DEDICATED TO THE JVtembers of tlie Lep*isla.ture ? 3 3 vS ^9 'HdCiTYiS! -Ur YOURS IN B( (/-« Crouse $10,000; CHARLES CLEMENT, Disappointed candidate for U. S. Marshal. 5 . ?7'/5 RECORD &H.5 OP TH m (i r HON. JAMES R. DOOLITTLE IN THE TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. m Reader, it is believed the following extracts r ’ rora the speeches and votes of Mr. Doolittle, fairly present his position upon the great questions of the day—and it is for yon to say whether they sustain the following points: First. He appeals to the lower prejudices of the North, and^claims that if emancipated, the colored people of the United States would bo distributed equally all over the free states. Second. He has tried to,show that if the blacks were emancipated a war of extermi¬ nation would take place between the two ra¬ ces. Third. By the above and kindred argu¬ ments he has shown himself to be the ene¬ my of all measures for the immediate and unconditional emancipation of the black race in this country, even as a war measure. Fourth. He is opposed to any vigorous or efficient confiscation measure, and hag con¬ tended that not a dollars’ worth of rebel pro¬ perty should be confiscated until the rebel was first tried and convicted by a jury in the state where the offence was committed i. c., a South Carolina rebel must be tried and convicted by a jury of South Carolinians— and as if to render a conviction utterly im¬ possible, he voted further to prohibit a iuyal black man from testifying against his white rebel master—and this too in localities where his is the only evidence that can be made available against the rebel. Fifth. He has lost no occasion to sneer at all radical and earnest men, and has shown his want of sympathy with the black race by voting repeatedly in Congress against measures specially designed for their relief. These are grave charges to be brought against any republican Senator—and espec¬ ially when that Senator comes from the state of Wisconsin. If they are not sustained, they should not be listened to for one mo¬ ment—but if they are sustained, even sub¬ stantially, by the record, then no amount of amiability, capacity, or suavity of manna- should be allowed to weighMown the enlight¬ ened conviction of any man claiming to act upon tlie good old American maxim of indi¬ viduality of judgment. These are earnest times. No man should lean upon the judgment of his neighbor, or allow himself to be swerved from that lineofdufy— simple and plain—which he would wish to transmit to the searching criticism o/posterity. i/ 2 RECORD OF THE HON. lhi« record is worthy of a dispassionate, but thoughtful perusal. «'•: * . • -Ii. ^ • • f ^ HE APPEALS TO NORTIIERN PREJUDICE AND CUPIDITY. “ How do tho people in the free States stand on this question ? In my State there are so few colored men that there is now no great feeling on the subject one way or the other; but suppose it should now be propos¬ ed to distribute the whole negro population equally among the states, this would bring into the State of Wisconsin about one hun¬ dred and twenty thousand, say, seven thou¬ sand to Milwaukee, and from one to two thousand to each of the towns of Racine, Madison, Janesville, Kenosha, Watertown, Oshkosh, I ond du Lac, and other places, what would be their feelings then ? What would our people, native and foreign born, say to that? Sir, they would probably feel and say just what the people of Pennsylva¬ nia, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois feel aud say on this subject. Illinois has just held a con¬ vention, and formed a new constitution, which excludes free colored men, as did the old constitution. Indiana has a similar pro¬ vision, either by constitutional requirement or by legislative enatinent. Ohio had, until quite recently, a law by which a free colored man was required to give bail for his good behavior. Nor are the people of New Eng¬ land devoid of this same feeling either. By the laws of Massachusetts intermarriages be¬ tween these races are forbidden as criminal. y* hy forbidden ? Simply because natural instinct revolts at it as wrong. Come down to the practical question whether, if the whole negro population of the United States should be set free, and bo apportioned and distributed among the several States, and you would find just as much repugnance in New England as you now see exhibited in Illinois, Indiana or Pennsylvania .”—Speech on Emancipation , Daily Globe , April 16, 1862. ' ANOTHER VIEW. But, it is dreaded that the freed people will swarm forth and cover the whole land. Will liberation make them any more numerous ? Equally distributed among the whites of the whole country and there would be but one colored to seven whites Could the one in any way greatly disturb the seven ? There are many communities now having more than one free colored person to seven whites, and this without any apparently conscious¬ ness of evil from it. The District of Colum¬ bia and the States of Maryland and Dela¬ ware are all in this condition. The District has more than one free colored to six whites, JA.UES R. DjLiTTLB and yet in its frequent petitions to Congress, I believe it has pever presented the presence of free colored persons as one of its grievanc¬ es. But why should emancipation in the South send the freed people North ? Peo¬ ple of any color seldom run, unless there is something to run from.— President Lincoln's Annual Jdecsage , Dec. la£, 1862. PRACTICAL WORKINGS. Correspondence of the New York Tribune. Alton, III., Nov. 29,1862. The slaveholders of Arkansas and Ten¬ nessee nre making a wise preparation for the emancipation of their slaves under the Pres¬ ident’s Proclamation. Before leaving Hele¬ na, a few weeks ago, I learned the fact that many of the slaveholders of that region had already entered into a contract with their slaves to remain on the plantations, under wages. They have come to tho conclusion that the negroes are quite as necessary to them as they arc to the negroes. As labor¬ ers they are essential to the South, and no class will be more opposed to their coloniza¬ tion in a foreign country when the war is over, than their former masters. On the steamer from Memphis to Cairo I learned from a Mr. Aiken, a cotton planter from Tennessee, that the President’s procla¬ mation is expected to go into effect on the first of January, and that he and several of his neighbors had already had a talk with their slaves, and agreed with them that they are to remain as hired servants and receive wages. Mr. Aiken said to me, “Sir, we are attach¬ ed to our slaves. Some of them have watch¬ ed over us in our infancy; some of them have proved their fidelity to us under trying cir¬ cumstances; as a whole, they are necessary to us as laborers; they are acquainted writh the cultivation of cotton, our staple crop, and we prefer them to any new set of labor¬ ers that we are likely to get.” He claims that colonization does not im¬ pede emanicipation, and yet strives to show that the one is impossible and undesirable without the other! “ Jefferson declared it impossible for the two races, in large numbers, to remain to¬ gether without conflict, equally free. Such is the opinion of all Southern men—slave¬ holders and non-slaveholders. * * “ Let us supposo that the slave were all emancipated and that they were placed under as good circumstances as they now are in New England or Wisconsin or any of the States where they are accepted with the most favor and the least objection, do not these cen¬ sus returns, with their inexorabl i logic of ■ V IN THE TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. 3 figures, show that like the Indian race they dwindle and dwarf in the presence of the whiteman? * * * * * “ Senators, we are compelled to regard as facts, bearing upon what will not occur, or what should or should not be done , the feel¬ ings and the prejudices of mankind. It is it not altogether probable that there would be little, if any, increase to the colored pop¬ ulation in the United States if they were all now as free as they are in New England. * * * * * “ But I believe these questions of emanci¬ pation and colinization are so connected to¬ gether in those States where slavery now exists, that it is next to impossible for the friends of emancipation there to get a hear¬ ing by the people of those States, much less to proceed with emancipation without dis¬ cussing and carrying forward at the same time a system of colonization. * * * “ They tell me, Sir, the Senators from Vir¬ ginia, the Senator from Kentucky, every Sen¬ ator coining from these States, and every man, woman and child who conies from these States, tells me it is utterly impossible for them to talk of emancipation within any Slave State without connecting with it the idea of colonization. * * * * “ I cannot but remember that in this coun¬ try tjiere. are two extremes of opinions, both meeting in the same thing— the fanatical, de¬ voted friends of slavery, and the par excel¬ lence friends of immediate emancipation.— Speech on Emancipation. Daily Globe , April 16, 1862. r ETE OPPOSES CONFISCATION. . “ I believe, therefore, that the second sec¬ tion involves the emancipation by act of Congress of the great masses within the States where the insurrection exists. It is but fair to assume that, at least, the owners of one half of all the slaves in those States do sympathize with the rebellion.— ihe Senator from Kansas (Mr. Pomeroy,) says that seven-eighths of them do. That would make the case still stronger; and my friend from Ohio (Mr. Wade,) says “still bet¬ ter.”. Mr. President, what I say in relation to it is, that it makes the question still graver and the responsibility of passing such an act still heavier.—Speech on Confiscation . Daily Globe , May 6* 1862. WHO CAUSED TIIE REBELLION. Mr. President, if Calhoun had been exe¬ cuted for his treason in 1833, there would leave been no rebellion now. He was the arch traitor who, like Satan in Paradise, brought death into the world and all our w r oe._ Speech on Confiscation. Daily Globe , May (5 1862. ’ J ’ The cotton-gin, the profits of unpaid ] labor, and tropical products had nothing to do with it. It rested in the breath of one man, John C. Calhoun ; who “forced the is¬ sue ” against the will of the civilized world. IIE ASKS FOB A SPECIAL COMMITTEE. “ And now, sir, upon this very point, con¬ tested as it; is here, I still believe that if re¬ ferred to five or seven gentlemen of this body, to be selected by the President pro tempore , (Mr. loot,) it would be possible to draw a bill in which all who desire earnest and effi¬ cient practical measures to suppress the re¬ bellion can agree.— Speech on Confiscation. Daily Globe , May 6, 1862. WHAT SENATOR TRUMBULL SAID IN REPLY. I cannot see how an} r five Senators here can determine these constitutional questions for forty-five Senators. If there is a feeling m the Senate on the part of those opposed to an efficient measure of confiscation—if there is a disposition to bring in amendments, you may have forty amendments offered the moment your committee reports. I shall not despair. . I shall not say with the Senator from Ohio, that nothing will be done; but I admit that it is discouraging.”— Trumbull's Speech, Dady Globe , May 7, 1862. THE “EARNEST AND EFFICIENT” MEASURES THAT MR. DOOLITTLE FAVORED AND VOTED FOR. M henever it shall be deemed necessary to the speedy and successful termination of a rebellion by the President, he is hereby authorized by such commissioners as he shall appoint, to sequester and seize the property real and personal, of such persons as shall bear arms against the United States * * to hold, occupy, rent and control for the United States until the ordinary course of 'judicial proceedings shall be restored in the State or district where the same is situated, and in all cases until the owner of said prop¬ erty can be proceeded against by legal prose¬ cution , but no person holden to service, com¬ monly called slaves, shall be taken under YJ? 7 s 7 se j ' tl0n -—Senator Collamer's proposed bill, afterwards reported by committee of tice and passed by the Senate. SENATOR TRUMBULL IN REPLY. “Now, I do not propose to put this rebel¬ lion down by the courts. I think there is no more trouble in taking the real estate of a rebel than there is in taking his life, and 1 would just as soon think of einpanneling a jurj when our armies met to know whether we should kill the enemy that was shooting upon us, as of empaneling a jury to know « 4 RECORD OF THE IIO>'. JAMES R. DOOLITTLE, whether we Can take his real estates.’V- Trumbull'$ Speech, Dally Globe, May 17, 1862. Mr. Sumner-—“ If the question is between the consideration of this bill of the special committee and the tax bill, I am for the tax : bill.” . , , • a-A Mr. Fessenden—‘‘Unquestionably; and why ? ” Mr. Sumner — u Because the tax bill is a reality—there is something in it. The other bill is not a reality—there is nothing in it.” S' 5jt * * * ^ Mr. Doolittle—“ Ts there any difficulty in indicting them ? (the rebe's.) * * * ; Can you not indict a man in Virginia ? Sup¬ pose your court is held in Washington ; have they not already been indicted there?” Mr. Carlisle—“ Yes, sir.” Mr. Doolittle—“ Can they not be indicted in Kentucky? Can they not be indicted in Tennessee ?”—Daily Globe, May 21, 1862. If it is admitted ; can they be indicted by a jury .of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi or Louisania ? And if they can¬ not be, then was not Mr. Sumner correct when he said there was nothing in the bill. Mr. Doolittle—“ I believe there will be such a thing as a hemp tax applied to these reb- ejsdM.^ a «*/./ Mr. Vdade-y- 44 AYhat; under this bill?” Mr. Doolittle—“ They are punished with death ; or with jinc and impriticunnealT Mr. Wade—“ It is optional with the Presi¬ dent which.” Mr. Trumbull-—“Is not death the punish¬ ment of treason rioic ?'' “ I merely want to say to the Senator from "W isconsin that it does not come with a very good grace for a Senator who gets up and de- I nounces everybody else as dogmatical,— to talk about this being the most efficient bill that there is, and he knows it, and about its going to accomplish a great deal more than any other bill. He talks, too, about people being set in their opinions, and then he says this bill punishes with death; and he reads it. Does not the Senator from Wisconsin know that the punishment for treason now, ii death ? Does this bill make it death ? * * * * * ‘ “The only effect of this bill is to mitiyate the punishment for treason. The only effect cf this bill is to allow the chief of traitors, instead of swinging by hemp, to escape with a fine, as for a misdemeanor , or with fine and imprisonment.—Daily Globe, May 21,1862. t And he might have added: “ not even with that until they are first convicted of treason b~! a South- Carolina jury.” Mr. Sumner—“ Mr. President, there is a character in one of Dickens’ novels, who says to another; 4 Take a glass of water, put into it a little piece of orange peel and then make believe very hard, and you will have a strong drink.’ Now, sir, I would apply those words to the bill of the committee. It is like a glass of water with a bit of orange peel in it; if you make believe very hard you may have a strong bill. To my mind it amounts to no¬ thing. It only plays with the subject. At a moment when the life of our Republic is struck at. Senators propose to proceed as if by an indictment in a criminal court, I have tuerefore no sympathy with the bill. It is inadequate to the occasion. It is a perfect nonentity.”— Daily Globe, May 22, 1862. Mr. Trumbull—“I repeat, for there are some Republican Senators who are not the friends of confiscation, uniting with the avowed enemies of confiscation that have placed this amendment before the Senate ; for there are republican Senators who have avowed time and again that they were op¬ posed to confiscation—and 'there are, let me tell the Senator from Maine, members of the very committee that reported this bill, who boast that there is no confiscation in it. sjt sje 5*s I do not wonder at the sensitiveness of gentlemen here. I do not wonder at the sensitiveness which certain Senators have manifested, and at the zeal with which they spring to their feet when the history of this matter is attended to. The people of this country are in earnest in this'war. * * They.have suffered—a thousand, yea more than ten thousand, and I do not know but twenty thousand of Iqyal soldiers from Illin¬ ois have been buried since this war com¬ menced, and since they entered the public service, hundreds of their bodies have been borne back and deposited in the soil of the State whence, they went forth to maintain the Constitution and the Union. AVe are now assessing heavy taxes to pay the expenses of maintaining our armies, and in my own state there are hundreds of thou¬ sands of dollars worth of property held by traitors in arms against the government and I receive letters almost daily inquiring why it is that some law is not passed to appropri¬ ate this property to the payment of the ex¬ penses of the war that these trhitors have brought upon the country .”—Daily Globe , June .30, 1862. Air. Sumner—“ Of course the substitute is open to amendments. * * * I have several to move ; I send one to the chair, to insert at the end of the fourteenth section, the following: procec U m iwOt* U: dev tils act, IX THE T WENT V-SE VEX Til COXGEESS. f> there shall be no exclusion of any witness on account of, cylor."—lhntu Globe, June 80 , | Iv;-' LO»>-. On whijh amendment the vote stood: “ Yeas—Messrs. Cuhndlcr, Grimes, Har- l»n, Howard, llovvt/, King, Lane 1 , of Kansas, Morrill, Pomeroy,' Smarter, Trumbull, Wade, \ \Yilkinson and Wilmot — 14. Nays—Messrs. Anthony, Drotening. Car¬ lisle, Clark, Collamer, Cowan, Davis, Dixon, DOOLITTLE, Fessenden,Foot, Foster,Harris, Henderson, Lane, of Indiana, Nesmith, Pow¬ ell, Pearce, Sherman, Simmons, Star? 1 :, Ten Eyck, Milly, Wihon, of Missouri, and Wright — 25 :—Daily Globe. June 30 , 18 , 02 .' Thus a loyal negao was not allowed to tes¬ tify against a rebel white man, and this too by a vote of a Senator from a State where colored persons are admitted as witnesses on an equal footing with white persons in all her courts. On the adoption of the bill as it was amend¬ ed in committee, the vote stood: “Yeas—Messrs. Anthony, Drowning , Col¬ lier, Clark, Cowan, Dixon, DOOLITTLE, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Harlan, Harris, Hen¬ derson, Howe, Nesmith, Simmons, Stark, Ten E'yck and Willey—10. “Nays’—Messrs. Chandler, Davis, Grimes, Hale, Howard, King, Lane, of Indiana, Lane, of Kansas, Moriil, Pomeroy, Sherman, Bum- \ her, Trumbull, Wade , Wilkinson, Wilmot i and Wright—17. — Daily Globe, June 80, | 1802 . Mr. Sumner—“On the final passage I shall 1 vote for this bill—not because I believe it to be much in itself, but because I believe if adopted now by the Senate, it must be re¬ turned to the other House and through the firmness of that body we shall have a chance yet of having a bill that will be a reality.” Mr. Doolittle—“ I hope the Senate will now ber witness that here is another threat from the Senator from Massachusetts.” Mr. Chandler—(when his name was called) —1 wish simply to say that I vote ‘nay’ be- ! cause I do not believe the bill is worth one stiver. It is utterly worthless as a bill to confiscate property.” (“Order.”—' Daily Globe, June 80, 1802. This bill was sent to the House of Rep¬ resentatives for its approval. But, as proph¬ esied by Mr. Sumner, that House indignantly rejected it, and even went so far as to refuse to ask for a committee of conference. Finally the present efficient Confiscation Bill, originating in the House, was passed by the Senate, notwithstanding it contains the same ers as the New York Tribune and Chicago Tribune. The above is Senator Doolittle ? s reply a day or two after the President issued his Proclamation, to the ravings of an avowed secessionist, in the public office of a hotel, and in the presence of several prominent Republicans, who will furnish proof of its correctness if Senator D. desires it. HE DODGES A VOTE. ITis course on the bill for cultivating the lands of South Carolina and Georgia in cot¬ ton by Government agents, wherein he DODGED the vote for the purpose of aiding the secessionists and opposing the bill is not forgotten by his constituents. The character of the bill which he oppos¬ ed and dodged the vote is given in the fol¬ lowing extract from the special correspond¬ ent of the Chicago Tribune of July last: Mr. Foster’s bill for the cultivation of cot¬ ton lands in South Carolina and Georgia, vir¬ tually emancipates all the slaves in these sec¬ tions now in our possession. It does this by the simple and natural process of not recognizing any such things as slavery there, but regarding the blacks as “indigent per¬ sons,” who have come among us asking for labor and support, and entitled to clothing, medical care, instruction and wages in return for their labor. Mr. Carlile was very much excited when the bill was put on its passage in the Senate. He gnashed his teeth against it, roared against it, tried to get it postponed, and resorted to all kinds of hateful expedi- 6 RECORD OF THE HON JAMES R. DOOLIT’JXE, ents to defeat it, but it passed by a decisive I majority. This is progress. The bill to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia will come forward in a few days, and, I doubt not it will receive the support of the Presi¬ dent. Another progressive step is the em¬ ployment of “contrabands” to bring news of j me enemy’s movements. This plan has been adopted in one portion of the army of the Potomac with the most gratifying results. The only amazing thing is that it should not have been resorted to before, as a measure, j The fact that it was not shows that in the ! minds of certain generals slavery is (or has been) somewhat dearer than the safety of their own soldiers. Senator Dooiittle betrayed his ignorance upon the subject matter of the bill in open Senate which was noticed and rebuked by his fellow-senators. The following is the vote in which he refused to cooperate with the republicans by dodging : Yeas —Messrs. Anthony, Chandler, Clark, j Collainer, Dixon, Fessenden, Foote, Foster, ! Grimes, llale, Harlan, Howard, Howe, King, | Lane, Morrill, Pomeroy, Sherman, Simmons, I Sumner, Te Wilmot, an Nays— M Davis, Henderson, Kennedy, McDougal, Pearce, Powell, Rice, Saulsbury, Thomson, Wilson of Mo. and Wright. Total—14. Mr. Doolittle left the chamber three min¬ utes before the vote, having first voted against a motion to postpone the special or¬ der for the purpose of taking up the bill. nEyck, Trumbull, Wade, Willey, d Wilson of Mass. Total—20. essrs. Browning, Carlile, Cowan, IIE CLOGS TIIE EMANCIPATION BILL. Senator Doolittle rose in his place in the Senate, and when the bill for the emancipa¬ tion of the slaves in the District of Columbia was under discussion, moved the following new section to the law, which, by the aid of the secessionists and pro-slavery Senators, was carried by the following vote: And be, it further enacted, That the sum of $100,000, out of any money in the Treas¬ ury no otherwise appropriated, is hereby ap¬ propriated, to be expended under the direc¬ tion of the President of the United States, to aid in the colonization and settlement of such tree persons of African descent now residing in said District, including those to be libera¬ ted by this act, as may desire to emigrate be¬ yond the limits of the United States as the President may determine : Provided, That the expenditure for this purpose shall not ■ exceed $100 for each emigrant. The Presiding Officer—On this amendment the yeas and nnys are asked. The yeas and nays were ordered. The Secretary proceeded to call the roll. Mr. Wilkinson (when his name was called) said: I paired off on this question with my colleague, who is in favor of the amendment, while I, if I voted, should vote against it. The result was the announced—yeas 27, nays 10; as follows: Yeas—Messrs. Anthony, Browning, Colla- mer, Davis, Dixon, DOOLITTLE, Foot, Har¬ lan, Harris, Henderson, Howe, King, Lane of Indiana, Lane of Kansas, Latham, McDougall, Nesmith, Sherman, Stark, Ten Eyck, Trum¬ bull, Wade, Willey, Wilmot, Wilson of Mass¬ achusetts, Wilson of Missouri, and Wright —27. Nays—Messrs. Chandler, Clark, Fessen¬ den, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Howard, Morrill, Pomeroy, and Sumner—10.— Daily Globe. The Washington correspondent of the Chicago Trijtune of that period was sneered at by Senator Doolittle, and charged with a desire to levy black-mail upon him. To which the said correspondent replies as fol¬ lows, saying that he “ did believe and may “have so telegraphed, that Mr. Doolittle’s “ colonization speech was not considered ger- “ mane to the bill and did somewhat embar- “ rass its friends. I shall tell the truth, as I “ see it of Mr. Senator Doolittle, as of every “ other member of Congress, whatever its ef- “ feet upon his prospects as Senator or as “ Judge of the Supreme Court.” This betrays an idea prevalent at Wash¬ ington at that time, that the Senator was setting the pins for a Supreme Court Judge- ship, and was not so thoughtful to the rights and interests of his constituents as he should have been. After the Senator’s return home it will be recollected that the papers whose editors were under obligation to him for offices, de¬ nied the charge that he was fishing for a Judgeship, among which was the Milwaukee Sentinel. To this the Chicago Tribune replies: If the Sentinel announced that Senator Doolittle “has never been” a candidate for the Supreme Bench, it announced an untruth —that is all. The fact that Senator Doolit¬ tle wrote a letter denying the story “three months ago, ’’(that is about the 8th of May), proves nothing, for it gained currency as long ago as last December or January. It IN' THE TWENTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. 7 i w true fun, and has been so, until within a briof period, ever since. Ask any of Mr. Doolittle’s colleagues in the Senate whether he was not a candidate for Judgo of the Su¬ premo Court. This, then, is doubtless his excuse for re¬ garding the wishes of his pro-slavery fellow Senators more than the wishes of the people who elect ;d him. Let them decide if it is a valid excuse. We pass over hi3 vote against giving free¬ dom to the wife ami children of a slavo who had done the country signal service, because we cannot get hold of the Su{ plement to the Daily Globe of July 12, ’62. Those who have access to it can read his shameful record. t It is for the Legislature of Wiscorifcin to say whether a man with such a record is a prop¬ er man to represent them in the United States Senate. f I « \ f n>v;r‘-> r/Tva'/s .-'/ ' # 'i < • . . - r+* > , . r , 4 , •. Mr »: • - ,! 1 ,j:n * , • ■■: *, ;;: » i ‘ jJUi , , f ?/. fc. « -Mv/. .V'*'£ T. M n«.i !*t^^v »3Afi > Olii rti * o^fco fc^UriWO • • ; , •![•• o •;/:" y,b •-- K • *->»• **** r . t fc jJi lo Mi oJal*. 1 fi*) » ion ** » J . .... to *V.W ■f'i- A •■ > ■ “ ' • - 1 • • «,» 4 l .. .ff.A .... -** . mM - : t.. •’ -O^ TOl 9*>n*r> «**» •W™ 1 '. » ^ . « 1 . [ :*aJ w • : ’ .♦•• * ■ i f‘j* .tifji if* * a ; jj 'tj ubbob moi'J ?* .1 Jirj’ 1- ■.: jaraii r.&?i4^ , ‘M ■ vtV\ \iM?>V 'l n^v t.i - " • , .■• * . * .* i y .. .' , •' m r 4 A i I / i I » » *