I OF THE U NIVLRS ITY Of ILLINOIS From the Library of Dr. R. E. Hieronymus 1942 CbA-a Return this book on or before the Latest Date stamped below. A charge is made on all overdue books. University of Illinois Library /Jo NOli -7 (96 HAY 1 7 1971 NOV 1 6 m FEB 2 1^4 27214 American Child and Moloch of To-day American Child and Moloch of To-day (Elftlii ICabnr Jhrunrr DAVIS WASGATT CLARK Author of “ From a Cloud of Witnesses,” etc. CINCINNATI: JENNINGS AND GRAHAM NEW YORK: EATON AND MAINS Copyright, By Jennings and Graham, 1907 ywiyEfisrrv of iiuwaa l)8«AHA See page j6. rc (0 V 13 0 C S"A~3- ' i 'HIS book has not its mate in the **■ market. Its method is its own. It touches every phase of a vital question, but in briefest terms, so making it es¬ sentially a handy spare-moment volume. Aside from the likenesses of the two men who are the living representatives of the reform in America, the snapshots of chil¬ dren marked for sacrifice are an argu¬ ment in themselves. The Excerpta form a <( seed plot” to which the reader will return, and over which he will brood. The history of the movement is given from inception to date, but all in a nut¬ shell. The book recognizes its own in¬ troductory character, and so ends with a bibliography compiled from suggestive lists furnished by several of the foremost specialists. —JENNINGS AND GRAHAM. 4 Table of Contents PAGE Announcement, 5 Illustrations, .... 9 Monograph,. 13 Notes,.45 History,.53 Excerpta,.63 Bibliography,.73 i r t » • 1 v * * List of Illustrations FACING PAGE Earl of Shaftesbury, Frontispiece Little Olga,.15 Dr. Felix Adler, 24 The Stopper Tier, - - - - 36 Senator Albert J. Beveridge, - 48 Henrietta M - , - - - - 60 Willie M - , - 72 The Cry of the Children * Do you hear the children weeping, O my brothers, Ere the sorrow comes with years? They are leaning their young heads against their mothers, And that can not stop their tears. * * * They are weeping in the playtime of the others, In the country of the free. * * * They look up with their pale and sunken faces, And their looks are sad to see, For the man’s hoary anguish draws and presses Down the cheeks of infancy. * * * Our blood splashes upward, O gold-heaper, And your purple shows your path! But the child’s sob in the silence curses deeper Than the strong man in his wrath. —Elizabeth Barrett Browning* The hotels of this city employ children of twelve years of age in occupations which from the view point of moral insurance can only be classed as extra hazardous .—The Hon. Charles S. Neill, Commissioner of Labor, Washington, D. C. Monograph “ Who bids for the little children— Body, soul, and brain ? Who bids for the little children— Young and without a stain?” — Charles Mack ay . a TyjOLOCH 3 was the grimmest idol ever made, and his worship was supremely cruel. The image, ac- Ancient cording to the common idea, was that of a man with the head of a calf, from mouth and nostrils of which smoke and flame issued when fire was kindled within. When the arms had grown red hot, a babe was plucked from its mother’s bosom and tossed into the fiery embrace of the Moloch. It is mere curiosity and sentiment to dwell upon the ancient custom. Modern Do not drop a tear for those im- AnaIo ^ y molated infants! It was far away 15 in time and place. What concerns us is that something like that is be¬ ing done here and to-day. Chil¬ dren are being offered at the greedy altar of commercial aggrandizement. Their nervous and vital forces are burned up. Their lives are put in jeopardy in the midst of powerful and relentless machinery. The hours of play, which are the inalienable right of childhood, are stolen. The golden opportunities for mental discipline, which will never come again, are ruth¬ lessly snatched away—opportunities which, if employed, give wider hori¬ zon for pleasure and service for a life¬ time. In view of our clearer vision of the ethical rights of the individual arising from the tutelage of thirty centuries, it is an open question whether we are not greater sinners than the Ammonitish devotees of the 16 Little Ola, 8 years old, when she began work in a Georgia cot¬ ton mill. The sun shining in her face causes a slight frown, but she has rosy cheeks and a childlike expres¬ sion. This is another picture of little Ola, one year after she began work in the cotton mill. Her childhood has gone forever. How much was it worth to the mill, to society, to her? It is a shame for a nation to make its young girls weary .—John Ruskin. LlbHAfft UfHVEfsSITY Of ILLINOIS UftBANA fire-god Moloch and whether the ag¬ gregate of misery entailed by our modern heathenism is not greater. The United States Census for 1900 shows 1,752,187 children under six¬ teen years of age to be employed as The t-\ , . Figures wage-earners. ror obvious reasons statistics of this class are peculiarly difficult to secure, and those presented can, in many instances, be easily shown incorrect. 4 It is believed that 750,000 should be added to the number given above to cover children who are work¬ ing under falsified certificates, those who are clandestinely employed, and for the natural increase in the six years since the census was taken. So that upon a conservative estimate it may be safely affirmed that there are, in round numbers, 2,500,000 boys and girls under sixteen years of age em¬ ployed in gainful pursuits, or one in 2 17 five of the whole number. 5 Two out of every three are girls. It is freely admitted that many oc¬ cupations are not injurious (as, for Some example, some forms of farm work) ; Conces- t • i t i sions that many employers are guided by ethical principles; that in most in¬ stances it is better that children should be employed rather than be idle and on the street, and that often the wages of children are imperatively needed for the support of the family, or of af¬ flicted parents; and, finally, that from the ranks of this army of employed children many have risen to high sta- The tions in life. But when all these con¬ tention cessions are made, it must be acknowl¬ edged that child labor is susceptible of abuse and that abuses actually exist. Take, for example, the boys of the coal-mines and quarries. There is an army of twenty-five regiments of a full 18 thousand each. Every soldier is under sixteen years of age. Many do not see the light of the sun for weeks at a time. These are the underground door¬ keepers, mule-drivers, and others who mine the ledges which are too low to be easily mined by men of full stature. There are eight thousand breaker boys in Pennsylvania alone. They sit astride the chute, regulat¬ ing the flow of coal with their feet, and pick out the foreign substances, slate, and rock, as they pass. So great is the dust that they could not see the coal at their very feet but for the mine lamps on their caps. It is said that for an hour after the “breakers” shut down this great cloud of dust hangs like a pall over the works. 6 Take another example. There are 80,000 boys and girls, mostly the latter, 19 Breaker Boys employed in the textile factories of the United States; all are under sixteen years of age. Twenty thousand are under twelve years. They work in the The Mill most deafening, nerve-racking clatter Children an y f ac t 0 ry on earth, and in a dust¬ laden atmosphere. Hours are in some instances unreasonably long, and there are night as well as day shifts. 7 Again, 7,500 boys are employed in the glass factories. Sixty per centum of these are “on” at night every other Nimble week. The work requires quickness Fellows • and precision. It involves extra nerv¬ ous strain. The temperature of the factory is of necessity abnormal, and there are injurious variations from high to low, from the blistering heat of the furnace to the night air outside. The demand is, as a proprietor said, for “nimble little fellows.” By accu¬ rate measurement it was found that 20 one of these swiftly-moving, small workmen, a “carry-in-boy” as he is called, runs back and forth at his task an aggregate distance of twenty-two miles in eight hours, or 2.7 miles per hour, for which he receives forty cents per diem. 8 There are 12,000 children employed in tobacco factories, which are some¬ times called “kindergartens,” because so many very little children work in them. A common wage is eight to ten cents per hundred stogies. The hours of work often range in home factories from fourteen to sixteen per diem. As distinct cases of nicotine poisoning are said to have been diagnosed among these young and tender employees as among those who from habit use to¬ bacco in cigarettes. Space is lacking to write specifically of other classes of child laborers. The 21 Tobacco Factory Kinder¬ gartens Miscel¬ laneous The Problem A Fin¬ ish to Schooling census reports 10,000 in saw-mills; 7,000 in laundries, 2,000 in bakeries, 42,000 as messengers, 138,000 in serv¬ ice. 9 Besides these, there is the great uncounted army of newsboys and others engaged in street trades. The question is pertinent: How does child labor affect the child and adult life of this nation? First: It practically involves depri¬ vation of educational facilities for those so engaged. It is true some philan¬ thropic employers have instituted schools in connection with their works, and have employed teachers. Many cities also have free night-schools and mechanics’ institutes, of which too much can not be said in praise. But it is evident that while in exceptional instances good use may be made of these facilities, as a rule the boy or girl who works by day can not or will 22 not study by night, and vice versa. On the other hand, competition in every form of mercantile, mechanical, and professional life becomes constantly more severe, and better scholastic equipment is more and more the im¬ perative condition of success. The un¬ educated becomes the inefficient, is so classed and treated, and child laborers are in large measure perforce com¬ paratively uneducated. An authentic and pathetic story is told of an Italian boy of ten years of age, placed in a school in the West Mile and a TT . . . t . t T . Half from Virginia coal region. He was embar- Day i ight rassed by having to go into the grade with the smallest children. An older Italian girl helped him at his lessons, so that in an incredibly short space of time—two years—he is said to have passed seven grades and shown a phe¬ nomenal thirst and capacity for know!* 23 edge. What happened? At twelve years of age he was taken by his father into the mine, a mile and a half from sunlight, and never saw the school¬ room again. What Leonardo or An¬ gelo may have been nipped in the bud! 10 And native-born American girls and boys are suffering similar privation. 11 The nation’s loss is even greater than that of the individual. It is America’s shame that she does not rank up with the progressive na¬ tions, England, Germany, France, and others, in her care of working children in the matter of educational conditions, but is classed with belated Russia in this particular, which is admitted to be of first importance. 12 Second: Child labor affects the physical life of the child in a deleteri¬ ous manner. Nothing has been said of the employment of very little children, 24 DR. FELIX ADLER Chairman The National Child Labor Committee; Founder the Society for Ethi¬ cal Culture; Of the first free kindergarten in America; Working Men’s School; Tenement House Building Company; District Nursing; Professor of Political and Social Ethics, Columbia University; Theodore Roosevelt professor in the Uni¬ versity of Berlin, 1908-9. ithfiAH, WIJVER8ITV Of iUiw^3 URRANA because it is believed to be relatively exceptional. However, Jane Addams saw a little girl of five years of age Baby walking up and down her lane in the Mechamcs spindle room of a Southern mill at 2.00 A. M., and holding her snuff-stick against her “milk-teeth.” 13 A child of four years was found in a New York canning factory. Dr. Daniels declares that children of three years straighten out tobacco leaves, stick together the materials which form the stems of arti¬ ficial flowers; children of four put covers on paper boxes, others between four and five sew on buttons and pull out basting threads. Children are sometimes tied to their chairs so that if they fall asleep they shall not be hurt by falling upon the floor. John infant Spargo tells of a four-year-old child Laborerb helping her mother make artificial flowers in a New York tenement house 25 at eleven o’clock at night. The mother was saying to the child, who was asleep, but whose little hands were still moving automatically: “Don’t sleep! Do n’t sleep! Just a few more! Just a few more!” 14 The danger of maiming and fatal accident to chil¬ dren employed in use of or proximity to machinery is for obvious reasons much greater than in the case of adults. The risk is estimated to be from 250 to 300 per centum against the child. A doctor in a Southern mill city ad¬ mitted recently that he had personally amputated over one hundred such very small fingers that they might be called baby fingers. 15 This employment of very little chil¬ dren is the disgrace of current eco¬ nomic conditions. The inhumanity of it is patent on the face, but scarcely more so than in the case of children 26 from eight to sixteen years of age. The physical ill effects of premature toil can scarcely be overestimated. The permission to employ children in deleterious trades amid arsenical fumes, mercurial and nicotine poisons, bleaching chemicals, and rotting paste, is a consenting to their death on the part of the State. But, even where the conditions are passably sanitary, the physical effects of this exploiting of children is disastrous in the extreme. Certain groups of undeveloped muscles suffer excessive fatigue, muscular degeneration re¬ sults, followed by more or less per¬ manent deformation. Besides such specific ills as the breaking down of the bony arch of the foot, popularly called the “flat foot,” and rotary lateral curvature of the spine, there is a gen¬ eral collapse of the frame, which 27 Flat Foot and Rickets crowds the heart and lungs abnormally and becomes a menace to health and the normal tenure of life. 16 In the Southern cities in which textile fac¬ tories have sprung up, a new class is Factory said to be already defined and is called retmism “ cotton _ m ip type.” So that under the deadly shadow of the factory an American cretinism is acutally appear¬ ing. 17 Dress the child in his Sunday clothes (if he has any), and yet you can easily distinguish him in a bunch of other children if he has been at work any length of time. The mark is a certain pallor of complexion and tenseness of form. John Ruskin said, sententiously, that to be a man too soon is to be a small man, and he said, sym¬ pathetically, “It is a shame for a nation to make its young girls weary. ms A general reference only in passing is made to the effect of child labor 28 upon public morals. The matter, of course, defies tabulation and eludes the census taker. (But it is apparent on the face of it that the promiscuous herding together of men, women, and children; the high nervous tension incident to the care of machinery, or even proximity to it; the alternations of extremes of heat and cold; irregularity in sleep and diet; the temptations of the night; the demoralizing sense of injustice re¬ ceived ; the reflex immoral effect upon parents who perjure themselves to se¬ cure certificates, and who prematurely bind their children to work for the sake of their wages; the temptation to chil¬ dren incident to the securing of money independently from their parents, all are a standing menace to virtue and the best type of morals. Although many, in spite of a vicious environ¬ ment, keep themselves unsullied, yet it 29 Morals and Im- m orals will be generally admitted that it is a fruitful cause of juvenile delinquency and that the State should not tolerate the placing of young children in im¬ moral situations. The commercial folly of this ex¬ ploiting of children in the field of Colts labor ought to be its own correction, to Plows aside from all pleas of humanity. It is the putting of colts to plows. It is the grinding of seed corn. It is mort¬ gaging future wage-earning power for immediate gain. For every dollar earned by a child under fourteen years of age, tenfold will be taken from his wage-earning capacity in later years. This process is the multiplying of the disabled and diseased, for whose keep, in whole or in part, the State must ultimately provide. This short cut to immediate aggrandizement, while ap¬ parently remunerative to the few, is 30 expensive to the people at large. There is a subtle retaliation in that economic law by which wages tend to gravitate to the child standard, so that what • i t i /* * i C omes it comes to pass that a whole family of It works its finger-ends off for an aggre¬ gate of wage which amounts to that which the father alone could earn in work from which children are ex¬ cluded. Again, as a rule no appre¬ ciable advantage accrues to the child in the way of an increment of skill, for the child laborer almost never be¬ comes the skilled laborer. From every point of view the commercial success arising from the employment of child labor is success in appearance, not reality; temporary, not permanent. When will it be learned that what is done of good or evil to the child is done of good or evil to the State? If ever the failure to heed the warn- 31 ings of a statesman had illustration, it is in the now notorious case of English disaster in the Boer War. Lord Macaulay said, on the floor of Parlia- Hooiigan ment: 19 “Intense labor beginning too Yeomanry ear ty life* continued too long every day, stunting the growth of the mind, leaving no time for healthful exercise, no time for intellectual culture, must impair all those high qualities that have made our country great. Your overworked boys will become a feeble and ignoble race of men, the parents of a more feeble progeny; nor will it be long before the deterioration of the laborer will injuriously affect those very interests to which his physical and moral interests have been sacrificed. If ever we are forced to yield the foremost place among commercial na¬ tions, we shall yield it to some people pre-eminently vigorous in body and 32 mind.” In spite of this faithful warn¬ ing from one who once defended child labor, but who had suffered change of opinion, England went on feeding her young children to the insatiable maws of the factories at Manchester and Birmingham, with the result that she found herself unable to equip an Eng¬ lish army that could compete with the Boers. The yeomanry of “Merrie England” as a type was extinct and supplanted by a genus stunted in stature and anemic in body, named “Hooligan” 20 in derision. Aristotle 21 dreamed of an emancipa¬ tion that was to come through the in¬ vention and employment of machinery, Phiios- affirming that if tools could do the ^isioVof work there would be “no need of Machinery slaves for lords.” But with the reign of machinery, instead of the philoso¬ pher’s dream having fulfillment, there 3 33 came a new and in some respects a more baneful slavery. It was found that children could mind the machine Seif- and a great saving in wages to em- Shutties Payers thus be made. The “Iron and Plectra Man,” the machine, is the modern Moloch burning up the children by the thousand in the relentless embrace of its red-hot arms. Little boys and girls, some almost infants, are being fed like cheap raw material to this in¬ satiable mechanism of modern life. No wonder this evil has been stigma¬ tized as “the worst crime of civiliza¬ tion,” “the martyrdom of children,” “the new slavery,” “the needless de¬ struction of children,” and that, finally, the affirmation is made that “Child labor is murder.” This evil demands correction. This is distinctively the reform of our age. It belongs, not to the last nor to the 34 next, but to this . The abuse is incident to the present use of machinery, the demands of which are large and im¬ perious. The temptations to ignore the Cure im- situation are insidious and strong. The peratlve social conscience is, however, becom¬ ing awakened. The process is irri¬ tatingly laggard, but it has undoubt¬ edly begun. The cause, fortunately, is largely in the hands of experts and specialists, who present the winnowed facts relating to the social, legal, and charitable phases of the subject. These investigators can not be put to confu¬ sion by the cunning retainers of great corporations. The old, hysterical methods of denunciation and the No Closet sweeping generalizations from alleged facts, gathered by amateur investi¬ gators, are seen to be effete. Conse¬ quently, what progress is made is real. Ground gained can be held. No 35 1 4 \ ' ‘ ' humiliating retreats are necessary. Every vantage is buttressed by perti- Sodo- nent and reliable data. The National Experts Child Labor Committee, having the co-operation of the Federated Wo¬ man’s Clubs, the Consumers’ League, the Juvenile Courts, the Trades Unions, the Social Settlements, the State Boards of Charities and Correc¬ tion, the Press, the Public School, the Church, the individual State, and the National Government, as the latter ex¬ presses itself in the messages of the President and the law now pending in Congress, have without question begun to write the epitaph of child labor in America. Kaulbach, in his mural painting, 22 seen with such advantage from the marble staircase of the New Royal Mu¬ seum in Berlin, represents two battles in progress simultaneously. One on the 36 A BOY WIIO TIES GLASS STOP¬ PERS ON BOTTLES He bends over his work for ten hours and his task is 3,600 bottles a day. As a machine he is perfect, but the hollow chest, the flabby limbs, the dull eyes and the quivering of every nerve in moments of rest, tell the story of the waste of a human life for $4 50 a week. He began this work at 10 years of age. To be a man too soon is to be a small man .—John Ruskin. LIBRARY UWSVEfcSITV Of ILLINOIS UR8ANA lower plane is of noise and garments rolled in blood. The battle in the air is noiseless and bloodless. It is a battle Battle of spirits. The present-day battle for in !r the child is on the upper plane of argu¬ ment, appeal, legislation, enforcement. The sign for the commencement of this contest was not a bugle-blast or stac¬ cato voice, but the strangest sound that ever fell upon the ears of a legislative Singular body. It was three-quarters of a cen- Sisnal tury ago when Michael Sadler, M. P., made the groined roof of the House of Parliament echo as he struck the table before him with a cat-o’-nine-tails with which English children had been actually lashed that day to their work in English mills. In obedience to that novel but significant signal there gath- English ered the immortal company of those Rei0rmifts who, through the obloquy and violence of opposition, championed the cause 37 of the English working child: Robert Owen, Sir Robert Peel (the elder), the Earl of Shaftesbury (the seventh), George Smith, Charles Kingsley, Frederic Dennison Maurice, Charles Dickens, Thomas Hood, Charles Mac- kay, Gerald Massey, and Elizabeth Barrett Browning. There is rising in American America a devoted band of men and Reformists , . . . . ... women, destitute, it is true, of heraldic titles and glamor of literary fame, but who will be remembered for the fidelity and skill with which they pre- a Con- sented the facts which finally awak- ened that gigantic and irresistible force—the national conscience. It is now beginning to be clearly defined that the sine qua non of effec¬ tive child-labor legislation, like that of marriage, divorce, education, and sani¬ tation, is uniformity. Forty-four vary¬ ing legislative standards in as many 38 different commonwealths leads to con¬ fusion and inequity. The State having the lowest standard is a veritable bar¬ gain table on which its children are heaped to attract mills and factories on the hunt for cheap labor. Uni¬ formity of legislation can only be se¬ cured by national legislation. Until such can be obtained, however, the existence of any creditable State laws should be hailed with joy and their enforcement insisted upon. But ulti¬ mately, and for obvious reasons, relief must come through the general gov¬ ernment. The law in its ideal form will deal directly with the matter. It will not seek, as the law lately intro¬ duced in Congress, to harry the manu¬ facturers by prohibiting the carriers of interstate commerce from transporting the products of factories which employ children under a specific age, although 39 National Legisla¬ tion the Desider¬ atum such a measure is desirable in a tenta¬ tive way and as an expedient. It is evident that compulsory edu¬ cation is the correlate of the prohibi- Schooi tion of child labor. The children Street emptied from the factories must be gathered into the schools, or else their latter state is worse than their former. The streets are the proverbial schools of vice and crime. If the factory is the Scylla, the street is the Charybdis. The child must be piloted between these competing evils to the haven of the school-room. Again, it must be freely admitted that there are numerous instances Scholar- where, parents being incapacitated, the Pension child’s small earnings are imperatively necessary for the support of a family. Absolute penury and hardship would follow the legal stoppage of the tiny stream of the child’s wage. To cover 40 such emergencies, two expedients are suggested. First, the institution of Child Labor Scholarships by general subscription ; 23 second, Public School Pension, to be paid out of public funds raised by general taxation . 24 The proposition, whether in the form of scholarship or pension, is to place in the hands of the family, week by week, an amount equivalent to the possible earnings of the child, thus allowing the child to attend school without monetary loss to the family. In either case the matter can be put upon the basis of equity without the offensive tinge of charity. For example, a widow rearing her children with care, seeking for them the best possible equipment for life, deserves well of the State as one who is performing the highest possible function, namely, pre¬ senting the State with good citizens. Substitute for Child Earnings Equity, net Charity 41 Safe¬ guards What nobler disposition of money could be made by those who find themselves in possession of a surplus? One thoughtful American woman, her¬ self once an educator, is now consid¬ ering how she shall dispose to the best advantage of a fortune, the very inter¬ est upon which pours in with such volume as to tax her distributing powers to the utmost. In this unique educational endowment the vast for¬ tune might be kept intact forever . 25 Whether the pension, scholarship, or some other method is ultimately adopted, a thorough-going system of registration and inspection must evi¬ dently be employed to discourage and prevent fraud. For an office so im¬ portant persons at once competent and sympathetic, and only such, must be chosen. Remuneration ought to be adequate to secure such service. The 42 office should be considered a fairly sacred one, and be filled by only such persons as are worthy to be monitors to childhood. The time is coming when “Wealth” and “Morals ” 26 can be bound in the same volume. When the production Adam and retention of wealth shall not be ^ s differentiated from the evolution and Volumes . . . in One possession of moral sentiments as if the Binding two must needs be apart, if not anti¬ thetical. When this social millennium comes, foregleams of which are now appearing, all commercial transac¬ tions, both small and great, will be in¬ fused with the ethical spirit. There will not be left a mine or mill owner to say, “This is a business, not a phi¬ lanthropy.” There will be a universal reign of rightness, with its concom¬ itants, peace and joy universal. The 43 Child and Golden Age modern Moloch will have fallen, never to be set up again. When that blessed day breaks, may it come quickly! a Little Child will be seen in the van, admired and guarded as the most precious object in an ad¬ vancing civilization. As an uncon¬ scious conqueror he will lead captive those hostile forces of commercial rapacity and cunning which once threatened his young life. The ulti¬ mate and largest meaning of the He¬ brew poem will then be fulfilled . 27 44 Notes 11 Behold thine images how they stand Sovereign and sole throughout the land.” * * * Then Christ sought out an artisan, A low-browed, stunted, haggard man, And a motherless girl, whose fingers thin, Pushed from her faintly want and sin. These set He in the midst of them; And as they drew back their garment-hem For fear of defilement—“Lo, here,” said He, “ The images ye have made of Me!” —A Parable , James Russell Lowell. 1. An unknown young man attached to the Parlia¬ mentary Commission appointed to investigate the ^con¬ ditions of child labor in England, related to Miss Barrett his harrowing observations and discoveries. At the time she was apparently a hopeless invalid and confined to her home in London. The account so moved her that she wrote the poem which proved an incalculable contribution to the cause then in its inception. 2. Of this poem, the Prince Consort, with the consent of the author, published large editions, distributing them in tract form. 3. Hastings in Loco. Melech, popularly but errone¬ ously called Moloch. Common idea as to nature of image proves legendary. Effort to shrive Ammonites from sac¬ rifice of children fails. Instead of passing them, as affirmed, between two fires unhurt and as sign of purifica¬ tion, probably they were directly committed to the flame. Abraham may have translated the universal custom into a divine command to immolate Isaac. The divine refusal as related in the story may have been only the natural awakening to the consciousness that the proposed deed was incongruous and inhuman. 47 4. U. S. Census, 1900.—219 under 16 years of age reported employed in 500 canning factories, but 300 were found by an inspector in a single factory of New York. 5. More children under 15 years of age employed in United States than in England, Italy, or Germany in proportion to the population. * 6. Owen R. Lovejoy.—American Academy Political and Social Science Annals, Vol. XXVII, No. 2, March, 1906, Philadelphia. 7. A. J. McKelway.— Ibid. Vol. XXVII. 8. Owen R. Lovejoy.— Ibid. Vol. XXVII. 9. United States Census, 1900. 10. Owen R. Lovejoy.—Extempore address, Cincin¬ nati, December 15, 1906. * 11. 68 per cent of children employed in cotton mills of North Carolina are illiterate. * 12. Florence Kelley.—American Academy Political and Social Science Annals, Vol. XXVII, March, 1906, Philadelphia. 13. Jane Addams.—American Academy of Political and Social Science Annals, Vol. XXV, No. 3, May, 1905. 48 SENATOR ALBERT J. BEV¬ ERIDGE Himself a child-laborer; Plow-boy at 12; On a railroad fill at 14; Logger and team¬ ster at 16; United States Senator for Indiana; Author of the Beveridge-Parsons Child-Labor bill, which marks the first attempt by the Federal Government, to cope with the evil. IWlAffv wiVEfcsrrv of luiwts URBAH& 14. John Spargo.—The Bitter Cry of the Children. 1906, Macmillan, New York and London. & 15. Last month a child of seven years and nine months had its fingers cut off in a Georgia mill.—Dr. A. J. McKelway before American Association for Advancement of Science, New Orleans, January 1, 1906. 16. Dr. Albert H. Freiberg.—Address, “ Some of the Ultimate Physical Effects of Premature Toil.”—Third Annual Meeting National Child Labor Committee, Cin¬ cinnati, December 13-15, 1906. 17. Robert Owen.—Mills., those receptacles in too many instances for living human skeletons, almost dis¬ robed of intellect. * 18. Fatigue yourself but once to utter exhaustion, and to the end of life you shall not recover the former vigor of your frame.—John Ruskin, Sesame and Lilies (Preface). The gist of the whole business is that men and their property must both be produced together, not one to the loss of the other.—John Ruskin, Athena in the Heart. 19. Lord Macaulay.—The Ten Hour Bill. May 22, 1846. Miscellanies, Vol. II, Riverside Press. 20. John Dennie, Jr.—“ Hooligan.” Everybody’s Magazine, February, 1905. 4 49 21. Politics and Economics of Aristotle.—Possession, likewise, is a multitude of instruments, and a slave is a certain animated possession. Every servant also is, as it were, an instrument. For if every instrument when com¬ manded, or from a preconception of its master’s will could accomplish its work, as is reported to have been the case with the statues of Daedalus, or as the poets relate of the Tripods of Vulcan, that they came spontaneously to the battle of the gods : in this case the shuttles themselves would weave and the plectra would play on the lyre, nor would the architects be in any want of servants, nor the masters of slaves. What are therefore called instruments are effective organs. 22. Battle of the Huns.—By the pupils of Kaulbach, Echler and Muhr, and after his designs. 23. First made by Miss Lillian Wald, of New York. Investigation of practical trial of the Child Labor Scholar¬ ship System in New York City for the year 1906, discloses the following facts: Total applications, 345; Refused as not requiring aid, 203; Number aided, 142; Individual appropriations from $1 to $3 per week ; $2,500 found ample to cover legitimate cases ; $3,500 thought necessary for 1907. * 24. This law successfully operates in Switzerland, and has for a series of years. For absence from school without sufficient excuse the pension is docked so much per diem. * 25. Under the provisions of the Russell Sage Fund of $10,000,000, just created (March, 1907) by Mrs. Sage, ap¬ propriations could be made to Child Labor Scholarships. 50 26. Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations.—Adam Smith, 1723-1790 A. D. Theory of Moral Sentiments.— Ibid. Depreciation of the pioneer and prince of political economists, who is as yet unsurpassed, would be impossible if attempted. His “ Wealth” while primarily an exhibition of social phenomena is not desti¬ tute of “Moral Sentiment.” In point of fact no economic writer insists more upon the principle “put yourself in the other’s place.” He affirms that moral sentiments arise from the principle of our nature which leads us to enter into the situations of other men and to partake with them in the passions which those situations have a tendency to excite.” He even declares the quest of wealth to spring from “ a regard to the sentiments of mankind,” and to be a consequence of the human desire of human sympathy. 27. Isaiah xi. 51 The deepest tragedy of the ages has been crime against childhood, and our own age and our own nation is still contributing to that tragedy. The brutal strength of self¬ ishness has always trampled upon the weak¬ ness and helplessness of the child. A little child shall at least lead the world; but child¬ hood has been passing and must still pass to to that leadership through a fearful baptism of blood and wrong. In the meanwhile a child will be the judge of the world. Prog¬ ress is measured by the status accorded to childhood. No nation can rise above its deliberate or tolerated injustice, and no injustice is more unpardonable than wrong against the innocence and weakness of childhood.— J. T. McFarland. History I have read of those who sacrificed their children to Moloch, but they were a merci¬ ful people compared with Englishmen of the nineteenth century .—The Earl of Shaftes¬ bury: Hodders ’ Life , Volume /, page 155. If the series of inventions which brought the arts of spinning textile fibers to perfection makes a romance, the application of these inventions, in the gigantic factory system of to-day, makes a tragedy. Physical strength was no longer neces¬ sary when artificial power could be applied. A man was not needed when the weaver’s heavy beam was discarded. The skill of an adult also was not required when automatic machinery took the place of the primitive spindle and shut¬ tle. The possibility of utilizing children at low wages, in the place of skilled spinners and weav¬ ers, thus presented itself. Greed took advantage of that possibility, and so to the little slaves of the mines and brickyards of England were added those of the mills. The barbarism practiced under this system is incredible, and defies ex¬ aggeration. To Sir Robert Peel, Sr., belongs the honor of presenting the first legislative measure for the re¬ lief of the child laborer. He did this in his Apprentice Bill, an act to govern English mills, 55 passed by Parliament in 1802. A storm of pro¬ test was raised against the bill. It was declared radical and even revolutionary. The financial ruin of the country was freely prophesied as the inevitable result. In 1815 Sir Robert Peel secured the appoint¬ ment of a Parliamentary Commission to inquire into the expediency of extending the Apprentice¬ ship Act to children of every description. Re¬ ports were presented in 1816, 1817, and 1818. The extension was provided for by law in 1819. In the same year, the employment of children under nine years of age was forbidden, and the working hours of children, of from nine to six¬ teen years of age, were limited to twelve. In 1825 a partial holiday for children was made compulsory. In 1831, night-work for all under twenty-one years of age was forbidden, and the working-day for those under eighteen was fixed at eleven hours. In 1833 Lord Ashley (after¬ wards the Earl of Shaftesbury) introduced a new bill, extending still further the provisions of the former acts: (1) Forbidding the employment of children under nine years of age; (2) limit¬ ing the hours to eight for children between nine and thirteen years of age; (3) hours of those from thirteen to eighteen, engaged in spinning, not to exceed twelve; night-work, for all under eighteen, was forbidden; school attendance was 56 required, and inspectors were appointed to enforce the law. In 1835 the employment of children in mines was forbidden. In 1842 Lord Ashley secured the appointment of a commission to further investigate the condition of working children. In 1843 he secured the passage of the most important measure placed upon the statute- book up to that date; namely, the extension of all existing laws relating to child labor, to every form of labor for gain, outside of agriculture. Children under thirteen years of age were not allowed to work. Six and one-half hours per diem, and attendance upon school for the other half day, was made a condition of employment. The act of 1847 still further reduced the working day of children under thirteen years of age, the maximum being placed at five hours. In 1874 the minimum legal age of employable children was advanced to ten years. In 1878, an act re¬ lating to factories and workshops was passed. It amends and consolidates, in one wide, embrac¬ ing law, all the ground covered by the sixteen acts passed between 1802 and 1878, besides em¬ bracing, with some changes, the provisions of the Public Health Act of 1875 and the Elementary Education Act of 1876. The provisions are as follows: (1) Hours for employment of children under ten years of age, not at all; under fourteen, one-half time, either morning or afternoon, or 57 upon alternate days; (2) hours of work for young persons between fourteen and eighteen years of age, from 6 A. M. to 6 P. M., or from 7 A. M. to 7 P. M., allowing two hours for meals; all work to cease Saturday, 1:30 P. M.; (3) adequate sanitary provisions; (4) ample provisions against accidents; (5) suitable num¬ ber of inspectors, to insure due execution of law; (6) medical certificate of physical fitness for work as required; (7) weekly certificates, ob¬ tained from proper authorities by employers, showing required amount of school attendance for every child employed. Such is the history of English legislation in behalf of children; none of the evil prophecies made at the beginning have been fulfilled. On the contrary, the material, political, intellectual, and moral conditions have all been advanced. These laws have brought about increased pro¬ duction and consumption of wealth, have pro¬ moted the adoption of improved machinery, have reduced prices without lessening profits or wages. It has been the folly and disaster of the American industrial community that it has not profited by the history of England. The evils have already, to our deep disgrace, been repeated in too large a measure in our country; certain peculiarities of our form of government make 58 legislation difficult and often ineffective. Oppor¬ tunities to exploit child labor abound; for example, in England, legislation was by one central government, whereas, in the United States, there are fifty-two State and territorial governments; diverse legislation is inevitable; difficulties of investigation seem almost insuper¬ able. Reports are meager or inaccessible, and appropriations inadequate. Under cover of all this, commercial greed, with mercenary parental connivance, has already made deep and almost irreparable inroads upon the young life of the nation. The first organized protest (1889) was made by The Trades Unions. This was supported by The National Federated Woman’s Clubs, The National Educational Association, The Congress of Mothers and the Consumers’ League; but the organization whose sole object is the care and prevention of this evil is The National Child Labor Committee. The honor of its suggestion belongs to Edgar Gardner Murphy, Secretary of the Southern Education Board, Montgomery, Alabama. Responding to this suggestion, the Child Labor Committee of New York City, which, until that time had been a local organ¬ ization, appointed three of its members, Dr. Felix Adler, W. H. Baldwin, Jr., and Mrs. Flor¬ ence Kelley, to act as a Provisional Committee, 59 doing the preliminary work needed for the organization of the National Committee. This was done in October, 1903, and in April of the next year the organization was consummated with Dr. Felix Adler as Chairman; Mr Sam¬ uel McCune Lindsay, Secretary; Dr. A. J. McKelway and Mr. Owen R. Lovejoy, Assist¬ ant Secretaries. This committee is no substi¬ tute for local committees, much less does it seek to undermine local initiative. Its purpose, on the contrary, is to serve as a clearing-house of information and suggestion. It seeks to create committees where there are none, to prevent reduplication of effort, and to make past experience available for the future. The com¬ mittee has already created an invaluable literature, the result of original investigation, held annual meetings with unsurpassed programs, drafted new laws, and secured the enforcement of exist¬ ing statutes. The attempt to thread the mazes of legis¬ lation in the various States is perhaps futile, but some general statements seem in place at the conclusion of this brief historical survey; for example, the age below which child labor is pro¬ hibited in the different commonwealths varies from sixteen to ten years. Twenty-three States prohibit work at night. Compulsory school attendance is an acknowledged factor in the 60 HENRIETTA M-, AGE 8 YEARS One of an uncountable number of American juvenile street merchants. Street traders are particularly danger¬ ous to the morals of children. — Charles P. Neill , United States Commissioner of Labor. *> wjJVBBsnr of rurwofa IMAHA ♦ child-labor problem, but State laws present the perplexing medley, which may be expected where no national law prevails: the age to which attendance is required, varies from sixteen to twelve years; the length of the annual period of attendance, from the whole year to eight weeks. The same confusing variety maintains in the matter of officers, and pains and penalties, to secure enforcement of the law. Again, an edu¬ cational requirement, before children can be legally employed, is found only in those States which have the most advanced child-labor legis¬ lation; eighteen States require documentary proof of age before children can be employed, but the District of Columbia and twenty-one States and the territories require no proof. A considerable number of States prohibit occupa¬ tions dangerous to health or morals, but these laws are as a rule non-enforced, and are only appealed to in cases of suit for damages on account of injury to children. The iniquity of this unequal legislation, as between State and State, is apparent. Where laws are stringent, manufacturers are put into unfair competition with those who operate where laws are lax. Nor can children be protected, for they can easily be exported to regions where there is no prohibition. In view of this vicious medley of State legislation, one uniform and equitable 61 national law seems imperative to secure the beneficent ends desired. It should, in order to be operative, have adequate means of enforce¬ ment, including officers for inspection and pains and penalties for violation. Two hopeful tokens appear just at this juncture: one is the proposed Congressional bill to create a National Children’s Bureau, for research and publicity, dealing with all conditions which affect the life, health, and efficiency of the children of the nation. Another hope-inspiring gleam is the Bever- idge-Parsons bill, now pending in Congress. It is a proposition to exclude from interstate com¬ merce all products of mines and factories which employ children under the age of fourteen years. 62 Excerpta Stop the murder of American children!— The Hon. Albert J. “Beveridge, in United States Senate, January 23, i9o7. The horrors incident to the employment of young children in factories or at work anywhere are a blot on our civilization.— President Roose¬ velt, Message to Congress. * The slaughter of the innocents must stop. It is a national crime A national law must end it.— Senator Beveridge. If the manufacturers insist that without these children they could not advantageously follow their trade, I should say that trade must not, for the sake of filthy lucre, be followed, but at once, for the sake of society, be abandoned.— Judge Grose. Ye friends to truth, ye statesmen, who survey The rich man’s joys increase, the poor’s decay, ’Tis yours to judge how wide the limits stand Between a splendid and a happy land. —Oliver Goldsmith. 65 s The serious preparation for practical life be¬ gins for the great majority of us at the age of thirteen or fourteen, on leaving the elementary school. The most dangerous period in the life of a boy or girl lies just ahead, say up to the age of nineteen or twenty. This is the time when the average boy must learn to be self-sup¬ porting, and when the girl must fit herself for domestic duties. It is the time, too, when tech¬ nical training counts for most. I contend that every American boy and girl is entitled to prac¬ tical help in this time of greatest need, and at public expense, too, if the State maintains high schools, universities, and professional schools for those who aspire to leadership in professional life.— James E. Russell, Dean of Teachers’ Col¬ lege , Columbia University. We must not grind the seed corn.— Jefferson Davis, when urged to conscript boys for service in the extremity of the C onfederacy. Let there be an irresistible surge of earnest wills to hasten the day that shall shut the gates of the glass mills in the faces of the children now flung hourly to the purring tigress of the oven.— Edward Markham —“The Hoeman in the Making"— Cosmopolitan. 66 The idea still prevails that the parents own the child. The evils to the child are disease, deformity, and ignorance, with often no indus¬ trial training, the child being employed in drudg¬ ery or some simple mechanical process. Child labor tends to depress wages and to develop in the community an ignorant, criminal, easily-pau¬ perized element accustomed to a low standard of living.— The New International Encyclopedia. As ever, there are two ways—one of death, the other of life. There is the quick, short cut to immediate aggrandizement. It is over the prostrate forms of men, women, and children. The success achieved in this way is in appear¬ ance, not in reality; temporary, not permanent. The way of life is by positive, progressive social methods.— Felix Adler. That nation is hastening to ruin—even to commercial ruin—which exploits its children to increase temporarily its wealth.— Edward Howard Griggs. * It may be stated as a safe proposition that for every dollar earned by a child under fourteen years of age tenfold will be taken from his earning capacity in later years.— S. W. Woodward . 67 \ (V Never again can the problem of the working children in this Republic be regarded as merely a local one.— Florence Kelley. For the first time in the history of the gov¬ ernment Congress is apparently legislating in be¬ half of the children of the whole Nation.— Cin¬ cinnati C ommercial-Tribune, Editorial. The problem of the children is the problem of the State.— Jacob A. Riis. The child will win. The stars in their courses fight for him.— A. J. McKelway. Child labor is a menace to industry, educa¬ tion, good citizenship, and to the health of chil¬ dren.— George M. Kober, M. D. * Child workers see their inferiority in body, mind, and soul, caused not naturally, but by their slavery. They are robbed of intellect, health, character, and God’s light, and they resent it. They turn into engines of wrath against society, and breed the anarchistic spirit.— Albert J. Bev¬ eridge. 68 The child should be put above the dividend. — A. J. McKelway, D. D. And were it necessary to employ these little boys of nine and ten years in order to produce coal at a reasonable price—which no intelligent person believes—better mortgage the factory and the farm and the store and the church and the home to pay the coal bill than put a mortgage on the efficiency of the coming generations which may require centuries to lift .—Owen R. Lovejoy. Let us realize before it is too late that, in this age of iron, of machine-tending, and of sub¬ divided labor, we need, as never before, the untrammeled and inspired activity of youth. To cut it out from our national life, as we constantly do in regard to thousands of working children, is a most perilous undertaking, and endangers the very industry to which they have been sacrificed. We may in time learn to be discontented with the pleas which we continually put forth on be¬ half of more adequate child-labor legislation, de¬ manding, as we continually do, that the child be secured his normal period of growth and his full chance to acquire such education as the State is able to provide; we may in time add to that, 69 that we are imperiling our civilization because at the moment of its most marked materialism we wantonly sacrifice to it that eternal spirit of youth, that power of variation which alone prevents it from degenerating into a mere mechanism; that in the interests of industrial efficiency we will be obliged to extend legislation for the protection of working children .—Jane Addams. \ Child labor is a National problem even as public education is a National duty .—Edgar Gar¬ diner Murphy. * Regardless of the effect on prices, or wages, or the fortunes of particular plants, or the struggle between the hand-working and the machine-oper¬ ating factories, or the strife which exists to-day between the union and the open shops, the pub¬ lic is interested only to see that glass—that most wonderful and beautiful of our manufactured products, the symbol and conveyer of light, the highest instrument in the hands of sanitary science and the healing art—shall be made without bear¬ ing beneath its polished surface the lives of little children who have been burned into its glittering substance .—Owen R. Lovejoy. 70 In olden times the blood of children was smeared on bridges and walls under construction, or their bones buried beneath them, to insure their effective completion. Surely America will not to-day insist on demanding such a sacrifice of her children. But sweatshop, mine, and factory aie making such demand .—Felix Adler. It is fundamentally wrong, it is a contradiction of the basic principles of this free Republic, that upon the shoulders of any child who has not at¬ tained its full, mature, physical development, who has not enjoyed a reasonable time in which to play, and who has not received an elementary English education, there should be put the small¬ est fraction of the burdens of our modern com¬ petitive industrial life .—Samuel McGune Lindsay. Child labor is pouring torrents of political poison into our citizenship .—Albert J. Beveridge. Legislation, to be effective, must express the collective will of the people. I might call it the “ composite ” will of the people, for it must be neither the idealistic opinion of the reformer, nor the opinion of a self-centered commercialism. In these days of betrayed legislation it is difficult 71 to determine whether the statute laws are really the voice of the people. If they are, and still are hopelessly inadequate for the protection of childhood, it is useless to immediately attempt ad¬ vanced legislation. The only remedy is to en¬ lighten and educate public opinion to a proper appreciation of child values. But if the legisla¬ tion is found to be lower than the plane of public opinion, then it must be changed in conformity with that opinion and with certain well-defined principles .—Owen R. Lovejoy. It has been always considered that there is no better test of civilization than the way women are treated in society; but there is a better test, and that is the way we treat the child. By as much as the child is deprived of education that will enable him to take up the new pace that in¬ dustry sets, and then to mature his strength and faculties so he may do his work to his own ad¬ vantage and to the advantage of society gener¬ ally, by just so far as we deprive the boy of the chance of lengthening school life, we are not only inflicting rank injustice upon him, we are unjust to the future of the family and to the com¬ munity. Even the thing called civilization is to that extent defeated and discredited .—John Graham Brooks. 72 WILLIE M-, AGE 9 Henrietta’s brother. The newsboy in many instances is exploited by parents .—Myron E. Adams. LIBRAS UWIVETi'SITY OF IU(NQ<8 UWMNA Bibliography (A Tentative Seminar) Cheap labor means child labor: conse¬ quently there results a holocaust of the chil¬ dren.— Dr. Felix Adler , Chairman the Na¬ tional Child Labor Committee. Jane Addams.—Newer Ideals of Peace (chapter on Child Labor. Macmillan, New York and London. 1907. Florence Kelley.—Some Ethical Gains Through Legislation (chapter on Right to Childhood, Right to Leisure, etc.) Macmillan, New York and London. 1905. Josephine C. Goldmark.—Hand-book of Child Labor Legislation. The Consumers’ League, New York. 1907. Edgar Gardner Murphy.—The Present South. Macmillan, New York and London. 1904. John Graham Brooks. — The Social Unrest. Macmillan, New York and London. 1903. x* Lynn Barnard.—Factory Legislation in Pennsyl¬ vania. University of Pennsylvania Series, Philadelphia. 75 Allen Clarke.—Effects of the Factory System. Grant Rachards, London. 1899. ip Whaley Cook Taylor.—Modern Factory Sys¬ tem. London. 1891. Evans Austin.—Laws Relating to Factories and Workshops. Knight and Company, London. 1901. * Adams and Sumner.—Labor Problems. Mac¬ millan, New York and London. 1905. (Several chapters on Child Labor.) Sidney J. Chapman.—The Lancashire Cotton Industry. University Press, Manchester. 1904. (Reviews the early agitation to re¬ strict by law child labor in English cotton mills.) Robert Hunter.—Poverty, 1904. Macmillan, New York and London. * John Spargo.—The Bitter Cry of the Children. 1906. Macmillan, New York and London. Jacob A. Riis.—The Children of the Poor. 1892. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York. 76 Isabelle Horton.—The Burden of the City, 1904. Revell, Chicago. * Helen Campbell.—Prisoners of Poverty. 1887. Little, Brown and Company, Boston. Mrs. John Van Vorst and Marie Van Vorst.— The Woman Who Toils: being the experi¬ ence of two gentlewomen as factory girls. 1903. Doubleday, Page and Company, New York. * Edwin Hodder.—Life of the Seventh Earl of Shaftesbury. Hoddar and Stoughton, London. & Hutchins and Harrison.—History of Factory Leg¬ islation. P. S. King and Son, London. 1903. * Helen Bosauquet.—The Struggle of the People. A study of social economics. (Chapter, The Children.) Macmillan, New York and London. 1902. & William Cunningham.—Growth of English In¬ dustry and Commerce. (Chapter, Conditions of Childhood Work.) Macmillan, New York and London. 1903. 77 Holland Thompson.—From the Cotton Field to the Cotton Mill. (Chapter, The Child in the Mill.) * H. G. Wells.—Mankind in the Making. Chas. Scribner’s Sons, New York. & Adams and Sumner.—Labor Problems. (Women and Child Labor.) Report of the Inter-departmental Committee on the Employment of School Children in Great Britain. Published in two volumes, 1901 and 1902, by Eyre and Spottiswoode. * The Law Relating to Factories and Workshops. By Abraham and Davies, London. Eyre and Spottiswoode. 5th edition. 1905. * The Case For the Factory Acts. Edited by Mrs. Sydney Webb. 1901 Published by Grant Edwards. (Also bears imprint of E. P. Dutton and Company, New York.) Bound volumes of “ Charities” and “Charities and the Commons,” especially those covering 1903-1906, inclusive. 78 Publications of the American Economic Asso¬ ciation. Volume V, No. 2. 1890. Con¬ taining two prize essays on Child Labor. By Clare de Graffenreid and W. F. Willoughby. Report of the Thirteenth National Conference of Charities and Correction, Atlanta. Published at Columbus, Ohio. 1903. Report of Commission on Industrial and Tech¬ nical Education. Massachusetts Senate Docu¬ ment No. 349, April, 1906. Boston. * Hand-book on Child Labor Legislation. Pub¬ lished annually by National Consumers' Leage to 1906, inclusive. Edition for 1907 published as a supplement to the January (1907) issue of the Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. Can be secured also through National Con¬ sumers’ League or National Child Labor Committee, 105 East Twenty-second Street, New York. Price, postpaid, 14 cts. Census Bulletin No. 69. u Child Labor in the United States.” January, 1907 79 Woman’s Home Companion. (A monthly pub¬ lication, containing official department of Notes of National Child Labor Committee, beginning with January issue.) New York. Bulletins of the United States Bureau of Labor, Washington, D. C. No. 28, May, 1900. Article on foreign labor laws. By W. F. Willoughby. No. 26, January, 1900. “Employment of Women and Children in Belgium.” By W. F. Willoughby. No. 30, September, 1900. “Foreign Labor Laws.” By W. F. Willoughby. No. 62, January, 1906. Text of Child Labor Laws in the United States in force December 31, 1905. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. (Philadelphia.) Volume XX, July, 1902. “Social Legisla¬ tion and Social Activity.” Volume XXV, No. 23, May, 1905. “Child Labor,” a series of papers containing also the proceedings of the First Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Committee. Also reprinted under imprint of National Com¬ mittee. 174 pages. 80 Volume XXVII, No. 2, March, 1906. “ Child Labor, A Menace to Industry, Edu¬ cation and Good Citizenship.” Containing also the Proceedings of the Second Annual Meeting of the National Child Labor Com¬ mittee. Volume XXIX, No. 1, January, 1907. “Child Labor and the Republic.” Contain¬ ing also the Proceedings of the Third Annual Meeting of the National Committee. 81 A short time ago I went down to the Pottery district, and was told of the unspeakably degraded condition in which men, women, and children lived before the law of England protected the weak against the greedy and strong; and I say that when Lord Shaftesbury, as a de¬ vout believer in the Lord Jesus Christ, persuaded his country—amid the opposition of John Bright and a great many sincere friends of the people, who did not under¬ stand the bearings of the question—to decide that all over England the weak and defenseless should be protected by these acts, he did more to establish the kingdom of Jesus Christ than if he had merely spent his time in preaching thousands of what my critic would call Gospel sermons. —Hugh Price Hughes , Social Christianity.