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 11 11 LIBRARY 
 . OF THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 REV. L. T. CHAMBERLAIN, 
 
 AT THE MASS MEETING, 
 
 7A Me COIiMICK HALL, 
 
 Chicago, May 3, 1875 * 
 
 It will be remembered that during the week following the so-called 
 election of April 23d, in which the city was to decide for or against its 
 reincorporation under the Act known as “ A The General Incorporation 
 Act of 1872,” a Call of the following purport was put in circulation:— 
 
 THE CALL. 
 
 To the Citizens and Legal Voters of Chicago , irrespective of Party or 
 Nationality: 
 
 Gentlemen: —It is abundantly proved that the Election of the 23d 
 instant was carried by means of the grossest and most unblushing frauds. 
 In many of the wards, such scenes were witnessed as would have disgraced 
 even the “Five Points” of New York. The requirements of good order 
 - were defiantly disregarded. The express terms of Statute Law were 
 " persistently violated. The elective Franchise itself was made a mockery. 
 
 ' The claims of even public decency were openly scorned.. The disrep- 
 " utable elements of the city, both official and unofficial, succeeded in their 
 desperate purpose, and the reign of lawlessness was complete. 
 
 The result is not only that a plap ,of incorporation has been fraudu¬ 
 lently forced upon us, but also that the good name of the city has been 
 scandalised, and the very foundations of popular government in our midst 
 have been endangered. We, therefore, in behalf of the interests imperiled 
 ft > issue this call for a Mass-Meeting of all good citizens, to be held in 
 
 * Published by the Executive Committee of the 20TII Ward Citizens’ Club. 
 
 1050229 
 
2 
 
 McCormick’s Hall, on Monday evening next, May 3d, at 8 o’clock, to 
 protest against the validity of a result consummated by such fraud, and 
 to take such organized action as may be deemed appropriate. Let all 
 rally for the rescue! Let us unite in such a movement as shall render 
 impossible a repetition of the recent disgraces! 
 
 The Call received the signatures of hundreds of the most respected 
 citizens, and although the weather was unfavorable the great hall was 
 thronged. The meeting having been called to order by Hon. Julian S. 
 Rumsey, a permanent organization was made, with N. K. Fairbank, Esq., 
 as President. Nearly a hundred distinguished gentlemen were appointed 
 Vice-Presidents and occupied seats on the platform. On motion, it was 
 voted to appoint a committee of seven on resolutions. The President 
 appointed as that committee: Rev. L. T. Chamberlain, Hon. Julian S. 
 Rumsey, Hon. John M. Arwidon, Hans Haerting, Frank Nowak, John 
 Comiskey, Hermann Lieb. After eloquent speeches by Hon. Sidney 
 Smith, and Hon. Thomas Hoyne, the Committee on resolutions reported 
 through their Chairman 
 
 THE RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 The citizens of Chicago, in mass-meeting assembled, holding that the sanctity of 
 the ballot-box, and the purity of elections, are foundations upon which rest the 
 free institutions of American self-government, do declare that there is danger of 
 permanent injury to the rights and liberties of our people in the frauds to which 
 this city has been subjected during recent elections. As examples of such frauds 
 we set forth the following :•— 
 
 First —An organized conspiracy, composed of the worst elements of our popula¬ 
 tion, and controlled by some of the most dangerous and unscrupulous men in the 
 city, turned the recent Town Elections, held on the 6th day of April last, into a 
 scurrilous farce; and it is but the manifest truth that, in those elections, there was 
 not even a show of fairness to relieve the fraud that characterized them. 
 
 Second —In the vote recently taken upon the adoption or rejection of the General 
 Incorporation act of 1872, there was scarcely any honest support of this measure, 
 and yet it is pretended that it was adopted by a large and decisive majority. In 
 this election, the aforesaid organized gangs of “ repeaters,” and other willing tools 
 for the corruption of the franchise, were controlled by certain unscrupulous holders 
 of public trusts; men who so far forgot their solemn obligations to the people 
 that, for their own continuance in power, they not only conspired to burden the 
 city with a law totally unfit as a basis of its government, but also formed an alli¬ 
 ance with the dangerous and disreputable classes for the purpose of accomplishing 
 by fraud what they knew the honestly-expressed will of the people would have pre¬ 
 vented. It is a fact known to every observing citizen, that in making the appoint¬ 
 ments for this election, the controlling rings in the Common Council and other 
 departments of the City Government, did everything in their power to prevent a 
 fair expression of the real desires of the people. 
 
3 
 
 It is further known, that certain judges of the election became the ready instru¬ 
 ments of those corrupt rings. It is also known, that the election was carried on 
 without regard to, and in direct violation of, the laws of this State; and the evi¬ 
 dence is now fast accumulating before an investigating committee of citizens, which 
 demonstrates that the pretended majority was the result of the most infamous elec¬ 
 tion-fraud ever perpetrated upon American soil. 
 
 In consideration of these facts, and the imminent danger to the prosperity of our 
 city, and to the rights and liberties of the people, be it 
 
 Resolved, That we, as citizens of an outraged community, do hereby solemnly and 
 emphatically protest against the election-frauds perpetrated upon us, and that we 
 pledge our united efforts to prevent the repetition of such frauds in the future. 
 
 Resolved , That we heartily approve of the movement of the Citizens’ Association 
 and of others, looking to the prosecution of those judges of election and other 
 persons guilty of the recent frauds, and that we heartily second the efforts they 
 are making to invoke the aid of our courts of justice in preventing, by all legal 
 measures, any such action on the part of the Common Council as may recognize 
 or give effect to, results consummated by such fraudulent means. 
 
 Resolved, That we ask our fellow-citizens to disregard minor differences of politi¬ 
 cal opinion, and to unite, without reference to party affiliation, in rescuing the vast 
 and important interests of Chicago from the power of the disreputable men who 
 now hold them at their mercy. 
 
 Resolved, That only by energetic, thorough, and persevering action can we hope 
 to put a check upon the evil influences which now control the city, and to substitute 
 therefor a government organized solely with a view to honesty, efficiency, and econ¬ 
 omy ; and that, therefore, we recommend a speedy and thorough organization of 
 citizens in each of the different wards of the city, similar to the one now in active 
 operation in the Twentieth Ward, and the creation of a Central Committee, to be 
 composed of delegates from the various ward organizations, for the purpose of deter¬ 
 mining upon further concerted action for the best interests of our city. 
 
 At the close of the reading of the resolutions, Mr. Chamberlain spoke 
 as follows :— 
 
 Fellow-Citizens,— You will pardon me, I trust, if in support of the 
 resolutions, and in addition to what you have already heard, I still call 
 your attention to the precise meaning of the issue before us. Certainly in 
 time of danger there is need of clear-sightedness. They who fight without 
 an understanding of the peril they confront, fight not only at a disadvan¬ 
 tage manifest and general, but at a disadvantage which relates specifically 
 to both the methods to be adopted and the weapons to be employed. 
 Fellow-citizens, we cannot comprehend too exactly, nor realize too vividly, 
 the nature of the crisis which to-day is upon us. 
 
 I take it, for example, that one incentive which has gathered us in public 
 protest, has been our indignation at events which lay on the very surface 
 of that Friday’s doings. For, suppose that there had been no weighty 
 issues at stake. Suppose that for a comparatively trivial reason the inhabi¬ 
 tants of Chicago had resorted to the methods of an election. Yet, even 
 h a supposition, the honest citizen must have come to the close of 
 
4 
 
 \ 
 
 the recent election-day with feelings of righteous anger. I venture that in 
 his very instinct of self-respect, his natural impulse as a man, he must have 
 resented the deeds which then were witnessed throughout the city. [Ap¬ 
 plause.] An election, good friends, though considered at its lowest, is 
 nothing less than a sacred agreement to which, on the one side or the 
 other, the whole community is party. It is based on good faith between 
 man and man. It proceeds upon the clear understanding that in the elec¬ 
 tive franchise there is the means of ascertaining the desires of those who 
 resort to it. It contains the pledge that when any legal voter goes to the 
 polls and deposits his ballot, that ballot shall count one in the number of 
 bona fide votes. The very idea of the elective procedure is that of a 
 courteous, open, honest summons to the qualified voter to make known his 
 individual choice. Now what, fellow-citizens of Chicago, did you find to 
 be the facts as touching the election of a week ago? Why, you found, in 
 many instances, that both the polling-places and the ballot-boxes had been 
 taken possession of by those who scoffed at the requirements of fairness, 
 and laughed the dictates of courtesy to scorn. You found, with certain 
 most honorable exceptions, that those whose previous conduct had not 
 inspired you with confidence, or whose crimes had forced you to deem 
 them positively disreputable, had assumed to control methods and decide 
 results. You found yourselves subjected to personal indignities, such as 
 might almost have made you doubt whether there were such realities as. 
 courtesy and good faith between men. The air of more than one voting- 
 place was persistently fouled with obscenity and oaths by those who openly 
 lent themselves to the service of riot instead of law. And all that even 
 was but the beginning of the occasion for your instinctive wrath. For 
 you found when all was over, that your very votes had been neutralized— 
 not, be it remembered, by the legal votes of those who differed from you 
 in judgment,—but by the votes of those who had no pretence of claim to 
 the franchise, and by votes placed in the ballot-boxes without even the 
 formality of persons casting them ! You went up from your business and 
 your homes. You took time in the midst of engrossing cares, to exercise 
 the right of the franchise. And then, when all the other outrages of the 
 day had been endured, you found, so far as the declared result was con¬ 
 cerned, that you might as well have stayed from the polls, or have cast 
 your ballots to the winds. To crown all, your ballots themselves were 
 belied and miscounted, and what was announced as an election, and you 
 had treated as a matter of good faith, was turned into a shameless farce. 
 You found, in short, that by means of treachery and fraud you had been 
 made to play the apparent part of imbeciles and fools. I don't wonder that 
 when the hand of villiany so smote you in the face, you flushed with the 
 sense of personal indignation. [Applause.] 
 
 But, fellow-citizens, unless I misjudge the hour, your protest to-night 
 goes deeper than feelings of personal resentment. I take it that you 
 would feel called to express your disapproval of such wrong-doing though 
 it had not existed as a direct insult to yourselves. I confidently trust that 
 at sight of such fraud perpetrated anywhere, you would be moved to earn¬ 
 est opposition. He surely has but a paltry estimate of citizenship, who 
 does not realize that it belongs to him to bear witness against fraud as 
 
 
5 
 
 fraud, no matter whether it touch him personally or not. Is it not, my 
 friends, one distinguishing feature of sound civilization, not to say religion, 
 that under it men sometimes take abstract views and own allegiance to 
 right as right? I would wish it distinctly understood, therefore, by both 
 the city and the country, that we are not here to-night simply because of 
 personal grievance. Let it rather go forth that we are here because a 
 gigantic wrong has been consummated, and because, on that account, 
 aside from, and in addition to, personal resentment, we are constrained to 
 make our protest. Let it be understood that this issue has moral fearings 
 which are independent of everything save the sheer iniquity which has 
 been perpetrated in our midst. For my own part, I would speak and 
 work against fraud in itself considered, and with equal earnestness, let me 
 add, whether it be found on the one side or the other. [Loud applause.] 
 Party may be but an honest difference of judgment between good men. 
 City-charters and general incorporation acts may be but temporary 
 expedients. But, fellow-citizens, the nature of right, whether in private 
 or public affairs is eternal, and demands the absolute fealty of every soul. 
 God speed the day, then, when the public conscience shall be so quickened 
 that every official and every measure and every party shall alike be held 
 to moral accountability, and judged without fear or favor. God speed the 
 day when the people shall assert their sovereignty by searching politics, 
 both municipal and national, as with the candle of the Lord, and by 
 demanding the putting away of whatever baseness is therein discovered. 
 [Applause.] Aye, if wrong-doing should anywhere receive special 
 reprobation and punishment, it is when it is found in the ranks of those 
 who claim to be the preeminent conservators of purity and law. For 
 theirs is not only the crime of profaneness, it is hypocritical blasphemy 
 against uprightness itself, and ought scarce to be forgiven either in this life 
 or the life to come. I repeat, then, that we are here to-night to bear our 
 impartial protest against the wrong which we know was done on that “Black 
 Friday 5 ’ of April 23d. We are here to say to individuals and committees 
 and associations and courts, “ In the name of the people, make thorough 
 work of it. Hunt the crime to its source. And whether it be traced to 
 the gutter or the mansion; to the lurking-place of the outcast or the office 
 of authority; to those who voted for the incorporation act or those who 
 voted against it; the crime as crime shall receive our unqualified condemna¬ 
 tion, and its punishment our unhesitating approval. 55 We are here to warn 
 the wrongdoer, whoever he is and wherever he is, that the honest people 
 of the city are against him, and that, so far as in them lies, he shall be 
 brought to deserved judgment. [Renewed applause.] 
 
 Still, fellow-citizens, there are considerations touching this crisis that is 
 upon us, which are of yet graver import and which demand yet more earn¬ 
 est reflection. It undoubtedly were enough to call us together in our pres¬ 
 ent attitude, though the emergency was one whose evil? were simply such 
 as have already been set forth. But, in actual fact, the evils to be opposed 
 are of a more serious sort. They are evils which possess a germinant power. 
 They are evils which peculiarly tend to perpetuate and enlarge themselves. 
 They are evils which to-day threatening the foundations of the public good, 
 will at no distant day, provided they go unchecked, destroy the whole 
 
6 
 
 structure of social and governmental well-being. Yet believe me, friends, I 
 am no alarmist. I have lived long enough to learn that, in public affairs, 
 many a cry of mortal danger is but the cry of those who would make the 
 false affright the means of accomplishing their own selfish ends. If we 
 credited every assertion of danger, we should long ago have come to believe 
 that liberalism and toryism, republicanism and democracy, centralization 
 of power and diffusion of power, were successive pivots on which must turn 
 decisively the gates of a people's destiny. Whereas, through a hundred 
 such crises the nation has already passed in alternating preference, and 
 received no fatal detriment. No American community, therefore,—cer¬ 
 tainly no such community as is represented here to-night—is to be carried 
 away by off-hand alarms. Yet, look with me for a moment, and see if in 
 our municipal affairs, and in wider affairs too so far as this city controls 
 them, the supreme peril has not at last and in truth overtaken us. I spoke 
 in the opening of these remarks of the virtual compact between man and 
 man, and between all parts of the community, which was involved in the 
 very idea of the elective procedure. I said that a personal affront was put 
 upon every legal voter who went to the polls, only to find, in the end, that 
 his ballot had been neutralized by treachery and fraud. Well! See now 
 what else and what more is true. See how the personal affront, stinging 
 as it is, fades into nothingness in comparison with the more practical and 
 mightier mischiefs which follow. And do I speak now, think you, of the 
 features of the bill of 1872, on which Chicago was supposed to hold an 
 election? Is it to terms of office improperly extended, and fire and police 
 departments disorganized, and treasury left unguarded, and taxes redoubled, 
 and the city gerrymandered to suit the new regime, that I refer as the more 
 practical and mightier mischiefs which we have to dread? No, fellow- 
 citizens, serious as are such possibilities, there are mischiefs which out¬ 
 weigh them all. For mark you, in such a form of government as ours, the 
 mutual compact implied and sealed in the elective franchise is that with 
 which everything valuable is vitally connected. Profane the franchise,, 
 therefore, and you profane the very shrine of your welfare. Let the 
 franchise be invaded in its purity, and you shake to, its downfall the 
 whole temple of public and private prosperity. Suffer illegality and fraud 
 to reign in your elections, and you bid speedy farewell to both rights and 
 enjoyments. Let me illustrate. 
 
 Suppose a community to be associated by reason of common interests. 
 Of necessity, there must be some form of government. Either sheer force 
 will hold sway, or there will be a voluntary adjustment of authority. That 
 adjustment moreover, in case it be made, will embody a greater or less 
 degree of popular sovereignty. If there comes to be a king on the throne, 
 the people will have comparatively little direct responsibility. But if they 
 decide for simple self-government, they will hold direct control, only de¬ 
 puting to certain chosen ones the temporary duty of administration and 
 specific legislation. Now, in the latter case, it is evident, from the very 
 nature of the plan, that there must be some convenient and trusted method 
 by which the people’s voice may be heard in its supremacy. Hence 
 comes the ballot. Its form may vary, from the pebble-voting of the half- 
 civilized up to the folded paper which speaks in printed words the will of 
 
 % 
 
him who presents it; yet it is the ballot, and represents the majesty of 
 the popular will. The printed slip, aye, the rude pebble, becomes in such 
 a use more sacred than the ruler's sceptre or the monarch’s crown. Do 
 you not see, then, that in very truth it were a less offence to do despite to 
 royalty itself, than to assail the trustworthiness of the people’s ballot? Do 
 you not see that the ballot, simple though it be, is the indispensable con¬ 
 dition of popular government ? Is it not clear, that deeper down than 
 statutes, and more fundamental than constitutions, is the elective franchise 
 as representing the power that, at its pleasure, makes and unmakes both 
 statutes and constitutions? Is it not plainly inevitable that every interest, 
 whether of good order or property, or even personal safely, depends on 
 the absolute inviolability of the elective franchise? Does it not appear as 
 manifestly as the sun at noonday, that when the purity of that franchise is 
 lost) a profound distrust, a paralyzing sense of insecurity, must pervade all 
 society? Can you doubt that when the ballot is turned into a mockery 
 the substance of self-government is wellnigh gone? So true is it, as Jeffer¬ 
 son has said, that “the whole art of government is the art of being honest.” 
 [Applause.] 
 
 I am disposed, in charity, to think that some of those who planned, and 
 many of those who practiced, fraud in the recent election, did not realize 
 the enormity of their offence. I cannot easily persuade myself that they 
 understood the full nature of their act, or comprehended the interests they 
 imperiled. Yet their act itself was none the less baleful. It matters not 
 whether he who throws the torch be madman or fiend, the temple is in 
 danger of conflagration. It makes no difference whether the blow be 
 aimed half in wantonness or wholly in malice, the pierced heart ceases to 
 beat. No man, therefore, can overrate the seriousness of the present hour. 
 He who considers it most carefully will, I am sure, be moved with gravest 
 apprehensions. 
 
 And now the final question comes—“What is the further demand of the 
 crisis?” The danger has been pointed out. The protest has been borne. 
 What is the remaining duty? Fellow-citizens, the remaining duty is two¬ 
 fold. On the one hand, it looks backward, and says, “An outrage has 
 been committed. A crime against Society and the State has been consum¬ 
 mated. The tacit compact which underlies all popular government, and 
 the open statute which expresses the popular judgment, have alike been 
 violated. The law with its retributions must therefore take its course. 
 The criminal must be prosecuted. The guilty must be made to suffer.” 
 [Applause.] Thus much you owe, good friends, not only to the protection 
 of the ballot, but also, I may say, to the vindication of justice itself. Let 
 it once be understood that, through your indifference, a gross infraction of 
 law and order, such as recently took place in this city, can go unpunished, 
 and you yourselves strike a blow at the supremacy of all righteous autho¬ 
 rity. You virtually tell your children, and the rising generation at large, 
 that any crime may hope to escape its deserts. You certainly give them 
 to infer that crimes against the elective franchise are not held in real ab- 
 horence by the inhabitants of Chicago. Indeed, you practically encourage 
 the wrongdoer to repeat the offence which is so devoid of personal peril. 
 Accordingly, without the least vindictiveness; nay, in part, for the sake of 
 
8 
 
 genuine mercy to the depraved and tempted; I charge you to invoke 
 against them the utmost penalties of the courts. Restore and reenforce 
 their lost or wavering integrity, by a wholesome fear of swift-coming con¬ 
 sequences. Teach all men that though, as in the old mythology, justice 
 has feet of wool, her hands are of iron, and that there is woe to him on 
 whom those hands are laid. [Loud applause.] Such, I judge, is the dutv 
 of the hour, which has reference to the past. 
 
 Nor, on the other hand, and in reference to the future, is the duty less 
 clear and imperative. There, the rather, the held of endeavor broadens 
 and the urgencies increase. For, above all things else, the duty of the 
 future means the consecration of all good citizens, man by man, to the 
 more active support of good government. It means the casting off of 
 personal indifference and the substitution therefor of personal earnestness. 
 It means the rousing of each legal voter to that jealousy for the purity of 
 the ballot, which is born of the intelligent conviction that a pure ballot is 
 one of the corner-stones of free institutions. Shame to the citizen who 
 rests content when fraudulent voting is practised ! Shame to the citizen 
 who foregoes his own prerogative and does not vote at all! Duty bids 
 every man to be faithful in his own person. 
 
 And thereafter, fellow-citizens, fidelity to the good cause means organiza¬ 
 tion also. It means—and this I emphasize—it means Citizen’s Leagues in 
 every ward in the city. It means a central committee, which shall be com¬ 
 posed of delegates from the several ward organizations. It means, in short, 
 the brains and hearts and hands of the city, from every class and color and 
 sect and party and nationality, combined in the supreme purpose of pro¬ 
 tecting the elective franchise. [Great applause.] I pray you go not from this 
 hall till you have taken all possible steps toward such an immediate result. 
 
 Yet I have heard good men, within these last few days, say “It is of no 
 use. We are doomed to be betrayed in every attempt. The dishonest 
 elements are in power, and it is vain to combat them. Let it go, and 
 perhaps revolution will some day bring redress.” Fellow-citizens of 
 Chicago, the attempt at present redress is of exceeding use. Taken at the 
 very least, it is the doing of duty. Taken at any just appraisal, it is the 
 achieving of magnificent success. Let the mass of our law-abiding citizens 
 undertake the work in earnest; let them, laying aside divisive and petty 
 issues, stand shoulder to shoulder; let them enlist not for a day, or a week, 
 or a month, or a year, but for the war, for life; and the reign of political 
 fraud will speedily be over. Let the people put themselves permanently 
 in battle-array, and even our municipal affairs can again be made decent 
 and pure. [Applause.] 
 
 Hail, then, to that better day. Hail to the good name of our city re¬ 
 vindicated before the world. Hail to the ballot purified and protected. 
 Hail to the foundations of civic prosperity secured against future assault. 
 Flail to the time when, through united effort and the blessing of Al¬ 
 mighty God, “our officers shall indeed be peace, and our exactors right¬ 
 eousness.” Hail to the defeat of falsehood and the triumph of eternal 
 truth! [Loud and continued applause.] 
 
 The Resolutions were then put, and carried by a unanimous vote. 
 
OF THE 
 
 AJNJd THE 
 
 PRINCIPAL SECTIONS 
 
 FEOM THE 
 
 Illinois Statutes Regulating Elections. 
 
 For the purpose of protection to the elective franchise, 
 and in order to secure the selection of proper men for our 
 municipal and county administration, and believing that to 
 secure these ends, united and organized action is necessary ; 
 
 We, Citizens and Voters in the 20th Ward of the City 
 of Chicago, have formed this Club, and for its government have 
 established this 
 
 CONSTITUTION. 
 
 ART. I. § 1. The name of this Club shall be “The 20TH 
 Ward Citizens’ Club.” 
 
 § 2. The general purposes of this Club shall be those set forth 
 in the Preamble to this Constitution, employing such means to 
 execute those purposes as this Club may from time to time adopt. 
 
 ART. II. § 1. The Officers of this Club shall consist of 
 a President, five Vice-Presidents, (one from each precinct,) a 
 Secretary, and Treasurer, to be elected by open vote at the 
 first regular meeting of the Club, whose term of office shall be 
 for the period of one year, respectively, from the time of their 
 election, or until their successors are provided. 
 
 § 2. The President shall preside at all regular meetings of 
 the Club, and shall perform all the duties ordinarily incident to 
 the office. / 
 
2 
 
 CONSTITUTION. 
 
 § 3. A Vice-President shall, in the absence of the President, 
 preside at all regular meetings, and perform all the duties which 
 would otherwise be incumbent upon the President. 
 
 § 4. The Secretary shall have custody of the books, papers, 
 and documents of the Club, and shall keep full and correct 
 records of its proceedings. 
 
 § 5. The Treasurer shall receive the moneys of the Club; 
 from time to time disburse the same as may be required, keeping 
 full and correct accounts of all such moneys received and dis¬ 
 bursed by him. 
 
 ART. III. § 1. At the first meeting of this Club there 
 shall be an Executive Committee selected, composed of eighteen 
 persons in the Ward, the President, Secretary, and Treasurer 
 beino; members ex-officio. 
 
 o 
 
 § 2. The Executive Committee thus appointed, shall con¬ 
 tinue in office for the period of one year from the time of their 
 selection, or until their successors are provided, and shall have 
 power to fill vacancies in their number, it being understood, in 
 their discretion, that failure to attend two successive and duly 
 notified meetings of the Committee, is equivalent to a resignation. 
 
 § 3. It shall be the duty of the Executive Committee to 
 provide for the financial and executive interests of the Club, to 
 pass upon names proposed for membership, arid to call meetings 
 of the Club whenever they deem it necessary. It shall also be 
 the duty of the Committee to appoint, at least ten days before 
 each election, and from the membership of the Club, a suitable 
 person, who shall have general direction of such members as 
 have volunteered to render special service on days of election. 
 The Committee shall likewise see to it that, under the direction 
 of the person so appointed, a sufficient number of special-service 
 members are at each polling-place, from the opening to the 
 closing of the polls, in order that all the provisions of the statute 
 concerning elections may be strictly enforced. 
 
 ART. IV. Any citizen or legal voter of this Ward, irre¬ 
 spective of party affiliation, may become a member of this Club, 
 upon being approved by the Executive Committee, and signing 
 this Constitution. 
 
 ART. V. This Constitution may be altered or amended by 
 a vote of two-thirds of the members of this Club present at a 
 regular meeting. But before such alteration or amendment, notice 
 thereof shall have been given, in writing, at a previous meeting, 
 which notice shall set forth the proposed alteration or amendment. 
 
 To this Constitution we have subscribed our names, thereby 
 adopting and approving the objects herein declared, and pledging 
 ourselves to aid in carrying them out. 
 
3 
 
 EXTRACTS 
 
 From the Illinois Statutes Regulating Elections. 
 
 JUDGES AND CLERKS OF ELECTION. 
 
 36 . Vacancies filled.] § 36. If, at 
 the time for the opening of any election, 
 any person appointed or constituted a judge 
 of election shall not be present, or will not 
 act or take the oath to act in such capacity, 
 the judge or judges present may appoint 
 some other qualified elector to act in his 
 place. If there be no judge of election 
 present, or he refuses to act, such electors 
 of the precinct or district as may then be 
 present at the place of election, may fill 
 the places of such judges by election from 
 their number. The judges so appointed 
 shall have the same power and be subject 
 to the same penalties as other judges of 
 election. 
 
 37. Clerks of election.] §37: The 
 judges of election shall choose two persons, 
 having similar qualifications with them¬ 
 selves, to act as clerks of election, who 
 may continue to act as such during the 
 pleasure of the judges. 
 
 OATH OF JUDGES AND CLERKS OF 
 ELECTION. 
 
 38. Oath.] § 38 . Previous to any vote 
 being taken, the judges and clerks of the 
 election shall severally take an oath or 
 affirmation, in the following form to-wit: 
 
 I do solemnly swear (or affirm, as the 
 case may be,) that I will support the con¬ 
 stitution of the United States, and the con¬ 
 stitution of the state of Illinois, and that I 
 will faithfully discharge the duties of the 
 office of judge of election (or clerk as the 
 case may be,) according to the best of my 
 ability. 
 
 39. By whom administered.] § 39. 
 In case there shall be no judge or justice 
 of the peace present at the opening of the 
 election, or in case such judge or justice 
 shall be appointed a judge or clerk of elec¬ 
 tion, it shall be lawful for the judges of the 
 election to administer the oath or affirma¬ 
 tion to each other, and to the clerks of the 
 election; and the person administering 
 such oath or affirmation, shall cause an 
 entry thereof to be made and subscribed 
 by him, and prefixed to each poll book. 
 
 BALLOT BOXES AND POLL BOOKS. 
 
 9 
 
 40. Ballot boxes.] §40. The county 
 board shall provide a sufficient number of 
 ballot boxes, with secure locks and keys 
 at the expence of the county, for the several 
 precincts and districts. There shall be an 
 opening in the lid of each box not larger 
 than is sufficient to admit a single closed 
 ballot to be inserted therein at one time, 
 through which each ballot voted shall be 
 put into the box. 
 
 42. Blanks, poll books, etc.] § 42. 
 The county clerk shall provide, at the ex¬ 
 pence of the county, proper blanks, poll 
 books and other necessary election blanks 
 for each precinct and district in his county, 
 and cause a suitable number thereof to be 
 delivered to the judges of election, at least 
 ten days before any election is to be held. 
 
 CONSTABLES APPOINTED TO ATTEND 
 ELECTIONS—ORDER. 
 
 43. County board, or judges, may 
 appoint.] § 43. The county board may 
 appoint one or more constables to attend 
 each place of holding elections, and pre¬ 
 serve order during the election ; if no con¬ 
 stable is appointed by the county board 
 to attend any place of holding election, or 
 if others shall be necessary to preserve 
 order, the judges of election may appoint 
 one or more constables for that purpose. 
 
 45. Suppressing riot, etc.—arrest.] 
 § 45. Any constable attending such elec¬ 
 tion may call to his aid a sufficient number 
 of citizens to arrest any disorderly person 
 or suppress any riot or disorder during the 
 election. Whoever conducts himself in a 
 riotous or disorderly manner at any elec¬ 
 tion, and persists in such conduct after 
 being warned to desist, may be arrested 
 without warrant. 
 
 48. Time of opening and closing 
 polls.] § 48. The polls shall be opened 
 at the hour of eight o’clock in the morning 
 and continued open until seven o’clock in 
 the afternoon of the same day, at which 
 time the polls shall be closed; but if the 
 judges shall not attend at the hour of eight 
 o’clock in the morning, or if it shall be 
 
 
4 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE ILLINOIS STATUTES. 
 
 necessary for the electors present to appoint 
 judges to conduct the election, as herein 
 before prescribed, the polls may, in that 
 case, be opened at any hour before the time 
 for closing the same shall arrive, as the 
 case may require. 
 
 49. Proclamation.] §49. Upon open¬ 
 ing the polls one of the clerks or judges of 
 election shall make proclamation of the 
 same, and at least thirty minutes before 
 the closing of the polls, proclamation shall 
 be made in like manner that the polls will 
 be closed in half an hour. 
 
 50. Ballot box publicly exhibited, 
 etc.—locked—keys.] ' § 50. Before 
 any ballot shall be deposited in the ballot 
 box, the ballot box shall be publicly opened 
 and exhibited, and the judges and clerks 
 shall see that no ballot is in such box ; after 
 which the box shall be locked and the key 
 delivered to one of the judges, and shall 
 not be again opened until the close of the 
 polls. 
 
 51. Poll lists— how kept.] § 51. 
 Each clerk of the election shall keep a 
 poll list, which shall contain a column 
 headed “number,” and another headed 
 “names of voters.” The name of each 
 elector voting shall be entered upon each 
 of the poll books by the clerks, in regular 
 succession, under the proper headings, and 
 the number of such voter placed opposite 
 his name in the column headed “number.” 
 
 52. Ballots.] § 52. The manner of 
 voting shall be by ballot. The ballot shall 
 be printed or written, or partly printed and - 
 partly written, upon plain paper, with the 
 name of each candidate voted for, and the 
 title of the offices. When the ballot is 
 printed, the same shall be printed upon 
 plain paper, in plain type, in straight lines, 
 with a blank space below each name, of a 
 width not less than equal to the width of 
 the line in which the name is printed. 
 [See Const., art. 7, § 2. 
 
 53. Form of ballot.] § 53. The 
 names of all candidates for which the elec¬ 
 tor intends to vote shall be written or 
 printed upon the same ballot, and the 
 office to which he desii'es each to be elected 
 shall be designated upon the ballot. 
 
 54. Form of cumulative ballot.] 
 § 54. In voting for representatives to the 
 general assembly, if the voter intends to 
 give more than one vote to any candidate, 
 he shall express his intention on the face of 
 the ballot, in words or figures, which may 
 be done in either of the following forms: 
 A B, C D, E F, which shall be held to 
 mean one vote for each candidate named; 
 
 or A B 1 ]/ z votes, C D \]/ 2 votes; or A B 
 2 votes, C D 1 vote; or A B 3 votes. 
 [See Const., art 4, § 7, 8. 
 
 55. Manner of receiving and de¬ 
 positing ballot.] § 55. The ballot shall 
 be folded by the voter and delivered to one 
 of the judges of election; and if the judges 
 be satisfied that the person offering the 
 vote is a legal voter, the clerks of election 
 shall enter the name of the voter, and his 
 number, under the proper heading in the 
 poll books, and the judges shall endorse 
 on the back of the ticket offered the num¬ 
 ber corresponding with the number of the 
 voter on the poll books, and shall immedi¬ 
 ately put the ticket into the ballot box. 
 
 56. No adjournment or recess.] 
 § 56. After the opening of the polls no 
 adjournment shall be had, nor shall any 
 recess be taken, until all the votes cast at 
 such election shall have been counted and 
 the result publicly announced. 
 
 57. Canvass of votes.] § 57. Imme¬ 
 diately upon closing the polls, the judges 
 shall proceed to canvass the votes polled. 
 They shall first count the whole number 
 of ballots in the box. If the ballots shall 
 be found to exceed the number of names 
 entered on each of the poll lists, they shall 
 reject the ballots, if any be found upon 
 which no number is marked; if the num¬ 
 ber of ballots still exceeds the number of 
 names entered on each of the poll lists, 
 they shall be replaced in the box and the 
 box closed and well shaken and again 
 opened, and one of the judges shall pub¬ 
 licly draw out and destroy so many ballots, 
 unopened, as shall be equal to such excess ; 
 and the ballot or poll lists agreeing, or be¬ 
 ing made to agree, the board shall proceed 
 to count, and estimate and publish the 
 votes; and when the judges of election 
 shall open and read the tickets, each clerk 
 shall carefully mark down upon the tally- 
 list the votes each candidate receives, in a 
 separate column prepared for that purpose, 
 with the name of such candidate at the 
 head of such column, and the office, desig¬ 
 nated by the votes, such candidate shall 
 fill. 
 
 58 . Irregular ballots.] § 58. If 
 more persons are designated for any office 
 than there are candidates to be elected, or 
 if more votes or parts of votes are desig¬ 
 nated on any ballot for representatives than 
 the voter is entitled to cast, such part of the 
 ticket shall not be counted for either of the 
 candidates. 
 
 59. Ballots strung and returned 
 —when destroyed.] § 59. All the 
 ballots counted by the judges of election 
 
EXTRACTS FROM THE ILLINOIS STATUTES. 
 
 5 
 
 shall, after being read, be strung upon a 
 strong thread or twine, in the order in 
 which they have been read, and shall then 
 be carefully enveloped and sealed up by 
 judges, who shall direct the same to the 
 officer to whom by law they are required 
 to return the poll books, and shall be de- 
 livered, together with the poll books, to 
 such officer, who shall carefully preserve 
 said ballots for six months, and at the ex¬ 
 piration of that time shall destroy them by 
 burning, without the package being pre¬ 
 viously opened : Provided , if any contest of 
 election shall be pending at such time in 
 which such ballots may be required as evi¬ 
 dence, the same shall not be destroyed till 
 such contest is finally determined. 
 
 61. Form of return.] § 6i. When 
 the votes shall have been examined and 
 counted, the clerks shall set down in their 
 poll books the name of every person voted 
 for, written at full length, the office for 
 which such person received such votes, and 
 the number he did receive, the number 
 being expressed in words at full length; 
 such entry to be made, as nearly as circum¬ 
 stances will admit, in the following form, 
 to-wit: 
 
 At an election held at., in the 
 
 county of., and state of Illinois, 
 
 on the.day., in the year of our 
 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and... ., 
 the following named persons received the 
 number of votes annexed to their respective 
 names, for the following described offices, 
 to-wit: (name of candidate) had (number 
 of votes) for (title of office), (and in the 
 same manner for any other persons voted 
 for.) Certified by us, 
 
 AB, ) 
 
 CD, r Judges of election. 
 
 EF, ) 
 
 Atte t. G H, | d er j, s of e j ec ti on ' 
 
 62. Returns to be delivered to 
 
 COUNTY CLERK—CANVASS, ETC.] § 62. 
 Such certificate, together with one of the 
 lists of voters and one of the tally papers, 
 having been carefully enveloped and sealed 
 up, shall be put into the hands of one of 
 the judges or board of election, who shall, 
 within four days thereafter, deliver the same 
 to the county clerk or his deputy, at the 
 office of said county clerk; and when re¬ 
 ceived, such clerk or deputy shall proceed 
 to open, canvass and publish the return 
 from each precinct or election district, as 
 provided by law. [See § 71. 
 
 64. Challengers.] §64. The judges 
 of election shall allow at least one, and 
 not more than two legal voters of each 
 
 party to the contest, to be chosen by the 
 parties respectively, into the room where 
 the election is held, to act as challengers 
 of voters at such election; and such chal¬ 
 lengers may remain with the board of elec¬ 
 tion until the votes are all canvassed and 
 the result declared. 
 
 QUALIFICATION OF VOTERS. 
 
 65 . Who may vote.] § 65. Every 
 person having resided in this state one 
 year, in the county ninety days, and in the 
 election district thirty days next preceding 
 any election therein, who was an elector 
 in this state on the first day of April, in 
 the year of our Lord 1848, or obtained a 
 certificate of naturalization before any court 
 of record in this state prior to the first day 
 of January, in the year of our Lord 1870, 
 or who shall be a male citizen of the United 
 States, above the age of twenty-one years, 
 shall be entitled to vote at such election. 
 [See Const., art. 7, § 1. 
 
 66. Residence.] § 66. A permanent 
 abode is necessary to constitute a residence 
 within the meaning of the preceding section. 
 
 67. Affidavit of qualification.] 
 § 67. Whenever, at any general or special 
 election, in any precinct, district, city, vil¬ 
 lage, town or ward, any person offering to 
 vote is not personally known to the judges 
 of election to have the qualifications men¬ 
 tioned in the two preceding sections, if his 
 vote is challenged by a legal voter at such 
 election, he shall make and subscribe an 
 affidavit, in the following form, which shall 
 be retained by the judges of election, and 
 returned by them with the poll books: 
 
 State of Illinois, 
 
 County of Cook. 
 
 I,.., do solemnly swear (or 
 
 affirm) that I am a citizen of the United 
 States, (or, “that I was an elector on the 
 first day of April, A.D. 1848” or, “that 
 I obtained- a certificate of naturalization 
 befoi'e a court of record in this state prior 
 to the first day of January, A.D. 1S70,” 
 as the case may be,) that I have resided 
 in this state one year, in this county ninety 
 days, and in this election district thirty 
 days next preceding this election; that I 
 now reside at (here give the particular 
 house or place of residence, and, if in a 
 town or city, the street and number,) in 
 this election district; that I am twenty-one 
 years of age, and have not voted at this 
 election: so help me God, (or, “ this 1 do 
 solemnly and sincerely affirm,” as the case 
 may be.) 
 
 Subscribed and sworn to before me, this 
 .day of. , A.D. 18... 
 
6 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE ILLINOIS STATUTES. 
 
 68 . Affidavit of witness.] §68. 
 In addition to such an affidavit, the person 
 so challenged shall produce a witness, per¬ 
 sonally known to the judges of election, 
 and resident in the precinct or district, or 
 who shall he proved by some legal voter 
 of such precinct or -district, known to the 
 judges to be such, who shall take the oath 
 following, viz.: 
 
 I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I 
 am a resident of this election precinct (or 
 district,) and entitled to vote at this elec¬ 
 tion, and that I have been a resident herein 
 for one year last passed, and am well ac¬ 
 quainted with the person whose vote is 
 now offered; that he is an actual and bona 
 fide resident of this election precinct (or 
 district,) and has resided herein thirty days, 
 and, as I verily believe, in this county 
 ninety days, and in this state one year next 
 preceding this election. 
 
 6g. Who may administer oath.] 
 § 69. The oath, in each case, may be 
 administered by either of the judges of 
 election, or by any officer, resident in the 
 precinct or district, authorized by law to 
 administer oaths. 
 
 70. Convicts — disqualification.] 
 § 70. No person who has been legally con¬ 
 victed of any crime, the punishment of 
 which is confinement in penitentiary, shall 
 be permitted to vote at any election, unless 
 he shall be restored to the right to vote by 
 pardon. [See Const., art. 7, § 7. 
 
 OFFENSES AND PENALTIES. 
 
 80. False swearing.] § 80. If any 
 person whose vote is challenged, or any 
 witness sworn under the provisions of this 
 act, shall knowingly, wilfully and corruptly, 
 swear falsely, he shall be deemed guilty of 
 perjury, and on conviction thereof shall be 
 punished accordingly. 
 
 81. Illegal voting.] § 81. Whoever 
 unlawfully votes more than once at any 
 election, or offers to vote after having once 
 voted at such election, or knowing that he 
 is not a qualified voter at an election, wil¬ 
 fully votes at such election, shall, on con¬ 
 viction thereof, be fined in a sum not ex¬ 
 ceeding $1000, or imprisoned in the county 
 jail not exceeding one year, or both, in the 
 discretion of the court. 
 
 82. Other offenses.] § 82. Whoever 
 wilfully aids or abets any one not legally 
 qualified to vote at an election, in voting 
 or attempting to vote, at such election ; or, 
 
 2d. Furnishes an elector with a ticket 
 or ballot informing him that it contains a 
 name different from that which appears 
 
 thereon, with intent to induce him to vote 
 contrary to his inclinations; or, 
 
 3d. Fraudulently or deceitfully changes 
 a ballot of an elector, with intent to deprive 
 such elector of voting for such person as 
 he intended; or, 
 
 4th. Endeavors to procure the vote of 
 any elector, or the influence of any person 
 over an elector at any election, for himself 
 or for or against any person, by means of 
 a promise of a favor, or by means of vio¬ 
 lence or threats of violence, or threats of 
 withdrawing custom or dealing in business 
 or trade, or enforcing the payment of a 
 debt, or bringing a suit, or criminal pros¬ 
 ecution, or any other threat of injury to be 
 inflicted by him or his means; or, 
 
 5th. By offering a reward or bribe, or 
 by treating to or giving spirituous, malt, 
 or other liquor, either directly or indirectly, 
 influences or attempts to influence any voter 
 in giving or withholding his vote at an 
 election; or, 
 
 6th. By bribery, or by corrupt or unlaw¬ 
 ful means, prevents or attempts to prevent 
 any voter from attending or voting at an 
 election; or, 
 
 7th. Gives or offers to give any valuable 
 thing or bribe to any judge or cleik of elec¬ 
 tion, as a consideration for some act to be 
 done or omitted to be done, contrary to his 
 official duty, in relation to such election, 
 shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in a 
 sum not exceeding $1000, or imprisoned in 
 the county jail not exceeding one year, or 
 both, in the discretion of the court. 
 
 83. Betting on election.] § 85. 
 Whoever bets or wagers any money, prop¬ 
 erty or other valuable thing upon the result 
 of an election which may be held under the 
 constitution or laws of this state, or bets or 
 wagers money, property or other valuable 
 thing upon the number of votes which may 
 be given to any person at an election, or 
 upon who will receive the greatest number 
 of votes at an election: or agrees to pay any 
 other person any money, property or other 
 valuable thing, in the event that an election 
 shall result in one way, or in the event that 
 any person shall or shall not be elected, 
 or shall receive a greater number of votes 
 than others, upon conviction thereof he 
 shall be fined in a sum not exceeding 
 $1000, or imprisoned in the county jail 
 not exceeding one year, or both, in the 
 discretion of the court. [See Crim. Code, 
 ch. 38, p. 372, § 132. 
 
 86 . Offenses of judge of elec¬ 
 tion.] § 86. If any judge of any election 
 shall permit a person to vote whose vote 
 is challenged, without the proof required in 
 this act; or, 
 
REGISTRATION OF ELECTORS. 
 
 7 
 
 2d. Shall knowingly and wilfully permit 
 a person to testify as a witness contrary to 
 the provisions of this act; or, 
 
 3d. Shall knowingly permit a person to 
 vote who is not qualified according to law; 
 or ’ 
 
 4th. Shall knowingly receive and count 
 more than one vote from the same person 
 at the same election for the same office, 
 except as allowed by law; or, 
 
 5th. Shall refuse to receive the vote of 
 a qualified elector at such election, who 
 will make the affidavit and proof required 
 by this act; or, 
 
 6th. Shall be guilty of any fraud, cor¬ 
 ruption, partiality or manifest misbehavior; 
 or, 
 
 7th. Shall open or unfold any ballot 
 when the same is presented to be deposited 
 in the ballot box ; or, 
 
 8th. Shall wilfully neglect to perform 
 any of the duties required of him by this 
 act, shall, on conviction thereof, be fined 
 in a sum not exceeding $1000, or im¬ 
 prisoned in the county jail not exceeding 
 one year, or both, in the discretion of the 
 court. 
 
 89. Neglect of duty by clerk.] 
 § 89. If any clerk of an election shall wil¬ 
 fully neglect to perform any duty required 
 of him as clerk of election, or shall be 
 guilty of fraud, corruption or misbehavior 
 as such clerk, he shall, on conviction, be 
 fined in a sum not exceeding $500, or im¬ 
 prisoned in the county jail not exceeding 
 six months, or both, in the discretion of 
 the court. 
 
 REGISTRATION. 
 
 The following are the principal provisions relative thereto:— 
 
 REGISTRATION OF ELECTORS. 
 
 AN ACT for the registry of electors and to prevent 
 fraudulent voting. [Approved and in force 
 February 15, 1865. L. 1865, p. 54. 
 
 135. Board of registration—Meet¬ 
 ing—REGISTER.] § 1. Be it enacted by the 
 People of the State of Illinois , represented in 
 the General Assembly, That the persons 
 authorized by law, or appointed pursuant 
 to any town or city ordinance, to act as 
 judges or inspectors of elections in any 
 town, city or ward, or other election district 
 or precinct in this state, shall constitute a 
 “board of registry,” for their respective 
 towns, cities, wards, districts or precincts, 
 and shall meet on Tuesday, three weeks 
 preceding any state election, at nine o’clock 
 A.M., and proceed to make a list, as here¬ 
 inafter prescribed, of all persons qualified 
 and entitled to vote at the ensuing election 
 in the election district of which tney are 
 judges or inspectors; which list, when com¬ 
 pleted, shall constitute and be known as 
 the “register” of electors of said election 
 district. [As amended by act approved 
 March 27, 1874; in force July 1, 1874.] 
 
 136. Manner of making register, 
 etc.—first meeting.] §2. Said regis- 
 
 ers shall each contain a list of the persons 
 
 so qualified and entitled to vote in said 
 election district, alphabetically arranged 
 according to their respective surnames, so 
 as to show, in one column, the name at full 
 length, and in another column, in cities, 
 the residence, by the number of the dwell¬ 
 ing, if there be a number, and the name of 
 the street or other location of the dwelling 
 place of each person. It shall be the duty 
 of said board to enter in said lists the 
 names of all persons residing in their elec¬ 
 tion district, whose name appears on the 
 poll list kept in said district at the last pre¬ 
 ceding election — in cities the number of 
 the dwelling and the name of the street or 
 other location, if the same shall be known 
 to or can be ascertained by such board— 
 and for this purpose said board are author¬ 
 ized to take from the office in which they 
 are filed the poll lists made and filed by 
 the judges or inspectors of such district, at 
 the election held next prior to the making 
 of such register. In making said list, the 
 board shall enter thereon, in addition to 
 the names on the poll list, the names of all 
 other persons who are well known to them 
 to be electors in said district; and the 
 names of all persons on the poll list who 
 have died or removed from the district 
 shall be omitted from the register. 
 
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 ittoeir bet: a said board and require 
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 oc.- . :s; • ; sr. • • :. ; :: 
 
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 A 0 At A t A : f. A A t A A A A - 
 
 required by He provisions of “bi s act oc 
 
 ‘A A AAA ./A : A : :A A - A! A 10 t 
 
 bail be soHect et He same oetaib.es roc 
 refusing o:> give aca. Hrbrracicn. or tor 
 HIseH --o* He same, xnd HI il.: be 
 
 subject to HideAgt. 
 
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 ber bv ti 
 
 ycsges 
 
 or tmsrectorsw or erHer of cheno. or bv 
 other elector a rose one looears oc 
 ilrtaoebcii list. 
 
 1 12. AVT 3 .Y >C KEGB 5 TEK. ®T CIA 
 — : -a a: a a ■' :zi — 7 
 
 s .0 ctties. every elector, it tbe o a - 
 
 a a bicb se resides, no if obe House. 1: 
 ac . 0 : :t-Aeo: to. ~ dob be resides 
 10 a ore . tbe number Here: f Ami 
 clerks : tbe tods. in. case He^ men 
 
 enter a He it trot bite oitm of He 
 
 street a —bite. Hi elect:r resides,. no He 
 nmler 0 ease He b rose. IrtigAg :r tere- 
 
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 ' . - - rood be .a - - 0 
 
 • •- b: HI carte bis tore :: be regbterei 
 2 more Hm one eietbon dtstrict. or oH: 
 'bid ci: a bis ~.me to be reg scerei. into ~- 
 - tc Hit be is not a :misled voter In He 
 Usenet ’ tere sito rec a~~ s one, .r a z 
 - toil HI el - oer-:m:e sc." registered tco-c. 
 
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 11— '• e 0 me bed. He esolt md e e. 
 
 0:0:. :y t ' : • A- . " 
 
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 Hlse 7v earing- ber tre sitd board of registm- 
 bon sbalb be Heated oH ami corrtot 
 ter cry. and. :n rcnviction. pr.nisb.el is 
 aca it any Ac a ter or o Acer tc sacs 
 ■tard sbad aaaa a: bite ny of He 000 - 
 ’. sc as of Hcs act. :r :e galley of ny feci 
 
 -t -Of AftAO A - : : • - A 
 
 be sHill :e omesbeb for each ami every 
 Hatc. by ao rs:ccnenc a He state orstc 
 tor Ate .ess ai~ one year.