of, 193.' 
 Favourable to the Literature of Ireland, 208. 
 
 255. 
 Volunteers at Belfast, 223. 
 Vote of 20,000 seamen to the Navy, and 50,000/. 
 
 to Mr. Grattan, 222. 
 Vesey, Agraodisham, 168, 169. 
 
 W. 
 
 Wales, George, Prince of.— See Regency, 295 to 
 306. 318. Godfather to the present Duke of 
 Leinster, 326.* 
 
 Weymouth, Thomas, Viscount, afterwards Mar- 
 quis of Bath, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, 125. 
 
 Walpole, Horace, afterwards Earl of Orford, 
 letters from to Lord Charlemont, 156. 209. 247. 
 329. 
 
 Wood, Robert, 107. 
 
 Windham, William, Right Hon. 252. 254.. 
 
 Westmoreland, John, Earl of. Lord Lieutenant of 
 Ireland, 336. Wisely, with the council, putt 
 down the National Guards, 356. 
 
 Whig Club, aecountof, 306. 
 
 Wood's Patent, 49. 128. 
 
 Waterford, George, Marquis of, II 6. 
 
 Woffington, Mrs, 75. 
 
 Westmeath, Thomas, Earl of, II6. 324*, note. 
 
 Walpole, Sir Robert, 76.161. 
 
 Walker, Joseph Cooper, 27, note. 330. 
 
 Y. 
 Young, Arthur, visits Ireland, 185. 
 Yelverton, Barry, afterwards Lord Avonmore, 
 190. 253. 2d^. 310. 
 
 Z. 
 
 Zartoryski, or Czartoryski, Prince, 118, II9. 
 Zamoiski, Countess, 118, note. 
 
 G. Sidney, Printer, 
 
 KorthumberUad-Street, Strand. 
 
ERRATA. 
 
 Page 72, line 8, suppress the word eommutionert. 
 
 — 124, parentam, parentimi ; «v!s, avis ; dcturos, daturos, 
 
 — S25, line O), after artht, comma, not full stop. 
 
 ■^ 90, line 3, from the bottom, Apple-John, not Apple, John, 
 
 — 142, line 11, from the bottom, " sat on; year," add, " not more than on« year.' 
 
 — 803, line 5, from the bottom, after the crowds," add, " the solitude" 
 There are duplicate folios from 319 to 328, inclusive.